Arts, Faculty of
Anthropology, Department of
DSpace
Haida language ember carriers and language learners : Elder wisdom and family language transmission in Haida language revitalization
UBCV
Cullis-Suzuki, Severn
Doctor of Philosophy - PhD
University of British Columbia
This dissertation examines X̱aad kíl/X̱aayda kil Haida language (X̱K) revitalization through ethnographic and linguistic perspectives. Grounded in X̱aaydas giinaa.ah Haida ways of being and situated within Haida Gwaii's historical context—where Haida people have lived for over 13,000 years—this research draws on oral history interviews with ten Elders representing the first-language (L1) speaker cohort, alongside detailed linguistic analysis of X̱aayda kil (Skidegate dialect) acquisition in a year-long, family language immersion program. The ethnographic research traces X̱K's dramatic shift from the language of a thriving nation to being suuda ḵ’uhlda whispered in secret following colonial violence, particularly the 1862 smallpox epidemic that reduced the Haida population by over 95%, and systematic assault through Indian Agents, Churches and residential schools. Through incredibly difficult times, fluent speakers carried X̱K as embers through four decades of silence, bringing it back out when the darkest times had passed, in the early 1970s. They are X̱aayda kil daas llGaayGa Ember carriers of the Haida language, who successfully carried the language to current generations of Haida. Through interviews, L1 Elders identified critical factors of language shift from X̱K to English. Their personal histories (born 1924 - 1948) converged on timing of the language story. Elders also shared wise counsel for language learning and teaching. Grounded in X̱aaydas giinaa.ah, Language Revitalization and Second Language Acquisition principles, a multi-disciplinary methodology created an immersion program involving participants across three generations (one L1 fluent Elder and four L2 learners) in eight month-long Intensive Language Periods (ILPs) over a year. Language transmission involved land-based practices, family interaction and play. To document changes in productive X̱K speech, storytelling recordings were made after each ILP, providing rich data that identified structural phonological and morphosyntactic challenges for learners. Within the 38-consonant phonological system (20 not found in English), acquisition data identified challenging sounds and phonological learning trajectories, as well as learners' morphosyntactic processes in X̱K Word Order. Recommendations are drawn for X̱K pedagogy and language revitalization. This research contributes to the narrative about the Haida language and the understanding of its contemporary acquisition, and honours the continuum of X̱aayda kil daas llGaayGa.
XAAYDA KIL GA SK’AADGADA DAAS LLGAAYGA SDA LANGUAGE LEARNING FROM THE EMBER CARRIERS: ELDER WISDOM AND FAMILY LANGUAGE TRANSMISSION IN HAIDA LANGUAGE REVITALIZATION by Severn Cullis-Suzuki B.Sc., Yale University 2002 M.Sc., University of Victoria, 2007 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE AND POSTDOCTORAL STUDIES (Anthropology) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver) October 2025 © Severn Cullis-Suzuki, 2025 ii The following individuals certify that they have read, and recommend to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies for acceptance, the dissertation entitled: X̱aayda kil daas llGaayGa ad Xaayda kil sk’aadGadas Haida language ember carriers and language learners: Elder wisdom and family language transmission in Haida language revitalization submitted by Severn Cullis-Suzuki in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Anthropology Examining Committee: Dr. Patricia Shaw, Anthropology, UBC Vancouver Supervisor Dr. Patricia Duff, Language and Literacy Education, UBC Vancouver Supervisory Committee Member Dr. Wade Davis, Anthropology, UBC Vancouver Supervisory Committee Member Dr. Margaret Kovach, Educational Studies, UBC Vancouver University Examiner Dr. Christine Schreyer, Anthropology, UBC Okanagan University Examiner Dr. Leanne Hinton, Professor Emerita, University of California, Berkeley External Examiner Additional Supervisory Committee Members: Dr. Bernard Perley, Institute for Critical Indigenous Studies, UBC Vancouver Supervisory Committee Member iii Abstract This dissertation examines Xaad kíl/Xaayda kil Haida language (XK) revitalization through ethnographic and linguistic perspectives. Grounded in Xaaydas giinaa.ah Haida ways of being and situated within Haida Gwaii's historical context—where Haida people have lived for over 13,000 years—this research draws on oral history interviews with ten Elders representing the first-language (L1) speaker cohort, alongside detailed linguistic analysis of Xaayda kil (Skidegate dialect) acquisition in a year-long, family language immersion program. The ethnographic research traces XK's dramatic shift from the language of a thriving nation to being suuda k’uhlda whispered in secret following colonial violence, particularly the 1862 smallpox epidemic that reduced the Haida population by over 95%, and systematic assault through Indian Agents, Churches and residential schools. Through incredibly difficult times, fluent speakers carried XK as embers through four decades of silence, bringing it back out when the darkest times had passed, in the early 1970s. They are Xaayda kil daas llGaayGa Ember carriers of the Haida language, who successfully carried the language to current generations of Haida. Through interviews, L1 Elders identified critical factors of language shift from XK to English. Their personal histories (born 1924 - 1948) converged on timing of the language story. Elders also shared wise counsel for language learning and teaching. Grounded in X̱aaydas giinaa.ah, Language Revitalization and Second Language Acquisition principles, a multi-disciplinary methodology created an immersion program involving participants across three generations (one L1 fluent Elder and four L2 learners) in eight iv month-long Intensive Language Periods (ILPs) over a year. Language transmission involved land-based practices, family interaction and play. To document changes in productive XK speech, storytelling recordings were made after each ILP, providing rich data that identified structural phonological and morphosyntactic challenges for learners. Within the 38-consonant phonological system (20 not found in English), acquisition data identified challenging sounds and phonological learning trajectories, as well as learners' morphosyntactic processes in XK Word Order. Recommendations are drawn for XK pedagogy and language revitalization. This research contributes to the narrative about the Haida language and the understanding of its contemporary acquisition, and honours the continuum of Xaayda kil daas llGaayGa. v Lay Summary This research documents the story of Xaad kíl/Xaayda kil: the language of the Haida Nation on Haida Gwaii. After colonial violence (including the 1862 smallpox epidemic that killed over 95% of the Haida population and a litany of pressures that banned Indigenous languages), Xaad kíl/Xaayda kil went underground. But Haida speakers kept it alive as "embers”, secretly keeping their language through four decades of silence before bringing it back out in the 1970s. This study combines interviews with ten of these fluent Elder speakers, with analysis of a contemporary family learning Haida as a second language over a year of intensive practice. The research tracks pronunciation and grammatical trajectories, providing insights for teaching methods. The findings offer a case study of Indigenous language learners and families who are working to reclaim their languages, reigniting the embers. vi Preface This thesis is an original intellectual product of the author, Severn Cullis-Suzuki. The thesis supervisor was Dr. Patricia A. Shaw, who gave advice on research design and direction on the documentation of linguistic data, and the phonological and morphosyntactic analysis of the data. This research was designed, conducted and the data analysed by S. Cullis-Suzuki on Haida Gwaii. The fieldwork reported in Chapter 4, 5 and 6 was approved by the UBC Behavioural Research Ethics Board, and has the UBC Ethics Certificate number H17-01353. Generative Artificial Intelligence tool Claude 3.5 Sonnet (Anthropic 2024) was used as an exploratory tool to scan linguistic data for previously identified morphosyntactic trends. Two articles were published during this research, describing the XK family language immersion program called Xaayda kil gud ad kihlguul Speaking the Haida language together (the data obtained from this program is the subject of Chapters 5 and 6): Cullis-Suzuki, S., 2020. Quarantine as Ceremony: Covid-19 as an Opportunity to Rebel against the dominant Langscape. Langscape, Terralingua. Cullis-Suzuki, S., 2020. St’ii kaa (COVID-19) sk’yanxan uu Xaayda kil gud ad t’alang kihlgul: Sickness Walking (COVID-19) even still Haida language together we speak. Haida Laas, Newsletter of the Haida Nation. vii Table of Contents Abstract …………………………………………………………………………………….iii Lay Summary ……………………………………………………………………………….v Preface ……………………...………………………………………………………………vi Table of Contents ...………………………………………………………………………..vii List of Tables . ……………………………………………………………………………xiv List of Figures .. …………………………………………………………………………xvii List of Tawt’a (Bentwood Boxes)………………………………………………………...xix List of Abbreviations .......................................................................................................... xx A Note about Using Xaayda kil/Xaad kíl the Haida Language and Xaayda kil/Xaad kíl Names…………………………………………………………………………….xxii Acknowledgements ……………………………………………………………………..xxiv Dedication …… . ………………………………………………………………………..xxvii Chapter 1 Kaa ts’ii hla Come in – Introduction ................................................................. 1 1.1 Kihlgula Gaay.ya han uu dii KiiGa ga My Name is Good Speaker ....................... 1 1.2 Language on Haida Gwaii Today .............................................................................. 3 1.2.1 Dissertation Research Questions ................................................................... 4 1.3 Situating the Research: The Lands and Waters of Haida Gwaii ................................ 5 1.3.1 Ecological Description of Haida Gwaii ............................................................ 8 1.3.2 Since Kalga Jaad Ice Woman – Geological Change ....................................... 9 1.4 Haida History ........................................................................................................... 10 1.4.1 Old Haida History ....................................................................................... 10 1.4.2 Haida Migration to Prince of Wales Island ................................................. 12 1.4.3 New Haida History: a Brief Account of Colonial Events on Haida Gwaii . 13 1.4.3.1 Arrival of the YaatsxaaydaGa Iron People ........................................ 13 1.4.3.2 Resource Extraction and Conflict ......................................................... 14 1.4.3.3 St’ii Kaa Sickness Walking .................................................................. 17 1.4.3.4 Missionaries .......................................................................................... 21 1.4.3.5 Residential Schools .............................................................................. 24 viii 1.4.4 From Survival to Empowerment .................................................................... 26 1.4.5 Haida Now ...................................................................................................... 28 1.4.5.1 A Repatriation Movement ............................................................... 30 1.4.5.2 Xaayda kil KiiGa kiiGang Haida Language Names Give Birth ... 31 1.4.5.3 Restoring Xaayda Kil Names ......................................................... 32 1.5 Overview of the Thesis ............................................................................................ 42 Chapter 2 My Story, and the Story of Xaayda kil/Xaad kíl Revitalization .................... 45 2.1 Da gwa is? Hla uu íijii! Is it you? It is me! Who I am, and How I Came to be Doing This Work ......................................................................................................... 45 2.1.2 The fight for Gwaii Haanas Islands of Beauty .............................................. 47 2.1.3 Haida Language Activism in the Brown family ............................................ 50 2.1.4 My Haida Language Journey .......................................................................... 52 2.1.5 Researcher Positionality ................................................................................ 56 2.1.5.1 An Immigrant on Haida Land .......................................................... 56 2.1.5.2 Anthropological Forebearers ........................................................... 57 2.1.6 My “Halfie” Position ...................................................................................... 70 2.1.7 The Field ........................................................................................................ 72 2.2 Xaayda kil/Xaad kíl Haida language A Language Isolate with Several Dialects . 72 2.2.1 Xaayda kil/Xaad kíl Orthography ................................................................. 74 2.3 The Haida Language Revitalization Movement ...................................................... 77 2.3.1 Xaad kíl in Alaska ......................................................................................... 78 2.3.2 Xaad kíl in Gaw Tlagée Old Massett ............................................................ 79 2.3.3 Xaayda kil in HlGaagilda Skidegate ........................................................... 82 2.3.3.1 My language work in HlGaagilda .................................................. 84 2.3.4 XK Media: K’aalts’ida K’ah Laughing Crows Haida Storytelling Society and SGaawaay K’uuna Edge of the Knife ........................................................... 94 2.4 Chapter 2 Summary ................................................................................................. 97 Chapter 3 Methodologies: Underpinnings of a Multidisciplinary Language Acquisition Project ................................................................................................................................. 98 3.1 Xaaydas Giinaa.ah Haida Ways of Being: Centering Indigenous Theories and Ways of Thinking ........................................................................................................ 98 3.1.1 Research is Ceremony .................................................................................. 101 3.1.2 Story is Theory ............................................................................................. 104 3.1.3 Restorying ..................................................................................................... 106 ix 3.1.4 Dreams and Visions ...................................................................................... 110 3.1.5 Additional Xaaydas Giinaa.ah Principles Underpinning this Research ..... 112 3.1.6 Haida Discipline Towards Mastery .............................................................. 114 3.1.7 Stl’inll Clever Hands: Putting it Together like Chinaay does ..................... 116 3.2 Seeking Wise Counsel: Interviewing the Elders .................................................... 119 3.2.1 Interviewing Methodology ............................................................................ 120 3.2.2 Interview Inquiry ........................................................................................... 123 3.2.3 Interview Transcription ................................................................................. 124 3.2.4 Engaging with Other Language Learners ..................................................... 125 3.2.5 Tawt’a the Box of Treasures as a Vessel to Respectfully Present and Hold this Data ............................................................................................................... 125 3.3 Language Revitalization ........................................................................................ 127 3.3.1 Language about Language ............................................................................ 127 3.3.2 Indigenous Language Revitalization (LR) ................................................... 129 3.4 Language Socialization and Second Language Acquisition .................................. 130 3.4.1 Affect ............................................................................................................ 136 3.4.2 Affect Theory in Second Language Acquisition (SLA) ............................... 138 3.5 Reversing Language Shift: Rationale for the Family Project ................................ 138 3.6 Embedded in Family: My Partners and Collaborators in this Work ..................... 146 3.7 Xaayda Kil Gud ad Kihlguul Speaking the Haida Language Together: Our Family Intergenerational Language Transmission Project ..................................................... 149 3.7.1 Methods: Indigenous Language Revitalization ............................................ 150 3.7.2 Methods: Second Language Acquisition (SLA) Principles ........................... 156 3.7.3 Xaayda kil gud ad kihlguul Speaking the Haida Language Together ....... 163 3.8 Chapter 3 Summary ............................................................................................... 173 Chapter 4 Gina K’aadang.nga Gii uu Tll K’anguudang Seeking Wise Counsel: Learning From the Elders ................................................................................................ 174 4.1 Ga K’aaya Kuuya isis the Precious Elders ......................................................... 174 4.1.1 GwaaGanad GiiahlGalang: Diane Brown’s Story .................................... 176 4.1.2 What Came Before: Growing up with XK (Childhood 1924-1949) ............ 182 4.1.2.1 Intertwined roots: Family Interconnections ................................... 182 4.1.2.2 XK Timeline .................................................................................. 184 4.1.2.3 Haida Langscape and a Social Way of Life .................................. 187 4.1.2.4 A Seasonal Life on the Land .......................................................... 188 4.2 A Changing Language scape: Haida Language Shift to English (1937 on) ........... 189 x 4.2.1 “Sibling Language Split” and Dating Language Shift ................................. 191 4.3 Factors for Language Shift: Elders' Perspectives ................................................... 197 4.3.1 Residential School ......................................................................................... 197 4.3.2 Indian Day School ......................................................................................... 198 4.3.3 Indian Agents and the Potlatch Ban ............................................................. 201 4.3.4 Impacts of the Indian Act on Haida Women ................................................. 202 4.3.5 Religion ........................................................................................................ 205 4.3.6 Stress of Ongoing Background Events: Influences on Language Transmission to the Next Generation .................................................................. 209 4.3.7 The Cultural Value of Social Group Inclusion ............................................. 212 4.3.8 Raising Their Own Children in English ....................................................... 213 4.4 Gina ’Waadluxan Gud ad Kwaagid Everything is Connected: Colonial Impacts on this Cohort on Language Transmission to Their Children ............................... 215 4.5 Awakening (1969 on) ............................................................................................ 222 4.5.1 Pole Raisings and Haida Culture Rising Up ................................................. 222 4.5.2 The Line at Lyell .......................................................................................... 225 4.5.3 The Two-week Immersion in Skidegate, and the Establishment of the Skidegate Haida Immersion Program .................................................................. 228 4.5.4 Weavers and Language Warriors ................................................................. 234 4.5.5 Reawakening the Language in Themselves ................................................. 235 4.6 Jiixa, Fluent Second-Language Learner ............................................................... 238 4.7 Conditions that Facilitated Elders learning XK as an L1 and Retaining Their Language .................................................................................................................... 239 4.7.1 Not going to Residential School, and Being on the Land ............................. 240 4.7.2 Speaking XK into Adolescence ..................................................................... 244 4.7.3 Xaayda Kil Daas LlGaayGa Ember Carriers of the Haida Language ....... 246 4.8 Advice and Guidance From the Elders .................................................................. 254 4.8.1 Ḵ’uust’an TlldaGaaw Unguu The Crab on Top of the Mountain .............. 254 4.8.2 Speaking Xaayda Kil is Important for Haida Identity .................................. 256 4.8.3 What does Fluency Mean to XK Fluent Speakers? ....................................... 259 4.8.4 What is Important for Learning and Teaching XK? ..................................... 260 4.8.5 Correction: Consideration of Learners’ Affect .............................................. 262 4.8.6 Challenges .................................................................................................... 267 4.8.7 Getting the Language to a “Safe Place” ........................................................ 268 4.8.8. The Power of the Ancestors and the Land Itself ......................................... 270 4.9 Chapter Four Summary: The Wisdom of the Elders ............................................. 276 xi 4.9.1 Ember Carriers are Language Refugia ......................................................... 276 4.9.2 The Challenge of K’uust’an TlldaGaaw Unguu the Crab on Top of the Mountain .............................................................................................................. 277 4.9.3 The Support from Kuuniisii Ancestors and the Land .................................. 278 4.9.4 Balancing These Teachings: An Affect Empowered to Learn XK .............. 279 Chapter 5 Phonology of Xaayda Kil Gud Ad Kihlguul Speaking the Haida language together: Our Family Intergenerational Language Transmission Project ....................... 281 5.1 Introduction: Documentation and Analysis of L2 Acquisition of XK .................. 281 5.1.1 Integrity of the language .............................................................................. 283 5.1.2 Orthographic Conventions ............................................................................ 285 5.2 Xaayda kil Syllabic Nuclei .................................................................................... 287 5.2.1 XK Core Vowels .......................................................................................... 289 5.2.2 XK Diphthongs ............................................................................................. 293 5.2.3 XK Syllabic Laterals .................................................................................... 296 5.2.4 XK Mid Vowels ........................................................................................... 299 5.3 Discussion: XK Syllabic Nuclei Perception and Production ................................ 301 5.4 Xaayda kil: the Consonants ................................................................................. 304 5.4.1 The Role of Place vs Manner vs Laryngeal Features ................................... 308 5.4.2 Methodology: Analysis of Intensive Language Periods (ILPs) ................... 310 5.4.3 Interaction of Ejection with Velar and Uvular Place in XK Stops ............... 313 5.4.4 Place Contrasts in Fricatives ........................................................................ 331 5.4.5 Observations on Fricatives vs Stops ............................................................ 340 5.4.6 Observations on Place Distinctions .............................................................. 341 5.5 Discussion: Phonological Acquisition Patterns in XK L2 Learning ...................... 342 5.5.1 Acquisition Challenges ................................................................................. 342 5.5.2 Individual Variation Within General Constraints ......................................... 343 5.5.3 Lexical vs. Systematic Learning Pathways .................................................. 345 5.5.4 Implications for XK Pedagogy ..................................................................... 346 5.6 Chapter Five Conclusion: K'uust'aanaay sGaanagwa the Supernatural Crab Finds Us ..................................................................................................................... 347 Chapter 6 XK Morphosyntax of Xaayda Kil Gud Ad Kihlguul Speaking the Haida Language Together .......................................................................................................... 348 6.1 Introduction and General Structure of Xaayda kil ................................................ 348 6.1.1 Conventions for Linguistic Analysis ........................................................... 349 xii 6.1.2 A Polysynthetic Language ............................................................................ 350 6.2 XK Word Order ..................................................................................................... 351 6.2.1 XK Word Order introduction ....................................................................... 351 6.2.2 Learner Trajectories in Word Order ............................................................. 358 6.2.2.1 Participant: dawGanGa (age 7-8) ................................................ 359 6.2.2.2 Participant: k’waayGa (age 10) ..................................................... 367 6.2.2.3 Participant: Gung.Ga (age 48-49) .................................................. 380 6.2.2.4 Participant: awGa (age 39-40) ....................................................... 389 6.2.3 Learner Trajectories: Key Findings and Discussion ............................. 399 6.3 Initial exploration: Morphological Cross-Domani Synthesis and Analysis ........... 402 6.3.1 Developmental Patterns Across Participants ................................................ 402 6.3.1.1 Threshold Effects Leading to Breakthrough ................................. 402 6.3.1.2 Breakthrough ................................................................................. 406 6.3.1.3 Non-Linear Development: Breakthrough, Consolidation, and Developmental Fluctuation Cycles .......................................................... 409 6.3.1.4 Formulaic Scaffolding: Memorized Chunks as Grammatical Foundation ............................................................................................... 411 6.4 Recommendations ................................................................................................. 414 6.4.1 Develop and Invest in the Language Learner Community ........................... 414 6.4.2 Define Levels of Language Ability in Culturally Engaging Frameworks .... 414 6.4.3 Set the Conditions for Breakthrough ............................................................ 416 6.5 Chapter Six Conclusion ......................................................................................... 425 Chapter 7 Conclusions: The Pursuit of Knowledge for the Cause of Xaayda kil ......... 426 7.1 Introduction: Language as Survival ....................................................................... 426 7.2 Understanding the Past: Why XK Language Shift Occurred ................................ 427 7.2.1 The Forces of Change ................................................................................... 427 7.2.2 Restorying the Narrative: From "Linguistic Suicide" to Ember Carriers ..... 428 7.2.3 Conditions for Language Continuity ............................................................ 429 7.3 Learning from the Elders: Guidance for the Future .............................................. 430 7.3.1 The Supernatural Crab's Urgency ................................................................. 430 7.3.1.1 K’uust’an TlldaGaaw Unguu The Supernatural Crab in Learners’ Dreams and Visions ................................................................ 431 7.3.2 Elder Wisdom: Definitions of Fluency and Advice for Teaching ................ 434 7.3.3 Spiritual Foundations for Language Learning .............................................. 436 7.4 Stl’inll Clever Hands: A Multidisciplinary Approach .......................................... 437 xiii 7.5 Xaayda kil gud ad kihlguul Speaking the Haida language together: Living the Research ..................................................................................................................... 437 7.5.1 Achievements and Breakthroughs ................................................................ 437 7.5.2 Challenges and Lessons ................................................................................ 439 7.5.3 Linguistic Findings: Characteristics of Xaayda kil Acquisition ................. 440 7.5.3.1 Phonological Patterns .................................................................... 441 7.5.3.2 Morphosyntactic Development .................................................... .442 7.6 Contributions ......................................................................................................... 444 7.7 Future Directions ................................................................................................... 446 7.8 Recommendations for Language Revitalization: Small but Consistent Steps ...... 447 7.9 Chapter Seven Conclusion: The Continuum of Xaayda Kil Daas LlGaayGa Ember Carriers of the Haida Language .................................................................... 449 References ......................................................................................................................... 451 Appendices ........................................................................................................................ 466 Appendix A. Orthographies for Xaad kíl/Xaayda kil ................................................ 466 Appendix B. Letter of Informed Consent for Elders for Interviews ........................... 467 Appendix C. Interview Schedule for Elders ................................................................ 472 Appendix D. Two Examples of Xaayda kil Games ................................................... 473 Appendix E. Examples of Xaayda kil Learning Resources from SHIP ..................... 476 Appendix F. Conventions, Abbreviations and Terminology Used .............................. 483 xiv List of Tables Table 3.1 Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale GIDS (from Fishman’s 1991 book, Reversing Language Shift). Text in the first four columns are from Fishman 1991 pages 87-111; the fifth column summarizes the present author's [SCS] assessment of Xaayda Kil's status with respect to each Stage ......................................................................... 141 Table 3.2 Terms of Reference for Participants in Xaayda kil gud ad kihlguul Speaking the Haida Language Together Family Immersion Program ........................................ 163 Table 3.3 Example of Daily Schedule in ILP7 Friday, April 3, 2020 ........................... 166 Table 3.4 Template of Analytical Framework Boxes (AFB) for Linguistic Analysis .. 170 Table 3.5 An Example of Data in an Analytical Framework Box ................................. 171 Table 5.1 Vowel Chart – Location in the “Vowel Space” of the Mouth ....................... 287 Table 5.2 XK Syllable Nuclei with English Correlates ................................................. 289 Table 5.3a Results: Core Vowel Distinctions (at ILP1 July 1, 2019) .......................... 290 Table 5.3b Glossary of XK words in Table 5.3a: Core Vowel Distinctions ............... 291 Table 5.4a Results: XK Diphthong Distinctions (at ILP1 July 1, 2019) ...................... 293 Table 5.4b Glossary of XK Words in Table 5.4a Diphthong Distinctions .................. 294 Table 5.4c Phonological Distribution of Diphthongs in XK compared with Canadian English ........................................................................................................................... 295 Table 5.4d Conflicting Phonological constraints between English and XK .................. 295 Table 5.5 XK Lateral Consonant Distinctions .............................................................. 297 Table 5.6 XK Syllabic Lateral Nuclei Distinctions ....................................................... 297 Table 5.7 Results: Initial Syllabic Lateral Distinctions (ILP1 July 1, 2019) ............... 298 Table 5.8 XK Mid Vowel Distinctions: Marginal / Infrequent .................................... 299 xv Table 5.9 Results: Mid Vowel Distinctions at outset (by ILP1 July 1, 2019) ............. 300 Table 5.10 Results: Mid Vowel Distinctions at end of project (by ILP8 May 31, 2020) ............................................................................................................................. 301 Table 5.11 Articulatory Chart of the Xaayda kil Consonant Inventory ......................... 304 Table 5.12 Articulatory Chart of the English Consonant Inventory .............................. 305 Table 5.13 Data Example: awGa ILP1-4-8 Target: Uvular Place ............................... 311 Table 5.14.a dawGanGa ILP1 Velar Obstruents .......................................................... 313 Table 5.14.b dawGanGa ILP1 Uvular Obstruents ....................................................... 313 Table 5.14.c dawGanGa ILP4 Velar Obstruents .......................................................... 315 Table 5.14.d dawGanGa ILP4 Uvular Obstruents ....................................................... 315 Table 5.14.e dawGanGa ILP8 Velar Obstruents .......................................................... 317 Table 5.14.f dawGanGa ILP8 Uvular Obstruents ........................................................ 317 Table 5.15.a k’waayGa ILP1 Velar Obstruents ........................................................... 318 Table 5.15.b k’waayGa ILP1 Uvular Obstruents ......................................................... 318 Table 5.15.c k’waayGa ILP4 Velar Obstruents ........................................................... 319 Table 5.15.d k’waayGa ILP4 Uvular Obstruents ......................................................... 319 Table 5.15.e k’waayGa ILP8 Velar Obstruents ........................................................... 321 Table 5.15.f k’waayGa ILP8 Uvular Obstruents ......................................................... 321 Table 5.16.a Gung.Ga ILP1 Velar Obstruents ............................................................. 323 Table 5.16.b Gung.Ga ILP1 Uvular Obstruents ........................................................... 323 Table 5.16.c Gung.Ga ILP4 Velar Obstruents ............................................................. 324 Table 5.16.d Gung.Ga ILP4 Uvular Obstruents ........................................................... 324 Table 5.16.e Gung.Ga ILP8 Velar Obstruents ............................................................. 325 Table 5.16.f Gung.Ga ILP8 Uvular Obstruents ........................................................... 325 Table 5.17.a awGa ILP1 Velar Obstruents ................................................................... 327 Table 5.17.b awGa ILP1 Uvular Obstruents ................................................................ 327 Table 5.17.c awGa ILP4 Velar Obstruents ................................................................... 328 Table 5.17.d awGa ILP4 Uvular Obstruents ................................................................ 328 Table 5.17.e awGa ILP8 Velar Obstruents ................................................................... 329 xvi Table 5.17.f awGa ILP8 Uvular Obstruents ................................................................. 329 Table 5.18.a dawGanGa ILP1 Velar vs Uvular vs Laryngeal Fricatives .................... 331 Table 5.18.b dawGanGa ILP1 Coronal vs Lateral vs Velar Fricatives ....................... 331 Table 5.18.c dawGanGa ILP4 Velar vs Uvular vs Laryngeal Fricatives .................... 332 Table 5.18.d dawGanGa ILP4 Coronal vs Lateral vs Velar Fricatives ....................... 332 Table 5.18.e dawGanGa ILP8 Velar vs Uvular vs Laryngeal Fricatives .................... 333 Table 5.18.f dawGanGa ILP8 Coronal vs Lateral vs Velar Fricatives ......................... 333 Table 5.19.a k’waayGa ILP1 Velar vs Uvular vs Laryngeal Fricatives ...................... 334 Table 5.19.b k’waayGa ILP1 Coronal vs Lateral vs Velar Fricatives ......................... 334 Table 5.19.c k’waayGa ILP4 Velar vs Uvular vs Laryngeal Fricatives ...................... 334 Table 5.19.d k’waayGa ILP4 Coronal vs Lateral vs Velar Fricatives ......................... 334 Table 5.19.e k’waayGa ILP8 Velar vs Uvular vs Laryngeal Fricatives ...................... 335 Table 5.19.f k’waayGa ILP8 Coronal vs Lateral vs Velar Fricatives ......................... 335 Table 5.20.a Gung.Ga ILP1 Velar vs Uvular vs Laryngeal Fricatives ........................ 336 Table 5.20.b Gung.Ga ILP1 Coronal vs Lateral vs Velar Fricatives ........................... 336 Table 5.20.c Gung.Ga ILP4 Velar vs Uvular vs Laryngeal Fricatives ........................ 336 Table 5.20.d Gung.Ga ILP4 Coronal vs Lateral vs Velar Fricatives ........................... 336 Table 5.20.e Gung.Ga ILP8 Velar vs Uvular vs Laryngeal Fricatives ........................ 337 Table 5.20.f Gung.Ga ILP8 Coronal vs Lateral vs Velar Fricatives ........................... 337 Table 5.21.a awGa ILP1 Velar vs Uvular vs Laryngeal Fricatives ............................. 338 Table 5.21.b awGa ILP1 Coronal vs Lateral vs Velar Fricatives ................................ 338 Table 5.21.c awGa ILP4 Velar vs Uvular vs Laryngeal Fricatives ............................. 339 Table 5.21.d awGa ILP4 Coronal vs Lateral vs Velar Fricatives ................................ 339 Table 5.21.e awGa ILP8 Velar vs Uvular vs Laryngeal Fricatives ............................. 339 Table 5.21.f awGa ILP8 Coronal vs Lateral vs Velar Fricatives ................................. 339 xvii List of Figures Figure 1.1 Haida Gwaii from space. Source: National Aeronautics and Space Administration, Space Transportation System Endeavour (National Aeronautics and Space Administration 2000) ................................................................................................ 5 Figure 1.2 Key locations referenced in this Thesis in a Map of Haida Gwaii. Map created by Kil Hltaanuwaay Tayler Brown, 2025 ............................................................................ 7 Figure 1.3 “Smallpox.” Painting by Bill Reid, 1965. With permission from the Bill Reid Estate ................................................................................................................................. 17 Figure 1.4 Haida Migration between 1876-1897. From Henderson 1974, 309 ................. 22 Figure 2.1 Ildagwaay Bea Harley, Ganhlaans, and myself at FPCC Mentor-Apprentice training workshop in Richmond, B.C., in 2009. Photo courtesy of First Peoples’ Cultural Council .............................................................................................................................. 54 Figure 2.2 GwaaGanad and myself, Kihlgula Gaay.ya, at a typical work session at GwaaGanad’s home during the author’s research for this thesis. Photo credit: Jaada Sk’aadGadas Tara Cullis ................................................................................................. 56 Figure 2.3 Three examples of XK books in the GidGalang Xaayda Kil Sk’aadGa Dii Children Learning the Haida Language book series (2011-2017) ................................... 86 Figure 2.4 Xaayda kil Kihl Kunsda Jaa.adaay Beginning to Speak the Haida Language Women, at their 2016 Development Standard Term Certificate (DSTC) graduation ceremony at the Kay Haida Heritage Center. Photo by Kihlgula Gaay.ya ..................... 90 Figure 2.5 ’Laana DaaGang.nga Swan Bay Rediscovery XK Family camp, July 2016. Photo by Kihlgula Gaay.ya .............................................................................................. 94 Figure 3.1 The Indigenous Research Agenda, (Figure 6.2 in Decolonizing Methodologies (Smith 2012, 121) ............................................................................................................ 100 Figure 3.2 The Transdisciplinary Framework: The Multifaceted Nature of Language Learning and Teaching. The Douglas Fir Group 2016, 25 “An integrated representation of the multilayered complexity of L2 learning” (The Douglas Fir Group 2016, 24) ...... 134 Figure 3.3 Id hltaaxuulang our family at Ganhlaans Kerouard Islands in 2021: Gudt’aawt’is (father), Tiisaan (son, 9 yrs), Ganxwad (grandfather), Ganhlaans (son, 12 yrs), GwaaGanad (grandmother), Kihlgula Gaay.ya (mother). Photo by Niisii Guujaaw ......................................................................................................................... 146 Figure 3.4 “Tawskin” action figures created by the children during language sessions ... 156 xviii Figure 3.5 Hlk’yaan k’uust’aan, giinuu dang íijii? Frog, where are you? Wordless picture book, by Mercer Mayer 1969. Cover and first image ......................................... 168 Figure 4.1 K’uust’an TlldaGaaw unguu The Supernatural Crab On Top of the Mountain, crest and symbol of the Skidegate Haida Immersion Program. Design by Gitkinjuwas/GiitsGaa Ron Wilson ................................................................................ 254 Figure 4.2 Language shift pressures and conditions on this L1 XK cohort during their parenting years circa 1946-1967, preventing them from XK language transmission to their children), examined within the Douglas Fir Group Framework (2016) .......................... 217 Figure 6.1 Example of a Potential Framework for Language Levels Names. Drawing in pen by Kihlgula Gaay.ya ............................................................................................... 415 xix List of Tawt’a (Bentwood Boxes) Tawt’a 4.1 Ga K’aaya kuuya isis the Precious Elders interviewed for this project. Haida names, English names, initials and date of birth ................................................... 174 Tawt’a 4.2a Xaayda kil/Xaad kíl Timeline, 1720-1960s ............................................... 185 Tawt’a 4.2b Xaayda kil/Xaad kíl Timeline, 1969-2025 ................................................. 186 Tawt’a 4.3 What is important for learning and teaching XK? Advice from the Elders ... 261 xx List of Abbreviations1 AFB Analytical Framework Box AK Alaska CG Constricted Glottis CHN Council of the Haida Nation DetD Determiner (Definitive) FWAY Frog, Where Are You? (wordless book used to elicit storytelling) ILP Intensive Language Period L1 First Language L2 Second Language LR Language Revitalization MAP Master/Mentor Apprentice Program NAPA North American Phonetic Alphabet O Old Massett Villag O/Obj Object ObjPro Object Pronoun RLS Reversing Language Shift S Skidegate Village SHIP Skidegate Haida Immersion Program SLA Second Language Acquisition S/Subj Subject SubjPro Subject Pronoun 1 See Appendix F for a complete list of linguistic conventions, abbreviations and terminology used in morpho-syntactic analysis (in Analytical Framework Boxes) xxi V Verb Vi Intransitive Verb Vtr Transitive Verb XK Xaad kíl/Xaayda kil The Haida Language XKN Xaad kíl Nee the Haida Language Office xxii A Note about Using Xaayda kil/ Xaad kíl the Haida Language and Xaayda kil/ Xaad kíl Names There are three dialects of the Haida language isolate that are used today: 1) a northern dialect used in K’íis Xaat’áay Tlagáay Land of the Alaskan Haidas Hydaburg and Ketchikan called Xaad kíl (reference to dialect abbreviated as AK); 2) a northern dialect used in Gaw Tlagée Old Massett also called Xaad kíl, and with similarities to the Alaskan dialect (reference to dialect abbreviated as OM); and 3) a Southern dialect used in HlGaagilda Skidegate called Xaayda kil (referenced to dialect abbreviated as S). I will refer to the Haida language as Xaad kíl/Xaayda kil Haida language, abbreviated as XK. My research is focused on Xaayda kil, the Southern or Skidegate dialect of Haida, the dialect of the research family, therefore this is the default dialect used. Throughout this thesis I will use the term Xaayda kil towards the goal of language revitalization and for its inherent invocational power. I use XK words throughout to disrupt English framing of that which is inherently Xaayda Haida, using the words and spelling in the SHIP Glossary (2021). Following the practice of the Council of the Haida Nation and the Haida Gwaii Museum, I will use the Haida word or name, followed by English translation in italics. I have put Haida words in bold to help navigate the multi-lingual aspect of this dissertation. Places and people often have several names. In this dissertation, I use the Haida names for places and for people where I can (either in SHIP orthography or in the orthography of their choice). However English names are used in some cases of quotes to remain true to original uses of names. Where translations are available, and in the first case of use, I include English translations, once again in italics, following the practice by the Council of the Haida Nation and xxiii Haida Gwaii Museum. Some often-used names: Xaad kíl (OM, AK)/Xaayda kil (S) Haida language as the language in general is abbreviated as XK Xaad kíl Haida language is the Old Massett dialect (abbreviated as O) Xaad kíl Haida language is also the K’íis Xaat’áay Tlagáay Alaskan dialect (abbreviated as AK) Xaayda kil Haida language is the Skidegate or Southern Dialect (abbreviated as S) HlGaagilda Becoming Stone is the original Xaayda kil name for the Village of Skidegate (S. Wilson 1974) Gaw Tlagée is the Xaad kíl name for the Village of Old Massett HlGaagilda Xaayda Kil Naay Skidegate Haida Language House is the Haida name for the Skidegate Haida Immersion Program (abbreviated as SHIP) xxiv Acknowledgements Ga K'aaya kuuya isis the precious Elders have carried the flame of Xaayda kil/Xaad kíl and provided incredible guidance throughout my life and this work. I am deeply grateful to Cheexial Miles Richardson Sr. and Jaadsangkinhlya Ada Yovanovich for adopting me as family when I was a child, and starting me on my (language) journey. To Gaahlaay Watson Pryce for welcoming me to the family also, and giving me the name Nang Gam Skisdll Gangs at Chief Skidegate Dempsey’s house. I treasure the time that Ildagwaay Dr. Bea Harley spent with me and my children through our Mentor-Apprentice program, and the time that Judson and I had with Niis Waan Dr. Harvey Williams. I am grateful to Gaayinguuhlas Dr. Roy Jones Sr. and Yang K'aalas Dr. Grace Jones for working with me too. I am deeply grateful for and inspired by GwaaGanad Dr. Diane Brown: to be mentored by you and collaborate with you on Haida language has been one of the greatest honours of my life. I cherish our research year of daily work together. Haawa for the countless hours with me in this work, and your endless support. It has been a true honour to apprentice with my academic mentor, Dr. Patricia Shaw. Your commitment to Indigenous communities as a linguist and academic is inspiring and important. I am so deeply grateful for the hours of work, collaboration, rigour and support. Haawa to my committee members Dr. Patsy Duff, Dr. Bernard Perley, and Dr. Wade Davis for their support of my research and family, your patience, and all the good work you do in this world. I am grateful to the Vanier Scholarship and UBC's Public Scholar Initiative for funding support, and for recognizing the significance of Indigenous Language revitalization. xxv I want to acknowledge Taa.uu ’Yuuwans Nika Collison and Dr. Jaskwaan Bedard for the seminal exhibition and book That Which Makes Us Haida—an incredible resource for language learners that keeps us close to Elders who have passed. This thesis is the result of my relationships and a beautiful language community I am humbled to be part of. Haw'aa to Sdaahl K'awaas Dr. Lucy Bell and Dr. Jaskwaan Bedard for paving the way, and for your beautiful work and research. Haawa to Taa.uu ’Yuuwans Nika Collison for investing in me with your time, feedback and insight! Haawa to my clan sister Nang Kuuyas Jenn Dysart for your partnership in our work with the language. And profound gratitude to my brother Luu Gaahlandaay Kevin Borserio, for always being there for me in my language work and journey, ready at any time of day with any language question. I am grateful for conversations, community and support during my research with new speakers and learners Dr. Jaskwaan Bedard, Jaalen Edenshaw, Dr. chuutsqa Layla Rorick, Jaasaljuus Yakgujanaas and dii nang, Gudt’aawt’is Judson Brown. Haawa to ‘Yaanahuu Geoff Horner for your work on the data library which showed me the potential of databases, to Kuuhlaanuu Billy Yovanovich for the tawt’a bentwood box design, to Kil Hltaanuwaay Tayler Brown for creating my very own map of Haida Gwaii, and to Kaaydawaay InGaajuu Tauren Collinson for excellent work transcribing linguistic data. Haawa also to Liam Romas for kindness at the 11th hour. Thank you to my dear hltaaxulang friends and relatives who stood with me in times of doubt, especially my sister Jaada HlGaawjuus Sarika. To my fire sisters Helen Haig-Brown and Erin Reid, and my dear Sue von der Porten: you witnessed and helped me through it. To my dear parents and greatest inspiration Jaad Ga Sk’aadGadas Tara and Sgiing.ala David, thank you for instilling activism and excellence in all that I do. xxvi Finally, my Haida family members are first, the reason for this work, second, my collaborators in the work, and third, my support through this massive endeavor. I am profoundly grateful for their partnership, dedication and love. GwaaGanad and Ganxwad: may you feel satisfaction in knowing what a big impact you have made on our lives. Gudt'aawt'is: haawa, dii nang. DaanGuhlGang.nga dii gii da tllGad gan. Dang Ga dii k’uuga gii gang. Ganhlaans and Tiisaan: you continue to astound me. What a blessing to be your parents. Thank you for believing in the language work and in me. xxvii Dedication In honour of the ember carriers who brought the language through the dark times. Dedicated to the new speakers of X̱aayda kil and X̱aad kíl. I have gathered this information thinking of Ganhlaans and Tiisaan, Xyaalaa and TangGuunaay; it is for all Haida who wish to understand why, currently, we speak English and not Haida on Haida Gwaii. And - how we can reverse it. I have written with all the detail possible, so that you have a trustworthy and clear foundation for understanding aspects of history and their impacts, for your own Xaayda kil/Xaad kíl language journey. I am so excited for how the language will speak through you, and where you will take it. 1 CHAPTER 1 Kaa ts’ii hla Come in – Introduction 1.1 Kihlgula Gaay.ya han uu dii KiiGa ga My Name is Good Speaker K’uuljaad Gaang.nga, Ladies held in high esteem, Kilslaay Gaang.nga, Chiefs, dii hltaaxuulang kuuya isis. my precious relatives/friends. Kihlgula Gaay.ya han uu dii kiiGa ga; dii uu kayxal ga. Good Speaker is my name; I am of the Raven side. 1996 Cheexial ’waahlGahl gen uu dii awGa ad dii jaasGa, hla asing ‘la kiiGada gan. At Cheexial’s potlatch in 1996, he adopted my mother and my sister and me. “Kihlgula Gaay.ya” han dii gii ‘la kiiGada gan. He gave me the name “Good Speaker”. Cheexial uu K’aadaasGa KiiGawaay Gan k’uula gan. Cheexial Miles Richardson Sr. was chief of the Wolf Raven clan of Tanu. Dii awGa uu “Jaad Ga sk’aadGadas” han kiiGa ga. England guu ll awGa ’la’d kiigan. My mother is named “Woman of Knowledge”. Her mother bore her in England. Dii xaadGa uu “Gyaagang” han kiiGa ga. Ll naanGa ad ll chinGa Japan sda uu ll iijan. My father is named “My Own”. His grandmother and grandfather came from Japan. K’aadaasGa KiiGawaay ad uu dii kiiGawa gan, gaayGaaGanuu Xaayda hltaaxulang dii Gan kwaan. I was adopted by the Wolf Ravens of Tanu, that is why I have a lot of Haida family. 2 Ga iihlingts’idas sding hll kii gan. dii tlaalGa Gudt’aawt’is uu ll Gung.Ga iijii. I bore two sons. My husband Gudt’aawt’is Judson Brown is their father. Kayahl ’laanas ad uu ll kiiGa ga. He is born with those at Kay (Ts’aahl clan). Id gidGalang uu Ganhlaans ad Tiisaan. Our children are Ganhlaans and Tiisaan. GwaaGanad uu dii jiiGu naanGa, ad Ganxwad uu dii kyaaGa íijii. My mother-in-law is Diane Brown, and my father-in-law is Dullskin Brown. Xaayda kil uu hll sk’aadGa dii ga. Id sda id gidGalang Xaayda kil sk’aadGa dii, I am learning the Haida language. From us, our children are learning the Haida language, gaayGaaGanuu Xaayda kil hll sk’aadGa dii. That is why I am learning the Haida language. Id gidGalang Xaayda kil gyaaging dii, Our children know the Haida language now, ’wagen ll gyaa gidGalang Xaayda kil ’la sda sk’aadGa xiidii ga. and then they will teach their children the Haida language. Asii ad dii guudang.ngaay ’yuuwan Guudsdll ga; GaayGaaganuu tloo hll ’waa dii. For this I am very proud; this is why I do what I do. 3 1.2 Language on Haida Gwaii Today On Haida Gwaii, for thousands of years, Xaayda kil/Xaad kíl has been the language of the Haida Nation. In the last 100 years, a language shift occurred, and English became the mainstream vernacular. Though the sentences that are the matrix for communication are in Yaatsxaayda kil iron people language (English), there are XK words that persist: haawa/haw’aa thank you, Nanaay/Naanii Grandmother, and Chinaay/Chini Grandfather. Haida children (and parents) use the words amma poo and chiigan pee when they need to go to the bathroom. Some of the middle aged and older generations use Haida verbs in English sentences, including: Giidaxa (S) to be embarrassed, daahlgid (S) to be pregnant, sguna (S) to be stinky. Expressions persist as common interjections throughout the generations: Awaay.yah! (S) For goodness’ sake! Hajadiiyah! (S) Alas! Xawlayay! (S) Tasty! The language shift on Haida Gwaii from Xaayda kil to English is now being reversed by a Haida language revitalization movement. It is a movement begun by Elders, and taken up with passion by younger generations. When I moved to HlGaagilda Skidegate, the Southern Haida village on Haida Gwaii in 2006, I joined my husband Gudt’aawt’is at Iitl’lxid Naay the House of Chiefs - the longhouse in front of the village. The Skidegate Dogfish Pole2 stood in front of it. Since 1998, HlGaagilda Xaayda Kil Naay Skidegate Haida Immersion Program (SHIP) has been housed in this beautiful building, where Elders document, record and teach Xaayda kil Haida language, Skidegate dialect. When I began to learn Xaayda kil at SHIP in 2006, it was well known to all that these Elders were the last speakers of the Skidegate dialect of Haida. But I did not know why they were the last, or the details of why these Elders spoke Xaayda kil when many of their contemporaries did not. 2 Carved by Iljuuwas Bill Reid, assisted by Guujaaw and Guud San Glans Robert Davidson; raised in 1978. 4 1.2.1 Dissertation Research Questions Since then, I have spent countless hours with Elders, focused on learning Xaayda kil (XK). I pursued learning XK to support my husband’s desire and birthright to speak it, to teach our children, and for a deep respect and love of the language itself. This dissertation seeks to understand the factors and conditions of the language shift that occurred on Haida Gwaii, to find and enact practical ways for reversing language shift. My research questions were the following: 1) What were the historical context and factors for the XK language shift that occurred in the 20th century? 2) What guidance do fluent Elders have for language learners in the 21st century? 3) What Xaaydas giinaa.ah Haida ways of being and cross-disciplinary methodologies can be used to inform and build conditions for XK language acquisition in a family’s one-year language program? 4) Following such a program, what are the characteristics of XK phonology acquisition for second-language learners? What are the characteristics of XK morphosyntax acquisition for second-language learners? And finally, 5) What learnings from this can be drawn to inform XK language revitalization on Haida Gwaii? This introductory chapter provides foundational information for the story of XK language revitalization. It introduces the Islands of Haida Gwaii (the geography and ecology), and outlines the recent history of colonization of Haida Gwaii and the impacts on the Haida Nation leading to the language shift to English in the 20th century. It also describes the trajectory of the last 100 years, from survival to cultural revitalization to political re-empowerment, in a journey 5 of defiance and strength in which Xaad kíl/Xaayda kil, the language of the Haida people, is essential. 1.3 Situating the Research: The Lands and Waters of Haida Gwaii Figure 1.1 Haida Gwaii from space. Source: National Aeronautics and Space Administration, Space Transportation System Endeavour. (National Aeronautics and Space Administration 2000) The Haida Nation was born out of the ocean on Haida Gwaii the Islands of the People, at least 13,000 years ago (Mathewes et al. 2019). Haida Gwaii was known originally as Xaaydla Gwaay.yaay to the Haida people (Enrico 1995b) translated as “Bringing out of concealment from the Supernatural Beings” (Williams-Davidson 2012, 6.2.3) Figure 1.1 above, shows the islands as viewed from the sky-world. In the early 1700s, some Haida emigrated from northern Haida Gwaii and established Haida communities on the Prince of Wales Island next to Tlingit territory (Swanton 1905a) (see 6 §1.4.1.1). Figure 1.2 is a map of Haida Gwaii and all the locations described in this thesis. Alaskan Haida communities persist today with their own dialect of Haida. But the waters and lands of Haida Gwaii is where Haida people continue to derive their existence, power, and place in the universe. Therefore, this exploration of Haida language will begin with a background in the lands and oceans of Haida Gwaii, and then progress to the human realm of Haida History. A fundamental principle of Xaaydas giinaa.ah Haida ways of being, is “gina ‘waadluxan gud ad kwaagid” everything is connected to everything else. This background and historical context are important to situate the recent and dramatic story of language shift of Xaayda kil/Xaad kíl to English within the last three generations. An exploration of the conditions surrounding the language shift is the focus of the interviews with Elders in Chapter 4. 7 Figure 1.2 Key locations for this Thesis in a Map of Haida Gwaii. Map created by Kil Hltaanuwaay Tayler Brown, 2025. 8 1.3.1 Ecological Description of Haida Gwaii The land and seascape have shaped the people and culture that arose from it. Haida Gwaii is an archipelago on the western edge of Canada’s continental shelf, 55 -125km off of the west coast of Northern British Columbia (B.C. Geographical Names Office3). Latitude and longitude are 53°14'59"N, 132°14'59"W at the approximate center of the islands (B.C. Geographical Names). It lies southwest of the Alaskan panhandle and is exposed to the Pacific Ocean; Figure 1.2 is a map with the main locations referred to in this thesis. The two main islands are Graham Island to the North, and Moresby Island to the South, which make up 90% of the 995,000 hectares land mass (Bevington et al. 2017). 350 islands and islets of all sizes are listed in BC’s Terrain Resource Information Management data. The morphology of the islands is due to tectonic and seismic uplift, glacier action in the last ice age, and river and ocean erosion and deposition (Barrie et al. 2005). With 540,000 ha of intact temperate rainforest, Haida Gwaii represents a significant portion of the remainder of the coastal temperate rainforest biome (Alaback and Pojar 1997). Within the coastal temperate rainforest biome, Haida Gwaii is a Western Hemlock bio geoclimatic zone in the Pacific Northwest Coastal Forest bioregion (Broadhead 2009). At low elevations, the closed coniferous forests are mostly composed of Western hemlock, Western red cedar, and Sitka spruce. Mountain forests support mountain hemlock, yellow-cedar and shore pine (Alaback and Pojar 1997). It is a wet and maritime environment, averaging four meters of annual rainfall4 (Council of the Haida Nation 2023) and a quarter of its land falls within one kilometer of the ocean with 3 https://apps.gov.bc.ca/pub/bcgnws/names/61561.html 4 See Bevington et al. 2017 for more nuanced discussion of rainfall. 9 no terrestrial location farther than 20 km from the coast (Broadhead 2009). The archipelago hosts a dynamic and diverse coastal geomorphology, creating a variety of beaches and marine ecosystems (Bevington et al. 2017). With a dramatic macrotidal range (highest recorded tide at the Queen Charlotte station 09850 is 8.15m (Government of Canada 2023)), intertidal ecosystems host abundant and diverse life, from eelgrass meadows in sheltered estuaries, to steep rock cliff faces pummeled by Westcoast weather. These marine habitats provide infrastructure to high biodiversity, and a source of abundance for Haida people. The commonly expressed Haida saying, “when the tide is out, the table is set”, indicates the rich marine life abundance that is a hallmark of Haida life. 1.3.2 Since Kalga Jaad Ice Woman – Geological Change When the great ice covered the continent, more lands emerged, revealing the tundra plains between here and the mainland. Our people hunted and lived there in that treeless landscape. They say that, later on, Kalga Jaad hovered in front of an ice field in the place that is now known as Skidegate Inlet. The Xagi Laanas clan found the first tree, a pine, and claimed it as their crest. (Guujaaw 2018, 7) The story of the Haidas and Haida Gwaii is one of geological change. The archipelago was not always as it looks today. The most recent glaciation was the Pleistocene glaciation which was at its maximum 21,000 radiocarbon years before present (BP)5 (Fedje et al. 2005a). Ice retreat occurred between 15,000 to 13,000 years before present (Barrie et al. 2005). The retreat of the ice resulted in dramatic rises and then falls in sea levels, due to global eustatic rise and isostatic shift and rebound from the ice (Barrie et al. 2005b; Fedje et al. 2005a). At 12 200 BP, 5 Dates are presented in BP - radiocarbon years before present. However, these are not the same as calendar years. See Radiocarbon Calibration Table in “A Note on Radiocabon Dating” (Fedje and Mathewes 2005, xxi) 10 southern Haida Gwaii sea level was at least 150 meters lower than today, and rose rapidly over the following 1000 years, rising above present levels by 9400 BP, stayed stable for 500 years before falling 10-15m (Fedje et al. 2005a). Since at least the retreat of the ice, Haida people have lived on Haida Gwaii, and they existed throughout these climactic, shoreline and corresponding flora and faunal shifts. Kilgii Gwaii Archaeological site in Gwaii Haanas has been a site of extensive archaeological study since 1991 (Mathewes et al. 2019; Orchard 2008). The site is currently intertidal; occupation occurred when the sea level was 1-3m lower than today (Fedje et al. 2005a). Using paleoenvironmental analyses including magnetic susceptibility, pollen, charcoal and macrofossils, and using charcoal as a proxy for human habitation in this hypermaritime site, Mathewes et al. (2019) establish human habitation at this site at 13,000 (calibrated) years before present. This is currently the oldest record of humans on Haida Gwaii, however it’s likely that habitation could be several thousand years earlier (Rolf Mathewes, Pers. Comm., July 2023). 1.4 Haida History 1.4.1 Old Haida History Haida oral tradition corresponds well with archaeological and geological histories, and gives western scientists accurate and dependable insight (Wilson and Harris 2005). History from Haida storytellers, as well as lithic fragments and signs on the lands and interpretations by archaeologists put together a picture of the past. The Haida Gwaii Museum has a permanent exhibition on archaeology produced in collaboration with archaeologists and Haida historians where different eras of Haida civilization are documented (Haida Gwaii Museum 2007). Viewing the old halibut hooks on display at the Haida Gwaii museum, Chief Niis Wes Ernie 11 Wilson told Jisgang Nika Collison a detailed account of “how we used to catch halibut before we had canoes.”6 The timing of his story is revealed by archeological sites with radiocarbon dating, and pollen and macrofossil evidence. Wilson and Harris (2005) discuss Raven Traveling stories as told by Walter and Tom Stevens to John Swanton in 1900; their k’aaygang.nga long ago stories indicate a time before trees (Wilson and Harris 2005). Haida place names also indicate geological history, and show the reach of oral history back in time thousands of years: place names such as Suu Kaahlii Lake Inlet indicate the memory of a time 12,200 years ago when sea levels were 150m lower than today, and what is now an inlet was once a lake (Collison and Steedman 2011). The ecosystems have transformed significantly over the past 15,000 years since Haidas began inhabiting Haida Gwaii. Between 15,000-12,000 BP vegetation on Haida Gwaii was treeless shrub tundra, with willow, heath shrubs, grasses and sedges (Lacourse and Mathewes 2005), a far cry from the giant cedar forests that we associate with Haida culture. Pollen and macrofaunal remains offer confirmation and contemporary timing to the Xagi ’Laanas story and crest (see Guujaaw’s 2018 text above) corroborating that Lodgepole pine was the first tree species to colonize the coast after deglaciation with pollen levels increasing abruptly at 12,500 BP followed by an expansion of coniferous forest (Lacourse and Mathewes 2005). The first evidence of cedar trees is 5800 years ago (Haida Gwaii Museum 2007), which also coincides with the appearance of stone tools and giant woodworking technology (Hebda and Mathewes 1984; Haida Gwaii Museum 2007). Not only were the weather, flora and fauna changing, but the main location of Haida life – the seashore – shifted throughout time. Between 5000 to 8000 BP sea levels were stable, but 6Collison, Pers. Comm. 2016. 12 15m above current sea levels. Haida Village site remains from this time period are all at 15m above current sea levels. This period and culture complex is called the Moresby Tradition (K. Fladmark 1989). Sea levels began to drop approximately 5000 years ago (Fedje et al. 2005a) and coincided with technological changes – use of microblades ebbs, and stone-ground tools begins (Mackie and Acheson 2005). This era and culture complex is termed the Graham Tradition (Fladmark 1989; Fladmark et al. 1990). Through their oral traditions and culture, Haidas have maintained a connection to these changes, and to the shifts in and changes through time. Elder GwaaGanad Diane Brown refers to the time when Haidas were new to Haida Gwaii and had crawled out of the water. “We were pitiful. We were cold, we were naked. We hadn’t learned how to live. The Supernaturals took pity on us” (GwaaGanad, Pers. Comm., 2023). Adaptation is a core strategy for survival, characterizing their deep history, and influencing the Haida approach to contemporary challenges, including with language. 1.4.2 Haida Migration to Prince of Wales Island Not long before contact, in the early 18th century, Haidas left the village of Daadens on Langara Island at the northwest corner of Haida Gwaii, and crossed the Hecate for Southeast Alaska. They established villages at Howkan, Sukwan, Klinkwan, Koiandlas, and Kasaan (Swanton 1905a; Krauss 1997). Ethnographer John Reed Swanton who visited in 1900-1901 posited that this occurred between 1720 and 1774, and possibly after contact with Europeans (88). Swanton suggested his simple theory on the reason for the expansion as being population based: It would appear that the people were increasing in numbers, and that this corner of the island was becoming over-populated. The Haida seem to have been moving in this 13 direction for generations, and the next step to Alaska was only a little greater than some of the previous ones. On clear days the mountains on Prince of Wales Island are plainly visible from any part of the northcoast of Graham Island. An occasion was the only thing needed to induce the people to move northward. (Swanton 1905a, 90) 1.4.3 New Haida History: A Brief Account of Colonial Events on Haida Gwaii 1.4.3.1 Arrival of the YaatsxaaydaGa Iron People In 1774 at the time of first contact with Europeans, the Haida population has been variously estimated at 14,500 individuals by archaeologists (Acheson 2005) and at 30,000 by Haida scholars (Collison and Steedman 2011). Aboard his ship, the Santiago, Juan Perez of Spain was the first European who made contact with people on Haida Gwaii, at Kiis Gwaay Langara Island in 1774 (Haida Gwaii Museum 2007). Sdaahl K’awaas Lucy Bell (2025) writes a beautiful, researched description of her Ancestor Chief Ganyaa and his wife Kuuta Xilslinga Aw coming to meet the people aboard Perez’s frigate, meeting, exchanging, and even befriending explorers; they would become friends with explorers Juan Perez and a carpenter aboard his ship, and later, English explorers Captain Douglas and George Dixon. Sdaahl K’awaas describes the early days of the maritime fur trade, highlighting the skill and agency of Haida people within the trade, and the powerful role of women (largely excised by white traders and explorers’ accounts) (Bell 2025, 80). Perez gave names to Haida Gwaii’s Cape Santa Margarita and the San Christoval Mountains, but believing that the archipelago was connected to the mainland, did not name the islands (Dalzell 1973). Englishman George Dixon, a few years later in 1787, named the archipelago, “the Queen Charlotte Islands” after his ship, the Queen Charlotte, which was named after Charlotte of Mecklenburg-Strelitz, wife of King George the Third of England (Walbran 1971). Not long before, in 1763, King George III had issued the Royal Proclamation that set out the guidelines for his people for colonization of North America. 14 It explicitly recognized Aboriginal Title, and that all land would be considered native land unless ceded by treaty (First Nations and Indigenous Studies 2009). 1.4.3.2 Resource Extraction and Conflict Haida people were skilled traders with other nations (Bedard 2009) up and down the westcoast and beyond. Immediately following contact, Haida began to trade sea otter pelts with the newcomers. In the trading years between 1774 and 1830 the Haida Nation thrived in trade, taking advantage of the expansion of economies that the Yaatsxaaydas Iron People offered (Bedard 2009). Shortly after the trading began however, the first smallpox epidemic began (Haida Gwaii Museum 2007; Boyd 1994). Waves of disease outbreaks were a part of the 150 years following contact - not only smallpox but also measles, influenza, tuberculosis, venereal disease, and whooping cough7 (Henderson 1974; Duff 1997). John Work’s survey in 1840 counted a population of 6693 (Dawson 1880, 173), and by 1870 Chittenden counted 1244-1286 (Chittenden 1884). These waves would culminate in the final, devastating smallpox epidemic of 1862-63 which reduced Haida population by over 95% (Bedard 2009); see the following section, 1.4.3.3 St’ii Kaa sickness walking. Trade and conflict were active in the closing decades of the 18th century and beginning half of the 19th century on Haida Gwaii. Both White and Haida blood was spilled in several violent conflicts. Some notable conflicts still remembered today involve Chief Koyah of Ninstints – in 1791 a disagreement with American Captain John Kendrick, resulting in the killing of 40 Haidas (Haida Gwaii Museum 2007). This resulted in years of retaliation by Koyah, and 7 Interestingly, the Spanish flu of 1918-1919 which significantly impacted communities on the Mainland did not impact the Haida significantly due to government enforced quarantine to ensure that there was no slowing down of spruce wood production for the war effort (Kelm 1999). 15 many attacks and slaughters (even of other Haida villages) borne out of thirst for revenge (Dalzell 1973). In 1794 Chief Koyah attacked and killed the crew on the schooner Resolution with support from some people of Cumshewa. The following year, Capt. John Boit’s ship the Union came into Koyah’s waters and was raided, causing the Union’s crew to open fire. The legendary chief was finally killed in this standoff (Dalzell 1973). These years of bloody conflict left a legacy of distrust and bitterness between Haidas and settlers (Dalzell 1973) and remain part of the shared history of today’s Islanders. The new ways of trading began to impact resources - by 1840 sea otters had been completely extirpated from Haida Gwaii (Sloan and Dick 2012; Haida Gwaii Museum 2007). Geologists, surveyors and prospectors began to arrive on the islands. The discovery of gold in 1851 on the northwest coast of Moresby Island led to the establishment of the Queen Charlotte Island as a British Colony (Dalzell 1973). A gold mine opened at Gold Harbour in Mitchell Inlet (in Englefield Bay), precipitating a rush of American vessels to Haida Gwaii. This American presence alarmed Hudson’s Bay officials, who sent word to James Douglas, the Governor of Vancouver Island in Victoria, to request Her Majesty the Queen in England to issue a “proclamation of possession,” and create a colony. Douglas sent a naval ship to be a presence to ward off American interests and survey the waters (Dalzell 1973). In the end the amounts of gold were insufficient for significant American interest, but due to this initial rush in 1851, the islands officially became the Colony of Queen Charlotte Islands under James Douglas as its Lieutenant Governor in 1853, and were absorbed into the Colony of British Columbia in 1858 (Dalzell 1973). 16 In 1850 the Hudson’s Bay Company set up a post at Fort Rupert, located on Kwaguʼł (one of the Kwakwaka’wakw peoples) territory on the east coast of the northern end of Vancouver Island; this significantly shifted power and trading dynamics on the entire coastline. Haida people traded extensively with the Fort. But in 1862 something changed in the trading dynamic between the Haida and Fort Rupert, and suddenly the Haida boycotted Fort Rupert and instead traveled to Fort Victoria to trade (Dick 2009). Kwakwaka’wakw knowledge holder and Hereditary Chief 'Walas G̱wa̱ʼya̱m Beau Dick recounted that 1200 canoes passed through Kwakwaka’wakw waters: Up until 1850, the waterways were pretty well controlled by the Kwakwaka’wakw but when the Hudson’s Bay Company moved into Fort Rupert all of a sudden things changed and there was a lot more traffic and at that time they witnessed this mass movement. It was not all in one group but smaller groups of eight, ten or a dozen canoes all from one clan I imagine. And they sang their paddling songs as they went by, but again a most amazing sight. They said you could see canoes coming from far up Queen Charlotte Sound and heading down Johnson Strait as far as the eye could see. (Dick 2009:21). Mining engineer Francis Poole came to Haida Gwaii in 1862, at the same time as a smallpox epidemic ravaged the mainland coast. On Haida Gwaii, Poole’s name is forever associated with the spread of the disease, having put ashore a sick sailor in 1862 as he explored for copper (Haida Gwaii Museum 2007; Swanky 2012; Council of the Haida Nation 2022). 17 1.4.3.3 St’ii Kaa Sickness Walking Figure 1.3 “Smallpox.” Painting by Iljuwas Bill Reid, 1965. With permission from the Bill Reid Estate Decimation by smallpox was a critical turning point in the story of colonization of Haida Nation, and for the Haida language and culture. Taken with the political backdrop and resource exploration and extraction by British Colonials, it is clear that the spread of smallpox was beneficial to colonial interests. The intentional use of biological warfare as a weapon for colonization is not a celebrated aspect of history of colonized nations, but has been documented in North America. In early days of colonization in 1763 at Fort Pitt, Pennsylvania, Colonel Henry Bouquet faced the combined forces of the Shawnee, Mingo and Delaware, and wrote to the British Commander-in-Chief of North America Sir Jeffrey Amherst, asking for help. On May 29th, 1762 Amherst wrote back, “Could it not be Contrived to Send the Small Pox among those Disaffected Tribes of Indians? … 18 We must, on this occasion, Use Every Stratagem in our power to Reduce them” (Flem-Ath and Flem-Ath 2009). Bouquet wrote back in agreement, “Some Blankets that may fall in their Hands, taking care however not to get the disease myself.” To which Amherst wrote back: “…P.S. You will Do well to try to Innoculate the Indians by means of Blankets, as well as to try Every other method that can serve to Extirpate this Execrable Race. I should be very glad your Scheme for hunting them Down by Dogs could take effect” (Flem-Ath and Flem-Ath 2009), courtesy of Ward Churchill). The smallpox outbreak and subsequent epidemic that ensued ended the siege at Fort Pitt, and began to turn the tide for European colonization in North America (Flem-Ath and Flem-Ath 2009). Smallpox came to Haida Gwaii in 1862 not only through miner Francis Poole; the 1862 epidemic in British Columbia had its origins in an outbreak in San Francisco that became evident only after the steamship Brother Jonathan had left on March 11, carrying the disease first to Seattle, where authorities identified the disease and immediately began vaccination and quarantine initiatives which contained it (Flem-Ath and Flem-Ath 2009). It then continued on to Fort Victoria, landing on March 13th. By this time Fort Victoria had increased in size due to gold rushes, and half of the population was native. Native encampments of “Northerners” – Indigenous nations from the north who had come to trade, including Haidas – were on the outskirts of the town; the Haidas occupied what is now called Ogden Point in Victoria’s Inner Harbour, where the coast guard of Victoria is located. By March 18th, the first case of smallpox was discovered, and on March 26th James Douglas, the colony’s Governor General asked the 9-member House of Assembly for funds for bold quarantine measures. By this time, a vaccine for smallpox had existed since 1796 (discovered by Edward Jenner), and England had implemented a Vaccination Act in 1840 which required all infants to 19 be inoculated against smallpox (Flem-Ath and Flem-Ath 2009). Vaccination and quarantine were well-established successful practices in England for containing the disease. But two members of the House opposed the motion: Doctors Tolmie and Helmcken. Both men also worked for the Hudson’s Bay Company. In late March, Dr. Helmcken vaccinated members of the Songhees Nation, and this saved many lives; but vaccination was not administered to the northerners (Flem-Ath and Flem-Ath 2009; Bedard 2009). The Songhees were encouraged to move to Discovery Island to protect themselves from the disease rampant in the northern encampments. By late April the epidemic was rampant amongst the encampments, and on April 30th all First Nations (save the Songhees, isolated on Discovery Island) were ordered to leave the area. Earlier in the month, when smallpox was found in their camp, Haidas had left Ogden Point for Cadboro Bay; on May 11 Police Commissioner Pemberton arrived with gunboats and forced them to leave. Haidas left on 25 canoes to paddle northward to Haida Gwaii (Flem-Ath and Flem-Ath 2009). Their 1862 journey home had major consequences, for other nations and for Haida Gwaii, as the disease was carried aboard their canoes. Musgamakw Dzawada’enuxw hereditary chief 'Walas Gwa’yam Beau Dick grew up in Alert Bay hearing history about the smallpox epidemic and its impacts on the Haida from his uncle Jimmy Dawson, who kept the stories of 'Walas Gwa’yam’s great-grandfather Kakab (Dick 2009). As a young man living in Mimquimlees village on Village Island, Kakab befriended and helped a white topographer named George T. Dawson. Dawson had been hired by James Douglas to help map the unknown coastline they were laying claim to. Kakab had high standing in the Kwakwaka’wakw community, and his friendship gave protection to Dawson. In return, Dawson taught him to read, write and do arithmetic, which gave Kakab an advantage over others, as few native people had possession of this knowledge at that time. 20 Dawson continued north, mapping the coast, but would periodically return to Village Island to visit his friend, Kakab. In 1862, after the 1200 Haida canoes had passed through Kwakwaka’wakw waters, Dawson returned to visit, and Kakab told him about the canoes. Everyone was still talking about the group of Haida and Dawson told my great-grandfather to stay away from them when they returned from Victoria and of course Kakab asked him why? Dawson said they would all be sick and embarrassingly told him that he knew first hand that the government he worked for — that James Douglas and the Hudson’s Bay Company were holding hands, as he described it — and they had a plan to distribute smallpox infested blankets amongst the Haida in the hopes that they would spread this disease to all the other tribes on the coast on their way home. (Dick 2009). This plan was part of the colonial project of controlling the coast (Dick 2009). Based on his research, Walas Gwa’yam calculated that prior to the smallpox devastation of 1862-63, the Haida population was approximately 14,000 (Dick 2009). This was already after a series of epidemics since first contact, but the nation was still strong prior to this final epidemic. By the turn of the century there were approximately 600 Haida souls on Haida Gwaii (Dick 2009). When, a few months later, Haida canoes did indeed arrive in Kwakwaka’wakw waters they were directed to land at what is now called Bones Bay: The twenty-four canoes that did show up were escorted between Hanson Island and Craigcroft Island down Barnet Pass to a place that is now known as Bones Bay, for obvious reasons. Chiefs have suggested and through other stories that this place had been used prior to that quarantine for our people who had got ill and to save everybody else they were sent there because there is running water. When the Haida arrived they were escorted there and told to stay away from us, most of them were dying and they were given provisions in the form of food and dry wood and they were left to die there in peace. (Dick 2009:21) Kwakwaka’wakw people were grateful to George T. Dawson for warning them, and Kakab took his name when he registered with the white people, as well as several others taking the Dawson family name; this is the origin of the Dawsons in Alert Bay today (Dick 2009). 21 This smallpox epidemic devastated the Haida population. In 1904 the population of Old Massett and Skidegate was 587 (Bedard 2009); taking Walas Gwa’yam’s estimate of Haida population of 14,000 prior to 1862, the population was reduced by this epidemic by over 95%. In May of 2008, Walas Gwa’yam held a ceremony in Bones Bay, taking two boats of Kwakwaka’wakw and Haida people to the place where these Ancestors died. There, they raised a plaque and burned food for the Ancestors. That night the Kwakwaka’wakw held a feast for them in the ¢Yelis Alert Bay Big House. The following day they raised the Memorial Pole carved by Walas Gwa’yam and his Haida apprentice Ta'kiid Aayaa Gifted Carver Corey Bulpitt, and conducted end of mourning ceremonies in the Big House that night (Bedard 2009). This story and Haida visit to Alert Bay in 2009 is the subject of the 2009 Haida Laas Journal special newsletter. 1.4.3.4 Missionaries As Haida populations collapsed, survivors were forced to leave their villages. Survivors in villages on Moresby Island migrated northward; Haidas eventually consolidated and stabilized in the villages of Skidegate and Old Massett around Christian Missions (Henderson 1974; Blackman 1977). Figure 1.4 shows the migration and consolidation routes from 1876-1897. 22 Figure 1.4 Haida Migration between 1876 – 1897. From “Missionary Influences on the Haida Settlement and Subsistence Patterns, 1876-1920.” Henderson 1974, 309. On the mainland, the British North American Act in 1867 had founded Canada, and British Columbia joined confederation on July 20, 1871 (Legislative Assembly of British Columbia 2023). Missionaries became a key strategy in the colonizing of lands; in 1863 St. Mary’s school in Mission opened, the first Indian residential school in B.C. (Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada 2016). In 1876 the Indian Act was established as law, consolidating all laws pertaining to Indigenous people in Canada (Hanson 2009). That same 23 year the first missionary, Reverend Collison was sent from Metlakatla and arrived on Haida Gwaii to start an Anglican Mission at Gaw Tlagée (Henderson 1974). The following year Skidegate received a visit from Collison, and the people of Skidegate asked the church for their own missionary. Their requests went unanswered by the Anglicans, but were answered by the Methodists. See Henderson (1974) for details on Missionary Influences on the Haida Settlement from 1876-1920. In 1884 the Indian Act was amended to include a potlatch ban; this, in tandem with the rise of the power of the Indian Agents and the missionaries, was a huge shift for Haida people to adapt to (Haida Gwaii Museum 2007). Impacts on women were significant, as women and their children lost Indian status if they married a white man (Hanson 2009). Overall impacts on First Nations in British Columbia are summarized in the book, ”Impacts of the White Man“ (Duff 1997). In the early days of their mission work missionaries took great pains to help the people, reeling after the smallpox devastation (1862-63), migrations, and vast social change. Rev. Collison was preoccupied with helping the community, and failed to get Haidas to abandon their cultural practices (including raising poles and potlatching) (Henderson 1974; Blackman 1977). However, after the establishment of the Indian Act, the next wave of missionaries had the law as a tool of enforcement. A pole raising in 1890 became the last, at which the host was arrested after the raising (Blackman 1977). In 1883 the zealous Rev. Harrison baptized Haidas in Old Massett, thus beginning a deep bifurcation of spiritual allegiance, as well as confusing lineage identification in the Haida matrilineal society as English name-giving was done according to paternal lines (Haida Gwaii Museum 2007). Missionaries became very powerful in the 24 communities and were feared by Haida people in the 20th century.8 The influence of the missionary teachings had a big impact on Haida society, and many Haidas became Christian, following instructions on how to go to Heaven and sometimes even contributing to the destruction of Haida culture and practices: This village here [Old Massett], right from the way down this end of the town right through here, totem poles. A lot of them. In my time. And up in the other village, same way. Missionary says, “if they don’t get rid of these totem poles, you’ll never go to heaven.” That’s what the minister told the Indians. So they want all the Indians get together, cut all the totem poles down, and burn them up. Cut them all down, cut them in oh, about oh, four-foot lengths. Something you can lift. And cut them all up and split them. And make big fire, and burn them. I used to help too, I wanted to go to heaven. (Old Massett Elder Joe Weir, 1969 in the film, Now is the Time (Auchter 2019)) Indian Agents arrived on Haida Gwaii: an Edward Dossetter photograph of the inhabitants of Chief Wiah’s Monster House in Gaw Tlagée in 1881 includes the first Indian Superintendent of British Columbia, Israel Powell (MacDonald 1983). Indian Agents were the federal governments’ representatives who implemented and enforced the Indian Act in communities in Canada beginning in the 1830s through the 1960s (Irwin 2018). They managed the affairs of the population, recording demographic information, and managed affairs of the deceased. 