Applied Science, Faculty of
Architecture and Landscape Architecture (SALA), School of
DSpace
UBCV
Nalli, Amanda
The porch is a cultural trope which serves as a significant threshold - not only as a space of transition to pass through, but also an invitation to a convivial occasion. Although linked to an idealized past, the social structures that accompany this archetypal form suggests a broader discussion of the types of spaces that support a community and build social value. Places Between Spaces investigates the slightly bereft landscapes of St. Clair Avenue in Toronto, as places of opportunity for building social capital. Whether enveloped in for lease signs or awaiting redevelopment, there is a period when these spaces are left abandoned - stripped of material and human activity. How might these provisional spaces find a material expression? Structured around three sites characteristic of St. Clair's urban context, the proposed interventions deliberately engage the temporal framework in which they operate. These three provisional installations are intended to provide a catalyst that engages with the public realm, providing both a shelter and destination to the community.
PLACES BETWEEN SPACESAmanda NalliCommittee Members:Bachelor of Architectural Science Ryerson University, 2018Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree ofMaster of Architecturein The Faculty of Graduate StudiesSchool of Architecture and Landscape ArchitectureArchitecture ProgramChristopher Macdonald - Faculty ChairInge Roecker - Faculty Committee MemberMarie El-Nawar - External Committee MemberMatthew Soules - GP Part 1 InstructorThe University of British Columbia© Amanda Nalli, May 2021iiiiis[place]splaces between spacesiiiiiThe porch is a cultural trope serving as a significant threshold - not only as a space of transition to pass through, but also an invitation to a convivial occasion. Although linked to an idealized past, the social structures that accompany this archetypal form suggests a broader discussion of the types of spaces that support a community and build social value. Places Between Spaces investigates the slightly bereft landscapes of St. Clair Avenue in Toronto, as places of opportunity for building social capital. Whether enveloped in for lease signs or awaiting redevelopment, there is a period when these spaces are left abandoned - stripped of material and human activity. How might these provisional spaces find a material expression?Structured around three sites characteristic of St. Clair’s urban context, the proposed interventions deliberately engage the temporal framework in which they operate. These three provisional installations are intended to provide a catalyst that engages with the public realm, providing both a shelter and destination to the community.ABSTRACTvivCONTENTSAbstract Table of Contents List of Figures AcknowledgmentIntroductionStatement of IntentChapter 01: Threshold Theory Historical Context The Suburban Threshold The Urban Threshold The Third Place Chapter 02: The Story of St. Clair The Built Form The Inhabitants The Future of Their Spaces St. Clair Avenue as ThresholdChapter 03: Appropriating The City Public, Private and Community Space Sites of Exploration Temporal Framework Finding a Material Expression PrecedentsChapter 04: The Design Project The Provisional Interventions The In-between The Lot The Corner ConclusionNotesBibliography iiivviixiii1357111517192329394355555963676977808498116135136138viiviLIST OF FIGURESFig. 1 – Nalli, Amanda. The Front Porch, 2020, Photograph. (p.xiv)Fig. 2 - Nalli, Amanda. The Front Porches of Corso-Italia, Toronto, 2021, Drawing. (p.12-13)Fig. 3 - Nalli, Amanda. Gradient of Private to Community Spaces, 2020, Illustration. Original Drawing by 601 Gradients Workshop, https://futurearchitectureplatform.org/projects/ab3146bd-ace0-4a66-a6e9-9d8f0aa8cbb0/. (p.14)Fig. 4 - Nalli, Amanda. The Third Place Concept, 2021, Illustration. (p.16)Fig. 5 - Nalli, Amanda. Map of the City of Toronto, 2020, Collage. Original Image by Google Earth. (p.20-21)Fig. 6 - Nalli, Amanda. Map of St. Clair Avenue, 1884, 2021, Collage. Original Image from https://www.toronto.ca/city-government/accountability-operations-customer-service/access-city-information-or-records/city-of-toronto-archives/whats-online/maps/fire-insurance-plans/(p.24-25)Fig. 7 - Nalli, Amanda. Map of St. Clair Avenue, 1890, 2021, Collage. Original Image from https://www.toronto.ca/city-government/accountability-operations-customer-service/access-city-information-or-records/city-of-toronto-archives/whats-online/maps/fire-insurance-plans/ (p.24-25)Fig. 8 - Nalli, Amanda. Map of St. Clair Avenue, 1913, 2021, Collage. Original Image from https://www.toronto.ca/city-government/accountability-operations-customer-service/access-city-information-or-records/city-of-toronto-archives/whats-online/maps/fire-insurance-plans/ (p.24-25)Fig. 9 - Nalli, Amanda. Map of St. Clair Avenue, 1945, 2021, Collage. Original Image from https://www.toronto.ca/city-government/accountability-operations-customer-service/access-city-information-or-records/city-of-toronto-archives/whats-online/maps/fire-insurance-plans/(p.24-25)Fig. 10 - Nalli, Amanda. Mapping St. Clair Avenue Neighbourhoods, 2021, Drawing. (p.26-27)Fig. 11 - Nalli, Amanda. 2016 Mother Tongue along St. Clair Avenue, 2020, Chart. (p.30)ixviiiFig. 12 - Nalli, Amanda. 2016 Generation Status along St. Clair Avenue, 2020, Chart. (p.30)Fig. 13 - Nalli, Amanda. Population of 5-Year Age Group Graph: Rise in 25-39 yr age group and 55-65 yr age group, 2020, Graph. (p.30)Fig. 14 - Nalli, Amanda. St. Clair Avenue’s Timeline, 2020, Collage. (p.32-36)Fig. 15 - Nalli, Amanda. Generation Change in the City of Toronto, November 2020, Map. (p.38)Fig. 16 - Nalli, Amanda. St. Clair Avenue’s Market Trend, 2021, Collage. Original Images from Google Street View. (p.40-41)Fig. 17 - Nalli, Amanda. 1924: St. Clair Ave and Oakwood Ave, Streetcar opening inauguration, 2021, Collage. Original Photograph from St. Clair West in Pictures by Barbara Myrvold and Nancy Byers (p.42)Fig. 18 - Nalli, Amanda. 1982: St. Clair Ave and Dufferin St, Celebrations for 1982 World Cup Finals, 2021, Collage. Original Photograph by Tibor Kolley https://www.theglobeandmail.com/sports/soccer/celebrations/article4189692/#c-image-1 (p.42)Fig. 19 - Nalli, Amanda. 2019: St. Clair Ave and Arlington Ave, Salsa on St. Clair Festival, 2021, Collage. Original Photograph by Jesse Milns https://www.blogto.com/slideshows/salsa-st-clair-toronto-2015/6973 (p.42)Fig. 20 - Nalli, Amanda. 1924: St. Clair Ave and Oakwood Ave, Streetcar opening inauguration, 2021, Collage. Original Photograph from St. Clair West in Pictures by Barbara Myrvold and Nancy Byers (p.44)Fig. 21 - Nalli, Amanda. 1982: St. Clair Ave and Dufferin St, Celebrations for 1982 World Cup Finals, 2021, Collage. Original Photograph by Tibor Kolley https://www.theglobeandmail.com/sports/soccer/celebrations/article4189692/#c-image-1 (p.44)Fig. 22 - Nalli, Amanda. 2019: St. Clair Ave and Arlington Ave, Salsa on St. Clair Festival, 2021, Collage. Original Photograph by Jesse Milns https://www.blogto.com/slideshows/salsa-st-clair-toronto-2015/6973 (p.44)Fig. 23 - Nalli, Amanda. St. Clair Avenue’s Public Spaces, 2021, Illustration. (p.46-47)Fig. 24 - Nalli, Amanda. St. Clair Avenue’s Third Places, 2021, Illustration. (p.48-49)Fig. 25 - Yellow Pages. 1980s+1990s: Crowds would gather at Consiglio’s Kitchenware Store for their annual Great Tomato Hunt contest, 1980, Photograph. (p.50)Fig. 26 - Nalli, Amanda. St. Clair Avenue’s Residual Spaces, 2021, Illustration. (p.52-53)Fig. 27 - Nalli, Amanda. St. Clair Avenue’s Residual Spaces: Focus Area, 2021, Illustration. (p.56-57)Fig. 28 - Nalli, Amanda. Residual Spaces Catalogue, 2021, Collage. (p.58)Fig. 29 - Nalli, Amanda. Residual Spaces Catalogue: Focus Area, 2021, Collage. (p.60)Fig. 30 - Nalli, Amanda. Sites of Explorations Axos, 2021, Illustration. (p.61)Fig. 31 - Nalli, Amanda. Provisional Period Cycle, 2021, Collage. (p.62)Fig. 32 - Nalli, Amanda. Provisional Period Framework, 2021, Illustration. (p.64-65)Fig. 33 - Nalli, Amanda. Existing Site Condition no.1, 2020, Photograph. (p.66)Fig. 34 - Nalli, Amanda. Existing Site Condition no.2, 2020, Photograph. (p.66)Fig. 35 - Nalli, Amanda. Granby Winter Garden Interior View, 2021, Collage. Original Photograph, https://www.dezeen.com/2019/04/26/assemble-granby-winter-garden-architecture-liverpool/ (p.70)Fig. 36 - Nalli, Amanda. Holding Pattern Catalogue of Built Objects, 2021, Collage. Original Illustration, http://www.interboropartners.com/projects/holding-pattern (p.72)Fig. 37 - Nalli, Amanda. City-Hound Website, 2021, Collage.Original Image, http://www.tspoon.org/cityhound/ (p.74)xixFig. 