1.4.3.5 Residential Schools Across the globe, residential schools have been a core strategy of colonization: in the 19th and 20th centuries many settler-colonial states (including Canada, United States, Australia, New Zealand, as well as places in Scandinavia and East Africa) established regimes of forced assimilation through Christian missionary-run boarding schools where children were forcibly removed from their families and communities and punished for speaking their language (Smith 8GwaaGanad Pers. Comm., 2020 25 2010). China, the Middle East, Russia, and India also used boarding schools to assimilate Indigenous and rural peoples (Smith 2010). In Canada, Indian Agents oversaw Haida children being sent to residential schools. In a statement to the House of Commons in 1883, Prime Minister Sir John A. Macdonald stated the ambitions of the residential school to assimilate Indigenous children in Canada: When the school is on the reserve the child lives with its parents who are savages; he is surrounded by savages, and though he may learn to read and write, habits and training and mode of thought are Indian. He is simply a savage who can read and write. It has been strongly pressed on myself, as the head of the Department, that Indian children should be withdrawn as much as possible from the parental influence, and the only way to do that would be to put them in central training industrial schools where they will acquire the habits and modes of thought of white men. (Sir John A. Macdonald to the House of Commons 1883)9 Residential schools were boarding schools for Canada’s Indian children to remove them from their family, culture, lands and language. They were a partnership of the Government and the Roman Catholic, Anglican, United, Methodist and Presbyterian Churches, which were the major denominations administering the residential schools, and were a central part of Canada’s Aboriginal policy (Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada 2015). In 1900 the first cohort of children on Haida Gwaii were sent away to Residential School in Coqualeetza in Sardis near Chilliwack in Southern BC (Haida Gwaii Museum 2007). Information on how many children were sent to residential schools is not consolidated. Ganxwad, the father of Gudt’aawt’is (my husband and collaborator in this research), was sent from Haida Gwaii all the way to Edmonton for residential school. The effects of these schools have had devastating impacts on Haida families and communities, as well as on their language (Collison and Steedman 2011; Collison 1993; Davidson 2008; Bedard 2019). 9 (Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada 2016) 26 Residential schools had a mandate of promoting language shift towards Indigenous assimilation. In their findings, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission state that: Residential schools were a systematic, government-sponsored attempt to destroy Aboriginal cultures and languages and to assimilate Aboriginal peoples so they no longer existed as distinct peoples. English—and, to a lesser degree, French – were the only languages of instruction allowed in most residential schools. Students were punished – often severely—for speaking their own languages. (Truth and Reconciliation Commission 2015:107) The impact of residential school as a factor for language shift is explored with Haida elders in Chapter 4, in section 4.3.1. As the first groups of children were being taken from the islands, white newcomers were rushing to Haida Gwaii in the early 1900s for the copper rush at Jedway, Tasu, and Ikeda (Haida Gwaii Museum 2007). In 1908 the B.C. Government was encouraging settlement of Queen Charlotte Islands by offering $1/acre of land (Haida Gwaii Museum 2007). The Haida population was logged at its lowest at 588 in 1915 (Duff 1997). The McKenna-McBride Commission toured British Columbia in 1912-1915 to survey communities on the “land question”; they held sessions in HlGaagilda and Gaw Tlagée in 1913. In 1912 the death rate was higher than birth rate, due to tuberculosis and influenza (McKenna-McBride Commission 1913). 1.4.4 From Survival to Empowerment It is incredible to consider that even at this nadir, after all of the onslaughts, the Haida Nation was not capitulating, and instead was fighting for its rights. Amos Russ, a member of the Skidegate Indian Council, argued eloquently in fluent English for title of their territories. Here is a short section of his intervention to the McKenna-McBride Commission in 1913: 27 AMOS RUSS: We are glad that you people from Ottawa and the other law makers are here, and we are here to put before you our troubles. The troubles which have experienced during past years. As far back as ever we can remember, without any doubt at all, the Queen Charlotte Islands practically belong to the Indians. It came about after a little while that the Islands were called the Queen Charlotte Islands, but we don’t know who gave them that name. The Islands fairly belong to us and as far back as we can’t remember there was never any treaty with respect to this land, between the Government and the Indians. We have never had a fight for the Islands. No nation ever came and fought us for them and won them from us. We don’t know why the Government took them from us. If we had a Treaty with the Government we would not claim the Islands. When the first Missionaries arrived here, the three principal points they taught us, were these. Don’t take things that belong to others. They taught us “love one another” and don’t kill anybody. … These things they taught us out of the bible. We are glad that we kept the teachings of the missionaries who taught us these things, and as years have past on and on we have seen and know, that the Government has come in and sold our lands. What can we do? We have kept the teachings of the missionaries “Don’t do any harm to others,” “Love one another,” and we are keeping these teachings yet. (McKenna-McBride Commission 1913) Further, HlGaagilda Councillor James Sterling asked: JAMES STERLING: I would like to ask one more question. The Dominion Government and the B.C. Government between them, They own these Islands? I would like to ask this question. Why and in which way did they both get the Islands? If you could give us evidence of how they got the Islands, before all these people we would be contented. CHAIRMAN: That is just the question which you want the Privy Council to decide. I won’t give an opinion in that respect. Let the Privy Council do it. (McKenna-McBride Commission 1913) Peter Kelly of HlGaagilda played a prominent role in the Allied Tribes, a political organization of B.C. First Nations who began to advocate for their collective rights from 1919 (LaViolette 1973; Haida Gwaii Museum 2007). The Allied Tribes submitted a petition for their rights and titles in the summer of 1926. They traveled all the way to Ottawa in 1927 to be heard at a Joint Special Committee of the Senate and House of Commons set up to inquire into the claims of their petition (LaViolette 1973). There they articulated that they had never ceded their land. The commission unanimously refused the petition, and recommended a ban for Indians to obtain funds or legal counsel to advance Title cases. Shortly after, in 1927 the government made an 28 amendment to the Indian Act (Section 141) to make it illegal for Indians to raise money or to hire legal counsel for land claims (Tenant 1990; Haida Gwaii Museum 2007). This was repealed in 1951 when the Indian Act was revised, and the Potlatch Ban was removed. The Allied Tribes dissolved but rose anew in the form of the Native Brotherhood of British Columbia in 1931, initiated by Alfred Adams of Gaw Tlagée, and later Peter Kelly (Bellis and Nelson 2022). From 1900 when Haida children began to be sent to residential school, language shift to English began to steadily occur. Exploration of this language shift is the subject of interviews conducted with Haida language speakers in Chapter 4. 1.4.5 Haida Now The Haida people have survived contact and the time of drastic change of colonization through conflict, disease, death, removal of lands and of children, and suppression of language and of self-determination. Today the Haida population on Haida Gwaii is approximately 2500 people, with another 2000 in the mainland diaspora (Council of the Haida Nation 2025). Drawing on their ability to adapt and find opportunities, they have been building back since the time of the epidemics, and gathering strength. Since that time of great darkness, they have been steadily reclaiming their political power, which has just culminated in the ultimate goal: the recognition of Haida Title of all of Haida Gwaii by the Province of BC in April 2024 in the Gaayhllxid/Giihlagalgang “Rising Tide” Haida Title Lands Agreement, and by the Government of Canada in February 2025 in the Chiix̲uujin / Chaaw K̲aawgaa “Big Tide (Low Water)” Haida Title Lands Agreement. See the Council of the Haida Nation’s Haida Laas Special Edition, “50 Years of Stewarding the Lands and Waters of our Haida Territory”, which reviews the path to recognition of Title (CHN Communications 29 Team 2025). There, boldly and unequivocally in the very titles of the agreements with the Crown, following Haida negotiating practice, is Xaayda kil/Xaad kíl the Haida language – asserting existence and vitality, a steady, strong and unrelenting force within the Haida Nation. The journey to this moment was built over the last century. In 1974 the Council of the Haida Nation was formed by a handful of individuals seeking to organize Haida people in one political entity (Council of the Haida Nation 2023), and to have a national government above Indian Act band councils. Their Constitution was formally adopted in 2003. The “Haida Proclamation” within the Constitution speaks to their ancient existence and continuation of cultural values, and affirmation of rights and title of Haida Gwaii. (The first paragraph is in Xaayda kil (HlGaagilda) dialect, the second paragraph is the Xaad kíl (Gaw Tlagée) dialect, and an English translation is presented in the third paragraph. Note that Haida dialects are discussed in Chapter 2, §2.1). Haida Proclamation from the Constitution of the Haida Nation Iid kuuniisii asii id gii isda gan. Tllgaay ad siigaay Gan t’alang aaxana ad yahguudang. Huu tllguu Giidan hlk’inxa gaa.ngang xaayda hllng.aay gud giijaagids, gaay Gaaganuu gam gina daaGang.nga id gwii is hllnga Gang ga. XaaydaGa Gwaay.yaay Gaaganuu iid xaaynang.nga ga. Asii gwaay.yaay guu, iid kuuniisii xaaynang.nga, ad siing.gwaa’ad gan. Sah ’Laana Tllgaay Gaa id gii kyaagang.ngaay Gaaw aan t’ang naaxang sGwaan.nang Gas ga. Iid sihlGa ga xaaynang.gas gii t’alang t’aas.slas, asii kyang.gaay llgaay ’waagii kilxii gang ga. Xaayda kil (S)- translation by the HlGaagilda Xaayda Kil Naay Iitl’ kuníisii áajii gwaayee iitl’ ga t’asdlagan. Áajii gwáayee inggu gin ’waadluwaan t’aláng ísdaas Gan t’aláng yahgudáng-gaa, gin ’waadluuwaan t’aláng ísdaas uu áajii tlagee, isgyaan siis, isgyaan sangee sda isgáagang. Áajii gwáayee ḵiid ḵ’úlaas gingaan iitl’ xaadaas asán Gíidang, ahljii ahluu tliisdluu iitl’ ga ’wáajaagahls dluu, itl’ gwii asán ḵáahlasang. Áajii gwáayee uu iitl’ ga xíinang-gee ísdagan. Iitl’ kuníisii gin Gaatláandagiinii gingaan uu wéed x̱aadee gin Gaatláahlaal hlangaas gin Gan unsadasaang. Áajii gwaayee ingguu iitl’ kuníisii xíinangaagiinii, wéed áadlan ’l hlGíwaawaang. Áajii gwaayee inggu iitl’ asán xíinangaas k’yaahl gu tlíisdluwaan iitl’ asan áadlan hlGíwaa’asaang. 30 Xaad kíl (O) -Translation by L. Bell and Dr. M. Boelscher Ignace The Haida Nation is the rightful heir to Haida Gwaii. Our culture is born of respect; and intimacy with the land and sea and the air around us. Like the forests, the roots of our people are intertwined such that the greatest troubles cannot overcome us. We owe our existence to Haida Gwaii. The living generation accepts the responsibility to ensure that our heritage is passed on to following generations. On these islands our ancestors lived and died and here too, we will make our homes until called away to join them in the great beyond. (Council of the Haida Nation 2018) 1.4.5.1 A Repatriation Movement On Haida Gwaii, a repatriation movement began in the 1970s. Museologist Dr. Sdaahl K’awaas Lucy Bell’s thesis (2025) is a powerful documentation of the taking of Haida belongings and remains of Haida Ancestors durng the “salvage” era, to the repatriation movement on Haida Gwaii. The Royal British Museum returned monumental poles that had been cut down and taken from the villages of Yan, Hiellen, T’aanuu and K’uuna, back to Haida Gwaii, in time for the opening of the Haida Gwaii Museum in 1976. A formal repatriation initiative formally began in 1996 with the establishment of the Old Massett Repatriation and Cultural Committee; HlGaagilda followed in 1998 with the Skidegate Repatriation and Cultural Committee. Today they work together as the Haida Repatriation Committee. To date through their hard work of finding the remains, developing relationships with museums, fundraising and traveling to distant countries to bring ancestors home, the remains of over 460 ancestors have been returned to their homeland (Haida Repatriation Committee 2007; 2023). These remains had been kept in museums, universities, and private collections. Today there are only a few known remains that are outstanding (Haida Repatriation Committee 2023). However, Haida belongings are still held in 132 museums today in the UK, Germany, Spain, Denmark, Finland, Switzerland, 31 Netherlands, New Zealand, Australia, and across Canada and the USA (Haida Repatriation Committee 2012). 1.4.5.2 Xaayda kil KiiGa kiiGang Haida Language Names Give Birth The repatriation of Haida names to the land has been a powerful part of affirmation of Haida authority and political re-empowerment. The practice of re-naming places is an essential act of both colonization and decolonization. In Canada, some place names are anglicized versions of First Nations names (for example the B.C. neighbourhood of Kitsilano in Vancouver is named after Squamish Chief August Jack Khahtsalano) or represent Indigenous translations (our Nation’s capital, Ottawa, is named for the Ottawa river, which was an Algonquian word for to trade (Taylor et al. 2012). However, the balance of place names on Canadian maps are the names of settlers, names from settler homelands, and references to settler contexts (Gray and Ruck 2019). When Captain Dixon named Haida Gwaii the "Queen Charlotte Islands" after his ship, he did not have legal authority to do so according to his own King’s Royal Proclamation of 1763, yet this imposed name was written on the maps and became the name for these islands used by Canada and recognized as such internationally for over 200 years. This practice of colonial renaming, in tandem with and connected to the removal of Indigenous language, decoupled people from their place, and made them strangers in their own lands. It also affected the mental and spiritual landscape of Indigenous peoples. In writing about Apache place names and their relationship to them, Keith Basso (1996) wrote about the place names complex, and how it affected peoples’ sense of reality, meaning and identity (Basso 1996): 32 In any community, the meanings assigned to geographical features and acts of speech will be influenced by the subjective determinations of the people who assign them, and these determinations, needless to say, will exhibit variation. But the character of the meanings—their steadier themes, their recurrent tonalities, and, above all, their conventionalized modes of expression—will bear the stamp of a common cast of mind. Constructions of reality that reflect conceptions of reality, the meanings of landscapes and acts of speech are personalized manifestations of a shared perspective on the human condition. (Basso 1996:73-74) Place names reflect a people's construct of reality. Therefore, the process of colonial renaming and the disassociation of original names disrupts peoples’ connection to place, identity and even conceptions of reality. Basso continues, exploring the importance of Apache place names in reinforcing understandings of Apache Self, and as significant anchor points of identity: Because of their inseparable connection to specific localities, place names may be used to summon forth an enormous range of mental and emotional associations—associations of time and space, of history and events, of persons and social activities, of oneself and stages in one's life. And in their capacity to evoke, in their compact power to muster and consolidate so much of what a landscape may be taken to represent in both personal and cultural terms, place names acquire a functional value that easily matches their utility as instruments of reference. (Basso 1996:76-77) Contemporary scholars are examining how naming has been an important part of the colonial project: “Just as colonial place names and naming practices have helped to construct colonial stories about the land and its inhabitants, Indigenous place names are also powerful vehicles for narrating history and inscribing the landscape with meaning” (Gray and Ruck 2019). 1.4.5.3 Restoring Xaayda Kil Names Colonial names replaced Haida names during the years of colonization. But names can be restored. On Haida Gwaii, place name restoration and language revitalization have been intertwined and have progressed in tandem. Re-establishment and restoration of Haida place names has been a movement on Haida Gwaii for at least the past two decades. 33 Many places on the Canadian maps still bear the settler names – for example Graham Island: named in 1853 during a hydrographic survey of the archipelago for the British Admiralty, after Sir James Robert Graham, who was the First Lord of the British Admiralty at the time (though he never had a naval career) (Dalzell 1973). Several place names are anglicized versions of Haida names, like the village of Skidegate (named after Chief SGiidagids), the area and community of Tlell (Tll.aal meaning fireweed), Juskatla inlet (Juus kaahlii Juus Inlet). Through the work of the HlGaagilda Xaayda Kil Naay Skidegate Haida Immersion Program and Xaad kihlga hl suu Everyone Speak Haida Society in collaboration with many others on Haida Gwaii, streets have been given XK names that are posted throughout the villages of Gaw Tlagée and HlGaagilda. These language groups have been translating for organizations to provide signage, and working with the Council of the Haida Nation, Parks Canada, B.C. Parks and the Province of B.C. to ensure correct Haida names and spellings. Jaskwaan informed me that, “The movement is re-establishing proper names, and reclaiming proper linguistic accuracy using the community orthography for Xaayda kil and Xaad kíl.”10 Beyond the boundaries of today’s villages, Haidas have been seeking to re-establish the Haida names of rivers, bays, headlands, beaches, rocks, fishing holes, and islands throughout the entire archipelago. In 2006, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) formally changed the name of the “Anthony Island World Heritage Site” to SGang Gwaay World Heritage Site (Collison and Steedman 2011). SGang Gwaay means Wailing Island (SHIP 2021). It is Elders and language learners who have been the ones researching names from recordings with Elders who have passed, as well as in ethnographic 10Bedard Pers. Comm. Email to Author, 2022 34 literature, and who have traveled to the locations to check their accuracy, and who have re-established use of those names. The Haida Nation has been compiling this data using geographic information system mapping with the Gowgaia Institute (a local, registered non-profit also known as Earthlife Canada Foundation). Gwaii Haanas National Park Reserve, National Marine Conservation Reserve and Haida Heritage Site (Gwaii Haanas) has partnered extensively with the Elders at HlGaagilda Xaayda Kil Naay to map over a thousand place names (Collison and Steedman 2011). To begin this work, the Elders started by engaging with linguist John Enrico’s 1995 historical map work, which used data from writings and records of C.F. Newcombe, Edward Curtis, Newton H. Chittenden, Charles Smith, Robert Brown and Francis Poole. Enrico’s maps contained approximately 630 place names. Over the course of several months, Elders added approximately 300 names during their daily classes at HlGaagilda Xaayda Kil Naay. “They lived, breathed and slept with the names on their minds. Some days they would come to class very excited because he/she had woken up with an answer to a question of place they had discussed the day before” (Bartier et al. 2008). In June and July of 2007, five fluent elders, two directors of HlGaagilda Xaayda Kil Naay along with four Haida Gwaii Haanas staff embarked on a 12-day circumnavigation of Moresby Island to ground-truth and re-establish place names. The trip was called “Gwaay.yaay id kihlgii t’alang k’wiiddangdal, id kuuniisii id gii tllGad dal – Moving along the islands naming places in our language with the help of our ancestors” (Bartier et al. 2008). Aboard the SV Island Odyssey (owned and run by Bluewater Adventures), the Elders, along with four language learners, traveled along the coastline of Moresby Island, all the while consulting each other and with texts to find or rename Haida places as accurately as possible. They continued to 35 refer to Enrico’s Haida Place Names (Enrico 1995a) and consulted John Swanton’s Contributions to the Ethnology of the Haida (J. Swanton 1905a), whose maps were based on data gathered by C.F. Newcombe from Haidas Tom Price and Elijah Ninstints, as well as Haida Elders including Henry Moody, Walter McGregor, Abraham, William Woods (Bartier et al. 2008). Other texts consulted were Kathleen Dalzell’s the Queen Charlotte Islands Vol. II (Dalzell 1973), In the wake of the Yaa’ats xaatga’ay [“Iron People”] (Acheson 1998), Haida archaeologist Captain Gold’s book, Golden Years – Grandfathers and Grandmothers of the Haida (2004), as well as resources by Morley Eldridge, Alexander Mackie, Bert Wilson and Sandra Zacharias (Bartier et al. 2008). Altogether, on the journey Elders recorded 430 additional Haida names for land and sea features onto Gwaii Haanas’ GIS (Bartier et al. 2008). Gudt’aawt’is Judson Brown was a language learner on the journey and remembered: “One powerful thing I remember we talked about on the trip was how we were bringing life back to the land, by bringing back the names.”11 Parallel work has been undertaken on the Northern Island of Haida Gwaii to restore place names. The “Northern Haida Place Names Project” was a series of expeditions conducted by Xaad kíl speaking Elders and learners. It was an initiative started by Xaad kihlgaa Hl Suu.u Speak Haida (XKHS). Members involved in these journeys have been fluent speakers Lawrence Bell, Claude Jones, Stephen Brown, Mary Swanson, Jaalen Edenshaw, Jaskwaan Bedard, as well as linguist Marianne Ignace.12 Several boat trips were donated by the RCMP and Parks Canada for Elders and learners to go out along the coast in 2016. This work has been carried on by Haida Mapping at the Council of the Haida Nation and has been used in community classes to 11 Gudt’aawt’is Judson Brown, Pers. Comm., May 27, 2022 12 Jaskwaan Bedard, Email to Author, May 2022 36 locate themselves and as a teaching and learning tool.13 Armed with recordings of Elders, maps and place name lists from ethnographers and anthropologists, the place names teams ground-truthed locations and mapped the original names. This extensive work has provided the foundation for traditional Haida knowledge mapping and contributed to the ongoing Geographic Information Systems by Gowgaia Institute for the interactive online atlas of Haida Gwaii. This work has produced a powerful and indisputable masterpiece of evidence for the Haida Nation’s title court case. Importantly, in the context of Haida language reclamation, it also has been a way for Haida families to access place names for their own uses, including naming their children to tie them to land and language, as our family has. 13 Jaskwaan Bedard, Email to Author, May 2022 37 Figure 1.5 Haida Place Names Poster; Council of the Haida Nation, 2011 38 “The Charlottes” No More In 2010, the Haida Nation officially returned the name “Queen Charlotte Islands” to Her Majesty the Queen, in the ceremony called Aajii kyee gan saa guudang aas.uu sahlgaan dang ga t’alang isdaang (OM) Yahguudang dangad kiigaay dang gwii t’alang sdiihlda (S) Giving Back the Name With Respect, which took place at the community hall in Gaw Tlagée. Together, as a Haida Gwaii community, we watched history being made as Guujaaw, the President of the Haida Nation, presented B.C. Premier Gordon Campbell with a bentwood box containing the name “Queen Charlotte Islands.” The Premier accepted the box on behalf of the Province of B.C. and the Canadian Government, thereby agreeing to formally recognize the archipelago as “Haida Gwaii.” This was part of the Kunst’a Guu Kunst’aayah Start at the Beginning14 Reconciliation Agreement (signed in 2010) to engage in joint decision-making with the Haida on Haida Gwaii (Office of the Premier of B.C. and Council of the Haida Nation 2010). The Premier left Haida Gwaii, taking the box down to the province’s capital Mak’toli Victoria, where it stayed until the fall of 2016. There is a local Haida Gwaii unconfirmed understanding that after the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge visited Haida Gwaii in 2016, they took the box home to England with them, and it now lies in Kensington Palace (Council of the Haida Nation 2018). Today the rightful name of the archipelago, Haida Gwaii – Islands of the people, is on all the maps. Language learner Gwaliga Hart made a documentary of the ceremony called Giving Back the Name with Respect (Hart 2017) to document this historic event. This long-term work continues steadily today. In January 2022, the Council of the Haida Nation announced the restoration of 12 Haida place names; this was the result of work with the B.C. Geographical Names Board and consultation with Haida citizens, community, leaders and 14 Translation by GwaaGanad, Pers. Comm., April 2023 39 organizations (Council of the Haida Nation 2022). Among the 12 names, the colonial place names of Mission Hill, Harrison Point, Mount Poole, Poole Inlet and Poole Point, were colonial names continually invoking Reverend Charles Harrison and Francis Poole. Poole’s 1862 expedition contributed to one of the worst waves of smallpox to the islands (Swanky 2012); it was therefore a priority for the Haida Nation to remove his name: Although the work to bring back our names to this precious territory is a small step, it will help to slow the perpetual colonization and devastating tactics to minimize our rights, our sovereignty and our self-governance that still exists today. The late Francis Poole and his team are not deserving of having places of beauty named after them as they were prominent leaders in the genocide against Indigenous Peoples. (GidadGuudsliiyas Kim Goetzinger, CHN, Council of the Haida Nation 2022) In May 2022, the non-Haida community of the Village of Queen Charlotte, in response to the request of the HlGaagilda Xaayda Kil Naay Elders, after much debate, voted to change the town’s name to Daajing Giids – one of the original village names in the area where the town is today. Solomon Wilson translated daajing as hat, and giids as common.15 That this non-Haida community, born originally out of resource extractive practices, chose to restore this name is an important indication of the direction of solidarity and support from non-Haidas for Haida culture, language and governance on Haida Gwaii. Place Names for our Children – Linking Haidas Back to the Land Through this work of restoring place names, Haidas have been invoking the powerful practice of naming, and there is inherent strength and a direct link to ancestral identity in this act. All of this work has facilitated Haidas' access to place names and personal names. My husband Gudt’aawt’is and I joined a growing movement of Haidas who are giving their children Haida place names as first names. When I became pregnant with our first child, we found a beautiful name rediscovered by the place name trip that Gudt’aawtis had participated in with the elders 15 Solomon Wilson Tape 18a / SWM79 (as referenced in the SHIP Glossary 2021) 40 from HlGaagilda Xaayda Kil Naay: Ganhlaans. It is the name of islets off the southernmost tip of the archipelago, known as the Kerouard Islands. They were given several different names by different explorers, but the most recent western moniker was given by French Naval officer Jean-Francois de Galaup, Compte de Laperouse (known commonly as Laperouse). In 1786 Laperouse named the group Isles Kerouart which has anglicized into the Kerouard Islands (Dalzell 1973). They consist of rugged and treeless islets, some pillar-like, surrounded by several rocks and extending two and a half miles off Cape St. James (Dalzell 1973). It is a powerful location where the Hecate Strait meets the Pacific Ocean, rich in ocean life. It is the site of an important seabird colony and a major sea lion rookery (BirdLife International 2023; Dalzell 1973). Humans can only rarely access these islands, which are rocky islands covered in grass. These islets are off Kunghit Island, which was home to the Gunghit Haida and dialect; the last speaker of this dialect is known as ki’nawaay Lucy Watson born circa 1850 (Enrico 2005:viii). The meaning of Ganhlaans was recorded by HlGaagilda Xaayda Kil Naay meaning “group of people standing together” (SHIP 2021). When I was pregnant with our second child, we consulted the Haida place names map and data (see a macro scale version as a poster, Figure 1.5). We poured over it to choose a good location as well as a good name. We liked the small island Tiisan Gwaay.yaay Germainia Rock, located in one of the gorgeous southern inlets of the northeast corner of Kunghit Island. It too is in Gunghit dialect. As is the case with many ancient names, there was no translation (and no remaining speakers of Gunghit). We consulted GwaaGanad, and she suggested a possible meaning (with a variation of pronunciation, accounting for dialect difference) could be T’iisaan in the Skidegate dialect, which would translate to resting at the edge of a cliff. We liked this potential meaning and decided on a spelling that Gudt’aawt’is felt would indicate a clear 41 meaning in his (Skidegate) dialect, but respect the Gunghit dialect: we included the extra a to provide the meaning of "rest" in Skidegate dialect, but maintained the non-glottalized T in Tiis to honour the Gunghit dialect (rather than T’iis, which would be Skidegate dialect). The meaning of names is highly personal. These nuances are important to me, and very important to Gudt’aawt’is. As is the deep history of these places: today both of these places represent small islands, but thousands of years ago, when the sea level was far lower, these would have been peaks and vantage points for lookouts. As Gudt’aawt’is recounted: “It reminded me of our Mainland relatives. In places like the Hazeltons, they have high respect for the mountain peaks. They call them the Seven Sisters, and have reverence for them. These peaks - these islets - are a reminder that we had these mountain peaks that are now islets. It’s interesting how those names have carried through the ages of drastic change.”16 In 2021, our family, including Nanaay Grandmother GwaaGanad and Chinaay Grandfather Ganxwad, were able to visit these two places on a language trip. It was a profound spiritual experience during which both children felt and experienced their Ancestors and the Supernaturals. This connection to place and identity through their names has deeply strengthened our children. This story is explained in §4.8.8. I believed it was important for my children to have strong Haida names as I had experienced the gift of being given a name, and the deep wisdom and power in this Haida practice. Haidas have long practiced the act of giving names as a way to honour individuals, and inspiring them to live up to their names. I was deeply honoured by the gift of the name Kihlgula Gaay.ya Good Speaker from Chief Chee Xial Miles Richardson Sr. when I was adopted as a teenager (see the excerpt at the beginning of this chapter). The names that were given out that 16 Gudt'aawt'is, Pers. Comm., April 13 2023 42 night had been determined by the matriarchs of the clan. For me, this act of naming has been a powerful act of future-making in my own life. The wisdom of the Elders has emerged for me; while I initially interpreted its meaning to about my public speaking for the environment, this name has shaped my adult role here on Haida Gwaii. Since moving to Haida Gwaii many years ago, I have sought to honour it by studying Haida and doing all I can for the community in support of this language revitalization. I feel that my name gives the blessing and directive from the Elders for me to embrace learning Xaayda kil and to facilitate Haidas to learn it. I continue to seek ways to live up to this name; this research and dissertation is an example of this. 1.5 Overview of the Thesis The Haida language comes from the lands and waters of Haida Gwaii. In this chapter, I have introduced the archipelago of Haida Gwaii, with its unique history of geology and ecology. As critical background for the severe language shift that has occurred over the past century, I presented an overview of recent Haida history and described the events of colonization. Following this, the Haida turnaround was also described – an astounding cultural and political re-empowerment over the past six decades. In Chapter 2, I share my own story, and how I came to intersect this incredible story of the Haida language. I share my background and story of involvement with the movement, situating myself as a non-Haida researcher in collaboration with my Haida family and Haida context for this research. I then document the story of the Haida language revitalization movement, a movement initiated by Elders in each community, and taken up by passionate and creative XK language learners. 43 In the modern Haida family’s English environment, creating an XK language environment is a challenging task. The effort requires drawing from multiple disciplines. Chapter 3 responds to the research question: What Xaaydas giinaa.ah Haida ways of being and cross-disciplinary methodologies can be used to inform and build conditions for XK language acquisition in a family’s one-year language program? Chapter 3 outlines the theories and methodology drawn on in this multidisciplinary research to interview L1 fluent Elders, and also to create an intergenerational language socialization and transmission project. Following Critical Indigenous theory, I center Haida Principles, seeking interpretations relevant to language revitalization. Haida principles of worldview and teachings give the values and approach infrastructure to the theories and different disciplines employed as tools towards Haida language revitalization. Language acquisition and socialization theories, as well as linguistic anthropology, are disciplines drawn on in the development of the methodology for the intergenerational language transmission project. A formal introduction and outline of the research is presented in this chapter. Chapter 4 follows the Haida principle of Gina k’aadang.nga gii uu tll k’anguudang seeking wise counsel, and presents interviews with ten fluent XK speakers: nine from HlGaagilda, and one from Gaw Tlagée. This work addresses the following research questions: What were the historical context and factors for the XK language shift that occurred in the 20th century? What guidance do the Elders have for language learners in the 21st century? Kayahl ‘laanas fluent speaker GwaaGanad Diane Brown is presented as the main XK influence and collaborator in this research. These elders are the last of this generation of fluent first language speakers, and they all have been working to teach Haida to younger generations. They share the Xaayda kil influences they had when they were children, how they were able to keep the 44 language alive in themselves all that time, and advice for younger generations seeking to speak Haida. Chapter 5 and Chapter 6 present some linguistic aspects of the Haida language, and the results of the year-long family language transmission program. Chapter 5 focuses on Phonology of XK, presenting the sound system, followed by an examination of the results of the family members’ phonological acquisition of XK vowels and consonants. The challenges of L2 learners’ pronunciation and an exploration of the factors for difficulty are explored, with a focus on articulation manner in ejection consonants, as well as articulation place in stops and fricatives. Chapter 6 addresses the research question, “What are the characteristics of XK morphosyntax acquisition for second-language learners?” Patterns of family members’ morphosyntax are explored through an analysis of Word Order acquisition patterns. Further, a preliminary analysis across 5 morphosyntactic domains (Word Order, Determiners, Pronouns, Postpositions, and Verb Suffixes) is presented, with recommendations for strategies for Xaayda kil pedagogy. Chapter 7 pulls together the findings from these different areas of study together. This final chapter offers my conclusions and offerings for other languages, families, learners, and teachers, as well as answers the research question and goal of the thesis: What learnings from this project/research can inform XK language revitalization on Haida Gwaii (and elsewhere)? 45 CHAPTER 2 My Story, and the Story of Xaayda kil/Xaad kíl Revitalization 2.1 Da gwa is? Hla uu íijii! Is it you? It is me! Who I am, and How I Came to be Doing This Work Introducing oneself is an essential part of Haida protocol, which is also important in ethnographic research grounded in subjective experience—in this case, about my family’s engagement with learning, using, and revitalizing the Haida language in Haida Gwaii, off the northwest coast of Canada. In this chapter, I introduce my positionality in this research through the story of how I came into my Haida family and engagement with Haida language learning, against the backdrop of larger issues related to environmental degradation, decolonization, and my family’s personal history and that of the Haida Nation, some of which were introduced in Chapter 1. I then describe the history of the Haida Language Revitalization movement, as it began in the 1970s in each of the three Haida language dialect communities (Gaw Tlagee Old Massett, HlGaagilda Skidegate, and Kaigani Alaskan communities), and how my story intersects with this movement, as I participated in several language programs in HlGaagilda. My mother is Dr. Tara Cullis, born in post WWII England, who immigrated to British Columbia with her parents as a child. Her parents came from different parts of England – Granddad Harry from the Forest of Dean on the border of Wales, and Grandma Freddy from near the border of Scotland, yet both of their (different) English dialects were called “Forest”. They met at university and both were active in WWII. Tara studied comparative literature, and became a professor of English literature, teaching at Harvard University in Massachusetts, before dedicating her intellect to the environmental and social justice movement. My father is Dr. David Suzuki, a third-generation British Columbian, whose grandparents emigrated from Japan. 46 His parents, Kaoru (Carr) and Setsu (Sue) Suzuki, were born in Vancouver and were bilingual in English and Japanese, but only spoke English to him and his sisters, so they did not learn to speak Japanese. As a child, Dad’s family was incarcerated during WWII in Japanese-Canadian internment camps. After the war, they moved east of the Rockies to Leamington, Ontario. He persevered in life, getting a scholarship to Amherst College and becoming a geneticist at Oak Ridge Laboratory in Tennessee, at the University of Alberta in Edmonton, and finally returned to B.C. to join the faculty at the University of British Columbia. He was an excellent teacher and lecturer, and became a scientist broadcaster for CBC television, where he hosted The Nature of Things from 1979 through 2023. I was born the year my father began hosting The Nature of Things. The program covered science and nature issues, and during my young childhood in Vancouver, my father became galvanized by what he was exposed to while shooting on location. The show covered many issues of Indigenous people defending their land against resource extraction, and opened his eyes to environmental problems facing humanity, and the cause of Indigenous peoples fighting for the earth. One set of particularly transformative experiences was with the Haida Nation. In 1982 my parents met Guujaaw Gary Edenshaw and Kilslaay Kaajii Sding Miles Richardson, who were fighting to stop logging on the southern part of the Northern B.C. archipelago of Haida Gwaii (known at the time as the Queen Charlotte Islands, see Chapter 1). He and my mother became involved in what was a years-long struggle to “Save South Moresby.” This involvement would shape our family through the generations. 47 2.1.2 The fight for Gwaii Haanas Islands of Beauty Many other environmentalists were involved in the fight to save South Moresby, raising awareness in Vancouver and beyond. Though many Haidas were loggers, the devastation of clearcut logging practice had become recognized by the Nation as too great, and they decided that logging of the sacred Gwaii Haanas (Islands of Beauty - the Haida name for South Moresby) should not occur. They stood up to the logging companies and B.C. and Canadian Governments to put an end to it. It was a struggle that unified the Haida Nation, with Haidas from both villages of Gaw Tlagée Old Massett and HlGaagilda Skidegate working together to defend the forests on the southern third of the archipelago. It culminated in the middle of November in 1985, when Haidas put their bodies on the road in front of logging trucks, where the Haida Nation had drawn the line for logging to end. The first ones who stood on the line were four Elders: Jaadsangkinhlya Ada Yovanovich, Kamee Ethel Jones, Gaahlaay Watson Pryce, and Adolphus Fussy Marks. Three of them were arrested. Despite the arrests of these prominent Elders, many other Haidas had to continue to hold the line against Frank Beban Logging Ltd. (contracted by Western Forest Products): a total of 72 Haidas were arrested (Brown et al. 2018). The last person to confront logging trucks was Iljuwas Bill Reid in January 1986, sitting in his wheelchair in the middle of the road, whittling. After the crew boss spoke with him, the loggers turned around for the last time (M. K. Ḵaji S. Richardson 2018). The voices, images and details of this epic stand and victory are recorded in the beautiful book Athlii Gwaii: Upholding Haida Law at Lyell Island (Brown et al. 2018); also see Haida Laas’ Special Edition Athlii Gwaii – 25 Years Down the Road (Newsletter of the Haida Nation 2010) for a 25-year anniversary reflection. After the apex of the standoffs, yet before the future was secure, one of the strategies of 48 the Haida was to build a longhouse in the old village site of Hlk’yah GawGa Windy Bay on Aahlii Gwaay Lyell Island, to re-establish permanent Haida occupation in the contested area (see Figure 1.2 in Chapter 1 to locate these places). My parents had been involved in the struggle for South Moresby since the The Nature of Things featured it in 1980, and were invited to the potlatch to open the longhouse in May 1987. The longhouse was named “Looking Around and Blinking House.”17 We traveled there to camp at Hlk’yah GawGa: my parents, my grandfather Carr Suzuki, my sister Sarika Cullis-Suzuki (age 4) and myself (age 7). At Aahlii Gwaay Lyell Island we were welcomed by the Haida as family, and our deep interconnection with the Haida began. Many strategies and tactics were enacted by Haidas and allies alike toward the preservation of and negotiation for Gwaii Haanas. Eventually, in 1988, Canada and B.C. signed the South Moresby Memorandum of Agreement, which provided the ability to establish a national park and national marine park, as well as a Regional Economic Development Initiative fund. However, this agreement did not include the Haida Nation. The Council of Haida Nation (CHN) president Miles Richardson demanded that this agreement not move forward until there was a formal agreement between Canada and the Haida Nation. This began negotiations towards the Gwaii Haanas Agreement, which would establish an agreement for the co-governance and co-management of Gwaii Haanas, and set the stage for the establishment of Gwaii Haanas National Park Reserve. The Gwaii Haanas Agreement was signed in Gaw Tlagée in January 1993 (Brown et al. 2018). Haidas have continued to work with the governments of Canada and B.C., continuing to make gains for co-governance and management. The intersecting stories of 17 It was the first longhouse built in Gwaii Haanas in many generations, and it was built to re-establish occupancy of Gwaii Haanas. GwaaGanad told me that it was named by Gitkun Nathan Young, who told a story about a house where everything was ornately carved for the chief’s son. It was so beautiful that when you went inside you had to blink because of its splendor (GwaaGanad, Pers. Comm., May 25, 2022). 49 establishment of the Council of the Haida Nation, the fight for South Moresby and the establishment of Gwaii Haanas co-management are foundational pieces of today’s empowered Haida governance. In 1990, my father was adopted into the Ts’aahl Eagle clan by Jaadsangkinhlya Ada Yovanovich and given the name Gyaagan My Own at Chief Gaahlaay Watson Pryce’s potlatch. Jaadsangkinhlya was generous to us, and told my sister and me to call her Nanaay Grandmother. She was passionate about teaching the Haida language and gave me Haida language lessons that she had recorded on a cassette tape. In 1996, my mother Tara, my younger sister Sarika (12 years old) and I (16 years old) were adopted into the K’aadaasGa KiiGawaay Those born at K’aadaasGa Wolf Raven clan of Tanu, by hereditary Chief Chee Xial Miles Richardson Sr. at his potlatch. We were given names: my mother was given the name JaadGa Sk’aadGadas Woman of Knowledge, my sister Sarika was given Jaada HlGaawjuus Eager Girl, and I was given the name Kihlgula Gaay.ya Good Speaker. Prior to being given this name, I had been speaking out about environmental degradation, giving speeches internationally as a young person concerned for my future (e.g. Cullis-Suzuki 1992) I believe that my public speaking for the Earth is why I received the name. The summer of the year following our adoption, I went to stay with Haida knowledge keeper and fluent Haida speaker GwaaGanad Diane Brown, of the Ts’aahl Eagle clan. She had invited me many years before, at the opening of the longhouse at Lyell Island in 1987. At that time, GwaaGanad had recognized through her Geyluu intuition that I was someone “whose work was to protect the earth.” She also recognized that I would need spiritual guidance. She told my parents that I would come to her so she could share teachings and spirituality with me. I was not ready until ten years later when I was 17, in 1997, after my graduation from secondary 50 school. That summer I spent a month with her, during which she and her partner Ganxwad Dullskin Larry Brown showed me how to gather seafood, how to give thanks, how to be respectful to the land and Ancestors on Haida Gwaii, and how to ask for help from them, the trees and ocean. GwaaGanad Diane Brown is a lifelong warrior for the earth, and would become a foundational person in my life, and in this research.18 She has always been a spokesperson for taking care of the earth and lands on Haida Gwaii and beyond, and she was one of the warriors arrested on the blockades to protect Ahlii Gwaay from logging in 1985. She understood my life calling to heal our relationship with the earth. From 1997 on, she became an important spiritual mentor to me to support my work as a young environmental activist. That summer I also met her family, and her son, Gudt’aawt’is Judson Brown, who also shared this passion to protect the natural world. He was dedicated to the work of protecting Haida Gwaii, at that time as a Park Warden for Gwaii Haanas National Park Reserve and Haida Heritage Site – the park reserve being the result of the fight to save South Moresby. From 1997 on, I remained very connected to this powerful and dedicated family, and in 2008 married Gudt’aawt’is of the Ts’aahl Eagle clan. 2.1.3 Haida Language Activism in the Brown Family I married into a family deeply engaged in the future of Haida Gwaii. They actively care for their lands and waters, and they are deeply engaged in caring for their community, in physical, spiritual and cultural health, including for the significantly endangered Haida language. Due to the onslaughts of colonization19, including the enduring trauma and impact of residential 18 See Section 4.2.1: GwaaGanad giiahlGalang - Diane Brown’s story. 19 The complex factors contributing to language loss are focused on in Chapter 4, see Section 4.4: Factors for Language shift. 51 schools (to be discussed in Chapter 4), only members of the eldest generation are fluent in Haida as a first language (L1). By the time I moved to Haida Gwaii in 2006, Gudt’aawt’is (then my fiancé) had already been learning Xaayda kil (henceforth XK), the Southern dialect of the Haida language, for six years as a second language (L2) since 1999. He had been attending HlGaagilda Xaayda Kil Naay the Skidegate Haida Immersion Program which started in 1998. While his mother GwaaGanad did not raise him in the language, she was the youngest fluent Haida speaker at age 58 (in 2006) and had been actively working to teach Haida since the 1970s when she and her birth mother, Jaadsangkinhlya Ada Yovanovich, were asked to teach XK to Queen Charlotte Secondary School20 students in the 1970s. GwaaGanad explained: Mr. Armstrong asked Ada and me to teach Haida. And Ada had just got home from a four-month course in Alaska: “How to write Haida.” Prior to that it was not a written language. Well, Swanton and them did [know how to write it21], but no Haida. Dr. Krauss was her teacher.” (GwaaGanad Pers. Comm. March 14, 2022). GwaaGanad took time off her job as Community Health Representative to go to the high school with Jaadsangkinhlya twice a week to teach Haida to the high school students. They did this for almost a year until it was stopped for reasons unknown to GwaaGanad. After her 28-year career as a Community Health Representative, GwaaGanad became co-director of HlGaagilda Xaayda Kil Naay, the Skidegate Haida Immersion Program (SHIP) language program for adults in 1998. When I moved to Skidegate in 2006, I immediately joined Gudt’aawt’is in attending Xaayda kil night classes twice a week at SHIP, and fell in love with his language. It was a privilege to be learning from and speaking with Elders, and I became 20 Queen Charlotte Secondary School (now called GidGalang Kuuyas Naay Secondary School Precious Children House Secondary) was located in Queen Charlotte City (now called the Village of Daajing Giids) which is near the Skidegate Reservation and where Skidegate youth attended and continue to attend secondary school. 21 John Swanton produced an incomplete text on Haida orthography in 1905. 52 deeply committed to the cause of supporting Haidas to reclaim their heritage language. 2.1.4 My Haida language journey Soon after I started attending SHIP, a “Three-Dialect Gathering” was held in Gaw Tlagée, with participants from all three Haida-language communities. At that gathering, a young man in his early 20s from Alaska got up to speak. He stood before us, and proceeded to speak Xaat kil fluidly and confidently. He did not read notes. He paused often to consider his next comments; he was genuinely speaking to us. His name was K’uyáang Ben Young. Hearing a young person speaking XK transformed what was possible; it lit a fire in me. By 2007, in order to better learn XK, I was starting to research methods for learning endangered languages. I wanted to find additional ways of learning XK to complement our SHIP night classes which were 1.5 hours, twice a week. I learned of the Master-Apprentice method established by work with Indigenous languages in California (Hinton et al. 2002). This work partners learners with fluent speakers and focuses on exposure to the target language through immersion in activities with fluent speakers. Deeply intrigued by this methodology, I applied for the inaugural Master-Apprentice Program (MAP) by the First Peoples’ Cultural Council (FPCC – an Indigenous language revitalization organization in Victoria, B.C.). I applied as a team with my husband Gudt’aawt’is as my fellow apprentice, and we were accepted. The commitment was significant: the goal for teams is 300 hours of immersion time a year, for three years. Over the duration of the apprenticeship in the FPCC MAP (which, due to our first son being born during this time, extended our program to four years), our team had different configurations. Initially our MAP team was Gudt’aawt’is and me as apprentices with GwaaGanad, his mother, as our mentor. At this time because GwaaGanad was still working full-time at SHIP, it was difficult to achieve the 53 two hours per day together in XK that the program required. To achieve the requisite number of hours, Gudt’aawt’is and I engaged two other fluent speakers and members of SHIP: Niis Waan Harvey Williams of the Skedans Ravens and K’aadasGa KiiGawaay matriarch Ildagwaay Bea Harley. It was both appropriate and enjoyable for Gudt’aawt’is to spend time with Niis Waan, as a male mentor, and also as an Elder with great knowledge of the lands and waters of Haida Gwaii. Elders at SHIP often talk about “man-talk” and “woman-talk,” referring to kinship terms that differ between men and women, but also to subjects of discussion and related language used. As a male learner, having a male mentor is essential to learning the full scope of Haida language spoken by men. Likewise, as a female learner, having a female mentor is also essential. After a year, Gudt’aawt’is, working full-time for Gwaii Haanas National Parks Reserve and Haida Heritage Site, could not realise the full 300-hour per year commitment, and discontinued his formal participation with the program. I continued, towards our shared goal of speaking XK together, and especially with our (future) children. During my four years in the program, our son Ganhlaans was born (2009), and I brought him with me during all of my apprentice hours. I continued to spend time working with GwaaGanad and also Niis Waan. However, in the end it was Ildagwaay Bea Harley with whom I spent the bulk of my 900 hours of MAP time. Ildagwaay was in her 80s at that time, and was a vibrant Elder, see Figure 2.1. She was a clan aunty to me, retired, living alone, and was very happy to spend hours with me and baby Ganhlaans every day, playing cards, driving “Uptown” to the Village of Queen Charlotte (now Daajing Giids), or just playing with our gidGa iihling.nga boy child. She was available, flexible, and spoke XK easily with us, immediately switching into XK as soon as she saw me. These characteristics were essential for the success of this method for our nuclear family team, and the opportunity was an incredible legacy gift to our family. This time was foundational for 54 my XK; it was the key to my getting a baseline in the language. Figure 2.1 Ildagwaay Bea Harley, Ganhlaans, and myself at FPCC Mentor-Apprentice training workshop in Richmond, B.C., in 2009. Photo courtesy of First Peoples’ Culture Council As I learned XK, I was moved to create more opportunities for Haidas to learn XK with the methods I was learning. At the same time as I did my Mentor Apprentice Program I applied to Gwaii Trust to start a modest Mentor Apprentice language program to share what I was learning. I was a novice, and the program only ran for a year, however the two apprentices Skaanas Denver Cross and Geda Ku Juus Walker Brown remain important members of the XK learners. Since then, through my work with XK I have played many roles––as language apprentice, grant writer and fundraiser, program and event coordinator, notetaker, course 55 developer, workshop facilitator, chair and director of Committee and programs. I outline the details of the XK programs I was involved in in §2.3.3.1. I have been privileged to learn from and partner with Haida mentors, Elders and leaders, and to have been able to contribute to the community in the work of Haida language revitalization. And my most important role has been as a parent of Xaayda kil language learners. Since their birth, my husband Gudt’aawt’is and I have been speaking XK to our children Ganhlaans (16 years old in 2025) and Tiisaan (13 years old in 2025) aiming to establish XK as a co-language in our home. Their naanGa grandmother GwaaGanad has been supporting us by speaking XK to them whenever she is with them. It has also been one of my greatest privileges to work so closely with GwaaGanad, and to have the body of work we have produced together and continue to work on; see us in our typical interaction in Figure 2.2. Our collaboration and intellectual partnership represents a deep love for each other, and passion for the language and community. This intergenerational family effort at language learning and transmission and use is the focus of this PhD dissertation. 56 Figure 2.2 GwaaGanad and myself, Kihlgula Gaay.ya at a typical work session at GwaaGanad’s home during the author’s research for this thesis. Photo credit: Jaada Sk’aadGadas Tara Cullis 2.1.5 Researcher positionality It is very important to me to establish that I am not Haida – my blood is from Japan and England. But I have a place in Haida society. I am a Raven Clan member, and wife and mother in a Haida family living in the village of HlGaagilda (one of the two contemporary Haida villages on reserve on Haida Gwaii). I consciously study and perform Haida duties in this matrilineal Haida society. 2.1.5.1 An immigrant on Haida land In their article Decolonization is not a Metaphor, Tuck and Yang (2012) define "immigrant" in contrast to "settler" as follows: a settler arrives in a land and becomes the law, 57 whereas an immigrant comes to a land and obeys the law (Tuck and Yang 2012). I am not a settler on Haida Gwaii. I am proud to be an immigrant to Haida Gwaii – I abide by the laws, culture and language of the Haida people. I have aspired to embrace Haida cultural norms as set by my parents-in-law, specifically in focussing on traditional food-gathering and spiritual practice, and seeking to make the language of the land the language of our home. As a non-Haida, I also abide by the restrictions of the Canadian Indian Act: as a non-Indian non-status person living on-reserve, I cannot vote for the village representation, and I cannot share ownership of the house my husband and I built in HlGaagilda.22 These non-status restrictions have not affected my quality of life, and they have been far outweighed by the benefits of living in the incredibly caring and resilient community of HlGaagilda, and of living on the abundant lands and waters of the Haida. 2.1.5.2 Anthropological forebearers Living in a Haida community, it was with trepidation that I came into the academic field of Anthropology when I began my degree in 2016, and that I relate to the identity of “Anthropologist”. GwaaGanad had long told me that anthropologists and linguists had “studied us [Haidas] to death!”23 The Haida Nation is known around the world from the collections and writings of anthropologists, linguists and museum collectors. Their records and depictions have captured imaginations of generations of academics, popular writers and commentators, analysing 22 In fact while, as an Indian-status member, Judson owns our house, his ownership is also limited by the Indian Act. Consulting lawyers on ownership, we were told that while Judson has the right to own his house, in the eyes of the law, house ownership is contingent on land ownership, and Judson (or any status Indians) cannot own reserve land. Therefore, if it came to the courts, Judson doesn’t really own his house. This was the reasoning we were given for why we were not eligible for a loan from the bank to finance the building of our house. 23GwaaGanad Pers. Comm. 2020. 58 and re-analysing them for new insights in contemporary contexts, but often produced for the authors’ peers rather than for Haida people. Many YaatsxaaydaGa Iron People (European settlers) came to the shores of Haida Gwaii in the in the 1800s and 1900s to extract data, resources, ethnographies and specimens (see Chapter 1). For Haida people it was a time of waves of death due to measles, smallpox, influenza, whooping cough; smallpox in particular caused devastating mortality with epidemics in each generation – in the 1770s, 1801-02, 1836-38, and in 1862 (Boyd 1994). Surviving Haidas experienced huge social change as they abandoned villages and amalgamated with others, while settlers encroached and claimed the islands, introducing Christianity and foreign rules outlawing Haida practices and removing Haida children to go to residential school (starting in 1900 (Haida Gwaii Museum 2007)). The natural resources of the islands were the primary interest of the settlers, however the cultural wealth was always deeply fascinating to YaatsxaaydaGa Iron People. George MacDonald’s Monumental Haida Art (1983) has consolidated photographs of Haida village sites from the expeditions of white men who arrived on the Islands. The first was James Deans, a Hudson’s Bay Company man from Scotland who visited Haida Gwaii in 1862, 1869, 1870 and throughout the 1880s (MacDonald 1983). His primary interest was in mining but he was intrigued by mythology and published writings about the Haida (MacDonald 1983). Not long afterwards, American James Swan was sent by the Smithsonian on two “collecting trips” to visit the Pacific Northwest in 1873, producing an ethnographic report in 1874 that shows no self-consciousness in extractive ambitions for the colony: …for the space of a century no attempt has been made by the English to colonize [the Islands]. There they lie waste and fallow, yet marvellously productive, and awaiting nothing but capital, enterprise, and skill to return manifold profit to those who will develop their resources. (Swan 1874) 59 In 1883 Deans and Swan traveled together around Graham Island (the largest island of Haida Gwaii) with a Haida man, “Old Chief Edenshaw”, in Edenshaw’s canoe (Cole 1995). Chief Albert Edward Edenshaw shared his knowledge of Haida village sites, caves and graves. This information was later shared with other collectors who came after them, including George Dorsey (Cole 1995). Geologist George Dawson, the chief surveyor for Canadian Geographical Society, surveyed the Haida archipelago (then called the Queen Charlotte Islands) in 1878 (MacDonald 1983). The culmination of his work, described in Chapter 1, was a report on topography, geological formations, and sediment, which set the stage for colonization and resource extraction (Grek-Martin 2007). Dawson’s extensive ethnographies of Haida culture and language were included as appendices. These included physical characteristics, demography, social organization, economy, material cultures, linguistics, mythology and art, and provided the first photographs (MacDonald 1983). While these accounts are comprehensive, the segregation of Haida culture from the physical report on the land in the report laid important groundwork for “vanishing the Haida,” and settling the islands (Grek-Martin 2007). His collections came to be housed at the National Museum of Canada and the McCord Museum (MacDonald 1983). Newton Chittenden arrived in 1884, surveying mineral deposits for the provincial government with photographer Richard Maynard and documenting villages on the Northern Island (MacDonald 1983)). At the turn of the 20th century, the American John R. Swanton visited Haida Gwaii, and contributed a major body of documentation on Haida language and culture. Swanton was trained as an ethnographer. Shortly after earning his PhD in Anthropology in 1900 at Harvard 60 University, having also studied linguistics with Franz Boas at Columbia University, Swanton took a position at the Bureau of American Ethnology at the Smithsonian Institution in Washington, DC, where his first assignment as part of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition under the direction of Boas took him to Haida territory. He stayed for ten months on Haida Gwaii, focussing on documenting mythologies in Skidegate and Old Massett from trained storytellers (Swanton 1905b). His documentation of the Haida language is extensive, and he produced a significant volume of transcriptions of Haida Origin stories, Raven Traveling stories, and ethnographic records (Swanton 1905a; Swanton 1905b; Swanton 1908; Swanton 1910; Enrico 1995b). Over a century later, Haida scholars and the Haida Nation still engage with their Ancestors’ ethnographic material as recorded by Swanton. Over a decade later, Charles Newcombe, a medical doctor, visited abandoned Haida village sites from 1897 through 1913 collecting sacred artifacts extensively, removing Ancestor remains for the Field Museum of Chicago as well as for the Canadian Museum of History (Haida Repatriation Committee 2023), and beginning “totem pole recovery” – which consisted of removing poles from the village sites and transporting them to Western museums all over the planet (MacDonald 1983). At the same time as Newcombe was on Haida Gwaii in 1897, Harvard anthropologist George Dorsey, together with photographer E.P. Allen, visited Old Massett and the abandoned villages of the northern end of the islands. This visit was part of Dorsey’s first expedition for the Field Museum which was a survey of Western North America (Cole 1995). His purpose was “to secure collections illustrating physical characteristics and to gather materials for life-groups, rapidly becoming standard features in American museums” (Cole 1995:195). He stole shaman items and Ancestor remains (MacDonald 1983; Cole 1995; Mullen 2003) and ravaged villages 61 and gravesites on Haida Gwaii (Cole 1995). So extreme and careless was his grave robbing on Haida Gwaii in 1897 that he enraged Anglican Reverend J. H. Keen, who reported that Haidas had found that every grave around North Island and Virago Sound had been flagrantly desecrated: “in one case some hair, recognized as having belonged to an Indian doctor, and a box which had contained a body were found floating in the sea” (Cole 1995:175). Together Dorsey and Newcombe collected the remains of over 155 Haida Ancestors for the Field Museum in Chicago (Haida Repatriation Committee 2023; Mullen 2003). A century later, due to the work of the Haida Repatriation Committee, the Haida Nation was successful in getting these remains repatriated to Haida Gwaii in 2003 (Mullen 2003; Haida Repatriation Committee 2023). As the 20th century wore on, anthropologists continued to study the Haida. On trips to the islands in 1937 and 1947, Marius Barbeau was instrumental in totem pole recovery projects at the Museum of Anthropology at UBC and at the B.C. Provincial Museum (MacDonald 1983). He published three books and many articles about Haida art and mythology. American anthropologist George Murdock came to Haida Gwaii in the 1930s, producing articles about kinship behaviour (e.g. “Kinship and Social Behaviour Among the Haida” 1934) and the potlatch (“Rank and Potlatch among the Haida” 1936), as well as a sketch of Haida ethnography along with 17 other monographs on “primitive peoples” in the anthropological text entitled, Our Primitive Contemporaries (Murdock 1934). Wilson Duff, the curator of Anthropology at the Provincial Museum of B.C. in Victoria from 1950-1965 (now the Royal B.C. Museum), visited Haida Gwaii several times to survey and negotiate the “salvage removal” of portions of poles from old village sites of Ninstints, Tanu, Cumshewa and Skedans. He was accompanied by Bill Reid, who supported the project (MacDonald 1983). Finally, and importantly, many archaeologists have come to Haida Gwaii: see A Brief History of Archaeological Research in 62 Haida Gwaii (Orchard 2008:4-6) for a summary of archaeological exploration in the 20th century. From the late 1800s through the 1950s, totem poles, regalia, tools and Haida bodies were taken from their intended resting places to museums around the world: to the National Museum of Man in Ottawa, to the Smithsonian and National Museum of Man in the USA, to the Pitt Rivers Museum and the British Museum in England, and to dozens of others around the globe (Haida Repatriation Committee 2023). In her dissertation, in Chapter 4: Tl'áayuu T'ap'ad Broken Threads, Sdaahl K’awaas Lucy Bell writes powerfully about the vulnerable time after the devastation of the last smallpox epidemic, during which salaried collectors, grave robbers and archaeological “rescue” missions removed thousands of belongings and the remains of hundreds of Haida Ancestors to museums all over the world (Bell 2025). Sdaahl K’awaas answered the call from her Ancestors and has been an incredible leader of repatriation; see Chapter 1, §1.4.3.2, for a summary of the repatriation movement on Haida Gwaii. Linguistic Anthropology on Haida Gwaii Despite the mixed, and often very negative, impact of these external incursions into Haida Gwaii, some important linguistic and cultural documentation took place. John Swanton’s corpus has been studied by generations of linguists since he transcribed the stories from Haida storytellers in Skidegate and Old Massett in 1900-01. GwaaGanad, who worked at SHIP from its inception, said that the late XK fluent elders (including her father Gaahlaay) at first refused to engage with these texts. However, he and other Elders at SHIP came to use some of them extensively during the 10-year place names project. I interpret their initial rejection to be a refusal to condone the violence of representatives of powerful colonial institutions (i.e., the Smithsonian) making it public for all to consume, including powerful colonial institutions - the 63 Government, the Indian Agents, the Residential School system – all of which were actively and brutally silencing the vital, spoken language. As well, though Swanton himself clearly acknowledges the Haida individuals’ sources of his texts,24 the publication of these texts by Swanton and the Smithsonian replaced authorship of the K’aayganga.nga origin stories and k'ayaagang lineage histories25 from the Haida; even on Haida Gwaii, often the authorship of the material is just credited to Swanton, rather than the Haidas who told him the stories. However, it is clear who these authorities were: Sgaay John Sky (K’uuna KiiGawaay Eagle lineage of T’aanuu) Walter McGregor (Kay’ahl ’laanaas Eagle lineage of Kaisun) Tom Stevens (Naikun KiiGawaay Raven lineage of Naikun) Abraham (K’aadasGa KiiGawaay Raven lineage of T’aanuu) Job Moody (St’awaas XaaydaGaay Eagle lineage of Hlkin’uul) Nan Sdins Tom Price (Saahgii kiiGawaay Eagle lineage of SGang Gwaay) (Enrico 1995, xi) In the past two decades the identity of Swanton’s Haida authorities has been more emphasized, for example in Enrico 1995, and Bringhurst 2004 and 2011. Some of the Elders I have worked with have known the more recent linguists who have come to study Haida language. Unfortunately, some linguists have studied with the Haida and taken their knowledge away with them, without returning to share or teach Haidas in a satisfactory or mutually beneficial way. Haidas in Alaska have also experienced this: Linguists who have studied Haida have focused primarily on description and analysis for scientific purposes; they have not focused on creating readily accessible, understandable 24 In fact, compared with most, Swanton was very respectful in citing the “Native Authorities” who gave him his information, and clear in stating when and how he obtained his information (see for example, Swanton 1905b, 9). 25 See Williams-Davidson (2012) for a description by an Indigenous Haida cultural scholar of Haida story genres. 64 teaching materials for language restoration - something many Haida who want to learn the language have identified as a great need. (Breinig 2006, 113) SHIP was established in HlGaagilda in 1998; comprising the last speakers of XK, it became the language authority for the Skidegate dialect. Over years of work amongst the fluent speakers and the SHIP directors (whose backgrounds were Community Health Representative and high school teacher) and with some engagement with linguists’ work on XK, SHIP honed their community orthography, which has largely been unchanged since 2007 when the use of 7 as a glottal stop was discontinued and replaced with the use of ’(called a “tick” by SHIP and the Skidegate Haida Language Authority) and the diphthong spelling “ey” began to be used (Kevin Borserio, Pers. Comm., 2024). The community orthography has been evolved by SHIP and the Skidegate Haida Language Authority. SHIP has also worked with the Xaad kíl language community in Gaw Tlagée towards a shared orthography during the “Three-Dialect Haida language Gatherings” and other meetings on Haida Gwaii. When academics publish texts in their own orthographies, such as the International Phonetic Alphabet, rather than the community orthography, it has resulted in the community feeling disrespected and excluded from the work, and sometimes rejecting it outright. Robert Bringhurst translated and transliterated the Haida texts gathered by Swanton, but did not consult the community in embarking on the project, and chose to publish his work (e.g. Bringhurst 2011) in a unique Haida orthography with letter-sound correspondences that differ from both Swanton's and the prevailing community orthography. Both his approach and his orthography have alienated Haida people from his work. Linguist John Enrico, while having contributed works on Haida language for the community (for example Skidegate Haida Myths and Stories printed by the Queen Charlotte Islands Museum Press (Bringhurst 2011)), also uses some symbols that differ from the local orthography: Enrico uses r for G, c for x and q for k. In addition, his Haida 65 Dictionary (2005), which includes all three dialects, is presented not in alphabetical order but in the pathway of sounds as they are made in the vocal apparatus; this is a major barrier to practical use by community members seeking to use it like a dictionary. These practices have occurred in other Indigenous communities too: different waves of linguists and missionaries have imposed completely different script systems. These may not seem like real obstacles to linguists, but these acts create additional layers of barrier between a community and their language. Furthermore, linguists often consider other linguists and scholars as their primary audiences in their publications. However, out of respect for the community who is sharing their knowledge – primarily in the hopes that this heritage can be passed on to future generations – they should not only consider but in fact prioritize the experience of the Haida language learner, and acknowledge their responsibility for the language community to have access to that which is theirs. These barriers have resulted in community members refusing to engage with these works, for example rejecting to engage with Robert Bringhurst’s re-transliteration of Haida Stories (e.g., A Story as Sharp as a Knife: The Classical Haida Mythtellers and Their World 1999, Nine Visits to the Mythworld 2002, Being in Being: The Collected Works of a Master Haida Mythteller 2002). The experience of the Haida language learner and considerations for optimal access to and uptake of XK should be a priority for anyone working with the Haida language. Though there are many critiques of the activities of anthropologists and linguists in this region, as noted above, some significant contributions have been made by non-Indigenous people who documented Haida culture and language. From the 1980s onward, community language courses have been offered in Gaw Tlagée and in HlGaagilda on Haida Gwaii, and in Kaigani Haida communities in Alaska (Breinig 2006). Breinig writes: “yet a linguist can make a great 66 difference in language growth, given our current language situation” (Breinig 2006, 113). She is writing about Jordan Lachler, who worked for many years at the Sealaska Heritage Institute in Juneau. Jordan Lachler began his work with Kaigani Haida but has worked with all three communities of Haidas, sharing learning resources. His Xaad kíl Dictionary (Lachler et al. 2010) as well as grammar handbook Dii Hltaaxuulang My Relatives (Lachler 2011), translated across dialects, are important contributions. In 1995 John Enrico worked to retranslate HlGaagilda stories recorded by John Swanton and published Skidegate Haida Myths and Histories (Enrico 1995b), which (despite the orthography issues mentioned above) is a major resource used by the XK community today. Anthropologist Marianne Ignace (née Boelscher) first came to Haida Gwaii in 1979 to do fieldwork, and since then has been connected to the Gaw Tlagée community. Since at least the 1990s she has worked with Xaad kíl language learners in Gaw Tlagée in developing resources and courses and is dedicated to the community and family who adopted her in Gaw Tlagée. Because of this relationship and history with respect to academic interfaces with the Haida people, I was nervous to tell the Xaayda Kil Kihl Kunsda students that I was accepted into a graduate program in Anthropology. I explained that I would do coursework, and that then I’d begin a major research project. Gaajiiaawa said, “You could do a project on us!” Haahlging.ang.uu said with an ironic teasing humour, “Yeah, you could study us.” Overall, far from rejection, these incredibly generous Haida women clapped for me. I was humbled and honoured by their endorsement. I took note of these comments and remembered this complicated history of anthropology and linguistics here on Haida Gwaii. I have endeavoured to keep them foremost in my mind throughout this academic process as consistently as possible, and to keep humility appropriately omnipresent. 67 Anthropology and activism For some Indigenous Elders around the world, Anthropology still may represent bone collection. But this is not the only story or identity of Anthropology. Within the discipline, anthropologists have challenged biased theories and scientific racism with broad social ramifications. Boas’ The Mind of Primitive Man disrupted scientific theories of racial hierarchy, based on skull measurements and other data, that were trending at the time of the first edition in 1911 (Tully 2018). The disruption of bigoted trends by “a small band of courageous scholars” (Davis 2021:4) that included Boas and his students who actively stood up to hegemonic theories of racial hierarchy under scientific and academic guises has had ramifications for mainstream culture. As Davis noted: “We live today in the social landscape of their dreams” (ibid.) Furthermore, multiple examples of anthropologists and ethnographers who have worked to support Indigenous peoples in diverse BC communities merit foregrounding. Settler-turned-ethnographer James Teit (1864-1922) practised a participant-based ethnography, and worked for four decades collecting stories and practices of the Nlaka’pamux (Thompson), St’at’imc (Lillooet), Secwepemc (Shuswap), Syilx (Okanagan), Schitsu’umsh (Coeur d’Alene) and Ktunaxa (Kootenay), all the while advocating and campaigning in support of the Indian Rights Association, the Interior Tribes of B.C., the Nishga Land Committee, and the Allied Tribes of British Columbia advocating for Indigenous rights in B.C.’s land-title issue (Wickwire 2019). Teit offers a different story of ethnography that supported the contemporary political struggle of Indigenous peoples from a perspective far before his time (Wickwire 2019). From the beginning of anthropological fieldwork, Indigenous people have been collaborators with academics, translating, offering access and information, and even recording and in some cases doing the fieldwork for the non-Indigenous researchers. Maliseet scholar 68 Bernard Perley (2013) discusses several examples. Franz Boas and others trained many Indigenous collaborators, and co-authored publications with them, including with George Hunt (born to a Tlingit mother, but raised in Fort Rupert where he grew up fluent in Kwak’wala) on Kwakiutl Texts 1905, Ella Deloria (Dakota) Notes on the Dakota Teton Dialect 1933, Dakota Grammar 1939. Nisga’a Hereditary Chief William Beynon is known today as an accomplished ethnographer; he worked with anthropologists Marius Barbeau, Franz Boas and Philip Drucker (Cove 2008). Indigenous anthropologists and Indigenous linguists are well-established in these disciplines. Indigenous scholars are using the tools of these disciplines to forward Indigenous values and issues. “Natives4linguistics” was founded in 2019, with aims of “Identifying, centering, integrating, and sharing Indigenous needs and values about language into linguistic science” (Natives4Linguistics 2013). They seek to do this by increasing participation of Indigenous peoples in the field of linguistics, developing decolonial strategies for linguistics to better address the needs of Indigenous people and to create a place for Indigenous scholars and linguists as well as non-Indigenous allies to help their languages. Indigenous participation is a profound endorsement and an incredible enrichment for these disciplines: they are agents of change with respect to issues of data ownership, sovereignty, and access, as well as with regard to ethical practices of collaboration and reciprocity, and the extension of research goals and results from "theory" and data analysis to pressing community concerns about language pedagogy and reclamation. Their participation greatly increases the potential of these disciplines to contribute positively to humanity, and specifically to the peoples, cultures and languages being researched. 69 Today it is widely recognized that social science has been deeply implicated in the project of colonization and imperialism (Smith 2012). Following Wade Davis’ call to value language and culture as a powerful and important interpretation of human possibility (Davis 2009; 2007), I call on this spirit of postcolonial Anthropology and seek to participate in ‘Public Anthropology’. Indigenous language work is not neutral; there is urgency to the work of Indigenous language activists, as we seek to do all we can to catch the words and wisdom from fluent Elders whose rarity increases monthly, and find ways of transmitting their birthright to the younger generations. This thesis is directional: the foundational belief is in Haida sovereignty and for the reclamation and repatriation of language and culture. I aspire to Public Anthropology in that I want to use this contribution towards value beyond academia (Davis 2021; Borofsky 2019) and to engage with “publics” – audiences outside of the discipline, especially in the community where the research is done. It takes a values-driven, collaborative approach, working toward social transformation (Besteman 2019). My reason for entering the field of Anthropology for this degree and project was to contribute to the revitalization of language of the Haida Nation. This research is ultimately for the Haida Nation, to help restore the Haida language to its heirs. Within that community, I have recorded my research specifically to contribute to the Haida language community – the Haida language teachers and learners of the language. For many years I have worked alongside my jiiGu naanGa mother-in-law GwaaGanad and other precious Elders in a variety of language programs that we founded and participated in. Fostering a cohesive community of Haida language learners is critical for the health of the language, so that we can speak with other another! It is my hope and desire for this research to support the Haida language learning community, in all dialects of Haida. 70 Amongst these students of the Haida language, I include my children. I seek for my children to be whole in their Haida identity, and to have the opportunity to speak their own language. I wish to grant them the access to their inheritance. Canadian history reveals that our country has sought to close off access for Indigenous people to their own culture and language, while not facilitating or providing true access to the opportunities of Western and Canadian languages or learning either. I seek to disrupt this, and aspire to provide more access for Haidas. I yearn for language learners to be able to use the different academic disciplines and ways of knowing as tools to be used in a Haida values framework, towards Haida language revitalization. Our family is not alone. There are several families that are working to create Haida language as a foundation in their family life. We must foster community and encourage each other so that we can use Haida with each other. It is my hope that some of this thesis will offer information, useful ideas, and affirmation for other language learners and families, so that we can collectively build and share strategies to keep XK spoken. 2.1.6 My “Halfie” position As a biracial person, I have become familiar with partial belonging, and partial identities. Permeable yet ever-present boundaries of belonging are part of my foundational experiences; my belonging or not-belonging in any group is always partial, never complete. Lila Abu-Lughod’s “Halfie” (1991) characterizes an individual caught between two cultural boundaries, someone with insight into both worlds, but on the edges, observing. Partially one, partially another, the Halfie is situated well to represent ‘partial truths,’ and is someone well-versed in nuance. This foundational aspect of my identity has greatly influenced my approach to participation in different groups, and like Abu-Lughod, I believe this approach is a strength. I bring a “self- 71 conscious, serious partiality” (Clifford 1986, 7) to my positionality with respect to my identity not only within the Haida community, but also within Anthropology as a participant-observer. As Abu-Lughod further points out, humility is critical to the intersecting positionalities of the feminist and the Halfie Anthropologist: “the more interesting aspect of the feminist’s situation is what she shares with the Halfie: A blocked ability to comfortably assume the self of anthropology” (Abu-Lughod 1991). Knowing how negatively Haida people have experienced anthropologists and Anthropology, I think that being uncomfortable with being an anthropologist should be essential to being an anthropologist. The notion of studying others (and oneself) should never be completely normalized. As relationships are dynamic and multi-faceted, anthropologists must always be self-reflective and consider their position, power, and privilege with respect to those they are “studying.” Abu-Lughod continues, “for [feminists and Halfies], although in different ways, the self is split, caught at the intersection of systems of difference. Standing on shifting ground makes it clear that every view is a view from somewhere and every act of speaking a speaking from somewhere” (Abu-Lughod 1991). “Caught at the intersection of systems of difference” resonates with my experience. Mine is not only a half Japanese-Canadian, half English-Canadian experience, it is also as a non-Haida adopted by Haida people, as a female in patriarchal worlds, and as an environmentalist in a nature-destroying era. “Halfie” is not about a fifty-fifty split - it is about hybridity and inhabiting multiple perspectives. Halfies know that identities are complex, and that belonging is subjective. The metaphor of Halfie standing on shifting ground represents my position as anthropologist; never fully settled, and never without humility, and where I anchor my anthropological approach. 72 2.1.7 The Field “The field” for my research is the village where I have lived for 19 years, and where I have been raising my family. Given the length of Haida occupation of the islands of 13,000 years (Mathewes et al. 2019), I would not call HlGaagilda my village, but it is my home. In traditional anthropology, “the Field is a (arguably the) central component of the anthropological tradition, to be sure; but anthropology also teaches that traditions are always reworked and even reinvented as needed” (Gupta and Ferguson 1992, 4). Like many contemporary researchers today who hold multiple identities and relationships to place, my research and my particular relationship to the field (my home but not my village) further reveal the illusory boundary between field and home. 2.2 Xaayda kil/Xaad kíl Haida language A Language Isolate with Several Dialects Haida is a language isolate, unrelated to other languages (Levine 1979; Leer 1991; Mithun 2001), spoken on the islands of Haida Gwaii and in Alaska. Sapir’s Na Dene hypothesis (Sapir 1915) pursued a theory of looking at a genetic link to Athabaskan, Eyak and Tlingit; however, there is current consensus that similarities are due to contact and errors in analysis (Levine 1979; Enrico 2004; Leer 1990). This history of Haida’s implication in the Na Dene hypothesis is discussed in Mithun 2001 and Enrico 2004. When the language had the most speakers there were four distinct groups of dialects: the Gangxid dialects in the Gangxid Kunghit territory of southernmost part of Haida Gwaii on Kunghit island and surrounding areas; the Skidegate dialects (northern half of Moresby and southern and eastern coasts of Graham Island, now spoken in the village of HlGaagilda); the Massett dialects (northern coast of Graham Island, Langara Island and Massett Inlet, now spoken in the village of Gaw Tlagée); the Kaigani dialects in Southeast Alaska, now spoken in the 73 villages of Hydaburg and Ketchikan (Swanton 1905a; Enrico 2005; Collison and Steedman 2011). See the map in Figure 1.2 (Chapter 1) which includes the relevant locations discussed in this dissertation. The last speaker of the Gangxid dialects is said to be qi’nawaay Lucy Watson, who was born approximately 1850 (Enrico 2004) and passed away in 1970 (Krauss 1997). Within these general groups, contemporary Elders speak about the co-existence of many different dialects; “the old people say there were as many dialects of the Haida language as there were Haida clans: at one time numbering well over thirty thousand” (Collison and Steedman 2011, 9), thus indicating further differences in the ways people spoke XK between villages and clans. The three main dialect groups of the Haida language that are recognized today are the results of the amalgamation of Haida communities after the last wave of smallpox in 1862; Xaayda kil, the Southern dialect, is the result of the merging of populations from the Southern villages between 1870-1900 (Krauss 1997). Xaad kíl, the Northern dialect of Gaw Tlagée is an amalgamation of dialects from Northern villages that coalesced at Gaw Tlagée between 1876 and 1885 (Krauss 1997). Xaad kíl Haida language in southeastern Alaska in the villages of Hydaburg and Ketchikan resulted from Alaskan Haida villages that consolidated at Hydaburg by 1912 (van den Brink 1974). The two Northern dialects in Old Massett and in Alaska are closely related to each other (Krauss 1980; Enrico 2004). As stated at the beginning, this research is focused on Xaayda kil, the Southern or Skidegate dialect of Haida, my husband’s and children’s dialect; detailed accounts are about Xaayda kil. But in pre-colonial times and for much of the post-colonial era, part of a Haida person’s language knowledge was a metalinguistic awareness of other dialects, as well as other neighbouring Indigenous languages (Bedard 2019). Indeed, contemporary fluent speakers can 74 understand each other’s dialects (GwaaGanad, Pers. Comm). Swanton’s 1905 description of Haida potlatch practice refers to hosts welcoming guests at their feasts, “speaking Tsimshian26 if necessary, directed the visitors where to go” (Swanton 1905a,168). SHIP Elders affirm they were able to understand and speak with others with different dialects and languages.27 In current Haida language learning initiatives, there are several collaborative projects between the different XK dialect communities that have been galvanizing and empowering for the XK community. These include All-dialect Haida language gatherings that occurred almost every year between 1999 until 2020 (disrupted by COVID) and began again in 2024. These gatherings were wonderful occasions of sharing that supported movement towards a shared orthography (approximately 16 gatherings), the exhibition and book That Which Makes Us Haida (Collison and Steedman 2011), and SGaawaay K’uuna – the Edge of the Knife feature film (Edenshaw and Haig-Brown 2018). Thus, Xaayda kil is a dialect within a larger speech community, with a common deep respect and regard for the language. 2.2.1 Xaayda kil/Xaad kíl orthography Haida has been studied by Western anthropologists and linguists since the 1800s. In September 1900, linguist John Reed Swanton, working for the Smithsonian, arrived on Haida Gwaii. He stayed on the islands for ten months, transcribing a massive number of texts from trained Haida storytellers in both HlGaagilda and Gaw Tlagée (Swanton 1905a; 1905b; 1908); see the list of the Haida storytellers in §1.1.6, Anthropological forebearers on page 63. This corpus has been studied by generations of linguists since then. For a comprehensive list of vocabularies, grammars and bibliographies in Haida, see The Languages of Native North 26 Tsimshian is a completely different, genetically unrelated language. 27 GwaaGanad Diane Brown, Pers. Comm. 2019 75 America (Mithun 2001) pages 414-415; Enrico describes work on XK syntax from Swanton to his own (Enrico 2003, 8-9). After Swanton’s fieldwork on Haida Gwaii at the turn of the 20th century there was a long gap in linguistic fieldwork on the Haida language (Enrico 2004). In 1972, Alaskan Haida Elder Genevieve Sobolef began to work with linguists Michael Krauss and Jack Osteen at the University of Alaska, Fairbanks (Breinig 2006). They held a Haida language workshop in Sitka at the Sheldon Jackson College (the former residential school), where they created an orthography and Haida and English texts. Their group was concerned about losing the Haida language, and began to write stories in the orthography. Contributions include those by Erma Lawrence, Robert and Nora Cogo, and Christine Edenso (ibid.). In 1977, Robert Levine did his PhD research in Skidegate in 1977. When the community language program SHIP began in 1998, Jaadsangkinhlya brought the orthography that she had learned in a course with Dr. Krauss in Alaska in the late 1970s. As a group, SHIP began to develop their own Xaayda kil orthography. At the beginning of SHIP, non-Haida high school teacher Luu Gaahlaandaay Kevin Borserio was hired to write down words and record speech. He didn’t know anything about Haida when he started, but was a trained educator, and his focus was consistency: “if the elders chose a way of writing a sound, I said that’s fine, but we just had to be consistent. We didn’t want to be like English, which has all kinds of inconsistencies” (Borserio, Pers. Comm., 2023). Borserio recounted that John Enrico had established his orthography for writing Xaayda kil, and this had an influence on the SHIP elders. But there were several symbols they didn’t like such as the r, q and 7. The Elders decided that they would use an underline to signify sounds made in the back of the vocal tract, and decided to use the “tick” ’ to represent the glottal stop. In recent years, SHIP has introduced the convention of using 76 the period . to break up the syllables. “It took years, we were making mistakes too, e.g. spelling “xaaydaa” with two As [in the second syllable]. But gradually we worked it out” (ibid.). SHIP was also aware of some discrepancies used in the community, such as the words Howa (haawa), Gwaii (gwaay). “We had to pick our battles. We were considering the next generations. Didn’t worry about a few people using different orthographies” (ibid.) Today on Haida Gwaii the SHIP orthography is recognized as the correct orthography to use when representing Xaayda kil; however, some uses of the anglicized spelling of Haida words remain conventional, such as the name Haida Gwaii. The XK spelling is Xaayda gwaay or Xaayda gwaay.yaay Islands of the people (Skidegate Haida Immersion Program 2021). Haida Elders chose to continue with symbols used in English orthography and to use digraphs to represent the sounds outside of English orthography. Appendix A indicates orthographies for Xaad kíl/Xaayda kil. The Dictionary of Alaskan Haida describes some of the nuance of spelling and pronunciation rules (Lachler et al. 2010, 13). Accents denoting tonal differences over the vowel with the highest pitch in the word have been used in Alaska since the 1970s (Jordan Lachler 2012, 12). Linguist Jordan Lachler worked extensively with Sealaska Institute Xaad kíl, and worked with XK programs in Gaw Tlagée and eventually with SHIP in HlGaagilda. SHIP began to use some accents for the high tone; “we used high tones on the words that all agreed had it; Massetts have more tones; Skidegate just have the high tone” (Borserio, Pers. Comm., March 26, 2023). See Hori’s unpublished 2018 paper (written for SHIP) for further discussion on Haida orthography. 77 2.3 The Haida Language Revitalization Movement The Haida language went quiet for a time: Residential schools hit our language hard. In a matter of two generations, the language was decimated. In the last 50 years, only elders and a few younger people who grew up with their grandparents or who did not go to residential school spoke the Haida language. During this time, the language was spoken in certain realms, including at potlatches and in church, and certainly when elders did not want their children or grandchildren to understand what they were saying. (Bell 2016, 10) Gudt’aawt’is Judson Brown didn’t hear XK regularly growing up, though his mother and grandmothers were fluent. He remembers if he walked into a room when elders were speaking XK they would drop their voice to a whisper, and switch to English, “then they would start telling us what they were laughing about, and they’d say, ‘it doesn’t sound as good in English.’”28 The Haida language went through a time when it was not safe to speak, or teach to younger generations. Xaayda kil was suuda k’uhlda whispered in secret. But the language was not abandoned or forgotten: over three generations, Elders carried the embers of XK and when it was finally safe to speak again, they brought it out, and succeeded in passing it on to younger generations who are now using those embers to build their language fires. In each of the three contemporary Haida dialect communities, Elders began to speak the Haida language aloud again in the 1970s (Collison and Steedman 2011). These voices grew into movements of revitalization in each of the communities; each occurred in awareness of and dialogue with each other and have intersected and collaborated to encourage and aid the revitalization of the Haida language. 28 Gudt’aawt’is Judson Brown, Pers. Comm. July 17, 2023 78 2.3.1 Xaad kíl in Alaska In Alaska in 1972, the state legislated the establishment of the Alaska Native Language Center at the University of Alaska in Fairbanks (AS 14.40.117)29. The mandate was to 1) study the 20 languages native to Alaska; 2) develop literacy materials; 3) assist in the translation of important documents; 4) provide for the development and dissemination of Alaska Native literature; and 5) train Alaska Native language speakers to work as teachers and aides in bilingual classrooms (AS 14.40.117).30 In June 1972 at Sheldon Jackson College in Sitka, ten Haida Elders from Hydaburg, Kasaan and Ketchikan came together and began working with linguist Michael Krauss from the Alaska Native Language Center in Fairbanks (Lawrence 2010), producing the first Alaskan Haida language learning texts (Breinig 2006). Since then, many texts have been produced – including a Haida Noun Dictionary (Lawrence 1975), the Alaskan Haida Phrasebook - Xaat kil hl Sk'at'áa (Lawrence 2010), Dictionary of Alaskan Haida (Lachler et al. 2010), and an archive of interviews for the Society for the Preservation of Haida Language and Literature (J. Lachler et al. 2010) Over the following years, Elders, linguists, heritage institutions and universities collaborated to develop accredited postsecondary courses in the language delivered at University of Southeast Alaska. In 2003 the US Department of Education funded the Sealaska Heritage Institute (SHI) in Juneau to develop XK curricula for public schools and other materials (Lawrence 2010). Sociolinguist Dr. Jordan Lachler was hired by SHI and worked with Elders in Ketchikan and Hydaburg (Young 2019); Lachler was respectful and kind and became close with Elders including Ketchikan Elder Áljuhl Erma Lawrence, producing the Alaskan Haida Phrasebook (Lawrence 2010; Young 2019), a key resource for learners (Young 2019). XK classes have regularly been offered in Ketchikan since 2004 29 https://www.akleg.gov/basis/statutes.asp#14.40.117 30 https://www.akleg.gov/basis/statutes.asp#14.40.117 79 (accredited through University of Alaska Southeast). A cohort of dedicated learners have progressed well and are the new speakers of Xaad kíl in Alaska, including Skíl jádei Linda Schrack and ‘Wáahlaal Gíidaak Starla Agoney, Patrick Garza, Eliasica Timmerman, and Cara Wallace (Lawrence 2010). In Hydaburg in 2006, K’uyáang Ben Young moved in with his chanáa grandfather Kúng Skiís or Míijuu Claude Morrison, and apprenticed with him until his grandfather’s death in 2011 (Young 2019). K’uyáang got his B.A. at Butler University, Indiana, and returned to Alaska to apply all his energy to build up the Xaad kíl language learning community there. In September 2018 in Hydaburg, the first Haida immersion preschool was opened due to the efforts of K’uyáang Ben Young. It is called Xántsii Náay Reincarnation House Haida Immersion Preschool, which serves students between ages 3-5 (Young 2019). His M.A. thesis at Simon Fraser University (2019), entitled K’wáa gyáaḵ’id Gáagaay hl kínsälang: Emerging Xaad Kíl (Haida Language) Use in a Preschool Setting, analyzes the progress mid-year of 15 preschool students who attended Xántsii Náay preschool in 2018/2019; they were immersed in four hours of instruction in Xaad Kíl daily. 2.3.2 Xaad kíl in Gaw Tlagée Old Massett In the 1970s Chief Matthews Elementary band school in Gaw Tlagée, Haida Gwaii, started a language program with naanalang grandmothers Kamee Ethel Jones and Grace Wilson-Dewitt. In 1995, in response to the request of Naanii Grandmother Dorothy Bell to get together once a week to speak Haida, a group of Haida adult language learners began to gather every Saturday to learn from fluent Xaad kíl speakers while sharing potluck dinners together (Collison and Steedman 2011). Some brought their children (Lucy Bell, Pers. Comm., Sept. 2023). “They’d pick up the naanalang grandmothers and all hang out together” (Lucy Bell, 80 Pers. Comm., Sept. 2023). Elders who attended were K’ii Uljuus Adelia Adams, Gulee Gertie White, Kamee Ethel Jones, Vesta Helmer, Xuhlkudjuuwas Dorothy Bell, Grace Wilson-Dewitt and Margaret Hewer, and Billy Bell and Mark Bell (Collison and Steedman 2011). The group was called “Xaad Kil” Haida Language. They held an immersion camp at T’aalan St’lang with Haida PhD student Fred White from August 23-September 2 in 1993 (White 2004; Bell 2016). This collaboration and momentum led to a Haida delegation from Old Massett traveling to Aotearoa New Zealand to visit the Maori Te Kohanga Reo Language nests in 1997. Xaad kíl returned to begin to raise funds and in 2005 began Xaad kíl GwaayganGee, the Old Massett Language Nest, run by language facilitators Ihlkaajanaas Candace Weir-White and then Jaskwaan Amanda Bedard. In 1999 the Old Massett Village Council started a partnership with Simon Fraser University to offer a Haida Language Proficiency Certificate, with Dr. Marianne Ignace offering night and weekend classes (Bell 2016). K’iis Gwaay Naan Mary Swanson, Stephen Brown and Guuyang Claude Jones attended these, giving students university credits and the opportunity to work toward language proficiency certificates. In 2006 two language facilitators were hired to coordinate all the language programs in northern Haida Gwaii. They formed the umbrella group Xaad kihlgaa Hl Suu.u Everybody Speak Haida Language Society, which focused on adult XK learning, and has produced many creative collaborations for XK learning, including films created by youth and Elders with the NFB, curricula for preschool through grade four with Chief Matthews School, medicinal plant workshops, and a northern song book (Collison and Steedman 2011). Collaborations with linguists Dr. Jordan Lachler and Dr. Marianne Ignace continued XK language programming: in 2015 XKHS hosted a 4-month Intermediate adult language program. 81 Fourteen students participated in that program, taught by Dr. Ignace, Dr. Lachler, Elders Lawrence Bell, June Russ, and Claude Jones, who passed away not long after (Bell 2016). In 2018 the Old Massett Village Council founded Xaad kíl Nee the Haida Language Office (XKN) as the central hub for the Old Massett dialect to provide consistent tools and access to Xaad kíl learning resources and programs. COVID-19 was a big disruption for everyone everywhere, but XKN has continued their momentum, and emerged with strength, led by Jaasaljuus Yakgujanaas. They have partnered with Rediscovery Camps and held on the land language trainings at ‘Laana DaaGangGa Swan Bay and T’aalán Stl’ang Lepas Bay camps. They have held immersion camps at T’aalán Stl’ang Lepas Bay in 2019, 2021 and 2023. These immersions have been incredibly powerful for the Xaad kíl language community. Language scholar Dr. Jaskwaan Bedard documented the effectiveness and the healing of the land-based, language immersion programs at T’aalán Stl’ang in her dissertation (Bedard 2025). Following the routines of Rediscovery Camp, the immersions leveraged peer-mentorship, multigenerational participation, cultural context, natural conversation and shared learning and teaching XK responsibilities in their language programming. Bedard’s description and unpacking of these immersions demonstrates the power of land-based Haida language learning, showing how traditional activities enhance language learning, inner healing, and proving the value of community-led immersion programming. In 2024, XKN restarted the All-dialect Language Gatherings, organizing one and holding it at Kay Llnagaay in Skidegate, in January 2024. XKN has now digitized their language library and are developing digital resources to be accessible for new learners. It is very exciting that they are preparing to pilot an adult immersion program to start in September 2025 (Jaasaljuus Yakgujanaas, Message to Author, Feb 12, 2025). 82 2.3.3 Xaayda kil in HlGaagilda Skidegate In Skidegate in the 1970s, Haidas began to bring the language back into the open. In 1976 Jaadsankinghlya Ada Yovanovich traveled to Jackson College in Sitka Alaska to attend a four-month workshop with linguist and founder of the Alaska Native Language Center, Michael Krauss (DB51). As documented by Lachler (2012), Krauss and another linguist, Jeff Leer, developed a Haida orthography, using some features from the Coastal Tlingit orthography developed by SIL linguists. This system used the roman alphabet, with underlined letters for the uvular and pharyngeal consonants k [q], G [G], and x [χ] (Jordan Lachler 2012). Jaadsangkinhlya was passionate about teaching XK, and brought this Haida orthography back to Skidegate with her (DB51). Shortly afterwards that same year, she and GwaaGanad were invited by Mr. Armstrong, one of the high school teachers of Queen Charlotte Secondary, to teach Haida in his class. This lasted several months until the program was ended for an unknown reason.31 In the 1980s, the linguist John Enrico offered night classes for a short time in the community of Skidegate (Collison and Steedman 2011). In the 1990s, Skidegate Band Council asked Gaayinguhlas Roy Jones to teach night classes in the village of Skidegate; he had so many students (Skidegate Haidas) he asked another fluent Elder, Nathan Young, to teach with him; they each took a room of learners (RJ32). However, they did not have an orthography, and Gaayinguhlas found writing XK very difficult (RJ32). In 1981 SGaanajaadskyaagaxiigangs Golie Hans and Eleanor Russ began to teach XK at Queen Charlotte Elementary and Secondary School (QCESS) in Daajing Giids (then known as Queen Charlotte City). In 1989 a Haida language curriculum was developed by David 31 GwaaGanad, Pers. Comm. 2023 83 Stevenson and Taanuud Jaad Joanne Yovanovich and fluent speakers SGaanajaadskyaagaxiigangs and Eleanor Russ. Fluent Elder Sing.giduu Laura Jormaneinen began to teach with language learner Haahlgingaanguu Joan Moody in 1992. As she reported, “they needed somebody that spoke it. I couldn’t read it at the time and I couldn’t write it. Joan and I went to Simon Fraser University in Kamloops to learn from a linguist how to spell” (Sing.giduu Laura Jormaneinen in (Collison and Steedman 2011, 171). Sing.giduu and Haahlgingaanguu Joan Moody taught children XK for 30 years until 2022, when Sing.giduu passed away. In 2025, Haahlgiingaanguu was still teaching at Sk’aadGa Naay. K’inwas Jackie Casey and Gandaawngaay Herb Jones were fluent XK speakers and Elders who taught at the Skidegate Daycare and Headstart from 1998. Kuunaa Jaad Jenny Cross joined Headstart in 2006, and with K’inwas taught XK to babies and toddlers until K’inwas’ passing in 2018. HlGaagilda Xaayda Kil Naay: the Skidegate Haida Immersion Program (SHIP) In 1998, members of Skidegate who were concerned about keeping the Haida language alive organized a two-week immersion program open to all members of the village “to revive interest in and use of Xaayda kil” (Collison and Steedman 2011, 100). Details of this seminal two-week program and the subsequent establishment of SHIP are recalled by GwaaGanad, Luu Gaahlandaay and other Elders in Chapter 4 (§4.6.3). Since opening its doors in 1998, SHIP has focused on recording language from fluent speakers, developing the community orthography, creating lessons and language resources, and translating for the Haida Nation, Skidegate Band Council, School District 50 and other Haida Gwaii institutions, and creating broader community connections with the greater 3-dialect language community. SHIP is the heart of Xaayda kil, as the language authority of the Southern dialect, and has produced over 120 instructional CDs, over 80 books, 40 lessons, and two editions of an extensive glossary (editions printed in 2017 84 and 2021). Other programs in Skidegate have been created to teach the language in different ways, and all draw their material from SHIP. Elders still gather daily at SHIP, from 9-3pm on school days, from September through June. They welcome everyone who comes through their doors–language learners young and old, school classes, respected visitors to the community, and individuals and groups who need language help and translation. Respect for the Elders at SHIP is strong across all the communities on Haida Gwaii: in April 2019 the SHIP Elders sent a letter to the community of Queen Charlotte (as it had been named in 1891 (Dalzell 1989) (see Chapter 1) to restore its name to the name of one of the old Haida villages on the site where it was situated: Daajing Giids Llnagaay Hat of a Chief’s Child village32. On August 31st 2022, the Village respectfully returned the name Queen Charlotte to the Province of British Columbia, and restored the name Daajing Giids33. returned the name Queen Charlotte to the Province of British Columbia, and restored the name Daajing Giids34. 2.3.3.1 My language work in HlGaagilda My story intersects with the story of language revitalization of Xaayda kil in Skidegate. My official Mentor-Apprenticeship Program finished in 2010; however, I continued to visit and speak XK with Ildagwaay on a daily basis. That same year, GwaaGanad retired from her work with SHIP, wanting to focus on her grandchildren, and two years later (2012), our second son 32 Translation by GwaaGanad, Pers. Comm. 2023 33 https://www.queencharlotte.ca/content/village-naming#:~:text=On%20Wednesday%20July%2013th%202022,The%20Village%20of%20Daajing%20Giids. 34 https://www.queencharlotte.ca/content/village-naming#:~:text=On%20Wednesday%20July%2013th%202022,The%20Village%20of%20Daajing%20Giids. 85 Tiisaan was born. During those years I attended HlGaagilda Xaayda Kil Naay during the day with my baby and toddler. As a new parent, I learned of the importance of reading to young children, for language acquisition and for future literacy. Seeking to raise my children with as much exposure to XK, I recognized the need for books in XK, as reading to children is such an encouraged activity for new parents, and also as I didn’t have stories in XK in my repertoire from my own childhood. I proposed creating a series of children’s books in XK to SHIP, and we began a multi-year project of creating Children’s books in XK; the series was called Xaayda Kil Sk’aadGa Dii Children Learning the Haida Language (Cullis-Suzuki and HlGaagilda Xaayda Kil Naay Skidegate Haida Immersion Program 2011). I explored subject material based on the infant and young children books that surrounded us (e.g. the books: Colours, Counting, Alphabet, My Animals), but grounded the books in culturally relevant and exciting images and narrative (e.g. Bear Mother Story, Windy Bay Pole Raising, Winter Goose Hunting, Krill in Springtime). I wrote the text in English and brought the English text to SHIP to translate; at that time, there were 10 fluent elders at SHIP. To illustrate the books I engaged youth photographers, conducted photo shoots with children in Skidegate who wanted to participate, and solicited photos, illustrations and stories from members of the Skidegate community. We printed the books through a Victoria printing company. The books are monolingual in XK with translation provided at the end of the book. Each book comes with a CD with the audio recordings of SHIP elders reading the story. The language level varies, and an outstanding project is to create a teaching plan that could rank and accompany these books with guidance towards optimal use for language learning for both children and adults. Between 2011 and 2017 we created 80 children’s books (see examples in Figure 2.3). SHIP continues to add to this collection annually, and these books are used in all 86 XK programs and in the schools as Haida language resources. Figure 2.3 Three examples of XK books in the GidGalang Xaayda Kil Sk’aadGa Dii Children Learning the Haida Language book series (2011-2017): Xaayda Kid K’aalang Alphabet (2013), K’uudlaanuu Colours (2011), Sii.nga HlgidGun Gii Kaajuu Winter Goose Hunting (2014) 87 Xaayda Kil Kihl Kunsda Beginning to speak the Haida language In 2015 the Skidegate Band Council began a partnership with the University of Northern British Columbia (UNBC) to offer accredited remote programming in HlGaagilda towards a Development Standard Term Certificate (DSTC)35, a teaching certificate. GwaaGanad was asked to teach XK courses as part of the program. She invited me to partner with her to deliver these courses, and together from April 2015 through February 2016, we delivered five sequential night courses at the Kay Haida Heritage Center in HlGaagilda. Each course was a total of 36 hours. The core students were 15 Haida women from HlGaagilda who wanted to learn and teach XK in schools and programs on Haida Gwaii, and one non-Haida woman who, like me, had married into the community. Their age ranged from 28 to 80 years of age. Students had children, grandchildren, nieces and nephews, parents and other community members they were taking care of. Several were working multiple jobs, but they made the time to come to night classes, course after course (see Figure 2.4). Fourteen of these students completed all five of our courses. Our classes were also open to Elders from SHIP who wanted to help, and any other Haidas who were interested in taking our courses. In each course, one to three additional attendees beyond the core group participated as formally registered students. Participants were seated in a circle. As we engaged, layers of emotion emerged, as students were invited to speak XK to the group. Residential schools (a significant contributor to XK language loss) had played a role in everyone’s lives: most of the students were the children of residential school survivors, where among other abuses, Indigenous languages were outlawed and speakers were punished, and some were survivors themselves (Chapter 4 explores the complex of factors that contributed 35 For more information on the DSTC see https://www2.unbc.ca/calendar/undergraduate/education 88 to language shift and loss36). At the beginning of the program, classes were highly emotional, as each person had to work through their personal, emotional affect as they engaged in the physical act of speaking XK. I draw here on Baruch Spinoza’s original concept of affect which is focused on embodied experience, the effect on the body’s vital force, or ability to act (Spinoza 1982). A person’s affect is the embodiment of emotions, in which the body’s power for acting is impacted, either increased or diminished. This concept of affect and its profound emotional impact on language silencing and reclamation is discussed in greater detail in Chapter 337. For the first three courses (each course was several months of night classes), each time we had class, we cried together. Great sadness and anxiety emerged; we had to acknowledge the great loss that the individuals and community had suffered in the Haida language being suppressed, repressed and effectively removed from family and community use. Ceremony was central to the group’s processing – GwaaGanad created a prayer for the group that a student would recite at the start of each class in rotation, and each course culminated in a medicine, food and ceremony-focussed field trip. Jokes, laughter, stories, games, and food were also essential aspects of GwaaGanad’s teaching philosophy. As the co-instructor, I worked to implement her ideas while producing materials and curriculum that could be tracked and graded to meet UNBC’s postsecondary requirements. As all the students were women, there was a certain level of intimacy, and having GwaaGanad as their female, Elder and Haida teacher, felt very right. As each student was challenged and stretched by the rigour of attending night school, there was a collective understanding of each of their workloads, as individual women wearing many different hats and 36 See specifically Section 4.3: Factors for Language shift, and Section 4.4: Gina ’waadluxan gud ad kwaagid everything is interconnected discussion of factors for language shift 37 Chapter 3, section 3.4 89 carrying various responsibilities in the community. GwaaGanad built relationships up publicly: we all witnessed as teacher GwaaGanad acknowledged students one by one, most of whom she’d known their whole lives in the village, telling stories of their own childhood, and how they were related to her, and invoking their elders often. She shared precious stories about individuals’ elders and ancestors that she’d known, giving them gifts of stories they had not yet heard. For those with no Haida name, she gave them Haida nicknames, and sometimes even official names. Again and again, she gave them permission, permission to pray – in private and in public, permission to do ceremony. She repeatedly told the women they were Haida, and they were more than worthy of their language. She simultaneously challenged them to learn XK and praised them for speaking, telling them often how happy the Ancestors were to see them learning to speak Haida. She spoke often about Xaaydas giinaa.ah Haida ways of being. She involved prayer in every class, and an outdoor ceremony in every course. Her role modeling in how to be a Haida woman and Elder and language teacher was profound. As an Indigenous teaching methodology for moving through and beyond the painful affect of language loss, I believe this is a deeply grounding and powerful model. The collective witnessing and sharing was a safe and supported process of grieving and moving through feelings of shame, loss and anger (some of the emotional impacts of language loss). I witnessed this processing of emotions, and the resulting increase of positive affect in the women. GwaaGanad led the students through a transformative healing process. After approximately three courses I realized we were no longer crying in our classes as we move through emotions together. Instead, the students were primarily focussed on engaging with their next assignments. This was a dramatic transformation to witness: there was clearly a shift from grieving to practical empowerment, and engagement with the material more than the challenging 90 emotional affect. The high number of hours of engagement with XK (in classes and in study time) and working together in a group grew the language learning community and support and most importantly, a circle of trust between them. This facilitated empowerment for sharing, and daring to try to practice speaking, and then moving through the emotions towards reclaiming language. GwaaGanad gave a name to the group, Xaayda Kil Kihl Kunsda (XKKK) Beginning to Speak the Haida language. This name honoured and established this adult learning community, and was a source of identity and pride. The DSTC program continued to offer additional post-secondary courses, and our XK students were able to achieve the DSTC certification for more standing and skills to work in the education system. In 2022, four of our members of XKKK graduated with a full Bachelor of Education Degree, and are now fully-fledged teachers on Haida Gwaii. Figure 2.4 Xaayda kil Kihl Kunsda Jaa.adaay Beginning to Speak the Haida language Women, at their 2016 Development Standard Term Certificate (DSTC) graduation ceremony at the Kay Haida Heritage Center. Photo by Kihlgula Gaay.ya 91 It was the incredible dedication of the students of this program that inspired me to pursue more skills and education myself to be able to further support language revitalization on Haida Gwaii. Because of the XKKK students, I applied to UBC to study XK revitalization in a formal way. Haida language nest, Haida Gwaii Mentor-Apprentice Program and XK family camp As we were doing this work with XKKK women, momentum in our XK partnership was building. GwaaGanad and I recognized ways to create more opportunities for language learning community members to have more exposure to and engagement with XK. We started two other language learning programs in HlGaagilda - the Skidegate Language Nest in the fall of 2015, and our own, Haida Gwaii-focused, Haida Gwaii Mentor-Apprentice Program (HGMAP), in the spring of 2016. These programs focussed on creating immersive Haida language conditions both for children and for older language learners. We received funding and training for the Language Nest from First Peoples’ Cultural Council (FPCC), and partnered with the Skidegate Headstart to deliver 10 hours a week of Haida language programming to infants through preschool aged children and their caregivers. The Skidegate Language Nest ran from 2015 through 2022. In the first year my son Tiisaan (3 years old) was able to participate in the program with his naanGa grandmother GwaaGanad, who was the fluent speaker teacher. GwaaGanad and I were actively running the program for the first year, but then handed it over to other wonderful Haida language activists who ran it very successfully: fluent speaker K’inwas Jackie Casey, who worked with preschool teacher Kuunaa Jaad Jenny Cross, a life-long XK learner and teacher. Next the program was delivered by fluent speaker Gandaa.uu.ngaay Herb Jones with XK learner and teacher Dàall Jaad Melody 92 Gravelle. Program coordination leadership was led by K’uuga St’aaxuuga Tawni Davidson and by Jaad Tl’aaw Paula Varnell. Dàall Jaad continues this work today, along with leading several other language programs in Skidegate. The Haida Gwaii Mentor-Apprentice Program (HGMAP) was founded in 2015 thanks to a grant earmarked to Haida Gwaii from Stephen and Claudine Bronfman38. I made a successful pitch for the funds: my proposal was to start our own Mentor-Apprentice program on Haida Gwaii to help language learners get the most language exposure from the fluent elders. I engaged my main collaborator GwaaGanad, and together we created a council called the Haida Gwaii Mentor-Apprentice Program Committee. From inception, the HGMAP Committee consisted of Jiixa Gladys Vandal, GwaaGanad Diane Brown, Iljuu Xiilaay Isabelle Brillon, Kuunaa Jaad Jenny Cross, Dàall Jaad Melody Gravelle, Jaskwaan Bedard and myself, Kihlgula Gaay.ya. This group of dedicated women guided the program from 2015 through 2023; I acted as program coordinator for the program until 2021; after that Dàall Jaad and then Jaad Tlaaw took it on. Over the years our sources of funding shifted from individual donors (following the seed funding from the Bronfmans, we received gifts from many visitors to Haida Gwaii) to grants from the First People’s Culture Council in Victoria, BC. We were able to create very positive conditions for many teams of Apprentices and Mentors in both Gaw Tlagée Old Massett and HlGaagilda Skidegate (see Figure 1.2 in Chapter 1 which shows a map of these locations). When the COVID-19 pandemic shut our world down in the spring of 2020, we addressed the challenges of social distancing and lock-downs by purchasing iPads for the participants in order to ensure that they could keep working together with both audio and video connectivity, 38 This gift was made in honour of David Suzuki’s 70th birthday 93 despite not being able to share the intimacy and support of actually being together. Even as the numbers of fluent speakers decreased (the XK community lost four precious L1 speakers), the dedicated team members kept the HGMAP program going through the pandemic. The community was keen to collaborate for XK, and create opportunities to use the language. In summer of 2016, GwaaGanad and I were invited to run a XK family camp held at ’Laana DaaGang.nga Swan Bay Rediscovery Camp in Gwaii Haanas. We used material from the UNBC and Skidegate Language Nest to create a camp curriculum for parents and young children. Unfortunately, GwaaGanad herself was not able to attend the remote camp, so I ended up delivering the five-day program without her guidance and participation. Along with my children Ganhlaans (then 6 years old) and Tiisaan (then 4 years old), the Rediscovery staff (four young Haidas and two additional staff) there were fifteen participants, see Figure 2.5. The three other parents were XKKK students who brought their children. This camp was focused on providing additional contexts for encouraging family- and community-centered language, and was my last teaching effort before leaving for Vancouver to start my PhD courses a few weeks later, in fall of 2016. All these different initiatives were focussed on different modes of learning, different contexts and environments for using XK. There is no single path to recovering, rebuilding, re-establishing a language; it requires a multi-pronged approach and much reiteration. Establishing a diversity of initiatives in a language community is needed to establish and reclaim spaces where XK is used, and to build trust and focus in relationships so that we can use XK together, and create conditions for exposure and use. 94 Figure 2.5 ’Laana DaaGang.nga Swan Bay Rediscovery XK Family camp, July 2016. Photo by Kihlgula Gaay.ya 2.3.4 XK Media: K’aalts’ida K’ah Laughing Crows Haida Storytelling Society and SGaawaay K’uuna Edge of the Knife Brothers Gwaai and Jaalen Edenshaw have spearheaded a significant XK media movement with the K’aalts’idaa k’ah Laughing Crows Haida Storytelling Society in Gaw Tlagée. They founded it in 2008, when they wrote and directed a play in Xaad kíl called Sinxii Gangu Sounding Gambling Sticks (Edenshaw and Edenshaw 2023), which was performed by a cast of over 50 community members from Gaw Tlagée. It was performed in Gaw Tlagée and then in HlGaagilda in 2008. The production was a collaboration of the language learning community, and was a great achievement to bring the language out into the greater Haida community. In parallel, the brothers began to create stop-motion animation videos. As the Haidawood Media Project, Gwaai and Jaalen Edenshaw and Ken Leslie collaborated with a host of other creatives to make a stop-motion animation series in Xaad kíl of legends told by Elders, 95 publicly viewable on the Haidawood YouTube channel: Yanii K’uuka 2008, Golden Spruce Kiidk’yaas 2008, Nuu Story 2013, Tow Hill (Taaw) story 2013. These videos have significant XK content with gorgeous animation, and are excellent media for anyone, and especially learners of Xaad kíl and Xaayda kil. They also produced stop animation music videos during the coast-wide community fight against the Enbridge oil pipeline: Haida Raid 2: A Message to Stephen Harper in 2012, Haida Raid 2.1 in 2014, and the culmination of this animation work in “Haida Raid 3: Save Our Waters” (2014). These videos featured Xaad kíl and English together, as the protagonists proceeded to fend off the proposed Enbridge pipeline that would have brought Tar Sands bitumen to the coast, then put it on oil tankers and sent it past Haida Gwaii, threatening its waters with a potential tanker spill. These videos are vibrant with creativity, collaboration and pride and love for Haida Gwaii and for XK, and commitment to defending the natural strength and integrity of the islands. In 2014, Professor Leonie Sandercock at UBC was working with the Skidegate Band Council to run the Indigenous Planning program practicum in Skidegate. She became intrigued by the community’s interest in revitalizing the Haida language, and the concept of developing a film to increase awareness and interest in the Haida language. Working with the communities of Old Massett and Skidegate, Sandercock and collaborators Dana Moraes of Skidegate and Sdaahl K’awaas Lucy Bell of Old Massett held community story-gathering workshops to see what kind of stories community members would like to tell. They gathered ideas and held scriptwriting workshops, then ran a writing contest. Brothers Jaalen and Gwaai Edenshaw and Jaahljuu Graham Richard won the competition, and went on to co-write a screenplay together called SGaawaay K’uuna Edge of the Knife (Edenshaw et al. 2017). It is a dramatic Gaagiixid wild man story of transformation, and the dialogue (and therefore the film) was to be monolingual: 96 entirely in Haida, in two of the three Haida dialects: Xaad kíl (Gaw Tlagée) and Xaayda kil (HlGaagilda) dialects. The Xaad kíl dialogue was translated by Ilskyalas Delores Churchill and the Xaayda kil dialogue by SHIP Elders. The film was produced by Jonathan Frantz of Kingulliit Productions through Niijang Xyaalas Dancing Pictures Productions39; Inuk filmmaker Zacharias Kunuk was the executive producer. The film was co-directed by Gwaai Edenshaw (Haida Nation) and Helen Haig-Brown (Tŝilhqot’in Nation). The entire process of creating the film became a triumphant all-dialect project: members of each of the three dialect communities tried out for acting. Many had never spoken XK before, and in April 2017, the month prior to filming, the cast prepared in an intensive, two-week “language bootcamp” held at Hl'yáalang 'Llngee Hiellen village, where they became familiar with their heritage language and birthright. With practice, ceremony, and in community, they gathered strength for the filming. The filming itself took place in May 2017 at Yan, a village site across Massett Inlet from Gaw Tlagée where the 23 actors and 35 crew members lived for the five weeks of filming. GwaaGanad Diane Brown was one of the actors in the film, along with her daughter Gyaaxagaay ’Yuuwans Lauren Brown and granddaughter Xyaa’ala Emma Grinder. GwaaGanad and I worked on the post-production of the film for Xaayda kil, checking the XK spoken by the non-fluent actors with the script to ensure as much integrity as possible, and on the Xaayda kil and English subtitling. The result is a stunning bi-dialect feature film entirely in the Haida language, with actors from each of the three Haida speech communities, called SGaawaay K’uuna Edge of the Knife (Edenshaw and Haig-Brown 2018). It traveled across Turtle Island (North America), winning the Sun Jury Prize at imagineNATIVE Film and media Arts Festival (2018), Canada’s Top Ten 39 Niijang Xyaalas was a Haida Production company set up to be the majority owner of the film; Kingulliit was the minority owner 97 at the Toronto International Film Festival (2018), several awards at Vancouver Film Critic’s Circle (including Best Canadian film) (2019) and won Best Canadian Film, Best BC Film, and most popular Canadian Feature at the Vancouver International Film Festival (2018).40 The film was an incredible project for members of all dialects of Haida, and was a huge boost for the language community. It was a great source of engagement and pride, and elevated XK itself in status, both inside and outside of Haida society. Niijang Xyaalas Productions was set up to be able to create more media, and the intention is to create language learning resources from the abundant materials created for the film. 2.4 Chapter 2 Summary This chapter summarizes my story and circumstances that brought me to Haida Gwaii, and the Haida Language. I am deeply fortunate that my life’s path brought me into this great journey with the Haida Nation, and the Haida language. The language revitalization movement on Haida Gwaii is inspiring to be part of, and important for humanity, as Indigenous languages are a profound connection to the lands where they arose, and an entirely different way of being. Through these persistent XK language programs and powerful artistic projects over the past fifty years, Elders and language learners have been steadily re-integrating and re-normalizing Haida language in Haida realms and in true Haida style, showing who they are to the world. At this moment while fluent Elders still live, there is pressure, but also huge momentum and pride for learners to continue to bring Xaayda kil/Xaad kíl into use in Haida society. 40 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edge_of_the_Knife 98 CHAPTER 3 Methodologies: Underpinnings of a Multidisciplinary Language Acquisition Project 3.1 Xaaydas Giinaa.ah Haida Ways of Being: Centering Indigenous Theories and Ways of Thinking No single discipline, or single path, leads to “saving a language.” Charting a course for language revitalization through the tangled legacy of the colonial project requires many tools – many different minds and points of view – a multidisciplinary endeavour. In this chapter I outline the ways in which I engaged different academic lenses towards my project of interviewing elders and working with my family to acquire, retain, transmit XK, and analyse our language acquisition. This chapter addresses the question: What Xaaydas giinaa.ah Haida ways of being and cross disciplinary methodologies can be used to interview L1-fluent Elders, and to inform and build conditions for XK language acquisition in a family’s one-year language program? My primary intention for this work was to use this project for focussed language acquisition in my family, and to create research that is useful and empowering for Haida language actors towards the healing, strengthening, and overall revitalization of Xaayda kil/Xaad kíl. The practice of using different opportunities, tools and materials at hand towards Haida outcomes is a profoundly Haida practice, and positions the community well towards XK revitalization work. In this chapter I provide details and a rationale for my methodology for two separate but connected parts of my research: the elicitation of stories about LR from Elders, obtained by means of interviews; and the design of sustained opportunities for intergenerational language learning and use by my family. Chapters 5 and 6 contain details about the more technical linguistic analyses that are described separately in each of those chapters. Language Revitalization (LR) work must always be conscious of the legacy of colonization and must apply Indigenous principles (Rosborough 2012). LR is inherently 99 decolonizing work (Johnson 2017; Kipp 2000; Leonard 2007; McCarty et al. 2018). To further the decolonial aspect, my research privileges Indigenous theories and frameworks of thinking. In Indigenous Methodologies, Margaret Kovach discusses the term colonization: “such expression (colonization) puts the colonizer at the center of the discourse and we are positioned to become reactive” (Kovach 2009:91). Instead of using the term “decolonization,” Kovach suggests Paolo Freire’s term “conscientization” to shift the focus onto Indigenous actors (91). I agree with decentering the colonial act and actors; I will use the term Xaaydas giinaa.ah Haida Ways of Being (literally, Haida’s Own (Ways), and colloquially Haida culture) as opposed to decolonizing/decolonization to describe the reintroduction of decolonial actions and practices towards goals of healing language culture, community, and family. Linda Tuhiwai Smith (2012) connects the Indigenous agendas of self-determination, Indigenous rights, and sovereignty with a complementary Indigenous research agenda to build capacity and move towards healing and reconciliation and, ultimately, self-determination (120). 100 Figure 3.1 The Indigenous Research Agenda, (Figure 6.2 in Decolonizing Methodologies (Smith 2012, 121). In Smith’s model (Figure 3.1), Indigenous communities are moving through four tides of survival, recovery, development, and self-determination; note that different aspects of progression through these tides are not sequential (121). I adhere to this connection between cause and research: the goal of all of this research is to strengthen the use of XK, and in turn Haida individuals, families, community, and the Nation itself. Indeed, revitalizing and regenerating language is one of the main Indigenous research projects unfolding now (Smith 2012, 148-149). Indigenous research protocols are cultural protocols, values, and behaviours, with respect as the underpinning principle of all (Smith 2012, 124). Indigenous methodologies put tribal epistemologies at the center to guide research choices – indeed, centering tribal epistemologies is essential (Kovach 2009, 55-74). Therefore, using Xaaydas giinaa.ah guidelines throughout this work is paramount. Xaaydas giinaa.ah are identified in the context of the following Indigenous methods outlined below. 101 3.1.1 Research is Ceremony Wilson (2014) proposes that Indigenous research must go beyond methodology and be based on an Indigenous paradigm. An Indigenous paradigm is an approach based on Indigenous epistemology, and fundamentally about relationality and relational accountability. Relationality means “all things are related and therefore relevant” (Wilson 2014, 58) and must be taken in context. In Haida this is the sacred principle and law gina ’waadluxan gud ad kwaagid everything depends on everything else. Wilson describes Relational Accountability as upholding natural or sacred law, and those in an Indigenous paradigm are committed to maintaining accountability to all their relations (Ibid.,107). In the Haida world this is the law of tll yahda make it right/true. As such, those doing research in an Indigenous paradigm must be engaged in the realm of the sacred, as relations between people are sacred, and relations between people and the land are sacred. Wilson writes: “Research is ceremony. …The purpose of a ceremony is to build stronger relationships or bridge the distance between our cosmos and us” (Ibid.,137). Maintaining relational accountability is sacred law, and “is the ceremonial aspect of research” (Ibid., 107). If grounded in an Indigenous paradigm, then other methods can fit within it, while maintaining the deep and spiritual relationality. Haida Language Revitalization as a project is very much about the sacred. It is about the relationships between current and past generations of Haida people, between individuals and history, and even between individuals and themselves. It is also about connection with the Ancestors and the land, and about connection to future generations. Speaking one’s heritage language is an act of dialogue with one’s Ancestors – formally as in communication in prayer, and informally (but maybe even more profoundly) by praxis, uttering the words unique to one’s 102 people, and in this way embodying one’s Ancestors. This, in itself, is a sacred act of communion. Throughout the length of my journey with the Haida language, it has been clear that XK work is sacred, linked profoundly to my relationships with the late Jaadsangkinhlya Ada Yovanovich (who I called Nanaay Grandmother), her birth daughter GwaaGanad (my jiiGuu naanGa mother-in-law), Gudt’aawt’is (dii tlaalGa my husband) and to Ganhlaans and Tiisaan (id gidGalang our children), even before they were born. The spiritual energy of Xaayda kil has infused my purpose and way of being. It has given me a means of contributing towards the Haida community’s collective goal of the Nation’s health and strength, as well as a role in participating in the Haida law of tll yahda, making it right, as a non-Haida immigrant on Haida Gwaii, and settler on Turtle Island. Though colonization has broken so many things in the “new” world, language work at this time is innately relational and healing work. Wilson (2014, 61), believes that research is a life-changing ceremony and this is true of my research: my research was engaged in as a transformative means of catalysing our family’s language ability and dedication to going to a deeper level, and it certainly has achieved that. In Haida traditional times, ceremony was an essential part of Xaaydas giinaa.ah. Ceremony was necessary to mark social changes or individual transitions, to cleanse the body and mind, to give thanks and to maintain connection to the spirit world. It was a critical part of preparations to ensure strength, a keen body and mind, and good fortune (Bell 2016, 90). In the SHIP Glossary (2021) there is a verb for ceremonial bathing for spiritual strength: 103 gingGa (verb): to bathe in cold water for strength This verb denotes the Northwest Coast bathing ritual, which took two main forms among the Haida: supervised bathing of youths by their maternal uncles, who whipped them with branches when they emerged from the sea; and private bathing of individuals, apparently of either sex, in secluded places for luck and "strength," in particular, bathing for success in making a canoe (Drucker’s 1950, 223 M consultant), and for becoming a shaman (Drucker’s 1950, 223 S consultant). (SHIP 2021, 113) Though this record relates to young men, bathing in cold water for strength is practiced today by everybody – at Rediscovery Camps for youth on Haida Gwaii, by Haida individuals for spiritual strength – and is cited as an important ceremony for language learners (Bell 2016, 99). At our son Ganhlaans’ Coming of Age ceremony, his chinGa grandfather Ganxwad Dullskin Brown recalled his own grandfather telling him about his memory of the sound of young men as they were whipped with spruce boughs as they emerged from the ocean in winter. Ceremony was necessary for transition to becoming an adult, to prepare for hunting, to prepare for receiving new roles and duties. Museologist Sdaahl K’awaas Lucy Bell dedicates a chapter of her Master’s thesis (Chapter 5) to Haida ritual and ceremony towards language learning, identifying two dozen Haida medicines, practices, and Supernaturals that could help learners heal their relationship to the language, and the Haida language itself (Bell 2016, 90). Ceremony has always been part of our family’s Haida language project, and I brought it in with strong intention to the research. Towards ensuring that these values were foundational and always present, I engaged in Xaaydas giinaa.ah ceremonies and rituals to prepare and strengthen my body and mind. I swam in the cold Haida ocean for strength, and even when I was away from Haida Gwaii I engaged in ocean dipping and prayer in the Haida language, asking the Ancestors for support and help throughout the interviews with the Elders, and even more during the intergenerational language transmission project. I used sing.Ga suu prayer as a means of bringing in language to our family, asking each member of the family to say prayers at the dinner 104 table, and before family outings on the land to give thanks and ask for protection. Food gathering is a deeply spiritual practice, and gathering food with my children regularly was one of the core activities of our family language curriculum. After we had harvested, we shared with Elders in the village of HlGaagilda, thus following another important Xaaydas giinaa.ah. I continue to call upon Ancestors and Haida practices to help this knowledge unfold, and to support the work that is necessary for Haida language revitalization. As Cree/Saulteaux researcher Kovach found, when we invited the sacred into the research, we found that the research itself became sacred (Kovach 2010, 183). 3.1.2 Story is Theory Story and storytelling are essential for Indigenous peoples. Listening to people’s narratives, the focus of Chapter 4 through my interviews with Elders, is primary knowledge seeking (Kovach 2010, 98). Sto:lo scholar Jo-ann Archibald (2008) introduces “storywork” as storytelling for education of the heart, mind, body, and spirit. Archibald’s storywork follows seven principles: respect, responsibility, reverence, holism, interrelatedness, and synergy (Archibald 2008, ix, 129). McCarty et al. (2018), using first-hand narratives that both describe and practise language reclamation, present “storywork” as a lens to examine Indigenous LR in practice (McCarty et al. 2018, 160). Each Nation and people have their own protocols around storytelling (Archibald 2008, 83). In Xaaydas giinaa.ah times, Xaayda kil was an oral language, and story and storytelling constituted a major epistemological framework for Haida people; storywork was and remains an important part of Xaaydas giinaa.ah. Haida stories from ancient and recent times hold lessons for contemporary people. There are different kinds of story, that contain different knowledge for different education purposes. As Haida lawyer gid7ahl-Gudsllaay Terri-Lynn 105 Williams-Davidson writes, “In the Haida Nation there are three kinds of oral histories, 1) K’aayganga.nga (S) or K’aygaang (O), which describes origin stories, before human beings inhabited this realm; 2) K’ayaagang (S) or K’iyaagang (O), which are lineage histories that generally follow K’aygaanga; and 3) giiahlGalang (S) or gya.ahlaang (O), which describe more recent events” (Williams-Davidson 2012, 6.2.2). Williams-Davidson writes that origin stories define the shape of Indigenous laws. There are Haida rules around story that must be observed: “each Aboriginal nation has particular traditions, protocols, and rules concerning stories and the way that stories are to be told for teaching and learning purposes” (Archibald 2008, 84). There continue to be strict rules for Haida storytelling – for seeking permission to tell stories that are proprietary, and for citing where the story came from. These practices are not unlike the academic practices of citing and referencing knowledge, and are important in ensuring legitimate information, knowledge transmission, and integrity of Xaaydas giinaa.ah education. In Xaaydas giinaa.ah time, as in general Indigenous practice, oral story was never decontextualized from the teller (Kovach 2010) or from the context (or purpose) in which it was told. Following this principle, this research was never decontextualized from being in relationship with family, members of the community, or from the context and legacy of colonization. In my interviews and discussions with Elders, stories were in the third category – giiahGalang – personal, recent history stories. Stories are indivisible from the tellers and the context; the interviews with the Elders gave the information necessary to tell a story of the Haida language in increments of time and experience. University ethical review boards usually require that people not reveal the identities of those who share their stories, or “data”. But in Indigenous contexts, it may be expected as a way of acknowledging and honouring the storyteller. 106 Stories are not single-use: they hold layers of insight, and must be revisited as sources of unfolding education and wisdom. Lessons emerge to the knowledge seeker with revisiting, as they themselves evolve: “and when you’re ready, they can show you more. You can read the stories a dozen times, the next time something clicks” (Jaalen Edenshaw, Pers. Comm., 2022). Principles of storywork and of Xaaydas giinaa.ah protocols with respect to stories (acknowledgement, citing) were underlying practices of the research and presentation of the research described in Chapter 4. 3.1.3 Restorying Story as epistemological (and methodological) framework is still strong on the Pacific Northwest coast. One powerful narrative refuses to die – the continual retelling of the “Dying Indian” in the context of colonization (Crosby 2004; Perley 2020). Maliseet anthropologist Bernard Perley (2020) describes the waves of colonial narratives that justified the invasion of colonizers and continued occupation as “New World Disorders” (Perley 2020, 981). The first Disorder was Discovery – the period between 1490-1890 when “terra nullius” (land without owners) was “discovered” by Europeans. The second is the period of Manifest Destiny, during which “the extermination, relocation, or assimilation of Indigenous peoples were justified as tragic but inevitable outcomes of “American progress” (Perley 2020, 981). These two Disorders justified the colonization of the continent. By 1890 the tide had turned, due in no small part to the massive biological impacts of smallpox on Turtle Island (see Chapter 1). The smallpox epidemic of 1862 produced death rates of ninety percent in British Columbia (Duff 1997). This epidemic was the major turning point in the project of colonizing British Columbia. After this, victory was clear. It was also clear to the colonists (including missionaries and anthropologists) that Indigenous existence was at risk. Suddenly, the third New World Disorder began - Imperial 107 nostalgia for that which was being destroyed, and this Disorder promoted salvage ethnography (Perley 2020). Despite good intentions, a wave of non-Indigenous language scholars’ preservation efforts in response to the threat of “language extinction” has contributed to upholding the Disorder of imperial nostalgia (Perley 2020). In the essay, Surviving the Sixth Extinction: American Indian Strategies for Life in the New World, Indigenous language scholars Daryl Baldwin, Margaret Noodin and Bernard Perley challenge the “invasive concepts” of salvage science that are tone deaf to communities’ needs (Baldwin et al. 2018). By neglecting to collaborate meaningfully with communities within their current cultural context, many scholars’ efforts have reinforced settler stereotypes that reduce and romanticize Indigenous peoples to near-extinct, culturally static communities that exist untouched at the peripheries of society, and focus predominantly on documentation. These concepts weigh heavily on Indigenous communities working on language vitality, and their agency over their (linguistic) future. Perley observes that, “while Indigenous peoples are continuing to struggle to maintain their languages and cultures, they do so under the oppressive imaginaries of settler-colonial hegemonies of imperial nostalgia” (Perley 2020, 982). Indigenous peoples’ preservation efforts grapple with multifold colonial realities—erasure resulting from historic prohibitive/assimilative policies and continued cultural typecasting that undermines the legitimacy and longevity of evolving Indigenous identities. These forms of language preservations, those that deploy “expert rhetorics” (Hill 2002) and metaphors around language endangerment, decouple the language from its speakers. The language itself becomes the focus, and the people are positioned as the disempowered victims of its loss. Perley extends this analysis, arguing that ‘saved’ languages (meaning, those documented by linguists) become “zombie languages,” and the process of their 108 production is “zombie linguistics” (Perley 2012, 134). This approach further alienates living Indigenous people from their languages by positioning linguists as the cultural authorities and denying language’s natural evolution in the context of its communities. Myaamia linguist Daryl Baldwin reimagines this narrative to allow for Indigenous linguistic futures, shifting the metaphor from ‘dead’ or 'extinct’ languages to ‘sleeping’ ones (Leonard 2012; Baldwin et al. 2018). Perley critiques non-Indigenous linguists’ metaphors about linguistic death and dying as partial and biased, and encourages his peers and readers, instead, to understand language revitalization as requiring both community and linguistic expertise, and recognize it as a necessary codependency. In Zombie Linguistics: Experts, Endangered Languages and the Curse of the Undead Voices, Perley (2012) argues that the field needs new metaphors, co-created ones that foster new life in heritage language work, where the metaphors of death give way to ones of reawakening. Reclaiming language about language is a means to reimagine the future, a future of possibility over inevitable extinction, a future where Emergent Vitalities can occur (Perley 2012, 143). Emergent vitalities are one of the ways communities are rewriting narrative, in new uses and domains of language: “the life of the language is best witnessed when speakers use it to create new relationships” (Ibid). These Indigenous linguists’ reframing work is part of a larger decolonizing trend of Restorying history. Euro-Canadian scholar Paulette Regan calls on Canadians to recognize that settler violence and justification of colonization is woven firmly into Canadian history, and calls on settler allies to make space for Indigenous peoples to express their own real and important counter-narratives in our shared history (Regan 2010). Alfred and Corntassel (2005) explain the need for Indigenous stories and for restorying work: [T]here is a danger in allowing colonization to be the only story of Indigenous lives. It must be recognized that colonialism is a narrative in which the Settler’s power is the 109 fundamental reference and assumption, inherently limiting Indigenous freedom and imposing a view of the world that is but an outcome or perspective on that power. (Corntassel and Alfred 2005, 601) The work of restorying reframes potentially debilitating histories by resourcing impacted communities to recount these histories in their own terms. Reflecting on trauma-informed practice, Perley discusses Restorying as a powerful tool in post-traumatic stress disorder treatment (B. Perley 2019). Restorying provides an avenue for communities to reframe collective cultural trauma according to their own perspectives and historical memories, and in their terms. The counternarratives that emerge from this work are sites to imagine and mobilize Indigenous resurgence. Even at their lowest point, Haidas have always rejected the story of the dying or disappearing Indian. In recent history at Ahlii Gwaay Lyell Island, they have been successful in Restorying by claiming and re-establishing their empowered narrative on the west coast of what is now known as Canada (see Chapter 2, §2.1.2, and §4.5.2 in Chapter 4). Haidas know and are actively engaged in the deep power of narrative and re-framing on their own terms – when I asked former president of the Council of the Haida Nation Kilslaay Kaajii Sding Miles Richardson Jr. how they were able to win against the logging industry, the Provincial Government, and the Government of Canada at Ahlii Gwaay Lyell Island to establish Gwaii Haanas as a protected and co-managed area, his answer was simply, “our story became bigger than theirs” (Miles Richardson, Pers. Comm., 2022). Though Haidas continue to face the challenges of the Indian Act and the legacies of colonization and genocide (see Chapter 1), the narrative of their strength, empowerment, and sense of identity are renowned worldwide. This Restorying has power and momentum and I continue to support this movement in my exploration in the Haida L1 Elders in Chapter 4, §4.5.2 and §4.7: the emphasis of their identity in the 110 language story should not be as “the Last”, but rather as language ember carriers, and as embodiments of strength, survival, and success of the Haida Nation. 3.1.4 Dreams and Visions Restorying work draws upon Indigenous spiritual power, intuition, vision, and dreaming. For Dian Million, "dreaming, narrative and theory are not exclusive of each other. Million describes intense dreaming as a means by which Indigenous peoples are constantly creating theories about the world, and by which they have power to influence action (agency). Million (2011) draws on Native American author Craig Womack’s concept of dreaming – an act of making sense of relations in the world, of empathizing with relations (past and future), and a communicative sacred activity that facilitates understanding. “Imaginative vision provides one of the best means for accessing and understanding this vast field we call experience. This is both a rational and spiritual exercise” (Womack 2008, 369). In Indigenous Language Revitalization work, dreams and visions are a well-established means of language learners connecting to their Ancestors and to the sacred. In Massachusetts, jessie little doe baird of the Mashpee Tribe was in her 30s in 1994 when familiar-looking people began to come to her in her dreams, speaking in a language she could not understand. At that time there were no speakers of Wôpanâak Wampanoag, the language of her people; little doe baird realized that they were telling her to learn her language. Part of the recognition was due to a known Wampanoag prophecy that the language would leave, but would return again when it was welcomed back by the descendants of those who broke the circle (jessie little doe baird 2013). The appearance of her Ancestors in her dreams prompted her and others in Wampanoag tribes to start the Wôpanâak Language Reclamation Project. It led her to Massachusetts Institute of Technology to learn linguistics, where she met linguist and Indigenous language 111 advocate Ken Hale (Mifflin 2008). Dr. Hale guided her in getting the linguistic training required to support the revitalization work in the community, as well as true partnership and support towards the language revitalization of the next seven generations (Little Doe Fermino 2000). One of their projects was to create a Wôpanâak language database from various archival texts – including a 1663 bible kept in MIT archives. From this work they produced a Wôpanâak dictionary of over 10,000 words (Mifflin 2008). All this work supported one of little doe baird’s greatest goals – raising her youngest daughter with the Wôpanâak language (Makepeace 2010). In Aotearoa, Hana O’Regan describes her Maori tribal movement’s aspirational vision, “Kotahi Mano Kāika, Kotahi Mano Wawata – A thousand homes, a thousand dreams. Our goal was to have 1000 Kāi Tahu homes using te reo [Maori language] by the year 2025, and that would be the realization of 1000 aspirations” (O’Regan 2018). Breathing life into the dreams was the clear and real guide for the language revitalization movement of Maori. On Haida Gwaii, Sdaahl K’awaas Lucy Bell’s late naanGa grandmother Mamie Jones came to her in her dreams to teach her XK throughout her Master’s research on Xaad kíl (Bell 2016, x), as did sGaana killer whales (one of the most important supernatural creatures) who she called on for support during her language learning (Bell 2016, 102). Heeding visions and dreams was an important methodology for my language work. Throughout this research, I engaged with XK language learners. As I detail in Chapter 4, some shared with me their visions and dreams related to language and most of them revealed K’uust’aan TlldaGaaw Unguu the Crab on top of the Mountain – the crest taken by SHIP, and the story of the Supernatural Crab associated with language. In line with Indigenous concepts such as intense dreaming, listening to these dreams as well as Geyluu intuition is important in Xaaydas giinaa.ah. To tune in to this frequency for language work, I fostered the personal 112 intellectual thought practice of surfacing and heeding the Geyluu intuition of myself, my family, and other language learners. Listening to one’s Geyluu is a strong part of Xaaydas giinaa.ah. This represents Kovach’s “inward knowing” (Kovach 2010, 68) that is important in Indigenous methodologies. Dreams and intuition were taken as important guidance for the research itself, as well as interpretation and analysis of the data obtained and presented in this dissertation. 3.1.5 Additional Xaaydas giinaa.ah Principles Underpinning this Research Related to this profound governing architecture and ideology is the value of equality of humans with all other animate and inanimate things. Recently GwaaGanad spoke to me about being taught by her mother, Skedans matriarch Gyaaxagaay ’Yuuwans Isabelle Pryce: “she started talking about how great killer whales are... then she said, ‘Everything has its place on this earth. Every grain of sand is important, to the biggest mountain. We are no more important than a grain of sand, nor are we less important than the biggest mountain’”41. This healthy tension between humility and self-respect is related to another Xaaydas giinaa.ah principle – giid tlljuus balance. The gina ’waadluxan gud ad kwaagid everything is interconnected mindset was applied to my interviews with the Elders and understanding of how individual stories contribute to the bigger narrative, the development of language curriculum for the intergenerational language transmission project, and the writing of this thesis. Gina k’aadang.nga gii uu tll k’anguudang seeking wise counsel and ’laa guu ga kanhllns responsibility are essential principles in Xaaydas giinaa.ah and established as Haida law along with gina ’waadluxan gud ad kwaagid everything is connected and tll yahda make it right (Council of the Haida Nation and Canada 2018). Consulting and listening to the Elders is a central part of Haida epistemology; Haidas and Haida scholars must spend time consulting 41 GwaaGanad, Pers. Comm., 2021 113 mentors, records, and stories. The literal translation of ’laa guu ga kanhllns is it’s on his/her chest. ’laa guu ga kanhllns responsibility is a Haida principle that each of us has responsibility – to the Nation, community, and web of life that supports us. GwaaGanad always teaches that every Haida person’s responsibility and legacy is the protection of Haida Gwaii. Haida existence has purpose – to protect Haida Gwaii, and practice Xaaydas giinaa.ah for the health of future generations. Indigenous methodologies are unselfconsciously directional – the research has a purpose. This is an epistemology that is profoundly grounding for LR, and resonates with the constituency who are the primary public of the language revitalization work: Indigenous Nations and Peoples. The Haida value of ’laa guu ga kanhllns responsibility, reflects Indigenous framework assumption expressed by Nuu-chah-nulth Hereditary Chief Umeek Richard Atleo that Existence is Purposeful: our purpose is to maintain peace in the agreements between physical and spiritual realms, and to foster wholeness in the community (Atleo 2004). This is a powerful epistemic assumption, that serves well as justification of my research project, as well as a principle that has guided every aspect of my research and writing practice.Gina k’aadang.nga gii uu tll k’anguudang seeking wise Counsel and ’laa guu ga kanhllns responsibility are essential principles in Xaaydas giinaa.ah and established as Haida law along with gina ’waadluxan gud ad kwaagid everything is connected and tll yahda make it (Council of the Haida Nation and Canada 2018). Consulting and listening to the Elders is a central part of Haida epistemology; Haidas and Haida scholars must spend time consulting mentors, records, and stories. This principle is the methodology elaborated on later in this chapter, in §3.2. The literal translation of ’laa guu ga kanhllns is it’s on his/her chest. ’laa guu ga kanhllns responsibility is a Haida principle that each of us has responsibility – to the Nation, community, and web of life that supports us. GwaaGanad always teaches that every Haida person’s responsibility and 114 legacy is the protection of Haida Gwaii. Haida existence has purpose – to protect Haida Gwaii, and practice Xaaydas giinaa.ah for the health of future generations. Indigenous methodologies are unselfconsciously directional – the research has a purpose. This is an epistemology that is profoundly grounding for LR, and resonates with the constituency who are the primary public of the language revitalization work: Indigenous Nations and Peoples. The Haida value of ’laa guu ga kanhllns responsibility, reflects Indigenous framework assumption expressed by Umeek that Existence is Purposeful: our purpose is to maintain peace in the agreements between physical and spiritual realms, and to foster wholeness in the community (Atleo 2004). This is a powerful epistemic assumption, that serves well as justification of my research project, as well as a principle that has guided every aspect of my research and writing practice. 3.1.6 Haida Discipline Towards Mastery Iljuwas Bill Reid became famous in the outside world for his artistic, clever hands and dedication to “the well-made object” (Bill Reid Gallery of Northwest Coast Art 2023). Early on (1948), he studied western, modern jewellery at Ryerson Institute of Technology42 in Toronto (Ibid.) and displayed discipline and training familiar to the colonial world, in addition to studying the works of his Haida ancestors. He is acknowledged as a master by Euro-Canadian standards. However, such dedication and mastery is a strong Haida cultural practice and value. From the accounts of Elders it is very clear that discipline and rigour towards mastery was a core value of Xaaydas giinaa.ah and the foundation of the daily practices of food harvesting (net fishing, 42 Renamed Toronto Metropolitan University in 2022 115 hunting, and seafood gathering), food processing (cutting and smoking fish and seafoods), medicines (harvesting and preparing), in art (weaving and carving), and in storytelling. Mastery in the Haida world requires years of discipline and training. Every May when our family is processing taaxid blueback sockeye from K’aasda Gandlaay Copper Bay, GwaaGanad reminds us that as a young person she was not allowed to touch the fish for years – she had to work up to cutting fish by displaying attention and mastery of the smaller preparation jobs first. Gudt’aawt’is learned how to master net fishing for taaxid from his father Ganxwad over many years of working with him from childhood and then as a teen using the skiff to set the net in all different kinds of tides and weather. Master carver Jaalen Edenshaw learned how to carve from his father Guujaaw and 7IDANsuu Jim Hart over the span of many years and much challenging practice. The late Nang King.ngaay ’Yuuwans James Young (1923-2008) is considered the last formally trained Haida storyteller (Collison and Steedman 2011), and has shared the traditional practice of how to become a storyteller – a rigorous and exhausting practice beginning in childhood. GwaaGanad learned to harvest medicine at five years old, and was explicitly taught by her mother Gyaaxagaay ’Yuuwans that there could be no error or waste. Some of the discipline and training can sound harsh in today’s comfortable lifestyle. Ilskyalas Delores Churchill is recognized today as a master weaver but it is not due to raw talent; in interviews she has often recalled how her mother Selina Peratrovich threw her weaving into the fire until the weaving became acceptable (Churchill 2024). Carvers similarly speak of their mentor destroying carvings that they’d toiled over for days. There was no room for error: spoiling food or engaging in dangerous practices could not be tolerated and had to be stopped immediately. In parallel, apprentices of Haida practices had to also follow a path of great 116 discipline and high standards. Haida weaver and language learner Jaad Tl’aaw explained that in weaving the weaver must show respect for the weaving, as objects have spirit, and must be honoured; this is the necessary reason for excellence (Jaad Tl’aaw, Pers. Comm., August 2023). One of the concerns that has been expressed in LR work by learners is that feedback from Elders (or others) can come across as hyper-critical about language learners’ oral production. As language loss is a deep emotional wound linked to identity and belonging, criticism of learning efforts can produce feelings of shame and lead to silence in the learner. But in traditional times, disciplines of teaching were not engaging in areas of identity wounded by genocide. An important theme that permeates Xaaydas giinaa.ah practices such as these is to have a clear and positive mind. Ilskyalas was taught that while weaving, “Don’t think angry thoughts, because it will show in your weaving. Be sure your house is clean” (Churchill 2019). GwaaGanad always teaches us this mental and spiritual practice when working on fish: “Don’t think ugly thoughts, because it will get on the fish, and could choke somebody.” This practice necessitates an alignment of mind, spirit and practice, and imbues individuals with an understanding of gina ’waadluxan gud ad kwaagid interconnectedness and of personal giid tlljuus responsibility in both the spirit and material worlds. 3.1.7 Stl’inll Clever Hands: Putting it Together like Chinaay does To me, Ganxwad Dullskin Brown – Gudt’aawt’is’ father – is a classic example of a cultural hybrid, and someone who applies a syncretic approach to living a very Haida way. For as long as I have known him, I have watched Ganxwad make tools for harvesting seafood like the kiit’uu seafood gathering spear and dllguu cockle digging stick. He does this so that his wife GwaaGanad and their family can practice their birthright to eat food from the ocean with ease and style. I’ve watched him make tools for cleaning sea urchins and abalone out of rocks, 117 string and sticks; rig up windbreaks from tarps, string, plastic and wood; build fish-cleaning stations (permanent and makeshift); construct a cold-smoke smokehouse using cedar shakes and round beach pebbles; make an adjustable campfire barbecue; and create a ts’iljii dried fish dehydrator with a fish tote and car heater. His materials are from the land and tide, from recycling and from online shopping. Ganxwad is able to fix and set up anything towards Xaaydas giinaa.ah lifestyle for his (our) family. His mark is everywhere, in his innovation and practical usefulness as well as in his artistry – his “sk’aat marks” are on everything (sk’aat means recognize in XK) with swirling underlines that add flare and style. He is stl’inll has clever hands, a word which denotes skill, ability and artistry. In this way, the spirit of this Haida word and approach offers guidance for employing these different and new tools towards revitalization of XK. Stl’inll, using Ganxwad’s example, represents Haida skill in an articulated process of culture, and represents not only surviving but thriving by using the opportunities the world offers. In this frame of practice, applying this diversity of different “tools” towards Haida language revitalization is a natural, obvious and empowered outcome of Xaaydas giinaa.ah. This chapter describes cross-disciplinary methodologies employed in this research endeavour for XK language revitalization. While the disciplines are diverse, the practice of incorporating new and different tools and materials for a Haida project is a deeply Haida practice. Haidas are innovators, and highly skilled at identifying and engaging new resources, materials, processes and partners towards Haida goals. When the newcomers came to the shores of the islands, Haida traders swiftly used their skills in the new fur traders, identifying and taking advantage of the appetite for materials from Haida Gwaii. The Haida term for white people, coined at Contact, is yaatsxaaydaGaay iron people; there is no doubt that Haida recognized 118 value and possibilities in some of the tools, skills and materials brought by the people from a different world. Iron and guns were immediately acquired and integrated into hunting; gold coins were pounded and made into jewellery. Haidas learned yaatsxaayda kil iron people language (English); the degree to which they had mastered English is clearly evidenced in the eloquence of their arguments for their lands and title during the McKenna-McBride Royal Commission hearings in Skidegate and Old Massett in 1913 (see Chapter 1, §1.5). In the 20th century, Haidas acquired the new tools of the fishing and logging trades, and became commercially successful fishermen and loggers. They took principles of modern governance and used them to create the Council of the Haida Nation in the 1970s. This adaptability and approach to taking advantage of new and different ideas, partners, opportunities and technologies and applying them towards Haida culture and values is an important Xaaydas giinaa.ah principle for XK language revitalization. The collective of these Xaaydas giinaa.ah principles ensured alignment of mind, spirit and body, innovation and adaptation to change, and the persistence of the high standards. Discipline towards mastery as a highly held Haida value has survived colonization, and is a source in the strength and resilience of the Nation today; it is very visible in Haida artistic domains such as weaving and carving. This Haida discipline is an important Xaaydas giinaa.ah practice to bring to language acquisition. When beginning to learn a second language, it can be shocking for learners (especially adults) to realize how much labour and intensity of study and practice is required. This labour is often associated with colonial, classroom work, and environments that are not traditionally Haida or encouraging of Haida students (see residential school history). There are also many emotions to be processed, as learners realize the scale of what was taken from them, and what is required to get it back. This processing is essential. But 119 while Haidas needing to learn their own XK language is a relatively new practice, the concept of discipline and striving for mastery is an old and strong Haida value and process that has persisted through the colonial era. Claiming the discipline, challenge, and rigor of XK SLA as a Haida practice, not a colonial imposition, is an important preparation for language reclamation. The Haida practice of discipline toward mastery was certainly an inspiring concept that I held in my mind when the work was difficult: learning from the fields of linguistics, anthropology, language education, among others, and also planning and conducting extensive research involving interviews with Elders and narrative analysis, and two kinds of linguistic analysis used in my family LR project described in more detail below and in later chapters. In addition, the principle of having a positive mindset was essential to the work, as there have been many moments of challenge, difficulty, and frustration, as well as sadness, when cherished Elders passed away during the pandemic. 3.2 Seeking Wise Counsel: Interviewing the Elders This research project involved two main kinds of data and analysis: 1) interviewing elders in XK (Chapter 4); and 2) analyzing the linguistic development apparent in our family’s language production (Chapters 5 and 6). Following the central tenet of Haida epistemology gina k’aadang.nga gii uu tll k’anguudang seeking wise counsel, I went to the Elders - the first-language (L1) fluent speakers of Xaayda kil and Xaad kíl - to ask them about their XK language stories and for guidance for learning and teaching the Haida language. These living Elders are the last L1 fluent speakers of Haida. I interviewed as many as possible; see interviewing methodology below. L1-fluent Elders here were interviewed as a source of information about the circumstances of their language learning, as a source of language itself, and direction and counsel for language learning and teaching. As I discussed in Chapter 2, 120 Elders were the inspiration and motivation for my own learning XK at SHIP from 2006 to 2015. Therefore, throughout this research I wanted to maximise my opportunity to work with Elders, the living libraries and spirits of Haida language and culture. Permissions and Research Ethics Board Approval Before beginning to conduct the research, I asked for permission through email from the Council of the Haida Nation in 2018. I described my research and methodology, and received their blessing via email from Simon Davies who worked for CHN. I then applied to UBC’s Behavioural Research Ethics Board and received a certificate of approval of research with minimum risk to participants and therefore obtained permission to conduct my research in June 2019. 