38 - Nalli, Amanda. Focus Area Site Plan, 2021, Illustration. (p.78-79)Fig. 39 - Nalli, Amanda. Provisional Intervention Parti Drawings, 2021, Sketches. (p.80-81)Fig. 40 - Nalli, Amanda. In-between Site Condition, 2021, Illustration. (p.82)Fig. 41 - Nalli, Amanda. In-between Site Logic, 2021, Illustration. (p.84-85)Fig. 42 - Nalli, Amanda. In-between Community Engagement, 2021, Illustration. (p.86-87)Fig. 43 - Nalli, Amanda. In-between Context Plan, 2021, Drawing (plan). (p.88-89)Fig. 44 - Nalli, Amanda. In-between Street Level Plan, 2021, Drawing (plan). (p.90-91) Fig. 45 - Nalli, Amanda. In-between Section Perspective, 2021, Illustration. (p.92-93)Fig. 46 - Nalli, Amanda. In-between: Sunday Afternoon, 2021, Illustration. (p.94)Fig. 47 - Nalli, Amanda. In-between: Block Party, 2021, Illustration. (p.95)Fig. 48 - Nalli, Amanda. In-between: Children’s Birthday Party, 2021, Illustration. (p.96-97)Fig. 49 - Nalli, Amanda. Lot Site Condition, 2021, Illustration. (p.98)Fig. 50 - Nalli, Amanda. Lot: City vs. Wild, 2021, Illustration. (p.100-101)Fig. 51 - Nalli, Amanda. Lot: Protection , 2021, Illustration. (p.100-101)Fig. 52 - Nalli, Amanda. Lot: Microclimate, 2021, Illustration. (p.102-103)Fig. 53 - Nalli, Amanda. Lot: Interaction, 2021, Illustration. (p.102-103)Fig. 54 - Nalli, Amanda. Lot Context Plan, 2021, Drawing (plan). (p.104-105)Fig. 55 - Nalli, Amanda. Lot Street Level Plan, 2021, Drawing (plan). (p.106-107)Fig. 56 - Nalli, Amanda. Lot Section Perspective, 2021, Illustration. (p.108-109)Fig. 57 - Nalli, Amanda. Lot: Summer Day, 2021, Illustration. (p.110-111)Fig. 58 - Nalli, Amanda. Lot: Autumn Evening, 2021, Illustration. (p.112-113)Fig. 59 - Nalli, Amanda. Lot: Winter Afternoon, 2021, Illustration. (p.114-115)Fig. 60 - Nalli, Amanda. Corner Site Condition, 2021, Illustration. (p.116)Fig. 61 - Nalli, Amanda. Corner Site Logic, 2021, Illustration. (p.118-119)Fig. 62 - Nalli, Amanda. Corner Street Level Plan, 2021, Drawing (plan). (p.120-121)Fig. 63 - Nalli, Amanda. Corner Section Perspective, 2021, Illustration. (p.122-123)Fig. 64 - Nalli, Amanda. Corner: Open Door Condition, 2021, Illustration. (p.124-125)Fig. 65 - Nalli, Amanda. Corner Upper Level Plan, 2021, Drawing (plan). (p.126-127)Fig. 66 - Nalli, Amanda. Corner: Upper Level Studio, 2021, Illustration. (p.128-129)Fig. 67 - Nalli, Amanda. Corner: Evening Performance, 2021, Illustration. (p.130-131)Fig. 68 - Nalli, Amanda. The Provisional Interventions, 2021, Illustration. (p.132-133)xiiixiiACKNOWLEDGMENTI would first like to thank my thesis advisor Christopher Macdonald of the School of Architecture and Landscape Architecture at the University of British Columbia. Chris has consistently steered me in the right direction whenever I needed guidance in design or research. Thank you Chris for your patience, motivation and encouragement through this process. Committee members, Inge Roecker and Marie El-Nawar, thank you for your endless feedback and support throughout the term. Your thoughtful comments and critiques were of such value to this thesis, and will impact my personal approach to design in the future. Finally, I would like to thank my parents for their endless support and encouragement throughout my educational career, and especially during the process of this thesis.Thank you.1xivFig. 1 - The Front PorchThis thesis started from my days on the front porch, and most importantly in the neighbourhood of Corso-Italia. My grandparents immigrated to Canada from Italy in 1958, and purchased their first home in Toronto - 273 Westmount Avenue. Their street became their new village, as friends and family from their hometown moved into the neighbourhood. As a child, I would spend summer days with my grandparents and particularly recall the routine of walking to St. Clair Avenue with my grandmother. Along our way we would make stops at the butcher shop, the grocery store, the bakery and the kitchenware store. Finally returning home, my grandmother would prepare lunch as I would either be playing with neighbouring children in the laneway or the front porch. Outside of my home north of the city, my grandparent’s home and neighbourhood was a space I experienced throughout my life, and continue to experience. I have seen the neighbourhood change over the years, and also have seen how my grandparent’s quality of interaction have simultaneously changed with it. Besides family, and 1 or 2 neighbours visiting them, they are facing moments of isolation, however their front porch remains the space where they can ensure a visual and physical connection beyond their private home. I have always found an interest for this neighbourhood and see the potential it has as a place for a younger generation to reside and occupy. However, the neighbourhood continues to hold a place in my mind as my grandparent’s first steps to establishing a life in Canada.INTRODUCTION32This project investigates the third place as spaces vital to the community’s social, economic and programmatic capital. The closure of many of these spaces present themselves as prime real estate for future development. However, before the construction begins, there is a provisional period where these spaces are derelict - stripped of material and human activity. How can these residual spaces play a role in the life of its residents, acting as a threshold between intersecting communities, and a threshold to the future, while providing a lasting legacy?STATEMENT OF INTENT54CHAPTER 1.0: THRESHOLD THEORYTo understand the porch as not only a space of transition, rather a place for hosting an occasion, it is important to recall on the historical context of the architectural element of the threshold. This section presents the historical and contemporary context of the threshold as a theory of inquiry for this project.76The spatial qualities and conditions of thresholds evident within architecture today are adopted from the theoretical idea of liminality – a synonymous term to threshold, defined as an intermediate or transition between two states, regions or conditions.1 Liminality first emerged in the early twentieth century within the writing of Arnold van Gennep’s Les Rites des Passage (Rites of Passage).2 Van Gennep explored the term in the context of small-scaled ceremonious rituals in society, where the liminal or threshold realm is the space where an individual transitions from one status to another within a given society.3 He explains the ritual as three stages – separation from the old role (preliminal), a period of transition between roles (liminal), and then incorporation into the new role (post-liminal).4 It was not until the 1960s when the originally French book was translated and published in the English-language, in which anthropologist Victor Turner re-discovered the importance of liminality. Turner was concerned with understanding cultures as dynamic and disorderly, and views society as a dynamic and dialectic process, rather than a single entity.5 He conceptualizes culture as being in a constant struggle between structure and anti-structure.6 Turner’s interests in liminality stem from van Gennep’s model, however Turner refers to Liminality as an intermediate state of being “in between” in which individuals are eliminated of their usual identity and social differences while on the verge of an individual or social transformation.7 Today, the term threshold is used synonymous to “liminality” and “in between”, carrying a deeper reference to spatial and architectural qualities. Threshold is defined as, 1 The floor or ground at the bottom of a doorway, considered as the entrance to a building or room.2 An end, boundary or point of transition.3 A zone of passage.8It is evident that this understanding of the theory allows for an array of possible uses that are not limited to Turner’s spectrum. I am using the term threshold as a method/tool for mediation between contrasting elements. This will be explored through the threshold between individuals, between time, and between space.1.1 HISTORICAL CONTEXT98THE INHABITANTThe threshold as a moment of transition or tool for mediating contrasting spheres will be analyzed through the inhabitant. The inhabitant is the one who occupies, values and uses the threshold space. The inhabitant will be analyzed as an individual (resident and visitor), as a member of a social group (age, culture, economic class) and as an entire population. The threshold between the two is one that should be blurred, allowing them to produce a symbiotic relationship.TIMEThe threshold in the temporal dimension is in relation to events, periods and generations. Specifically, they will be analyzed in reference to the global, national and civic events, and the transition between generations. SPACEThe threshold in the spatial dimension will combine the influences of major institutions, of public and private, culture and economy, market, and place.9 This is my area of interest and investigation for the design project.11101.2 THE SUBURBAN THRESHOLDThe thresholds seen within the residential street are visible across the property of a single-family home. In particular, the façades of the homes become the interior walls to the streetscape. They are composed of many layers, tectonically and physiologically and are a representation of the inside and a device that reacts to the outside. I am analyzing the façade as a threshold, a space associated with two apparently contrasting and opposite worlds. The façade as a threshold separates the interior from the exterior and becomes the point of transition between these realms, however its boundaries are not always clearly marked. Architectural theorist, Georges Teyssot speaks to this concept as he states, These imaginary and tectonic lines create not boundaries, but the space of the intermediate. A figure both in space and in time, the threshold, which is in the middle, is an interval between things. A medium, in a way, that by allowing entry, opens up the possibility of being in-between.10The opposing realms influence the threshold’s conditions, geometry, and dimensions. Transforming from a two-dimensional vertical plane, into a three-dimensional inhabited space, the threshold begins to have depth. This space begins to host opportunities for encounters and exchanges between individuals. Teyssot argues that many architectural elements and spaces create the experience of the in-between/threshold, transforming it into an inhabited threshold between architecture and city. Examples of these elements include the doorway, the portal, the portico, the peristyle and the arch. The relationship one experiences between interior and exterior and public and private settings is not only through their physical movement of going inside, or walking through, but also through the act of staying, living, and inhabiting a space.11 Among the architectural elements listed by Teyssot creating an inhabited middle realm, the front porch is one to further investigate. The front porch is a space that reconciles the domestic and urban world – an internal private environment with a public responding exterior. It is one of few spaces that encourages spontaneous encounters between neighbours and strangers. Porches are linked to an idealized past, where technology was not the primary means of communication, rather face to face interaction formed the core of communities. Yet, the porch embodies many practical considerations working in its favour, providing shelter and protection from the elements. 