3.2.1 Interviewing Methodology I approached thirteen L1 speakers to participate in semi-structured interviews about their experiences with XK. Of this number, nine Elders were in Skidegate, two were from Old Massett, and two were originally from Old Massett but had been living most of their adult lives in Alaska. I asked Elders who were engaged in language revitalization work. Their age ranged from 71 – 93. All of these Elders were also featured in the book That Which Makes Us Haida (Collison and Steedman 2011). This important book helped me determine my interview questions prior to meeting with the elders; I did not seek redundancy, and my inquiry was focussed on further exploring conditions for learning XK, conditions around raising their children, and advice for exploring conditions for learning XK, conditions around raising their children, and advice for language learners. Of these 13 XK speakers, 10 were able to participate. In total, there were nine speakers of Xaayda kil from Skidegate, and one speaker of Xaad kíl from Old Massett. Seven of the 121 participants were women, three were men. With most speakers being from Skidegate, my study was primarily focussed on Xaayda Kil, the Skidegate dialect. This felt appropriate, as our family language learning project is in the Skidegate dialect. However, it was a privilege and extremely illuminating to interview Ilskyalas Delores Churchill, a brilliant representative of the language, resilience and talents of Xaad kíl and Gaw Xaadee Old Massett people. She grew up in Gaw Tlagée, but moved when she was an older teenager when her widowed mother Selena arranged for herself to marry a widower in Alaska. Eventually Ilskyalas married a non-Indigenous American there and raised her family in Alaska, but she travels back and forth often and is an example of the close relationship between Haidas in Old Massett and Haida communities in Alaska. Approach From my previous work with XK and being part of Skidegate Haida Immersion Program community, I was acquainted with all the potential participants for this study as, at that point in time, there was a very small number of speakers who had learned XK as their first language (L1) and still spoke the language fluently. All fluent L1 Elders who were healthy enough to participate in the interviews were initially contacted by phone. This was followed up with an in-person visit to explain the project and my intentions through a formal Letter of Informed Consent following UBC’s Behavioural Research Ethics Board (BREB) policies and procedures (see the Letter in Appendix B). The Letter of Informed Consent required signatures from the participants for their permission to be recorded, for the information to be shared with other language learners or others, and for their names to be shared. It was evident that going through the informed consent and the act of signing the form was distasteful to them. This was not a positive part of the process; it was clearly apparent for some of the Elders that the friendly visit with a learner 122 they trusted became a less comfortable interaction. As an effort to show isda ad dii gii isda Giving and Receiving/Reciprocity, I included a section in my informed consent letter that required my signature in front of the Elders as a promise to do right by them; I include it here: Severn’s declaration: I hereby declare that I have explained this information about my research to _____________, and that I will honour the words in this document. I will work hard to uphold and honour my relationship with you, and the Haida values of respect and reciprocity throughout my work with you, and in all my research. Date: ____________ Kihlgula Gaay.ya Severn Cullis-Suzuki At the end of this session, a follow up time was set up for the interview. Interviews were conducted in the English language, as that is our common fluent vernacular. With respect to the question in the Letter of Informed Consent regarding participant confidentiality, none of the participating Elders responded that they wanted their words to be kept anonymous. Therefore, throughout the dissertation when the information they shared in the interviews is referenced, it is identified with their English name initials. See Tawt’a Bentwood Box 4.2 in Chapter 4 for the list of names and initials. Before the COVID-19 pandemic (prior to March 2020), interviews took place in Elders’ homes and, on occasion with the participant’s consent, in a long-term care hospital room. The interviews were recorded using an H4N digital audio recorder, as well as a Sony A5000 digital compact video camera, stabilized on a tripod. Though analysing visual data was beyond the scope of this research, I made video recordings in order to record all the data possible of these precious Elders. After the COVID-19 pandemic (from March 2020), all in-person research was halted. The rest of the interviews were conducted virtually using Zoom videotelephony software. This was facilitated by HlGaagilda and Gaw Tlagée Elder programs (such as SHIP 123 and HGMAP) as well as engaged family members working to help their elders go online. Incredibly, every Elder had access to an iPad, or a computer, and a helper to facilitate. After completing each interview, as a humble expression of acknowledgement and gratitude, each participant was given a gift card to a local café called Jags’ Beanstalk (pre-COVID-19) or to the COOP grocery store (during COVID-19). Card value was between $35-$50 per interview (depending on the length of the interview). Interviews were conducted between June 2019 and January 2021 (i.e., before and during the COVID pandemic lockdown). I asked Elders about their personal stories of language use and current thoughts on language teaching. I found that in general, Elders were quite positive about the future of the Haida language. Most interviews lasted from one to two hours. Because of my relationship and access to GwaaGanad and her role in our family, my interviews with her were significantly longer and more in-depth, and she is my main source of the information on Xaaydas giinaa.ah Haida ways of being, Xaayda kil Haida language, and guidance. I conducted seven shorter interview sessions with GwaaGanad between January 21 and February 27, 2020, for a total recording time of just under 3 hours. Her voice is featured predominantly in Chapter 4 and this entire thesis. 3.2.2 Interview Inquiry I wanted to explore the XK factors and influences each of the current fluent L1 speakers had when they were young, as well as how these speakers were able to retain their language over their lifetime, or regain their language in Elderhood, while many of their contemporaries and younger siblings did not. I also wanted to hear why they didn’t teach the language to their children when they were young parents, and what motivations they had for teaching the Haida language later on in life. In addition, I wanted to hear their advice for language learners and 124 teachers, and for future generations of Haidas wanting to learn their language, as well as any guidance they had for language learners to learn and teach XK. I sought this advice for guidance for this research and my family’s intergenerational language project. Interview questions focussed on what XK they heard growing up, who their XK teachers and influences were, who they continued to use the language with in their lives, how they felt about the language throughout the different stages in their lives, why they began to relearn and to teach it, and what priorities they identified for language learning. See Appendix C for interview schedule. Elders responded with stories about their lives, and about the people in their lives. I followed the wisdom of the Elders and in Haida giiahlGalang stories – I listened to the life stories and wisdom that they shared with me in response to my questions, revealing the historical and current social and cultural context for the story of XK over the past century. 3.2.3 Interview Transcription I hired a research assistant (RA) to transcribe the English interview recordings. The RA was a non-Haida university graduate who had participated in the Haida Gwaii Semester43 program and had moved to Haida Gwaii. After completing the Tri-Council Policy Statement: Ethical Conduct for Research Involving Humans (TCPS 2) ethics training, the RA transcribed the English parts of the audio recordings. I then listened to all the interviews adding corrections to the RA's transcriptions and filling in the transcription for the XK components of the interviews. 43 A university semester program governed locally by the Haida Gwaii Higher Education Society, and the Faculty of Forestry at the University of British Columbia. Students are predominantly from universities on the mainland, and live in and learn from Haida Gwaii communities in a semester abroad experience. https://hginstitute.ca/haida-gwaii-semesters 125 3.2.4 Engaging with Other Language Learners In addition to the formal interviews with fluent Elder speakers, I engaged with Haida language learners who have played a prominent role in language and culture reclamation, to provide additional perspectives and to help me interpret Elders’ accounts. Their comments and insights are referenced in various points in the discussion of results. Language learners I spoke to about this research include Gudt’aawt’is Judson Brown, Jaalen Edenshaw, Luu Gaahlandaay Kevin Borserio, Jisgang Nika Collison, K’uyáang Ben Young and Hesquiaht language learner and teacher čuucqa Layla Rorick. 3.2.5 Tawt’a the Box of Treasures as a Vessel to Respectfully Present and Hold this Data Elders are respected and revered in Haida culture. The Elders who participated in the present research project represent an important era of change. The knowledge they carry is unique: they are crucial links between vastly different eras, and they are the key to the language being spoken today. In addition to their individual personal histories holding intrinsic teachings, they have significance as a cohort. A major research goal was to investigate the Elders’ narratives to identify themes that could contribute to understanding trends of Haida language shift and reclamation. A respectful container for this data was required, both for presentation of the data, and for its storage. Therefore, instead of being presented in tables of data, this invaluable, unique information is being presented – and stored as part of their legacy to future generations – in a symbolic representation of tawt’a bentwood boxes, the long-standing traditional containers of highly valued cultural belongings. (These are presented in Chapter 4.) tawt’aGaay/tawt’a (noun): box (cedar bentwood box) [Bentwood boxes – red cedar and yellow cedar] were used primarily for storage of food, implements, clothing and valuables. They were also used for cooking and serving food. They sometimes served as furniture or room dividers. They were also used as trade goods 126 or gifts, and were symbols of wealth and prestige. Boxes used for ceremonial purposes [were] usually more highly decorated than those for everyday use. (SHIP Glossary 2021, 161) The bentwood “Box of Treasures” features prominently in Haida and westccoast cultures as a repository for sacred objects. Haida scholar, lawyer and singer gid7ahl-Gudsllaay Terri-Lynn Williams-Davidson (Williams-Davidson 2022) examines k’aaygang.nga origin stories as told to John R. Swanton in 1900, and highlights the essential role that bentwood boxes play in the narratives. In the story of “How Nang Kilslaas Raven Created Land,” Nang Kilslaas’ grandfather pulled out five nested boxes, in which the materials for the creation of Haida Gwaii and the “Seaward Country” (mainland North America) were kept. In stories including the Supernatural Kagan Jaad Mouse Woman, Kagan Jaad houses her medicines and her seemingly endless food in tawt’a with magic powers (Williams-Davidson 2022, 200). In the foreword to Enrico's 1995 book Skidegate Haida Myths and Histories, cultural and political leader Guujaaw identifies a modern form of this vessel for precious things by referring to the book itself as “[t]his Box of Treasures” (Guujaaw 1995). Following this tradition, I am presenting the information from the Elders in a tawt’a design to honour the information they have shared. The tawt’a design here is by my husband’s cousin Kuuhlaanuu William Yovanovich. In this way I seek to honour the information the Elders have shared, and present their gifts of information as sacred knowledge held in a Box of Treasures. In addition, I will house the physical data of this research of paper transcriptions and MP3 files on a hard drive in a tawt’a for storage and archival purposes at the Haida Gwaii Museum in Skidegate, Haida Gwaii. 127 3.3 Language Revitalization ‘Language revitalization’ emerged as an academic field in the 1990s as sociolinguists and anthropologists began to call urgent attention to ‘language shift’ -– the process or event where a population’s endemic or Ancestral language is replaced by another, unfolding at alarming rates around the world, particularly in situations of language contact and migration (see Fishman 1991; Dorian 1992; Hale 1992; Watahomigie and Yamamoto 1992; Hale et al. 1992). 3.3.1 Language about Language As linguists began to realize that languages were becoming endangered due to the strategic impacts of colonization on the cultural diversity of the human species, there was a proliferation of work about language “death” and “dying” (Crystal 2000; Dorian 1981) and ‘extinction’ (Crystal 2000; Krauss 1992). It has been called ‘murder’ (Nettle and Romaine 2000) and “linguistic suicide” (Enrico 2003; Nettle and Romaine 2000) and “linguicide" (Skutnabb-Kangas and Phillipson 2001). While the intention to call attention to this important issue may have been well-intended, Indigenous and non-Indigenous scholars and language activists have identified and called out the fact that this use of language reinforces the relentless narrative of erasure of Indigenous peoples (Baldwin 2003; Baldwin and Costa 2018; Baldwin et al. 2018; Perley 2012b; 2012a); see earlier discussion of this in Chapter 2. Furthermore, Indigenous language activism has shown that death is not an accurate determination of language state - the language revitalization of the Myaamia language (the work of Daryl Baldwin and colleagues (Baldwin and Costa 2018)) and the Wampanoag language (jessie little doe baird and her family) have shown that even when Indigenous languages have not been spoken for decades they can be reawakened (Makepeace 2010). Therefore the term 128 “sleeping language” has come to be used instead of “extinct language” (Leonard 2007; Baldwin and Costa 2018) This restorying of the narrative of language decline and death is deeply powerful, and opens the door to life. “Emergent Vitalities” defined by Perley (B. C. Perley 2011) shows the possibility unfolding in the midst of the project of revitalizing languages. As a community engages in language revitalization, if individuals are empowered to use their language, new and unexpected uses and domains of language emerges, “the life of the language is best witnessed when speakers use it to create new relationships” (Perley 2012b, 143). Examples of this on Haida Gwaii include the media productions of K’alts’ida k’ah, and the Edge of the Knife screenplay and film (2018). The innovation, beauty and pure joy of events of emergent vitality burst through the death narrative like a seedling in a sidewalk, bringing life to the movement, and is inspiring for new speakers, promoting a focus on survival, persistence, and life. Other concepts and terms that promote vitality are language ‘revitalization’ (Grenoble and Whaley 2005; Hinton and Hale 2001; O’Grady 2018a; Campbell and Rehg 2018), language ‘awakening’ (Baldwin and Costa 2018); “Language Revitalization” focuses on the creation of new speakers (Hinton, Huss, et al. 2018). “Language reclamation” defined by Leonard (2012a) is “a larger effort by a community to claim its right to speak a language and to set associated goals in response to community needs and perspectives” and is “a type of decolonization” (Leonard 2017, 19). I variously use the terminology of revitalization, reclamation, and emergent vitalities as I find these terms and approaches promote empowerment and positive affect in language learners, which I believe should always be one of the main goals of any language work. 129 3.3.2 Indigenous Language Revitalization (LR) Today there are many established modes of LR, including: school programs (programs in bilingual, foreign language, and immersion media); language nests for children from birth to six years old, modeled after Te Kōhanga Reo Language Nest program that started in 1982 in Aotearoa New Zealand (Whakamana i Te Kaupapa 2023); the Master-Apprentice Method established by Hinton, Vera and Steele (2002) which has had large influence and reach (for example, Henke’s online Master-Apprentice language learning program Dictionary lists 125 Master-Apprentice programs underway (2017), not to mention the ground-swell of initiatives since then); as well as the many language revitalization initiatives in the home (see the beautiful book, “Bringing Our Languages Home” 2013, for some inspiring documented cases). Hinton (2018) describes four main areas of LR: child learning (home, school); adult learning (post-secondary or community-based classes, Master-Apprentice method, learning from documentation); modernization (creation of new lexicon, orthography, media and technology); and language use (the ultimate goal of all the areas) (Hinton 2018). Language in the home is one of the most natural areas to revitalize language, and intergenerational transmission (which is, of course, the basis of the Master-Apprentice model) has been identified from early research in this area as an important goal and means for LR (Fishman 1991). A growing number of case studies have been documented, including the Baldwin family of the Myaamia language in Oklahoma (Baldwin and Costa 2018), jessie little doe baird of the Wampanoag language in Massachusetts (jessie little doe baird 2013) and A Thousand Homes - a Thousand Dreams Maori language program in Aotearoa (King 2018). LR strategies for increasing language use in the home include timed ‘immersion sets’ (as in Master-Apprentice method (Hinton, Vera and Steele 2002), and creating target language areas to reclaim domains in 130 “language nesting in the home” (Zahir 2018). While children gain (and lose) languages more easily (O’Grady 2018b), adult second language (L2) learners are key – sometimes referred to as “the missing generation” (Hinton, Huss, et al. 2018), as L2 adults are needed as teachers of the language, either in the home or in programs (Johnson 2017). A small but growing literature addresses the emerging reality in the context of endangered Indigenous languages that teachers are simultaneously learners, learning the language along with their students (Hinton 2003; Johnson 2017). These methods and approaches inform my methodology for my questions for the Elders in Chapters 3, and curriculum for the family language transmission project in Chapter 4. 3.4 Language Socialization and Second Language Acquisition Preparation for me as the researcher and as teacher prior to this project was very important. In the coursework for my PhD I took a course on Theories of Second Language Acquisition that introduced me to important relevant fields of scholarship. Language socialization focuses not just on the acquisition of linguistic knowledge and competence but also how learning is mediated by other people, various tools, cultural activities, etc. The course also helped me understand the emotional and psychological implications of language acquisition, as well as concepts for understanding language loss, important for my interviews with Elders. The language learning principles outlined in this chapter helped further my lessons planning and language transmission foci for our family LR project. The reason for the need for language revitalization is the rupture of Haidas from their birthright, the Haida language. This did not happen by chance, and one of the main factors for Indigenous language loss in Canada are residential schools, as discussed in Chapter 1. There are huge emotional implications of this severe and sudden language shift. The associated disruption 131 of family “by belittling Aboriginal culture, the schools drove a wedge between children and their parents” (Truth and Reconciliation Commission 2015, 107); the further rupture of individuals from their culture and self-identity, “the damage affected future generations, as former students found themselves unable or unwilling to teach their own children Aboriginal languages and cultural ways” (ibid.). As well as the association of language shift with the veritable torture of residential school, the rupture with family and identity, the active removal of this cognitive, spiritual, familial, psychosocial framework has left a legacy of feelings of inadequacy, illegitimacy, and anger. To learn one’s language taken in this way, therefore, Indigenous language learners must confront the pain of the loss. This is clear in Indigenous texts such as new Xaad kíl speaker and language teacher Jaskwaan Bedard’s Gyaahlangee dii naa iijang: Here is my story (2019), It had been a particularly challenging evening during which a three-person panel had evaluated what I had learned in my previous hundred hours of apprenticeship. Suddenly, I had to pull over as I started to cry uncontrollably. A heavy pressure began in my chest, tears flowed over my face, and my cry turned into a wail. I sat in my car, a deep grief surrounding me, as I wailed and sobbed. The experience shook me to the core, as it felt like I could not stop the flow of grief. I have since learned that Xaad kíl word sGaayhl t’axid to wail in overwhelming grief. I understand now that that grief was not only mine. It is all of ours. Grief at the unnecessary historical circumstances that prevented natural language transmission in our homes, families, and communities. (Bedard 2019, 18-19) Indigenous language learners have written about confronting the intergenerational pain and legacy associated with reclaiming their language. Laura Cranmer speaks to it directly, explaining, “the parents who experienced punitive residential school practices in linguistic repression in turn raised children who were denied their linguistic heritage. Such is the power of intergenerational transmission of trauma” (Cranmer 2015, 90). The history of cultural genocide and assimilation by residential school has daily bearing on aspects of LR. Shaw (Shaw 2004) calls on linguists and academics to understand the Duality of Loss experienced by Indigenous 132 people with respect to their language – first the loss of language, a human cognitive system, and second, “the personal/social psychology of loss” – an accumulation of the losses incurred by colonization, all linked to language. Understanding the Duality of Loss is foundational knowledge for anyone working in LR, as the emotional landscape of this work is often raw. Bedard continues, “to this day, we feel the effects of government policies and practices that violently removed our mother tongue from our consciousness. Anger, grief, frustration, an overwhelming sense of powerlessness, a need to strike out and blame those around you: all are ongoing, chronic symptoms of the Canadian policy of Indigenous language removal” (Bedard 2019, 119). In the field of decolonization and LR work, isolation, despair and self-doubt are common companions. Language socialization and affect literatures can help understand and work with the emotions of language speakers and learners, primarily by identifying and validating their day-to-day experiences as language actors. These areas of research can provide means of processing, and solidarity and hope. Language socialization, as a theoretical framework examining the role of language in enculturation, considers the L2 learner as an actor influenced by a multitude of historical, social, cultural, and political factors that contribute to a dynamic of agency, motivations and multi-directionality toward different linguistic and cultural norms, practices, and goals (Duff and Talmy 2011). “Language socialization mediates the dualisms of nature and nurture, development and learning, individual and society, and mind and culture” (Ochs and Schieffelin 2012, 8) While LR has not yet been extensively examined through the lens of language socialization, viewing LR as a set of ideologically mediated cultural practices can help us understand the complex processes of LR (Friedman 2011). Today’s language socialization and 133 language ideologies about the Haida language cannot be understood without reflecting on the past, including processes of colonization of the archipelago, mass migrations and amalgamation of historically distinct communities due to smallpox, residential school, removal of resources (see Ch1). This past has greatly impacted peoples’ relationship with the Haida language, and their intra- and inter-generational relations when speaking Xaad kíl /Xaayda kil. Language socialization research takes into account that a language learner’s participation in learning is a process affected by the surrounding socio-cultural and historical influences of their peers and especially their Elders, as well as circulating language ideologies; in turn, these learners also influence those around them, even their Elders (Duff and Talmy 2011; Ochs and Scheffelin 2012). A collaboration involving 15 scholars in different subdisciplines of applied linguistics interested in language learning, known as the Douglas Fir Group (DFG) in 2016 produced the Transdisciplinary Framework for Second Language Acquisition shown in Figure 3.2: “we thus offer a transdisciplinary framework that assumes the embedding, at all levels, of social, sociocultural, sociocognitive, sociomaterial, ecosocial, ideological and emotional dimensions” (The Douglas Fir Group 2016, 24) to identify and towards meeting the needs of learners across their multi-dimensional contexts (Ibid.). According to DFG (2016), “When L2 learners participate in particular social contexts of action, they do so as actors with specific constellations of historically laden, context-sensitive, and locally (re)produced social identities” (Ibid., 31). DFG offers this framework towards twin goals of 1) increasing researchers’ and language teachers’ understanding of learners’ needs and being able to provide appropriate resources to language learners in a variety of multilingual contexts, and 2) facilitating learners to understand how their language work is situated within history-laden contexts, and the value of their language actions “in shaping their own and others’ worlds” (Ibid., 25). 134 Figure 3.2 The Transdisciplinary Framework: the Multifaceted Nature of Language Learning and Teaching. The Douglas Fir Group 2016, 25 “An integrated representation of the multilayered complexity of L2 learning” (The Douglas Fir Group 2016, 24). In Figure 3.2, L2 learning and multilingualism more generally are presented as ongoing processes which are concurrent across levels with macro affecting micro and vice versa. The inner circle is social activity (micro level), and uses available semiotic resources. This work is within a larger circle of context (meso level) of institution and community. These domains in turn are characterized by the largest circle of influence and context (macro level) which is the 135 society-wide ideologies around language, including the perceived status of different languages in one’s repertoire or community, language policies, hierarchies, and so on. All levels are not independent but feed back on each other, and are interdependent also with “the agency of individual members within their locally situated contexts of action” (The Douglas Fir Group 2016, 24). One of the DFG 2016 members, Patricia Duff, developed the Framework further in 2019: “The DFG Framework emphasizes ideological structures, viewed as a macro set of social/societal factors in that model, identity (depicted as a meso-level construct, together with power and agency, as part of socioinstitutional roles and relationships) and interaction or social action (micro-level phenomenon). Naturally, all of these social components or scalar levels interact or co-produce one another” (P. A. Duff 2019, 8). Duff introduces additional factors across scales of time and space, including salient semiotic resources, actions and dispositions, and expanding the influence of social identities from the meso-level to all levels. Although this framework was not developed for Indigenous language learning specifically, but rather multilingualism more generally, identifying and considering all the nuanced influences on a language speaker, past and present, is important, and complex. To interpret and understand the social context and emotional landscape of contemporary Haida language learning as described in Bell (2016), Crosby (2004), Bedard (2019), White (2006) and others, these frameworks provide an integrated way of considering Haida language actors by using a multilayered and multilevel analytic framework to identify and address the interdependent influences on them. Additionally, while these are developed to consider an ecological and socio-cognitive view of the multidimensionality of the language learner, I propose that the Transdisciplinary Framework for Second Language Acquisition (DFG 2016) 136 could also function as a way of considering the reverse – examining the multidimensional factors on an individual that produce language shift away from one’s own language. This offers a framework of context and influences to consider language individuals undergoing language shift, which is the focus of Chapter 4. Additionaly, this is important considering the highly disadvantageous ideological context for Indigenous languages in society, in education, and in language policies until recently. 3.4.1 Affect Toward connecting and understanding the psychological conditions and impacts of language shift (as in the L1 Elders), and for L2 language learning, philosopher Spinoza’s 1667 theories of ‘Affect’ are very interesting to consider regarding today’s effects of (cultural) genocide on these surviving individuals, populations and languages. Language is a confluence of a person’s physical, spiritual, emotional and mental self, and at the same time, is a source of connection to culture, one’s Ancestors and identity, and therefore a source of (potential) inner strength. As noted earlier, Indigenous languages were a major target of the residential schools. Children were separated from other speakers (from parents and even siblings) and punished for speaking their language. Survivor accounts of punishment for speaking their language range from being shamed in front of the class, to the teacher washing their mouth out with soap, to pins pushed through tongues. Spinoza’s conception of emotions (or “Affectus”) is the physical embodiment of change from interaction that affects the body’s ability to act, “…by affect I understand affections of the body by which the body's power of acting is increased or diminished, aided or restrained, and at the same time, the ideas of these affections” (Spinoza 1982, 104). 137 Affect is only perceived when there is a shift in a body’s capacity for action (Spinoza 1982). The “capacity to act” is very significant for heritage and Indigenous second language acquisition. Today the term ‘empowerment’ or ‘agency’ are used in the context of marginalized groups; there is a strong connection here to Spinoza’s concept of Affect as increasing or decreasing a body’s capacity to act. This means of examining embodied emotions offers an important perspective for explaining current, post-genocidal conditions of Indigenous Canada. As First Nations, Inuit and Métis Canadians rebuild their families, their strength, and reclaim cultural practices, they bear scars on their bodies, minds and intergenerational interactions. Dene leader George Erasmus lists addictions, lateral abuse, self-abuse and violence, suicide, crime, lack of parenting skills, poverty, trauma, inability to form healthy relationships as some of the issues Aboriginal people face as a result of the institutional assaults since contact (Erasmus 2003). These are common manifestations of physical, psychological and intergenerational trauma in Indigenous Canada. Affect is a useful framework for understanding these manifestations of pain in the bodies, minds, and spirits of Indigenous peoples, and inability to control or act on certain circumstances with respect to cultural shifts of these Elders’ lives, and language shift. Affect helps us understand how the impact of genocide has affected the state of a language and community. Affect theories can help language educators understand how ‘intergenerational trauma’ is reflected through language transmission, and the emotions of current heritage language learners that surround language. Emotions are inflamed when traumatic memories are triggered, and these powerful memories are felt in the body. Such is the experience of residential school survivors today when they attempt to speak their ancestral language. I have witnessed people becoming physically overcome with the conflicting emotions 138 of desire to speak and of crushing shame (related to their own direct language experiences or that of a relative). A witness can almost see the schoolteacher with the strap or safety pin that has been resurrected in the language student’s mind. The survivor has left the residential school, but is still incapacitated by the visceral Affect its memory calls up when trying to speak their heritage language. This approach been a strategy of colonization for conquering regimes around the world and also of assimilationist ideologies in immigrant-receiving countries preventing children from learning, retaining, or using their heritage languages. 3.4.2 Affect Theory in Second Language Acquisition (SLA) Second Language Acquisition (SLA) includes the role of Affect in its analysis of language acquisition and education. Theories of affect and emotion play an increasingly large strong role in SLA theory – recognizing that a learner’s feelings, anxiety, and attitude toward learning a language plays a big part in the degree to which a learner will want to or be able to learn a second language (L2). Affect has long been a concern of research in both (second) language socialization and language acquisition because it mediates learning in such a profound way. 3.5 Reversing Language Shift: Rationale for the Family Project Linguist Joshua Fishman wrote Reversing Language Shift in 1991. “[Reversing Language Shift] espouses the right and the ability of small cultures to live and to inform life for their own members as well as to contribute thereby to the enrichment of humankind as a whole” (Fishman 1991, 35). Using an approach in line with the Restorying work of today’s Indigenous language scholars and activists, Fishman used concepts of “wellness” and “language health” rather than of death or dying. His Reversing Language Shift (RLS) model was not just about combating illness, but promoting wellness (Fishman 1991, xii), promoting possibility over the 139 disempowering narrative of inevitable decline. This concept is broached more recently in an SLA branch known as positive psychology, the study of human flourishing. Scholars in this area examine second language acquisition in the context of a holistic view of the realities and pressures on individuals within their identity and community (Driver 2024; Mercer and Gregersen 2023). Language encodes culture, therefore receding language equals receding culture (Fishman 1991, 23). This is no doubt why Indigenous languages have been a target in Residential schools designed and run by colonizers around the world. As Fishman wrote, “Not only are most cultural acts and events linguistically encoded and linguistically suffused, but the languages themselves become replete with figures of speech that are by-products of frequent hearings, sayings, recitations and (in literate cultures) readings” (Fishman 1991, 25). Fishman believed that to take steps towards reversing language shift, “Reversing Language Shift-ers need to clarify the cultural life-style and ethnocultural ideal that they stand for” (Fishman 1991,27). This is what Gudt’aawt’is and I did as a family: we set the goals for a family lifestyle based on the Haida values taught to us by GwaaGanad and Ganxwad that we found most important to us, and built our family language transmission as an RLS project around these ethnocultural ideals. The Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale (GIDS) - Fishman (1991) Towards the goal of RLS, Fishman introduced a Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale (GIDS): a framework of eight stages of language vitality in a population (Fishman 1991, 87-111). Fishman’s intention of developing this framework and using it for assessment is so that the appropriate reverse process can be engaged: goals and steps for effectively reversing language shift of a particular language. The higher the rating the higher the level of language disruption; “the higher numbers will imply greater disruption and, therefore, more severe or 140 fundamental threat to the prospects for the language to be handed on intergenerationally” (Fishman 1991, 87). In addition, the “higher (more disrupted) scores imply all or nearly all of the lesser degrees of disruption as well” (Ibid.). Table 3.1 presents my annotated assessment of Xaayda kil language revitalization work within the GIDS rating. I include this to show the extensive work of XK revitalization inroads towards reversing language shift occurring at all 8 stages, and how the work of RLS is non-linear, as is language learning itself within any individual. 141 Table 3.1 Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale GIDS. Text in the first four columns are from Fishman 1991 pages 87-111; the fifth column summarizes the present author's [SCS] assessment of Xaayda Kil's status with respect to each Stage. Note that in original text the target language is referred to as “Xish” and the mainstream language is referred to as “Yish.” One of the main goals for each stage is to “transcend itself, i.e. to attain that which is most crucially lacking so that RLS can be achieved and maintained” (Fishman 1991,91). Stage Description Details Reversing Language Shift (RLS) stage major goals Xaayda Kil Assessment [SCS] 8 The only remaining speakers of the target language are members of the grandparent generation. Target language not used conversationally. Speakers of the target language are Elders, often socially isolated. The language needs to be assembled from their mouths and memories and taught to demographically unconcentrated adults. These Elders can provide younger generations with a toehold on the language and old culture and offer something profound to build back the identity of a people via their language. Piece together and restore songs, proverbs, stories, formulaic expressions to assemble phonologies, grammars, lexicons and lessons. One difficulty (of several) is that language learning and the intergenerational language-in-culture use that RLS requires can be separate. L1 fluent Elders created the formation of Skidegate Haida Immersion Program (SHIP); SHIP has produced community orthography, a glossary, translations, lessons, books. 7 Majority of users of the target language are socially integrated and ethnolinguistically active population, but they are beyond child-bearing age. Elderly speakers are still socially integrated in community life and can contribute to the increase of new speakers by social example and action. To gain younger L2 speakers to teach, build spaces where target language is used, and that can have children towards re-establishing intergenerational, family transmission. Note a danger of becoming satisfied at this stage with adult learner programs, and not to move towards Stage 6 (92). Several programs are addressing this: Haida Gwaii Mentor Apprentice Program; university accredited language programs (SFU in Gaw Tlagée, UNBC in HlGaagilda); Language Nests; Xant’si Naay Preschool in Hydaburg, AK 6 The target language is used by all generations of the family. The attainment of intergenerational informal oralcy and its demographic concentration and institutional reinforcement “Stage 6 is concerned with the reappearance of the intergenerational family. It is an extremely crucial stage for the language because the lion’s share of the world’s intergenerationally continuous languages are at this very stage and they continue to survive and, in most cases, even to thrive, without going on to subsequent (‘higher’) stages” (92). “An extremely crucial stage” (92) for endangered languages. Target language must also go beyond the family units; language must become an interfamiliar language. Requires a language-in-culture practice of young people for family and interfamily community to achieve demographic concentration of communities (93). Families taking up XK in the home, including the current study and others; Xant’si Naay Preschool in Hydaburg, AK encourages families to support the learning of their preschooler by learning XK too (Young 2019). 142 5 The language is used orally by all generations and is effectively used in written form throughout the community. There is a risk of being timid and staying “within the language” and parochialism; must breach this to be relevant in the wider mainstream language. Protection of the oral realization of the target language by broadening functional periphery in literacy. Target language literacy frees RLSers from dependency on mainstream language for print and media. All basic intergenerational sociolinguistic needs are within the power of Target language community members to plan, control and defend. Xaad kíl hla suu, Xaad kíl Nee and SHIP’s work to produce community orthography and language resources 4 Target language is in lower education that meets the requirements of compulsory education laws Literacy in the language is transmitted through education (either Band Schools or public schools) Target language community members need broader outside influence on mainstream language authorities: control ‘lower’ educational and ‘lower’ work domains. Factors: curriculum, pedagogic materials and teachers. Schools have included XK in formal teaching on HG since 1990s 3 Use of target language in the lower work sphere (outside of the Target language neighborhood/community) involving interaction between [the people and the mainstream community] The target language is used for local and regional work by both insiders and outsiders Goal to maintain the target language ethnolinguistic boundary maintenance; “local mainstream businesses serving the target communities but even local governmental or quasi-governmental offices (banks, post offices, registry offices, small claims courts, neighbourhood health clinics, etc.) can sometimes be influenced to move in this direction” (104). SHIP’s request in April 2019 to nearby village of Queen Charlotte to revert to the original XK name of Daajing Giids; in 2022 the name was changed. 2 Target language in lower governmental services and mass media but not in the higher spheres of either. Moving into the “big leagues”: the language is used for local and regional mass media and governmental services. Taking on the central institutions and processes, and those most firmly under the main language control. Reached by few RLS movements. The name Haida Gwaii was official returned to the islands in 2010. 1 Some use of target language in higher level educational, occupational, governmental and media efforts. Language is used in education, work, mass media, government at the nationwide level. Represents arrival of pursuit of cultural autonomy: target language is the recognized co-language of its region, and is co-associated with the highest educational, occupational, governmental and media activities. Still pressures and challenges here, but arrival at a very strong place. This stage is recognized as something that is possible to do later, after higher stages are assured. XK used by CHN in provincial and federal agreements; XK taught in university courses through SFU (O), UNBC (S). XK media movement: Edge of the Knife film (2018), Haidawood animations. 144 In studying stages of GIDS, Stage 6 is identified by Fishman as a critical stage, and one that focussed on the family: …the core of this stage is the family (although, given demographic concentration, a community of families can be envisaged). The family is an unexpendable bulwark of RLS. The family has a natural boundary that serves as a bulwalk against outside pressures, customs and influences. Its association with intimacy and privacy gives it both a psychological and a sociological strength that makes it peculiarly resistant to outside competition and substitution. (Fishman 1991, 94). Furthermore, this family work at Stage 6 is crucial for all other stages of RLS: “if its fundamental desirability is recognized, then all other RLS-efforts can be evaluated in terms of their feedback or by-product contribution to this stage.” (Ibid., 93). The challenges associated with this stage were also recognized (note that “Xish” refers to the target language): Stage 6 is a difficult stage. Some of the families that it contains may not be entirely constituted of Xish speakers or of Xishly fluent speakers. However, the more the Xish speakers are concentrated and the more they reinforce each other, the more they create the social norms and interactive situations that facilitate the acquisition of Xish as a second language for those who have not hitherto done so, and the more they contribute to the fluency of those who are somewhat less fluent than others. Stage 6 involves the informal daily life of a speech community. (Ibid., 92) …the family (and even the immediate community) may not be enough for RLS to be attained, particularly where outside pressures are both great and hostile, but without this stage safely under Xish control, the more advanced stages have nothing firm to build upon. (Ibid., 94) Much language revitalization and research has unfolded since Fishman’s RLS seminal work was published. Language revitalization in the home is well-established as key in the entire language revitalization process (Hinton 2013; Baldwin 2003; O’Regan 2018; Zahir 2018; Hinton, Huss, and Roche 2018; Hinton 2018). The importance of language revitalization in the home resonated profoundly with Gudt’aawt’is and me, as this is in line in general with the Geyluu intuition of heritage language learners: we had both been working on learning XK for years, and wanted to 145 bring a higher level of language focus to our young family. Fishman’s counsel of “patient and diligent concentration on the ‘home front’, before serious attention and scarce resources are devoted to the higher order spheres” (Fishman 1991, 5) was guidance that we could dedicate ourselves to. This counsel offered strong rationale and guidance for RLS for our family’s Intergenerational Language Transmission project and the development of this program for my PhD research. Finally, Fishman also indicated the importance of sharing this work: Shared experience, in connection with successes and failures at Stage 6, is a great conserver and facilitator of energy and resources and an international clearing house for this purpose is greatly needed. (Fishman 1991, 94). A lot of efforts by individuals take place but others may not know about them or be able to learn from them. Sometimes the results were disappointing to those involved, but others could learn so much from these experiences. Recording our work and research so that other language learners and families could access our learnings in the work at this crucial GIDS stage was part of our decision in moving forward with this research as a public scholarship enterprise. 146 3.6 Embedded in Family: My Partners and Collaborators in This Work Figure 3.3 Id hltaaxuulang our family at Ganhlaans Kerouard Islands in 2021: Gudt’aawt’is (father), Tiisaan (son, 9 yrs), Ganxwad (grandfather), Ganhlaans (son, 12 yrs), GwaaGanad (grandmother), Kihlgula Gaay.ya (mother). Photo by Niisii Guujaaw. Prior to this PhD research, our family was already a Xaayda kil language family; this project has formalized our work together. This intergenerational language transmission project is a family collaboration. The naanGa grandmother of the research is my jiiGu naanGa mother-in-law: GwaaGanad Diane Brown. She is a matriarch of the Ts’aahl Eagle clan, and at 77 years old (in 2025) she is the youngest Xaayda kil fluent first-language speaker. She has guided and mentored me throughout my work with the Haida language, and throughout the Ph.D. process. Following Xaaydas giinaa.ah principles, my research upheld family relationships, responsibilities and opportunities. My work with my mother-in-law GwaaGanad is an example of Xaaydas giinaa.ah in female mentoring and apprenticeship. Every May, when we work on 147 taaxid sockeye from K’aasda Copper Bay together, GwaaGanad invokes her own mother-in-law, Juus clan matriarch Lily Brown, and the teachings that she received from Lily. In this way, I feel that I am continuing a family practice and legacy. Her husband is Ganxwad Dullskin Brown, of the Juus Kaahlii Eagle clan. He is 81 (in 2025). While he is not a fluent speaker, he grew up hearing the Haida language spoken by both his parents, and is deeply cultural. At age 15 he left HlGaagilda to attend Edmonton Indian Residential School. Ganxwad is the grandfather and anchor of the family, and embodies the values and responsibilities of a Haida man deeply committed to family and living in a Haida way. His support of GwaaGanad and the family has enabled us all to have a Haida lifestyle. Their son and my tlaalGa husband is Gudt’aawt’is Judson Brown, a 53 year-old Ts’aahl Eagle man (in 2025). He did not grow up speaking the language but has been learning as an adult learner since 1998. When we had children, we committed to speaking as much XK as possible to our children, and to make XK the language of our home. Gudt’aawt’is has provided my sons and me with a safe, healthy, positive, cultural foundation with lots of time out on the land, for us to be able to work and live with the Haida language. As a participant in this study he is referred to as GungGa father, and as a participant in this study I am referred to as awGa mother. Our sons are Ganhlaans Sentaro Joseph Suzuki-Brown, who is currently (in 2025) 16 years-old, and Tiisaan Wyett Kaoru Suzuki-Brown, who is currently (in 2025) 13 years-old. Because clan inheritance is matrilineal, my sons belong to the clan I was adopted into: the K’aadaasGa KiiGawaay Ravens of Tanu. They were born into a bilingual environment, and have been hearing and engaging with XK daily since birth. Through our weekly food gathering and spending time on the lands and waters of Haida Gwaii, Ganhlaans and Tiisaan are deeply 148 connected to their place on this earth, and are proud to speak the Haida language. They have honoured their responsibility as language speakers, speaking XK formally in public in the community, for example at a school event for gid7ahl-Gudsllaay Terri-Lynn Williams-Davidson’s book launch of Magical Beings of Haida Gwaii in 2019, on a food sovereignty webinar during COVID (2021), and giving the food blessing at their grandparents’ wedding in 2021. As participants in this study, Ganhlaans is referred to as k’waayGa older sibling (same gender) and Tiisaan is dawGanGa younger sibling (same gender). These are performative and public acts of speaking that are an important realm for reclaiming not only language but culture and identity. We need to engage in additional realms of language reclamation, and a main goal of this research has been to identify and create opportunities to speak XK in dialogue and in a conversational, casual manner. As a family, we have tried to create contexts for language to occur spontaneously, and this is the subject of the research presented in Chapters 5 and 6. For my husband and me, the fundamental, underlying goal in speaking XK with our children is that our children feel goodness and pride when they engage with the Haida language. Repatriation leader Sdaahl K’awaas Lucy Bell writes about the Haida language itself needing healing, and that practices and modes of healing can come from traditional Haida practices (Bell 2016). Gudt’aawt’is and I agree with this, and believe that in practicing cultural acts such as food gathering and speaking XK together, our family is engaging in acts of healing, not only for ourselves as individuals but for our community and the Haida language itself, as this work is directly addressing the rupture of intergenerational language transmission caused by the residential school system and the systemic impact of colonization in general. This project is a formalization of our work as a family towards the often-invoked mantra, “Xaayda kil jii.nga xaaynang.nga Gas ga - Long live the Haida language!” (SHIP 2021, 444) 149 3.7 Xaayda Kil Gud ad Kihlguul Speaking the Haida Language Together: Our Family Intergenerational Language Transmission Project There were several goals for this Intergenerational Language Transmission Project. As dedicated language learners, Gudt’aawt’is and I wanted to take advantage of having an L1 fluent Elder in our own family to continue the language line in our family, and boost our language learning and that of our children. We wanted to contribute to healing of XK itself, and also to healing the trauma of language removal in our own family and in the broader community of Haida people. Therefore, we had as goals that language learning be positive and enjoyable, and an opportunity for positive family interaction. Finally, the focussed project goals were to increase the use of Xaayda kil spoken in our home, and to document linguistic aspects of the acquisition of XK. To increase usage of XK, we increased XK spoken between family members in the following roles (brackets indicate ages at the start of the study in June 2019): naanGa, grandmother (72), L1 Fluent XK speaker awGa, mother (39), L2 XK teacher-learner GungGa, father (47), L2 XK learner k’waayGa, child (10), L2 XK learner dawGanGa, child (7), L2 XK learner 150 3.7.1 Methods: Indigenous Language Revitalization Master-Apprentice Method As noted in §2.1.4, the Master-Apprentice method was an essential part of my XK learning. The method originated in California - in 1992, a group of Californian Indian language activists came together to address the problem that the only speakers of their languages were of grandparent age who were not trained to teach their languages: out of this the Advocates for Indigenous Californian Language Survival (AICLS) arose, as well as the Master-Apprentice method (Hinton, Florey, et al. 2018, 127). The method follows natural language acquisition principles (the methodology often reminds learners the goal is to learn as babies learn language, through listening, watching and experiencing), but is designed to create the conditions for language transmission in the modern and current state of the endangered language. It requires a committed team of a fluent speaker of the language as the Master paired with a language learner as the Apprentice, who must spend a lot of time together – typically 10-20 hours per week (Hinton et al. 2002). The goal together is to create conditions for language transmission and socialization through immersion sets – language immersion with the scaffolding of culturally-authentic activities (Hinton et al. 2018). The focus is on oral or physical communication rather than writing or other classroom-typical goals, to engage in natural, first-language acquisition principles. The Apprentice takes an active approach to their learning by being proactive with suggestions for activities and keeping track of their hours, pay and progress. The Master-Apprentice Program came to British Columbia through the First Peoples’ Culture Council (which calls it the Mentor Apprentice Program) who ran their first cohort of Mentor-Apprentices in 2007. Gudt’aawt’is and I were Apprentices in this cohort, received training in the methodology, and participated in it over the course of four years, with four 151 different Mentors. Gudt’aawt’is was not able to complete the program due to his work, which entailed significant periods of travel away from the family and community on the lands and waters of Gwaii Haanas as a Park Warden for Gwaii Haanas Haida Heritage Site and Park Reserve; I completed the program to continue to strengthen our family use of Xaayda kil. This training and program were critical to my learning, and thanks to our Mentors and Ildagwaay Bea Harley in particular, I was able to develop a basic level of communicative competence, and speak Naanu kil baby language to our children. In my experience LR work is predominantly female, however not exclusively, and men involved in LR play key leadership roles. Principles of the Master-Apprentice methodology were foundational for developing the Xaayda kil gud ad kihlguul Speaking the Haida language together: our Family Intergenerational Language Transmission Project. By the time I started this project, I had gone through many years of Mentor Apprenticeship with several Elders, and used the principles I had learned from the Master-Apprentice program. I used some of the of the Sauk Language Master-Apprentice Program approach (Hinton, Florey, et al. 2018) which depends on the bridging between beginning Apprentices and Mentors by a Team Leader – an intermediate or advanced learner that spends more time with the Mentor. As both a Team Leader and Mentor, I created culturally-appropriate activities with opportunity to hear language, and building up to “immersion sets” around activities that could account for four hours per day of language exposure was the core of the language program. In the Master-Apprentice Program, the goal is to increase conversational proficiency, and this was one of the goals of our project. How to teach when the teacher isn’t fluent In her article, How to teach when the teacher isn’t fluent (Hinton 2003), Dr. Leanne Hinton addresses the very important challenge faced by many endangered languages, where the 152 teachers of the language are not fluent themselves. As Gudt’aawt’is and I sought to raise our children with XK, we certainly faced this challenge. As I was the “lead parent”44 during the children’s early years, I was the parent who took on the task of pursuing language training towards its daily use for our family, and took on the lead role as the teacher-learner: someone who is teaching and learning the language at the same time. For family language revitalization, at least one parent is needed to take on a role of hyper-focus on (and enthusiasm for) language learning. Hinton’s first recommendation is that the teacher-learner is able to spend months or ideally years working on their fluency prior to teaching. Thanks to SHIP night classes, and to Ildagwaay Bea Harley’s mentoring through FPCC’s Mentor-Apprentice Program, I was able to spend two years apprenticing in the language (2007-2009) before I our first son Ganhlaans was born and I began teaching him. By the time I began this doctoral research program in 2019, I had also spent significant time learning XK from GwaaGanad through our language work together (see Chapter 2). In order to continuously improve and build upon my language proficiency, in our Intergenerational Language Transmission Project I included daily dedicated time as a language learner with a fluent Mentor before then switching to being a language teacher with my family. Each morning I spent 1-2 hours with L1 fluent speaker GwaaGanad. We engaged in Mentor-Apprentice activities as well as documenting and working on XK projects of her and my choosing. In the afternoons I endeavoured to apply what I had learned in my sessions with the language mentor in teaching and working with Ganhlaans, Tiisaan and Gudt’aawt’is. I kept notes of questions that came up during my work with them as teacher-learner, and would ask 44 “Lead parent” as defined by Andrew Moravcsik (2015). 153 GwaaGanad the following day. In this way I sought to keep my L2 language teaching as accurate as possible. Language teaching strategy Hinton (2003) suggests five components of the language lesson: a) the lesson proper, b) rituals, c) review, d) classroom management language, and e) classroom “patter”. Hinton stresses that it is important to focus on immersion environments and have all these components in the target language. She explains through this framework for teaching that the teacher does not need to be fluent, but just needs to have mastered the specific language vocabulary and grammatical constructions that s/he is teaching, and be prepared to actively communicate through body language and general engagement. Though our language work was not done in a classroom, I used this general framework for my language teaching in our home and outside the home. My reproduction of these components was done in the following way throughout each day: 1. Lessons: short, repetitive, activity-focussed lessons. Activities were mostly in three categories - outside play, food harvesting, and games. However sometimes we engaged in repetitive language lessons through games or drills. Examples of transitive verbs focussed on in lessons were: catch, give, throw, take, harvest (food), draw, play, make. Examples of intransitive verbs focussed on are: drive, fish, pray, sit, stand, lie down, fall, eat, drink,. 2. Rituals: morning, mealtimes and bedtimes were routine contexts where rituals were easy to integrate, and consisted of questions (e.g. guus giiyuu dang sdaahlang? What do you want?), instructions (e.g. ts’ing.ang hla hlk’uunanang brush your teeth. Haahlgwii! Come here! Asii hla isda Take this. hala dii gii tllGad help me), familiar exchanges 154 around weather (Question and answer sessions around gasing.uu sii.ngaay Giidang? What is the weather?), physical and emotional states of being (Question and answer sessions around gasing.uu dang Giidang? How are you feeling?) and other household routine vocabulary. 3. Review: each day a lot of the same language was repeated as we engaged in the daily routine. However, I aimed to add new verbs to established games and activities that were constantly being reviewed. 4. Home management language: this consisted of a lot of commands such as: Xaayda kihl gii hla dii gii suu. Tell it to me in Haida. Chiit’isgwaay hla ang.Ga xiihll. Put on your coat. Tllsgunxa hla. Clean up. K’aw uu hla. Sit down. Haawiid Hurry! Gam hak’waan hla ‘waa Gang. Don’t do that. Hak’waan hla ‘waa. Do that. In addition family comfort language was important, including, Dang Ga dii k’uuga ga. I love you. Sah uu dang Giidang! You are great! Gan gwa dang unsid? Do you understand? Hala dii gii tllGad. Help me. TllGad gii gwa dang sdaahlang? Do you need help? 5. Household patter: this consisted of a lot of questions to elicit physical or verbal responses. Examples of questions are: Guusuu íijii? What is it? Guus giiyuu dang sdaahlang? What do you want? Dang gwa k’ud? Are you hungry? Gasing.uu dang Giidang? How are you feeling? Guusuu da isda dii? What are you doing now? Guusuu da gud ’laa jiihlii gan? What did you like best (at a location/event). The types of sentences in (b), (d) and (e) were where formulaic speech was easily integrated into the dialogue. Additional LR approaches that were particularly important to our language curriculum were Language Nesting in the home (Zahir 2018) and play-based learning. Language Nesting in 155 the home entails setting physical spaces as language domains in the home where the language is exclusively used (Ibid.). This method sets up daily practice tied to spaces as opposed to time, lessons or teachers. We chose bathroom and kitchen spaces (as places we had to frequent often for simple tasks) and papered the walls and furniture with XK words, sayings and dialogue for language scaffolding for these locations or “language nests within the home;” calling to the children for them to explain what they were doing in XK was a source of language activity and daily practice. Play has long been identified as an important way that children learn. Play is actively engaging, opportunistic, pleasurable, creative, and problem-solving. Play offered a way of lowering the affective barrier to language learning for the children, and providing motivation for children to engage with language. I used the children’s engagement with the environment outside to lead their own play-based activity, and following their direction and activity, used the Master-Apprentice (Hinton, Vera, and Steele 2002) approach of master (teacher) narration throughout the activity. Child-led play was also an important strategy for providing creative and interesting activity ideas for us all, and directed the language questions I brought to our L1 fluent mentor, GwaaGanad. This led to some very entertaining conversations with GwaaGanad as she translated creative words and games that were sometimes bizarre for an elder. For example, Figure 3.4 indicates one of many play-based projects, “Tawskin” action figures that the children created from materials on hand and used for several weeks of play in and outside the home. There are three action figures in this photo, but the two main characters were two brothers called Taw oolichan grease and Skin (for the family nickname practice of adding the English word “skin” as a suffix to a person’s shortened name, e.g. “Judskin,” “dogskin”, likely also flowing from Chinaay’s English nickname, “Dullskin”). Significant, effortless engagement and joy 156 emerged from these toys and this type of play-based, child-led activity that we used to infuse XK language learning in our home, which, especially in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic lockdown and isolation, was essential. This type of positive engagement was a very encouraging example of Perley’s emergent vitalities (B. C. Perley 2011) and of Xaayda Kil language learners using their birthright for their own desires. Figure 3.4 “Tawskin” action figures created by the children during language sessions. Hipflasks contain taw oolichan grease which is the source of their superpowers. Materials are: plastic action figures (inherited from cousin Kals Jaron Brown), cedar bark, FIMO modeling clay, felt, hemlock boughs and hot glue. 3.7.2 Methods: Second Language Acquisition (SLA) Principles In addition to LR guiding principles, I used concepts from the field of Second Language Acquisition in the design of the language transmission program. Linguists and SLA scholars have been evaluating language acquisition and transmission and are applying their efforts to endangered languages. One of the linguists who has recently addressed the need for applying the results of Linguistic and SLA research study explicitly to the needs of endangered language reclamation is William O’Grady who writes: 157 With hundreds of the world’s languages now in danger, the need for effective methods of language revitalization has never been greater. Yet most efforts fall short of their objective. … language revitalization is possible only if it is possible to create or maintain the conditions under which language acquisition can take place. (O’Grady 2018a, 490). The challenge of LR is great, and finding best practices and means and indicators of success is important so that the limited energy and effort are optimally applied. The general framework of language learning routines and curriculum for our family of L2 learners (two adults, two children) was developed in line with the following SLA principles and approaches. Daily exposure For any language learner, sufficient input, that is aural exposure to the language, as well as quality and intensity (amount in a period of time) of input, are key factors for acquisition (for both L1 and L2). This has long been known (see reviews of research in Ellis and Collins 2009; O’Grady 2018a). Given that when this research was initiated, there were fewer than 20 fluent speakers of Xaayda kil dispersed throughout the territory, it was and still is significantly challenging for language learners to have access to an optimal level of "sufficient" input from active speakers. Language learners use compensatory strategies such as audio recordings (e.g. the many recordings on CD from SHIP), video recordings, film and animated video stories (e.g., Haidawood animations, see Chapter 2) to get more input if they cannot speak to an L1 Elder. O’Grady 2018(b) surveys language acquisition and attrition, and explores how bilingualism can play a significantly positive role in language revitalization. Based on studies of diverse contexts of different languages in contact around the world, O’Grady cites research showing clear benefits of bilingualism for executive processing, academic performance and even suicide prevention (O’Grady 2018b, 500). While Gudt’aawt’is and I have spoken XK since the children were born, the main language of the house is English, which we all speak fluently. Our effort to make XK an additional language used in our home is an effort towards bilingualism. O’Grady’s survey of 158 research indicated a minimum input for bilingual development should be no less than 30%, based on Genesee and Baker’s publications for teachers and parents teaching bilingualism (Genesee 2007; Baker 2014). These findings informed the target amount of daily input of XK for our family program: 30% of daily input in the target language for children translated into 3.6 hours in a 12-hour day. In order to ensure that the daily input surpassed the threshold amount of 3.6 hours, a target was set at 4 hours a day of XK language work with the children. Language input must also be of a certain level of natural language complexity for increasing acquisition: long ago in 1982, Stephen Krashen defined comprehensible input as language input just beyond the level of understanding of the learner; this was considered the optimal quality of language input for increasing acquisition (Krashen 1982). As well, the comprehensible input needs to be relevant language in order for it to hold interest and for the semantic meaning to help retention of the language expressions. Following these practical principles, family language activities were guided by the children’s interests and culturally relevant activities on the land. New input was carefully researched and co-constructed in my daily engagement with GwaaGanad (five days a week) and then incorporated into the kinds of vocabulary and sentence patterns already familiar to the children (from expressions that Gudt’aawt’is, GwaaGanad and I had been speaking since before their births). Often one of the main foci of language programs for children, teenagers and adults has been on the memorization of individual words - usually nouns and some verbs. Research supports the inclusion of formulaic language: combinations of two or more high-frequency words as expressions that get transmitted as a string of words together with a collective pragmatic meaning (Meunier 2012; Erman and Warren 2000). With input of formulaic language (also called “language chunks” or “collocations”) it has been found that over time learners break 159 them down internally and begin to integrate them, enhancing the development of ‘rule-based knowledge’ – a general and abstract structure that has been internalized by the learner (R. Ellis 1993). In a survey of the research, Ellis (2012) highlights evidence that formulaic language has beneficial implications for language uptake on many levels. The use of such chunks can be very efficient in language learning. It therefore made sense in this family context to focus on formulas, especially in the early stages, as they are highly productive, useful, easy, and without undue focus initially on technical aspects of linguistic constructions. These can also facilitate fluency and pronunciation development with strings of words naturally occurring under a particular intonation contour. Teaching using relevant, formulaic language is in line with the Master-Apprentice Method that focuses on learning indigenous language in an immersive, naturalistic and culturally appropriate way. For example, from their birth, GwaaGanad taught all her grandchildren the sentence, Dang Ga dii k’uuga ga I love you. The children were taught the response, Da asing Ga dii k’uuga ga I love you too, without knowing the exact meaning or grammar of the individual words. However, it is a powerful form of interaction in which both knew what meaning was being exchanged. As a teacher-learner, in my daily sessions apprenticing with GwaaGanad, I also focused on learning language chunks, for example, Haak’waan hla ‘waa do it like this. Da asing you too. Han a suu say it (like this). Hala dii gii tllGad Give me help. Guus giiyuu dang sdaahll? What do you want? Hala dii silda da Lend it to me (pass it to me). Enhancing focus on formulaic language coming naturally from an L1 speaker (as well as from an L2 speaker) was emphasized in my language output and therefore the input to the family language learners. Discussion of the 160 observations of uptake of formulaic language and integration by language learners is found in Chapter 6 on morphosyntactic acquisition. Implicit and Explicit Language Learning Successful SLA teaching is a combination of explicit and implicit learning (R. Ellis 2008). This strategy encourages combining classroom methods focussed on explicit learning, like grammar and other aspects of language lessons, with implicit learning, like using formulaic expressions as described earlier, and following Haida cultural transmission practices: storytelling, food gathering, ceremony and culture. Therefore, I introduced target language input to the learners through these two different modes. For explicit learning, I developed some limited, child-appropriate opportunities. In my experience in XK community programming, while L1 speakers of XK characteristically don’t like to study the grammar of their language, when presented with some grammar lessons (e.g. ‘Dii hltaaxuulang’ developed by linguist Jordan Lachler), adult L2 learners really appreciate it; grammatical rules gave them a feeling of unlocking secrets to their language. Explicit lessons were informal and focused primarily on vocabulary and consonant contrasts, loosely following Hinton (2003). Children and Gudt’aawt’is enjoyed these language drills. Car travel, in particular, was a very good place for rote memorization language activities (couched as “games”). A Communicative Approach As in the Master-Apprentice method, as a teacher-learner I focused on genuine communication. Communicative competency goals are important rungs of a ladder approach that are less intimidating and more concrete than the vague, general goal of ‘becoming fluent’. This speech-focused approach is culturally positive, as this language has an oral tradition. SLA 161 teaching focused on meaning and pragmatic language learning – language to apply to everyday verbal routines and their daily lives and use in the house with each other. This offered immediate, natural opportunities that were accessible to us for practice. Opportunity (and Requirement) for Output and Opportunity to Interact Merrill Swain’s “Output Hypothesis” highlighted the function of learner “output” in their L2 language learning, and the importance of the L2 learner not only receiving sufficient input but also actively and meaningfully producing language, and the process of the learner noticing their own language gaps and testing their output in order to learn (Swain 1993). The Master-Apprentice method encourages students to produce language in a natural way, by emphasizing communication as the goal and by increasing length of interaction in Immersion sets as the program unfolds (Hinton 2008); this interaction necessitates oral production by the learner. Ellis (2008) outlines specific roles of output in second language acquisition. Related to this, the opportunity to interact with others, to ensure that one’s oral production has been understood, has been identified as an essential principle of SLA (R. Ellis 2008). My interactions with the children and Gudt’aawt’is were peppered with specific questions, as well as repeatedly asking them to repeat what I had said to them. Games were a major strategy in engaging the children and promoting output and dialogue. In Leonard’s (2007) study of Myaamia children's language acquisition, games were successful in remedying language gaps, and prompted a high level of interest in the language and an eagerness to learn and use more of it: “though their earlier acquisition may have been building up to their acquiring the possessive prefixes, actually applying those prefixes in the games marked the turning point” (Leonard 2007, 206). I employed games as a main source of language activities as they were repetitive and were motivating to all participants. I had created 162 a significant amount of games language materials during my work prior to this research in Mentor-Apprentice sessions with Ildagwaay Bea Harley, and Gaayinguuhlas Roy Jones Sr. and his wife Yang K’aalas Grace Jones. These were essential language resources that I used as oral resources for the children, and as both literacy and oral resources for Gudt’aawt’is and me with the children. I include two examples of games language in Appendix D (D.1 Snakes and Ladders, D.2 Puzzle). I also used Peaceable Kingdom collaborative games that encouraged interaction and dialogue, such as Hoot Owl Hoot, Stone Soup, and Space Escape.45 Intensive Language Period activities also incorporated daily food prayers, and weekly ceremonial practices such as prayer, song and monthly food offerings and gingGa ritual cleansing, as well as traditional practices such as food gathering and eating from the land. The children and Gudt’aawt’is were encouraged to be the ones saying the prayer, memorizing and delivering language output at these occasions, which they readily accepted. Literacy The role of literacy is an important consideration, both in terms of a learning modality, and in terms of a desired learning outcome. XK has a community orthography developed by SHIP, and accessible literature resources. Literacy as a methodology supported learning skills, for example seeing how a word was spelled helped pronunciation – seeing a glottalization “tick” or underline on a letter supported the learner's perceptual skills in focusing on listening for glottalization, and to be more intentional in pronouncing it. I took advantage of these resources, engaging daily with the SHIP Glossary (2016) and one or more of the 80 children’s books developed in partnership with SHIP (§2.3.3.1 described these children’s books). In addition, for 45 An example description of these collaborative games: Hoot Owl Hoot is a cooperative board game by Peaceable Kingdom where players help the baby owls fly back to their nest before the sun rises so that everyone wins. Winner of the 2011 Parents’ Choice Silver Honor Award. 163 the linguistic content used by me as teacher-learner, I used the resources that GwaaGanad and I had created for the Xaayda Kil Kihl Kunsda women in the UNBC DTES program in 2015-2016: adapted SHIP lessons, materials created for the program and collaborated on with SHIP such as Daily Practice Phrases, and translations of expressions and sayings by GwaaGanad. Examples of these resources are included in in Appendix E. 3.7.3 Xaayda kil gud ad kihlguul Speaking the Haida Language Together Building on the breadth of literature above, I developed a curriculum of multimodal language exposure in a language socialization program developed as follows. Xaayda kil gud ad kihlguul Speaking the Haida language together was a family effort consisting of eight “Intensive Language Periods” (ILPs) extended over a one-year period. The program focused on the second-language XK acquisition of four participants in my family: dawGanGa little brother/sibling of same gender, k’waayGa older brother/sibling of same gender, Gung.Ga father and awGa mother. See Table 3.2 for the list of participant terms. Table 3.2 Terms of Reference for Participants in Xaayda kil gud ad kihlguul Speaking the Haida Language Together Immersion Program I was the main source of language input for the other three participants. In the data, when acting as learner-teacher I am referred to as SCS (my initials), and when acting as a participant I am referred to as awGa mother. During each ILP, the goal was four hours of language exposure per Participant terms (SHIP) NAPA English Age during Program (years) dawGangGa dʌwGʌŋʌ younger brother 7-8 k’waayGa k̓ ʷa:yGʌ older brother 10 Gung.Ga GʋŋGʌ father 47-48 awGa a:wGʌ mother 39-40 164 day for the children, and two hours of exposure for adult learner Gung.Ga father. As the teacher-learner, I sought an additional 1-2 hours of meaningful exposure to L1 language input through XK-focused interaction with L1 fluent Elder naanGa grandmother in the mornings between 10am-12pm. Tables 3.3 and 3.4 are examples of daily schedule of focused XK family work during an ILP. As learner-teacher I would speak as much XK as I possibly could, using child-centric activities as the language material. I spoke in full sentences and used the sentence frames I had learned (from all my training as discussed in Chapter 2) and repeated as much as I could, filling the air with XK. I was constantly speaking, modeling vocabulary and sentence structure. I drew on the principles of SLA and Indigenous language teaching outlined earlier. I had questions in XK that I used to prompt the children and Gung.Ga to remind them to speak XK, and would encourage them to speak to each other in XK, with a verb-focussed approach. Where I could, I would correct the children and Gung.Ga by repeating a more correct version back to them, and asking them to repeat after me. This was effective. When I didn’t know a correct way of saying something, I would write it down and bring it to naanGa the following day. ILPs each lasted four weeks (a week was a full 7 days), with 1-2 weeks of break in between. These breaks allowed for the learner-teacher (me), to consolidate research results as well as to accommodate various family, community, and academic commitments. During the week directly following an ILP, I input my observations, logged recordings, L2 utterances, and did some basic transcription of L1 and L2 input. New inquiries/patterns that were identified then informed the next ILP in terms of adjustment of input, adjustment of activities, development of new learning resources, as well as reflections gleaned from the parallel on-going activity of my 165 interviews conducted with L1 Elders. The goal was set to execute 8 ILPs over the course of the year (two for each of the four seasons); this was achieved between July 2019 and June 2020. As discussed earlier, COVID-19 resulted in a community shut-down in March 2020. This impacted our family program in different ways. In a positive impact it made it more achievable to hit the hours of immersion as we now had focussed time together – the children were suddenly home from school, and we were isolated from everyone (and therefore, away from English). These two things made it much easier to achieve 4 hours per day of immersion. However, there were negative impacts too – it limited our contact with Elders (we had to stand on the backyard porch to visit naanGa and chinGa safely), and the external stress and pressures of the pandemic did not help us – in particular Gung.Ga, who still worked full-time, and was navigating a lot of the COVID-19 stress for us as a family, but also in the community, working for the Nation. 166 Table 3.3 Example of Daily Schedule in ILP7 Friday, April 3, 2020 Time Hours of XK Participants Location Activity 10am-12pm 2 awGa/SCS, naanGa naanGa’s house, kitchen table Having coffee, making toast, discussing SCS’ questions (based on immersion work) 2-2:30 .5 dawGanGa, k’waayGa, awGa/SCS dining room Playing collaborative game HlGaa jam Stone Soup 2:30-3pm .5 dawGanGa, k’waayGa, awGa/SCS trampoline Active game: xidxid ad tllsGid chase and tag (tag) 3-3:30pm .5 dawGanGa, k’waayGa, awGa/SCS Skidegate streets Bike riding through the village 4-4:30pm .5 dawGanGa, k’waayGa, awGa/SCS, naanGa & chinGa GwaaGanad's backyard Visiting naanGa and chinGa in the backyard (COVID safe) 5-5:30pm .5 dawGanGa, k’waayGa, awGa/SCS HlGaa K’iidaats Gandlaay in Skidegate Fishing for minnows in creek 6:30-7pm .5 dawGanGa, k’waayGa, awGa/SCS dining room eating dinner 7-7:30pm .5 k’waayGa, Gung.Ga, awGa/SCS dining room Playing seated game Kiixa hla Spot it 8:45-9pm .25 dawGanGa, k’waayGa, Gung.Ga, SCS bathroom bathroom routine before bed: bath, brushing teeth, pajamas 9-9:10 .16 dawGanGa, Gung.Ga, SCS bedroom Gung.Ga reading "Skidegate Firehall" (SHIP 2009). Total hours: 5.91 (awGa), 3.91 (dawGanGa, k’waayGa,); 0.91 (Gung.Ga) Documentation and Measurement To document language socialization and acquisition, two methods of data collection were used: daily participant-interaction dialogue, and storytelling output at the end of each ILP. For 167 the participant-interaction dialogue, I used a digital audio recorder (Zoom H4N) to record the dialogue between me and the children and Gudt’aawt’is during daily language sessions. In addition, metadata (contextual information) about the language input and L2 learners’ progress (in comprehension and production) was logged through notes and journal entries in daily fieldnotes in Microsoft Excel. Analysis of this participant-interaction dialogue was beyond the scope of this dissertation; the storytelling output data was the focus for analysis. At the end of each four-week ILP for the storytelling data, I recorded each participant in a repeated storytelling elicitation activity to evaluate understanding and communicative ability as well as language acquisition (the results are described in detail in Chapters 5 and 6). In contrast to the language acquisition data gathered from the interactive dialogues of participants engaging in daily life activities or games, this method of language elicitation is focused on a language learner's production of self-constructed speech patterns in a narrative genre, without any influence from another speaker's use of vocabulary, semantic interpretation, or morpho-syntactic grammatical structure. This methodology results in the production of rich data about a wide range of categories relevant to psycho-social cognition and ability to express a variety of language forms. Mercer Meyer’s (1969) book, Frog Where Are You?, was used as the picture story for elicitation, as it has been well-established in language development studies as a means of language elicitation for children: “it is rich in opportunities for the encoding of temporal distinctions – sequence, simultaneity, projection, retrospection, ongoing and completed events, etc.” (Berman and Slobin 1995). As well, it was familiar to all participants: we did have it in our home library though we had not engaged with it as a language learning resource); this familiarity 168 and simplicity of story gave it a low-affective barrier to the children and Gudt’aawt’is (see Figure 3.5). However, Frog, Where are you? is not a Haida story. At the time of choosing this text to work with, having a low-affective barrier with a known, low-pressure resource seemed critical for ensuring participation. However, during the process, I reconsidered this choice, recognizing a lost opportunity to engage with a traditional or cultural story. However, we made connections with the text, and teachings emerged nevertheless. I discuss this in Chapter 5, §5.2.2: "Frog, Where Are You?" K'uust'aan sGaanaGwa the Supernatural Crab finds us. Figure 3.5 Hlk’yaan k’uust’aan, giinuu dang íijii? Frog, where are you? Wordless picture book, by Mercer Mayer 1969. Cover and first image. In parallel to the Jackal and Crow protocol (Carroll, Kelly, and Gawne 2011), the story consists of 24 images telling the story of a small boy who is looking for his pet frog. At the end of each 4-week ILP, the book was given to the participant, and they were instructed (essentially 169 in XK, but for the first ILP session with some clarification in English) to tell the story of the images. Their telling was recorded with an audio recorder (Zoom H4N) as well as video recording on a Sony A5000 digital compact camera on a tripod, and/or iPhone on a tripod. Video-taped recordings of each participant occurred in 10-20 minute formal storytelling sessions. Transcription and Analytical Framework Boxes Audio and video data were transcribed in a time-aligned database using the linguistic software tool ELAN that supports the synchronized time-aligned annotation of multiple layers/tiers of transcription and analysis of audio-video recording. I transcribed in the community orthography established by SHIP. Eight Intensive Language Periods (ILPs) were conducted, resulting in 8 story elicitations of Frog, Where Are You? for each of the four participants in this study (including me) (32 total); each story elicitation produced 50-200 lines of XK transcription. Due to the extensive database accumulated, I engaged and trained a Haida research assistant in Skidegate to help with data transcription in the community orthography. This RA, Kaaydawaay InGaajuu Tauren Collinson, completed the Tri-Council Policy Statement: Ethical Conduct for Research Involving Humans (TCPS 2) ethics training and learned ELAN from online tutorials; after completing this training he entered the transcription data from ELAN into linguistic Analytical Framework Boxes (abbreviated AFB, illustrated in Tables 3.3 and 3.4 below). On the basis of the Kaaydawaay InGaajuu’s transcription in the SHIP orthography in the initial row of the Analytical Framework boxes, I then edited that first line for any requisite changes in the transcription and worked on the analysis and data entry for all the other lines in each box. 170 Table 3.4 explains what data is involved in the boxes, and Table 3.5 provides a concrete example of this analytical framework drawn from the database transcription. Each box is uniquely labelled, sequentially numbered by the date the data was recorded (e.g. 2019_11_20), followed by the line number of that utterance in the transcript of the recording (_014), followed by the initials in upper case of the research participant (_GSB) followed by the initials in lower case of the researcher (_scs). The particular ILP that the data are drawn from is identified at the end of the label. Table 3.4 Template of Analytical Framework Boxes (AFB) for Linguistic Analysis XK SHIP transcription in SHIP orthography of the research participant's output NAPA transcription in NAPA orthography of the research participant's output Target specification (in NAPA) of the XK target, to show where it differs from the participant's output m-by-m ID morpheme-by-morpheme identification/breakdown, indicating - affix, = clitic, and # internal word boundaries m-by-m CAT m-by-m gloss a morpheme-by-morpheme identification of grammatical category a morpheme-by-morpheme gloss/translation into English Eng gloss a general translation into English of the XK utterance Analysis: Phonetic identification of phonetic discrepancies between the output and XK target Analysis: Morpho-syntactic / Prosodic identification of morpho-syntactic or prosodic discrepancies between the output and XK target Comments documentation of any other observations of potential relevance 171 Table 3.5 An example of data in an Analytical Framework Box - number 2019_11_20_014_GSB_scs. This box represents line 14 of Frog, where are you? wordless book storytelling by K’waayGa at end of ILP4 Nov. 20, 2019. XK SHIP ad... iihll.nga dang gwa 'laa?... ad ... k'aadii gii'insgwaay. NAPA ʔʌd... ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ dʌŋ gʷʌ la̕:?... ʔʌd ... k̓a:di: gi:ʔɩnsgʷa:y Target ʔʌd... ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ dʌŋ gʷʌ la̕:? ʔʌd q̓a:di: gi:ʔɩnsgʷa:y m-by-m ID ʔʌd... ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ dʌŋ gʷʌ la̕: ʔʌd k̓a:di: gi:ʔɩnsgʷ-a:y m-by-m CAT m-by-m gloss Conj… Noun 2sSubj YNQ Vi Conj Noun Noun -DetD and boy you YNQ well/good and sleep clothing -DetD Eng gloss and boy, are you well? and the pajamas. Analysis: Phonetic Phon11 word 5: Vel Place instead of Uvu Place: [k̓] for /q̓/ k̓a:di: Analysis: Morpho-syntactic / Prosodic IN5: doesn’t use XK Yes-No Question intonation Comments K’waayGa’s intonation pattern on the Yes-No Question clause here needs acoustic analysis; this seems to be a memorized chunk that he has inserted to indicate the boy checking on the frog. Then he lists pajamas (listing what he sees in the picture). These tables provide a detailed, time-sequenced analytical frame that constitutes a transparent basis for the selective identification of specific phonological, morphological, syntactic, and prosodic properties that can be individually and comparatively analyzed across the time frame of the research project. (Note that “…” denotes a pause in the speech). In Chapter 6, results are presented in simplified versions of the above Analytical Framework Boxes. More specifically, this database of transcribed audio of the videos of all four of the language learners establishes empirical documentation for tracking the nature, frequency, and context of each individual’s language usage patterns. The analytical research methodology here entails first the identification of cases of grammatical "mismatches", that is, cases where the attested token, e.g. [k̓a:di:] in Table 3.5, does not match what would be considered the expected 172 XK output, viz. [q̓a:di:]. Since /q̓ / is an articulatorily complex sound that is not part of the English phonemic system, it is not surprising that SLA learners of XK whose L1 language is English might find it challenging. On the "Analysis: Phonetic" line, each distinct type of mismatch is uniquely identified: for example, this particular pattern where a [k̓] is substituted for /q̓/ is coded as Phon11. These kinds of issues are the focus of Chapter 5, where several other specific codes for classifying frequently attested mismatches between observed and target output in phonological, morphological, and syntactic domains are examined and discussed in detail. The rich data documentation formalized in the Analytical Framework Boxes (AFBs) from the “Frog, Where Are You?” storytellings became the database for insights into the participants’ individual XK learning patterns of and specific linguistic domains. 1342 pages of data were created from the 8 ILPs for the four participants (32 tellings of the story). From this data, five specific linguistic domains were identified as indicators of the participants’ language progress: word order, determiners, pronouns, postpositions, and verb suffixes. These five domains were extracted from the AFBs and treated as datasets. To examine the learning trajectories of the participants across the five domains over the 8 ILPs, cross-domain synthesis and analysis were conducted collaboratively with Claude (Anthropic's Claude Sonnet 4, accessed June 2025), an Artificial Intelligence assistant used to synthesize findings from individual learner profiles, and identify patterns across the five grammatical domains. The AI assistant was used to identify systematic patterns across the five grammatical domains, synthesize individual learner developmental trajectories, and with the author, co-develop the theoretical frameworks for analysis and discussion of the results. All original data, interpretations, and theoretical insights remain my work. This was used for comparative analyses to identify common patterns of learning and learning challenges. 173 The ultimate research goal of this detailed documentation and comparative analysis of the language output of L2 learners over this program (see Chapters 5 and 6) was to deepen understanding of the processes and stages of XK learners' acquisition, and apply that knowledge to generating insights and recommendations for XK teaching and learning. 3.8 Chapter 3 Summary Invoking the Xaaydas giinaa.ah principles of “Haida Discipline Towards Mastery” (§3.1.6) and Stl’inll Clever Hands (§3.1.7), this chapter outlined the different methodologies drawn upon from different disciplines to provide foundations for the two main forms of inquiry of this research: interviews with the L1 XK fluent Elders to inquire deeply through the elicitation of personal accounts and stories about the conditions for learning and maintaining XK, as well as ask for guidance for learners (see results and discussion in Chapter 4), and to develop, run and analyse a one-year, intergenerational Haida RLS/LR program within my family (see results and discussion in Chapter 5 and 6). 174 CHAPTER 4 Gina K’aadang.nga Gii uu Tll K’anguudang Seeking Wise Counsel: Learning From the Elders 4.1 Ga K’aaya kuuya isis the Precious Elders This chapter describes the teachings and stories of the 10 XK-fluent Elders obtained through the interviews that I conducted with them. When I started this research, I knew that the opportunity to learn from ga k’aaya kuuya isis the precious Elders was time-limited. When this research was started there were 18 fluent Elders alive across all three dialects. Five Elders passed away during COVID lockdown, and we have lost at least five more since. I am so glad to have been able to interview Gaayinguuhlas Roy Jones Sr., my Mentor-Apprentice Program mentor Ildagwaay Bea Harley, Sing.giduu Laura Jormaneinen and SGaanajaadsk'yaaGaxiigangs Golie Hans, Jiixa Gladys Vandal, and dear Niis Waan Harvey Williams. Tawt’a (Bentwood Box) 4.1 presents the 10 Elders who I had the great privilege of interviewing for this research, including those who have gone to the spirit world. 175 Tawt’a 4.1 Ga K’aaya kuuya isis the Precious Elders interviewed for this project. Haida names, English names, initials and date of birth. 176 Ga K’aaya kuuyas isis the precious Elders shared many teachings. There were several themes and stories that emerged. To consolidate referencing, when referring to information directly from their interviews, I use the initials of their English names. 4.1.1 GwaaGanad GiiahlGalang: Diane Brown’s Story Each of these Elders represents a life lived at a time of dramatic social, cultural and political change. GwaaGanad Diane Brown’s story is highlighted and described in detail as it is the foundation of our family’s intergenerational language work, and the basis of our own family language story. Our lineage connection to XK is through her. The details of her individual life story give important grounding to this research, as the critical details of a life and how the whole sum of circumstances and their teachings impact language transmission to the next generation. It is also essential to acknowledge that GwaaGanad is one representative of many Haidas living through a time of huge social transformation, including the other nine Elders interviewed. This highlighting is not meant to exclude the others who have also lived through these dynamic times and played a key role in carrying the language. There remain others who hold knowledge and are working to transmit cultural and linguistic heritage to the next generations. Haida individuals represent critical parts of an astounding sum: the collective power and strength of the Nation. GwaaGanad Diane Kathleen Brown has lived her whole life on the land and waters of Haida Gwaii. Her birth mother was Jaadsangkinhlya Ada Yovanovich of the Kayahl ’laanas Eagle clan. When Ada was pregnant, her uncle Watson Price46 (who was in line to take the Kayahl ’laanas Ts’aahl Eagle chieftainship with the name Gaahlaay) was married to Gakyals kiiGawaay Skedans Raven clan matriarch Gyaaxagaay ’Yuuwans Isabella Price. Gyaaxagaay ’Yuuwans and her husband only had one child (Gahyah Norman Price), and so she wanted to 46 Note that in some documents Watson Pryce’s name is spelled Price; when he was at SHIP he requested that they spell his name as “Pryce.” 177 adopt her husband’s niece’s baby. In Haida tradition, if an aunty, or a matriarch, wanted a baby, it had to be given to her47. Therefore, at three months old GwaaGanad was adopted by Gyaaxagaay ’Yuuwans Isabella Price (née Young) of the Gakyals kiiGawaay and Watson Price of the Kayahl ‘laanas. Following the matriarchal culture, GwaaGanad was raised as a Skedans Raven like her adopted mother. Gyaaxagaay ’Yuuwans was 47 and Watson was 48 – they were of grandparent age when they adopted her, and Gyaaxagaay ’Yuuwans was monolingual in XK. This is why GwaaGanad’s first language was Xaayda kil at a time when her peer cohort was learning English from their parents. Gyaaxagaay ’Yuuwans was a prophet and a fierce practitioner of Haida culture. She taught GwaaGanad plant medicines, to know and be proud of her culture, and to guard her knowledge and language. She was a very strong role model, and a rebel toward the White authorities from a very young age. When GwaaGanad was nine years old, her mother became ill and was admitted to the hospital in Queen Charlotte City. With the history of smallpox, the harsh practices of the Indian Agents, the removal of children to Residential Schools in Edmonton and Chilliwack, and the daily racism of the time, Gyaaxagaay ’Yuuwans had a deep distrust of the white man, and was convinced they were trying to kill her with the pills they gave her each day at the hospital. She would pretend to take the pills but would hide them, and when her daughter GwaaGanad came to visit her each day, her mother would give them to her daughter to bury outside every day. “My mother told me that it was my job to sneak in past the nursing station, get the pills; she’d pretend to take them and put them in her mouth, and my job was to come and get them, and I’d go behind the powerhouse and bury them there. Here it was penicillin.”48 Gyaaxagaay 47 GwaaGanad, Pers. Comm., 2021 48 GwaaGanad, Pers. Comm., 2021 178 ’Yuuwans died of her illness. When GwaaGanad realized that the medicine could have cured her, she made up her mind to help her people access medicine, “I remembered that I said when I was little, ‘I’m going to help my people.’”49 Gyaaxagaay ’Yuuwans knew the future, and in her 9 years with her daughter had told GwaaGanad “all she would need to know” up to age 3050. GwaaGanad’s mother’s teachings helped her get through her childhood without a mother and take care of her father. GwaaGanad lived with different family members throughout her childhood. She avoided going to residential school because her birth mother lost her Indian status when she married, and therefore her daughter didn’t have Indian status: They [father and grandfather] got me all terrified [of Residential school because of their bad experiences]. When they [Indian Agent] looked into me, I had no band number! Ada married Art Erisson in 1954, and because of that, they took her status away and took my status away. So I got saved from res because I didn’t have status. I don’t think I would have lasted anyway. (GwaaGanad, Pers. Comm., Feb 25 2025) GwaaGanad attended school in nearby Queen Charlotte City until grade nine. She married Dullskin Brown of the Juus Kaahlii clan at age 17. At age 22, when the new position in the community called Community Health Representative (CHR) came up, GwaaGanad applied: They needed a nurse in our community. When the CHR job came up, Pearl told me, ‘you will just dispense aspirin.’ And it just clicked. So I signed up for the job, and I got it. I’d help all the Elders understand every pill, what was in them, what they did. None of the old people would even go in the Doctor’s office without me. A lot of them didn’t have to die. They were just so untrusting. To the old people, everything was designed to eliminate them. My mother was really bad [didn’t trust the white man]. (GwaaGanad, Pers. Comm., 2021) When she started in 1970 there were still two Elders who were monolingual in XK: Agnes Moody and JaadsGwan Sarah Price. GwaaGanad had been raised until 9 years old in 49 GwaaGanad, Pers. Comm., 2021 50 GwaaGanad, Pers. Comm., 2021 179 XK and, not having gone to residential school, had retained her language, so she could help them. She visited all the Elders in the village. There were “78 over the age of 50 when I first started. So, I was the envy of Canada. …Nobody else had that many old people51” (DB43). Every day GwaaGanad would visit Elders, helping them take their medicines and checking on them. With these daily visits, she gained people’s trust, and they shared knowledge about traditional medicines, histories, stories, and their dialects with her. “So, I would visit [Jack Pollard] and he, he would tell me medicines. ‘Cause he said he got no one to pass it on to… like he gave me the medicine to replace hair. I wouldn’t have known that otherwise…” (DB46). GwaaGanad helped bring Haidas into the medical system. She did this work for 28 years, from 1970 to 1998. By the end, as CHR, she was on call 7 days a week, 24 hours a day. Once she calculated 30 hours of overtime in a month. She was a first responder to many heart attacks and accidents and dealt with suicides, and sometimes was the one cleaning up. She responded to episodes of violence, and helped people who were detoxing from alcohol. She drove clients to the hospital, and officially ran the ambulance for seven years. She also tended to many clients giving birth. She took trainings and ran an alcohol and drug program called Hltaaxwii ’laas Alcohol and Drug Prevention. She eventually took training to train CHRs in BC, and became known to everyone in the BC CHR program, and became a leader amongst BC First Nations CHRs and health providers. Becoming Skidegate’s Community Health Representative at the age of 22, GwaaGanad explained she became “public property” (DB50), meaning she entered public service, and was seen as someone who served the community. Everyone knew her, and knew she spoke XK, so when a translator was needed, she was asked and expected to do so. 51 “…you were considered an Elder at late forties and fifties, after fifty you were definitely an Elder. Out, out there [on reservations]. … I think [the native] death rate, median death rate [was] 40.” (DB43-44) 180 During her training to become an alcohol and drug counselor she was introduced to Cree people who ran a training program that brought Native spirituality to the work. It felt so comfortable to her, like coming home, and she brought smudge and Indigenous spirituality to the health care spaces on Haida Gwaii. It wasn’t immediately embraced by the hospital, but eventually these practices have become standard practice on Haida Gwaii. “I put tobacco in the grave. ‘Why are you doing that?’ [they asked]. I said, ‘that’s what we put in our ancestors’ [graves]. It’s in the boxes. In the museums, the tobacco.’”52 GwaaGanad helped her people forge relationships with the new health care system while respecting and preserving their Haida culture. Throughout her CHR career, GwaaGanad also helped her family and her community reinstate Haida practices within Haida society. She helped her father Watson Price execute his hereditary duty to potlatch and take the Kayahl ’Laanas Chief’s name of Gaahlaay. By then, Watson was again a widower - his second wife, JaadsGwan Sarah Price (née Young - his first wife Isabella’s sister) had passed away. Potlatching was still just starting again, and his clan, the Kayahl ’laanas, hadn’t built back its formal strength yet. Therefore, he didn’t have the necessary matriarch strength to potlatch53. GwaaGanad couldn’t officially help him because she was a Raven and not in his clan, as she’d been adopted as a baby by a Skedans Raven woman (his first wife). GwaaGanad went to one of the knowledge keepers, Elder Hazel Stevens of the K’aadaasGa K’iiGawaay Raven clan, to see if there was any way that she could help her father. Hazel told her there was a way: So I went to … Hazel, of course, and I said, “my dad needs to potlatch… I want to help him,” and she said, … “you were born Ts’aahl and yet you left them. … when you’re born, when you’re adopted, you never change your blood, you have to stay what your born with. So you are Ts’aahl. But they have to officially take you back, otherwise you 52 GwaaGanad, Pers. Comm., 2021 53 GwaaGanad, Pers. Comm., 2021 181 can’t help him.” So, I went to a few of my clan, the Ts’aahl bosses, and said, “my dad’s ready to potlatch if I, you know, I’d like to help him. And he wants your help. But Hazel says I have to be taken back.” So, they held a ‘take back’ ceremony. And that’s where I got the name GwaaGanad! Almost fainted! Never, I never even dreamt of a name, I just knew I was coming back! (DB32) At the “take back” ceremony, her birth mother’s sister Audrey Aiken decided to share her name GwaaGanad with her niece: “So she stood up and said, “I’d like to give my niece the name GwaaGanad” (DB33). “GwaaGanad” is a very ancient and powerful Ts’aahl Eagle name, and it was a big honour for her to receive it, and to continue to carry it today. GwaaGanad has always carried the fierce power of both of her mothers, Gyaaxagaay ’Yuuwans and her birth mother, Jaadsankinhliiyas. She fought for her people’s rights throughout her CHR career, and she also fought for the land - though her husband was a logger, she was actively involved in the fight for South Moresby, and was one of those arrested (see §2.3.1: the fight for Gwaay Haanas South Moresby). She is also someone who is maintaining the practice of relationship with the sacred, and with Ancestors. After the successful stand for Gwaay Haanas, GwaaGanad was invited to the 4th World Congress - the Circle of Indigenous Elders, who share prophecies and solidarity, and has participated in and eventually become a board member of the Circle. She has continued to work with them, attending many meetings and hosting several on Haida Gwaii, facilitating prayer, ceremony and gatherings. She has traveled the world to share her culture: to Po, France for 7idansuu Jim Hart’s pole raising; to Washington DC for Iljuuwas Bill Reid’s unveiling of the Black Canoe. After meeting the President of Hungary there, she traveled to Budapest as his guest. She has traveled to Japan, and to England to tour Museums and visit remains of her ancestors in the Repatriation movement. After her retirement from SHIP in 2010, GwaaGanad received the First People’s Culture Council’s Language Champion Award (2016). She was awarded the prestigious, American 182 Spirit Aligned Fellowship54 (2019), and received an honorary doctorate from Vancouver Island University (2019). During COVID, GwaaGanad was busier than ever, mentoring her apprentices online, translating for the needs of her community, giving prayers and blessings at events, and providing spiritual and cultural guidance for Haida Gwaii. With her Spirit Aligned funding she coordinated a new cabin to be built for her family and for language retreats at Copper Bay, and an 8-day sea voyage on a sailboat with her language apprentices through Gwaii Haanas (see §4.8.8: the power of the Ancestors and the Land Itself). She had the trip documented by a filmmaker and these will be made into Haida language resources for language learners. She remains a committee member of the Mentor Apprentice Program, the Chair of the Xaayda kil Language Authority, and attends SHIP as a fluent speaker. The details of GwaaGanad’s story reveal some of the experiences that Haida people have had, as well as the connection to Ancestors and Supernaturals that is their heritage, and that has facilitated physical, cultural and linguistic survival. 4.1.2 What Came Before: Growing up with XK (Childhood 1924-1949) 4.1.2.1 Intertwined roots: Family Interconnections Gina ’waadluxan gud ad kwaagid everything is connected. This Haida law (see §2.1) is well-known to Haidas from childhood. The statement below is by Chief Skidegate Lewis Collinson and is precious to the people of Haida Gwaii. It is printed on the wall at the entrance of Sk’aadGa Naay Elementary School in Skidegate and is a powerful statement of the culture of 54 GwaaGanad was awarded as a Legacy Leader in the prestigious American program for Indigenous Matriarchs called the Spirit Aligned Fellowship, see https://spiritaligned.org/cultural-atlas-circle-2/diane-brown-haida-2/ 183 interdependence in the community: People are like trees, and groups of people are like forests. While the forests are composed of many different kinds of trees, these trees intertwine their roots so strongly that it is impossible for the strongest winds which blow on our Islands to uproot the forest, for each tree strengthens its neighbour, and their roots are inextricably entwined. In the same way, the people of our Islands, composed of members of nations and races from all over the world, are beginning to intertwine their roots so strongly that no troubles will affect them. Just as one tree standing alone would soon be destroyed by the first strong wind which came along, so is it impossible for any person, any family, or any community to stand alone against the troubles of this world. Chief Skidegate Lewis Collinson – March, 1966 All of the Skidegate Elders who were interviewed for this study were related somehow, either by sharing family, clan, or close friendships. For example, in the interviews, several Elders cited Gyaaxagaay ’Yuuwans Isabella Price (née Young) as a strong XK influence in their childhood (LJ, HW, HJ, DB). She was also friends with the mother of Jiixa (GV) and SGaanajaadsk'yaaGaxiigangs (GH). At this time in the Haida world, one individual person could have an influence both intra-generationally and inter-generationally on many of today’s speakers, and therefore a large influence on this current and critical cohort of XK speakers. The following quotation from Gandaa.uu.ngaay (HJ) gives an example of the interrelatedness of the language speakers: Harvey [HW]’s wife Georgia, she really knows the language, but she never spoke it as far as I know. But she would, she would even correct Harvey a couple of times when he was speaking it because of her knowledge of the language. That’s all her mom and dad spoke, eh? Like, her dad was my grandmother’s brother, so Isabelle, Isabelle Young was her name. She, her brothers were [uh...] Wallace Young, George Young and Ed Young. So, those, that was her family, so Harvey, like Eva, and Sarah and Isabelle, those three were sisters. That’s Harvey’s mom and Uncle Roy Jones’s mom, and my mom was Dorothy, and so. (HJ13) Isabelle/Isabella Young was Gandaa.uu.ngaay (HJ)’s grandmother. This one paragraph indicates that five of the interviewed Elders are related, and how they are related to Isabella Price: DB, HW, LJ, HJ, RJ, as well as HW’s wife GW. The web of relationships and tight 184 interconnections meant that individuals who actively were agents of transmission of XK could have a significant impact; the interrelationships and opportunities for multiple levels of connection reinforced opportunities for interaction and therefore language transmission. 4.1.2.2 XK Timeline To support the anchoring of the XK narrative in time, I have created a timeline of language events in Tawt’a 4.2. The historical context is important for the story of language shift of XK; I have included relevant historical dates. I have also included some estimated dates of this cohort’s parents’ and grandparents’ dates of birth. The Elders in this cohort were born between 1924-37 (outlier GwaaGanad not included). Estimating that their parents had them at 20 years of age, the parents of this cohort were born in approximately 1894 – 1917. This range spans the time when the census recorded the lowest number for the Haida population, at 588 in 1915 (Duff 1997), and certainly these parents’ lives would have been very affected by the cultural transitions and pressures that were occurring during this time. With the same age estimations, the grandparents of this cohort of Elders would have been born between 1874-1897. They would have lived through that time of great migration and consolidation of Haida villages. And this cohort’s great-grandparents were members of the few who survived the massive smallpox epidemic of 1862. 185 Tawt’a 4.2a Xaayda kil/Xaad kíl Timeline, 1720-1960s. Blue text indicates events directly regarding this group of Elders 186 Tawt’a 4.2b Xaayda kil/Xaad kíl Timeline, 1969 - 2025 2025. 187 4.1.2.3 Haida Langscape and a Social Way of Life When these Elders were children (birth to age 12: 1924-1949), XK was still heard in the family home. At that time babies were usually born in their grandmothers’ homes. There were no televisions or telephones. Chores and visiting were important parts of life. As children, they also spent many hours being with older fluent speakers who weren't necessarily nuclear family members, gathering food, traveling to the places where they would harvest food, and visiting. Work (fishing, food gathering, food preparing, collecting and preparing firewood, taking care of family and community) was done with others in community, not in isolation. All these social, communal contexts therefore were sites of language socialization. When not working, people spent a lot of their time visiting. “We used to go visit the old people all the time. To make sure they’re okay” (GH7). As a child, GwaaGanad lived with her Chinaay grandfather George Young, Chief of Skedans (brother of her adoptive mother, Gyaaxagaay ‘Yuuwans Isabella Price, née Young). Whenever her uncle Ralph was over, which was several times a week, her Chinaay would have people over after dinner for storytelling. Elders were always visiting, having their friends over, and exchanging language, song and community, as Niis Waan (HW) recalled: ‘Cause I remember old Nanaay [Grandmother], you know, she used to have old visitors come to visit her. Like Henry Young and Charlie Gladstone, they came to visit her and had a cup of tea with her. Always she used to make bacon butter biscuits and fried bread and things like that and invite them in for a cup of tea and then they’d, you know, all tell stories in Haida and then they’d all start singing together. They used to make a whole afternoon out of a teatime. (HW6) In their childhoods, these Elders lived in extended-family, intergenerational households. Many lived with their grandparents at least part of the time (HJ, RJ, BR, DB, BH). Visiting and exchanging language and culture was a big part of their daily lives. This regular, routine and 188 frequent contact with older generations meant significant opportunity for language, values and culture to be taught to the younger generations. Through the lens of language socialization and the Transdisciplinary Framework (see figure 3.2 in Chapter 3), it is clear how these norms would facilitate language learning: “Language learning begins at the micro level of social activity through L2 learners repeated experiences in regularly occurring and recurring contexts of use (oral, signed or written), often characterized by interpersonal interaction with other social actors” (The Douglas Fir Group 2016:27). Though this quote is for L2 learners and multilinguals, it should be relevant to L1 learning too, and it is clear that for these Elders in childhood, the micro-activities of daily life had enough XK engagement for it to be acquired as an L1. 4.1.2.4 A Seasonal Life on the Land When these Elders were children, several of their families traveled around Haida Gwaii and beyond for seasonal work: clam digging at Ḵ’iid Burnaby Narrows (HJ, DB), going to K’aasda Copper Bay for sockeye in the spring (GV, GH, HJ), cannery work at Pacofi Inlet in Gwaii Haanas (RJ), or Port Edwards on the mainland near Prince Rupert (DC), to the Jedway Saltery in Gwaii Haanas (BH). Elders from both Skidegate and Old Massett described packing up with their families and heading to K’iids Gwaay.yaay North Island/North Island where their families would fish (BH, GV, GH, BR, RJ) and gather other foods like Ancient Murrelet eggs (DC, DB). People in Skidegate would live in cabins in Henslung Cove, while people from Old Massett lived in the bay around the corner at Dadens55. These were cabins built, owned and used by the same family year after year56. As children, they spent a lot of time with their grandparents going ’waandang looking for cockles or clams on the low tide (GJ, DB), skaadang 55Miles Richardson Pers. Comm., July 19, 2023 56GwaaGanad Pers. Comm., July 8, 2023. Note that Dadens is the old village site from which Haidas emigrated across the Hecate to Prince of Wales Island in Alaska. 189 picking berries (LJ), rowing to Sgaay.yas (the island in front of HlGaagilda) to pick sGyuu seaweed (GH) or rowing to Daajing Giids Llnagaay (briefly known as Queen Charlotte City (LJ, BH)) or walking on the beach to gather firewood (BR). It is now known that “emotion and cognition are deeply interwoven in the fabric of the brain” (Okon-Singer et al., cited in the Douglas Fir Group, 2016, p. 8), and that “language learning is an emotionally driven process at multiple levels of experience.”(DFG 2016:36). Today, in our contemporary family experience, being on the land and harvesting food together is a very positive experience. While it is hard work and there are always lessons being learned, participating together in food gathering on the land can inspire feelings of joy, gratitude, a sense of place in the web of life, as well as participating in the continuum of Xaaydas humans through time. Being on the land in this way, as children with families following the seasonal round to food gather likely cemented a foundational, positive affect and language socialization with respect to the Haida language. 4.2 A Changing Language scape: Haida Language Shift to English (1937 on) Ilskyalas (DC), born in 1929, remembered her childhood in Gaw Tlagée before a language shift to English was inconceivable to her: We only spoke Haida. Everybody spoke only Haida then. There was very few people that ever spoke English when we were out camping and doing traditional harvesting, ‘cause the old people and [um], the only people that spoke English were the ... , were the people who came home from boarding school and [uh], we had an old woman who lived next to us, her name was Klii Aaw, I don’t know what her English name was, but she used to tell, you know, prophecies and stories from long ago. And one of the stories I remember is when she talked about our language. She said a prophet said we were not going to speak our language anymore. And everybody would laugh because they ... , because no one was speaking English in the village. They were all in the village, everybody spoke to one another in Haida. And, she would cry, her tears would run, and I ... , I ... , really, for some reason that really stuck in my mind. (DC 5-6) 190 This passage reveals that profound cultural shifts were occurring, though invisible at first. Attention to culture and linguistic shift in the future was stated explicitly in the prophecy that Klii Aaw shared, but the story about Klii Aaw shows that Xaaydas giinaa.ah Haida ways of being were already shifting: in this passage Klii Aaw is woman still culturally embedded in the time of prophecy, but other contemporary people had already given up the practice of taking dreams, prophecy, and intuition seriously. Instead, “everybody would laugh.” This story also reveals that in Ilskyalas’ early childhood in Gaw Tlagée before she moved to Prince Rupert in 1936/1937 with her family when her sister had to live in the hospital, “everyone” still spoke XK. But in a five-year span of being away, there was a marked change by 1941/1942: I was really surprised when I came back after being away for so long that people were speaking only English, they weren’t speaking Haida anymore in the 5 years that I was away, the English took over. (DC15) For most of the other Elders in this group, language shift had already begun in their childhood. All of them had grandparents who spoke Haida, and the older generations still spoke Haida, but most of them had one or both parents who had been to residential school and did not directly speak Haida to them (RJ, HW, LJ, BR, GH, GV, DB). These parents were still using Haida when they didn’t want the children to understand, or when they thought they were alone. As children, their grandparents spoke Haida to them, and sometimes they listened in hiding to overhear their parents or aunties and uncles speak it amongst themselves, and they learned from listening. According to one of the participating Elders (GH) quoted in another publication, “I didn’t really grow up speaking Haida, but I could understand it. I don’t think there was ever a time when I didn’t understand it. I could translate for my friends. Our grandmothers never spoke English and I was always with them” (Golie Hans in Collison et al. 2011:162). Some of 191 them spoke about actively listening to hear their parents’ or grandparents’ gossip (GH, GV), or when the adults were speaking to one another (RJ). Gandaa.uu.ngaay also spoke of the cultural practice and expectation of children listening respectfully in learning; the emphasis was not on talking, but on listening, and being respectful: “I would respond periodically, [um], it was respectful just to listen. ‘Giidll hla.’ I was always told. ‘gyuujuu hla’ - Just to listen. ‘Gam tll k’waaniixan kihlgula Gang ga.’ Don’t respond in any way that would upset the feelings of the people” (HJ12). This is a very different cultural, pedagogical approach than the educational approach and expectation of the settler society, and this difference immediately put Haida children at odds with teachers at Indian day schools or residential schools. 4.2.1 “Sibling Language Split” and Dating Language Shift While these Elders are now the youngest L1 fluent speakers of Haida, many of them had younger siblings who did not learn to speak Haida. Two sets of siblings were interviewed: Sing.giduu (LJ) and Niis Waan (HW), SGaanajaadsk'yaaGaxiigangs (GH) and Jiixa (GV). They (and others RJ, DC, BR) said that not all of their siblings spoke XK; there was a language shift between siblings. This has been found in Heritage Language research. King (2013) documents three very different language abilities and ideologies of three Ecuadorian sisters (aged 1, 12 and 17) who moved to the United States and an English environment at different ages. This study shows how “broadly circulating ideologies of language and language learning impact family language practices” (62) by exploring how the circumstances facing one family can play out very differently in the language abilities of the different siblings. 192 In the case of these XK Elders, their parents’ generation had been to residential school (e.g. Niis Waan’s (HW) uncles, who spoke English). Niis Waan’s younger brother was four years younger than him, and two years younger than their sister Sing.giduu (LJ), however the younger brother didn’t learn XK. This was in fact a common characteristic of all of the Elders interviewed who had younger siblings: RJ, DC, HW, LJ, GH, BR. Supplemental conversations with the partners of some of these Elders revealed a similar pattern within their families: Gaayinguuhlas (RJ)’s wife and contemporary, Yang K’aalas Grace Jones, was fluent, but her younger siblings were not. Niis Waan often said that his wife Georgia Williams is a XK fluent speaker; her older siblings were fluent. GwaaGanad’s husband Dullskin Brown is not an XK fluent speaker, but his older siblings were. This split between siblings indicates that these Elders were the last speakers on a cusp of change, and that a critical piece of language shift – when babies are no longer taught or retain their parents’ language – happened well within a generation, and in fact occurred within sibling cohorts. Fluent speaker Sing.giduu (LJ), born in 1936, has a younger sibling born in 1938 who does not speak XK. Gandaa.uu.ngaay, born in 1937, is the youngest of this cohort (with the exception of GwaaGanad, as previously discussed) to learn XK as a child. Considering these Elders and their siblings’ dates of birth and language ability, a dramatic aspect of the language shift away from Xaayda Kil occurred around 1937. In the case of XK, there are many potential factors. One factor that would have had a large impact could be that by this time, bilingual parents made a concerted decision to stop speaking XK to their children. At this time there was huge pressure on parents from the authorities to stop practicing their language and culture to help their children to be “successful”. Several of these Elders referred to this. SGaana Jaads k'yaaGa Xiigangs (GH) and 193 Taalgyaa’adad (BR) described their Elders only using XK, using it as a secret language so the children wouldn’t understand: GH: And my mom and Aunty Bella, and Aunty Flora they used to all gather in one place and tell each other stories, in Haida. And they used to chase me away! ‘Cause they knew I understood. (GH6) BR: But they did, I know my parents did speak Haida when they thought they didn’t want me to know what they were saying but I knew what they were saying, because I learned from my grandmother. You know. (BR3) Ilskyalas (DC) offered a further perspective on this, specifically that they were actively not teaching her own children. DC: But our kids never learned it ‘cause we’d speak really fast it so they wouldn’t learn. SCS: Ahh, I was wondering, when you had children, did you speak Haida to them? DC: No, I never did! I wish I had. But I had such a hard time learning to speak English. I didn’t want them to have the problems I had. (DC14) These “problems I had” indicate the significant challenges that XK-speaking Haidas had as they navigated English-language school and life dominated by settler authority. In the book, Raven Traveling (Augaitis et al. 2008), Guud San Glans Robert Davidson remembers his naanii grandmother giving a similar explanation: Naanii (my grandmother) said to me, “We didn’t want you people to go through the same thing that our children went through, so we didn’t speak Haida to you.” ... A whole generation had lost its identity. Their identity, their being, their spirit, their dignity and their self-esteem had been beaten out of them. Alcohol became a popular way to numb hurt, confusion, anger and resentment. I can only try to imagine how Naanii’s generation felt when their children were taken away to these foreign lands, not to see them again sometimes for years. They left as loved ones and came back as strangers. (Davidson 2008, 52) By not speaking XK to their children, parents at this time felt that they were shielding them from some of the hardships they had experienced growing up. One of the new speakers in the Alaskan Haida community, K’uyáang Ben Young, born in 1986, corroborates this from his own 194 experience in his MA thesis (Young 2019). His mother is from Hydaburg (Alaska), and is of the same generation as the children born of these last fluent speakers. K’uyáang offers some poignant insight on this: Several adults of my mother’s generation conveyed that they were intentionally spared from learning or hearing the language. When Haida was being spoken in the home amongst friends, children were “shooed away” as if the language would hurt them in some manner. A silent speaker from Hydaburg had previously shared with me that her fluent speaking parents would talk to her in Haida but forbade her from answering them in Haida. The motivations for discouragement or shooing away appear to be religious and educationally motivated. To a large extent, educators and religious leaders who viewed native language as a handicap had a notable impact in the transmission of language to future generations. A few decades back, one of Hydaburg’s prominent knowledge keepers, Chanáa [grandfather] Louie Kitkoon gave an explanation of why his generation did not pass on the culture and language to younger generations. He said, “knowing what he knows now, he never would have given up the Haida language because they were promised that our Native children would be able to become, lawyers and doctors if we learned to speak English.” He said it wasn’t true. In reflection, he expressed that it took him seven years to learn English. Two years longer than they thought it would take to teach him. (K’uyáang Ben Young 2019:10-11) The framing as “not wanting their children to have their problems” and that speaking the Haida language was “a handicap,” gives insight into the social attitudes during that time. These were effective: they decreased parents’ motivation to teach their children XK. This is also pervasive among new immigrants who don’t want their children to struggle with a home language that is different than the societally dominant language and that might be perceived negatively by others or might delay their learning of the dominant language (He 2024). Further factors for the “sibling language split” could also be that the bilingual parents did speak some XK to them, and maybe these younger siblings did speak some XK as little children, but their older, bilingual siblings spoke to the younger children in English - an older sibling effect. Further, these younger children didn’t get the chance to live with their grandparents into their teen years as their older siblings had: there was a shift to living in nuclear homes and not 195 living with grandparents. Fluent elder Taalgyaa’adad (BR) and her parents and siblings moved out of her grandparents’ home when she was 13 in 1948. That she was able to live with her grandparents until adolescence was likely a strong influence on her fluency; the separation of living quarters may have been a contributing factor in the sibling language split with her younger siblings, who did not become XK speakers. With bilingual parents, there are several factors underlying the question of "how much" XK was spoken to children. As the language landscape was shifting, and there began to be Haidas who were monolingual in English, it is likely that if bilingual Haidas were in the company of monolingual English Haidas, the general discourse would characteristically shift to English to be inclusive (see The Cultural Value of Social Group Inclusion, in §4.3.7 below). A large influence on bilingual speakers’ daily choices of which language to use relates to socio-cultural semantic domains. By the time this cohort of Elders were born, Haida social domains had become dramatically shaped by colonial economic and religious influences. From the establishment of Missions in 1876 and 1883, both Anglican and Methodist missionaries believed that changing the Haida lifestyle from following seafood seasonal rounds to a sedentary, farming life was the key to their salvation (Henderson 1974). The missionaries encouraged the cultivation of potatoes, turnips and hay (Henderson 1974). In Skidegate the establishment of a dogfish-liver oil plant in 1876 was very successful (the oil was exported to be used in soap); it provided income and even shared ownership for Haidas in Skidegate until the external demand for the oil declined and the plant was leased out in 1917. In its place the lumber industry grew – catalyzed by the British Imperial Munitions Board who discovered Haida Gwaii Sitka Spruce in 1917 (Henderson 1974). By 1918 there were logging operations in Alliford Bay, Queen Charlotte City and Thurston Harbour, and 14 logging camps and 5 mills in Massett inlet alone 196 (Dalzell 1973). The logging industry would remain important to the islands to the present day. These economic shifts and industries had a significant impact on Haida social domains and therefore the language used. When these Elders were children (circa 1924-1950), their families still followed seasonal rounds to camps following food availability. These were still Haida domains where XK was used, as it always had been. Traditional food gathering, processing, and cooking were still conducted in XK. However, the number of families following the seasonal round was decreasing, and other domains of food had changed with new cooking tools and practices, and new ingredients and ways of obtaining them from YaatsxaaydaGa Iron People. At this time the Church and Christian events and practices had become important in Haida communities (as potlatching and other Haida practices had been banned), and were important social domains, as were schools (both Indian Day schools that were on-island, and Residential Schools off-island where Haida children were sent). As different spaces became YaatsxaaydaGa cultural domains, the choice of what language was used by bilingual Haidas would increasingly become English. 197 4.3 Factors for Language Shift: Elders' Perspectives As first-hand and first-language witnesses to this language shift, the Elders themselves described various factors that they perceived relevant to language shift at large in the community. The main factors they identified are discussed in the following sections: Residential School, Indian Day School, Indian Agents and the Potlatch ban, Impacts of the Indian Act on Haida women, and Religion. These were external pressures that created internal factors for language shift, identified here as: Stress of Ongoing Background Events, the Cultural Value of Social Group Inclusion, and Raising Their Own Children in English. 4.3.1 Residential School An important characteristic shared by all in this group of interviewed Elders is that none of them attended residential school, with the exception of Taalgyaa’adad and Sing.giduu, who only attended for a few months. However, several of them had parents who had attended residential school (HW, LJ, BR, RJ, DB). When these parents were themselves children (sent away at a variety of ages), they were sent far away from Haida Gwaii to residential schools in Sardis near Chilliwack, Port Alberni on Vancouver Island, and Edmonton in Alberta. GwaaGanad’s father Watson Price was amongst the first cohort to attend residential school: My dad, [um] would answer my mom in English57. ‘Cause he got residential schooled. Got it beat out of him, bad. … He went to Coqualeetza. From, about 11 or 12 … he turned [um] 19, the maximum age you could stay there, and he never once came home58. So, of course he lost his language. (DB3). 57 While she did not speak English, it’s clear from this that she understood it. 58 Indian Affairs would not fund children to return home each summer; therefore the costs of the trip home for summer would have to be paid by their family. Watson’s family didn’t have the funds for him to travel all the way home to Haida Gwaii from Chilliwack, so he stayed there during the summers. He finally returned home at age 19. One good outcome of this was that he learned to swim during the summer terms, and later on in adulthood was able to save his wife when their skiff was capsized on the Westcoast of Haida Gwaii (GwaaGanad, Pers. Comm., 2023) 198 At the same time in Alaska, a parallel phenomenon was happening to Alaskan Haida children: My chanáa's younger brother Wesley was designated as a spy to go about his day on the playground or in the schoolhouse and listen for anyone to speak Haida. One day he heard Harvey Alexander (Kindukaa) speaking Haida to another student. After hearing this, he promptly got his school teacher's attention. He yelled "Kindukaa talk Haida!" [Kindukaa talked Haida!] As it turned out, my chanáa's brother Wesley got punished for using Harvey's Indigenous name. This type of psychological division is only one example that was used to stop the spread of communication in the Haida language. (Young 2019:20) Physical and psychological abuse twisted and sometimes destroyed the relationship between students and their language and culture. These kinds of abuse were part and parcel of residential school practice toward assimilation, and this had a traumatic impact on these Elders’ parents who attended residential school, as well as impacts on Haida society at large. Ilskyalas identified the shift: I never saw a spanking [in Gaw Tlagée] until the people who came home from boarding school start having children and then they were slapping them around. I never saw that when I was a child. (DC10) The parents of this generation of last L1 speakers were among the first cohort of Haida children to be sent away to residential school. Upon their return to Haida Gwaii, some of them stopped – or paused – speaking XK. The relationship between residential school and the XK language is a negative one. This last cohort of fluent L1 Elders did not go to residential school, but many of their peers in Skidegate and Old Massett did attend, and many of them did not speak XK when they returned. 4.3.2 Indian Day School At the time that this cohort were children, there were Indian Day Schools on-reserve in Skidegate or Old Massett (DC) for the younger grades starting in grade one. Though the XK fluent Elders in this cohort did not attend residential school, they did attend Indian Day school. 199 Most of them continued on to attend high school in the neighbouring White communities on Haida Gwaii. The Indian Day School in Skidegate was run by the United Church. GwaaGanad’s husband Ganxwad attended Indian Day School for grades 1-6. After that he bussed “Uptown” to the village of Queen Charlotte City for grades 7 and 8, and then went to Residential School in Edmonton in Grade 9. A few years later, when GwaaGanad attended Indian Day school in Skidegate it was only for grades 1-3 and she bussed to Charlotte City for grade 4. When it came to choosing the youth who would go to residential school, it was up to the Indian Agents to decide who was eligible. Ganxwad recalled, “they just picked whoever59” and would approach the parents. Furthermore, children without parents were attractive candidates: “you got attention too, if your mother died. Peoples whose mother or father died really went [to Residential school]. That’s how I got picked, cause my mother died” (GwaaGanad March 18, 202560). Those who didn’t have parents to protect them were particularly represented in those chosen to go off island to Residential school. Ganxwad reflected that there was more agency on Haida Gwaii than other communities: Ganxwad: They didn’t take us. Yeah, they talked to my parents and asked me if I wanted to go, I said sure. I’ll go, ‘cause all Mugs and them were there anyway. So they didn’t come and drag you away or anything, not here anyway. … Like other members [First Nations], right from kindergarten up, they took kids right in kindergarten and they stayed in there right through grade school, high school. SCS: Other, non-Haida villages? Ganxwad: Yeah. (Gangxwad March 18, 202561). 59 2025_03_18_DB_&_DJB_scs_001_Indian_Day_School 60 2025_03_18_DB_&_DJB_scs_001_Indian_Day_School 61 Ibid. 200 However, it is clear that the pressure and influence that Indian Agents had on Haida parents was significant; “after Indian Day [school] which went to grade three… you were possible to get scooped [for Residential School], so that’s why some people took their kids and went to Burnaby [Narrows], some went to North Island, from the North” (GwaaGanad March 18, 202562). Some families were able to leave the village during the times of year when they knew the Indian Agents would be collecting children. But not all were able to do so. The damage that resulted from residential school is profound, and complex. The pressure on families to send their children to residential school was immense; parents were under extreme duress, with oppressive forces telling them that the best chance their children would have for survival was if they went to school. It is very important to consider the history and forces on those parents, and to know that though some parents did send their children to residential school, it does not mean that they did not love their children. They did everything they could for their children to survive. Some of the Elders attended the integrated high schools for some or all of grades nine through twelve in the settler towns Queen Charlotte and New Masset. Though they were able to maintain their language as compared with those who attended residential school, DB, HJ and RJ spoke of experiencing corporal punishment at Indian Day School. Though Indian Day school is not thought of as negatively as residential school, it was harsh, and had lasting impacts. All Elders interviewed knew speaking Haida would result in punishment. SCS: Did you speak XK in highschool? HJ: No, I was afraid to. So, I just abstained from it. I don’t think any of us spoke Haida when we were at school. ... Because of the way were treated that time. It was frightening to be treated that way. We didn’t know any different then, to us I guess it was a normal thing. (HJ13) 62 Ibid. 201 GwaaGanad recalled some painful experiences from her peers at the Indian Day School in Skidegate when she first attended at six years old. She had some English conversational ability, but due to her Haida-monolingual and defiant mother, XK was her first language and she was unabashedly fluent, which made her an anomaly because by then, in 1954, her peers did not speak Haida, let alone speak to ravens. …one of the first things that happened in school was a raven was talking, and my mother understood Raven and so she would always say, “oh that raven said this”. So, it said something and I said “oh, that raven said this,” on the playing field, and it got out into the community and everybody said, “Diane said she understood the raven!” They said, “Oh, she’s a st’aw [witch].” So I got labeled a st’aw at 6 years old, which is the worst label you could wear in a village, ‘cause people fear you. (DB26) From this story it’s clear that the dominant culture in the community had shifted to settler and Christian language, beliefs and practices. While not as detrimental as residential school, going to English-immersion Indian Day School for many hours a day ensured a strong English-language and colonial cultural influence on all the children, and consequently on their families and the general modes of communication in the community. 4.3.3 Indian Agents and the Potlatch Ban The Indian Act was established in 1876 as a colonial law unifying the disparate laws for Indians across the confederation of Canada, and over-rode the many treaties and alliances made previously in different regions. The Act established who was and was not an “Indian”, and the lands where they could live and access resources, and what benefits they could receive from the federal government (Status rights). Two major implications for the cultures and languages of Indigenous peoples on the Westcoast were (1) the restricted access to lands and territories, and (2) the subsequent amendment that was in effect from 1885-1951 that banned the ceremonial and economic system of the potlatch. Another amendment in 1920 made it mandatory for Indian 202 children to attend residential school (Hanson 2009). It was designed to encourage what was ironically called “enfranchisement,” which was assimilation into “civilization” and the rejection of Indigenous ways (Hanson 2009). I follow cultural leader and curator Taa.uu ‘Yuuwans Nika Collison in rejecting this word, from this point calling it instead disenfranchisement to describe the loss of Indigenous status by the Crown. The Act greatly empowered the settlers’ takeover of Haida Gwaii. GwaaGanad described the church minister and settlers ramping up intolerance for Haida culture, “the white people, the ministers and the whatnots… the Indian Agent got way more power because they said it’s illegal to have potlatches, and that’s where our power was” (DB73). By the time this cohort of Elders were children in the 1930s and 40s, Indian agents were the “ultimate power … their word was law, it seemed like” (Ganxwad Dull Brown, Pers. Comm., 2020). After WWII the Canadian Government engaged in a Joint Committee process to make amendments to the Indian Act, and in 1951 the potlatch ban was removed, Indians could hire legal counsel, and women were allowed to vote in Band Council elections (Hanson 2009). However, Status Indians still couldn’t vote in federal elections unless they disenfranchised and lost their Status rights. It wasn't until 1960 that the Canada Elections Act was amended, to extend federal voting rights to “Indians”, i.e. registered Indians under the Indian Act. 4.3.4 Impacts of the Indian Act on Haida Women Several of the women interviewed spoke about Haida women “losing Status” (BH, LJ, GV, DB). This was a reference to the impacts of the Indian Act which for over a century, from its inception in 1876 through 1985, disadvantaged Indigenous women and female Indigenous lineage. Haida culture is matrilineal, therefore this was particularly devastating on Haida Gwaii. 203 Further to this, the targeting of women was effective in furthering cultural disruption, as women are not only critical for passing on language and culture to babies and children, but it also undermined their self-esteem and identity. From 1876 Section 12 (1)(b) decreed that Status Indian women would lose their Status rights if they married a non-Status man, and their children would not have Status (Collison et al. 2011). On the other hand, if a Status Indian man married a non-Status woman, she would gain Status rights, and their children would be Status Indians (Hanson 2009). Ildagwaay, Jiixa and Sing.giduu were significantly impacted by this, as they married non-Status men and became disenfranchised, losing their rights to live in village of Skidegate (which was and is located entirely on reservation IR-1), the right to fish and to harvest other traditional foods, and the right to be on reserve after curfew hours (where their parents and other family lived). Sing.giduu reflected: I lived here [Skidegate] ‘til, ‘til they told us we were non-Status anymore. No kidding, they kicked us all out! That’s where a lot of them lived, in the Skidegate landing. I moved to Rupert [after marriage in 1954]. (LJ11) This was a very alienating experience. Many Skidegate women had to move off-reserve to the settler communities of Queen Charlotte or Skidegate Landing. GuhlGa Skidegate Landing is a small cove adjacent to IR-1, and hosts a cluster of off-reserve housing. It is right on the edge of the Skidegate reservation, and it is where several Skidegate Haidas lived when they lost Status due to marrying White men, or due to their mothers having married White men. Treatment by their Haida kin after marrying non-Haidas varied from being afraid to interact with the women in observance of the law, to defying the law and supplying them with contraband traditional food; this added further trauma and negative feelings within the community. After the Indian Act was changed in 1985 (see discussion of Bill C-31 below) and they were able to apply to the Federal 204 government to regain Status, many of them sold their houses (to non-Haidas) and moved back to Skidegate. Sing.giduu lived off-island (in Prince Rupert, BC) for decades, keeping in touch with her mother on the telephone every week. Her mother would call her on Sundays, speaking Haida to her, though at that point Sing.giduu would speak back in English. In 1985, Bill C-31 amended the Indian Act and addressed some of the discrimination against Indigenous women, including women being able to reclaim their Status (Hanson 2009). In 1986, Sing.giduu regained Status and moved back home to Skidegate in 1987. By then her mother and father had already passed away. GwaaGanad spoke about her birth mother (who had married a white man in 1954) and others who had to hide their culture for decades as non-Status women: They got married off real young. So, they had to bury their culture until SHIP [Skidegate Haida Immersion Program starting, 1998]. …‘Cause they weren’t allowed to live here, or harvest food. …they suffered greatly, that’s a whole new ugly black mark that has to be taken care of, ‘cause they’re still in pain. It’ll take some kind of reconciliation to help them. ‘Cause there was never a formal way of saying, we’re sorry Bill C-3163, we’re so sorry we didn’t fight harder for you, but now that you’re here, thank you. (DB65) This aspect of the Indian Act created huge disruption, alienation, division and pain in families that would reverberate for generations. Whole families were excluded from community practices and activities. There are painful stories of women longing to harvest and eat their Haida foods, and of status relatives turning away from their non-status women for fear of the law. Kilslaay Kaajii Sding Miles Richardson Jr., thinking back on the emotional effects on those excluded by Bill C-31, remarked that it was one thing to be treated poorly by “outsiders”, but it cut far deeper to be denied by one’s own people and family (Richardson, Pers. Comm., Oct. 2023). The Act’s 63 In this quote the reference to “Bill C-31” is meant to be directed to Haida women who lost their Indian Status due to the Indian Act. 205 disruption of family ties, belonging, identity and sense of self and self-confidence effected community division, turmoil and psychological and emotional impacts. In addition to the individual trauma, there were deep cultural impacts of Bill C-31, as Xaaydas giinaa.ah Haida culture is matrilineal. There are many clans, all belonging to two moieties – Eagle and Raven. Clan identity is matrilineal – children belong to the same clan as their mother. Their father belongs to a different clan of the opposite moiety. Therefore, women are the backbone of the clan system, the organizing structure of Haida society. While hereditary Chiefs are usually male, they require the power of matriarchs and strong women in their clan to provide the power to potlatch, as illustrated earlier in relation to GwaaGanad’s experience (GwaaGanad, Pers. Comm., 2020). A Chief leads his clan and has the final word on decisions and is greatly respected. He is advised by the matriarchs in his clan, who hold significant influence and power through their own family lines. These women direct the work of their family members in the events, politics, and practices of Haida life. The loss of official Indian status by many Haida women in the clan system had significant negative impacts on the practice and transmission of culture and language, and on the sense of identity of generations of Haida. Further, all this had negative affective impacts not only on the individuals directly implicated, but also on their community, culture, and language, and on those of their descendants. 4.3.5 Religion After the devastating smallpox epidemic of 1862, the survivors of the geographically diverse Haida villages throughout the archipelago had to consolidate and move north; 19 villages of the mid-1900s consolidated into four by the early 1900s (Boyd 1992). Populations stabilized around the two missions in New Massett and in Skidegate, and these villages are where all of 206 these Elders grew up. At the time of these Elders’ youth, Christianity had acquired significant influence, and played a large role in community life on Haida Gwaii. As Jiixa reminisced, …my dad used to play the mandolin in church and when I was young, there was choirs and lot of people going to church, used to be full, and they’d have prayer meetings, and it was really good. Like, they’d have prayer meetings too, and my brother would bring his recorder down too, they had it at my mom’s and record them and you could hear [um] Amy Young singing in there, and [um ... uh] Geor, Harvey’s wife, her mother. (GV6) This church movement had grown over several decades. Missionary work had started on BC’s coastal mainland: in 1856 William Duncan was sent by the Church Missionary Society of London to set up a mission at Metlakatla near the Hudson Bay outpost, not far from what is now called Prince Rupert (Henderson 1974). The Metlakatla Mission became a source of Native lay ministers and exported Anglican Christianity to many First Nations communities along BC’s Pacific Northwest coast (Henderson 1974; Boyd 1999). Beginning in the 1850s, calls for missions to come to the “Queen Charlotte Islands” came from several settler advocates, including mining prospector Francis Poole and Anglican clergyman Baylee, who wrote for missionaries to “endeavor to rescue the natives from their state of heathenism and barbarism by diffusing among them the knowledge of Him who came to be 'the Light' of the world" (Baylee in 1854, in Henderson 1974:304). During the smallpox epidemic of 1862, only a few Tsimshian at the Metlakatla Mission died. Reverend Duncan had used quarantine practices to protect his mission; he decreed the success of his practices was due to Divine Providence (Henderson 1974). The Mission population itself fared well while populations around them were devastated; this was noted by the Haida. The first missionary to arrive on Haida Gwaii was Englishman Rev. W.H. Collison, 207 who set out from Duncan’s mission at Metlakatla in 187464. Collison set up an Anglican mission funded by the Church Missionary College in New Massett in 1876. William Collison’s primary focus was health for the community: he convinced the people to go against their tradition of putting their dead to rest above ground in mortuary poles in bentwood boxes, or in burial houses, and convinced them to start burials in the ground rather than their traditional above-ground mortuary houses behind the longhouses (Blackman 1977). Collison obtained smallpox vaccine from the Canadian government, and he built a mission. In 1870s, years in the wake of the epidemic, a young man from Skidegate named Gedanst converted to Christianity at Fort Victoria. Gedanst was one of the first Haidas to convert to Christianity, and took the name of the Methodist minister who baptized him, Amos Russ (Foster and Harvey 2023). He convinced the village of Skidegate that they needed a mission and invited William Collison, who had just established a mission in Massett, to visit Skidegate in 1877 (Henderson 1974). After Collison’s visit, Skidegate village sent requests for their own full-time missionary to the Anglicans in Port Simpson. These requests went unanswered, so they then asked the Methodists in Fort Simpson and the requests were answered: Methodist Reverend Thomas Crosby arrived and built the Mission in Skidegate in 1883 (Henderson 1974). From this establishment there was an informal agreement that the Anglicans should have mission access control of the northern villages, and the Methodists would have the south (Henderson 1974). 64 For an account of “a career of the most romantic adventure” (Derry 1915:7), see Rev. William Henry Collison’s book published in 1915 called In the Wake of the War Canoe – A stirring record of forty years’ successful labour, peril and adventure amongst the savage Indian tribes of the Pacific coast, and the piratical head-hunting Haidas of the Queen Charlotte Islands, BC. 208 Though the first missionary in New Massett (Rev. William Collison) was preoccupied with community heath, missionaries who followed were more concerned with conversion, including Scotsman Charles Harrison, “who used fear and ridicule as his chief tools for implementing change, and it was the eradication of the potlatch which Harrison chose for one of his first concerted actions” (Henderson 1974:306). He was a strict zealot, introducing military exercises, rules that excluded the un-baptized, and outlawed traditional practices which resulted in a complete disruption of the social order. He was also a drunkard, and was defrocked and removed by the Church Missionary Society in London in 1890 (Henderson 1974:307). He had a large impact on the Haida community, and implementing social and cultural change on Haida Gwaii (Henderson 1974). Rev. Harrison penned “Haida Grammar” in 1895 (Harrison 1969). By the early decades of the 1900s, preachers were prominent people in the community. Methodists had established first in Skidegate, but Anglicans established afterwards, and they were rivals. GwaaGanad said that in her father’s time the Anglicans would march from one side of the village, and the Methodists would march from the other, singing hymns, and come to a head in the middle of the village, singing and trying to drown each other out (GwaaGanad, Pers. Comm, November 2022). When she was a child, she went to Methodist church twice a week. GwaaGanad described the influence of the Church as a big part of why people stopped speaking Haida to their children: Well, no question it was the missionaries. Th[ey] said, ‘you know your children would be better off to learn English or you’re going to go to hell along with your children, and if you don’t learn English and the Word of God, you have to throw away what you believe in or go to burning Hell.’ We don’t even have a hell in our beliefs! (DB71) GwaaGanad said that the missionaries were strategic in that they went to Haida leadership, focussing on the Chiefs and converting them: 209 …and then they go to the leaders. The missionaries were so… they got to the Head Chiefs and that and got them. So when their chiefs told them to do something, they had to! They didn’t even have to think about it. If your Chief said [for you to do something], that’s what you did! … So, the transition was swift and lethal for us! ‘Cause we don’t have ceremony much left. (DB71) Ilskyalas offered another perspective, recalling that the original priests had learned the Haida language, and gave their sermons in the Haida language: We’re fortunate we had the priests though. They’re the ones that really kept the language in the beginning and they [uh] wrote ... , because they used to give ... , when I was a child their sermons were in Haida. And, so, they learned to speak Haida, ‘cause there were so many old people that did not speak English. So, our lessons and [uh] the priest would give his sermon in Haida. (DC2) As a child with family working at Skeena River canneries, Ilskyalas recalled the presence of missionaries who would offer their help to mothers working to pack the cans: There was, we were very fortunate, the Seventh Day Adventist people came to the canneries and [uh] took care of the children that [uh] ... you know ... wouldn’t have ... they wouldn’t have had babysitters. (DC3) Childcare services were provided, which gave the religious zealots access and influence on Indigenous babies and children. For over a century, waves of different Christian religions have come to the shores of Haida Gwaii to convert Haidas, including Pentecostals, Mormons who raised many children taken during the Sixties Scoop, and Jehovah’s Witnesses, who persist on Haida Gwaii today. The Anglican and Methodist (United) Churches still exist today, but very few people go to their churches. 4.3.6 Stress of Ongoing Background Events: Influences on Language Transmission to the Next Generation None of the Elders focused on the strife in their life stories. They all were positive and shared stories revealing incredible resilience. However, in the background details, there were 210 incredibly stressful pressures and events occurring simultaneously that certainly would have meant parents had to triage their energy and effort. By the time of their parenting, using XK instead of English would have required huge additional energy to go against the tide. These background stresses therefore further reduced possibility of family use of XK, and on parents’ transmission of language to children. Haida Gwaii is the closest point of land in Canada to Japan. During the years 1941-1945, WWII impacted Haida Gwaii in the form of a Royal Canadian Air Force base in Alliford Bay not far from Skidegate (the base was active during the years 1940-1944)65, a Naval Radio Station in Massett (1942-1968) and, more remotely, Radar Detachment #27 on Marble Island on the wild west coast outside of Skidegate Narrows (1941-1945)66. Jiixa explained: …my older brother was in World War II and I always think of it you know, we used to have blackouts too. We’d have to pull the blind down, we all had blinds on our windows, and we’d have to pull the blinds down and I guess, see there was, I guess, air force over in Alliford Bay. Yeah. I know Ada and them all used to talk about that, go over there to dance. (GV7). A World War was happening far away, but Haidas were connected to the wider world through the air force base in Alliford Bay that hosted dances that Haidas would row over to from Skidegate to dance all night. Some of these Elders had siblings who went to Europe to fight (DC, GV, GH). Haidas could fight in the war if they disfranchised from their Indian Status; it is notable that several Haidas signed up to fight for Canada and the Allies, sacrificing their Indian Status, including their ability to live in their own communities (on reserve) after the war. The far-away war was only one of the many background events characterizing the Elders’ childhood and adolescence. Racism was ever-present in the background of influential life 65 http://www.c-and-e-museum.org/Pinetreeline/rds/detail/rds99-35.html 66 https://www.101nisquadron.org/wwiiair-surveillance/ru-marble-island/ 211 events. When she was a child in Prince Rupert, Ilskyalas’s father Alfred Adams would represent First Nations individuals in court, as it was illegal for First Nations to have lawyers to represent them (thanks to a 1927 amendment to the Indian Act). When the family returned to Gaw Tlagée after five years away in Prince Rupert, she tried to enroll in grade 9. But the new school in New Masset would not accept her or any of four other Haida girls unless they gave up their Indian Status to disenfranchise: “Aboriginals couldn’t go past the ninth grade ‘cause they thought that an educated Indian was a dangerous Indian” (DC11). Ilskyalas recalled discussing this with her family, and while her family believed deeply in education, they decided not to give up their Status. (Eventually, the new high school ended up conceding to let them in, as they needed more students (DC11)). There were daily events of racism that certainly impacted Haida peoples’ health, wellbeing, and energy for parenting and general affect – ability to act. GwaaGanad shared that the dentist pulled out all her teeth when she was a teenager. It was a common practice of dentists at the time to go into First Nations communities and pull teeth (Carstairs and Mosby 2020), regardless of their state of health, as a matter of efficiency and fiscal austerity. Reflecting on her experience as a CHR (Community Health Representative) from years 1970 to 1998, GwaaGanad reflected on how she experienced racism towards her people on a daily basis: [At the hospital they] treated me very badly, and it was my job to bring my people in when they were sick, no matter what kind of sickness. And I would get greeted like, “Oh, here’s Diane Brown! Got Roy again!” Roy would be detoxing. [They’d say] “Well, you can come in but we’re not keeping him unless you can stay with him for 24 hours!” Things like that. I had a family here. I’d just run away once they went to sleep. They wouldn’t send me ambulances. The nurses used to control the ambulances and they wouldn’t send it to me sometimes, so I’d drag them up myself, ‘cause I knew they were almost dying. What could I do? I was all 120 [lbs] soaking wet and I’d drag this two-, three-hundred-pound woman around, shoved her in my car! So, I was tough, tough that way… (DB63-64) 212 Significant tragedies occurred in the community throughout these Elders’ lives. TB and Meningitis caused siblings to live in hospitals (DC, BH), and a brother to be sent home from hospital to die of TB and drowning in his own blood at home (DC). In GwaaGanad’s childhood there was a terrible house fire circa 1957 that claimed the lives of several of her family members in a tragedy from which some surviving family members never recovered emotionally (DB20). There was a terrible chii sguuna stink eggs poisoning event in the village of Skidegate that took the lives of several key Elders in the community, and the key Elders of a clan. Suicides occurred, and many other tragedies. While Elders did not dwell on these stories, or consequences, the impacts would have been profound on these small villages where everyone is related. Everyone’s individual and collective wellbeing and affect would have been deeply impacted. 4.3.7 The Cultural Value of Social Group Inclusion As the language began to shift, some Haidas stopped speaking XK, and some began to grow up as unilingual English speakers. Interviewed Elders mentioned not speaking Haida if there was an English-only speaking person present: SCS: So, then how often would you speak Xaayda kil with Lily, do you think? How often would you see her? DB: I saw her a lot. I ... only when we were alone did she speak Haida. … Like if we [Lily and I] were around Dwyer or Dull and them, we didn’t. And then JaadsGwan [Sarah Young], even though Dull didn’t understand Haida, she would not speak to me in Haida while Dull was there, because she didn’t want Dull to think she was talking about him! (DB24) It was striking that XK speakers stopped speaking XK when they were in company of someone who didn’t speak XK, in order not to exclude them. This did not seem to be out of deference to a non-Haida person who didn’t speak XK; it was out of consideration to other members of the 213 Haida community. In a society where the collective is so important, and where social standing, humility, respect and consideration of the group are paramount, when there was someone who spoke English, Haidas would speak English. This desire not to exclude those who did not speak XK in the end had an overall negative impact on XK, as the use of XK became increasingly limited as the language began to shift, creating a feedback loop that decreased the use XK. This marked an important shift in the language landscape, as this effectively shut down all exposure of non-XK speakers to XK. Not wanting to exclude others by speaking Haida (especially Haidas who didn’t speak their language) emerged as a strong influential factor among the Elders interviewed, and contributed to language shift. 4.3.8 Raising Their Own Children in English By the time that these speakers had children themselves, in their collective child-bearing years of approximately 1946-196767 (see Tawt’a 4.2), the language landscape had shifted, and English was the dominant language. In what he insultingly says “can only be called linguistic suicide” (Enrico 2003:7), linguist John Enrico writes, “around the year 1930 in Masset, the Davidson household that I was later to live in adopted a policy of using only English when speaking to children. … I suspect that is was one of the first in the village to do so. … the reason given for it was the observation that education was impeded when a child entered school knowing nothing but Haida” (ibid.). None of the speakers interviewed in my study raised their children with XK. When asked why they did not speak XK to their own children, some said they "didn't think it was necessary" (LJ). Gandaa.uu.ngaay explained further, …our grandparents, my grandparents were the ones where it stopped. The rest of us knew it but never had much of an opportunity to use it. And never ever thought of it as being as 67 Again, I exclude GwaaGanad from this time period, because she was much younger than the youngest speaker due to her adoption by a grandparent-aged parent. 214 vital and important anymore because all communications were in English. So, we never, I don’t think we ever thought of it as being such. Of, any value at all. No, why use the language that nobody understands. Only a few of us did. (HJ14) At this time from the mid-1940s through the 1960s, the Haida language was not spoken in any of the institutions that governed their lives: residential schools were in full swing, and it was heavily messaged in the Indian Day Schools, at church, and by government authorities as something that would hold children back in life. These parents were working hard to keep their families going, amidst huge pressures, challenges and racism, and wanted to emancipate their children from difficulty as much as possible. A common theme was that as parents they were busy working to provide income, food and security for their families, and were not able to additionally take on the task of teaching XK to their children: “I’d go through spells of wanting to teach them, and then I’d be so busy. Like I said, I’d put in 80 hours overtime in three months” (DB69). What is striking is the conception that by this time it was already a difficult and additional task for XK to be explicitly "taught", rather than just simply "spoken" in order for their children to learn it. This indicates language shift, where teaching, learning and even speaking XK had become a "task", and not a part of cultural practice or identity. Gandaa.uu.ngaay also noted how hard he was working while he had small children: …I was so busy trying to earn a living with that many kids. ‘Cause we had five boys in a row, then the two girls. And I had to keep my nose to the grindstone, I had to work like crazy, ‘cause in the ‘50’s there was hardly any money in logging. Here’s an example, in 1956 I was working in Sandspit, ’56, ’57, ’58. I got promoted [to] what we called a chaser, a landing man, I went to fifteen dollars and twenty-eight cents a day. And that was 10 hours. (HJ18) “Too busy” indicates that it was easier to speak English than XK. Most of these speakers had partners who didn’t speak Haida, so speaking the language would be a solo effort, and one that could exclude the other (Haida) parent. The majority of their monolingual English partners were 215 Haida; only three were non-Haida. GwaaGanad expressed that while her husband had been raised by very traditional Haida parents, he did not speak Haida, so it wasn’t the language of the house. She also expressed that if they were young now, she would teach her children regardless of whether her partner spoke Haida (DB70). But at the time, speaking or teaching Haida had not been identified as a need, or instigated, and was not a normalized parenting practice. But even the two couples both of whose parents spoke XK (RJ, BR) did not raise their children in the language. This indicates that by the time they had children XK had receded greatly and fallen out of practice in social use, even between fluent individuals. By the 1970s almost all Haidas in Skidegate spoke English. GwaaGanad recalled that when she worked as a CHR (beginning in 1970) only Elders Agnes Moody and JaadsGwan Sarah Young were monolingual in XK (DB45). From that time on, English was the main language used amongst Haidas. Elders spoke XK to GwaaGanad only intermittently. Therefore, XK speakers as well as non-speakers, therefore, continued to hear less and less XK. 4.4 Gina ’Waadluxan Gud ad Kwaagid Everything is Connected: Colonial Impacts on this Cohort on Language Transmission to Their Children This group of Elders is a critical group in the story of XK language shift, for several reasons. One aspect of this cohort is that they were raised with XK as their L1, but raised their children in English. To understand the conditions and forces influencing this crucial part of language shift – the shift to raising children in an L1 different language than their own – it is essential to keep in mind the foundational Haida law that gina ’waadluxan gud ad kwaagid everything is connected (literally: everything depends on everything else). This is mirrored by ecological, multiscalar approaches to language learning and socialization, such as those 216 represented in the Douglas Fir Group (2016). That framework presented in Chapter 3 (Figure 3.2) is useful for considering gina ’waadluxan gud at kwaagid everything is connected in XK language shift – to understand the pressures and ideological as well as practical factors affecting this cohort in their parenting years that precluded them from passing on XK as an L1 to their children—pressures at the macro and meso levels as well as at the micro-interactional level and across the scales of time and place. While they were able to acquire XK as an L1 in their childhood, as parents, these Elders were not able to transmit XK to their children. As Duff (2019) indicates, personal and community histories are an important part of the context of an individual engaging with language. The weight and residue of colonial history and cultural transformation was profound during these Elders’ childhoods (birth to age 12 for this group was 1924-1949, following dates in Tawt’a 4.2). Their living grandparents (born 1880-1900) had been born in the wake of the smallpox epidemic of 1862-63, which had evacuated most villages, coalescing survivors at the villages of HlGaagilda Skidegate in the South of Graham Island, and Gaw Tlagée Old Massett in the North by 1890s. This coalescing had major linguistic consequences, and resulted in the amalgamation of what were distinct dialects across the territory, leading to what are now recognized as the two current major dialect areas in Haida Gwaii. In 1900 the first group of Haida children went to residential school. Though they all left Haida Gwaii as XK speakers, some of them returned as monolingual English speakers. However, after returning home, some of this first cohort of monolingual English speakers married XK fluent speakers, in some cases monolingual XK speakers, which indicates that while they did not speak XK, they likely had some understanding of XK. Together with their XK-fluent partner, they raised children who were bilingual in XK and English, including the majority of the Elders 217 interviewed in this project. As time went on, as XK declined in use, subsequent cohorts that went to residential school as bilingual speakers "lost” XK more significantly. When this cohort became new parents circa 1946-1967, they were continuing to experience an all-sides assault on Haida ways of life, Haida families, children and also bodies. In Figure 4.2 I use the DFG model to consider the levels of pressure and force on this cohort, and factors that precluded them from XK language transmission to their children. Figure 4.2 Language shift pressures and conditions on this L1 XK cohort during their parenting years circa 1946-1967,68 preventing them from XK language transmission to their children), examined within the DFG Framework (2016). On the macro level, the pressures of ideological structures impacting language were massive: the ideologies of colonial forces (Indian Act, Christianity - and resulting enforcement by missionaries, Indian Agents, RCMP), new economic forces, educational and social ideologies 68 see Timeline in Tawt’a 4.3 218 and forces, and Anglo-monolingualism. There were huge influences also at the meso level of Haida community and socio-cultural institutions: destruction of matriarchal and polytheistic society by the Indian Act and Christianity; the cultural value of social group inclusion (whereby Haidas weren’t speaking XK to each other when non-speakers were present that set up a feedback loop so that less and less XK was spoken); increase of control by missionaries, prospectors, settlers, people and populations that had acquired power and used English primarily if not exclusively. In addition, other institutions (medical, military, economic) were being established in the community that used English and imposed colonial values and practices on Haidas. Emerging from the terrible diseases that devastated the Haida population (especially smallpox in 1862 that killed well over 90% of Haida people), the people were greatly weakened. At the meso level, this weakened state was a perfect opportunity for the rise of the influence of the white man: the preacher, the minister, the Indian Agent, the Law; the XK word for police is K’aayts’id llGaayGa literally, “locking-up expert”. The Indian Act amendment in 1920 made it mandatory for children to go to school and learn to speak English (at day school or residential school) (Campbell-Scott 1920), and devastated the family and cultural connections between people, especially women and children. The Indian Act’s legal entrenchment of oppression and fragmentation of communities, families, and disconnecting people from the land was effective. This actively disrupted Haida practice of harvesting and eating food on the land – and the deep spiritual practices of connection that were integrally associated with the gathering of food resources, as well as resulted in the loss of status and thus residency and entitlements for women who married non-status men. The disruption of connections meant a disruption of cultural 219 transmission, as well as intergenerational knowledge transmission, which led to more disconnection and fragmentation. Haidas wanted to protect their children and help them succeed in the colonized world in western Canada. One strategy taken up universally among this cohort of Elders was to adopt the new language of the colonizers for their children and not teach them XK. Haida culture had a high value on being articulate and eloquent: one of the interpretations of the word kilslaay – a word used for chiefs and a term used for paying high respect – is kil voice sdlaay hands – one who does things with words (Boelscher 1988). Oratorical ability was and remains an essential element of achieving status (Boelscher 1988). Therefore, it is very understandable that Haidas would focus on becoming fluent in the new language, English, to regain the level of linguistic proficiency and performance that was expected in their culture. Bilingual XK-English speaker Gedanst Amos Russ and others in the Skidegate Band Council used English with great eloquence when the McKenna-McBride Commission came to Skidegate in 1913 (McKenna-McBride Commission 1913) and with the Allied Tribes in Ottawa for the Parliamentary Hearings in 1926-1927 to advocate for themselves (LaViolette 1973). The fact that bilingualism did not persist in subsequent generations indicates the extreme pressure to reject Haida language, as multilingualism was certainly part of Haida traditional life. It was clear that the future in the colonized world was in the English language; it was certainly the language of education and of the law. This scenario is also common for immigrants to Canada who want their children to face fewer struggles and succeed in the new country. Some parents even enroll their children to study French as an L2 after English instead of learn their home language, in the hopes of reaping the rewards of becoming more “Canadian” (Mizuta 2017). 