1312This project investigates a meaningful architectural type - the porch - that is pressuredby contemporary realities. Is the porch able to reinvent itself in scale and context, in order to be relevant today, and in the future?The front porch is an unusually flexible domestic setting. It is the exception, as one can use it alone, however the presence of an individual will encourage neighbours or other family members. Sociability and mannerisms of the porch is varied between generation - children play games on the porch, adults read and have a drink, and the elderly simply observe the street. The porch seems to provide a desired solitude without isolation and social interaction without intrusion.12 This element is part of an urban landscape that influences or is influenced by the building and its inhabitants.Fig. 2 - The Front Porches of Corso-Italia, Toronto1514sleepingreadingwatching moviesreadingsleepingeatingcookingshoppingdrawingdrinking a coffeedrinking a coffeedrinking a coffeereadingpaintingchatting with neighboursshoppingcookingdrinking at a barusing public transportationparadingeatingbathing + wcPRIVATE COMMUNITYThresholds exist at the urban scale between the built form and between the culture of its inhabitants. The space between neighbourhood jurisdictions and between buildings within the neighbourhood are the places of transition. Here is where the line demarcating one neighbourhood boundary from the next is seen in plan, however, it may be blurred when at the street level. When looking closely at the buildings that compose the neighbourhood, one experiences varying scales in building form and typology. The threshold within the commercial corridor is prevalent, as public activity appear within the privately-owed spaces. In addition, the transition between the commercial corridor into the residential street is seen through the transition of scale, typology, and use of space. This threshold between private and public spaces at the neighbourhood scale allows inhabitants to experience life between buildings. The experience of life between buildings is explained by Jan Gehl as, ... not merely pedestrian traffic or recreational or social activities…[rather it] comprises the entire spectrum of activities, which combine to make communal spaces in cities and residential areas meaningful and attractive.13Gehl continues to describe the importance of this transition space as a space to foster inhabitant engagement,If activity between buildings is missing, the lower end of the contact scale also disappears. The varied transitional forms between being alone and being together have disappeared. The boundaries between isolation and contact become sharper – people are either alone or else with others on a relatively demanding and exacting level. Life between buildings offers an opportunity to be with others in a relaxed and undemanding way.141.3 THE URBAN THRESHOLDFig. 3 - Gradient of Private to Community Spaces1716The third place is a concept written by urban sociologist Ray Oldenburg. He identifies the first place as the home, the second place as the workplace, and the third places as anchors of community life.15 Third places are typically characterized as privately owned spaces such as cafes, pubs, local stores, bookshops, to name a few. These are the public places on neutral ground, which facilitate and foster broader, more creative interaction between individuals of various communities.16The third places become places where social needs can be satisfied, it is here where one can meet friends, colleagues, neighbours and even strangers, ultimately fulfilling one’s desires for relaxation, social contact, entertainment and leisure.17 One assertion of my project speaks to how the street and the sidewalk are also third places, albeit in a provisional way.1.4 THE THIRD PLACEFig. 4 - The Third Place ConceptHOMEWORKARENABAKERYTHEATREPUBLIC POOLRESTAURANTFLOWER SHOPFRONT PORCHYARDFRONTDOORLOBBYWASHROOMKITCHENLOUNGELANEWAYPHARMACYRELIGIOUSSPACEROADSOCIAL CLUBBARHAIR SALONBOOKSTORECOLLEGEDAYCARECENTREFITNESSSTUDIOLIQUORSTORESUPERMARKETCONVENIENCESTORECOFFEESHOPTHIRD PLACES1918The city is best understood by its inhabitants, as its buildings are the performative stage of everyday life. This section presents St. Clair Avenue, both a primary commercial and transportation corridor in the City of Toronto, and the area of interest for this project.Located just north of the city’s downtown core, this street is 17km, and bisects 12 of the city’s neighbourhood, in addition to having a TTC streetcar right of way. St. Clair Avenue and its communities are formed and constantly reforming, to the values of social interaction between neighbours and the cultures and traditions of past and present inhabitants. To best understand this corridor, is to understand its inhabitants and how it came to be. CHAPTER 2.0: THE STORY OF ST. CLAIR2120Downtown TorontoSt. Clair AvenueFig. 5 - Map of the City of Toronto23222.1 THE BUILT FORMTo understand the composition of the street as a place, means to understand the story of its history. Formerly known as Earlscourt, the earliest documentation of St. Clair Avenue, known at the time as the part of the Town of York, dates to the early nineteenth century. At this time land was dedicated to agriculture and for providing materials for construction, as people traversed along dirt roads. By 1820, the Town of York was growing quickly and expanding north-ward, as newcomers began to travel along primitive early roads like Davenport, to settle beyond the town’s limits.18 Growth and development of the area was influenced by the physical geography, composed of a lower flat plain, and upper rolling hills, divided by a steep hill.19 The area’s early residents, primarily immigrants from Britain and Ireland, specifically the Bull family, who had immigrated from Ireland and were the first family to settle within the area. By the 1830s and 1840s social spaces such as a church, school and hotel were established in the area. Simultaneously, a small farming and gardening community of landowners and farm labourers continued, as other resources in the district developed.20 By the 1860s the region’s sand, gravel and clay were furnishing building materials for the growing cities. The expansion of Toronto lead to developed transportation and communication systems, especially railways that supplemented the local roads. The end of the nineteenth century saw the beginning of land development in the area, with the first plan published in 1884. Large land holdings continued to be subdivided, and due to its unpopular location, land was affordable to immigrants. This emerged the development of this area of the city into DIY cottages and cabins meant as a temporary shelter until they could afford a properly constructed house. In the early 20th century, the area began to prosper as an industrial and suburban neighbourhood. The new communities of Earlscourt and Oakwood began to form along St. Clair Avenue, and in 1909, the community of Earlscourt annexed into the City of Toronto.21 This community’s annexation created drastic improvements to civic services and amenities, and the forever goodbye to “Shacktown”. The arrangement of land and the dimensions of the lots lent themselves to specific uses. The smaller plots of land adjacent to the smaller side streets were suggestive of private, residential use, and the wider and deeper lots fronting St. Clair Avenue, were suggestive of a more public, institutional use. Land development companies advertised property in the area as, just the right sort of place for a man with a family to bring up his children. Children, as well as grown people, thrive better on the air that sweeps fresh and free over the meadows and woods of the country ... Freedom from contamination and vice that is inevitable in the more densely populated city helps them to grow up to be useful and high-standing citizens.222524Fig. 9 - Map of St. Clair Avenue, 1945Fig. 6 - Map of the St. Clair Avenue, 1884Fig. 7 - Map of the St. Clair Avenue, 1890Fig. 8 - Map of the St. Clair Avenue, 1913ST. CLAIR AVENUE OVER THE YEARS2726When looking at the maps over the decades, one can see the transformation of the residential block. Within the neighbourhood block there are smaller plots of land that act as laneways for residents. Most, but not all, residential blocks see the laneways bisecting the block meant to act as a shortcut or as service space for residents to access the back of their property or garage. St. Clair Avenue was widened, paved, and laid with a streetcar track, and this once rural area featured many businesses, industries, and homes.By 1915, just after the streetcar line opened, street front commercial buildings occupied more than half of St. Clair, and infilling continued up to 1923. Toronto’s insurance atlas for 1923 showed 235 street front buildings in the study area, and most remained among the 238 buildings shown in the 1994 City of Toronto property data map.23 With the construction of a commuter rail line, St. Clair was transformed from a concession road into a commercial strip, and its overall form persists up to the present.24 St. Clair Avenue West is described as the bustling commercial corridor, ranging from small local bakeries, cafes, and clothing stores, to the big-box chains, and from dense mid-rise residential buildings, to the two-part block. It is the framework for the economic context of the neighbourhood. Adjacent to this primary corridor are the residential streets where the private sphere of one’s life takes place, in and around the home. The threshold between these two realms is an interesting element that will be further analyzed. Bathurst StAvenue RdYonge StWychwoodOakwood VillageHumewood-CedarvaleCasa LomaYonge-St.ClairRosedale-Moore ParkMount Pleasant EastForest Hill SouthJunction AreaJane StCP RailCN RailDufferin StRockcliffe-SmytheWeston-Pellam ParkCorso-ItaliaSt. Clair Avenue0 0.5 1 2kmFig. 