220 Throughout this time, the ongoing threat of the law and bullying from the white settlers and law continued. All of this fundamentally affected people’s spiritual and emotional health, their sense of belonging, identity, as well as their physical health (nutrition, and family dynamics). Community health was significantly damaged: Haidas value their children and their Elders so much that disrupting the intergenerational knowledge transmission with them due to language shift between generations must have caused great personal pain and heralded a huge culture shift. The factors and influences behind language shift are clear: residential schools, day schools, religious pressure, the systematic oppression and fracturing of women from their community in a matrilineal society, family and their own identity and power, alienation from the land. The accumulation of the impacts of these things greatly affected people’s wellbeing. Primary needs at hand were survival and physical and emotional safety, and preserving language were not perceived as a priority. Professor Patricia A. Shaw, a linguist who has worked with several critically endangered West Coast Indigenous languages, including hən̓q̓əmin̓əm̓69, shared an insight that often language shift is simply unimaginable: In my experience, it has often been the case that its potential "loss" was simply inconceivable - until too late. People did not, or could not, imagine a time when it wouldn't be there. There generally were no alarm bells … For most people, the language was "always" there, just increasingly in the background. It was simply not expedient to use it: the challenge and the imperative for future success - indeed, survival - was to learn English. (Patricia A. Shaw, Pers. Comm., 2023) Many parents report this in heritage language literature as well (He 2024; Mizuta 2017). If language shift was “inconceivable”, it could not be a priority to counter. This is perhaps why language revitalization efforts usually only occur at later stages of language loss. 69 hən ̓q ̓əmin ̓əm ̓ is a Central Coast Salish dialect of which the last fluent L1 speaker passed away in 2002 221 The disproportionate impact on Haida women had ramifications for the transmission of culture to children and others, as women are major agents of cultural and linguistic socialization and primary caregivers for children. The pressures to give up their heritage, identity and refrain from using their language must have been immense, traumatic, relentless, and terrifying. These factors became a critical mass. Parents wanted to protect their children from the onslaught of change and harassment and also to encourage them to be able to take advantage of perceived opportunities associated with English. Shaw (2004) calls on linguists and academics to understand the Duality of Loss experienced by Indigenous people with respect to their language – first, a loss of language, a human cognitive system, and second, “the personal/social psychology of loss” – an accumulation of the losses incurred by colonization, all linked to language. These have huge implications to a person’s affect, their sense of agency and empowerment. New Xaad kíl speaker and teacher Dr. Jaskwaan Bedard writes “to this day, we feel the effects of government policies and practices that violently removed our mother tongue from our consciousness. Anger, grief, frustration, an overwhelming sense of powerlessness, a need to strike out and blame those around you: all are ongoing, chronic symptoms of the Canadian policy of Indigenous language removal” (Bedard 2019: 119). This disconnection, dissociation has a profound emotional affect, and further enforces disconnection not only with language, but also with family, community and overall belonging. 222 4.5 Awakening (1969 on) 4.5.1 Pole Raisings and Haida Culture Rising Up But this is not the end of the story for XK. GwaaGanad spoke about a reawakening of Haida culture and pride in the 1960s and 70s. It got in a little skinny period in the ‘60s, ‘70s where nobody wanted to be Haida or [it] wasn’t "in" to be Haida, it was "in" to be white. Something happened. And then all of a sudden, the longhouse opened, and we found ourselves again. Through dance and song and pride. Then hammered it in more with Lyell Island70, then we really researched our roots, and nobody wanted to wear the wrong thing71, right. (DB67) GwaaGanad associated this turning point with Guud San Glans Robert Davidson’s pole raising in Gaw Tlagée in 1969, and with Iljuuwas Bill Reid’s pole raising in Skidegate in 1978. Davidson’s Bear Mother pole was the first totem pole raised in almost a century. In the film Haida Modern (2019), Davidson recalls, “The totem pole was actually a catalyst, to make a statement: ‘Hey! We’re alive, and we want to be part of this world.’” He was 22 years old72. Haida filmmaker Chris Auchter’s 2021 film Now is the Time is a beautiful short using footage from the 1960s and the pole raising in 1969. Davidson, at 22 years old, blew on the embers of art and culture from his Elders, and the fire that began to burn anew created a burst of energy and inspiration for others. Acclaimed contemporary Haida weaver Isabel Rorick recalls the inspiration and impacts of seeing a spruce root hat at the pole-raising: The first real spruce-root hat I saw was made by Emily Thomson; Robert [Davidson] purchased it and his first wife wore it to the pole raising. I had never seen one before then. …what makes me so emotional about 1969 is that they hadn’t had hats for so long. … Nonny Selina was making hats after the 1969 pole raising. (Isabel Rorick in “Raven Traveling” (Augaitis et al. 2008:135) 70 “Lyell Island” refers to the Haidas’ fight to stop logging on South Moresby in the 1980s; see section 1.1.2.1 The fight for Gwaii Haanas South Moresby. 71 At this time, Haida had to consult Elders to refamiliarize themselves with traditional customs around wearing crests, and rights to wear different clan representations. 72 https://bcanuntoldhistory.knowledge.ca/1960/robert-davidson-raises-a-pole 223 In 1978 Reid raised his Dogfish Pole in Skidegate. Reid was the main carver, assisted by Guujaaw73. Guud San Glans came to help as well. It was the first pole to be raised in Skidegate in almost a hundred years (Blackman 1977; Collison and Steedman 2011) and built on the renaissance that Guud San Glans’ pole raising had started: DB: …the Haida way was getting more accepted after ’78 on. SCS: Hmm, what happened in ’78? DB: We found ourselves again. In my opinion. The longhouse was built, where SHIP is, and Bill Reid carved a pole, that was the first pole in well over a hundred years. That was after Robert’s. Robert’s was ’68 [1969] and Bill’s was ’78. (DB67) While today, GwaaGanad is consulted as a knowledge keeper and Elder, and has been part of many pole raisings, she recalled the first pole raising in Skidegate with humility, remembering how Elders had to be consulted, and the knowledge had to be reawakened: … we didn’t know how to raise a pole, we didn’t know how to open a house, so Babs and I went to every old person in the village to research. … we went to everybody that was old, even though Hazel [Stevens] had the most knowledge, we double checked and went. And then they told us how to do it. Everybody madly made blankets, everybody ran around wanting to know what clan they were in. … No, a lot of people did not have a clue. Ada... was the Encyclopedia - ching, ching, ching! She’d go, “oh, you’re ḵ’aadasGa ḵiiGawaay! And you’re Skedans!” (DB67) The fire of Haida culture, identity and pride was re-awakened. The outside world was changing too. The Indian Act was amended in 1985 to give more rights to Haida women. Indigenous ways were beginning to be recognized as having value: …and then slowly towards the ‘80s, little things, like I was allowed to bring the Indian medicine in the hospital, then they were asking for it, so things got more… the Haida way was getting more accepted after ’78 [when Bill Reid raised the Dogfish pole] on. (DB63-64) 73 now known also by the Chief’s name Gidansda. 224 These pole raisings, with attendant ceremonial acts, gloriously disrupted the narrative of Imperial Nostalgia (Perley 2020), as well as other narratives with which the Indian Act, Indian Agents, missionaries and general Canadian society had attempted to oppress and assimilate Haidas. These events produced texts, dialogue, other semiotic resources, and, directionally and irreversibly, reintroduced Xaaydas giinaa.ah and Xaad kíl/Xaayda kil as precious and powerful unique aspects of Haida identity that should be celebrated, not be ashamed of. These events had huge ramifications for collective and individual affect, and broke the pattern of negativity towards Haida identity and culture. A collective turnaround and restorying had begun. 225 4.5.2 The Line at Lyell In tandem with this cultural re-awakening, the Haida community had begun organizing politically in 1970s and were writing the Haida Constitution. Members of Old Massett and Skidegate were building a unified political body to represent the Haida Nation as a whole, as the two individual Band Councils (Old Massett and Skidegate) did not have the time or capacity to work on land claims and the greater political battles with the provincial and federal governments74. They were forming the Council of the Haida Nation (Richardson 2018). As they were building this government, the fight for South Moresby arose (referred to in §1.1.2.1 The fight for Gwaii Haanas South Moresby). Since the early 20th century, logging had been a source of income and economy for settlers and Haidas alike on Haida Gwaii. By the 1980s clearcut logging was the prominent logging practice, cutting huge swaths across the landscape. It created a boom in the economy. Many Haidas were loggers during this time, though they knew the practice of clearcut logging wasn’t right75. In 1985, as logging was closing in on the salmon watershed at Hlk’yah GawGa Windy Bay on Ahlii Gwaii Lyell Island, the Haida people took a stand and drew a line for the logging to stop. Haidas organized warriors from both communities of Old Massett and Skidegate to travel down to stand on the line and protect the sacred watershed on Ahlii Gwaii Lyell Island. Skidegate became an organizing hub. Gaayinguuhlas recalled getting “shipped out to Lyell Island” during the blockades so that he could communicate in XK over the radio without the police knowing what he was saying (Roy Jones in Collison and Steedman 2011, 85). In the winter of 1985, the first warriors to be arrested holding the line at Lyell were Elders and fluent XK speakers: Jaadsankinhliiyas Ada Yovanovich, Kamee Ethel Jones, Adolphus “Fussy” 74 Miles Richardson, Pers. Comm., July 19, 2023 75 Ganxwad Dullskin Brown (logger), Pers. Comm. 226 Marks and Gaahlaay Watson Price. Over the next three months, 72 Haidas in total were arrested, including GwaaGanad. They were made to go to court in Vancouver. In the end, the Haidas succeeded in stopping the logging on Lyell Island, and those arrested were acquitted. The stand led to the Gwaii Haanas Agreement, and eventually the Gwaii Haanas National Parks Reserve and Haida Heritage Site and National Conservation Area. At this time, GwaaGanad’s husband Ganxwad Dullskin Brown was a logger. I asked him whether the standoff at Lyell affected his job: “It didn’t affect my job. I was working in Juskatla. A lot of Indians worked there at the time, so nobody shunned us or anything. There were very few Haidas that worked at Lyell Island” (Ganxwad, Pers. Comm., February 25, 2025). Juskatla inlet is far inland on Graham Island far from Lyell Island (see Figure 1.2 in Ch. 1), and most of the Haida loggers worked there and not in Gwaii Haanas where the Haida Nation drew the line. The stand and collective subsequent political gains are a major turning point in modern Haida narrative, a source of unity of the Nation, a point of defiance of colonization, and a reclamation of pride, identity and power. After this battle and victory, GwaaGanad witnessed a transformation in her father Gaahlaay Watson Price, one of those four Elders who were the first to be arrested, that she attributes to the stand at Lyell Island. As a child at residential school for 10 years, he had had the Haida “beaten out of him”76, and after his return home, he only spoke English. He understood XK, but only spoke English back to his wife, Gyaaxagaay ’Yuuwans Isabella, who only spoke Haida. After Gyaaxagaay ’Yuuwans died, he married her sister JaadsGwan Sarah, who also was monolingual in XK. GwaaGanad noted that while he didn’t speak XK himself, he made sure he was always around it. Clearly it was important to him; he understood it fluently. Today 76 GwaaGanad, Pers. Comm. 2022 227 this is known as being a “silent speaker” – someone who was raised with significant exposure to the language in their environment and understands it, but does not speak it. In some LR and heritage language literature this is referred to as a “latent speaker” of the language (Basham and Fathman 2008). A Silent Speaker understands XK but does not speak XK when it is spoken around him, and even to him; he answers, demonstrating understanding, but answers in English. After his arrest and the success of protecting Ahlii Gwaay, Gaahlaay began singing songs, telling legends, and even speaking Haida. Yes, yes after 1985, from giving me one, I’d say, “how do you say underwater or something” and he would give me the one word, now after 1985 I would get the word and a legend to go with it even! In Haida. At first, what I first noticed, this would be five years, 1990 we got the Hai Yu [trawler boat], that’s when I discovered he was singing in the back of the boat, singing Haida songs and he doesn’t even sing! He was singing Haida songs, old Haida songs, then when we, when we were anchored in the night, he started telling me legends, it was wonderful. …he [my dad] was like a glossary of legends, he knew what everything meant. But I don’t have him anymore. But thankfully I had him when I did. He wasn’t a storyteller, but, dammit he was. He knew a lot. (DB34) These events and the incredible victory for the Nation to be able to defend their islands against desecration added deeply to the reclamation of pride in being Haida for this chief. This is profound evidence of the increased self-esteem and agency of an individual who had been significantly impacted by residential school. His capacity to act, in the form of speaking his birth language XK, was increased after the fight for Ahlii Gwaay Lyell Island. When SHIP began in 1998, he was one of the founding Elders. The fight for Ahlii Gwaay was one of the foundational events that added greatly to the reclamation of the Haida language. 228 4.5.3 The Two-week Immersion in Skidegate, and the Establishment of the Skidegate Haida Immersion Program (SHIP) A crucial act of awakening for Haida language was in the founding of SHIP, a Haida education institution that has been a crucial for formally re-installing Xaayda kil linguistic infrastructure. In 1998, riding the waves of revitalization of culture, founding of their own governance structure of the Council of the Haida nation, and success in reclaiming authority over their lands, members of Skidegate who were concerned and interested in the Haida language came together for a two-week immersion held in the Homemakers building in Skidegate. GwaaGanad talked about the two-week immersion: In the summer of ’98 I was on the school board. I said, “let’s do a Haida class.” They said, “ok, we’ll do an immersion.” We advertised and forty Haidas signed up. The Elders were drop dead flabbergasted! Some were crying. (GwaaGanad Diane Brown, Pers. Comm., February 2023) It was very emotional for the Elders that so many younger Haidas wanted to learn their language. The Elders were so happy. The next challenge was the dialect differences: different dialects and speaking idiosyncrasies posed a challenge, as fluent speakers disagreed on how words were spoken, let alone spelled. … they [the Elders] had to come up with curriculum. I had them come to write the curriculum and all hell broke loose: “that’s not how you say it!” I knew that there were different dialects. I knew this from work [as a Community Health Representative]. I figured it out between 1970 and 1998. After being so hard on myself [because they told me how I said words was wrong] I realized they had different dialects! So I told the Elders, “Look, if you want to focus on that little difference, we’ll call it off.” Then Ernie said, “I got it! We’ll do the Skidegate dialect, because that’s the land we’re on.” But we didn’t have any Skidegate dialect speakers! But it worked. We banged out the curriculum. (GwaaGanad, Pers. Comm., February 2023) 229 Later, after SHIP was established, SHIP Directors established the policy of recording all the different dialects or words in the Glossary so that nothing would be lost, and all would be respected: We’d said, “Let’s just call it ‘dialect’ and write them all [different versions] down. Then we can eliminate that feeling that “you’re wrong and I’m right.” It was hard. But we kind of went with trying to rotate who we’d go with, so we could appease everyone. It was hard work, but we did it without blowing people out. We always could go back to the glossary, and they would see that the words were recorded and could see that all the words/dialects were recorded in there. (Luu Gaahlandaay, Pers. Comm., July 10, 2023) At the time of the Immersion, GwaaGanad was not an Elder, but she was able to navigate the challenges with these Elders, as she not only spoke Xaayda kil, but had a history with all of them as a Community Health Representative for 27 years. She already had their trust, and this was key to being able to do the difficult work of negotiating dialects and other difficult topics77. The Two-week Immersion itself was organized into eight groups of learners. “There was one Elder per group, James, Ernie, Johnny, Jackie, Ada… Everyone had a young person to run around for them.”78 There was a feast at the end which was very motivating for the learners. “Some people were crying right before. They wanted to talk so bad.”79 These accounts of Elders crying with happiness that new generations of Haidas were interested in the language show the importance and emotion around revitalization of the language for them. Gandaa.uu.ngaay remembered the sense of reawakening of culture and spirit of ebullience that the two-week immersion released: You know, after that, only after 10 days of instruction basically through 2 hours in the morning and the afternoon, was cultural things. Talking about different things and … one of the things that was brought up by Uncle Ernie was how to dance. The Haida dancing. ‘Cause I can remember, I don’t know how long ago it was, when they did Haida 77 GwaaGanad Pers. Comm. February 2023. 78 GwaaGanad, Pers. Comm February 2023. 79 GwaaGanad, Pers. Comm Feb. 2023. 230 dancing on a New Year’s Eve dance! They danced from the old church group down here all the way to the community hall, singing and dancing! And they filed in single file and made a complete circle in the old community hall, and everybody had their regalia on and everybody was singing. And men had a chance to dance, then the women danced, and Uncle Ernie [Wilson] was the MC then, and he said, “this is the first time this has been done in 50 years! (HJ17) …I think it was July, we had [uh], forget how many days we had little groups all over the place in the village and start teaching, ‘cause … everybody was just learning how to teach then too. You know, nobody gave us any direction as to which way we should go, all they told us they wanted was us to start speaking and teaching people different phrases and things like that, and we didn’t question it and, in the end, had a big feast, and I would say most of the students got up and made a speech, and I thought Holy Mackerels they did really well! They really learned. (HJ16) The enthusiasm and positive energy created by the two weeks of immersion made the Elders wish to start a longer-term program. The School Board was interested in starting a Haida language school, but they needed a trained teacher. Then they wanted a school, the old men. So, being on the [School] Board, I told the Superintendent, and they got involved. Ada and I were going to be the teachers. But they needed a certified teacher. We ran ads, but there were no bites. I knew that Kevin Borserio was having a hell of a time [teaching at the highschool]. It coincided with when Kevin was adopted by Jud. I asked Kevin and he said yes. The old people practically danced! We couldn’t have had a better person. Kevin was just quiet, he did all the bull work. He got us $25,000 for the machinery80. (GwaaGanad, Pers. Comm., February 2023) Kevin Borserio was a non-Indigenous high school teacher who had taught Gudt’aawt’is at Queen Charlotte Secondary and Elementary school (K-12). As a student, Gudt’aawt’is had felt a connection to Kevin, and wanted to adopt him as a brother. At a Ts’aahl feast in Naa Guud Gii Kyaagans Skidegate Community Hall in 199281, GwaaGanad adopted him on behalf of 80 Audio recording technology and a computer to document words. 81 Luu Gaahlandaay, Pers. Comm. July 10, 2023 231 Gudt’aawt’is82 into the Kayahl ’laanas clan. He was given the Haida name Luu Gaahlandaay Wave Spirit, reflecting his deep passion for kayaking. Six years later, in September of 1998 when SHIP was looking to hire a teacher with a B.Ed., GwaaGanad asked Luu Gaahlandaay, and he came – leaving his position at the Queen Charlotte Elementary and Secondary School so that SHIP could officially able to be run as a school with funding through School District 50. They ran their first year starting in September 1998 in the trailer next to Naagudgiikyagans Skidegate Community Hall before moving to Iitl’lxid Naay, their current location83. Luu Gaahlandaay had a steep learning curve, but followed GwaaGanad’s direction well: “I didn’t know a thing about XK, GwaaGanad just told me, ‘just start writing words down!’”84 This practice of writing words down eventually resulted in The SHIP Xaayda Kil Glossary, which holds over 30,000 words in the printed second edition (2022). GwaaGanad and Luu Gaahlandaay directed SHIP together for 12 years. GwaaGanad led the sessions with the Elders, while Luu Gaahlandaay supported Elders to listen through their sound-amplifying headphones and speak into their microphones, recorded them as they spoke, and logged new words and supporting the evolution of the orthography; they were a great team. When both GwaaGanad and Luu Gaahlandaay worked at SHIP (1998-2010), a typical day would begin with prayer in the morning: first the Lord’s Prayer, then a prayer for the community with a big list of names and people who needed help. Next came announcements about community events. Then was a five-word spelling “test” every day; this allowed SHIP to fine-tune spelling and orthography daily. All Elders would spell the test words, then they would 82 Gudt’aawt’is was always away at college when his clan, the Kayahl ‘laanas held feasts, so asked his awGa mother to adopt Kevin Borserio into the clan on Gudt’aawt’is behalf. 83 Luu Gaahlandaay, Pers. Comm. July 10, 2023 84 Luu Gaahlandaay, Pers. Comm. May 2023 232 discuss the spelling together. Following this, everyone had to write a sentence. All sentences were recorded and logged by the microphones, but the directors, limited by time, would choose two of the sentences to write down and workshop as a group – honing the spelling and orthography every day. These sentences were accumulated in categories: Departures, Arrivals, Greetings, Food, Travel; these categories eventually became the written and audio recorded lessons and materials SHIP began to produce for the community. Luu Gaahlandaay copied them and sent everything to the Haida Gwaii Museum archives. Following this, everyone would say the two written sentences so all would get to practice. “So that’s how I learned how to speak,” Luu Gaahlandaay told me. “I sat by Ildagwaay for the first three years, and she’d relentlessly plug her ears when it was my turn to speak; she didn’t want to ‘mess up her dialect’ by hearing mine!”85 In the afternoons were many other projects, Place Names work started in year two, beginning with the place names that Haida people shared with ethnologist J.R. Swanton while he visited Haida Gwaii in 1900-01. That began a 10-year project of returning the Haida names to the maps of Southern Haida Gwaii (see Chapter 1). Luu Gaahlandaay was a geography teacher and loved maps. One of the Elders knew of a recording by one of their elders, Chief Gaahlaay Solomon Wilson of the Kayahl ’laanas, and Jisgang Nika Collison was able to obtain the recording of Gaahlaay listing XK Place Names in 1974, recorded by David Ellis. The recordings gave the SHIP Elders 400 place names, and they worked through them diligently. Luu Gaahlandaay recalled how these Solomon Wilson recordings proved an essential resource, as 85 Luu Gaahlandaay Pers. Comm. July 7, 2023 233 Solomon held vast knowledge. This project further enhanced their refinement of the orthography: …that helped us get the orthography down, ‘cause we were working with an old, old timer. Di [GwaaGanad] and I would have to match the spelling. Listening to the words word by word, that was a real assignment that helped us specifically work on our vowels and consonants, because we weren’t working on [creating] a tape, we had a tape. That’s where the place names started. We probably worked 2-3 months on just the place names stuff. That was a big body of work to do, produced all those maps86. The data for this was used by the CHN to form two big maps which have been crucial evidence for the ongoing Haida Nation Title case (Haida Nation vs. the Crown). It has also produced the 2011 CHN Place Names map (see Figure 1.5). SHIP programming is Elder-centered, and focusses on the fluent Elders, who attend both as “students” and as teachers. The days unfold at the pace that the Elders want to work at; they have weekly lunches and have gone on trips as a group to the Grand Canyon, Hawaii, Vancouver, Vancouver Island, Seattle, Prince Rupert and Ketchikan, Juneau and Hydaburg, Alaska. Common phrases I often heard repeated at SHIP when I attended include, “we want SHIP to be everything residential school was not,” “don’t let the English tell the Haida what to do,” “Xaayda kil jii.nga xaaynang.nga Gas ga!” Long live the Haida language! Linguists have often come to visit for several months, some of them working with the SHIP group to create learning resources like Jordan Lachler’s Dii hltaaxuulang Conversational Southern Haida for Beginners (2011) and Skidegate Haida as a Second language, K-3 (2011). Participants from the community are welcome to attend during the day, and from its inception in 1998 through 2010, night classes were held twice a week so that people working during the day could attend. 86 Luu Gaahlandaay, Pers. Comm. July 10, 2023 234 GwaaGanad retired in 2010, and Luu Gaahlandaay continued to direct the program with Skaanas Denver Cross for another nine years until his retirement in 2021. Skaanas continues to direct SHIP today. 4.5.4 Weavers and language warriors DC’s mother Selena Peratrovich was focused on saving Haida weaving techniques, as well as Xaad kíl (Gaw Tlagée dialect). Peratrovich was born in Gaw Tlagée in 1890, but raised in Howkan, AK. She returned to Gaw Tlagée to marry Alfred Adams, and learned basket weaving from his mother. Peratrovich became an acclaimed weaver, and a teacher to keep the techniques alive, as the practice of weaving had ebbed in the wake of the YaatsxaaydaGa Iron People. She kept very high standards for her students, and taught her children and grandchildren, who in turn, became accomplished weavers and teachers. Ilskyalas learned to weave from childhood, and inherited Peratrovich’s passion for weaving and teaching while growing up in Gaw Tlagée and Prince Rupert. When Ilskyalas moved to Alaska as an adult, she studied weaving from Elders in Alaska to learn not only Haida weaving but also Tsimshian and Tlingit weaving and basketry. She started teaching weaving when she was 40, and has taught it tirelessly for the past 50 years, not only to Haidas but to Tsimshian and Tlingit learners too. Weaving was on the brink of being lost, and this family’s teaching has greatly contributed to a weaving renaissance. Skidegate Elder Jiixa learned weaving from Ilskyalas. She and her sister GH are weavers who have taught many people and continued this important cultural practice; they are also fluent XK speakers. These weavers are both fluent speakers and weavers; weaving is an integral aspect of Haida culture. 235 4.5.5 Elders Reawakening the Language in Themselves Xaad kíl/Xaayda kil went through a period of suuda k’uhlda whispered in secret for the period of 1937 until the 1970s (see Taw’ta 4.3). However, beginning in the 1970s, Elders in all three Haida dialect communities began to rekindle their XK in order to teach the language to younger generations, as described in §4.1.2. For all of them, this rekindling took considerable effort, as for all of them there were long periods in their lives where XK lay sleeping inside. As Taalgyaa’adad remarked: Oh yeah. Long periods of time, you know. I didn’t speak Haida all the time, no. When I got back into Haida again, was when I started going to SHIP, you know. After my husband died. …Miles and I used to speak Haida sometimes with one another but only on, on occasions like I’m talking about when we’d go away, or when we were, sometimes we used to speak Haida around the home but not much, you know. (BR16) Several of them spoke of a shift in themselves towards XK in their Elderhood. Sing.giduu expressed her change of feeling about the importance of language and culture after living away for most of her adult life due to Bill C-31, and moving back to Haida Gwaii in 1986 when her children were grown: [Uh], I don’t know really. I was telling you I didn’t think it was important for my children to learn, I… I don’t know… when I moved home, I thought I knew everything about our culture but still there was lots to learn. And, because there was hardly anything, our Nanaay used to be always singing Haida songs when we were young and speaking every once in a while, when I was little. I think it’s so important that they should know about, there’s some of them that don’t even know they are cousins you know? And, if you teach them that, teach them where their Chief comes from and all that, I think it’s very important now. …Because it is something I never learned, when I was growing up. I don’t know, I just think they should know where they come from and who their Chief is and who they’re related to. Once in a while Joan will do some dancing with the kindergarten, and they like it! They like it! See the little kids dancing. (LJ19) 236 Elders came back to the language in different ways. Some began to worry about the language on their own, as they realized they were amongst a dwindling number of Haidas who still spoke fluent XK. Ilskyalas had an awakening when she was 80 years old: “Well, I got really afraid when, in fact my sister is the one that said, “you know, when you and I quit speaking Haida, fluent Haida, there’s no one else that’s going to speak it fluently” (DC17). Some came back to the Haida language because they were asked to teach, as the Band Councils began to invest in programs for the Haida language to continue. Sing.giduu was asked to teach at Sk’aadGa Naay Elementary School in 1992, and Gaayinguuhlas was asked by the Skidegate Band Council to teach night school for interested adults in Skidegate before SHIP was started, and taught Haida with Gitkun Nathan Young until he passed away in 2000. Elders spoke of having to spend considerable time relearning the language after many years of silence. SHIP and Xaad kíl and language programs started up by community members provided them this necessary part of their reawakening. Most of the Elders in this study were participants at SHIP; when they began to attend, it was the first time they spoke consistent XK since their youth. Even though she never stopped using XK throughout her life and career, GwaaGanad spoke about learning to how to speak like an adult at SHIP. “When SHIP started, I guess you could say that I learned proper Haida from them. Ada used to tease me, I still spoke Haida like a little kid, and she would say, ‘You are baby-talking Haida’” (GwaaGanad in Collison and Steedman 2011, 124). SHIP provided the safe space, focus, and consistency for the effort necessary to reawaken the language, and it was successful. But [after residential school] I couldn’t understand it and I couldn’t pronounce. I kept losing it and losing it, all the time I was away. It took a tremendous amount of will on my part to relearn it. I can understand why people think it is hard. (Gitkun Johnny Williams, founding member of SHIP, in Steedman and Collison 2011:115) 237 GwaaGanad speaks with great reverence for the founding Elders of SHIP in 1998. They had so much knowledge, and helped her awaken the XK in herself, and taught her “adult” advanced Xaayda kil. This statement about awakening and learning adult advanced XK is important to note, as she is someone who today we know as very fluent in XK. GwaaGanad’s first language was XK, and she spoke this with her monolingual mother growing up until her death when GwaaGanad was nine years old. Though she did have opportunities to speak XK throughout her life thanks to individual champions, after her mother died, GwaaGanad was not in an XK intensive or immersion language landscape. Therefore, when SHIP was established in 1998 and she began to work there at 50 years old, it was the first time for her to be immersed in XK again, and it took time and exposure to learn to speak fluent advanced XK. These Elders were able to speak it again, thanks to the consistency of SHIP encouragement, camaraderie, and practice. To this day, SHIP is a place that Elders love spending time at, and this feeling of belonging and positivity are necessary to SHIP’s revitalizing of the language. Some found SHIP after it began, and found purpose in the language, in their retirement, as Niis Waan reflected: …[speaking XK again] felt good to me. You know, it all started to come back to me, how to speak it properly. But you know when, when I went back to SHIP, started there, listening, and starts saying the things myself, and you know, it all came back to me. (HW22) Jiixa spoke about how her uncles helped her by challenging her to learn Xaayda kil. For Taalgyaa’adad, it gave her purpose and community after her husband passed away: I felt, I felt [um] a purpose in my life again, because my husband had died and [um] I was just sort of [um] drifting along and [um] I was used to always being busy, you know. I had, I had 6 kids that I raised and after I raised my kids I had, I had a business that I used to attend to. And I sold my business in 1996 because I had, I had to stay home and look after my husband because he was so sick. And then when he died, I was so lost, and that’s when I started going to SHIP, and I was so thrilled to find SHIP. I mean I was 238 aware of it, somewhere in my mind but in my business I [um] I wasn’t paying that much attention. (BR20) In their elder years, these Elders found a profound calling. Spending time with each other at SHIP, they discovered the embers of the language in themselves, and began to stoke these embers to pass them on in the community. 4.6 Jiixa, fluent second-language learner Jiixa Gladys Vandal (1938-2023) was a fluent XK speaker, often giving the ceremonial Opening or Dinner Prayer at events on Haida Gwaii. She did so fluently and gracefully. But she is unique in this cohort of Elders: she learned to speak XK as an adult, after attending SHIP. Born in 1938, Jiixa was born five years after her sister SGaanajaadsk'yaaGaxiigangs (1933), who was one of the L1 fluent speakers. These siblings are an example of the “sibling language split” (see §4.2.3) where after approximately 1935, children stopped learning or keeping XK as an L1, even within a family. Like others born at that time, Jiixa’s parents did not teach her XK as a child, but she grew up with XK exposure: in her childhood Jiixa’s sisters Fanny, Emily and GH “taught me a little;” her beloved Aunty Elizabeth (Lizbet) taught her some as well, and later on in life her mother Kathleen taught her a few words (GV2). There was also storytelling in XK that was still happening: “…my grandfather sat by the kitchen stove telling stories, story after story… yeah, he was a great storyteller” (GV6). She would overhear her mother speaking XK with her friends Aunty Flora and Aunty Bella (Isabella Price), but it was not taught to her directly. Much later on, in her grandparent years, Jiixa began to attend SHIP, encouraged by her uncles, particularly Nang King.aay ’Uwans James Young. Over a period of several years she acquired XK, and became one of our fluent Elders. Her adult-acquired fluency leaves us interesting questions, such as how does her acquisition of fluency differ qualitatively from 239 today’s adult learners – learners who weren’t at all "exposed" to fluent speakers in their childhood, but have made a commitment to learn XK? It is highly likely that Jiixa had an indeterminate level of comprehension in childhood, but became an expressive speaker with a high level of expressive fluency only as an older adult – in the safe, liberating, supportive, nurturing context of SHIP. People's own memories of "how much" they understood or spoke as a child are difficult to evaluate, especially when so much time and trauma have intervened. Pursuing answers to these questions is unfortunately beyond the scope of the present research. But Jiixa’s language journey indicates that fluency has been increased in adulthood by speakers fluent today. Therefore, one could posit that even if deprived of the opportunities to continue to learn the language in one's adolescence, it may be that childhood exposure can significantly enhance the development of that language later in life – setting the foundation for a 'reawakening' of the language in later life. This would have significant implications for Endangered Language revitalization program such as Language Nests and preschool programs. 4.7 Conditions that Facilitated Elders learning XK as an L1 and Retaining Their Language All ten of the XK-fluent Elders who were interviewed have invested most of their retirement time to teaching Haida language. They all love the language, and believe it is a source of strength and value. Their efforts in the elementary schools, high schools, adult courses and programs at Haida and non-Haida institutions (including Parks Canada, Health Centers, schools and hospitals) in film productions (for example, the Edge of the Knife feature film in 2018) have documented the language and created places where the language is honoured and taught. They are the last of an incredible group of Elders. There are many others beside and before them who contributed to this work, and they are featured in the exhibition and book That 240 Which Makes Us Haida (2011). These k’aaya kuuya isis precious Elders carried the language through the time when XK was quiet, and in their Elderhood have created a foundation so that younger generations of language learners can take up the next part of the story. How did this group of people on the cusp of language shift learn and retain their language? Several factors clearly contributed to this group of Elders learning and maintaining their ability to speak XK: 1) The timing of their birth with respect to all the factors of history, and the timing of language shift; with the exception of GwaaGanad, these Elders were born before 1938. 2) Not going to residential school. 3) Speaking XK into adolescence (which was dependent on having XK influences in their lives and people to talk with through adolescence). 4) Living on the land. And 5) particular individual language “ember carriers” in their lives. These factors emerged from the collective narratives, as discussed below. 4.7.1 Not going to Residential School, and Being on the Land One obvious shared characteristic, and perhaps the single most significant, is that none of the Elders attended Residential school, with the exception of Taalgyaa’adad (BR) and Sing.giduu (LJ), whose brief sojourn at residential school was markedly different from the standard experience. First, they were already 15 years old when they were sent to Port Alberni Residential School on Vancouver Island; they were already strong Haida women (BR12). Secondly, they only attended for a short time (3 months). Third, they were together, along with four of their peers from Skidegate: Olive Pollard, Delores Davis, Ann Williams and Bertha Bruce (BR). Fourth, they were not separated, and as a group they were “untameable” – they ran away “several times” and caused havoc until the school let them all return home after only a few months away (BR, LJ). Fifth, they had learned English at Indian Day School on Haida Gwaii. 241 These characteristics helped Taalgyaa’adad and Sing.giduu escape, and continue to speak their language. Many of these last L1 fluent speakers had parents who were among the first cohort of students who attended residential school; when they returned home, some of them stopped – or paused – speaking XK. However, these parents in turn protected their children from attending residential school. They enacted steps that would contribute greatly to XK transmission and socialization to their children. One step is that the parents who went to residential school, even if they did not speak XK when they returned, married Haidas who did speak XK. Watson Price is a striking example of this, as after he returned from being at Coqualeetza residential school for a decade he did not speak XK; however, both his first and second wives were monolingual XK speakers. Therefore, though he could not speak XK, he ensured he was always around it (GwaaGanad, Pers. Comm., 2023). Therefore, his children, GwaaGanad and Gahyah Norman Price, both became L1 fluent speakers. It is unknown whether the characteristic of L1 fluency was sought out for this specific purpose; however, it is clear that although he had been “residential schooled,” he had retained his strongly positive disposition towards XK. The second, and very clear action that these Elders’ parents took to ensure language continuity in this cohort, was that they ensured that when they had children, they didn’t go to residential school. Ildagwaay remembered, “I didn’t go to school ... [uh] ... off island like the other kids did. My grandfather didn’t want me to go” (BH6). Ildagwaay didn’t know why she wasn’t allowed to go. Residential school appealed to some of the current cohort of elders when they were children. GwaaGanad recalled admiring the teens that came back: “I thought [Residential school] was cool, everyone came back so slick, changed” (GwaaGanad Pers. Comm., July 8, 2023). Her father Watson Pryce and grandfather Chief George Young had 242 attended residential school and told her about their experiences, terrifying her. Gaayinguuhlas also recalled wanting to go as a youth, but his father didn’t want him to go: RJ: Yeah, I wanted to go to there [residential school]. When my dad came in from fishing, the cannery was running in Lagoon Bay and he was out fishing. When he came back the ... the... passenger boat was tied up at the cannery and I had my suitcase, and I was going out to the passenger boat to go to Vancouver. But when my dad came, he looked at me and said, “Where are you going?” I said, “To go to Coqualeetza to go to school!” “You’re not going,” that’s what he said. So, I didn’t get to go. I listened to him. He was my dad. He was my boss. I had respect for him, that’s why I listened to him. SCS: Why didn’t he let you go? RJ: Because ... [uh] ... he wanted me fishing and ... [uh] ... and he said he heard there’s lots of trouble at residential schools. That’s why he wouldn’t let me go. Lots of people complain about going, they’re treated mean, they’re not treated right. Things like that… happened, I don’t know if it happened to other villages but that’s what happened to Skidegate. I couldn’t go. But I was happy I didn’t go. I might’ve been a real bad guy – I’m bad enough! Haha! (RJ22-23) Some of these Elders referred to their parents not “allowing” them to go to residential school. Though it was mandatory by the Indian Agent for children to be sent away to residential school (as GwaaGanad’s husband Ganxwad Dullskin Brown was at age 15), “there were ways around. Eva, my mum’s sister, they took their kids to Burnaby Narrows” (GwaaGanad Feb. 25 2025). Several of these Elders in this study had been taken to K’iid Burnaby Narrows with their families (HJ, DB) and K’iids Gwaay.yaay North Island/Langara Island (BH, DC, RJ), which was also remote, as children (see map in Figure 1.2 in Ch.1). Hereditary Chief and knowledge carrier Gidansda of the Gakyals KiiGawaay Skedans clan explained his realization that after the first cohort of Haidas went to residential school circa 1900, Haidas realized the impacts of the schools, and to protect the children they would travel down to K’iid to prevent the Indian Agents from having access to take their children. K’iid was a harvesting site for k’yuu clams and xaaguu halibut. The premise for going to K’iid was to harvest clams and other foods at this 243 southern location, well-known for its abundance. But, Gidansda reasoned, clams were also plentiful in Skidegate inlet, and abalone and other foods readily accessible just beyond nearby Skidegate Narrows. Therefore, the children were taken out "to gather food resources" in remote K’iid, despite the fact that those same resources abounded in the Skidegate area. In this way the parents kept them from being apprehended by the Indian Agent and being forced to residential school87. Clearly the parents of this current cohort of elders knew by then that residential school was not good, and kept their children home, or out on the land. Protecting their children from going to residential school was an unambiguous act of agency – at the risk of serious personal repercussions as punishment for violating the federal legal mandate that kids had to go to residential school. This is a major contribution that the parents of this cohort of Elders made to ensure that their children would be fluent speakers of Haida language. 4.7.2 Speaking XK into Adolescence One of the commonalities in this entire cohort is that they were all able to continue to speak XK into their adolescence, at least to age 12. The timing of this is significant. The brain plasticity of children allows them to learn words and language use quickly, however they also can also lose what they have learned: The downside of cerebral plasticity is that until those words and patterns are fully entrenched, they are highly susceptible to loss. …what is known points toward a major peril for children whose exposure to their first language is dramatically reduced (or even ceases) after a few years, often at the point at which they start attending school. (O’Grady 2018b:495) 87 Gidansda, Pers. Comm. June 14, 2023 244 Language loss in adoptees of families that didn’t speak their language of origin (Glennen and Masters survey 2002) and older children (Nicoladis and Grabois 2002; Schmid 2012; Isurin 2000) reveals a “precipitous” language attrition. In a survey of language attrition studies, O’Grady states, “It is not yet known to what extent lost linguistic skills can be recovered, but it is evident that age and the amount of time that elapses before re-exposure to the language are crucial (Köpke and Schmid 2004; Bylund 2009; Hyltenstam et al. 2009)” (O’Grady 2018:496). However, the age at which the language shift in the children’s environment occurs plays a role in determining whether or not children will retain their (L1) language. Children who speak their language into their teenage years can retain it: adults who have spoken their first language into adolescence are able to maintain a relatively high level of proficiency, even after many years without an opportunity to use it. When tested, they often show relatively minor deficits and can still use the language effectively for communicative purposes, although not of course at the same level as monolingual native speakers (e.g., Köpke 2004; Köpke and Schmid 2004; Tsimpli et al. 2004). (O’Grady 2018:496) Schmid (2012) documented a dramatic case study of Holocaust survivors: after the pogroms of 1938-39, there was an international effort to rescue thousands of German Jewish children from Germany in what became known as the Kindertransporte (children transports). They were sent by their families to foster families and boarding schools in England, where they were immersed in English. Schmid interviewed survivors between 1994 and 1996. Fifty years after they had left their L1 language, Schmid found that the now elderly participants who had left between ages 11 and 15, could still express themselves in German. The study shows that age of exposure – not only when it begins, but when it ceases – is a critical part of retaining L1 language, even more than contextual circumstances (Schmid 2012). This study of such dramatic – and traumatic – 245 circumstances may well be an appropriate parallel to the conditions of language shift and loss for Xaayda kil/Xaad kíl. It is this category of children in which these XK fluent Elders fall: all of them were able to use their L1 into their adolescence. After this there were decades during which they did not use XK; however, they were able to reawaken it again in their elderhood. These Elders were the last children to live in an environment conducive to acquiring XK as an L1, and to keep speaking XK long enough to keep it in their minds for it to stick; the duration of acquisition of XK as their L1 was such that the grammatical polysynthetic complexities of XK were solidified. This supports the hypothesis that for XK in particular (a highly complex polysynthetic language), there would be a significant difference in the levels of L1 fluency (in lexicon and structure) between children sent away to residential school at age five, versus the those who were able to avoid residential school and speak it into adolescence. Speaking XK into adolescence was made possible by several factors, such as having other XK speakers in their families and peer groups. Another factor was spending long periods on the land with their families to harvest food; XK was used in traditional Haida contexts like food gathering camps at K’iids Gwaay.yaay North Island/Langara Island (DC), or K’iid Burnaby Narrows, or K’aasda Copper Bay (HJ) or when fishing (HJ, RJ). Several of these Elders used it as a secret language when there were others around (LJ, RJ, BR, DC). XK was used to communicate between Haidas at canneries on the mainland where other workers were from different nations and cultures (DC, LJ). It was also used by Haida fishermen on the radio so that Fisheries Officers wouldn’t understand what their plans were (RJ). And two Elders talked about using it with their spouses to communicate privately when they were in public on trips on the Mainland (BR, RJ). 246 However, age is not the only factor affecting acquisition. There would be a significant difference in the levels of XK L1 fluency between children who were sent to residential school at age 5 versus much more advanced level of fluency – not just lexicon, but also structure and register – of L1 speakers who didn't go to residential school until adolescence. Indeed, in the first cohort of Haidas who were sent to residential school, those who left in adolescence were able to recover speaking XK when they returned, such as GwaaGanad’s chinGa grandfather George Young. With the exception of Jiixa, all of the Elders in this cohort learned XK as an L1. Many of them had an English-speaking parent, so learned English as an L1 as well, and were therefore early bilingual learners/speakers. Further, they were all learning English at the Indian Day School through the primary grades, and therefore had significant exposure to English. However, in their homes, families, and during times on the land with other families, they had enough exposure to XK during the critical language acquisition period of childhood. For this cohort, XK was not the exclusive language, but there was enough critical exposure for their sustained fluency. 4.7.3 Xaayda kil daas llGaayGa Ember Carriers of the Haida Language In Xaaydas giinaa.ah Haida ways of being/Haida culture, stories are essential sources of knowledge. GwaaGanad says there are several k’aaygaang.nga origin stories where a young woman is abandoned in a form of reverse banishment; the entire village would take everything and leave the individual alone in the village, without fire, to perish. Often the one abandoned had become pregnant by supernatural means. But in the stories, an aunt or a sister defies the 247 chief’s orders and secretly leaves their relative a key to survival: a precious ember, hidden in a clamshell for them to find and nurture so that they can survive and build a fire. Throughout the personal narratives of these Elders, there are individuals in their lives who took risks to ensure that embers of language and culture were nurtured for future generations. Individuals who kept their language and culture going through sheer determination and defiance against the domination of English language and culture and authority. As stated earlier, several of this cohort of Elders had parents who went to residential school, but they themselves “weren’t allowed to go” by their parents or grandparents (RJ, HW, BH). This refusal is an extraordinary affirmation of agency in the face of all the external pressures. Even in the darkest times, there were individuals who defied the dominant pressure of the white colonizers and were able to secretly practice and pass on critical cultural and linguistic information. These individuals had strong affective qualities and investments in the language and culture, and were empowered not just to keep the language embers alive, but to actively pass them to the next generation. This made all the difference for the next generation. They are Xaayda kil daas llGaayGa (S) Ember keepers of the Haida language. Haida museologist Dr. Sdaahl K’awaas writes about immense colonial pressure that Ancestors were under at a time when they were most vulnerable (after smallpox). Despite these unfathomable forces, Haida Ancestors held onto core Haida values and made strategic decisions to ensure cultural survival, maintaining the liis - unbroken threads of connection that enable today's cultural revitalization and repatriation work (Bell 2025). When speaking of their XK influences, several of the Elders referred to Gaa K’yaals KiiGawaay Skedans matriarch Gyaaxagaay ’Yuuwans Isabella Price (LJ, HW, HJ, DB, GV, GH). GwaaGanad describes her adoptive mother Gyaaxagaay ’Yuuwans as a lifelong rebel 248 against the dominating white culture. In grade one at Indian Day School in Skidegate, after being yelled at to draw a high heeled shoe, Isabella took the shoe and “clubbed [the teacher] in the head” (DB6). She swiftly got expelled: “She got expelled forever! Not just for one year or two years, but forever! Haha! Not to be able to go to that wretched school. I don’t think she spent much time crying about it…. So, she stayed pretty pure” (DB7). Gyaaxagaay ’Yuuwans continuously defied white authorities at a time when not many people were able to (DB6). When she brought her daughter GwaaGanad up, she taught her “not to get hooked in to that system. … She said, “learn their numbers, learn their writings, and learn the money. That’s all you need. Then leave it. …Leave it and be your Haida” (DB67). Gyaaxagaay ’Yuuwans knew elements of the future, including that she would not live to be very old, and therefore prepared GwaaGanad with all the knowledge that she would need, teaching her medicines and practical cultural ways. GwaaGanad mused that perhaps that was why she adopted GwaaGanad as a baby, when she, Gyaaxagaay ’Yuuwans, was of relative grandparent age (48 years old): Isabella, I knew she could know the future, she knew what was going to happen, she knew when it was going to happen, to who. It was a little bit freaky to live with her. So, she must’ve known that the language would be endangered, and they needed a somebody that was going to know it well. (DB8) There were (and are) Xaayda kil daas llGaayGa ember carriers of the Haida language in all three dialect areas of Haida. The book That Which Makes Us Haida documents XK ember carriers in Alaska, Old Massett and Skidegate. K’uyáang Ben Young of Hydaburg in Alaska writes of individuals who defied the law to keep XK and Haida culture going: Another Elder conveyed to me that while they were growing up, the preacher and his wife would go door to door to discourage parents from using Xaad Kíl in the home with their children. One lady who pretended not to understand the directions given by the preacher, used the language with her children anyway and now her children remain some of the last strong speakers today. (K’uyáang 2019: 11) 249 K’uyaang’s chanáa grandfather Claude Morrison also is clearly someone whose work to teach Xaad kíl in Alaska has had huge ramifications for contemporary Haida language learners and the language. Examples appear in Ilskyalas’s Gaw Xaadee accounts, as her father Alfred Adams clearly had a significant legacy as an intellectual who fought for justice for other First Nations (representing them in court in Prince Rupert). So too did her mother, weaver and language activist Selena Peratrovich, who is clearly another key linguistic and cultural refugia, and a champion for Xaad kíl: DC: When I was almost 50 [circa 1983] ... I was so concerned about the basketry getting lost that I started putting all my energy into it. But [um] when my [um] mother really worried about it, so she worked all the time with the language people, but she didn’t like to influence them here in Alaska ‘cause [um] Massett Haida or the Git’ans Haida (‘cause there’s lots of languages dialects in Massett), but she was worried she would influence them with the Git’ans Haida. So, she didn’t work with them for a while. Then someone finally convinced her, I think it was Habby Christine Edenso then that spoke the 4 languages, I think that she really worried that you know … any Haida was important to keep alive. SCS: Hmm, so your mother was a real … she was a real activist for Xaad kíl then. DC: She was. (DC17) In Skidegate, “Old, Old Nanaay” Gidahl Guudsllyaay Susan Williams (née Moody) was also named by three different Elders in the interviews (LJ, HW, DB) as another warrior for Haida culture. She was a Gaa K’yaals KiiGawaay Skedans matriarch said to be born in 1862 (the year of the devastating and final smallpox epidemic) who lived until 1971. Throughout her life, in many different ways, she was worked to keep Haida culture alive. She recorded over 100 songs, which greatly supported the younger generations to create a renaissance of song on Haida Gwaii. Taa.uu ‘Yuuwans Nika Collison shared with me what singing and song means for the culture, and the language, 250 it’s a really critical part of our language for someone like me who sings, hey? We know that song is medicine, and that song is a complete connection to the spirit world. Having Nanaay Susan’s and other old recordings was critical to us. I think it saved lives. Learning to sing properly, and all the protocols that go with it. And it’s a very important part of the language. If you’re going to list some of Susan’s critical language you have to include songs. (Taa.uu ‘Yuuwans Nika Collison Pers. Comm., Aug. 6, 2025) Songs were critical not only for the Haida language, but for survival. Taa.uu ‘Yuuwans continued, When UBC museum had to shut down their great hall for seismic updates, Jill Baird was still the curator of education. She created a temporary exhibition on earthquakes, with peoples from the coast. There was a gentleman from Nuu-chah-nulth, who talked about the waves of crisis – natural disasters, you know in 1700 there was that big tsunami, as well as colonial waves. He summed it up - after all of these different instances of losing life or suffering, and the survivors, he said, “We survived because we sang”. It made me cry. Beautiful tears, and trauma tears. (Taa.uu ‘Yuuwans Nika Collison Pers. Comm., Aug. 6, 2025) Old Nanaay Susan lived and acted with future generations in mind. Several of these last fluent speakers had strong relationships with her. Working with GwaaGanad to understand the family tree led me to an important community archive of genealogy called “The Clans of Skidegate” (Captain Gold et al. 2004). Reading through the family lines with GwaaGanad, it became clear how much influence individuals had in the outcome of the present: 251 DB: But Old, Old Nanaay [Giidahlgudsliiyay Susan Young] kept the lines going. I think she doesn’t get enough recognition for that. Not only did she save the songs and the dances, she saved the lines! Like, she made Charlie take that name88 when he was just a little boy. SCS: So she saved not only her own line, but others? DB: Others, like Cumshewa, Tanu … Well, she made Nathan Young potlatch. … Said, “we’re going to pretend to have a birthday party. So when the preacher comes around, we’re just having So and So’s birthday party.” I happened to be at Cecil Wilson’s, Sally’s husband. And the minister barged in! Expecting to catch us Indian dancing, or some other horrific thing. They’re so tricky, it was a birthday party. A real one. But she had some business, Old Nanaay. … We were so sneaky. But lots of the Alert Bay went to jail. (GwaaGanad 1 August 24, 2022) The “lines” refer to the lineages of the hereditary chieftainships of the clans. There are deep interconnections between language and culture. Loss or preservation of cultural practices and language terms went hand in hand. The loss of family kin terms and names and their cultural significance entails significant loss of fundamental organizational structure, identity, social history, cultural practices like dancing that reinforce community and cultural identity. Still more daas llGaayGa language and cultural warriors surface in individual Elders’ stories, individuals who played a large role in their speaking and retaining XK. In GwaaGanad’s case, her (birth) grandfather George Young played a large role in her language learning and maintenance after her adoptive mother Gyaaxagaay ’Yuuwans (George Young’s sister) passed away when she was nine years old, and she moved in with him and his wife, a different Susan (née Price, Kayahl ’laanas). He loved having GwaaGanad tell Haida stories after dinner to whoever was at the dinner table. By then a young child speaking fluent XK was 88 Charlie took the name Gitkinjuuwas, Chief Cumshewa. 252 very special. He encouraged her to speak XK from age 9, when she moved in, through age 17 when she got married. …Anyway, I couldn’t go to Res, thank God. So, I stayed here, with my Chinaay, he’s, he’s the one who stands out to me during this period because he’s the one that would tell me stories. We had a lot of alone time in the kitchen, in the morning or weekends. … (DB66) [My Chinaay George and I] had that big connection and he certainly nurtured it, because he certainly made me speak it. If I was to make speech in [high] school [circa 1962], he made me do it in Haida. I wished I could find out how I wrote it. But I copied French alphabet if you will. Took the French alphabet and made it Haida! (DB67) In the first quote, GwaaGanad mentions not going to “Res” (residential school). She couldn’t go to residential school because it turned out that she didn’t have a band number, as her birth mother lost Status when she married a white man in 1954: “I had no band number. I wasn’t an Indian so I couldn’t go to residential school. I was saved by the grace of my Ancestors.” Instead, she stayed in Skidegate with her Chinaay George. In the second quote, GwaaGanad speaks of giving a speech in Haida. This was in 1962, when she was in grade 9. In 1962, times were beginning to shift; First Nations were able to vote (from 1960) and a social revolution was at hand. She had a teacher who recognized her potential, and facilitated her attending a UN gathering of youth in Vancouver. She had learned French orthography in high school, and to pass the time in class she applied it to Haida. Therefore, when her Chinaay George told her what to say, she wrote out a full page on foolscap paper using her own orthography based on French orthography: And then I do, I’m on a panel and so my grandfather gave me a very long speech to give in Haida first. … He told me what to say, so I wrote it in Haida, I wrote, that was my first written Haida and I was fifteen, or fourteen. … So, I sat there and gave this talk to 123 kids! … In Haida, and then in English. He told me to say my name was Jaad TlldaGaaw Gwii Gaayhllxiids, and that I was from Ḵ’uuna ḴiiGawaay, Skedans, those born at Skedans, and things like that. A formal opening. (DB15) 253 George Young’s encouragement and guidance were major influences in GwaaGanad speaking XK throughout her years from 9 years old on into adolescence. These circumstances and individuals played a role in GwaaGanad continuing to speak and practice XK, and becoming a language champion herself in her later adult years. These are just some examples of the many Xaayda kil daas llGaayGa, individuals who made explicit efforts to encourage speaking XK. Because of their actions, this cohort of Elders established fluency in their youth right through to at least their teenage years, and were able to reawaken it after a long period through participating in language classes or teaching. At that time, this cohort of Elders took the embers they had been given, and in their own turn, became the Xaayda kil daas llGaayGa to our generations. 254 4.8 Advice and Guidance from the Elders The following sections focus on the words of advice that Elders had for learners of the Haida language. 4.8.1 Ḵ’uust’an tlldaGaaw unguu The Crab on Top of the Mountain The Skidegate Haida Immersion Program (SHIP) uses the Supernatural Crab for their giiyaaGa gyaaging.aay crest/logo. Figure 4.1 K’uust’an TlldaGaaw unguu The Supernatural Crab On Top of the Mountain, crest and symbol of the Skidegate Haida Immersion Program. Design by Gitkinjuwas/GiitsGaa Ron Wilson Taa.uu ‘Yuuwan Nika Collison shared the story of when the image was brought to SHIP: “I was there when GiitsGaa brought in his crab [to the Elders at SHIP]. He was so moved by the immersion, he brought the k’uust’aan to SHIP because he could see that we were not 255 going to be crabs in the bucket. Then Nang King.aay ’Uwans remembered the story” (Taa.uu‘Yuuwan Nika Collison, Pers. Comm. Aug. 8, 2025). Traditionally trained storyteller Nang King.aay ’Uwans James Young was one of the founding Elders of SHIP. He told this legend as Ḵ’uust’an TlldaGaaw Unguu The Crab on Top of the Mountain: Ḵ’uust’an tlldaGaaw unguu89 crab mountain on.top Crab on top of the mountain Ḵ’uust’anaay tlldaGaawaay unguu tay guuhlaana gan. Crab.the mountain.the on.top lying at.place Past The crab was lying on top of the mountain. HlGaagilda k’iidaay Gii xaaydas tluu giidal genuu ḵ’uust’anaay xiidgii Skidegate narrows into Haidas boat going.along when crab.the down When Haidas paddled through Skidegate Narrows, the crab would reach down ’ll xaaGad giiyuu xaayda sḵaal Gii ’la tl’lxiidang. he grab to.FOC Haida should to he pinch and grab them to pinch their shoulder. Xaayda kil sḵ’aadGayaay gam xang.ala ḵwaasjuuwaay ’laa gans Gaaganah. Haida language learning Neg fast enough good Neg that.is.why It was because the Haida language wasn’t progressing fast enough. GwaaGanad says this legend was from the first Haidas, before they had their knowledge. In those early days of existence, “we didn’t know how to do anything. The first [Haida] people came out of the ocean, and they were pitiful. They didn’t know anything. The Supernaturals taught them everything.”90 The Supernatural Crab challenged the people to develop their language. From this story, SHIP took the Supernatural Crab as its symbol (see Figure 4.1, above). The Crab on Top of the Mountain “is the Watcher of the language.” The Elders at SHIP 89 Id GyaaGa gyaaging.ngaay Our Logo: K’uust’an TlldaGaaw unguu, SHIP Glossary 2021:8. 90 GwaaGanad Pers. Comm. July 18, 2023 256 chose this Supernatural to represent them. The Crab represents urgency and challenge: urgency to learn the language well (pinching), and a challenge to Haidas to do more around their language. Thus, the Crab represents a supernatural force advocating for learning the language. This crab is a powerful Supernatural, and has made its presence known throughout this research and thesis. I asked SHIP director Luu Gaahlandaay about the Supernatural Crab, and what the story represented to the Elders at SHIP. He responded: My sense always has been it was a scientific story! As the Supernaturals came and taught the humans of conduct and culture the language needed to evolve around the learnings. The contemporary spin on this story would be post-smallpox when the language was decimated! The survivors needed to be encouraged to retain and ask questions of language, hence to pass [it] down. (Luu Gaahlandaay Pers. Comm. July 16, 2023). 4.8.2 Speaking Xaayda Kil is Important for Haida Identity As emphasized in the book, That Which Makes Us Haida, Elders believe that XK is essential to a person’s Haida identity, and gave different explanations of why. Gandaa.uu.ngaay felt that the language gives recognition to them as a people: We’re recognized as people then. We’re recognized as people that appreciate their own language and are working on preserving it. So, people recognize, “well they’re trying, good for them, because they’re trying, they’re working at it.” And to me, that is a vital thing within our community. We’re small, we’re few, but we become a mighty nation when we’re able to get up and address a group of people or an assembly of people using our own language. (HJ7) To Gandaa.uu.ngaay, speaking one’s own language indicates that a nation has its identity, as well as the nation’s self-respect and inner vitality and power. Knowing who you are is an important value for Haida people. Jiixa said that her uncles told her that she needed to know her language in order to know who she was, and this was why they encouraged her to attend SHIP, and to learn XK. Later, well-established as a speaker 257 herself, she shared her pride in being able to pass language and therefore Haida identity on to her grandson: I feel it’s what I learned at SHIP, was if you don’t know your language then who are you? That’s what one of my uncles was saying. So, I thought it’s very important for us to ... you know ... for the younger generation to learn. … I taught my grandson a lot, Josh. Like his Papa [grandfather] taught him … how to fish and hunt and cut wood and all that, but I taught him our culture, like weaving and language, and he’s woven three hats. And, one I was so proud of, I was med-evac’ed out of here, you know ... with a bad allergy, and they had a big meeting up at the rec hall. And I felt so bad that I wasn’t going to be there, and he phoned me [and] he said “Nanaay, I’m going to be making a speech at the meeting,” and I said to him “Josh, you know Nanaay made you all your regalia, you use your best, and your blanket and your spruce root hat, all what Nanaay made you, and I’ll have my arms wrapped around you all through.” And, he made a really good speech. He even got a standing ovation. …So, I was always proud that I can teach my grandchildren because, I think you know, they’re Haidas and they have to learn, just like your two little ones. (GV12) Jiixa was speaking of her grandson Nang King.aay ’Uwans Sding Josh Vandal who was testifying at the community hearings for the Enbridge Northern Gateway Pipeline to the Joint Review Panel on March 21 and 22, 2012 at the George Brown Recreation Center in Skidegate. The Haida Nation was unified in their opposition of the pipeline, and resolute in their protection of their waters. I witnessed him speaking there – he stood in full regalia and read out part of his speech in XK to the audience in the full hall. His pride and eloquence were amazing. Truly, standing there, speaking for the land in XK, his expression of self and his people was profound and powerful. GwaaGanad (2011) spoke about her language as the defining feature that gives her own identity: “XK defines who I am, it’s my identity. The difference between me and a Hawaiian is that they speak Hawaiian, I speak Haida. It’s the very essence of who you are” (Diane Brown in Steedman and Collison 2011, 128). Furthermore, she states that the language itself gives a direct line of communication with her Ancestors: 258 And [Xaayda kil] means I can communicate with our Ancestors. I’m sure they understand when you are praying in English, but I guess you could say when you speak Haida to them it’s easier for them to listen. I think that’s one of the most important things, is to keep that communication with our Ancestors. I believe they are very, very present, always. (GwaaGanad in Steedman and Collison 2011, 128) This direct connection with Ancestors is a vital resource for Haida people, as source of identity, support, and language learning itself. Furthermore, GwaaGanad spoke of XK giving a direct connection to the earth itself, and to a more intimate relationship to Haida land and waters: Our connection to the land, when you hear it in Haida, it’s much more direct and clear; you can understand our relationship better. Haida is more intimate. Right from my first memories, I was taught respect, respect for all things. “You are no better, no more important than a grain of sand,” my mother Isabella used to tell me, “therefore you must respect even the smallest grain of sand, the smallest animal, right up to the biggest animals, like the whale.” She used to tell me, “when you see whales, be careful because they are sGaanaGwa, supernatural, they can even know what you are thinking, so you keep your thoughts good when you see whales.” Hearing that in Haida makes it more real. Everything feels more real: trees, grass, the ocean. Xaayda kil gives us the ability to feel and understand our relationship to the earth, sky and ocean. So if you were to ask what my first lesson was in Haida, it was respect for all things, for all beings. (GwaaGanad in Steedman and Collison 2011, 128) The above passage indicates that for XK speakers, the language and act of speaking XK gives entry to a profound and intimate spiritual relationship with the land, waters and other life. Speaking XK offers them a portal to a different level of connection with the earth, a relationship that is “more real,” offering entry into a different spiritual realm of relationship that exists beyond the realm of English. The Elders interviewed were committed, fluent XK speakers. However, Haida Elders who are not XK fluent also hold cultural pride and connection with the Haida language. In her dissertation, Netta Avineri (2012) described Jewish Elders in the US talking about the importance of Yiddish in their lives, histories, and communities, even though many of them no longer speak it. She introduced the term metalinguistic community: 259 metalinguistic community provides a novel practice-based (Bourdieu, 1991) framework for diverse participants who experience a strong connection to a language and its speakers but may lack familiarity with them due to historical, personal, and/or communal circumstances. (Avineri 2012, ii) Haida Elders and other Haida who are not (yet) fluent are part of the “metalinguistic community” of Xaayda kil/Xaad kíl. 4.8.3 What does Fluency Mean to XK Fluent Speakers? When asked what fluency meant to them, Elders in this group responded with five different categories: 1) to be able to make conversation; 2) to speak fluidly and have no hesitation when speaking; 3) to have the “swing” of the language – the proper intonation (referred to as “swing” or singing by BH, HW, HJ, BR, GV); 4) to have the proper pronunciation with respect to the sounds referred to as “gutturals” [G, k, x, Gw, kw, k’w, xw (SHIP orthography)] and “the vowels” [a, aa, i, ii, o, u, uu, aw, aaw, ay, aay, ey] (BR, BH, GV, GH); and 5) to be able to tell stories and to be asked for advice. Although humour was not explicitly named as a feature of fluency, several Elders spoke about how funny things are in Haida, and remarked that when translated into English it’s not as funny (LJ, BH, GC, DB). When asked why it’s funnier in Haida, the Elders can’t explain it. In his Massey Lectures, Cree playwright, artist and author Tomson Highway speaks about humour in his Cree language, and offers some insight: “Even ordinary terms like those for “iron” (for pressing clothes, soosk-waygan, that which slides) or “ketchup” (aspaa-chigan, that which goes on top) or “canned fruit” (kaagoo-cheeg’wow, those that float) cause gales of laughter. When was the last time the mention in English of ketchup or canned peaches made you double over in hysterics?” (Highway 2022, 66-67). As in Cree culture and language, bodily functions and sexual 260 innuendo are not taboo in Haida culture, and are part of what is considered funny when speaking Haida language. In XK there are many “double meaning words” – homonyms, words or affixes that can have from two to five different meanings; in addition, there are affixes describing actions or shapes that can have double meanings, all of which create ample opportunity for double entendres and gales of laughter amongst the naanGalang grandmothers. For example, “guudang” can mean think, want, remember, hear and box; k’yuu can mean ladder, path, door and clam. GwaaGanad acknowledged that there is a spectrum to fluency, referring to herself as a novice in comparison with some of her own Elders, and myself in comparison with her (GwaaGanad pers. comm, 2022). 4.8.4 What is Important for Learning and Teaching XK? Elders had advice on what was important to them for learning and teaching XK. Tawt’a 4.3 indicates elements Elders identified as important. 261 Tawt’a 4.3 What is important for learning and teaching XK? Advice from the Elders 262 4.8.5 Correction: Consideration of Learners’ Affect In the field of second language acquisition, “corrective feedback” is an important area of research, and scholars of instructed SLA examine the effectiveness of different methods. Corrective feedback (CF) refers to responses to the errors that learners commit in their production or comprehension of a second language (L2) (Li, 2015). CF has been at the heart of the theory, research, and pedagogy of second language acquisition (SLA) because learning a language is essentially a process of eliminating errors and assimilating correct linguistic information. (Li 2018) Corrective feedback is important for language learning. Although this is an important area, and a focus that many SLA scholars investigate, the Douglas Fir Group does not foreground this approach, as it has a deficit orientation. Indeed, with the traumatic nature of cultural genocide and language shift, and realities of having a small number of speakers who are Elders, for learners of Indigenous languages, corrective feedback brings significant challenges to navigate. To learn any language, a learner must go through stages of experimentation and practice, and move through incorrect pronunciation and word use in a progression towards acquiring the language. However, there is often huge pressure on learners to “get it right” (K. A. King 2023). This is especially true if language learners are learning from Elders. Keenly aware of the importance of speaking correctly (especially as often the adult learners must also be simultaneously teaching the language), language learners must learn to speak while balancing the expectations of fluent L1 Elders: these Elders may not be trained in language teaching methodology, and may themselves feel great pressure of and responsibility for passing on their language. In the past on Haida Gwaii, language learners and even some of the younger Elders at SHIP experienced some harshness when their Elders corrected them. Unfortunately, this has cost the XK language movement some learners who decided not to continue. In addition, language learners of endangered Indigenous languages also often navigate realities of their 263 Elders speaking different dialects, the challenges of potentially not having a documented baseline language, and the essential need to be respectful of Elders (Hermes and King 2013; K. A. King 2023). The Elders I interviewed are the youngest cohort of the fluent speakers who led the revitalization movement, and have witnessed the impacts of different corrective feedback approaches on learners. I asked these contemporary XK speaking Elders about correcting learners as they speak XK. It was understood by these Elders that XK itself is changing from what it used to be. This is significant – as all languages and cultures are constantly evolving, even though LR necessarily seeks to ensure the integrity of the language, “the way it’s supposed to be.” This is a tension within LR. It has been established that being corrected while learning the language is important for the preservation of the language. GwaaGanad described what “the Old Men” (the first and oldest Elders of the Skidegate Haida Immersion Program) said: The Old Men said, “if you’re going to save it, save it the correct way!” I was taught by the best, Ernie, my dad, Nang King.aay ’Uwans [James Young]… I was so fortunate to have that, the correcting is huge! I only got to where I’m at now because I was corrected! I wasn’t hurt by it. (GwaaGanad, Personal Communication to Author, Oct 2022) Taalgyaa’adad also expressed importance of keeping the integrity of the language: That’s a concern of mine too because … some of the … some of the words are, are starting to get changed, you know. …It’s sad because … you know it would be nice if we could keep the language the way it’s supposed to be. (BR29) Being corrected or set right by aunts, uncles, Elders, and in general by anyone older than oneself, used to be a big part of Xaaydas giinaa.ah Haida ways of being. GwaaGanad recalled as a youth being called to speak to her Aunties to answer to a (false) rumour about her. Ilskyalas recalled that as a child if she was idle she’d be guided to do chores by an (unrelated) adult nearby (DC9-10). Aunts and uncles were important teachers to help guide and correct children and young people. Adults in general had the right and responsibility to socialize the next generation 264 to behave and act properly for the collective. However, after the experiences of residential school, as people were beginning to come back to their culture, correcting people in their efforts to speak XK has been an emotional and challenging issue. In the first waves of learning XK, some learners were corrected in a way that undermined their confidence and they did not continue to learn XK. How to correct people in a way that doesn’t decrease their confidence is a challenge for language learning and teaching in this and many other contexts. These Elders displayed significant awareness of the challenges of providing corrective feedback, and had some ideas on how to deal with the issue of correcting learners without shaming or embarrassing them, so as not to deter learners from speaking. They recognized and considered the nuance of different situations where correcting comes up: Elders correcting each other, or correcting other (younger) adults, is very different than in a classroom between a teacher and a child, or between a Mentor and an Apprentice. Each of these situations and dynamics calls for a slightly different approach. One important principle embraced by all Elders is that it is important not to shame or embarrass someone in public. For some, this appears to be a cultural value; another frames it in terms of "professionalism" (HJ8). Another consideration for correcting learners is that one has to consider that they might speak a different dialect, “And yet again, [um] like I was saying there’s dialect too, you know, [you have to] consider as well [when correcting]” (BR29). Elders gave suggestions for how to correct. Gandaa.uu.ngaay expressed focusing on giving positive feedback first, ensuring there’s a recognition of the learner’s effort, and establishing that everyone makes mistakes: 265 Okay, okay here’s the way I like to do it. You talk to me, and I recognize a couple of mistakes, when you’re finished talking, I say, “I’ll tell you that I appreciate very much what you’re doing, and the way you’re presenting the language. However, Girl, there is something that I notice is missing, your understanding of this certain phrase.” I don’t want to embarrass anybody, that’s not, to me that’s not what I call a professional. It’s not a way of doing it, some, I listen to some, when somebody makes a mistake, “That’s not the way to do it, that’s not the way to say it!” Huh. Oh I’ve seen people cry because of that, and that’s wrong! That’s a wrong approach. I like the idea, you commend first, and then you correct. Commendation to you because you’re trying! Working at it, you’re doing things to the best of your knowledge right now, of what you have learned. And you make a mistake, like I said earlier, every one of us makes mistakes. You know, when you, if you put a phrase together, and there’s a few mistakes in there, you don’t say, “That’s not the way to do it,” you don’t do that in front of children if you’re teaching. (HJ8) Sing.giduu and Niis Waan suggested not correcting in public: In public it is very hard to do but, okay, but I say, people do make mistakes. H makes a few mistakes and I, I, all I say to her is, “H., can you say that again in Haida?” And, I correct her, that doesn’t embarrass her, you know, when she’s teaching. …But in public I don’t know how a person would tell them they made a mistake. That was H. and I that is how, I’d be in the room and make sure she isn’t pronouncing anything wrong, cause it’s very easy to do, like I say with your K’s and your G’s, ‘cause they sound so similar. (LJ21) When they’re standing up making a speech, you couldn’t very well correct them. (HW22) ...you could correct them after, eh? (HW25) Niis Waan (HW) referred to writing feedback on paper so it’s not done in public, as in the formal practice of Elders evaluating Apprentice progress in the Haida Gwaii Mentor Apprentice Program evaluation. The Mentor Apprentice Program evaluation consists of a presentation by an Apprentice to a panel of fluent speakers for five to 15 minutes (depending on ability); the presentation is on a topic of the Apprentice’s choosing. After the presentation, the Elders are given a paper evaluation sheet for feedback, and the Elders write their thoughts on the paper. That’s why they give you a sheet of paper to write on, what you thought of them. You know, “have to do a little more practicing on the words…” (HW22) 266 Another suggestion was a very subtle form of correction – not saying explicitly that something was wrong, but simply asking the learner to repeat the word: That is how I correct H, I just, I don’t tell her she made a mistake, I say can you say it again H, please? She does, she’ll repeat it and realize she’s saying in a little differently, with her K’s and her G’s sometime, or G instead of a K. Those are the two real important ones. (LJ21) It was also recognized that correcting depends on a relationship of trust between a fluent speaker and mentor: See like, D., when I was teaching her, if she said a word and it was wrong, I never said anything, but she always told me, she says, “Just the way you looked at me I knew you were … I knew I was wrong.” (HW22) Elders all recognized that correcting is important, and also recognized that the issue of correcting requires sensitivity and care. They acknowledged that it’s risky to correct someone, for fear of decreasing the learner’s self-confidence, and causing them pain and leading them to stop learning. Here they identify an important affective aspect of a language learner, including their linguistic self-confidence, and tolerance of criticism. As discussed earlier with reference to the Douglas Fir Group models in Figure 3.2 (DFG 2016) these affective aspects of a learner’s experiences are significant for all language learning, and the Elders indicate a necessary high degree of awareness of the importance of a learner’s affect. These Elders are familiar with the dialogue of younger generations about identity and impacts of language being taken away; older Elders who have since passed did not have the same degree of awareness or sensitivity to their impact on learners’ affect resulting in negative impacts. This cohort of Elders have a high level of awareness and compassion for learners, and this care for learners is a critical lesson for those who teach XK. 267 4.8.6 Challenges Elders were predominantly positive about younger generations learning XK. One Elder even felt that XK was becoming so widespread that it could no longer be used as a secret language (RJ). Some Elders did speak to the challenges, however. Ildagwaay was wondering why she wasn’t hearing XK being spoken between children, after all the years of effort teaching the language: SCS: Do you feel glad young people are taking it up? BH: Yes. But it’s funny, you don’t hear the kids, the young kids speaking Haida anywhere. And they’ve been teaching it there for years at the school. At … Sḵ’aadGa Naay. It’s not right. They should be speaking it. … I’d like to hear them speaking it outside, I don’t get out that much but … when I lived at my old house we used to go to … Taaw Naay, and little kids running around, all just spoke English. (BH12) GwaaGanad said that a big problem was that people thought learning to speak XK would be easy, and got discouraged when they found it was not: What I witnessed in many people is they were of the mindset that if they’re Haida, it should be very easy to learn. So, 40 people initially came, those 40 dwindled down to 16 in a hurry! … and several people, particularly residential school people that believe they lost it at res[idential school]. So, there was a certain amount, I think, [of] embarrassment, when you couldn’t pronounce. …like xaaydaGa [people] or xants’iiga [nervy] or ḵ’aaxada [dogfish]. They thought it would be easy, but it wasn’t and as soon as they found out it wasn’t, they got discouraged and quit. Some came back, some didn’t. Some were so scared they never came back. (DB72) It is a common misconception in many different language learning contexts that learning to speak will be easier and faster than it is. This passage indicates some of the complex socio-cultural and affective aspects of language acquisition in the Haida social context: the legacy of residential school, the motivation, anxiety and attitudes of XK learners – including their expectations and beliefs about language which impact their empowerment and ultimately success with learning a second (heritage) language. In this description, learners were very hopeful in 268 reclaiming their heritage language after residential school. This hope was perhaps embodied in the thinking that relearning their language would be easy. There is documentation of those who once spoke their language before residential school being able to awaken the sleeping language (this was the case with Gaahlaay Watson Pryce). Although pronunciation doesn't come back immediately, it can come back sooner and be better than other adults who hadn't spoken at a very young age. However, the colossal amount of work and difficulty of this project is intimidating. The shock of realizing how hard learning a second language is, even one’s ancestral language (and possibly once one’s L1), “scared off” some of these learners. 