10 - Mapping St. Clair Avenue Neighbourhoods2928The establishment of the built form along St. Clair Avenue would not be possible without recognizing the individuals who built and inhabit the space. The inhabitants of this community have a direct influence on the activities happening on the commercial and residential streets, and the space between them. Dating back to the 1830s, the Bull family, who immigrated from Ireland, were the first family to settle within this area.25 The area’s early land inhabitants were primarily immigrant families of Irish, English and Scottish origins, giving way to the first large settlement’s name of “Little Britain”. However, the Canadian-born population gradually outnumbered the immigrants. By the end of the 19th century, the Methodist and Anglican Protestant denominations dominated the area.26 The beginning of WWI affected the population demographics as many men were sent to war, while the area saw more newcomers of Italian and Jewish descent. Land was advertised through an appeal to safety: “there are open fields where children can roam and play in safety, and where they can work out their boundless spirits without harm or mischief.”27 Thus, following the war, the area saw a boom of social space and resident population, as the presence of more families brought the need for spaces like theatres, parks, skating rinks and swimming pools. Following WWII, a widespread shortage of labour made Canada receptive to Italian immigration. Between 1950 and 1960, about 90,000 Italian settled in Toronto, replenishing established Italian enclaves, while simultaneously pouring over its boundaries.28 The St. Clair and Dufferin area is one of these re-established enclaves in which settlement transformed the neighbourhood. In 1950, the Italian population was the area’s second largest ethnic group, and by 1960, 42% of the neighbourhood was of Italian origin.29 Spaces along the corridor became tailored to this new generation, from the 1960s-1980s organizations and businesses extended services to the local Italian community. The first businesses that catered this group of inhabitants were food and service shops, and soon followed by clothing boutiques, specialty shops, and outdoor cafes. An interesting fact is that in 1963, an Italian café located along St. Clair Avenue was home to the first outdoor patio approved the City of Toronto.30 By 1980, St. Clair Avenue between Dufferin Street and Lansdowne Avenue had been transformed into one of the most successful commercial strips in the city, establishing this segment as a Business Improvement Area.31 This BIA would later be one of the six Business Improvement Areas located along St. Clair Avenue.2.2 THE INHABITANTS3130mother tongueknowledge of official languagespopulation of 5-year age groupscity rateneighbourhood rate2001 2006 2011 20160%0-45-910-1415-1920-2425-2930-3435-3940-4445-4950-5455-5960-6465-6970-7475-7980-8485-8990-9495-99100+2%4%6%8%10%age groupspopulation increase8.1% 4.9%neighbourhood populationtotal populationimmigrant population6,077 14,133non-of cialenglishfrenchselected places of birth, immigrantsperiod of immigrationneighbourhood0%born inCanadabefore 19811981-20002001-20052006 -20102011 - 2016non-permanent15%30%45%60%75%period of immigrationpercent of immigrant population generation statusCity of Toronto rst gen.second gen.third gen.portugeseitalianother americasphilippinesbrazilmother tongueknowledge of official languagespopulation of 5-year age groupscity rateneighbourhood rate2001 2006 2011 20160%0-45-910-1415-1920-2425-2930-3435-3940-4445-4950-5455-5960-6465-6970-7475-7980-8485-8990-9495-99100+2%4%6%8%10%age groupspopulation increase8.1% 4.9%neighbourhood populationtotal populationimmigrant population6,077 14,133non-of cialenglishfrench mother tongueknowledge of official languagespopulation of 5-year age groupscity rateneighbourhood rate2001 2006 2011 20160%0-45-910-1415-1920-2425-2930-3435-3940-4445-4950-5455-5960-6465-6970-7475-7980-8485-8990-9495-99100+2%4%6%8%10%age groupspopulation increase8.1% 4.9%neighbourhood populationtotal populationimmigrant population6,077 14,133non-of cialenglishfrenchFig. 11 - 2016 Mother Tongue along St. Clair AvenueFig. 13 - Population of 5-Year Age Group Gra h: Rise in 25-39 yr age group and 55-65 yr age groupFig. 12 - 2016 Generation Status along St. Clair Avenue By the 1980s, Italian immigration declined, children of first-generation immigrants began to achieve higher education, and professional occupations.32 Although Italians were still the area’s single largest ethnic group in 1991 holding 26% of the local population, other ethnic groups such as the Portuguese (20%), Spanish (4%), and Anglo-Canadians of British origin (8%) resettled in the area.33 Over the last 30 years, the neighbourhood continued to be an immigrant receptive area. In 2016, 47% of the neighbourhood was made up of first-generation immigrants, while the remaining were of second and third generation immigrants.34 The dynamic community of St. Clair Avenue is a constant developing cycle, most evident in the last 10 years. The 25-39-year-old age group has been steadily increasing, currently at its highest thus far in 2016, while the 55-70 year old age group is continuously increasing as well.35 Couples with children make up 30.1% of households, while seniors living alone make up 17.8% of households in the area.36 The increase in the younger population, including young families, alludes to a contemporary attraction to the neighbourhood. Simultaneously, the population of individuals approaching 65 and older is at a steady increase, especially those living alone. This information assists me with narrowing the focus of the project, as it is important to think of those who built the neighbourhood of the past, the individuals who currently inhabit the space, and looking ahead at who will claim this area ‘home’ next. Perhaps these generations of inhabitants can engage and interact with one another in a productive manner?3332Fig. 14 - St. Clair Avenue’s TimelineOPEN LANDTown of YorkFIRST BRICK HOUSE BUILT190018841830180019091910191119201930Italian Pop. Jewish Pop. Portuguese Pop.British Pop.5,00010,00015,00020,00025,00030,000population• mud and dirt roads• ravines• agricultural land• provided timber• built by the Bull family from Ireland• building restrictions were more stringently enforced• electricity, gas service, sewage and paved roads became the norm• St. Chad’s Anglican Church • Road widened and paved• Car line installed• Church constructed and opened in 1914• Offered special services to the area’s Italian-speaking population• The war interrupted the stream of incoming immigrants• The area sent a greater proportion of its men to the war than any other district• Following the war there was the opening of:- Earlscourt Park- St. Clair Cinema- Oakwood Park Skating Rink- Oakwood Swimming Club• 1884 was the first Fire Insurance Plan of the area• Land was affordable for the new wave of immigrantsSTART OF LAND DEVELOPMENT“Little Britain”FIRST COMMUNITYBUILDINGS: PARISHESST. CLAIR AVE ROAD WIDENING ST. CLARE PARISH WWISOCIAL SPACE BOOMANNEXATION TO THE CITY OF TORONTO3534193019451960196319822000WWII - ITALY VS. ALLIESETHNICDIVERSIFICATIONST. CLAIR AVECOMMERCIAL CORRIDORFIRST APPROVED OUTDOOR PATIO IN THE CITYKITCHENWARE STORE OPENINGCELEBRATION IN THE STREETSBIA ESTABLISHED“Corso-Italia”COMMUNITYCENTRE512 STREETCARCHANGINGDEMOGRAPHIC• over 200 Torontonians were sent to internment camps for up to three years because of suspected Fascist leanings• Italians saw their business’ shunned• Post WWII the widespread shortage of labour made Canada receptive to Italian immigration• The influx of many Italian-speaking newcomers vastly changed the character of the neighbourhod• Business and cultural centre for the city’s Italian community• Approved in 1963 for La Sem’s Cafe on St. Clair Ave W.• in 1958 the Nalli family moved into 273 Westmount Ave• Italian immigration began to decline in the 1970s, as economic conditions improved in Italy.• Italian population begins to move north-west• Consiglio’s opens their St. Clair Ave W location• Italy wins FIFA World Cup and reunites the community from near and far to St. Clair Ave W• Corso-Italia is given its name, as a segment of St. Clair Ave W is announced a BIA - Business Improvement Area• Joseph J. Piccininni Community Centre is opened at Earlscourt Park offering programs and spaces for all ages• Dedicated right-of-way• Construction of the streetcar from Yonge St. to Old Weston Rd. disrupted many businesses along St. Clair Ave W• Corso-Italia neighbourhood becomes more accessible to the city Italian Pop. Jewish Pop. Portuguese Pop.British Pop.3736201020142020SOUTH-CORSORESIDENT’S ASSOCIATION NEW PLANS + FUTURE INHABITANTS FUTURE OF ST. CLAIR AVEYOUNGERPOPULATIONPlease don’t close our day-care, think about the children! reads one of the posters • The association spearheads the development of a community social space, including a functional play space that challenges children, youth, adults and seniors to be more physically active and involved in their community.• Parents across the neighbourhood are outraged and protest against the closure of one of the neighbourhood’s primary Daycare facilities• Many redevelopment plans are approved along St. Clair Ave West for Mid-Rise Mixed Commercial-Residential Use• Earlscourt Park celebrates 100-year anniversary as the neighbourhood’s first park and community space• Redevelopment will encourage a younger population into the neighbourhood• The neighbourhood begins to see many younger families moving into the neighbourhoodItalian Pop. Jewish Pop. Portuguese Pop.British Pop.3938gentrification complete:(personal income above average)gentrification incomplete:(personal income above average)potential for future gentrificationtransit routearea of investigationFig. 15 - Gentrification Change in the City of TorontoNot only do the current demographics display a changing population along St. Clair Avenue, rather the changing urban landscape of the corridor is a representation of the community’s future. The TTC streetcar improvements have a dedicated right-of-way that took place from 2005-2009 was the start of this changing commercial corridor.37 Establishing a convenient transportation route for goods and people to move across the city meant that the land value would increase, and densification of the corridor would be in its future. As expected, the gentrification occurring in most neighbourhoods across the corridor not only decreases the availability of affordable property but causes friction between groups in communities where there are few places and activities that draw people together from different socio-economic, ethnocultural groups and generation.38 Today, Corso-Italia and Wychwood neighbourhoods sit in a middle realm between neighbourhoods as a ‘gap’ where gentrification, specifically densification, and closure of small local businesses is on the brink of taking over. The moving in of a younger generation alludes to neighbourhood change soon, however this change should not only consider a capital gain. Rather, the benefits for the community, and a future where more social space is needed. Perhaps there could be a future where the younger generation of children and young adults could actively participate and engage with the elderly, forming mutually symbiotic relationships, through the exchange of knowledge.2.3 THE FUTURE OF THEIR SPACES4140835 ST. CLAIR AVE W: 2011 835 ST. CLAIR AVE W: 2021Understanding the trend of the market along St. Clair is key. A common sight today is that 2-storey buildings are rezoned and redeveloped as 8-storey mid-rises, with retail at grade and residential units above, ultimately eradicating St. Clair’s third places.Fig. 16 - St. Clair Avenue’s Market Trend43422.4 ST. CLAIR AS A THRESHOLDHenri Lefebvre’s text, The Right to the City (1968) is a call to action to reclaim the city as a co-created space.39 He explains this space as a place for life to become detached from the effects that commodification and capitalism have over social interaction and the rise of spatial inequalities worldwide.40 Ultimately, The Right to the City is best understood in the terms of how inhabitants use urban spaces, rather than the market value of the space. Lefebvre’s writing in The Production of Space (1974) begins to explain his previous concepts through a spatial dimension, that being abstract and social space. Abstract space is explained as the space meant for the production of exchange value, and Social space is produced and reproduced space according to the use-value for inhabitants.41 The earlier concept of The Right to the City can be seen as a political vision to combat the urban disadvantages of abstract space, such as displacement, exclusion and peripheralization, through the production of social space.42 Most of the properties along the commercial corridor of St. Clair Avenue are regulated by a Business Improvement Area (BIA). The BIA may be characterized as abstract spacemakers, as their primary goals are to “promote economic development and promote these areas as safe, vibrant places to do business, unique destinations for tourists and focal points for neighbourhood activity.”43 It is a strategy implemented in the 1980s to replicate the mall’s strategy for managing shared commercial space, and it turned out to be a significant historical move, inspiring the BIDs in the U.S.44 Within the BIA boundaries, and beyond the neighbourhoods’ boundaries, abstract spaces are prevalent and compose the street. There are minimal areas of transition along the street between abstract and social space, rather social space begins to appear within an unlikely location, that being the small businesses. Besides providing essential goods and services to the residents, small businesses of the BIA provide social space in neighbourhoods like these that lack accessible community spaces.45 Although small businesses are not a substitute for a community centre, people begin to not only consume economic goods or services in these spaces, rather they begin to make social connections. This is where the blurring between exchange-value and use-value begin to take place.Today, a mandatory levy on commercial properties within the BIA boundary funds minor local improvements for the neighbourhood.46 These are projects that are decided by the neighbourhood’s BIA Board, composed of a small core of influential individuals who are not deeply embedded in the social spaces of the commercial street.47 Through the history of St. Clair Avenue and its presence of new immigrant groups, the publicly owned spaces along this corridor continue to act as pillars in the community for social interaction. Left to Right:Fig. 17 - 1924: St. Clair Ave and Oakwood Ave, Streetcar opening inauguration.Fig. 18 - 1982: St. Clair Ave and Dufferin St, Celebrations for 1982 World Cup FinalsFig. 19 - 2019: St. Clair Ave and Arlington Ave, Salsa on St. Clair FestivalThe Built Context4544Although the BIA within these communities is coincidentally an actor in contributing to the community spaces for building social capital, these institutions may play a more significant role and contribution to the community.Besides its physical transformation over the years, St. Clair has been a threshold and place for occasion. Acting as a location for celebration, parades, and processions for various communities. The street along with its buildings and open spaces hold historic value, as well as contemporary relevance, as a progression from the past to the commercialism that has come to be the fate and future of St. Clair Avenue.Left to Right:Fig. 20 - 1924: St. Clair Ave and Oakwood Ave, Streetcar opening inauguration.Fig. 21 - 1982: St. Clair Ave and Dufferin St, Celebrations for 1982 World Cup FinalsFig. 22 - 2019: St. Clair Ave and Arlington Ave, Salsa on St. Clair FestivalThe Street as a Third Place4746community centreschool (daycare, primary + secondary)libraryplaces of worshippublic open space0 0.5 1 2kmST. CLAIR AVENUE: PUBLIC SPACESThe institutionalized public spaces make up ~25 % of ground level uses fronting St. Clair Avenue.Fig. 23 - St. Clair Avenue’s Public Spaces4948food (restaurant, market)retail (clothing, houseware, textile)arts + culture (gallery, theatre, dance+ art studio)arts + cultural group spaces closed down in the last 5 years0 0.5 1 2kmST. CLAIR AVENUE: THIRD PLACESThe ‘third places’ including restaurants, retail, and theatres etc, make up ~50% of properties fronting the avenue.Fig. 24 - St. Clair Avenue’s Third Places5150Fig. 25 - 1980s+1990s: Crowds would gather at Consiglio’s Kitchenware Store for their annual Great Tomato Hunt contestTHIRD PLACE: CONSIGLIO’S KITCHENWAREAs Ray Oldenburg said, Where the means and facilities for relaxation and leisure are not publicly shared, they become the objects of private ownership and consumption. Most needed are those ‘third places’ which lend a public balance to the increased privatization of home life.48This image is taken from the interior of a local St. Clair small business. Opening in the late 60s, this Kitchenware store catered to the large Italian immigrant population at the time. It was not only a place for shopping, however it transformed itself into a venue hosting events for the community, such as a yearly tomato contest, as pictured. Once the population dwindled, the company moved online in the early 2000s and the building is now on the real estate market for sale. I found the story of the kitchenware store’s history interesting, as it is one of the many pillars in the community whose presence has disappeared. I began to question, Where do individuals socialize in the urban fabric beyond the domestic setting if these spaces are disappearing?5352property for lease or for salevacant propertyarea currently under redevelopment0 0.5 1 2kmST. CLAIR AVENUE: RESIDUAL SPACESThe kitchenware store is not the only space along the corridor that is currently in transition. Many pillars of the community such as restaurants, boutique shops, galleries, have closed, or continue to close. Either selling their properties to make way for mixed-use development, or closing their businesses due to the realities of the pandemic.As a result, Properties for lease or sale, vacant properties and areas currently under redevelopment make up 25% of properties fronting St. Clair.Assuming the third places of St. Clair, which make up 50% of the street, continue to close, means there will be a continuous influx of these residual spaces. Fig. 26 - St. Clair Avenue’s Residual Spaces5554CHAPTER 03: APPROPRIATING THE CITY3.1 PUBLIC, PRIVATE AND COMMUNITY SPACEMany individuals believe there are two types of social relationships: Private life and Public life.49 Mistaking Community Life for Public Life by Michael Brill explains how spatially defined social relationships are experienced in three basic forms – Public life, Private Life and Community Life.Private Life is experienced with family and close friends, a social relation that is left open to scrutiny because its locations are few and often privately held, like the home.50 Public Life is experienced with the occasional company of a diversity of strangers, of whom we know little more than we see, not all of them projecting personas comfortable to engage, in locations all may use, many of them publicly held for the common good, like the square and street, and many privately held common pleasure and commerce, like the night club and the mall.51 Community Life is spent among neighbors, nodding acquaintances, shopkeepers, local resident police, fire, mail and town official. Its varied locales are ones that are known and frequented, a mix of both semi-pubic and semi-private space, like the neighbourhood café.52 Distinguishing Public Life from Community Life is critical as they operate at very different scales and densities, each having different purposes and customs, and each requiring different physical environments.53 My interests lie within the threshold space that serves as a mediator between Public and Private Life, through the interaction, exchange and engagement of its inhabitants. This threshold space is explained by Brill as Community Life.I will be analyzing the residual spaces of St. Clair Avenue as areas of opportunity for Community Life. These areas are currently underused and not serving the community to their full potential, therefore this project is to explore how they can be transformed architecturally and programmatically, using a temporal framework. 