4.8.7 Getting the Language to a “Safe Place” Women in the community were recognized as making great strides for the language: Our ladies in the village here, are really stepping up to the plate and are taking it on. Even though they’re still learning, they’re willing to do that. And that’s a real plus that [um], excellent thing for [um], like, Diane’s teaching you, and Harvey’s teaching Dàall Jaad, I’m teaching Helen, and it’s a good thing, that, to practice, to try, to work at it, it’s a plus when the person can stand up in public, even with the amount he/she already knows and works at it and tries it. I commend anyone that wants to go up there and do it. (HJ6) The Indian Act (1881), as noted earlier, resulted in the significant oppression of women. Yet here again, we see an incredible defiance and rejection of oppression. Haida women are playing key roles in moving language revitalization forward. Women are doing the work of simultaneous healing, empowerment and defiance of the colonizing narratives. As they engage with XK, women are playing a major role in teaching XK and running programs for language learning, as well as constituting the majority of participants in Language Nests, Haida Gwaii Mentor Apprentice Program, Headstart language programs, and adult educational programs through Skidegate and Old Massett Band Councils. In Skidegate there are now four graduates with Bachelors of Education (who graduated in 2022) who have been studying in order to teach 269 Xaayda kil in the school systems, and in Old Massett there are two PhD students focussed on Xaad kíl; these students are all women. They are reclaiming their roles as leaders of cultural transmission, and directly addressing and responding to the disempowerment of women by the Indian Act with purpose, clarity and power. They are taking the embers and breathing life into a fire. Elders were also encouraged by the younger people learning in the schools, especially the children: …it seems like a lot of it is coming back and I think you know, I think like more and more people are interested, so, I think, you know, a lot of the younger kids are learning, and I think that’s great. And, you know it will be good if they all learn and then they know that our language is here to stay. (GV15) The SHIP recordings were noted as an important achievement in the work to getting the language to a safe place, and to continue to work with the last fluent speakers. Taalgyaa’adad felt positively about the huge amount of work that the Elders at SHIP have done: To get the language to a safe place? I think we’ve done pretty good so far, with all the [um], with all that SHIP has done, you know. I think we’re well on our way to have the language at a safe place, yeah. And [um] hopefully I’m right. And I just feel I just feel we need to squeeze every little thing that we can out of all of us Elders who are so old and have, still have [um], things to offer and I think that we should just work as hard as we can to, to squeeze that last little bit out of us before we go because [um], because we have to, because once we’re gone, you know, it’s gone. And that, that, everybody should be just working to do that. (BR30) Ilskyalas spoke about getting inspiration from language revitalization movements in other nations: You know, what really encourages me are the Hawaiians and the New Zealanders, the Welsh people and the [um], Japanese people that are Ainu. ‘Cause they got their language back. [Ainu] were speaking mostly Japanese until they found out their language was almost being lost. …And then seeing there’s [um], Inupiaq up in Barrow [Alaska], the children took it over. How they got it going was they would work with older people and talk about hunting and how the, what to look for when they were hunting and the things to do and how to, how to hunt. (DC18) 270 This inspiration Ilskyalas found in stories from other Indigenous language revitalization indicates how sharing stories can increase affect and empowerment for language revitalization. 4.8.8 The Power of the Ancestors and the Land Itself In the story of colonization of Haida Gwaii, there has been significant loss. However, the land and spirits of the Ancestors remain, and continue to offer deep reserves of strength and wisdom for those seeking to revitalize their culture and language. GwaaGanad is an advocate of prayer and communicating with the Ancestors, and says that speaking XK gives the most direct communication: I’m sure they understand when you are praying in English, but I guess you could say when you speak Haida to them it’s easier for them to listen. I think that’s one of the most important things, is to keep that communication with our Ancestors. I believe they are very, very present, always. (GwaaGanad in Collison and Steedman 2011, 128) However, Ancestors can also communicate with their descendants engaging in traditional and cultural activities. Gaw Tlagée XK speaker Ilskyalas shared powerful stories of spirits and Ancestors returning to help their descendants rediscover their traditions and language: But you know some of the things that we learn is so weird. There was an Eskimo whaler, he was in the hospital in Anchorage, and he said the whales came to him and they told him that they were going to let him get better but he had to go back and tell the people that they were wasting too much of the whale, and the whales felt very bad that they were giving up their lives to keep them alive but, he had to go back and tell them they had to quit wasting. And he did, he got better, and he went back. Those stories, when you tell those stories people look at you like you’re kind of crazy. …It was really interesting to me, ‘cause I had some experiences with other things like that, with other students you know. Like, I’ll never forget there was a woman that I taught how to do basketry in Huna, Sonja Konig, and when I got there one time, here she [was] doing an ending, I says; “Sonja, who taught you that [basket weaving] ending?” She said; “everything I’ve learned I’ve learned from you!” I said, “no, I didn’t teach you that ending!” She said, “I don’t know, I just did it and it came out and I liked it!” I said, “that’s the Huna ending! That I’ve been trying to learn from Emmon’s book that I couldn’t do, I didn’t know you took the warp and set it to the left, instead of to the right!” Hehehe! So it’s amazing, we still, I don’t know how we learn it, but we get those [um], 271 those messages sometimes. And I don’t know if it’s in our genes or how we get it, but some of that intellectual property comes bubbling out! (DC18) This story is a powerful affirmation of the path to recover traditional practices, and in the powerful offerings that Ancestors can pass on to those engaging in culture and language revitalizing activities. Ilskyalas’s examples above are expressions of what XK speaker GwaaGanad frequently says about language and culture being “in the Haida DNA”. Ancestors are available to living Haidas through old stories, teachings, but also through ancient memories coming through the body or mind, or in dreams. While she was writing her Master’s thesis on Haida practices that could aid the healing of Haida language, Sdaahl K’awaas Lucy Bell asked her Ancestors for help and they answered: “I often asked my late mother, grandparents and Ancestors for help. They came to me in my dreams and made their presence known in other ways. As I wrote my thesis, my naanii came to me in my dreams and agreed it was time to teach me Xaad kíl” (Bell 2016, 163). Ancestors’ presence and teachings to descendants are also very interconnected with the land. Edōsdi Judith Thompson’s (2012) dissertation on Tahltan language revitalization is called Hedekeyeh Hots’ih Kāhidi our Ancestors are in us, or more literally, “their roots are from that Tahltan village.” She uses this expression to describe the relationship a person has with their traditional territory, their people, language, and culture. “Language and land are interconnected – language is a connection to the land through our Ancestors. Our Ancestors have named our land – landmarks, landforms, mountains, rivers, lakes, specific territories – in our language. Through our language, we can hear the voices of our Ancestors and their teachings about our culture and our relationship with the land. By revitalizing our language, we can get that much closer to the teachings of our Ancestors, and that much closer to both strengthening and healing our people” 272 (Thompson 2012,19). On Haida Gwaii, GwaaGanad has spoken about the help that the Ancestors will give, especially when their descendants are on the land, or on a village site: Sometimes we get stuck. Like at Haina we got stuck, stuck at ‘scramble.’ Then she [Taalgyaa’adad] remembered it. I think if you’re at an old village site they [the Ancestors] will throw it in your ear (GwaaGanad, Pers. Comm., Oct 9, 2022) Language as connection to Ancestors and the land is central to Jaskwaan Bedard’s thesis, “X̱aad Kíhlga tl'a Gúusuugiigangsaang: a Haida research framework for learning X̱aad Kíl” (2025). The thesis opens with a prophetic dream that initiated Bedard's language journey - her partner Jaalen's Ancestor Gidahl Guudsllyaay Susan Williams visited him in a dream with the message that they must learn and teach their children the Haida language (this same dream is referred to in Chapter 7). This establishes the spiritual foundation of the thesis. Throughout the research, Ancestors are not viewed as distant historical figures but as active spiritual presences. Bedard beautifully describes how language offers a means to connect with Ancestors, and also the lands and waters of Haida Gwaii. She describes XK place names as living history, supporting the landscape itself to be a living library of cultural and linguistic knowledge. Our family experienced the power of the land and the presence of the Ancestors and their proximity to language on a language trip to Gwaii Haanas in 2021. GwaaGanad used her Spirit Aligned fellowship funding to take her Mentor Apprentice Program language apprentices to her favourite place: Gwaii Haanas the Islands of Wonder, the southern part of Haida Gwaii that she and other Haidas stood on the line for Ahlii Gwaay Lyell Island in the 1980s. Aboard the schooner called the Island Odyssey, ten of us spent eight days making prayers and ceremonies at each of the village sites at which we stopped: K’uuna Skedans, T’aanu Tanu, ’Laana Daagang.nga Swan Bay, Hlk’yah GawGa Windy Bay, Gandll K’in Hot Springs, Nang Sdins Ninstints and SGang Gwaay Anthony Island. Our children Ganhlaans and Tiisaan were 273 participants, and one of our hopes for the trip was to visit their namesakes – places with Haida names restored by SHIP Elders after a similar sailing trip in 2007, in which Gudt’aawt’is participated. It was a powerful time for all the youth on the trip (youth on the trip were Tiisaan (9), Ganhlaans (12), Haana (17) and Xiila (17), and we were also intermittently joined by Wiijaa (9) on another vessel, as well as his father, Jaalen, and grandfather Gidansda). Ganhlaans had just had a coming-of age ceremony at K’aasda Copper Bay. The weather was perfect, and we were able to make it all the way south to Gangxid Gwaay.yaay Kunghit Island, where we landed by zodiac on the adjacent small island of Tiisaan to say a prayer, and gave offerings of tobacco. Immediately after, a huge humpback whale breached several times for us nearby. We anchored at nearby Heater Harbour, to set us up to visit Ganhlaans the Kerouard Islands the following day. The day was calm as we headed South the next morning. We sighted Ganhlaans, dramatic islands off Cape St. James. Before landing there, our whole complement stopped at Woodruff Bay to beachcomb. The ten of us got off on shore and dispersed to look for glass balls. After an hour and a half we were reconvening to go back to the ship, when suddenly Ganhlaans made an exclamation, and lifted up a large stone face of a raven from the creek we’d all walked over. gid7ahl-Gudsllaay Terri-Lynn Williams-Davidson knew exactly what it was, a stone maul, “a tool that allowed our ancestors to get to another level when they started using these mauls with cedar, 3000 years ago.”91 We were all electrified. It was a so clearly direct message from the Ancestors who had walked, lived and spoken on this beach, and was a gift for our crew, and for Ganhlaans on this special day of visiting his namesake. The powerful message to all in our group was that through 91Williams-Davidson, Pers. Comm. 2021 274 being on the land, through speaking XK, prayer, ceremony, we were in direct connection with the Ancestors. Affirmation that we were on the right path. All of us were so energized by this message and gift. At SGang Gwaay we again experienced the Ancestors in powerful physical and completely surprising ways. Kilslaay Kaajii Sding Miles Richardson Jr., who was President of the Haida Nation during the fight to save Lyell Island and who is the oldest son of fluent speaker Taalgyaa’adad, shared a powerful giiahlGalang story with our family in October 2022. During the standoff at Lyell Island, where Haidas were being arrested, he and GwaaGanad were invited by the Circle of Elders to tell their story to Elders and spiritual leaders in the US. Kilslaay Kaajii Sding shared his story: …a really amazingly powerful group. Anyway, they wanted to hear our story, what they’re hearing on TV, and they wanted to hear it from us. I asked Diane to come, and she came. So next morning we’re sitting, 55 countries there, big place. We’re sitting at coffee table at a restaurant table in the back of the hall. James Baker was up there, David Rockefeller, Edmund de Rothschild the Third. And so we’re sitting around, they wanted to hear stories, so I was just talking and they were just listening. I was going on and on about all the things our people have lost, why we’re blockading and fighting - we’ve lost our ceremonies, our language, on and on. And this old man was sitting beside me, looks like he was sleeping. So I’m going on, and he looks up, and says: “Hey young feller, you know all those you’re talking about losing? Your songs, your ceremonies, all your culture, your language…” He said, “They haven’t gone anywhere.” He said, “They’re in the same place your forefathers found them. They’re in the forest, they’re in the trees, they’re in the sky world, they’re in the winged ones. They’re in the ocean, they’re in the swimmers. You just forgot how to listen.” He said, “Before you take one step forward,” (like I’m giving all my political strategies), “before you take another step forward, take a step back. And remember, how to listen.” I don’t think I spoke again! It was a fellow that called himself Coyote from Wailaki in California. (Miles Richardson Jr, Pers. Comm., Oct. 9, 2022) 275 This is a powerful story that has a deeply comforting and challenging message. That the language and culture will always be there is profoundly comforting and stabilizing. But the challenge is that it’s up to individuals to do the profound work of listening and learning. For language learners, these teachings that the Ancestors are always there, omnipresent and in relationship with the land itself, and can be a source of culture and language, are a profound comfort to the spirit, and provide a sense of fundamental security. This security is deeply calming to a learner’s affect and could be a foundation for empowered language learning. Bedard’s thesis title "X̱aad Kíhlga tl'a gúusuugiigangsaang" The Haida language will be spoken for all time reflects a spiritual conviction about language continuity that transcends physical death or cultural disruption. 276 4.9 Chapter Four Summary: The Wisdom of the Elders 4.9.1 Ember Carriers are Language Refugia Another way of conceptualizing Xaayda kil daas llGaayGa ember carriers of the Haida language is to consider their role and significance as “language refugia”. In ecology, refugia are areas that have sustained an isolated or relict92 population to survive through pressures that reduced its abundance elsewhere. After external conditions change again, those refugia can support repopulation of genetic material to surrounding ecosystems. The parallel has been made within human systems, individuals called cultural refugia. These are individuals who keep their cultural knowledge alive through times when the people experience a cultural constriction due to environmental, political or historical events, and can teach and revive traditional knowledge and practices after the constriction (Singh, Rallen, and Padung 2013). Similarly, we can see how the Xaayda kil daas llGaayGa ember carriers of the Haida language are a parallel. They kept the embers of the language glowing through the difficult cultural suppression, bringing it through this era, and back out in a time when conditions have changed and the world is ready to hear XK again. These individuals have acted as cultural and linguistic refugia. The Elders interviewed for this research themselves each represent living (and now, sadly, in some cases deceased) examples of linguistic refugia and those passing on the embers in our midst. These individuals all have contributed significantly to XK being transmitted by carrying the language through their lifetime and recording and teaching many people in their Elderhood. The empowerment and affect of these linguistic refugia is key to this story of the survival of the Haida language. 92 A “relict” species is one that has persisted today but was more widespread in the past. 277 Drawing from Gina k’aadang.nga the wise counsel of the Elders and from their collective giiahlGalang stories, two teachings emerge together, as the two sides of a supportive frame for learners in their work for XK revitalization: 1) the urgency and challenge of the K’uust’an TlldaGaaw Unguu the Supernatural Crab on Top of the Mountain, and 2) the security and support that language, culture and the Ancestors are accessible to help XK learners: in Haidas themselves, on the land, and accessible through prayer and ceremony. I will elaborate below. 4.9.2 The Challenge of K’uust’an TlldaGaaw Unguu the Crab on Top of the Mountain The SHIP Elders have taken up the story told by Nang King.aay ’Uwans James Young of the K’uust’an TlldaGaaw Unguu the Crab on Top of the Mountain. They themselves have taken on the identity of the crab with their urgent challenge to the next generations to take on the language. They are all too conscious that the time when they can share the fluent language is limited. SHIP has played a major part in recording XK. Now, like K’uust’an TlldaGaaw Unguu, they urge younger people to make the Haida language progress. The book, That Which Makes Us Haida (2011), is a beautiful record of Haida Elders’ language revitalization work, and an urgent message to younger generations of Haidas – the Haida language is important for identity, and must be continued. Language learning requires high levels of motivation, commitment, and confidence. To acquire fluency in any language, a significant amount of investment of time and energy is required to learn. A student must spend time daily, with significant and appropriate input and opportunities to create and convey their own meanings, in order to advance their learning. As 278 well, when language learning gains are made, they must be maintained. It is a different kind of learning and study than acquiring most other types of skills. It is very difficult to have optimal conditions to learn an endangered language. The urgency of K’uust’an TlldaGaaw Unguu represents necessity but also the discipline of hard work, consistency, and dedication necessary to learn the Haida language. K’uust’an TlldaGaaw Unguu is vital for current generations of new speakers to blow on the burning embers of XK, provided by linguistic refugia. 4.9.3 The Support from Kuuniisii Ancestors and the Land The challenge, urgency and fear of losing the last L1 Elders and the language itself can activate a huge sense of pressure for language learners and a physical state of anxiety embodying the duality of loss. The heaviness of history and the pressure on individual Haidas living today to keep the language alive, can be extreme, and can have a debilitating effect. But here, the Elders have wise counsel. These Elders say that the Kuuniisii Ancestors have not gone anywhere, that they are on Haida Gwaii, and with their descendants. And, they can be called on for support. They say that the land of Haida Gwaii itself is the source of culture and language and power. Indigenous scholars have experienced this and affirm this teaching: practice the sacred and you will access Ancestors (Kovach 2010). These teachings are incredibly soothing. They calm the spirit and help bear and balance the fear of the terrible inevitability of losing id k’aaya kuuya isis our precious Elders. They help to counter the overwhelming anxiety of losing fluent speakers, and the language itself. This teaching looks beyond the narrative and temporal reality of great loss, giving us faith that the loss is not ultimate, and that the knowledge and culture will always be accessible to Haida people. The message that “the 279 Ancestors are here for you, and Haida Gwaii itself is and will always the ultimate source and way to access language and culture” is incredibly powerful. “That Which Makes Us Haida” will always be, in the land, with the Kuuniisii Ancestors and inside Haida people. This deep knowledge that the Elders are sharing with us is a request to step into a deeper level of faith, to truly believe in the power of the Kuuniisii, and that the Kuuniisii exist within people themselves. Deciding to step into that faith is a commitment, a commitment to believe that it is there, always possible. This is a huge empowerment of people’s personal Affect, and offers a profound way to access power to act. 4.9.4 Balancing These Teachings: An Affect Empowered to Learn XK In this combination of K’uust’an TlldaGaaw Unguu the Crab on top of the Mountain’s pinch of urgency and the comfort of the Ancestors and the land, learners can negotiate Giid tlljuus Balance: the affective state required for each of them personally to continue to move the Haida language beyond the age of colonial oppression. These two framework teachings can empower today’s language learners to blow on the embers, and follow in the footsteps of these Elders as the individuals that make the difference in history. This balanced approach towards an inspired Affect allows today’s Xaayda kil daas llGaayGa to take up their place in history, in the final teaching that these Elders embody: the simultaneous challenge and affirmation that the actions of individual Haida people makes a huge difference in this story. The collective narrative of these Elders is that each Haida person makes a difference. The actions of linguistic refugia kept XK embers burning, and passed them on, and therefore by choosing to blow on those embers, individuals can take up their place in the story of the Haida language. Each learner’s actions matter to the history of the Haida language, and to 280 the greater human story, as we seek to relearn how to connect with the Earth, with life, with the land and waters that sustain us. The Elders have inspired the younger generations to be Xaayda kil daas llGaayGa themselves; the Haida language revitalization movement is strong. There are many inspiring New Speakers, who are actively blowing on the embers and building the fire. They are the legacy of the language work of these linguistic refugia. 281 CHAPTER 5 – Phonology of Xaayda kil gud ad kihlguul Speaking the Haida language together: our Family Intergenerational Language Transmission Project 5.1 Introduction: Documentation and Analysis of L2 Acquisition of XK In the previous chapters, I have examined various historical factors contributing to language shift, on the one hand, and language continuation and revitalization, on the other. I have also reviewed some spiritual, psychological, affective, and social aspects of language loss and language revitalization based on existing research drawn from different disciplines, and the poignant personal stories of the Elders in this study that were recounted in Chapter 4. In addition to sociocultural and historical factors, learning Xaayda Kil as a second language is often challenging for English-speaking learners, not because of an inherent difficulty in the complexity of the Haida language itself (which has been spoken fluently by Haidas from time immemorial), but because of the distance between the two languages in phonological and morphosyntactic structure, as well as limited opportunities for contemporary Haidas to gain significant exposure to the language and opportunities to use it. The field of Indigenous language learning and revitalization is not extensive, and there are no previous SLA studies of Xaayda kil. This chapter examines some of the major phonological challenges that four family members encountered in our year of second-language XK immersion. Chapter 6 then examines some of the morpho-syntactic challenges and developmental processes that emerged. The reader is referred back to Chapter 3, §3.7.3, for a detailed discussion of the methodologies adopted for this component of the research process of elicitation, documentation and analysis. To briefly recapitulate, this was a language immersion program designed by the 282 researcher for her family members based on a curriculum of multimodal language exposure that consisted of eight “Intensive Language Periods” (ILPs), each involving 4 hours of immersion language exposure per day over 4 weeks, extended over a one-year period. The focus was on oral and/or physical (embodied) communication rather than writing or other classroom-typical goals, to engage in natural, first-language acquisition principles and practices. Two kinds of data were collected: daily participant-interaction dialogue, and storytelling output at the end of each ILP. The picture story book for the latter elicitation was the Mercer Meyer’s 1969 book, Frog, Where Are You? (abbreviated FWAY). This chapter focuses on the phonological data from the narrative storytelling output, with supplementation from data from daily interaction dialogue, specifically in the documentation of core vowel distinction in ILP1. The repeated storytelling activity was an evaluation of the language learner's production of self-constructed speech patterns in a narrative genre, conducted one-on-one. This resulted in a database documenting proficiency in a variety of XK linguistic domains. The phonological aspects were documented and analyzed in this chapter as indicators of the participants’ phonological segmental inventory; morphosyntactic aspects were documented for examination in Chapter 6. Phonology (pronunciation) and morphosyntax (grammar) are two important aspects of learning XK; exploring the learning challenges for English L1 learners on these two fronts to glean insights for learning and teaching XK was a major goal of this research. It is particularly important to foreground the fact that the language input and instruction was not “targeted” learning toward particular, predetermined linguistic structures. The goal here was to investigate the path of language acquisition through immersive exposure and use, this being a core tenet of the Mentor-Apprentice Method (Hinton et al. 2018). These results can then help inform the further goal of determining how to bridge learning through immersion to more 283 targeted learning by identifying specific areas of focus for successful transmission of the XK language to future generations. 5.1.1 Integrity of the language In an endangered language, as fluent L1 speakers become fewer, one of the major challenges for the L2 speaking community is maintaining the integrity of the language. In 2018 I engaged in an intonation project with elders Gaayinguhlas, Niiswaan and SGaanajaadskyaaGaxiigangs, and the following anecdote about my experience is a small illustration of this challenge: In 2018, Dr. Shaw and I were working on an intonation project examining the XK intonation of yes-no question sentences with Gaayinguhlas, Niis Waan and SGaanajaadskyaaGaxiigangs. I had the privilege of asking each of them to record a series of sentences which were then analyzed for intonation with Praat software (to visualize). The Elders weren’t able to read the small words on my paper, so I read the sentences out loud to them, asking them to repeat them back to me in the way that they would speak, so I could record how an L1 fluent speaker would say the sentences. The first Elder I worked with was Niis Waan, who understood all the XK I uttered, until I came to the sentence with the verb tl’lda [ƛ̓ḷdʌ] – to kill. He didn’t understand what I was trying to say, and I kept repeating the word over and over, and still he did not understand. It was not until I finally said the word in English that he said, “Oh, tl’lda! Kill! ” I hadn’t realized that I had not been putting ejection on the tl’ [ƛ̓], and instead was only saying tl [ƛ]. The word I had been saying was tllda [ƛḷdʌ] not tl’lda [ƛ̓ḷdʌ]. When he uttered the word properly, I realized that I could hardly tell any difference – to me they sounded like the same word. But to him, the word was completely unrecognizable without the ejection. I realized that to my learner ear it was hard for me to produce the sound when I could barely perceive it, and that without this sound a fluent Elder would have no idea what I was trying to say. In this case the word was decontextualized; in a suitable discourse context, it might have been comprehensible. However this instance showed me the contrast in perception of a learner and a fluent speaker, and how easy it can be for a non-fluent XK learner to inadvertently exclude a non-English sound from the inventory. This ejective sound tl’ [ƛ̓] was not as frequent in our (learner) repertoire as other the other ejective consonants k’ [], k’ [], and ts’ []. Perhaps because learners don’t have as much exposure to this sound, they may not be able to perceive it 284 as well as more commonly used XK consonants. A preliminary comparison of the relative frequency of the contrast between this ejective consonant tl’ [ƛ̓] as opposed to its non-ejective counterpart tl [ƛ] in the SHIP Glossary confirms that tl’ [ƛ̓] appears much less: tl [ƛ] appears on 1037 pages while tl’ [ƛ̓] appears on 120 pages. Further exploration of this less frequent sound is needed to ensure that the perception and reproduction is not lost. In the process of revitalization of endangered Indigenous languages, learners must frequently become teachers before they themselves are fluent (Hinton 2003). The small number of L1 speakers in a community like Haida Gwaii, who are typically quite elderly, can put pressure on L2 learners to assume a teaching role before they themselves have achieved a highly proficient state of fluency. There are ways to navigate when the teacher isn’t fluent (see Hinton 2003). However, there may be a risk that the learner can inadvertently introduce changes into the language that influence that cohort of learners into perpetuating that change into the future. Although languages are constantly changing, maintaining the integrity of the language as much as possible is important. It may be challenging to maintain sounds in the L2 that are difficult for English speakers to make, and even, difficult to perceive. However, trying as much as possible to maintain the sound system of XK is vitally important to Haida Elders (see Tawt’a 4.4 in §4.8.4). Furthermore, producing the distinctly non-English sounds – like the ejective affricate tl’ [ƛ̓] - perpetuates the fundamentally Haida and anti-colonial embodiment of Haida identity. These sounds do not exist in English or, in fact, in any of the other colonial languages; they do not conform to their grammatical/phonological frameworks. When these unique sounds are spoken, they are part of a physical, embodied connection to ancestors. Though challenging to perceive and produce for an L2 learner, each non-English sound and convention is a part of the richness 285 and heritage and defiance of XK that goes far beyond English, and is the birthright of all Haida persons. These embodiments are worth fighting for. The maintenance of language integrity must be done with care (see Chapter 2, §2.3.3.2 re: L2 learners feeling shame and not learning the language, and Chapter 4, §4.8.5 for the teachings from the Elders regarding how to navigate corrective feedback). Part of the Master-Apprentice approach is to “correct but don’t criticize!” (Hinton et al. 2018). Though it is difficult to bridge the gap of differences between English and XK, Haida people can draw on a deep tradition of excellence as an inherently Haida practice that can help maintain the details and differences of the XK inventory (Haida discipline toward mastery is explored in §3.1.6). Drawing on other time-honoured cultural practices such as carving, weaving, and fish processing, Haida people can find principles of discipline in the pursuit of mastery that can help understand and practice high standards for practice and maintenance of the sounds, and a high level of continuity. K’uust’aan TlldaGaaw Unguu Supernatural Crab on top of the Mountain is the crest of SHIP, and represents a challenge to XK language learners and speakers alike to ensure that there is a high integrity and “progression” with the language. With all the incredible efforts of the XK language revitalization movement, there is a great opportunity to maintain a high level of integrity in the XK language itself, and to minimize language loss and change if it can be helped. This chapter on the specifics of phonology is in this service: it examines where k’uust’aanaay the crab is pinching us to show us what to focus on. 5.1.2 Orthographic Conventions As this chapter draws on a linguistic framework of analysis, the North American Phonetic Alphabet (NAPA) orthography is presented alongside the Xaayda kil orthography developed by 286 SHIP (2021) for the representation of Xaayda kil words, under the following conventions. In describing XK in the text I use SHIP orthography in bold, followed by the North American Phonetic Alphabet (NAPA)93 orthography [in square brackets], followed by the English gloss in italics. Similarly, in the Tables the XK words are represented in the SHIP XK orthography as well as the NAPA orthography, along with the English translation in italics. To represent the exact utterances by the participants, segments in red indicate cases where the attested output didn’t fully match the target pronunciation of the intended XK word or expression, according to SCS who was conducting the research. Such cases are referred to as “phonological mismatches”. With respect to capitalization, in the SHIP orthography the English conventions for capitalization are used, specifically: capitalization of the first word of every sentence, as well as place names and people’s names, but not referential terms, e.g. dawGangGa younger brother. Throughout the text, to refer to the participants I use SHIP orthography in bold (Table 3.2 Participant Terms from Chapter 3 is copied again here for reference). (Note: the capital G, underlined in the SHIP orthography but not underlined in NAPA, represents a distinct phonological sound in the XK consonant inventory: a voiced uvular stop. See Table 5.11 XK consonant inventory) 93 NAPA symbols have been widely used over the past century by anthropological linguists to transcribe many Indigenous languages of North America. Many BC community orthographies have incorporated NAPA symbols (e.g. nuučaan̓uɫ, hən̓q̓əmin̓əm̓) with the advantage that First Nations language learners quickly identify shared sounds between languages. 287 Table 3.2 Terms of Reference for Participants in Xaayda kil gud ad kihlguul Speaking the Haida Language Together Immersion Program As a further note, the participant-observer facilitating this research project is myself, Severn Cullis-Suzuki, the author of this thesis. In my role as participant, I am referred to as awGa, in my role as observer and facilitator of the research prompting the other participants in the “Frog, Where Are You?” study, I am referred to as SCS, my initials. 5.2 Xaayda kil Syllabic Nuclei What will here be referred to as the “core” Xaayda kil vowel inventory entails a short vs. long phonemic contrast of three vowels at the high front ii /i:/, high back uu /u:/, and low central aa /a:/ points of the vowel space: in addition to being differentiated by length, the vowels differ in quality, with the XK long vowels being articulated more toward the periphery, whereas their short counterparts are laxer and more centralized, as shown in the Vowel Chart in Table 5.1. Table 5.1 Vowel Chart – Location in the “Vowel Space” of the Mouth Participant terms (SHIP) NAPA English Age during program (years) dawGangGa dʌwGʌnGʌ younger brother 7-8 k’waayGa k̓ʷa:yGʌ older brother 10 Gung.Ga GʋŋGʌ father 47 awGa a:wGʌ mother 39-40 288 Included in the Vowel Chart in Table 5.1 are three vowels in the Mid region. Length on the front mid vowel is variously represented in the XK orthographies as diphthongized ey (SHIP) or as duration ee (Enrico 2005). The parentheses around these three vowels in the Vowel Chart indicate that they are “marginal” in the system inventory, based on the fact that there are relatively few lexical items in which these vowels occur (as in SHIP 2021 Glossary). As a consequence, there is much clearer evidence for the early and stable acquisition of the “core” vowels. There is no evidence that the “marginal” vowels are at all challenging to perceive or to produce: the issue is simply that there is relatively sparse attestation in the documented database of lexical items that contain the “marginal” vowels. A notable exception is that although ee ~ ey [e:] is an infrequently attested phoneme in the XK lexicon, the particular word tleyhll [ƛe:ɬḷ] five is a very frequently used word. Both short a [ʌ] and long aa [a:] can be followed by a tautosyllabic glide w or y, creating four diphthongs in the inventory: aw [ʌw], aaw [a:w], ay [ʌy], and aay [a:y]. The final point of interest with respect to the XK inventory of syllable nuclei is that the lateral sonorant l [ḷ] can function as a syllable Nucleus, participating in a short/long phonemic contrast parallel to that of the three core vowels in the phonological system. Table 5.2 provides examples of Xaayda kil words illustrating each of these possible syllable nuclei, alongside English correlates in the rightmost column. 289 Table 5.2 XK Syllable Nuclei with English Correlates SHIP Orthography NAPA SHIP NAPA English English Syllable Nuclei a ʌ sGan [sGʌn] red cod ʌ but aa a: daala [da:lʌ] rain a: bought i ɩ sgil [sgɩl] belly button ɩ bit ii i: chiixwaay [či:χwa:y] the beach i: beet, beat u ʋ kun [kʋn] nose ʋ book uu u: tluu [ƛu: ] boat u: boot e ɛ gyen [gyɛn] then, when ɛ bet ee ~ ey e: tle:hll [ƛe:ɬḷ] five e: bait oo o: doo.axan [do:ʌχʌn] or o: boat ay ʌy kay [qʌy] sea lion ʌy type, bite aay a:y gwaay [gwa:y] island a:y bide aw ʌw taw [tʌw] grease ʌw out aaw a:w t’aaGaaw [t̕a:Ga:w] snow a:w loud l ḷ dlljuu [λḷǰu: ] doing something ḷ battle, fiddle ll ḷ: dlllna [λḷ:na] octopus arm Consideration of the rightmost columns in Table 5.2, under the heading “English Syllable Nuclei”, reveals a significant correlation. For an L1 speaker of English, every vowel and diphthong that they need to learn as an L2 learner of Xaayda kil is already familiar to them, because it occurs in English94. 5.2.1 XK Core Vowels Table 5.3 documents just a small sample of the words that were produced in the initial 94 Although this generalization essentially holds at a phonetic level, note that in terms of the phonological system, what is treated as a length contrast, e.g. ii [i:] and i [ɩ], in the core vowel system of XK (Swanton 1910; Skidegate Haida Immersion Program 2021) corresponds to what is generally treated as a tense/lax contrast in English (cf. Chomsky and Halle 1968). 290 ILP1 documentation sessions for each participant. These tokens are culled both from the informal family conversations among the participants engaging in daily life activities and from their self-constructed narrative of the FWAY story. This Table focusses on the core vowels and shows solid acquisition of the full set of short and long contrasts. Table 5.3a Results: Core Vowel Distinctions (at ILP1 July 1, 2019) All tokens cited in Table 5.3a are in NAPA orthography; Table 5.3b is a glossary with SHIP orthography, NAPA and English gloss for each. Participant Core Vowel distinctions i [ɩ] ii [i:] a [ʌ] aa [a:] u [ʋ] u: [u:] dawGanGa ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ sdɩŋ ʔɩsɩŋ gi:nu: ʔi:ǰi: ha:ǰa:di:yʌ sgʌs sgʌs dʌŋ ʔʌd xa: ɬkya:n gu:sta:n qʋŋ q̓ʋd kʌlǰʋ (ʔ)u: gi:nu: gu:nʌŋ k’waayGa ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ sGʷa:nsɩŋ ɩsdʌ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ gi:nu: ʔi:ji: ʔʌd dʌŋ ɩsdʌ ku:sta:n ha:wʌ kwa:n qʋŋ q̓ʋd kʋn gi:nu: ku:sta:n hu: Gung.Ga ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs qɩŋ skɩnxʌ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs ʔi:ǰi: q̓a:di: dʌŋ skɩnxʌ ʔʌha:yʌd q̓a:di: χa:ga:y qʋŋ q̓ʋd kʋn gi:nu: ku:sta:n su: awGa ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ xɩdi: sgɩd ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ xɩdi: xi:lʌs kya:gʌŋ xi:lʌs dʌŋ da:yɩŋ kya:gʌŋ χa:ga:y qʋŋ kʋn k̓ʋdgʌ-mʋɬdʌ gi:nu: ku:sta:n hʌylu: 291 Table 5.3b Glossary of XK words in Table 5.3a Core Vowel Distinctions SHIP orthog NAPA orthog English gloss iihllinga ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ boy iihllingas ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs boy (alternate form) iijii ʔi:ǰi: to be ising ʔɩsɩŋ again isda ʔɩsdʌ give ad ʔʌd with ahaayad ʔʌha:yʌd today uu (ʔ)u: Focus marker daaying da:yɩŋ search dang dʌŋ you giinuu gi:nu: where Guunang Gu:nʌŋ naked haajaadiiya ha:ǰa:di:yʌ alas haawa ha:wʌ thank you hayluu hʌylu: empty huu hu: so ... kun kʋn nose kalju kʌlǰʋ large kyaagang kya:gʌŋ call k’udgamuhlda k̓ʋdgʌmʋɬdʌ be quiet kwaan kʷa:n many hlk’yaan ɬk̓ya:n forest king qɩŋ see kung qʋŋ moon k’aadii q̓a:di: sleep k’ud q̓ʋd hungry k’uust’aan q̓u:st̕a:n crab sding sdɩŋ two sgid sgɩd red sgas sgas sgʌs sgʌs owl sGwaansing sGʷa:nsɩŋ one 292 skinxa skɩnxʌ wake suu su: say xidii xɩdi: going to xiilas xi:lʌs hole xaa χa: dog xaagaay χa:ga:y the dog Two observations are of relevance with respect to these data. First, it is clear from the data that the family participants had had significant exposure to XK. The parents had been learning XK for many years, and speaking to the children since they were born. The results showed a measurable impact on XK. From the outset of data documentation for this research project (at the end of the first ILP), all four participants demonstrated accurate pronunciation in multiple words exemplifying all six of the core vowels and the length contrast that they represent. While there are “mismatches” with some of the consonants that are produced by each of the participants, there are no mismatches with respect to the core vowel inventory. The second important observation is that even in this limited sample of tokens drawn from a large database, these words that exemplify the core vowels come from a diversity of morpho-syntactic categories: as could be expected, there are nouns, verbs, adjectives, numbers, colours, but there is also broad representation from other grammatical categories, like pronouns dang [dʌŋ] you (s); quantifiers kwaan [kʷa:n] many; postpositions ad [ʔʌd] with; a WH-Question marker giinuu [gi:nu:] where; temporal adverbs ising [ʔɩsɩŋ] again; a Focus marker uu [(ʔ)u:], the discourse marker huu [hu:] so; an interjection haajaadiiya [ha:ǰa:di:yʌ] alas; as well as a Determiner suffix xaagaay [χa:-ga:y ] the dog. These are not just potentially memorized words from common introductory L2 vocabulary lists. They emerge from genuine engagement with unscripted communicative conversational interactions. 293 5.2.2 XK Diphthongs These same observations hold in the data of Table 5.4a that illustrate XK diphthongs. Specifically, all four diphthongs in the XK inventory are attested in the documented speech of all the participants. As in the previous Table, phonological mismatches are indicated in red, but the only documented mismatch pertains to the initial consonant in dawGangGa’s pronunciation of kayd [qʌyd] as [kʌyd]. Table 5.4a Results: XK Diphthong Distinctions (at ILP1 July 1, 2019) Again, the following Glossary of these words illustrates additional diversity in grammatical categories, including the Deictic aaw [ʔa:w] here, and the conjunction iilaaw [ʔi:la:w] but. Participant ay [ʌy] aay [a:y] aw [ʌw] aaw [a:w] dawGangGa kʌyd k’ʌy qʌy gʷa:y χa:yda gʌw tʌw nʌw k̓a:w t̕a:Ga:w ga:wǰa:w k’waayGa qʌyd k’ʌylu:s gʷa:y χa:yda gʌw tʌw nʌw k̓aw t̕a:Ga:w da:ws Gung.Ga tʌy qʌyd ʌy da:na:y χa:yda na:y gʌw sʌw tʌw ʔi:la:w k̓a:w t̕a:Ga:w awGa tʌy qʌyd hʌylu: da:na:y na:y χa:ga:y gʌw tʌw nʌw k̓a:w ča:w da:wxu:sda 294 Table 5.4b Glossary of XK Words in Table 5.4a Diphthong Distinctions SHIP orthog NAPA orthog English gloss aaw ʔa:w here iilaaw ʔi:la:w but chaaw ča:w vagina daanaay da:na:y place daaws da:ws cat daawxuusda da:wxu:sda west coast (of Haida Gwaii) gaw gʌw gone gaawjaaw ga:wǰa:w drum gwaay gwa:y island hayluu hʌylu: empty k’aaw k̓a:w herring roe on kelp k’ay k̓ʌy apple k’ayluus k̓ʌylu:s sour naay na:y house naw nʌw octopus kay qʌy sealion kayd qʌyd tree; spruce st’aw sʌw northern saw-whet owl; witch taw tʌw oolichan grease tay tʌy lie down t’aaGaaw t̕a:Ga:w snow tlldaGaaw tl:dʌGa:w mountain ’way ʌy go! (Imperative) xaagaay χa:ga:y the dog xaayda χa:ydʌ people With respect to these diphthongs, it would be insightful as a future follow-up project to conduct focused phonetic research on the duration and the vowel height/quality distinctions in XK words like those in Tables 5.4a and 5.4b. A significant issue is that all the L2 participants in this study are L1 speakers of Canadian English, where the English diphthongs /ay/ and /aw/ are subject to a 295 phonologically-conditioned process commonly referred to as “Canadian Raising” (cf. Chambers 1973 inter alia) whereby the vowel nucleus /a/ in these diphthongs “raises” to [ʌ] before tautosyllabic voiceless consonants: for example, /ay/ is realized as [ʌy] in words like type or like, and /aw/ is realized as [ʌw] in out or the noun house. As a consequence, although all the [ʌy], [ay], [ʌw], and [aw] diphthongs are all “familiar” to L1 English speakers, there are restrictions (that an L1 speaker of English might not even have conscious awareness of) on where they can occur in English, whereas in XK all the diphthongs have full freedom of occurrence. This situation is summarized below: Table 5.4c Phonological Distribution of Diphthongs in XK compared with Canadian English Can.English [ʌy], [ʌw] • only before a tautosyllabic voiceless Consonant * does NOT occur before a voiced Consonant * does NOT occur at the end of a word or syllable out Can.English [ay], [aw] • before a voiced Consonant • at the end of a word, or end of a syllable * NOT before a tautosyllabic voiceless consonant loud cow XK [ʌy], [ʌw] • can occur anywhere XK [ay], [aw] • can occur anywhere Examples of XK words which have diphthongs that might therefore be more challenging for L1 English speakers would be: Table 5.4d Conflicting Phonological constraints between English and XK SHIP NAPA gloss Canadian English constraint naw nʌw octopus * [ʌw] at the end of a word kay qʌy sealion * [ʌy] at the end of a word kayd qʌyd tree; spruce * [ʌy] before a tautosyllabic voiced consonant daaws da:ws cat * [a:w] before a tautosyllabic voiceless consonant The basic research question therefore is the extent to which this phonological difference between the two languages may impact the L2 learning process. A revealing insight comes from when 296 awGa has worked on translation and transliteration with GwaaGanad, determining whether the spelling is an aa [a:] or an a [ʌ], and GwaaGanad has noted occasionally that there’s an “in-betweener”, an “a and a half”. An explanation for this observation plausibly lies in how the constraints on the distribution of the Canadian English diphthongs are impacting the L2 pronunciation of a XK word. That is, if a XK short ay [ʌy] diphthong is in a context where it wouldn’t be “raised” in Canadian English, as for example in a XK word like kayd [qʌyd] tree; spruce, there would be a natural tendency on the part of the L1 English speaker to not “raise” the vowel – or to not raise it as far as [ʌ] – resulting in an “in-betweener”, a vowel in between aa [a:] and a [ʌ]. 5.2.3 XK Syllabic Laterals Whereas English has a single Lateral segment /l/ in its phonological system, there are several distinctive kinds of Lateral sounds in XK. Prior to examining the acquisition data pertaining to the two “Syllabic” Laterals in XK, it is helpful to discuss briefly their relationship to the other Lateral segments in the XK inventory of sounds. Within the consonantal inventory (see the full XK Consonantal inventory in Table 5.X in §5.x.x below), there are three distinct Lateral Affricates: the voiceless affricate tl [ƛ], the voiced affricate dl [λ], and the ejective affricate tl’l [ƛ̓]. There is a corresponding voiceless fricative hl [ɬ]. As well, there are two Resonant consonants: l [ḷ] and a glottalized counterpart ’l [l ̕]. Words illustrating these consonantal segments are presented in Table 5.5. 297 Table 5.5 XK Lateral Consonant Distinctions Lateral Consonants SHIP orthog NAPA orthog English gloss tl [ƛ] voiceless affricate tlldaGaaw ƛḷdʌGa:w mountain dl [λ] voiced affricate dllGwii λḷGʷi: fall (person) tl’ [ƛ̓] ejective affricate tl’l ƛ̓ḷ they hl [ɬ] voiceless fricative hluu ɬu: body ’l [l]̕ glottalized lateral resonant ’laana la̕:nʌ town l [l] voiced lateral resonant luu lu: wave k’al q̓ʌl skin ngaal ŋa:l kelp Cross-linguistically, the lateral consonant series of XK is particularly robust. Of the six different types of lateral consonants, the only one that occurs in both XK and English is the voiced lateral resonant /l/. As in English, and as shown in Table 5.5 above, XK l can occur in syllable Onset position (e.g. in luu [lu:] wave), as well as in syllable Coda position after a short vowel (e.g. k’al q̓ʌl skin) or after a long vowel (e.g. ngaal ŋa:l kelp). Interestingly, the lateral can also function in XK as a syllable nucleus, patterning with the core vowels (Table 5.3) and the diphthongs (Table 5.4) in exhibiting a long vs short contrast, as illustrated in Table 5.6. Table 5.6 XK Syllabic Lateral Nuclei Distinctions Syllabic Lateral Nuclei SHIP orthog NAPA orthog English gloss l [ḷ] short: e.g. after λ dlljuu λḷǰu: doing something e.g. after ƛ tleyhll ɬe:ƛḷ five e.g. after ɬ hll ɬḷ I ll [ḷ:] long: e.g. after λ dlllna λḷ:na octopus arm e.g. after n stl’inll sƛ̓lɩnḷ: clever hands e.g. in word-initial position ll (ʔ)ḷ: he/she 298 Although the present analysis does not purport to be exhaustive, the data documented in Table 5.6 are broadly representative and show that the immediately preceding context in which the syllabic laterals appear is very restricted. With the exception of the very last word listed (viz. the third person singular pronoun ll [(ʔ)ḷ:]) where the nucleus itself appears essentially in word-initial position (there may be an optional epenthetic glottal stop to function as Onset, denoted by round brackets), the preceding segments are themselves all homorganic coronal laterals – or, in the case of stl’inll [sƛ̓lɩnḷ:] clever hands, a homorganic coronal nasal. Table 5.7 Results: Initial Syllabic Lateral Distinctions (ILP1 July 1, 2019) short Syllabic Lateral l [ḷ] long Syllabic Lateral ll [ḷ:] Participants SHIP NAPA English gloss SHIP NAPA English gloss dawGangGa dllgwi: tleyhll hll λḷgʷi: ƛe:ɬḷ ɬḷ fall five I ll ḷ : she/he k’waayGa dllgwi: tleyhll hll λḷgʷi: ƛe:ɬḷ ɬḷ fall five I ll ḷ : she/he Gung.Ga dllGwi: tleyhll hll λḷGʷi: ƛe:ɬḷ ɬḷ fall five I ll stl’inll ḷ: sƛ̓lɩnḷ: she/he clever hands awGa dllGwi: tleyhll xaa kaahll λḷGʷi: ƛe:ɬḷ χa: qa:ɬḷ fall five climb ll stl’inll ḷ: sƛ̓lɩnḷ: she/he clever hands Although the results documented for ILP1 did not show a large number of vocabulary items with Syllabic [ḷ], the participants did not have apparent difficulty pronouncing the words they were using. As noted earlier in the context of Table 5.2, the English pronunciation of a syllabic [ḷ] in words like battle [bætḷ] and fiddle [fɩdḷ] may provide a basis for perceptual recognition and articulatory ease, facilitating positive transfer between English as the L1 to XK. A major difference, however, is that the syllabic [ḷ] in English does not model a length difference, which 299 is an integral distinction for the two syllabic l’s in the XK system. A significant question for future research would be to do instrumental measurements of the duration of the short vs long syllabic laterals in native XK speech compared with L2 acquisition. 5.2.4 XK Mid Vowels As mentioned earlier in reference to the Vowel Chart in Table 5.1, there are three mid vowels in XK that are not found in many words and are therefore considered relatively “marginal”. Nonetheless, these vowels function as distinct from the other vowels in the system. As shown in Table 5.8 below, there is a short front mid e [ɛ], as well as a long counterpart that is pronounced with a homorganic y glide and hence variously represented as ey (SHIP) or as a long [e:] (NAPA). Finally, there is also a long back rounded oo (SHIP) alternatively represented as [o:] in NAPA. Table 5.8 XK Mid Vowel Distinctions: Marginal / Infrequent SHIP NAPA SHIP NAPA English gloss NAPA English word e ɛ gyen gyɛn then ɛ bet ey e: tleyhll ƛe:ɬḷ five e: bait oo o: doo.axan do:ʌχʌn or o: boat As illustrated by the English words in the rightmost column in Table 5.8, none of these “marginal” XK vowels is challenging for an L1 English speaker to perceive or to produce, as each is directly comparable to a familiar, phonologically distinctive English vowel. Interestingly, despite the fact that these mid vowels do not occur in many lexical items in XK, the particular word tleyhll [ƛe:ɬḷ] five is a very frequently used word in multiple contexts. Not surprisingly, it is one of three words with an ey [e:] syllable nucleus that all of the project participants had in their productive vocabulary at the time of the initial ILP documentation, as shown in Table 5.9. The 300 other two words with an ey [e:] vowel are also familiar in the context of XK community social activities (“bingo”) and conversational interaction (“wow!”). Table 5.9 Results: Mid Vowel Distinctions at outset (by ILP1 July 1, 2019) Participant SHIP NAPA SHIP orthog NAPA orthog English gloss dawGangGa ey e: tleyhll ƛe:ɬḷ five k’waayGa hey hey he: he: wow! (amazement) Gung.Ga diigwey di:gʷe: bingo awGa awGa e ɛ gyen gyɛn then oo o: doo.axan do:ʌχʌn or However, tokens of the other two mid vowels, short e [ɛ] and long oo [o:], were attested at the beginning of the project’s documentation period (ILP1) only in the speech of awGa. Significantly, eleven months later, at the time of the final documentation period (ILP8), all the participants were using two discourse particles that contained the short e [ɛ]. These two constructions that function as temporal connectives in discourse are listed in Table 5.10. They are clearly derivationally related, in that the root gyen [gyɛn] then is transparently nested within in the longer expression ’wagyen asing [w̓ʌgyɛn ʔʌsɩŋ] and then again. The use of both these XK discourse particles reflects the enhanced sophistication of the conversational fluency of the participants in the oral genre of storytelling, doubtless as a consequence of their increasing familiarity with and oral practice in telling the Frog, Where Are You? story. 301 Table 5.10 Results: Mid Vowel Distinctions at end of project (by ILP8 May 31, 2020) Participant SHIP NAPA SHIP orthog NAPA orthog English gloss dawGangGa ey e: tleyhll ƛe:ɬḷ five k’waayGa hey hey he: he: wow! (amazement) Gung.Ga diigwey di:gʷe: bingo awGa e ɛ gyen gyɛn then ’wagyen asing w̓ʌgyɛn ʔʌsɩŋ and then again awGa oo o: doo.axan do:ʌχʌn or Nonetheless, by the end of the project’s documentation period, no-one other than awGa had produced any words with a long oo [o:]. Given that this is unambiguously a sound that is neither difficult to perceive or to produce for an L1 English speaker, it is reasonable to conclude that its absence in the productive speech of dawGangGa, k’waayGa, and Gung.Ga is due to its rarity in the XK lexicon and its infrequency of use in the participants’ L2 input context. 5.3 Discussion: XK Syllabic Nuclei Perception and Production In examining the L2 acquisition profiles of each of the four participants in the present study with respect to both their perception of and their productive articulation of each of the phonologically distinctive sounds in the XK inventory, there was a striking difference in the facility with which all four participants, regardless of age, were able to accurately perceive and produce XK Vowels. None of the participants showed difficulty in auditory discrimination between these different nuclei, nor in effective communicative production of the distinctions for any of the core vowels or diphthongs. Consideration of the rightmost columns in Table 5.2, under the heading “English Syllable Nuclei”, reveals a plausible explanation for this. Although (as discussed earlier) there are fundamental systemic differences in the underlying phonological analyses of the XK and English vowel inventories, an L2 learner has no direct access to this kind of information about these 302 systemic differences. An L2 learner needs significant exposure and experience with a new language to develop a sense of what generalizations and patterns characterize its underlying systemic organization. All that a beginning L2 learner has access to is the surface representation of sounds. What an L2 learner needs to learn is first, to be able to discriminate between ii [i:] and i [ɩ] as distinct sounds that can make a significant difference in meaning, and secondly, to be able to produce ii [i:] as opposed to i [ɩ] effectively so that the L2 learner can communicate and be understood. Returning to Table 5.2, what is significantly positive for English-speaking XK learners is that for an L1 speaker of English, every vowel and diphthong that they need to learn as an L2 learner of XK is familiar to them already because it occurs in English. To take perhaps the most common L2 learning context in Canada for L1 English speakers wanting to learn French as an L2 needs to learn three new rounded vowels (as in tu you (singular), yeux eyes, oeufs eggs), as well as four new nasal vowels (as in sans without, son sound, fin end, un one)! Moreover, despite the significant degree of convergence between the surface vowel inventories of XK and Canadian English, they do not fully overlap, which means that learning in the reverse direction wouldn’t be parallel: an L1 speaker of Xaayda kil learning Canadian English as an L2 would have to learn to discriminate the vowel in bat [æ] as functionally distinct from the vowels in bet [ɛ] and bought [a]. To summarize, the relative speed and the accuracy with which all four of the research participants acquired the perceptual discrimination skills and the pronunciation skills for the XK Vowel inventory were quite striking. It has been proposed here that this is a direct consequence of the fact that the surface inventory of XK vowels correlates quite closely with the English inventory of syllabic nuclei, thus allowing for direct identification and transfer. 303 The two areas where the phonological systems don’t correlate as directly with each other involve where there are contrastive length distinctions in XK that aren’t in English. One is the contrast between short [ḷ] and long [ḷ:] (see §5.2.3), and the other involves the diphthongs (see §5.2.2). With respect to the lateral nuclei, this is simply a case where a long [ḷ:] doesn’t exist in English. A straightforward pedagogical approach would therefore be to train learners to listen for it and then practice producing it in words that embody the distinction. The diphthong issue is more complex for L2 language learners because the contextual (allophonic) constraints on the distribution of the Canadian English diphthongs create a conflict in the alignment of the XK length contrasts, resulting in what was described as an “in-betweener” or an “a and a half” vowel95. Awareness of the fact that this would be a kind of automatic or unconscious tendency on the part of an L1 English speaker could then be the basis of developing pedagogical strategies to focus attention on the perceptual distinctions, to develop vocabulary lists specifically constructed to contain sequences that do not follow the Canadian Raising generalizations, and to practise these in order to “undo” the L1 learned articulation pattern so that a new articulation pattern can be applied in L2 XK. Let’s turn now to a closer look at the situation with Consonants. 95 GwaaGanad, Pers. Comm., July 2025 304 5.4 Xaayda kil: the Consonants From a cross-linguistic typological perspective, the XK phonological inventory of 38 consonants, as detailed in Table 5.11, is exceptionally rich. Table 5.11: Articulatory Chart of the Xaayda kil Consonant Inventory. Consonants are in both the SHIP and NAPA orthographies: where the orthographies differ, NAPA is in green. In Table 5.11, columns are labelled across the top with the Place of Articulation and the rows are labelled down the left side of the chart with the Manner of Articulation. 20 of these consonants are not in the English consonant sound inventory. 305 As an initial frame of reference to compare the sounds of XK and English, the parallel English consonantal inventory (of 26 consonants) is presented in Table 5.12. Despite the large number of consonants in the XK inventory, there are 7 consonants in English that are not part of the XK language, identified in blue font: f v θ ð z ž r (NAPA). With the exception of [x], the other 18 consonants occur in both XK and English. [X] occurs as an allophone in English but not in as wide a range of independent phonological contexts as in XK. (See §5.4.4.) Table 5.12 Articulatory Chart of the English Consonant Inventory. Consonants are in both the English and NAPA orthographies: where the orthographies differ, NAPA is in green. Consonants in English that are not part of the XK language are identified in blue font. Place → x↓xx Manner Labial Alveo -lar Later-al Alveo-Palatal Velar Labio xVelar xxUvularr Labio Uvular Glottal Stops: ejective voiceless p t k ʔ voiced b d g Affricates: ejective voiceless ch č voiced j ǰ Fricatives: f v th θ s th ð z š ž [x] h voiceless voiced Resonants: m n l r ng ŋ y w 306 Included in the Fricatives row is the palatal velar [x] in square brackets: this sound occurs in English as a phonetic allophone of /h/ and as such, its role will be discussed in §5.4.4 below. With respect to the other consonants that occur in both the XK and English inventories, the results of this research project basically support the "positive transfer" (or cross-linguistic influence) hypothesis regarding the relative ease/rate of acquisition of these shared sounds. Nonetheless, there may be different distributional phonotactic constraints in L1 compared with L2 with respect to where a particular segment can or cannot occur, or allophonic constraints on how a particular segment would be pronounced in a specific context. Because native speakers of a language are generally not consciously aware of such context-sensitive constraints, these subconscious L1 pronunciation patterns may negatively impact on an L2 learner’s pronunciation even of “shared” sounds in subtle and unintended ways. At one level, this kind of automatic and unintentional implementation of L1 constraints in L2 may contribute to a speaker being identified as speaking L2 “with an accent”, but at another level it may interfere with effective communication (as in the example with tl’l ƛ̓ at the beginning of this chapter). It is important to note that many adult learners will have some accented speech in an L2 regardless (though with some exceptions). Therefore we are usually not expecting unaccented speech but pronunciation that is highly intelligible and comprehensible. In either case, being able to identify this kind of issue can help guide an L2 learner to a more conscious awareness of what L1 patterns may inadvertently impact on L2 performance so that the learner can actively counteract them and progress to an integration of L2 patterns in a fully “bilingual” way. A case in point was discussed earlier (§5.2.2 and §5.3) in the context of the greater freedom of distribution of XK diphthongs compared to the corresponding English diphthongs, resulting in potential interference with positive transfer. In the domain of XK consonants, a 307 similar exception to the general conclusion in support of “positive transfer” is evidenced with respect to the velar nasal [ŋ]. There is a pervasive distributional constraint in English on [ŋ] that restricts its occurrence to a syllable coda position, e.g. sing [sɩŋ], thank [θæŋk], finger [fɩŋ.gər] (where the period marks a syllable boundary). This [ŋ] sound does not occur in word- or syllable-initial position in English. However, this distributional restriction does not apply to [ŋ] in XK, where words/syllables can begin with [ŋ]. As would be predicted then, the XK L2 acquisition data in this research project show that [ŋ] is readily acquired in final position in XK words like kung [qʋŋ] moon, sding [sdɩŋ] two, dang [dʌŋ] you (s), or sing.Ga suu [sɩŋ.Gʌ su:] prayer, but L2 learners have difficulty – interestingly not with perception (this is a shared sound with English) but with pronunciation - of [ŋ] in initial position, as in ngaal [ŋa:l] kelp or ngaaysdll [ŋa:ysλḷ:] healing. Given the rich diversity of the 20 consonants in the XK inventory that are not part of the English system, many illuminating details emerged in the context of analyzing the extensive database gathered over the 11-month period of documentation in the present research project. Unfortunately, space limitations preclude detailed discussion of all the results here, although the more general commentary at the end of this chapter is informed by the broader patterns that were observed. The detailed analyses that follow focus on three major domains of phonological difference in the consonantal systems that presented distinct challenges: acquisition of Velar-Uvular Place contrasts (see §5.4.2 and §5.4.3); acquisition of Ejectives (see §5.4.3); and acquisition of Place in Fricatives (see §5.4.4). The analytic framework for these discussions is presented first in §5.4.1 The Role of Place vs Manner vs Laryngeal Features and §5.4.2 Methodology. 308 5.4.1 The Role of Place vs Manner vs Laryngeal Features One major difference between English and XK is that there are a lot of sounds “at the back of the mouth”. This is evident in Table 5.11 in the columns labelled Velar and Labio-Velar as opposed to Uvular and Labio-Uvular (“Labio-” refers to simultaneous rounding of the lips). The Velar stops [k] and [g] are familiar from the English consonant inventory, but there are no Uvular consonants in English. The articulation of Uvular stops - like voiceless [q], voiced [G], and ejective [q̓] - involves a change in the major Place of Articulation in the mouth (the oral cavity): the tongue root is retracted from making complete closure to “stop” the air flow at the velum (the back of the roof of the mouth: the soft palate) and moves farther back to make complete closure at the uvula. Even though this Place distinction involves only one distinctive articulatory gesture/feature that has to be learned, there are 6 pairs of sounds which are differentiated exclusively by this Velar-Uvular Place of Articulation distinction: [k] vs [q], [kʷ] vs [qʷ], [g] vs [G], [gʷ] vs [Gʷ], [k̓] vs [q̓], [k̓ʷ] vs [q̓ʷ]. One of the L2 challenges is that there are 2 other distinctive features – lip-rounding and ejection - that are involved in differentiating the full set of Uvular stops in XK. Specifically, for 6 of these sounds, namely [kʷ], [qʷ], [gʷ], [Gʷ], [k̓ʷ], [q̓ʷ], there needs to be simultaneous lip-rounding, hence the label “labio-” and the raised [ʷ] on each of these symbols. Interestingly though, lip-rounding did not appear in our data to be a difficult feature for the L2 learners to acquire, perhaps because although English doesn’t have these any of these lip-rounded sounds as unitary segments, English does have words with sequences of [kw] and [gw], like quick [kwɩk], squash [skwaš], iguana [ʔɩgwanə] which provide a perceptually and articulatorily similar model and could plausibly constitute a basis for positive transfer. 309 However, the acquisition of the second distinctive feature, ejection, was significantly problematic. The leftmost column of the XK Articulatory Chart in Table 5.11 shows that the class of stops is subdivided into three types differentiated by their laryngeal properties: voiceless, ejective, voiced. Ejective stops are represented by the little apostrophe marked beside the symbol in SHIP community orthography (often referred to as the “tick”), e.g. t’, k’, k’, tl’, ts’, or above the symbol in NAPA, e.g. [t̕ ], [k̓], [k̓ʷ], [q̓], [q̓ʷ], etc. Of these three types of laryngeal articulations, English (see Table 5.12) does not have ejective stops; however, it does have both voiceless and voiced stops (e.g., [t/d] and [k/g]). These three laryngeal features represent changes in the articulatory configuration of the vocal folds in the larynx; these changes modify the air flow as it passes through the larynx from the lungs, and the nature of these changes plays a critical role in differentiating sounds that otherwise have the same Place of Articulation (like Velar) and the same Manner of Articulation (like Stop). If the vocal folds are held far apart while the air flows through the opening between them (called the “glottis”), the sound is “voiceless” like [k]. If the vocal folds are held closer together, but not kept tightly closed, then the air flow is modified to create the rapid pulses referred to as “voicing”, producing a “voiced” sound like [g]. If the vocal folds are held tightly together (in a configuration designated as “Constricted Glottis” (abbreviated [CG])) for a brief period of time and then released, the fact that the air has been stopped from passing through the glottis results in what is called a “glottal stop” [ʔ]. On the other hand, if the vocal folds are held tightly together for a longer period of time, then pressure from the air coming up from the lungs builds up such that it will push the larynx upwards, which in turn has the effect of compressing the air in the oral cavity (the mouth): it is this built-up air pressure that causes a sort of popping sound when the oral articulators are then released, resulting in an “ejective”. The identity of the 310 ejective is defined by the Place and Manner configuration of the articulators in the oral cavity: if Place is Velar and Manner is a Stop, then the ejective produced would be an “ejective [k̓]”. 5.4.2 Methodology: Analysis of Intensive Language Periods (ILPs) Grounded in the over-arching methodologies discussed in Chapter 3 (§3.7.3), the subsequent sections in this chapter document and discuss some of the major results that emerged over the trajectory of the eight Intensive Language Periods (abbreviated ILP1-ILP8). At the outset of ILP1, in a repetition task prompted with word models from awGa, the participants were able to produce many of the non-English sounds in the XK inventory. What this showed is that they did not have difficulty in articulating most of the sounds when concentrating and when presented with a model. However, their consistency of spontaneous production of the sounds in free speech varied significantly, and this is the subject of the “mismatch” examination that follows. The focus here is on mismatches because of what they can tell us. They help identify where something is happening for the language learner. The trajectory of which mismatches persist, decrease or increase can give us information about not only challenges in learning but also useful teaching foci, including what issues are useful to address by teaching methods and pedagogical materials. By identifying challenges, they can be built into the curriculum more explicitly. In ILP1, the participants consistently produced all the XK sounds that also exist in the English language (see Table 5.12). There were no mismatches with the exception of the use of [ɬ] for /s/ in some cases by dawGanGa. However, it must be noted that dawGanGa (age 7 years) still had some variant pronunciations of /s/ in his use of the English language. Further, in the first ILP1, it was established that the participants could also produce the following non-English XK consonants without difficulty: dl [λ], tl [ƛ], gw [gw], hl [ɬ], xw [xw]. 311 As described in Chapter 3 (§3.7.3) and earlier in this chapter, at the end of each ILP, every participant was recorded in an individual story-telling task, based on the picture book, Frog, Where Are You? (FWAY). These sessions were transcribed, annotated, and analyzed, creating an extensive body of documentation referenced here as the “FWAY Database”. Transcriptions of every utterance in this unscripted output were then systematically compared with transcriptions of “target” pronunciations of each word/utterance. Learner-Teacher/Team Leader SCS was also the Researcher and the judge of pronunciation relative to target norms, including her own, listed as participant awGa. This was done in order to identify multiple aspects of each individual’s phonological (Chapter 5) and morphosyntactic (Chapter 6) output. Once documented, the phonological data were organized into Tables such as the following: Table 5.13 presents an example of the results for the participant awGa summarizing the number of tokens produced in each of the initial ILP1, the mid-way ILP4, and the final ILP8 where the “Target” word contained a voiceless Uvular /q/ or a voiced Uvular /G/ (represented in slash brackets to encode phonemic status). Down the leftmost column are listed the variant realizations in the output data: Table 5.13 Data Example: awGa ILP1-4-8 Target: Uvular Place aw.Ga ILP1 ILP1 ILP4 ILP4 ILP8 ILP8 Target Realization ¯ / q / / G / / q / / G / / q / / G / [ q ] 21/24 0/31 24/25 0/53 30/30 0/67 [ G ] 1/24 26/31 0/25 52/53 0/30 65/67 [ k ] 1/24 1/25 [ k̓ ] 1/24 [ g ] 5/31 1/53 2/67 Total 24 31 25 53 30 67 The Light Grey cells indicate how many tokens were a complete match between the Target and Realization. For example, in ILP1 21 tokens of a total of 24 were a complete match in the 312 production of a voiceless Uvular stop. The tokens which were not complete matches are subcategorized into how close they are in terms of their phonological composition to the Target. Yellow cells indicate that even though the speaker's Realization was not exactly on-target, it is very close in that it is only one distinctive feature off-target. For example, in awGa’s ILP1 targeting /q/, there were two different instances where her pronunciation missed the target by only one feature: the token that was pronounced with a voiced Uvular [G] instead of a voiceless Uvular /q/ is marked 1/24 in yellow because it constitutes a mismatch only in the Laryngeal feature for voicelessness. Uvular Place and Stop Manner were on-target. Similarly, the yellow cell marking a single Realization of [k] for the Target /q/ represents the fact that in only 1 out of 24 cases, the speaker missed the target by a single articulatory mismatch: in this case, the mismatch involves Place, as [k] is Velar, but the Target /q/ is Uvular. Note that in this method of analyzing the data, important feedback for both a learner and a mentor is not just where the mismatch is (so they can improve), but also the encouraging affirmation that all the other defining phonological features were correctly articulated: both the Manner (a stop) and the Laryngeal feature of voicelessness were on-target. Orange cells are where the mismatch is farther from the target. In Table 5.13, under /q/ in ILP1 the orange coding of 1/24 beside the Realization [k̓] signals that this is two features away from the Target /q/. Both are Stops, but they differ in Place and in their Laryngeal articulation: [k̓] is Velar and Ejective, whereas [q] is Uvular and Voiceless. These Mismatch Tables provide insight into a success rate of how many tokens were “on target”, while at the same time helping learners and mentors identify what kinds of errors need to be worked on. Note the tables don’t explicitly identify what the mismatches are but signal how close the learner is to the Target (one or two features away) and encourage the learner to look for just what the discrepancies are. 313 These Mismatch Tables also provide concrete data to show the longitudinal trajectory to help measure progress – or, to identify a plateau or a period of apparent regression, since these are also common components of a language learning path. Again with reference to Table 5.13, in analyzing the acquisition of the Uvular voiceless and voiced stops, ILP1 shows a total of 8/55 mismatches, whereas this is reduced to only 2/78 in ILP4, and yet further to only 2/97 in ILP8, a trajectory showing increasing approximation to the target form. As mentioned in §5.4.1, the Laryngeal feature of Ejection emerges as a major challenge for the XL learners in this research study. A detailed analysis of the interaction of this feature with the acquisition trajectory the “back” Velar and Uvular stops is presented in the next section. 5.4.3 Interaction of Ejection with Velar and Uvular Place in XK Stops To offer deeper insight into the complexities of the learning trajectory of what have surfaced as two of the most challenging features of the XK consonantal inventory, this section directly tracks the progress of each of the four participants with respect to what the ILP FWAY database reveals about the intersection of Ejection with Velar and Uvular Place. dawGanGa younger sibling – ILP1 Table 5.14.a dawGanGa ILP1 Velar Stops Table 5.14.b dawGanGa ILP1 Uvular Stops Target: Velar Stop Target: Uvular Stop Target ® / k / / k̓ / / g / Target ® / q / / q̓ / / G / Realization ¯ Realization ¯ [ k ] 2/3 2/16 0/15 [ q ] 4/6 0/23 0/3 [ k̓ ] 0/3 0/16 0/15 [ q̓ ] 0/6 0/23 0/3 [ g ] 0/3 9/16 15/15 [ G ] 0/6 0/23 1/3 [G] 5/16 [ k ] 2/6 7/23 0/3 [q] 1/3 [ k̓ ] 0/6 1/23 0/3 Total: 3 16 15 [ g ] 0/6 15/23 2/3 Total: 6 23 3 314 The exploration starts with dawGanGa younger sibling in ILP1. The Table 5.14 series show the stops for dawGanGa. Table 5.14.a shows dawGanGa’s Velar stops in ILP1. At this first ILP, dawGanGa hits the target [g] for /g/ (15/15) and [k] for /k/ (2/3). This is to be expected, as these sounds exist in the English inventory. Glottalized k /k̓/ does not exist in English, and dawGanGa does not produce it in this ILP (0/16 for [k̓] for /k̓/). This shows that articulation of the laryngeal feature of [Ejection/CG] was challenging for him on a Velar stop. There were three different mismatches for /k̓/: [k] for /k̓/ at 2/16, [g] for /k̓/ at 9/16, and uvular stop G [G] for /k̓/ at 5/16. It is notable that the simplest mismatch [k] for /k̓/ is produced least often ; [g] for /k̓/ is farther away than [k] for /k̓/, as is [G] for /k̓/. For the [G] for /k̓/ mismatch, there are two levels of distance: place (uvular for velar); and type of laryngeal articulation – here it is voiced instead of glottalized. It seems that dawGanGa knows that something is happening in the glottis, but applies the wrong feature. All 9/16 [g] for k’ occur in the word hlk’yaan [ɬk̓ya:n] forest . All 5 [G] for /k̓/ are k’aad [k̓a:d] deer. Given the consistency with which these mismatches occur in these two particular words, it may be that the learner has come to think that this is perhaps the appropriate pronunciation of the word itself. For the Uvular stops (Table 5.14.b), target matches (grey cells) indicate that in ILP1 uvular place is an area of development: however [G] for /G/ is produced in 1/3 occurrences, with a high number of matches for [q] for /q/ at 4/6. These indicate that dawGanGa already has the ability to hit the target of uvular place, but still is challenged with consistency. Constricted glottis on the uvular /q̓/ is the most difficult for this learner at this time - [q̓] for /q̓/ is not achieved (0/23). In terms of mismatches for the uvular /q̓/, dawGanGa produces two different mismatches: [k] for /q̓/ at 7/23, and [g] for /q̓/ at 15/23. All [g] for /q̓/ were for the 315 same word: k’uust’aan [q̓u:st’a:n] crab, a frequent noun (and character) in the FWAY story. There was one token of [k̓] for /q̓/ (1/23), indicating an awareness of constricted glottis on this sound. What the attestations of [k] and [g] for /q̓/ show is that not only is the laryngeal feature of [Ejection/CG] a challenge if Place is Velar, but also if Place is even farther back to Uvular in the oral cavity. But at this stage of ILP1, there now is the additional challenge of getting the [Uvular Place] articulation at the same time as [Ejection/CG] in order to pronounce /q̓/. This helps explain why the articulation of /q̓/ is such a major challenge for a Xaayda kil learner. Both [Ejection/CG] and [Uvular Place] are non-English articulatory features, and the task of learning to train one's articulatory muscles to coordinate these two distinct features for the articulation of /q̓/ is a more complex task. These tables indicate that at ILP1, constricted glottis for both velar /k̓/ and uvular /q̓/ are the most challenging for dawGanGa at this time (no target matches). dawGanGa younger sibling – ILP4 Table 5.14.c dawGanGa ILP4 Velar Stops Table 5.14.d dawGanGa ILP4 Uvular Stops Target: Velar Stops Target: Uvular Stops Target ® / k / / k̓ / / g / Target ® / q / / q̓ / / G / Realization ¯ Realization ¯ [ k ] 8/9 2/32 0/57 [ q ] 3/11 0/24 0/35 [ k̓ ] 0/9 0/32 0/57 [ q̓ ] 0/11 1/24 0/35 [ g ] 0/9 29/32 54/57 [ G ] 0/11 0/24 7/35 [ t ] 1/9 0/32 0/57 [ k ] 7/11 1/24 0/35 [ G ] 0/9 1/32 3/57 [ k̓ ] 0/11 0/24 0/35 Total: 9 32 57 [ g ] 1/11 22/24 28/35 Total: 11 24 35 316 ILP4 represents the mid-way point in the timeline, and produced a significantly larger database as there was a major peak in production for dawGanGa, as well as k’waayGa. Both participants produced a huge peak volume of sounds at this ILP (indicated in totals). In ILP4, velar stops /k/ and /g/ are predominantly on target, as expected, however the new appearance of [G] for /g/ at 3/57 merits mention: this may be due to learning the G articulation and overextending its use - using the non-English uvular place instead of the English familiar velar place. Personal observation with other XK learners is that when laryngeal sounds are being learned there is a tendency to overapply the sounds as the sound is being practiced and acquired. This is practical as well, as there are so many uvular sounds in the inventory. As in ILP1, [g] for /k̓/ is high, here it is 29/32. 