5756property for lease or for salevacant propertyarea currently under redevelopment0 0.5 1 2kmRESIDUAL SPACES: AREAS OF OPPORTUNITYThe highlighted area seen above will be the focus area for further investigation.Fig. 27 - St. Clair Avenue’s Residual Spaces: Focus Area59583.2 SITES OF EXPLORATIONThis catalogue of residual spaces illustrates the variety of them located along the street, varying in scale, typology and condition.Of this catalogue, 3 sites will be explored in the context of their urban condition and programmatic potential.Fig. 28 - Residual Spaces Catalogue6160IN-BETWEEN6 months 1-3 years 6+ yearsCORNERLOTThe sites of exploration are both physical and typological in an urban context. The 3 sites are, the In-between, the Lot and the Corner conditions.Each of these provisional interventions are structured around a temporal framework in which they operate.Fig. 29 - Residual Spaces Catalogue: Focus Area Fig. 30 - Sites of Exploration Axos63623.3 TEMPORAL FRAMEWORKThis temporal framework is referred to as the Provisional Period. Whether enveloped in for lease signs or awaiting redevelopment, there is a period where these spaces are left abandoned - stripped of material and human activity.I am interested in this fragment of time, as I begin to explore them as spaces of appropriation for the St. Clair community.Fig. 31 - Provisional Period Cycle6564Business closes.Property is vacated. Property is for salePurchased by a developer.Plans are in the works for the site’s redevelopment.The B.I.A of the neighbourhood works with the site owner.Funds are provided for the prov. intervention.Space is turned over back to the developer who is ready to proceed with the plans. This strategy becomes successful and is deployed across the city.The neighbourhood and greater community can reappropriate their city’s spaces6 months - 6 years (awaiting city + developer’s approval)PROVISIONAL PERIODProperty Rezoned from Commercial use to Recreational With the cost savings,the developer can keep their costs down, generating a lower cost per unit for the future buyer.property tax cut 2/3More specifically, this time refers to the period between a property being for sale and ultimately sold. Or, the time between developers submitting redevelopment plans, and the moment they receive approval. This time period is known to take anywhere from 6 months to 6 years or more.All the while, the property is rezoned from commercial to recreational use welcoming provisional interventions. At the same time, property taxes are reduced, resulting in a cost saving for the developer and ultimately generating a lower cost per unit for the future buyer.FRAMEWORK TIMELINEFig. 32 - Provisional Period Framework 67663.4 FINDING MATERIAL EXPRESSIONProviding the community with an opportunity to build social capital and appropriate their spaces is central to the provisional interventions. How might these provisional spaces find a material expression?Fig. 33 - Existing Site Condition no.1Fig. 34 - Existing Site Condition no.269683.5 PRECEDENTSThe following section presents precedents referenced throughout the research and design phases of the project. The precedents range from architecture to urban design, and from permanent to temporary interventions.7170GRANBY WINTER GARDENSYear: 2019Location: Granby, LiverpoolPractice: Assemble & Granby Four Streets CLT CollaborationStatus: Built & OperationalThe Granby Winter Garden is a community-owned space located in the heart of the Granby neighbourhood, a place abandoned by the council and left to decay. Having endured decades of insufficient assistance from government authorities, the neighbourhood slated as a “Zone of Opportunity”, meaning it would be cleared and redeveloped.54 Residents took control of their street by organizing guerrilla gardening, a street market, and established a plan for a Community Land Trust (CLT). With the involvement of Assemble Studio, a multi-disciplinary collective based in London who work across architecture, design and art, the community was able to have its own place.55 Spanning across two abandoned structures in a Victorian terrace, the Granby Winter Garden transforms a typically private space into a focus for neighbourhood activity.56 As found, the floors of the homes had collapsed, offering a grand triple height space in the centre of the building. Since community gardening and creative action has been the foundation for a positive change in the neighbourhood, a communal indoor garden is located in the centre of the space. The new social spaces also houses an unexpected indoor communal garden, a meeting and events space for workshops, and an artist-in-residence space equipped with a bedroom, kitchen and accessible bathroom. The Granby Winter Garden is a space residents of the neighbourhood can “actively celebrate and support collective culture long-term.”57 Fig. 35 - Granby Winter Garden Interior View7372HOLDING PATTERNYear: June 19 - September 26, 2011Location: Queens, NYCPractice: Interboro Partners - Young Architects Program 2011Status: Temporary ExhibitionAs part of the Young Architect’s Program – an initiative that invites architects to create a temporary environment in the MoMA PS1 courtyard located in Queens, NYC, Interboro Partners designed and constructed an installation for the summer of 2011. Their approach to the design was to address what it means to recycle, and how to strengthen connections between a large, powerful institution, like MoMA PS1, and its neighbours.58 Using their interviews with the neighbourhood institutions, Interboro discovered how to combine the needs of these local institutions, with those of MoMA PS1, ultimately using the courtyard as the holding pattern for these new elements. The installation included a catalogue of objects and trees, aggregated according to their material properties in a Rec Room, a Tree Room and a Mirror Room.59100 pieces of furniture were built, this included an eclectic collection of benches, picnic tables, rock-climbing wall, ping-pong tables, a sandbox, and other items that had been requested by the MoMA PS1’s neighbours.60 These pieces were constructed using 3 tools- chop box, table saw and a drill press, and were easily assembled using glue and finishing nails.61 One of the few requirements issued by the client (MoMA PS1) was a shading device. Interboro’s approach to this requirement was to design a column-free, lightweight structure of ropes and retractable sails- strung from the MoMA PS1’s walls. At the premise of Interboro’s installation was their logic around where the trees and furniture would be cast away to following this two month exhibition. I believe they addressed this strategically by incorporating local institutions from the design phase. Ultimately, this installation was not only confined to the MoMA PS1’s courtyard, rather it address the larger community of Queens, giving these objects and furniture a future home and more life beyond the exhibition. Fig. 36 - Holding Pattern Catalogue of Built Objects7574CITY-HOUNDYear: 2014Location: Rome, ItalyPractice: T-SpoonStatus: OperationalToday, social media has become the threshold between public and private space, creating its own community. Itself has infiltrated our spaces and has become its own third place.City-Hound is a social network for the temporary transformation of underused urban spaces by T-Spoon.62 This open and adaptable platform connects the owners of spaces, with people who are in search of a space to realize an idea or a project. Specifically located in Rome, Italy, City-Hound responds to the needs of contemporary citizens who need a space to realize a project ranging in scale and urban condition.63 This initiative is very interesting as it targets both the owners of underused spaces, and the citizens who may benefit from these spaces. Ultimately giving a platform for the city’s inhabitants to advantage of the economic, social and spatial resources present on site. http://www.tspoon.org/cityhound/Fig. 37 - City-Hound Website7776CHAPTER 04: THE DESIGN PROJECTThe following section presents the design project, established along the St. Clair Avenue corridor, and responds to the initial statement of intent. Providing the community with an opportunity to appropriate their city’s spaces is central to the project. Each intervention is to act as a catalyst for interaction between neighbours and strangers, and ultimately become a destination within their community.The following section will identify the three sites of exploration, and their architectural and programmatic resolution.7978cornerin-betweenSt. Clair AvenueCorso-ItaliaWychwood lotTHE SITESThe three sites of exploration are located within the boundaries of the Corso-Italia and Wychwood neighbourhoods along St. Clair Avenue. Fig. 38 - Focus Area Site Plan8180LOTIN-BETWEEN CORNERThese three provisional installations are intended to provide a catalyst that engages with the public realm, providing both a shelter and destination to the community. Each site responds to these notions uniquely, while maintaining a constant architectural element hovering above its occupants. In addition, the premise of these spaces is to promote ownership for the community through various strategies.4.1 THE PROVISIONAL INTERVENTIONSFig. 39 - Provisional Interventions’ Parti Drawings83826 months4.2 IN-BETWEENThis site is working within the boundaries of a pedestrian laneway. Simply put, it is the space between two parti walls. The temporal framework this intervention is working within is on a seasonal bases, lasting for 6 months.Fig. 40 - In-between Site Condition8584Constructed by a series of small dimensioned columns, cables and translucent fabric constructed like a box-kite, the floating volume is offset from the neighbouring buildings. The kite is repeated throughout the site and removed when it intersects a window.SITE LOGICFig. 41 - In-between Site Logic8786The fluttering form is meant to engage with the community of St. Clair. Acting as a filter and protection from the elements. It is a space that can be arranged and appropriated by its users on the ground plane, catering to their needs. Also, the structure engages with the neighboring individuals, giving them ownership of the upper portion of the volume.INTERVENTION ENGAGEMENTFig. 42 - In-between Community Engagement8988STREET LEVEL PLANLocated on the south side of St. Clair Avenue, the In-between space is an urban threshold along the corridor.Transforming the space from once a fenced and unkept private area, the in-between becomes a place for individuals to traverse from St. Clair to the residential laneway, or is a place of destination, and interaction between individuals.Fig. 43 - In-between Context PlanSt. Clair Avenuelaneway9190Fig. 44 - In-between Street Level PlanSt. Clair Avenuelaneway9392Experienced within the third dimension, the in-between intervention and suggestive public furniture in the space invites the community inward. Community members may enjoy this space for meeting up in the afternoon to play a game of cards, or use it to enjoy their lunch break from working at the local construction sites. While the neighboring resident uses the structure as a place to hang their laundry to dry.Fig. 45 - In-between Section Perspective9594At night, the space becomes a beacon within its urban context. Here, the space is transformed to host a block party for young adults.Here, the in-between space is experienced in solitude, as a place of transition from the busy street to the residential laneway. The furniture invites the individual to take a pause and have a seat.Fig. 46 - In-between: Sunday Afternoon Fig. 47 - In-between: Block Party9796The in-between is to invite individuals of all communities to occupy and engage with the space to fit their needs. Here, the in-between is transformed to host a children’s birthday party, where decorations are hung from the structure, and picnic tables are arranged to create a larger seating area. Each community finds their unique way of engaging with the space.Fig. 48 - In-between: Children’s Birthday Party99981-3 years4.3 LOTThe urban condition of this site is currently a flat, vacant property fronting St. Clair Avenue. This site will be explored in the time period of 1-3 years.Fig. 49 - Lot Site Condition101100COOCOOThe conception of this site began with thinking about how this flat, mundane plane of asphalt could be transformed into a space for people, wildlife and vegetation – a symbiotic space unusually seen within the city block.The site would be built up from rubble and earth excavated from the surrounding active construction sites. The ground is built up and hosts the floating volume, while the new ground plane becomes a space for at risk vegetation to be transplanted to.The volume is constructed of steel rectangular extrusions and is wrapped with sheets of polypropylene, a material commonly used for erosion control. Here, the volume becomes an element of protection for the vegetation and its occupants.SITE LOGICTop to BottomFig. 50 - Lot: City vs. WildFig. 51 - Lot: ProtectionSt. Clair Avenuelaneway103102COOCOOThe volume also acts as a filtration device, filtering pollution, and sound from the active street. The structure and vegetation establish a microclimate, creating a comfortable space for the community and wildlife to occupy.Ultimately, the volume becomes a place for interaction. Seating is integrated into the landscape and invites the community to sit and enjoy the space.Top to BottomFig. 52 - Lot: MicroclimateFig. 53 - Lot: Interaction105104The topography invites individuals from St. Clair Ave, and the neighbouring residential street, to enter and interact with the site through its diffused entries, creating a subtle transition between the city’s hardscape, and the lot site’s softscape.Fig. 54 - Lot Context PlanSt. Clair Avenuelanewaylaneway107106Fig. 55 - Lot Street Level PlanSt. Clair Avenuelanewaylaneway109108The polypropylene material wraps the perimeter of the structure, as its netting is denser in the centre, and becomes thinner at the structure’s ends, providing sufficient visibility to the peaks of the topography. These corners are also sheltered by the material on top, providing additional protection for its occupants. Fig. 56 - Lot Section Perspective111110Here, the hovering volume is open to above and frames the vegetation below. Community gardening clubs, and local residents take care of the garden in the summer heat.The play area adjacent is bound by a concrete curb, providing children with a space to place their belongings on, or have a seat and take a break from playing a game of soccer.SUMMERFig. 57 - Lot: A Summer Day113112Central to the project is the temporal framework. As this site is operating within the 1-3 year time period, thinking of how this space operates throughout each season experienced in Toronto is vital to its success for the community. In the fall, the colorful trees brighten up the muted coloured structure, and the play space is transformed into a water retention pond, collecting the runoff water from the landscape and reducing the risk of flooding.AUTUMNFig. 58 - Lot: An Autumn Evening115114In the winter season, the vegetation is sparse, however the site is fully activated by the community. Children are skating on a rink formed within the circular curb and adults bring supplies to build a bonfire. Here we see how the community embraces the lot and the winter season to their full potential.WINTERFig. 59 - Lot: A Winter Afternoon1171166+ years4.4 CORNERThe final provisional intervention is the Corner. The urban condition of this site is an existing 3 storey building currently boarded up and awaiting city approval for redevelopment.The time between building permit submission and approval is unknown and most times can take years. Thus, this site will be explored in the time period of lasting 6 years or more.Fig. 60 - Corner Site Condition119118Volume Inserted Dynamic Storage Device Open: Horizontal Connection Closed: Vertical SpaceOriginally used as a retail space on the ground level, with 2 storeys of residential units above, this provisional intervention is explored as a new volume inserted into the building’s existing fabric. The new volume becomes a dynamic storage device, housing elements that can move vertically in the space depending on the time of day and use.In addition, the volume may transform the space horizontally - providing a transition between inside and outside for community events, and vertically - providing an enclosed space for intimate occasions and celebrations.SITE LOGICFig. 61 - Corner Site Logic121120The building’s location is a threshold itself, between the bustling commercial corridor, and the quieter, more intimate residential street. The ground plane of the building is a continuation of the city. A large stair is inserted acting as circulation and additional seating, while the volume and doors hang above the occupants, welcoming the city life into the building.STREET LEVELFig. 62 - Corner Street Level PlanSt. Clair GardensSt. Clair AvenueUP DNUPSTORAGEW/C123122The hovering volume is composed of polycarbonate sheets hanging from a steel framing system. This new, light material is disentangled from the building’s original structure, and contrasts the existing brick walls. In this instance, the doors are swung open, chairs are taken from the storage compartments and set up in the space as a neighbourhood meeting is about to take place. Individuals effortlessly enter the space from St. Clair Avenue and the side street. Adjacent to the volume, the upper floor levels may hazily see the activity happening below.Fig. 63 - Corner Section PerspectiveSt. Clair Avenue125124When the doors are open, the interior and exterior become one. The space becomes an invitation to the community to gather and take part in its activities. Here the community has set up a seed collection and exchange program, where individuals can share gardening and food growing tips, and children learn gardening fundamentals from the elderly. OPEN CONDITIONFig. 64 - Corner: Open Door Condition127126The upper levels are adapted to host a variety of community events, like painting and pottery workshops, or even chess tournaments. The volume is seen to pierce the floor slab and hang in the open space below.UPPER LEVELFig. 65 - Corner Upper Level PlanUP DNDNSTUDIO SPACE129128The volume is floating beyond. Its semi-transparent properties blur the activities of the ground plane, however silhouettes of the occupants provide a sense of comfort to those on the levels above - as though their community is always present with them.UPPER LEVEL STUDIOFig. 66 - Corner: Upper Studio Space131130At night, the volume radiates a hue with the use of backlighting, and is a second beacon for the St. Clair community. Pedestrians can catch a glimpse inside while on their walk home from the streetcar, or while out for an evening stroll.EVENING PERFORMANCEFig. 67 - Corner: Evening Performance133132Fig. 68 - The Provisional Interventions135134Overall, this project asserts that these transitional spaces in the city will persist, and due to that, we must interrogate them through the lens of community building that attracts a certain type of temporality and program. These spaces are resilient and responsive.What I have shown you today with 3 interventions, is simply an indication of how important, constructive and powerful remediation of these spaces can be and ultimately, its potential to be applied as a general urban strategy in the future. CONCLUSION1371361 Veronica Ng and Jia Pey Lim, “Tracing Liminality: A Multidisciplinary Spatial Construct,” Journal of Engineering and Architecture: 76, doi:10.15640/jea.v6n1a82 Arnold Van Gennep, Monika B. Vizedom, and Gabrielle L. Caffee, “The Rites of Passage,” 1961, vii, doi:10.7208/chicago/9780226027180.001.00013 Ibid, 18.4 Ronald L. Grimes, “Victor Turners Social Drama and T. S. Eliots Ritual Drama,” Anthropologica 27, no. 1/2 (1985): 82, doi:10.2307/256051775 Victor Turner, The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure (Ithaca (N.Y.): Cornell University Press, 1977), 36 Ibid.7 Bjørn Thomassen, “The Uses and Meaning of Liminality,” International Political Anthropology 2, no. 1, 14, accessed 2009.8 “Threshold.” Merriam-Webster. https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/threshold.9 Lay James Gibson and Sharon James Zukin, “Landscapes of Power: From Detroit to Disney World,” Geographical Review 83, no. 2 (1993): 269, doi:10.2307/215268)10 Georges Teyssot, A Topology of Everyday Constellations (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2013), 87-88.11 Patrizio M. Martinelli, “Inside The Façade: The Inhabited Space Between Domestic and Urban Realms,” Journal of Interior Design 45, no. 2 (2019), 55, doi:10.1111/joid.1216312 Barbara B. Brown, John R. Burton, and Anne L. Sweaney, “Neighbors, Households, and Front Porches,” Environment and Behavior 30, no. 5 (1998), 594, doi:10.1177/001391659803000501) 13 Jan Gehl, Life between Buildings: Using Public Space (Washington, DC: Island Press, 2011), 14.14 Ibid, 17.15 Leila Mahmoudi Farahani and David Beynon, “Third Places and Their Contribution to the Street Life,” Rethinking Third Places, 2019, 197, doi:10.4337/9781786433916.0001916 Ibid.17 Ibid.18 Nancy Byers and Barbara Myrvold, St. Clair West in Pictures: A History of the Communities of Carlton, Davenport, Earlscourt and Oakwood (Toronto: Toronto Public Library, 2008), 7.19 Ibid.20 Ibid.21 Ibid.22 Ibid, 46.23 Michael Buzzelli, “From Little Britain to Little Italy: An Urban Ethnic Landscape Study in Toronto,” Journal of Historical Geography 27, no. 4 (2001), 596, doi:10.1006/jhge.2001.035524 Ibid.25 Nancy Byers and Barbara Myrvold, St. Clair West in Pictures: A History of the Communities of Carlton, Davenport, Earlscourt and Oakwood (Toronto: Toronto Public Library, 2008), 46 .26 Ibid.27 Ibid.28Jordan Stanger-Ross, Staying Italian: Urban Change and Ethnic Life in Postwar Toronto and Philadelphia (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2010), 30.29 Nancy Byers and Barbara Myrvold, St. Clair West in Pictures: A History of the Communities of Carlton, Davenport, Earlscourt and Oakwood (Toronto: Toronto Public Library, 2008), 117.30 Shawn Micallef, “Maybe Toronto Isn’t so Uptight after All,” The Toronto Star, June 08, 2018, \ https://www.thestar.com/opinion/star-columnists/2018/06/08/maybe-toronto-isnt-so-uptight-after-all.html31 Nancy Byers and Barbara Myrvold, St. Clair West in Pictures: A History of the Communities of Carlton, Davenport, Earlscourt and Oakwood (Toronto: Toronto Public Library, 2008), 120.32 Ibid.33 “Corso Italia-Davenport Neighbourhood Profile.” Wellbeing Toronto. 2016. Corso Italia-Davenport34 Ibid.35 Ibid.36 Ibid.37 Tess Kalinowski, “St. Clair Right-of-way: A Rite of Passage for a Gentrifying Avenue?” Thestar.com, March 20, 2012, https://www.thestar.com/news/city_hall/2012/03/20/st_clair_rightofway_a_rite_of_passage_for_a_gentrifying_avenue.html38 Canada, Toronto Central LHIN, Central West Toronto Community - Needs Assessment and Gap Analysis Report, 2014, 14.39 David Harvey, “The Right to the City,” New Left Review, September/October 2008, doi:10.4324/9781315260211-20)40 Ibid. 41 Matthew Thompson, “LIFE in a ZOO,” City 21, no. 2 (2017): 106, doi:10.1080/13604813.2017.135332742 Ibid.43 Tess Kalinowski, “St. Clair Right-of-way: A Rite of Passage for a Gentrifying Avenue?” Thestar.com, March 20, 2012, https://www.thestar.com/news/city_hall/2012/03/20/st_clair_rightofway_a_rite_of_passage_for_a_gentrifying_avenue.html)44 Ibid.45 Ibid, 161.46 Ibid, 141.47 Ibid, 163.48 “Ray Oldenburg,” Project for Public Spaces, 2008, https://www.pps.org/article/roldenburg49 Michael Brill, “Mistaking Community Life for Public Life,” Places, (2001), 50.50 Ibid.51 Ibid.52 Ibid.53 Ibid.54 Matthew Thompson, “LIFE in a ZOO,” City 21, no. 2 (2017) 105, doi:10.1080/13604813.2017.135332755 “Granby Winter Garden,” Assemble, accessed November 11, 2020, https://assemblestudio.co.uk/projects/granby-winter-gardens 56 Ibid.57 Ibid.58 MoMA, “YAP at MoMA PS1: “Holding Pattern” by Interboro Partners,” July 02, 2011, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GKbC8oLdtTo&ab_channel=TheMuseumofModernArt59 “Holding Pattern,” Interboro, 2011, http://www.interboropartners.com/projects/holding-pattern60 Ibid.61 MoMA, “YAP at MoMA PS1: “Holding Pattern” by Interboro Partners,” July 02, 2011, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GKbC8oLdtTo&ab_channel=TheMuseumofModernArt62 “CITY-HOUND,” T SPOON, 2014, https://www.tspoon.org/project/city-hound/63 Ibid.NOTES139138Brill, Michael. “Mistaking Community Life for Public Life.” Places, 2001, 48-55.Brown, Barbara B., John R. Burton, and Anne L. Sweaney. “Neighbors, Households, and Front Porches.” Environment and Behavior 30, no. 5 (1998): 579-600.doi:10.1177/001391659803000501.Buzzelli, Michael. “From Little Britain to Little Italy: An Urban Ethnic Landscape Study in Toronto.” Journal of Historical Geography 27, no. 4 (2001): 573-87. doi:10.1006/jhge.2001.0355.Byers, Nancy, and Barbara Myrvold. St. Clair West in Pictures: A History of the Communities of Carlton, Davenport, Earlscourt and Oakwood. Toronto: Toronto Public Library, 2008.“CITY-HOUND.” T SPOON. 2014. https://www.tspoon.org/project/city-hound/.“Corso Italia-Davenport Neighbourhood Profile.” Wellbeing Toronto. 2016. Corso Italia-Davenport.Farahani, Leila Mahmoudi, and David Beynon. “Third Places and Their Contribution to the Street Life.” Rethinking Third Places, 2019, 196-218. doi:10.4337/9781786433916.00019.Gehl, Jan, and Jo Koch. Life Between Buildings: Using Public Space. Washington, DC: Island Press, 2011.Gennep, Arnold Van, Monika B. Vizedom, and Gabrielle L. Caffee. “The Rites of Passage.” 1961. doi:10.7208/chicago/9780226027180.001.0001.Gibson, Lay James, and Sharon James Zukin. “Landscapes of Power: From Detroit to Disney World.” Geographical Review 83, no. 2 (1993). doi:10.2307/215268.“Granby Winter Garden.” Assemble. Accessed November 11, 2020. https://assemblestudio.co.uk/projects/granby-winter-gardens.Grimes, Ronald L. “Victor Turners Social Drama and T. S. Eliots Ritual Drama.” Anthropologica 27, no. 1/2 (1985): 79-100. doi:10.2307/25605177.Harvey, David. “The Right to the City.” New Left Review, September/October 2008, 23-40. doi:10.4324/9781315260211-20.“Holding Pattern.” Interboro. 2011. http://www.interboropartners.com/projects/holding-pattern.Kalinowski, Tess. “St. Clair Right-of-way: A Rite of Passage for a Gentrifying Avenue?” Thestar.com. March 20, 2012. Accessed December 20, 2020. Kalinowski, Tess. “St. Clair Right-of-way: A Rite of Passage for a Gentrifying Avenue?” Thestar.com. March 20, 2012. Accessed December 20, 2020. Martinelli, Patrizio M. “Inside The Façade: The Inhabited Space Between Domestic and Urban Realms.” Journal of Interior Design 45, no. 2 (2019): 55-75. doi:10.1111/joid.12163.Micallef, Shawn. “Maybe Toronto Isn’t so Uptight after All.” The Toronto Star. June 08, 2018. MoMA. “YAP at MoMA PS1: “Holding Pattern” by Interboro Partners.” July 02, 2011. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GKbC8oLdtTo&ab_channel=TheMuseumofModernArt.Ng, Veronica, and Jia Pey Lim. “Tracing Liminality: A Multidisciplinary Spatial Construct.” Journal of Engineering and Architecture: 76-90. doi:10.15640/jea.v6n1a8.“Ray Oldenburg.” Project for Public Spaces. 2008. https://www.pps.org/article/roldenburg.Stanger-Ross, Jordan. Staying Italian: Urban Change and Ethnic Life in Postwar Toronto and Philadelphia. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2010.Teyssot, Georges. A Topology of Everyday Constellations. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2013Thomassen, Bjørn. “The Uses and Meaning of Liminality.” International Political Anthropology 2, no. 1, 5-28. Thompson, Matthew. “LIFE in a ZOO: Henri Lefebvre and the (social) Production of (abstract) Space in Liverpool.” City 21, no. 2 (2017): 104-26. doi:10.1080/13604813.2017.1353327.“Threshold.” Merriam-Webster. https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/threshold.Turner, Victor. The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure. Ithaca (N.Y.): Cornell University Press, 1977.BIBLIOGRAPHY
Graduating Project
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eng
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Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library
Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International
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University of British Columbia. ARCH 549
social capital
residual space
communities
Architecture
Urbanism
provisional space
temporality
threshold
urban threshold
destination
public realm
front porch
St. Clair Avenue
Places Between Spaces
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