14 of these occurrences were for the word ɬk̓ya:n forest indicating lexical association of this mismatch. For the uvulars, q was produced on target at [q] for /q/ at 3/11. This is less consistent than in ILP1 (4/6). Mismatches for /q/ have increased from ILP1: [k] for /q/ mismatch is produced at in ILP4 at 7/11 (in comparison ILP1 at 2/6), and [g] for /q/ appears at 1/11. On target [G] for /G/ is produced at 7/35 (ILP1 it was 1/3). [g] for /G/ remains high at 28/35 (in ILP1 it was 2/3). The most challenging sound q̓ appears - [q̓] for /q̓/ at 1/24. The vast majority of mismatches for /q̓/ are [g] for /q̓/ 22/24 (in comparison for ILP1 it was 15/23); this mismatch seems to have solidified into this pattern. 15 of these 22 mismatches are for the word k’uus’taan [q̓u:st̕a:n] crab. 317 dawGanGa - ILP8 Table 5.14.e dawGanGa ILP8 Velar Stops Table 5.14.f dawGanGa ILP8 Uvular Stops Target: Velar Stops Target: Uvular Stops Target ® / k / / k̓ / / g / Target ® / q / / q̓ / / G / Realization ¯ Realization ¯ [ k ] 13/13 0/19 0/22 [ q ] 8/12 0/22 0/28 [ k̓ ] 0/13 2/19 0/22 [ q̓ ] 0/12 0/22 0/28 [ g ] 0/13 17/19 21/22 [ G ] 0/12 0/22 4/28 [G] 1/22 [ k ] 4/12 0/22 0/28 Total: 13 19 22 [ k̓ ] 0/12 0/22 0/28 [ g ] 0/12 22/22 24/28 Total: 12 22 28 Table 5.14.e shows dawGanGa’s velar progress in ILP8. In ILP8, production of stops overall is not as high as the peak ILP4, however they are much higher than ILP1, with uvulars in particular remaining higher. In this ILP, velars k and g are produced almost completely on target ([k] for /k/ 13/13, [g] for /g/ 21/22); the mismatch that appeared in ILP4 of [G] for /g/ (ILP4 3/57) still appears here in ILP8 at 1/22, an overapplication. Glottalized k̓ remains a challenge, with target k̓ for /k̓/ 2/19, and mismatch [g] for /k̓/ at 17/19, almost the same ratio as ILP4 (29/32). It is important to note that for [g] for /k̓/ 17 of these were for word hlk’yaan [ɬk̓ya:n] forest. This suggests that he has idiosyncratically lexicalized this word as having a /g/ rather than a /k’/ Uvular table Table 5.14.f shows continued success for [q] for /q/ 8/12 (much higher than ILP4 at 3/11, and similar to ILP1 of 4/6). [G] for /G/ however is only at 4/28, lower than ILP4 7/35, and ratio lower than ILP1 (1/3 - though total target /G/ was much lower). [g] for /G/ mismatches are produced at 24/28 (ILP4 28/35). 318 [q̓] for /q̓/ is elusive, with no target production 0/22. [g] for /q̓/ is now very high at 22/22 (no other mismatches produced for /q̓/). In ILP8, 16 of the 22 mismatches of [g] for /q̓/ are for the word k’uus’taan [q̓u:st̕a:n] crab. The other words he uses are k’aadii [q̓a:di:] sleep, k’uuxid [q̓u:χɩd] bite and k’ulwiidk’uujaaw [q̓ulwi:dk̓u:ǰa:w] stump. k’waayGa older sibling k’waayGa - ILP1 Table 5.15.a k’waayGa ILP1 Velar Stops Table 5.15.b k’waayGa ILP1 Uvular Stops Target: Velar Stops Target: Uvular Stops Target ® / k / / k̓ / / g / Target ® / q / / q̓ / / G / Realization ¯ Realization ¯ [ k ] 1/1 14/16 0/21 [ q ] 3/8 0/16 0/7 [ k̓ ] 0/1 2/16 0/21 [ q̓ ] 0/8 0/16 0/7 [ g ] 0/1 0/16 21/ 21 [ G ] 0/8 0/16 3/7 Total: 1 16 21 [ k ] 5/8 15/16 0/7 [ k̓ ] 0/8 0/16 0/7 [ g ] 0/8 1/16 4/7 Total: 8 16 7 The Table 5.15 series show the stops for k’waayGa. Table 5.15a shows k’waayGa hits the target [g] for /g/ (21/21) and [k] for /k/ (1/1). Ejective k /k̓/, a non-English sound, is achieved twice (2/16), which is evidence that he is able to produce /k̓/, but 14/16 tokens overall are mismatched with a realization of (English) [k] for /k̓/. Unlike his little brother, k’waayGa produces 0/16 for [g] for /k̓/. In the Uvular Stops table (Table 5.15b), the orange cells indicate two levels of distance from the target. The Uvulars target matches (light grey cells) indicate that in ILP1, Uvulars are challenging. k’waayGa produces 3/8 target matches for [q] for /q/, and 5/8 mismatches [k] for 319 /q/. This mismatch indicates only one of the three types of mismatches is produced – the articulation and manner are correct, with only place uncoordinated. Similarly, the [G] for /G/ target is matched 3/7 times indicating ability to produce the uvular G, but the [g] for /G/ mismatches (4/7) indicates that consistently hitting the target place is a challenge for this learner at this time. Finally, like his younger sibling, the most complex sound [q̓] for /q̓/, is not realized in this first ILP. 15/16 of the tokens for /q̓/ are [k] for /q̓/, which is two features away from the target. The Velar Stops table (Table 5.15a) shows by 14/16 tokens of [k] for /k̓/ that articulation of the laryngeal feature of [Ejection/CG] was challenging for him on a Velar stop. What the 15/16 attestations of [k] for /q̓/ show is that not only is the feature of Ejection/CG a challenge if Place is Velar, but also if Place is even farther back to Uvular in the oral cavity. As for dawGanGa, at this stage, there now is the additional challenge of getting the [Uvular Place] articulation at the same time as [Ejection/CG] in order to pronounce /q̓/. k’waayGa - ILP4 Table 5.15.c k’waayGa ILP4 Velar Stops Table 5.15.c k’waayGa ILP4 Uvular Stops Target: Velar Stops Target: Uvular Stops Target ® / k / / k̓ / / g / Target ® / q / / q̓ / / G / Realization ¯ Realization ¯ [ k ] 2/9 14/49 0/130 [ q ] 38/40 1/31 0/83 [ k̓ ] 0/9 26/49 0/130 [ q̓ ] 0/40 5/31 0/83 [ g ] 0/9 0/49 123/130 [ G ] 0/40 0/31 65/83 [G] 0/9 8/49 7/130 [ k ] 0/40 23/31 0/83 [q] 7/9 0/49 0/130 [ k̓ ] 2/40 0/31 0/83 Total: 9 49 130 [ g ] 0/40 3/31 18/83 Total 40 31 83 320 In ILP4, like his sibling, k’waayGa produced a peak volume of sounds. For k’waayGa this is evident not only in the impressive increase of language output, but also in accuracy of q (38/40) as well as G (65/83), as compared to his ILP1 (ILP1: /q/ at 3/8, and /G/ at 3/7). In the Velar stops (Table 5.15c), it is noticeable that there are several mismatches of [k] for /k/ at 2/9. This contrasts with in ILP1 where there was only one target /k/, and this target was matched (1/1). There are also no mismatches of [k] for /q/ at 0/40, a significant jump from ILP1, where [k] for /q/ was 5/8. Mismatches of [q] for /k/ appear 7/9 in what appears to be an overapplication as k’waayGa is acquiring the Uvular /q/. Target matches of [k̓] for /k̓/ made a significant jump from ILP1 (2/16) with ILP4 at 26/49. Mismatches for /k̓/ are produced, however the mismatch direction is not stable - sometimes the mismatches are in the direction of no Ejection/CG ([k] for /k̓/ at 14/49), and sometimes in the direction of Place as well as laryngeal articulation, as in [G] for /k̓/ 8/49. This “overapplication” of uvular G is parallel to the increased production of uvular mismatch of [q] for /k/ discussed above. Like his sibling, he applies the [G] for /k̓/ mismatch, which has two levels of distance: place and type of laryngeal. k’waayGa knows that something is happening in the glottis, but applies the wrong feature. The challenge is not in the difficulty of the language, or of the intelligence of the learner. The challenge is in the complexity of second language learning when coming from a very different sound system. In ILP4, k’waayGa’s [q̓] for /q̓/ on target has increased (in ILP1 it is 0/16) to 5/31. This is the most challenging sound – ejection (constricted glottis) on the uvular stop q to produce /q̓/. At this point in the ILPs it appears that for k’waayGa, uvular place, though not an English feature, is more easily acquired than ejection, as seen by the high rate of [q] for /q/ at 321 38/40. He gets uvular place really well when it’s not laryngeally marked (plain q); it is much harder to get ejection on this to produce the q̓ target (5/31). Ejection is the non-English laryngeal articulation. At that stage still a majority (23/61) of articulations include [k] for /q̓/ but notable progress is attested by 5/31 on-target tokens showing [q̓] for /q̓/. k’waayGa’s combination of voicing combined with uvular place to produce [G] for /G/, shows significant progress at 65/83 (compared with 3/7 in ILP1). For the [g] for /G/ mismatch (18/83), the familiar laryngeal articulation is transferable – voicing, so the challenge is still place. k’waayGa - ILP8 Table 5.15.e k’waayGa ILP8 Velar Stops Table 5.15.f k’waayGa ILP8 Uvular Stops Target: Velar Stops Target: Uvular Stops Target ® / k / / k̓ / / g / Target ® / q / / q̓ / / G / Realization ¯ Realization ¯ [ k ] 4/4 15/25 0/53 [ q ] 12/15 0/10 0/39 [ k̓ ] 0/4 5/25 0/53 [ q̓ ] 1/15 2/10 0/39 [ g ] 0/4 0/25 53/53 [ G ] 0/15 0/10 24/39 [G] 0/4 5/25 0/53 [ k ] 0/15 2/10 0/39 Total 4 25 53 [ k̓ ] 2/15 6/10 2/39 [ g ] 0/15 0/10 13/39 Total 15 10 39 In ILP8, k’waayGa returned to a more typical output of less than half of the sounds produced in the exceptional peak of ILP4 (see Totals in tables 5.15e and 5.15f). In ILP1, [k] for /k/ was 1/1. In ILP4, [k] for /k/ was only 2/9, with 7/9 [q] for /k/, suggesting an overapplication of uvular sound q as it was being acquired. In ILP8 there are 4/4 [k] for /k/ tokens and no [q] for /k/. This suggests that the uvular sound has been further acquired and stabilized, and the overapplication is subsiding. In ILP1, k for q was 5/8. But, as in ILP4 322 (0/40), in ILP8 there was no mismatch of [k] for /q/ (0/14). [q] for /q/ was again high (12/14). k’waayGa’s application of the non-English, uvular /q/ is well established. However, the articulation of Ejectives is still challenging. Target [k̓] for /k̓/ is at 5/25, a decrease from ILP4 (26/49). The majority of the tokens are [k] for /k̓/ at 15/25. [G] for /k̓/ is produced at 5/25, but all of these tokens are one word: k’aad [k̓a:d] deer with /k̓/. At this ILP there are no correct tokens for k’aad [k̓a:d]; therefore this might be what he thinks the word is, rather than a mismatch. This is similar to the word Gaad [Ga:d] run, and through the ILPs there are clearly examples of confusion and mix up of these two words, not only by k’waayGa but by all the participants. However, in subsequent ILPs he continued to mismatch these sounds. But when he used both k’aad [a:d] deer and Gaad [Ga:d] run in the same sentence, when these words were side by side, he pronounced them properly and in their proper word order. [G] for /G/ was consistent at 24/37, (in comparison ILP1 was 3/7, and ILP4 was 65/83 ). [g] for /G/ still produced at 13/37. [k̓] for /k̓/ is now at 5/25 (in ILP4 it was 26/49). Uvular, glottalized q̓ remains challenging (2/10). However, [k] for /q̓/ has really decreased (2/10 for ILP8, compared to 21/31 for ILP4). In ILP1 [k̓] for /q̓/ was 0/16, in ILP4 it was 0/31, but suddenly, in ILP8, [k̓] for /q̓/ is at 6/10, indicating Ejection/CG feature is being applied. Though it looks like an increase of a mismatch ([k̓] for /q̓/), this actually shows a progression as this non-English feature (Ejection/CG) is becoming applied. As noted elsewhere in this dissertation, acquisition is not a linear; process it can look worse because they are learning something else (progress in a different dimension); there are well-documented so-called U-shaped learning or development patterns in first and second language acquisition with more successful, then less successful, then more successful forms produced where expected at 323 different developmental stages as the learner’s internal linguistic knowledge is consolidated (R. Elllis 2015). Gung.Ga Gung.Ga - ILP1 Table 5.16.a Gung.Ga ILP1 Velar Stops Table 5.16.b Gung.Ga ILP1 Uvular Stops Target: Velar Stops Target: Uvular StopsTarget ® / k / / k̓ / / g / Target ® / q / / q̓ / / G / Realization ¯ Realization ¯ [ k ] 9/12 9/18 0/47 [ q ] 11/14 0/21 0/19 [ k̓ ] 1/12 7/18 0/47 [ q̓ ] 0/14 5/21 0/19 [ g ] 0/12 0/18 47/47 [ G ] 0/14 0/21 8/19 [G] 0/12 2/18 0/47 [ k ] 3/14 12/21 0/19 [q] 2/12 0/18 0/47 [ k̓ ] 0/14 4/21 1/19 Total: 12 18 47 [ g ] 0/14 0/21 10/19 Total: 14 21 19 The Table 5.16 series indicates Gung.Ga’s Velar and Uvular outputs. Table 5.16.a shows that for the on-target, English-shared velar sounds g and k, Gung.Ga is fully on target at [g] for /g/ 47/47, but only 9/12 on target [k] for /k/. The mismatches are uvular [q] for velar /k/ (2/12), and [k̓] for /k/ (1/12). This may be some overapplication of these non-English place (uvular q) and manner (Ejection/CG on the k̓) as he is working on these sounds. He produces the target, non-English, glottalized k̓ at 7/18, which is significantly higher than the children (newer learners). Mismatches for /k̓/ are in yellow highlight: [k] for /k̓/ (9/18), and [G] for /k̓/ (2/18). Notably, the 2 instances of [G] for /k̓/ are for the word [k̓a:d] deer, which, along with participants dawGanGa and k’waayGa, is lexically confused with the word [Ga:d] run. 324 Furthermore, Gung.Ga’s 9/18 [k] for /k̓/ mismatches are all for the word [ɬk̓ya:n] forest, indicating lexical mismatch rather than the sound mismatch. For the uvular stops (Table 5.16b), there is strong representation of on target matches (grey cells): q for q (over 50% at 11/14), G for G (50% at 8/19), as well as difficult q̓ for q̓ (over 20% at 5/21). [k] for /q/ mismatch occurs at 3/14. The [g] for /G/ place mismatch is produced close to half the time at 10/19; 6 of these mismatches are for the same word dllGwii [λḷGʷi:] fall. [k̓] for /q̓/ at 4/21 indicating some awareness of the feature of Ejection/CG of /q̓/. The [k] for /q̓/ mismatch (orange cell) is two steps away from target and produced at 12/24; however, 11 of these 12 [k] for /q̓/ mismatches are for the word k’uust’aan [q̓u:sa:n] crab. Gung.Ga - ILP4 Table 5.16.c Gung.Ga ILP1 Velar Stops Table 5.16.d Gung.Ga ILP1 Uvular Stops Target: Velar Stops Target: Uvular StopsTarget ® / k / / k̓ / / g / Target ® / q / / q̓ / / G / Realization ¯ Realization ¯ [ k ] 5/5 15/19 0/64 [ q ] 6/8 0/17 1/25 [ k̓ ] 0/5 0/19 0/64 [ q̓ ] 0/8 1/17 0/25 [ g ] 0/5 1/19 64/64 [ G ] 0/8 0/17 7/25 [G] 0/5 3/19 0/64 [ k ] 1/8 12/17 1/25 [q] 0/5 0/19 0/64 [ k̓ ] 1/8 4/17 0/25 Total: 5 19 64 [ g ] 0/8 0/17 16/25 Total: 8 17 25 In ILP4, Gung.Ga’s Velar stops (Table 5.16c) show sounds common in English [k] for /k/ at 5/5 and [g] for /g/ at 64/64; these are more accurate than ILP1. However, glottalized [k̓] for /k̓/ is not produced at 0/19 (much less accurate than ILP1 [k̓] for /k̓/ at 7/18). [k] for /k̓/ mismatches are high at 15/19; 13 of these 15 are for the word hlk’yaan [ɬk̓ya:n] forest. [G] for 325 /k̓/ is up at 3/19 (in ILP1 it was 2/18). In this ILP4 he continues the lexical reversal of Gaad [Ga:d] run and k’aad [k̓a:d] deer (4 of the 4 G for k̓ mismatches were this lexical mismatch; one of the 4 tokens was pronounced [ga:d], hence [g] for /k̓/ at 1/19). For the Uvulars (Table 5.16d), [q] for /q/ is on target at 6/8 (a comparable ratio to ILP1 where it was 11/14); [G] for /G/ is on target at 7/25 (a lower ratio than ILP1 where it was 8/19). The [g] for /G/ place mismatch was produced at 16/25 (ILP1 it was 10/19). For the challenging /q̓/, on-target production was only at 1/17 this ILP (ILP1 it was 5/21). [k] for /q̓/ was produced at 12/17 (which is higher than in ILP1 - it was 12/21); note that 11 of the 12 [k] for /q̓/ mismatches were for the word k’uust’aan [q̓u:sa:n] crab. Glottalized [k̓] for /q̓/ mismatches at 4/17 (slightly higher ration than ILP1 4/21), indicating a growing awareness of Ejection/CG on this sound. Overall, this mid-point ILP was not as consistently on target as ILP1. There could be several factors in this, one of which being that at this time at the end of November 2019 we were discovering that it was very difficult for Gung.Ga to get the hours of immersion. The additional effort of meeting 4 hours a day on top of a full-time job was a strain. Gung.Ga – ILP8 Table 5.16.e Gung.Ga ILP1 Velar Stops Table 5.16.f Gung.Ga ILP1 Uvular Stops Target: Velar Stops Target: Uvular Stops Target ® / k / / k̓ / / g / Target ® / q / / q̓ / / G / Realization ¯ Realization ¯ [ k ] 16/16 11/14 0/73 [ q ] 9/13 0/13 0/20 [ k̓ ] 0/16 3/14 0/73 [ q̓ ] 0/13 1/13 0/20 [ g ] 0/16 0/14 73/73 [ G ] 0/13 1/13 7/20 [G] 0/16 0/14 0/73 [ k ] 4/13 10/13 1/20 [q] 0/16 0/14 0/73 [ k̓ ] 0/13 0/13 0/20 Total: 16 14 73 [ g ] 0/13 2/13 12/20 Total: 13 13 20 326 For ILP8 velars (Table 5.16e), like ILP4, Gung.Ga was completely on-target for English in common sounds k (16/16) and g (73/73). Glottalized [k̓] for /k̓/ was again produced, at 3/14 (in ILP4 it was not produced at 0/19; in ILP1 it was produced at the highest level at 7/18). It important to note that in this ILP, Gung.Ga produces the correct lexical word [k̓a:d] deer instead of Gaad [Ga:d] run (he mismatches these in ILP1 and ILP4); in this ILP he produces these on target, spontaneously without modeling. [k] for /k̓/ was 11/14 (ILP1 it was 9/18, LP4 15/19); note that all 11 were for the word hlk’yaan [ɬk̓ya:n] forest. Unlike ILP1 and ILP4 there were no other velar mismatch types (e.g. [G] for /k̓/, or [q] for /k̓/). The uvulars (Table 5.16f) show [q] for /q/ had a little lower ratio than the other ILPs at 9/13 (ILP1 4/8, ILP4 11/14). [k] for /q/ was 4/13 (ILP1 3/14, ILP4 1/8). On target [G] for /G/ was at 7/20 (lower than ILP1 at 8/19, but higher than ILP4 at 7/25). [g] for /G/ was 12/20 (ILP1 10/19, ILP4 16/25); and as in the other ILPs this mismatch was produced in a variety of words, therefore not a lexically associated mismatch. The elusive [q̓] for /q̓/ was at 1/12 (in ILP 5/21, in ILP4 1/17). The majority of mismatches for /q̓/ were [k] for /q̓/ at 10/12. [g] for /q̓/ (2/12) appears as a new mismatch; both tokens were both for the same word: [q̓u:xɩd] bite. In the recording k’waayGa teaches him this word, modeling it as k’uuxid [q̓u:xɩd], but Gung.Ga pronounces this new word as [gu:xɩd]. Also interesting in the recording is the modeling of q̓ in the word k’ayxa [q̓ʌyχʌ] stuck by awGa correctly; Gung.Ga says [k̓ʌyχʌ]. Gung.Ga did not have the peak of language production in ILP4 that k’waayGa and dawGanGa had. In fact production of on-target forms was lower on some features than in ILP1. Overall, however, his production was relatively consistent. There were no large increases of on- 327 target production; however, this is not entirely surprising, as Gung.Ga did not get as much exposure to XK as the other participants due to his full-time work. awGa mother awGa - ILP1 Table 5.17.a awGa ILP1 Velar Stops Table 5.17.b awGa ILP1 Uvular Stops Target: Velar Stops Target: Uvular Stops Target ® / k / / k̓ / / g / Target ® / q / / q̓ / / G / Realization ¯ Realization ¯ [ k ] 6/7 11/27 0/76 [ q ] 21/24 0/20 0/31 [ k̓ ] 0/7 15/27 0/76 [ q̓ ] 0/24 6/20 0/31 [ g ] 0/7 1/27 76/76 [ G ] 1/24 0/20 26/31 [G] 0/7 0/27 0/76 [ k ] 1/24 10/20 0/31 [q] 1/7 0/27 0/76 [ k̓ ] 1/24 4/20 0/31 Total: 7 27 76 [ g ] 0/24 0/20 5/31 Total: 24 20 31 The Table 5.17 series indicates awGa’s Velar and Uvular outputs. awGa’s velar stops for ILP1 are in Table 5.17a. Velar stops g and k had a high target rate at [k] for /k/ 6/7 (one mismatch of q for k 1/7) and [g] for /g/ 76/76. As we would expect, [k̓] for /k̓/ was lower target at 15/27. 6 of the 15 correct tokens for /k̓/ were for the word hlk’yaan [ɬk̓ya:n] forest. The main mismatch for k̓ was [k] for /k̓/ at 11/27. 9 of these mismatches were also for the word [ɬk̓ya:n] forest. For the ILP1 uvulars (Table 5.17b) awGa produced a high rate of on target [q] for /q/ at 21/24. Mismatches for this sound were distributed evenly in [G] for /q/ (1/24), [k] for /q/ (1/24) and [k̓] for /q/ (1/24). For on target [G] for /G/, 26/31 correct tokens were produced; the mismatch for this sound was [g] for /G/ (5/31- yellow cell, as it is one step away from target - place). The most challenging sound q̓ was produced on target at 6/20; the predominant 328 mismatch for this sound was [k] for /q̓/ - the orange cell as it is two steps away from target in both manner and place - this was produced 50% of the time at 10/20. An additional mismatch [k̓] for /q̓/ (yellow cell) was produced 4/20. This mismatch was only one step away from target, therefore indicating progression towards target, as compared to [k] for /q̓/. There was high variation on the pronunciation of the frequently used word k’uust’aan [q̓u:st̕a:n] crab: 5 of 9 of the [k] for /q̓/ mismatches were for the word [q̓u:st̕a:n] and were pronounced [ku:sta:n]. 4 of 4 of the [k̓] for /q̓/ mismatches for word [q̓u:st̕a:n] and were pronounced [k̓u:sta:n]. Notably, however, 4 of the 6 on target [q̓] for /q̓/ were for the word [q̓u:sta:n]. awGa - ILP4 Table 5.17.c awGa ILP1 Velar Stops Table 5.17.d awGa ILP1 Uvular Stops Target: Velar Stops Target: Uvular Stops Target ® / k / / k̓ / / g / Target ® / q / / q̓ / / G / Realization ¯ Realization ¯ [ k ] 30/31 16/30 0/144 [ q ] 24/25 0/42 0/53 [ k̓ ] 0/31 14/30 0/144 [ q̓ ] 0/25 29/42 0/53 [ g ] 0/31 0/30 144/144 [ G ] 0/25 0/42 52/53 [G] 0/31 0/30 0/144 [ k ] 1/25 5/42 0/53 [q] 1/31 0/30 0/144 [ k̓ ] 0/25 7/42 0/53 Total: 31 30 144 [ g ] 0/25 1/42 1/53 Total: 25 42 53 In ILP4, there is an increase in awGa’s vocabulary used. While output in number of sentences/phrases is relatively stable, it is apparent in ILP4 (Table 5.17c and 5.17d) that the total number of velars and uvulars produced is increasing in ILP4. Several of the velar target totals are double that of ILP1 (e.g. g at 144). awGa produces on target [k] for /k/ at 30/31, and g for g at 144/144. Glottalized k̓ is produced nearly half of the time (14/30). The mismatches for 329 this feature are all [k] for /k̓/ 16/30, and 15 of these 16 tokens are for the word hlk’yaan [ɬk̓ya:n] forest. Of the 14 on-target ̓] for /k̓/ tokens, 6 are for the word [ɬk̓ya:n]. For awGa’s uvular targets (see Table 5.17d), on target production of /q/ is very high at 24/25, much more accurate than ILP1 (21/24). [G] for /G/ is also much higher than ILP1 at 52/53; ILP1 was 26/31. [q̓] for /q̓/ has also increased significantly to well over 50% at 29/42 (ILP1 at 6/20). There is still variation within lexical item k’uust’aan [q̓u:st̕a:n] crab: [k] for /q̓/: all 5 of these mismatches are for [ku:sta:n] [k̓] for /q̓/: 6 of the 7 are for [k̓u:sta:n] Nonetheless, for the correct [q̓] for /q̓/: 22 of these 29 correct tokens are for word [q̓u:sta:n] awGa - ILP8 Table 5.17.e awGa ILP1 Velar Stops Table 5.17.f awGa ILP1 Uvular Stops Target: Velar Stops Target: Uvular Stops Target ® / k / / k̓ / / g / Target ® / q / / q̓ / / G / Realization ¯ Realization ¯ [ k ] 26/28 4/27 0/30 [ q ] 30/30 0/17 0/67 [ k̓ ] 1/28 23/27 0/30 [ q̓ ] 0/30 16/17 0/67 [ g ] 0/28 0/27 30/30 [ G ] 0/30 0/17 65/67 [G] 0/28 0/27 0/30 [ k ] 0/30 0/17 0/67 [q] 1/28 0/27 0/30 [ k̓ ] 0/30 0/17 0/67 Total: 28 27 30 [ g ] 0/30 1/17 2/67 Total: 30 17 67 330 In ILP8, awGa was consistent with the other ILPs for velar stops k and g: [k] for /k/ at 26/28, and [g] for /g/ at 30/30 (Table 5.17e). Glottalized on-target [k̓] for /k̓/ is remarkably higher at 23/27 (ILP1 15/27, ILP4 14/30). The mismatch [k] for /k̓/ is produced at 4/27, which was much lower than ILP1 (11/27) and ILP4 (16/30), indicating a large improvement of this sound. Additionally, for the [k] for /k̓/ mismatch 4/4 are for the word hlk’yaan [ɬk̓ya:n] forest. For the uvular stops (Table 5.17f), awGa shows a continuation of the clear improvement seen in ILP4: [q] for /q/ is at 30/30 (compared with ILP1 21/24 and ILP4 24/25). [G] for /G/ stayed consistent with the improvement seen in ILP4 (52/53) at 65/67 (compared with ILP1 26/31). Most striking was the steady increase in [q̓] for /q̓/ production at 16/17; in comparison in ILP1 she produced only 6/20 and ILP4 produced 29/42. There were 0/17 mismatches [k̓] for /q̓/, and 0 mismatches [k] for /q̓/. Interestingly the 1/17 mismatch was a new one, [g] for /q̓/. Of the 16 target [q̓] for /q̓/ 14 were the on-target q̓u:sta:n. This study clearly indicated significant improvement on all fronts. This is to be expected, as this participant had an extra number of hours of XK with L1 fluent naanGa as part of the methodology of the ILPs (and had been actively learning and teaching the language for years). Furthermore, this participant had the inclination and responsibility to be very focused on producing on-target speech as the main model of language for the other participants. 331 5.4.4 Place Contrasts in Fricatives dawGanGa dawGanGa - ILP1Table 5.18.a dawGanGa ILP1 Velar Table 5.18.b dawGanGa ILP1 Coronal vs Uvular vs Laryngeal Fricatives vs Lateral vs Velar Fricatives Target: Velar vs Uvular vs Laryngeal Target: Coronal vs Lateral vs Velar Fricatives Fricatives Target ® / x / / χ / / h / Target ® / s / / ɬ / / x / Realization ¯ Realization ¯ [ x ] 0 3/3 0/5 [ s ] 15/22 0/12 0 [ χ ] 0 0/3 0/5 [ ɬ ] 7/22 12/12 0 [ h ] 0 0/3 5/5 [ x ] 0/22 0/12 0 Total: 0 3 5 Total: 22 12 0 The Table 5.18 series shows dawGanGa’s fricatives. Table 5.18.a shows dawGanGa was on target for glottal fricative h (5/5). He had no tokens for x (0/0), and none on target for [χ] for / χ / (0/3). He mismatched [x] for /χ/ at 3/3 (yellow cell). Table 5.18.b shows all of his [ɬ] for /ɬ/ were on target (12/12). [s] for /s/ was only at 15/22; he applied the mismatch [ɬ] for /s/ (7/22 – yellow cell). This is notable, as [s] is in the English repertoire; this appears to be an overapplication of the non-English coronal fricative [ɬ]. 332 dawGanGa – ILP4 Table 5.18.c dawGanGa ILP1 Velar Table 5.18.d dawGanGa ILP1 Coronal vs Uvular vs Laryngeal Fricatives vs Lateral vs Velar Fricatives Target: Velar vs Uvular vs Laryngeal Target: Coronal vs Lateral vs Velar Fricatives Fricatives Target ® / x / / χ / / h / Target ® / s / / ɬ / / x / Realization ¯ Realization ¯ [ x ] 3/4 5/26 0/4 [ s ] 35/49 3/46 0/3 [ χ ] 0/4 21/26 0/4 [ ɬ ] 14/49 42/46 0/3 [ h ] 1/4 0/26 4/4 [ x ] 0/49 0/46 3/3 Total: 4 26 4 [ h ] 0/49 1/46 0/3 Total: 49 46 3 In ILP4, dawGanGa produced [x] for /x/ at 3/4 (ILP1 0/0) with 1/4 [h] for /x/. Whereas in ILP1 there were no on-target productions of [χ] for /χ/ (ILP1 had 0/3), in ILP4 he produced [χ] for /χ/ at high production as well as high accuracy at 21/26. He produced the Mismatch [x] for /χ/ at 5/26. The lexical breakdown of these mismatch tokens are: χa: dog (1), χi:lʌs hole (2), χa: qa:ɬḷ climb (2). Table 5.18d indicates dawGanGa continued to use [ɬ] for /s/ at 14/49 (in comparison, ILP1 had 7/22) in a variety of words, pronounced in the following ways (mismatches in red font): [q̓u:ɬa:n] crab (7), [ga:ɬgu:ǰu:wa:y] light, [di:ɬ] cliff, [Gʌɬ gʌ] Fut tense (3). He produced [s] for /ɬ/ 3 out of 46 times; all 3 of these are for the word [ɬk̓ya:n] forest. He also used ɬ correctly in the same word but with a different velar stop combination, pronounced [ɬgya:n] forest (8 times). He also utters [sgya:n] forest (2 times). There was high variation for dawGanGa for this lexical item. 333 dawGanGa - ILP8 Table 5.18.e dawGanGa ILP1 Velar Table 5.18.f dawGanGa ILP1 Coronal vs Uvular vs Laryngeal Fricatives vs Lateral vs Velar Fricatives Target: Velar vs Uvular vs Laryngeal Target: Coronal vs Lateral vs Velar Fricatives Fricatives Target ® / x / / χ / / h / Target ® / s / / ɬ / / x / Realization ¯ Realization ¯ [ x ] 13/14 12/30 0/11 [ s ] 26/41 1/54 0/13 [ χ ] 1/14 17/30 0/11 [ ɬ ] 15/41 53/54 0/13 [ h ] 0/14 1/30 11/11 [ x ] 0/41 0/54 13/13 Total: 14 30 11 Total: 41 54 13 dawGanGa’s tables 5.18.e show for ILP8 his [x] for /x/ was almost completely on target at 13/14; he overapplied [χ] for /x/ at 1/14. He produced on target [χ] for /χ/ at 17/30 (in comparison ILP1 was 0/3 and ILP4 was 21/26). The mismatch [x] for /χ/ was produced at 12/30; these mismatches are produced in 3 different words but mostly for the word [χa:] dog (9 tokens). Notably, he also produced 12 correct tokens for [χa:]. Table 5.18.f shows he produced [s] for /s/ on target at 26/41. He produced [ɬ] for /ɬ/ with high accuracy at 53/54 (in comparison ILP1 12/12 and in ILP4 42/46), as well as [x] for /x/ at 13/13. He continued to show the mismatch [ɬ] for /s/ 15/41; all 15 of these tokens were for the word: [q̓u:sa:n] crab. These tables indicate that for [ɬ] for /s/, dawGanGa’s learning isn’t yet stabilized - ɬ was perceptually recognized and often productively realized, but not consistently. Overall, for dawGanGa, the fricatives were not as challenging as the velar and uvular stops, and he demonstrated a high comfort with non-English fricatives x and ɬ. 334 k’waayGa k’waayGa - ILP1 Table 5.19.a k’waayGa ILP1 Velar Table 5.19.b k’waayGa ILP1 Coronal vs Uvular vs Laryngeal Fricatives vs Lateral vs Velar Fricatives Target: Velar vs Uvular vs Laryngeal Target: Coronal vs Lateral vs Velar Fricatives Fricatives Target ® / x / / χ / / h / Target ® / s / / ɬ / / x / Realization ¯ Realization ¯ [ x ] 0 2/10 0/10 [ s ] 23/23 0/30 0 [ χ ] 0 8/10 0/10 [ ɬ ] 0/23 30/30 0 [ h ] 0 0/10 10/10 [ x ] 0/23 0/30 0 Total: 0 10 10 Total: 23 30 0 Table 5.19.a and Table 19.b show k’waayGa’s fricative production for ILP1. He produced 0 tokens for /x/ (0/0). [h] for /h/ was on target at 10/10, and on target uvular [χ] for /χ/ at 8/10 (6 of these 8 on target productions are for word χa: dog). Mismatch [x] for /χ/ was 2/10 (both for word χa: dog). He produced high on-target production [s] for /s/ at 23/23, and [ɬ] for /ɬ/ at 30/30, for a high diversity of words. No other mismatches are produced besides [x] for uvular /χ/. k’waayGa – ILP4 Table 5.19.c k’waayGa ILP1 Velar Table 5.19.d k’waayGa ILP1 Coronal vs Uvular vs Laryngeal Fricatives vs Lateral vs Velar FricativesTarget: Velar vs Uvular vs Laryngeal Target: Coronal vs Lateral vs Velar Fricatives Fricatives Target ® / x / / χ / / h / Target ® / s / / ɬ / / x / Realization ¯ Realization ¯ [ x ] 7/7 5/47 0/33 [ s ] 118/119 3/229 0/7 [ χ ] 0/7 42/47 0/33 [ ɬ ] 1/119 226/229 0/7 [ h ] 0/7 0/47 33/33 [ x ] 0/119 0/229 7/7 Total: 7 47 33 Total: 119 229 7 335 In ILP4 k’waayGa produced peak volumes of language (notice the totals). On-target [x] for /x/ was produced at 7/7 (ILP1 0/0). On target [χ] for /χ/ was produced at 42/47 (compared with ILP1 at 8/10); mismatch [x] for /χ/ occurred at 5/47 (the lexical breakdown for this mismatch are 5 different words: [χʌŋgɩŋ] looks like, [st̕i:χʌgʌŋ] angry, [χi:lʌs] hole, [χa:] dog, [q̓u:χɩd] bite). [h] for /h/ was produced completely on target at 33/33. For the coronal fricative s, on-target [s] for /s/ was produced at 118/119; [ɬ] for /ɬ/ at 226/229 (with only 3/229 [s] for /ɬ/ mismatch). k’waayGa – ILP8 Table 5.19.e k’waayGa ILP1 Velar Table 5.19.f k’waayGa ILP1 Coronal vs Uvular vs Laryngeal Fricatives vs Lateral vs Velar Fricatives Target: Velar vs Uvular vs Laryngeal Target: Coronal vs Lateral vs Velar Fricatives Fricatives Target ® / x / / χ / / h / Target ® / s / / ɬ / / x / Realization ¯ Realization ¯ [ x ] 3/4 1/23 0/30 [ s ] 78/79 0/70 0/3 [ χ ] 1/4 22/23 0/30 [ ɬ ] 1/79 70/70 0/3 [ h ] 0/4 0/23 30/30 [ x ] 0/79 0/70 3/3 Total: 4 23 30 Total: 79 70 3 In ILP8 (tables 5.19.e and 5.19.f), though his sound production totals are not as high as ILP4, k’waayGa shows high on-target production for all fricatives: [x] for /x/ at 3/4; [χ] for /χ/ at 22/23; [h] for /h/ at 30/30; [s] for /s/ at 78/79; [ɬ] for /ɬ/ at 70/70; and [x] for /x/ at 3/4. 336 Gung.Ga Gung.Ga - ILP1 Table 5.20.a Gung.Ga ILP1 Velar Table 5.20.b Gung.Ga ILP1 Coronal vs Uvular vs Laryngeal Fricatives vs Lateral vs Velar Fricatives Target: Velar vs Uvular vs Laryngeal Target: Coronal vs Lateral vs Velar Fricatives Fricatives Target ® / x / / χ / / h / Target ® / s / / ɬ / / x / Realization ¯ Realization ¯ [ x ] 7/7 6/19 0/1 [ s ] 55/55 0/40 0/7 [ χ ] 0/7 12/19 0/1 [ ɬ ] 0/55 40/40 0/7 [ h ] 0/7 1/19 1/1 [ x ] 0/55 0/40 7/7 Total: 7 19 1 Total: 55 40 7 The Table 5.20 series shows Gung.Ga’s fricatives. Tables 5.20.a and 5.20b show Gung.Ga’s fricatives for ILP1. He had high on-target production: [x] for /x/ 7/7; [h] for /h/ at 1/1. For on-target [χ] for /χ/ he produced correct at 12/19. Of the mismatches, [x] for /χ/ occurred 6/19 (for 4 different words), and 1/19 was [h] for /χ/ (for word χʌŋgɩŋ looks like). s, ɬ and x completely on target at [s] for /s/ 55/55, [ɬ] for /ɬ/ at 40/40, and [x] for /x/ at 7/7. Gung.Ga – ILP4 Table 5.20.c Gung.Ga ILP1 Velar Table 5.20.d Gung.Ga ILP1 Coronal vs Uvular vs Laryngeal Fricatives vs Lateral vs Velar Fricatives Target: Velar vs Uvular vs Laryngeal Target: Coronal vs Lateral vs Velar Fricatives Fricatives Target ® / x / / χ / / h / Target ® / s / / ɬ / / x / Realization ¯ Realization ¯ [ x ] 6/6 0/30 0/1 [ s ] 80/80 0/56 0/6 [ χ ] 0/6 30/30 0/1 [ ɬ ] 0/80 56/56 0/6 [ h ] 0/6 0/30 1/1 [ x ] 0/80 0/56 6/6 Total: 6 30 1 Total: 80 56 6 337 For ILP4, Gung.Ga produced all the fricatives on target with no mismatches: [x] for /x/ at 6/6, [χ] for /χ/ at 30/30 (7/30 of these on target correct χ are for word [χa:]/[χa:ga:y] dog/the.dog), [h] for /h/ at 1/1 (word [hu:] so…). [s] for /s/ at 80/80, [ɬ] for /ɬ/ at 56/56. Gung.Ga – ILP8 Table 5.20.e Gung.Ga ILP1 Velar Table 5.20.f Gung.Ga ILP1 Coronal vs Uvular vs Laryngeal Fricatives vs Lateral vs Velar Fricatives Target: Velar vs Uvular vs Laryngeal Target: Coronal vs Lateral vs Velar Fricatives Fricatives Target ® / x / / χ / / h / Target ® / s / / ɬ / / x / Realization ¯ Realization ¯ [ x ] 5/5 2/35 0/2 [ s ] 65/65 0/41 0/5 [ χ ] 0/5 33/35 0/2 [ ɬ ] 0/65 41/41 0/5 [ h ] 0/5 0/35 2/2 [ x ] 0/65 0/41 5/5 Total: 5 35 2 Total: 65 41 5 In the final ILP8 (see tables 5.15.Gung.Ga.ILP8.1-1 and -2) Gung.Ga’s fricatives are almost entirely on target: [x] for /x/ 5/5; [χ] for /χ/ at 33/35 (18 [χa:ga:y] the.dog are on target); [h] for /h/ at 2/2, [s] for /s/ 65/65; [ɬ] for /ɬ/ at 41/41. The only 2 mismatches were [x] for /χ/ for the same word: [q̓u:xɩd] bite. As was the case for the younger two participants, [ɬ] was easily produced by Gung.Ga, even though it is not in the English inventory. Also, Velar [x] was consistently pronounced on-target from the outset, in contrast to Uvular [χ]. As neither /x/ or /χ/ is in the English phonemic inventory, one might expect them to be equally challenging. However, there are two independent factors that might influence the easier acquisition of /x/. First, the English inventory does have two Velar Stop consonants /k/ and /g/ which differ from /x/ only in terms of one feature, Manner: a learner just has to move from a Stop to a Fricative. In contrast, English has no Uvular 338 consonants that could play a parallel boot-strapping role. The second potential factor is that a phonetic variant of [x] does occur phonetically in English as a contextually-determined allophone of /h/ in the pronunciation of words like "hue"/"hew"/"huge", etc. In all these cases, the English environment for triggering this (often quite palatalized) articulation of [x] as an allophone of /h/ is limited to where it is followed by [yu], as in these variant broad transcriptions of hue/hew: [xyu:] ~ [xʸu:] ~ [çʸu:]. Similar contexts for XK /x/ include a following front glide as in [xya:ɬ] to dance, or a high front vowel as in k’uuxid [q̓u:xɩd] bite or xiilas [xi:lʌs], but the distribution of XK /x/ extends broadly to other contexts as well, as in Xaayna [xa:ynʌ] Haina (village) or daawxuusda [da:wxu:sda] west coast (of Haida Gwaii). awGa awGa - ILP1 Table 5.21.a awGa ILP1 Velar Table 5.21.b awGa ILP1 Coronal vs Uvular vs Laryngeal Fricatives vs Lateral vs Velar Fricatives Target: Velar vs Uvular vs Laryngeal Fricatives Target: Coronal vs Lateral vs Velar Fricatives Target ® / x / / χ / / h / Target ® / s / / ɬ / / x / Realization ¯ Realization ¯ [ x ] 6/6 1/21 0/10 [ s ] 66/66 0/42 0/6 [ χ ] 0/6 20/21 0/10 [ ɬ ] 0/66 42/42 0/6 [ h ] 0/6 0/21 10/10 [ x ] 0/66 0/42 6/6 Total: 6 21 10 Total: 66 42 6 The Table 5.21 series shows awGa’s fricatives. Tables 5.21.a and 5.21.b show awGa’s fricatives for ILP1. Almost all fricatives were produced on target: [x] for /x/ 6/6; [χ] for /χ/ at 20/21; [h] for /h/ at 10/10; [s] for /s/ at 66/66; [ɬ] for /ɬ/ at 42/42. Her only mismatch was [x] for /χ/ (1/21). 339 awGa - ILP4 Table 5.21.c awGa ILP1 Velar Table 5.21.d awGa ILP1 Coronal vs Uvular vs Laryngeal Fricatives vs Lateral vs Velar Fricatives Target: Velar vs Uvular vs Laryngeal Target: Coronal vs Lateral vs Velar Fricatives Fricatives Target ® / x / / χ / / h / Target ® / s / / ɬ / / x / Realization ¯ Realization ¯ [ x ] 8/8 0/40 0/21 [ s ] 111/111 0/54 0/8 [ χ ] 0/8 40/40 0/21 [ ɬ ] 0/111 54/54 0/8 [ h ] 0/8 0/40 21/21 [ x ] 0/111 0/54 8/8 Total: 8 40 21 Total: 111 54 8 In ILP4 (see tables 5.21.c and 5.21.d), awGa (like the children) produced much higher totals as compared to ILP1. Fricatives in ILP4 were on target with no documented mismatches: [x] for /x/ 8/8; [χ] for /χ/ 40/40; [h] for /h/ 21/21; [s] for /s/ 111/111; [ɬ] for /ɬ/ 54/54 awGa - ILP8 Table 5.21.e awGa ILP1 Velar Table 5.21.f awGa ILP1 Coronal vs Uvular vs Laryngeal Fricatives vs Lateral vs Velar Fricatives Target: Velar vs Uvular vs Laryngeal Target: Coronal vs Lateral vs Velar Fricatives Fricatives Target ® / x / / χ / / h / Target ® / s / / ɬ / / x / Realization ¯ Realization ¯ [ x ] 7/7 0/62 0/19 [ s ] 105/105 0/62 0/7 [ χ ] 0/7 62/62 0/19 [ ɬ ] 0/105 62/62 0/7 [ h ] 0/7 0/62 19/19 [ x ] 0/105 0/62 7/7 Total: 7 62 19 Total: 105 62 7 In the final ILP8 (see Table 5.21.e and Table 5.21.f), totals stayed relatively high as compared with the high-volume of fricative sounds produced in ILP4. And as in ILP4, awGa produced 340 fricatives on-target with no documented mismatches: [x] for /x/ at 7/7; [χ] for /χ/ 62/62; [h] for /h/ 19/19; [s] for /s/ at 105/105 and [ɬ] for /ɬ/ at 62/62. 5.4.5 Observations on Fricatives vs Stops The fricatives data showed quite different acquisition patterns than stops. Most participants achieved near-target accuracy quickly, with awGa at complete on-target production by ILP4. The main systematic pattern was dawGanGa's [ɬ] for /s/ substitution—an overapplication of the non-English lateral fricative to the English consonant, suggesting active learning of the Xaayda kil inventory in experimentation or reorganization where the more difficult, non-English [ɬ] sound was becoming his default coronal fricative. Given that fricatives appear to be acquired more easily than other sounds, they could serve as confidence-building entry points to the non-English inventory. The /x/-/χ/ place distinction could scaffold uvular awareness before moving to a pedagogical focus on uvular stops. dawGanGa's systematic /s/-/ɬ/ mismatch offers some evidence that in the early acquisition phase there can be a tendency to overapply non-English sounds being acquired. In my experience with other XK learners, as the learner is acquiring non-English XK sounds, there is a tendency to overapply the uvular consonants. While correct modeling must always be repeated, this overapplication can be an indication of progress in non-English sounds becoming acquired in XK. More research on this as part of the positive progress of XK acquisition in L1 English speakers is needed. 341 5.4.6 Observations on Place Distinctions The feature-based analysis reveals systematicity. dawGanGa's voicing strategy ([g] for /k̓/, [g] for /q̓/) shows he's identified laryngeal activity but mismatches to a different feature—a systematic substitution rather than random mismatch. His place confusions ([k] for /q̓/, [G] for /k̓/) indicate the "double learning burden" where both place and laryngeal features must be coordinated simultaneously. The place confusion between velars and uvulars represents a different challenge than constricted glottis – learners must acquire both a new place of articulation and the laryngeal modification. dawGanGa's [k] for /q̓/ pattern suggests he's defaulting to the closest familiar place rather than attempting the back articulation. The uvular-velar confusion patterns align with articulatory predictions. Uvular place is entirely novel for English speakers, requiring tongue root action that doesn't exist in English. When combined with Ejection/CG (as in /q̓/), learners face having to coordinate two non-English features simultaneously—resulting in high error rates and systematic place substitutions. The asymmetry where /q/ is acquired more readily than /q̓/ demonstrates that place learning can proceed independently of ejection. Uvular place is entirely novel for English speakers, unlike velars which exist in both languages. The double learning burden (place + CG) compounds difficulty. A pedagogical implication could be to begin with plain uvulars (/q/, /G/) before introducing glottalized versions. The lexical entrenchment patterns (like dawGanGa’s consistent [g] for "forest" and [G] for "deer") suggest high-frequency vocabulary needs targeted remediation independent of systematic phonetic training. Uvular instruction should separate 342 place and CG learning. In teaching XK consonants, one could begin with plain /q/ vs /k/ contrasts before introducing /q̓/. 5.5 Discussion: Phonological Acquisition Patterns in XK L2 Learning This study's detailed examination of four English-speaking family members acquiring XK over eight Intensive Language Periods revealed some systematic patterns. The findings show the four navigating a typologically distant phonological system, with different types of difficulty, individual variation within constraints, and the complex interplay between systematic phonological and lexical learning. 5.5.1 Acquisition Challenges Among consonants, fricatives emerged as the most accessible entry point into the XK-inventory of unique sounds examined in this study. All participants achieved near-target accuracy for /ɬ/, /x/, and /χ/ relatively quickly, with awGa demonstrating completely consistent on-target fricative production by ILP4. The continuous nature of fricative articulation likely provides more auditory feedback (and friction) than the gestures required for stops. This is important, as ability to perceive sound distinctions is critical to facilitate acquisition. Importantly, even the non-English fricatives /ɬ/ and /χ/ were mastered more readily than the feature of ejection on English stops. Plain stops showed the expected pattern of rapid acquisition for English-shared sounds (/k/, /g/), but revealed interesting place-learning trajectories for uvulars. The /q/-/G/ distinction proved more accessible when not complicated by ejection, with several participants achieving 343 consistent uvular place by mid-study (ILP4). This shows that place articulation has been acquired independently of other phonetic dimensions. What really is the challenge is ejection. Ejective stops presented the most significant systematic challenge across all participants and timepoints. Coronal /t̕/ showed low rates in this study, however a major reason for this could be lexical – in this exercise the most frequent word with coronal /t̕/ was the word k’uust’aan [q̓usa:n] crab; the fact that the /t̕/ is not word-initial, follows the ejective q̓, and that there is an /s/ in front of /t̕/ are reasons why the /t̕/ had low rates of production. Velar /k̓/ had slightly more uptake, and uvular /q̓/ proved the most challenging of all the consonants. Where the learner was confronted with learning segments which entailed two new features, the combination place + ejective featurescreated the greatest learning burden. The /q̓/ sound, requiring coordination of both non-English uvular place and non-English Ejection/CG, showed minimal acquisition even after intensive exposure. This "double learning burden" suggests that complex articulatory targets may require feature separation in pedagogical approaches, and/or significant focus on this complex sound. 5.5.2 Individual Variation Within General Constraints While all participants showed similar acquisition hierarchies, there was tremendous individual variation. The differences could be due to the influence of age, exposure, and learning context on phonological development. Age effects appeared most evident in dawGanGa’s (age 7-8) systematic substitution patterns. His consistent use of voicing ([g]) for ejectives ([k̓], [q̓]) demonstrates a learner who perceives laryngeal activity as relevant but maps it to a familiar English laryngeal feature of voice. This systematic substitution strategy, while resulting in mismatches, shows sophisticated 344 phonological analysis—he recognizes that ejectives differ from plain stops in laryngeal specification. In contrast, older learners showed more variable mismatch patterns, suggesting different learning strategies. Learning environment effects are strikingly demonstrated in awGa's trajectory. As the participant with additional L1 exposure (2 additional hours per day with naanGa Grandmother) and explicit teaching responsibility, awGa showed the most dramatic improvement, achieving high accuracy for complex sounds like /q̓/ by the study's end. This progress occurred despite starting with similar mismatch patterns to other participants, highlighting the critical role of rich input and focused attention in adult L2 phonological learning. Individual processing differences emerged in how participants handled articulatory complexity. While dawGanGa showed systematic voicing substitutions, k'waayGa demonstrated more lexically-specific learning, with accuracy varying significantly across different words containing the same target sounds. GungGa showed stable intermediate accuracy without the dramatic improvements seen in other participants, likely reflecting the constraints of less XK exposure time (due to work obligations). General constraints appeared in the consistent fricative advantage across all learners and the shared difficulty with ejective + place combinations. These patterns suggest that certain aspects of L2 phonological learning reflect general articulatory and perceptual constraints rather than individual differences. 345 5.5.3 Lexical vs. Systematic Learning Pathways One of this chapter’s most significant findings is the evidence for parallel lexical and systematic learning pathways that can operate independently and sometimes conflict with each other. Lexical entrenchment patterns were pervasive across participants and sounds. The most striking example is the high-frequency term hlk’yaan k’uust’aan [ɬk̓ya:n q̓u:st̕a:n] forest crab (frog), where systematic phonetic capacity failed to transfer to lexical production. Participants could produce ejectives accurately in some words while consistently failing in this specific lexical item. This suggests that high-frequency vocabulary can become "fossilized" or sedimented in particular mismatch patterns that resist systematic improvement, even as the overall phonological abilities of the learner are increasing. Systematic phonetic learning proceeded independently, as evidenced by participants' ability to produce target sounds in novel or less-frequent lexical contexts while maintaining mismatches in familiar words. This dissociation indicates that L2 phonological learning involves both item-specific lexical representation and systematic phonetic rule acquisition. Lexical frequency effects created both obstacles and opportunities. High-frequency words like k’uust’aan [q̓u:st̕a:n] crab showed resistance to correction despite systematic phonetic improvement. However, these same frequent items also provided input for eventual systematic learning when explicit attention was focused on them. Pedagogical implications of this dual-pathway model are significant. Approaches focusing either on systematic phonetic training or vocabulary memorization may miss the complex interaction between these learning mechanisms. Effective instruction must address both 346 systematic phonetic capacity and lexical-specific patterns, with explicit attention to preventing mismatch fossilization in high-frequency vocabulary. 5.5.4 Implications for XK Pedagogy These findings offer some guidance for developing effective phonological instruction in XK language programs. Feature-based sequential instruction could complement holistic teaching of the sound system. The data suggest beginning with fricatives to build confidence with non-English sounds, then introducing place distinctions (/k/ vs. /q/) before adding ejective complexity. Explicit perceptual discrimination training would enhance ejective acquisition. Visual feedback techniques like spectrographic displays using Praat and minimal pair discrimination exercises could supplement traditional communicative approaches. Lexical remediation strategies must target high-frequency vocabulary separately from systematic phonetic instruction. Words like hlk’yaan k’uust’aan [ɬk̓ya:n q̓u:st̕a:n] forest crab require explicit attention and repeated practice to overcome entrenched mismatch patterns. This suggests developing specialized curricula for high frequency but "challenging words" that learners consistently mispronounce despite systematic phonetic progress. Individual learners’ backgrounds and learning strategies could inform differentiated instruction. The study shows that learners use different strategies (systematic substitution vs. lexical variation vs. gradual approximation), suggesting that accommodating multiple learning styles and providing various pathways to target pronunciation could help learners. Assessment is important, however, this needs to have foundational understanding that phonological competence develops unevenly across different contexts and lexical items. 347 Evaluation should sample production across multiple phonetic contexts and frequency levels rather than relying on isolated sound production or limited vocabulary sampling. 5.6 Chapter Five Conclusion - K'uust'aanaay sGaanagwa the Supernatural Crab Finds Us Hlk’yaan k’uust’aan [ɬk̓ya:n q̓u:st̕a:n] forest crab, the XK words for frog96, was one of the most frequently produced terms in the storytelling of Frog, Where Are You? In this analysis, it became clear that this sequence of sounds is a challenge for these English-L1 learners; participants were particularly challenged in phonological production of the word, k’uust’aan [q̓u:st̕a:n] crab. q̓u:st̕a:n is a common word that we use regularly, as crabs are abundant as a source of food that we can gather in front of the village of HlGaagilda, North and East Beach. This study revealed to us that we have taken for granted that we know how to say this word, but need to pay more attention. This linguistic process of examining our utterances showed that we need to examine and work on this daily word, as it can be a daily way to celebrate and speak aloud the unique sounds of Xaayda kil, and a source of training for our ears (perception) and articulatory tract (production). Even in the unnatural dissection of our linguistic data, with this storytelling of a non-Haida story about a frog, the Supernatural Crab came to us in this study. 96 The Haida Gwaii species is the Western Toad Anaxyrus boreas. 348 Chapter 6. XK Morphosyntax of Xaayda kil gud ad kihlguul Speaking the Haida language together 6.1 Introduction and General Structure of Xaayda kil Chapter 6 is complementary to the phonology analysis in Chapter 5, using linguistic tools to document the morphosyntax trajectories of the four participants in this family, year-long immersion program - Xaayda kil gud ad kihlguul Speaking the Haida language together. The data are derived from the story-retellings of "Frog, Where Are You?”, as in the previous chapter. In addition to describing participants’ learning trajectories with respect to word order, the chapter aims to provide insight into the acquisition process that might also be useful for other XK learners and Indigenous language revitalization actors. In what follows, the general grammatical structure of Xaayda kil is introduced first, as a grounding in the examination of word order in the learners’ processes, and then the trajectories and challenges the four participants encountered with respect to word order are examined. In the discussion section later in the chapter, I comment on preliminary findings across other grammatical domains, and provide recommendations for language pedagogy. Once again, the reader is referred back to Chapter 3, §3.7.3, for the methodologies language immersion program - the process of elicitation, documentation and linguistic analysis methods. Table 3.4 presents a template of the Analytical Framework Boxes for linguistic analysis, which serves as the main source of data analysed in this study. To briefly restate the methods, Xaayda kil gud ad kihlguul Speaking the Haida Language Together was a language socialization program designed by the researcher for my family members based on a curriculum of multimodal language exposure that consisted of eight “Intensive Language Periods” (ILPs), each involving 4 hours of immersion language exposure per day over 4 weeks, extended over a 349 one-year period. The focus was on oral and/or physical (embodied) communication rather than writing to engage in natural, first-language acquisition principles and practices. Two kinds of data were collected: daily participant-interaction dialogue, and storytelling output at the end of each ILP. The picture story book for the latter elicitation was the Mercer Meyer’s 1969 book, Frog, Where Are You? (abbreviated FWAY). This chapter focuses on the morphosyntactic data from the narrative storytelling output. 6.1.1 Conventions for Linguistic Analysis In this chapter’s analysis, Xaayda kil orthographic conventions are the following: in describing XK in the text I use the North American Phonetic Alphabet (NAPA) orthography in square brackets [ ], followed by the English glossary in italics. As before, I refer to participants in bold, in SHIP orthography, by their terms of reference stated in Table 3.2. The Analytical Framework Boxes present the speech examined and linguistic breakdown. The orthography is in NAPA, the linguistic abbreviations and conventions used in the morpho-syntactic analysis are in Appendix F. Hesitation phenomena (such as “uh, um, ah”) are documented in the first line, as well as preserved in the English glossary, as this contains information that could be useful for other analysis. However, for the purpose of the current analysis that focuses on XK morphology, hesitation phenomena are not repeated in the morpheme breakdown, nor is punctuation. The text remains true to the speech of the participants. Where the utterance contains phonological mismatches with fluent speaker norms, they are included as uttered by the participant in red (discussed in Chapter 5); where an utterance contains morphosyntactic mismatches, they are included as spoken, in green. A row for target language (fluent speaker norms) is included for comparison with the uttered tokens. Where the target differs from the 350 utterances, the color of the phonological or morphological mismatches is included (in red and green, respectively) for ease of identification. Building on the analysis in Chapter 5, I focus here on learners’ morphosyntactic production and word order. 6.1.2 A polysynthetic language XK is a highly complex, polysynthetic language. Only the most salient aspects of the grammar of the language that are relevant to this study are introduced below. In this chapter and thesis, the texts of Swanton (1910), Levine (1977) and Enrico (Syntax 2003 and Dictionary 2005) are used for reference and discussion of the morphosyntactic aspects focussed on in this work. Haida is a polysynthetic language (Boas 1911; Sapir 1923), as many morphemes can be found within a single predicate (Swanton 1910; Hori 2016). Documenting XK language a century ago, Swanton (1910) described words as “loosely put together and many of their elements may also be used independently” (Swanton 1910, 218). He describes word complexes that can be isolated as predicative terms having four groups of elements that are so intimately connected that they are a single word (Ibid.). The groups are: First group – instrumental verbal prefixes97: describe incidental state or activity, particularly instrumentality; Second group – classifying nominal prefixes98: indicate nominal object of transitive, the subject of intransitive verbs; Third group – principal predicative terms99: expressing the principal predicative term, most of which must be considered as independent verbs Fourth Group – locative suffixes100: expressing local relations and modalities (Op. cit.:235) To illustrate, Swanton analyzes the word dang.giidaallxasGa [dʌŋgi:da:lḷxʌsGʌ] canoe 97 see Section 14, Swanton 1910, 219 98 see Section 15, Swanton 1910, 227 99 see Section 16-21, Swanton 1910, 235 100see Section 22, in Swanton 1910, 244 351 being hauled seaward (Op. cit.:218) into the following parts: First group: dang [dʌŋ] - by pulling Second group: gii [gi:] - canoe shaped object Third group: daal [da:l] - to move fourth group: llxa [lḷxʌ] - toward something sGa [sGʌ] - seaward Rather than being separate syntactic positions in the structures, many different pieces of information are directly incorporated into a complex verbal predicate. Examples from contemporary and more casual genres also show polysynthesis. Here is an example from GwaaGanad in the XKMAP/HG Museum video describing a wordless book called “Niijangwaay” The Camera: Line 61: Ll ḵingdii ḵaawdii gen uu 'laa tll skuujii gaaguu gan! Xaayda kil Ll ḵingdii ... ḵaawdii gen uu 'laa tll skuujii gaaguu gan! NAPA trans ḷ qɩŋdi: ... qa:wdi: gyen ʔu: ʌ ƛḷ sku:ji: ga:gu: gʌn m-by-m ident ḷ qɩŋ =di: ... qa:w-di: gyen ʔu: ʌ ƛḷ- sku:ji:#ga:gu:=gʌn m-by-m CAT m-by-m gloss 3p Vi =Prog Connective P Foc 3s Caus- Noun#Vi =PA He look =prog after-awhile when Foc he make- bones#gone =PA Eng meaning After awhile he looked, it surprised him! In this example of line 61, the verb is ƛḷsku:ji:ga:gu:gʌn made-bones-disappear (surprised). 6.2 XK Word Order 6.2.1 XK Word Order Introduction From a cross-linguistic typological perspective, Xaayda kil is characterized as a “verb-final” language. (It is not unique in this respect; many other languages, such as Japanese and Turkish, are also verb-final, but XK is different in other ways too). This essentially captures the generalization that the Verb (with affiliated verbal markers like Tense and Aspect) occurs at the end of a sentence. Such languages are also often referred to as having basic Subject-Object-Verb (SOV) Word Order, as this shows the position of the Subject with an Object when the 352 Verb in the utterance is a transitive verb (Vtr). This SOV Word Order is one of the fundamental differences between XK and English, where the basic order is SVO, as is illustrated by the following sentence: (1) Subject-Object-Verb: where S and O are Nouns 2025_03_18_DB_001 S O V XK orthog Ganhlaans Tiisaan king gan. NAPA transcription gʌnɬa:ns ti:sa:n qɩŋ =gʌn m-by-m CAT Noun.name Noun.name Vtr =Tense m-by-m translation [name] [name] see =Past Eng meaning Ganhlaans saw Tiisaan. S V O The following sentence (2) shows two other features. First, Nouns can be subclassified in various ways. For example, some nouns function as names of people or places: they are labelled here as “Noun.name”, but could also be referred to as “proper” Nouns. Other nouns that denote aspects of nature, man-made things, abstract ideas, etc., can be referred to as “common” Nouns: generally these are just labelled as “Noun” throughout the rest of this chapter. Any of these types of Nouns can function as a Subject or Object. In (1), both the Subject and Object Nouns were “names”. In (2), the common Noun [a:w] herring roe on kelp functions as the Object. (Note: although this XK word translates into English as four separate words including a prepositional phrase, in XK [a:w] is a single monomorphemic word.) 353 (2) Subject-Object-Verb: where S and O are Nouns, S is marked for Focus here 2019_09_24_DB_104-105 S O V XK orthog Ganhlaans uu k’aaw taa gan NAPA transcription gʌnɬa:ns ʔu: a:w ta: =gʌn m-by-m CAT Noun.name Foc Noun.common Vtr =Tense m-by-m translation [name] Foc herring.roe.on.kelp eat = Past. Eng meaning Ganhlaans ate the herring roe on kelp. S V [ O ] The second feature of XK grammar that is exemplified in the sentence in (2) is the grammatical marking of Focus (abbreviated Foc), represented by the particle [ʔu:]. Focus functions to identify which part of a sentence contributes new or contrastive information into the discourse context. The most general pattern observed in XK is that the Focus marker occurs after the initial syntactic unit of a sentence, which characteristically is the Subject, as seen in (2). This is also true when the Subject is a pronoun – if it has the focus marker, the pronoun is in its “strong” form and in the initial position (Lachler 2006). I provide further discussion of this point in sentence example (8) below. In addition to there being what Lachler calls “strong” forms of XK pronouns, note that there are also different XK pronouns for Subjects as opposed to Objects (like English “I” Subject vs “me” Object); however, a detailed analysis of the full inventory of XK pronoun forms is beyond the scope of the present study. The basic sentence patterns illustrated in (1) and (2) above involve cases where Nouns (or Noun Phrases) fill the roles of both Subject and Object. An important point for English L1 learners of XK is that the syntactic order of Subject and Object Pronouns is different from Subject and Object Nouns. Specifically, as Swanton (1911) astutely observed with respect to Word Order generalizations in XK: 354 The verb almost always stands at the end of the sentence or clause.... When the subject and object of the verb are nouns, the former precedes; when they are pronouns, the order is reversed. ... When nouns and pronouns are both used as subjects or objects, the pronouns usually stand nearest to the verb ... (Swanton 1910, 266-267) The following framework is proposed here to provide a systematic visualization of Swanton’s basic generalizations, namely: the Verb is “at the end”; if the Subject and Object are both Nouns, the Subject Noun comes first; but “the order [of the Pronouns] is reversed”, e.g. an Object Pronoun precedes a Subject Pronoun; and “the Pronouns ... stand nearest to the Verb”. (3) A framework for Swanton’s Word Order Generalizations re Nouns vs. Pronouns: Nouns: SOV Subject Noun Object Noun Verb Pronouns: OSV Object Pronoun Subject Pronoun The sentences in (1) and (2) above illustrate that when both the Subject and Object roles are filled by a Noun, then the Word Order is SOV. Now consider the Word Order effects when these functions are filled by a Pronoun rather than a Noun. To indicate how this can be useful, we can ask: what does the proposed framework in (3) predict with respect to the Word Order in a sentence where there is a Subject Pronoun instead of a Subject Noun, but there is still an Object Noun? The following diagram shows the represented functions in bold, whereas the other functions (which are not used) are shaded: Framework for Sentences (4) and (5): Nouns: SOV Subj Noun Obj Noun Verb Pronouns: OSV Obj Pronoun Subj Pronoun The predicted Word Order is Obj Noun – Subj Pronoun – Verb, that is OSV, the opposite of the “general” SOV order. The sentences in (4) and (5) provide examples of exactly this structure: 355 (4) Obj Noun – Subj Pro – Verb 2025_03_18_DB_001 O S V XK orthog Tiisaan ‘la king gan. NAPA transcription ti:sa:n ʌ qɩŋ =gʌn m-by-m CAT Noun.name 3sSubj Vtr =Tense m-by-m translation [name] he see =Past Eng meaning He saw Tiisaan. S V O (5) Obj Noun – Subj Pro – Verb 2025_03_18_DB_001 O S V XK orthog Tiisaan hll king gan. NAPA transcription ti:sa:n ɬḷ qɩŋ =gʌn m-by-m CAT Noun.name 1sSubj Vtr =Tense m-by-m translation [name] I see =Past Eng meaning I saw Tiisaan. S V O Next consider what the framework in (3) predicts with respect to the Word Order in a sentence where there is an Object Pronoun instead of an Object Noun, but there is still a Subject Noun. As seen in the diagram below, the expected Word Order would be Subject Noun – Object Pronoun – Verb, that is, the “general” SOV order: Framework for Sentence (6): Nouns: SOV Subj Noun Obj Noun Verb Pronouns: OSV Obj Pronoun Subj Pronoun The sentence in (6) confirms this to be the attested outcome: 356 (6) Subj Noun – Obj Pro – Verb 2025_03_18_DB_001 S O V XK orthog Ganhlaans uu ll king gan. NAPA transcription gʌnɬa:ns ʔu: ḷ qɩŋ =gʌn m-by-m CAT Noun.name Foc 3sObj101 Vtr =Tense m-by-m translation [name] he see =Past Eng meaning Ganhlaans saw him. S V O Sentence (6) includes the Focus marker uu [u:] with the Subject Noun, but note that this does not affect the order. What would be the appropriate Word Order if both the Subject and Object are Pronouns rather than Nouns? This situation is precisely the major difference that Swanton (op.cit.) highlights in pointing out that in such a case the Word Order is “reversed”, namely it would be Obj Pronoun – Subj Pronoun – Verb, i.e. OSV. Framework for Sentence (7): Nouns: SOV Subj Noun Obj Noun Verb Pronouns: OSV Obj Pronoun Subj Pronoun The utterance in (7) illustrates how this “reverse” OSV order is entirely consistent with the proposed framework in (3) governing the various Word Order combinations of Nouns and Pronouns in Subject and/or Object roles. 101 Note that specific pronouns are marked by person number and plurality, e.g. 3s = 3rd person singular pronoun; see Appendix F for full list of abbreviations. 357 (7) Obj Pro – Subj Pro – Verb 2025_07-10_SCS_001 O S V XK orthog ’la hll king gan. NAPA transcription ʌ ɬḷ qɩŋ =gʌn m-by-m CAT 3sObj 1sSubj Vtr =Tense m-by-m translation him I see =Past Eng meaning I saw him. S V O Another scenario that is important to note is when the Focus marker (Foc) is used with the special Focus forms of the Subject Pronoun. Sentence (8) is the counterpart to sentence (5) except there is a semantic shift in focus to emphasize that it was “I” who saw him. This shift in meaning is marked in three ways: first, by the different Focus form (a.k.a. “strong” form) of the pronoun; secondly, by putting this Focus SubjPro into sentence-initial position (which is normally where a Subject Noun would be); and thirdly, by overtly signalling its semantic function by means of the following Focus marker [ʔu:]. (8) Focus Subj Pro – Foc – Obj Noun – Verb S O V XK orthog hlaa uu Tiisaan king gan. NAPA transcription ɬa: u: ti:sa:n qɩŋ =gʌn m-by-m CAT 1sFocSubj Foc Noun.name Vtr =Tense m-by-m translation I Foc [name] see =Past Eng meaning I saw Tiisaan. (Focus on “I”) S V O Note that although the fronting of this focussed 1sSubj results in a sentential Word Order that is inconsistent with the basic generalization (as presented in (3)) that Nouns precede Pronouns, the derived Word Order sequence is SOV. 358 In summary, the overarching generalization that has been established in this section is that the basic Word Order in XK is SOV. However, there are two types of grammatical combinations which systematically result in an OSV order - one type is represented by sentences like (4) and (5) where the order Obj Noun – Subj Pro – Verb is effectively a consequence of the generalization that the Subject and Object Pronouns occur in pre-Verbal position, as Swanton (op.cit.) says: “the Pronouns ... stand nearest to the Verb”. Note: This pattern holds unless there is, as in (8), an instance of the special category of focus (“strong”) pronouns overtly marked with the Focus particle [ʔu:] in initial position, in which case a pronoun can appear before a Noun rather than standing “nearest to the Verb”. The second type is the OSV “reversal”, illustrated by sentences like (7) where both Subject and Object roles are filled by Pronouns, resulting in the sequence Obj Pro – Subj Pro – Verb. As an XK learner myself, doing the linguistic analysis of the intergenerational transmission study, the general Word Order framework (3) was important for me to establish in order to analyse the data. I consulted GwaaGanad regularly with questions I had about word order (as well as other phonological and morphosyntactic queries). This framework is commensurate with Swanton but adds an additional perspective for learners. Word Order and the relationship with pronouns is complex and thus challenging for L2 learners. This framework offers another pedagogical tool for teachers and learners to bootstrap morphosyntactic understanding. 6.2.2 Learner Trajectories in Word Order The storytelling elicitations from the four participants over eight ILPs produced a vast amount of detailed linguistic data (over 1300 pages). Data was explored for five general morphosyntactic domains: Word Order, Determiners, Pronouns, Postpositions, and Verb 359 Suffixes, for all four family participants; however, a complete linguistic analysis of all five domains is beyond the scope of this dissertation. Importantly, the category of Word Order is the largest domain and is connected to all of these categories. Therefore, in order to provide an overview of the initial starting point of the participants, and insight into their language trajectories over the course of the 8 ILPs throughout the year, Word Order as an inclusive category was used to describe the data and developmental trajectories. Their morphosyntax acquisition paths are described through data and summaries in the following four sections. 6.2.2.1 Participant: dawGanGa (age 7-8) Over the course of 8 storytelling exercises of telling “Frog, Where Are You?”, dawGanGa (7-8 years old) went from needing significant prompting and responding with mostly one-two words in the first sessions, to being able to enthusiastically tell the story with long sentences demonstrating correct Subject-Verb order and morphological marking by the mid-point and through the end of the ILPs. His developmental trajectory moved from reliance on memorized formulaic expressions (like the story's refrain ["ɬk̓ya:n q̓usa:n, gi:nu: dʌŋ ʔi:ǰi:?"] “Forest Crab, where are you?”) to productive control of XK word order patterns. Throughout the 8 sessions, dawGanGa consistently maintained XK's verb-final syntactic patterns rather than English word order. In ILP1, dawGanGa needed significant prompting from SCS, the researcher, and mostly responded with one- or two-word answers. However, he produced three complete sentences with correct XK Word Order; these were high-frequency sentences. The first was the title and refrain of the wordless book: “ɬk̓ya:n q̓usa:n gi:nu: dʌŋ ʔi:ǰi:?” “Forest Crab, where are you?” 360 It was a line learned as a “chunk” or “formulaic expression”. In terms of the morphosyntactic structure of the Target, he produced a fully grammatical sentence in ILP1: 057. He produced this complete sentence after two identical, near-complete sentences (lines 006, 040:, in which the 3sSubj is omitted but the Word Order is correct. The second sentence was: ILP1:064 qʌyd u: ʔi:ǰi:. Target qʌyd u: ʔi:ǰi:. Morpheme qʌyd u: ʔi:ǰ =i m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Obj Foc Vbe=PR tree Foc is Eng gloss It is a tree. And the third near-complete sentence was the expression used to say “goodbye”, also a language chunk: [ʔʌsɩŋ dʌŋ ɬḷ qɩŋ Gʌs gʌ] I’ll see you again: As shown in the target, this sentence was again missing a pronoun (this time 1sSu, target missing indicated in green). He continued to use this expression throughout the ILPs, though correctly with the inclusion of the pronoun in later occurrences. ILP1: 057 “ɬgyʌn gu:stan, gi:nu: dʌŋ ʔi:ǰi:?" Target ɬk̓ya:n q̓usa:n, gi:nu: dʌŋ ʔi:ǰi:? Morpheme ɬgyʌn gusta:n, gi:n -u: dʌŋ ʔi:ǰ =i m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Subj whQ- Foc 2sSubj Vbe=PR forest crab where Foc you are Eng gloss “Forest crab, where are you?” ILP1: 124 "ha:wʔʌ! ʔʌsɩŋ dʌŋ qɩŋ gʌɬ gʌ." Target “ha:wʔʌ! ʔʌsɩŋ dʌŋ ɬl qɩŋ Gʌs gʌ.” Morpheme ha:wʔʌ! ʔʌsɩŋ dʌŋ ___ hɩŋ =gʌɬ-gʌ m-by-m ID m-by-m trans thank.you! Adv 2sObj 1sSubj Vtr =Fut-PR thank.you! again you ___ see =Fut-PR Eng gloss “Thank.you! will see you again.” 361 In ILP2, dawGanGa consistently produced correct versions of the title sentence (lines 005, 045, 069, 106). He demonstrated correct manipulation with a different Object Noun of the same Subj -Vi Word Order sentence he used in ILP1: In ILP3 dawGanGa was under the weather and required a lot of prompting (SCS asking Wh-questions about the pictures). However he consistently used correct XK Object.Noun-Adjective Word Order, some simple Subj.Noun-Vi sentences (without inflection on the Verb), as well as the three previously-used memorized sentences from ILP1 (2 sentences) and ILP2 (1 sentence). In ILP4, after four, month-long intensive language periods over the timeframe of just under five months, there was a dramatic change in dawGanGa’s attitude, apparent confidence, and linguistic production; he launched into prolific storytelling. dawGanGa showed significant expansion in both production quantity (his peak production of Sentences/Phrases was 132, well beyond his ILP average of 87) as well as in complexity, producing several novel sentences with correct Word Order. An example is line 092-3 (-DetD and verb inflection missing): ILP2: 018 tʌy da:na:y u: i:ǰi:. Target tʌy da:na:y u: i:ǰi:. Morpheme tʌy da:n -a:y u: i:ǰ =i:. m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Subj -DetD Foc Vbe=PR. lie place -DetD Foc is. Eng gloss It is the bed. ILP4: 092-93 ʔʌt χa: λḷgʷi: ʔʌd ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ … sti:χʌgʌŋ. Target ʔʌd χa:ga:y λḷGʷi: ʔʌd ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ … si:χʌgʌŋ gʌ Morpheme ʔʌt χa: λḷ- gʷi: ʔʌd ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ sti:χʌgʌŋ m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Conj Subj CL- Vi Conj Subj Vi and dog animate.thing fall and boy mad Eng gloss and dog falls and boy …mad. 362 In line 184, the sentence has correct Word Order and even verb suffix (present tense gʌ): In ILP5, dawGanGa used dialogue, inserting the English transitive Verb say in the correct XK verb position: In ILP6, dawGanGa produced several examples of correct Word Order in sentences and phrases, and in some occasions used verb inflection (conveying progressive aspect), e.g: In line 080 he presented a sentence with negation using correct Word Order (though he is missing the Object for the Vtr). It is notable that it contains the negative ending [-Gʌŋ] that ILP4: 184 ga:t gu:dʌna:y la: Gu:dsλḷ gʌ. Target k̓a:da:y gu:dʌŋa:y a: Gu:dsλḷ gʌ. Morpheme ga:t gu:dʌna:y a: Gu:dsλḷ =gʌ m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Subj Vi Intens =PR deer mind well very =PR Eng gloss Deer is very happy. ILP5: 048 ʔʌd ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ [said] "skya:n gu:sga:n, gi:nu: dɩŋ i:ǰi:?" Target ʔʌd nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ su: “ɬk̓ya:n q̓usa:n, gi:nu: dʌŋ i:ǰi:?" Morpheme ʔʌd ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ [said] skya:n gu:sga:n gi:n: -u dɩŋ i:ǰ =i: m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Conj Subj [ ] Subj WhQ -Foc 2Subj Vbe=PR and boy [ ] forest crab where -Foc you are Eng gloss and boy [said], “forest crab, where are you?” ILP6: 034 χa: ʔʌd ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ ga:di: gʌ. Target χa:ga:y ʔʌd nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ a:di: gʌ. Morpheme χa: ʔʌd ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ ga:di:=gʌ. m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Subj Conj Subj Vi =PR dog and boy sleep =PR Eng Gloss dog and boy sleeping. 363 goes with Negative word gʌm at the front of the sentence (it didn’t have the present tense suffix [-gʌ] after the negative marker): In ILP7, near the end of the study, he produced 24 XK sentences with Subject-Verb structure. Line 059 indicates how he was stringing together this basic intransitive verb structure to tell the story: ILP7: 059 ʔʌd ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ, [ʔʌm] ga:d ka:di:s ʔʌt ... ʔʌd ḷ sti:χʌgʌŋ. Target ʔʌd nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ Ga:d ka:di:s, ʔʌt ... ʔʌd ḷ si:χʌgʌŋ Morpheme ʔʌd ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ [ʔʌm] ga:d ka:di:s ʔʌt ʔʌd ḷ sti:χʌgʌŋ m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Conj Subj [ ] Vi Conj Conj 3sSubj Vi and boy [ ] jump and and he angry. Eng Gloss and boy um, jumping, and… and he angry. Significantly, in this ILP7, dawGanGa produced a Subject-Object-Vtr sentence: ILP7: 006-7 ha:... … ɬḷ qɩŋ. ʔʌd ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ … sgya:n gu:ɬga:n ɬḷ kɩŋ. ʔʌd [ʔʌm] Target χa:ga:y ɬḷ qɩŋ di: gʌ. ʔʌd nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ ɬk̓ya:n q̓usa:n qɩŋ di: gʌ Morpheme ha: ɬḷ qɩŋ ʔʌd ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ sgya:n gu:ɬga:n ɬḷ kɩŋ ʔʌd [ʔʌm] m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Subj 1sSubj Vtr Conj Subj Obj 1sSubj Vtr Conj [ ] dog I see and dog forest crab I see and [ ] Eng Gloss dog… I see. and dog ILP6: 080 ʔʌd ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ … gʌm kɩd ʔa: gʌŋ. Target ʔʌd nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ … gʌm gudla: gʌŋ Morpheme ʔʌd ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ gʌm kɩd ʔa: =gʌŋ m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Conj Subj Neg Vi =Neg and boy not like =Neg Eng Gloss and boy… didn’t like. 364 He inserted 1sSubj [ɬḷ] unecessarily, but otherwise it had correct Word Order. Very notably in this ILP he also produced NomObj-ProNomSubj-Vtr sentences, for example 008: ILP7: 008 ga:sgu:ǰu:wa:y ḷ … gɩɬ. Target q̓a:sgu:ǰu:wa:y ḷ …k̓ɩɬ gʌn Morpheme ga:sgu:ǰu:-wa:y ḷ gɩɬ. m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Obj -DetD 3sSubj Vi pitch.burn-DetD he out. Eng Gloss the lamp he turn off. He produced several instances of correct Word Order for Noun-Adjective, for example 068: ILP7: 068 ʔʌd kʌyd … kʌlǰu: ʔʌd kʌyd … dʌp- dʌpǰu:. Target ʔʌd qʌyd kʌlǰu: ʔʌd qʌyd dʌpǰu: Morpheme ʔʌd kʌyd kʌlǰu: ʔʌd kʌyd dʌp- dʌpǰu: m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Conj Obj Adj Conj Obj FS- Adj and tree big and tree FS- small Eng Gloss and big tree… and little tree. He still mixed up Word Order occasionally; for example, in line 123 the Vtr (climb) and Noun Object (rock) were in reverse order, but the meaning is very clear: ILP7: 123, 128 ʔʌd ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ … [ʔʌm] ʔʌd xa: qa:ɬḷ ɬGa: ʔʌt χa: ... [ʔʌm] … ḷ k̓i:dʌχʌ. Target ʔʌd nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ ɬGa: χa: qa:ɬḷ gʌ. ʔʌt χa:ga:y k̓i:dʌχʌ gʌ. Morpheme ʔʌd ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ ʔʌd xa: qa:ɬḷ ɬGa: ʔʌt χa: ḷ k̓i:dʌχʌ m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Conj Subj Conj Vtr Obj Conj Subj 3sSubj Vi and boy and climb rock and dog he embarrass Eng Gloss and boy rock climb and dog… um, he embarrass In ILP8, the final session, dawGanGa continued to demonstrate advancement in sentence construction. He produced a string of short sentences with correct subject noun and 365 verb order, with a few varying mismatches (outside of Word Order). He produced a sentence with correct Obj-ProSubj-Vtr Word Order (missing Vi suffix): Lines 028, 30 had correct order, though two different forms of 3sSubj pronouns were unnecessarily inserted: Lines 035-37 below present short sentences exhibiting correct Word Order with the inclusion of ḷ or ɬḷ in the same position. These insertions were assumed to be [ḷ] 3sSubj or [ɬḷ] 1sSu, inserted unnecessarily, with the following explanation: dawGanGa first of all identified the appropriate pronoun that should serve as the 3sSu. Then he identified the lexical Noun that would serve as the Subject. Then, having identified the Subject Noun as the referent, he formed a grammatical XK sentence: 3sSubj V. This pattern of including both the Noun subject as well as a Pronoun Subject (usually 3sSubj but sometimes 1sSubj) was a pattern present in all the participants to varying degrees. ILP8: 031, 033 ʔʌd ga:dgʌǰa:wa:y ḷ… Ga:ǰu: Target ʔʌd Ga:dGʌč̓a:wa:y ʌ ƛḷ- Ga:ǰu: gʌ Morpheme ʔʌd ga:dgʌǰa: -wa:y ḷ Ga:ǰu: m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Conj Obj -DetD 3sSubj Vtr and window -DetD he open Eng Gloss and window he… open ILP8: 028, 030 ʔʌd lʌ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ, [ʔʌm]... ḷ [ʔʌ,] da:yɩŋ. Target ʔʌd nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ ḷ da:yɩŋ gʌn. Morpheme ʔʌd lʌ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ ḷ da:yɩŋ m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Conj 3sSubj Subj 3sSubj Vtr and he boy he search Eng Gloss and he boy, um … he search. 366 Though the storytelling appears halting (with insertions of the hesitation phenomena [ʔʌm] or [ʔʌ]), and in most cases verb suffixes are absent, the Word Order is distinctly not English, but Haida. Summary: dawGanGa dawGanGa’s Word Order development demonstrated steady progression from minimal production (one or two words) to increasingly complex and correct XK Word Order. In ILP1, despite requiring significant prompting and primarily responding with one or two words, he produced three complete sentences with non-English Word Order, including the correct XK Wh-question structure in the story’s title and refrain: [ɬgyʌn gu:stan, gi:nu: dʌŋ ʔi:ǰi:?] forest crab, where are you? though he repeated them with pronoun omissions. ILP2 showed consolidation of these patterns with consistently correct production of the Wh-question sentence and demonstration of sentence manipulation skills. ILP4 marked dawGanGa’s expansion period with significant apparent growth in both quantity (doubled production) and complexity, producing novel sentences with correct Word Order, including a perfectly formed sentence with proper verb inflection. In ILP5-7 he continued this advancement with recognition of missing lexicon (code-switching to English and using the English verb in the correct XK position), extensive correct Word Order examples, and complex constructions including negative sentences with proper morphological marking, though some Subject-Adjective ILP8: 035-36-37 ʔʌt χa: λḷgʷi:. ʔʌd ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ … ḷ ɬḷ… [ʔʌm] sti:χʌgʌŋ Target ʔʌt χa:ga:y λḷGʷi: ʔʌd nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ si:χʌgʌŋ gʌ. Morpheme ʔʌt χa: λḷ- gʷi: ʔʌd ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ ḷ ɬḷ sti:χʌgʌŋ. m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Conj Subj CL- Vi Conj Subj 3sSubj 1sSubj Vi and dog animate.thing fall and boy he I angry. Eng Gloss and dog fell. and boy he- I [um], angry. 367 mismatches persisted. ILP7 showed sustained development with 24 XK sentences using basic Subj-Vi structure, correct Subject-Object-Verb constructions, and proper Noun-Adjective order, though some Word Order inconsistencies remained. ILP8 demonstrated continued progress with strings of correctly ordered short sentences and complex constructions (some involving unnecessary pronoun insertion patterns a pattern seen across all participants). Throughout his development, dawGanGa consistently showed that his emerging grammar followed XK Verb-Final pattern of sentences, indicating acquisition of this aspect of language's fundamental syntactic structure. His increased storytelling enthusiasm and comfort in XK indicated how his XK foundation was giving him confidence in his expressive language abilities. Outside of the storytelling activity, while quieter in producing spontaneous XK than his older brother, dawGanGa was responding with more XK in play with his brother, and was more forthcoming in XK responses when invited into XK dialogue by family members. 6.2.2.2 Participant: k’waayGa (age 10) k’waayGa's starting point indicated significant XK grammatical competence. The older brother had, by virtue of age (10 years old), spent more time in XK with his fluent naanGa grandmother as well as with fluent-Elder Ildagwaay who mentored his mother during her 4-year Mentor-Apprentice program in his first years of life. From the start, k’waayGa used the Verb-Final characteristic of XK sentences, and several different kinds of XK Sentences with correct XK Word Order. His learning trajectory was characterized by creative experimentation and risk-taking, progressing from basic sentence frames in ILP2-3 to peak creativity in ILP5-6 where he strategically used memorized chunks. This was followed by sophisticated grammatical insights in ILP7-8 such as treating noun lists as single constituents for focus marking. Like his 368 younger brother, throughout all eight sessions, k'waayGa maintained distinctly XK rather than English syntax patterns. In ILP1, at the very beginning of the storytelling, he produced correct NomObj-ProSubj-Vtr sentence (even including the verb suffix); demonstrating a significant level of sentence construction ability from the start: Similar to dawGanGa (in ILP8: lines 028, 030), k’waayGa unnecessarily inserted the 1sSubj ɬḷ into an otherwise correct sentence. In ILP1 he also sometimes produced a mismatched Subj-Adj Word Order, as shown in line 093: ILP1: 002-003 ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ ʔʌd χa: … ɬkya:n ku:sta:n ɬḷ kɩŋ di: gʌŋ. Target nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ ʔʌd χa:ga:y … ɬya:n q̓u:sa:n qɩŋ di: gʌ. Morpheme ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ ʔʌd χa: ɬkya:n ku:sta:n ɬḷ kɩŋ di: =gʌŋ. m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Subj Conj Subj Obj 1sSubj Vi PROG =PR boy and dog forest crab I see Eng Gloss boy and dog … I see a forest crab ILP1: 071 ʔʌd χa: ɬḷ Ga:d gʌn. Target ʔʌd χa:-ga:y u: Ga:d gʌn. Morpheme ʔʌd χa: ɬḷ Ga:d =gʌn m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Conj Subj Foc Vi =PA and dog I run =PA Eng Gloss and dog I ran ILP1: 093 [a:] sdɩŋ ɬkya:n ku:sta:n Target ɬk̓ya:n q̓u:sta:na:y sdɩŋ Morpheme [a:] sdɩŋ ɬkya:n ku:sta:n m-by-m ID m-by-m trans [ ] Adj Subj [ ] two forest crab Eng Gloss uh forest crab two 369 In ILP2, k’waayGa also continued with production of correct basic sentence structure: 035 presents an example of correct Subj-Verb order; however, it also contained a mismatched Verb-Adverb order (additionally, the Adverb used here is an intensifier that is a lexical mismatch, qʷa:n many for Gudsλl ̣ very, though the meaning is clear regardless). While the intransitive verb [ɬGʷa:gʌ] scared did not have Negative or tense inflection suffixes, the Word Order was correct; he produced several constructions like this in this ILP. In ILP2 k’waayGa also produced the NomObj-ProSubj-Vtr sentence structure. 031 was a correct NomObj-ProSubj-Vtr with the correct order and 3sSubj pronoun form [ʌ] (it contains correct verbal past tense suffix). Note the verb [ta:] eat was an approximation for verb [uxɩd] bite, which he learned later: k’waayGa continued with both correct and mismatching Noun and Adv order. In ILP3, k’waayGa produced more new, correct Verb-Final sentences. Line 010 presents the sentence structure of Subj-Vbe, frequently used in daily life: ILP2: 035 χa: qʷa:n ɬGʷa:gʌ ʔʌd sgʌs sgʌs gʌm a: Target χa: ɬGʷa:gʌ Gudsλḷ ʔʌd sgʌs sgʌs gʌm a: Gʌŋ Morpheme χa: qʷa:n ɬGʷa:gʌ ʔʌd sgʌs sgʌs gʌm a: m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Subj Adv Vi Conj Subj Neg Vi dog many scared and owl not good Eng Gloss dog lots scared and owl not good ILP2: 031 ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ qun ʌ ta: gʌn. Target ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ kun ʌ ta: gʌn Morpheme ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ qun ʌ ta: =gʌn m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Obj 3sSubj Vi =PA boy nose he eat =PA Eng Gloss he ate boy’s nose 370 Line 085 shows a similar sentence to 010 using the same verb, but with a Subject noun and adjective, indicating his ability to manipulate sentences with the verb [ʔi:ǰi:] to be: In line 033 he used a complete Wh- question sentence frame to ask for the translation of an English word: In this ILP he used this question sentence correctly twice, and later with a mismatch in Word Order. He demonstrated increasing complexity of sentences, which led to some interesting novel constructions (mismatches). Line 038 shows his attempt at a complex Word Order target; he achieved some correct components but had mismatches of the possession pronoun and order (note also the same lexicon approximation as ILP2, [ta:] eat for [q̓u:χɩd] bite): ILP3: 010 ʔa:w u: ʔi:ǰi:. Morpheme ʔa:w u: ʔi:ǰ =i m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Adv Foc Vbe =PR here (it) is Eng Gloss Here it is. ILP3: 085 ʔʌd ɬkya:n ku:sta:n sdɩŋ u: i:ǰi Morpheme ʔʌd ɬkya:n ku:sta:n sdɩŋ u: i:ǰ =i: m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Conj Subj Adj Foc Vbe=PR and forest crab two Foc are Eng Gloss and there are two forest crabs. ILP3: 033 ʔʌd ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ ... gʌsɩŋu: ["hole"] ki:Gʌ? Morpheme ʔʌd ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ gʌsɩŋ -u: ["hole"] ki:Gʌ? m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Conj Subj WhQ -Foc [ ] Vi and boy what Foc [hole] named? Eng Gloss and boy… what is “hole” named? 371 In ILP4, like dawGanGa, k’waayGa produced his peak volume of language output – he produced 167 Sentences/Phrases, which was over twice his average ILP output of 76. As noted with his brother’s peak output in ILP4, the storytelling in ILP4 occurred when the family was on holiday, and therefore in a relaxed, happy state together, which indicates the importance of a positive conditions and environment for these kinds of tasks and language learning in general. He produced some novel and wonderful sentences, including near complete line 115 (just missing a postposition (PP)): ILP4: 115 gʌm sʌh gʷi:, xɩd gʷi:! ʔʌd gʌm sga:l χa:ga:y a: Gʌŋ ga! Target gʌm sʌh gʷi:, xɩd gʷi:! ʔʌd gʌm sga:l χa:ga:y Gʌn a: Gʌŋ ga! Morpheme gʌm sʌh gʷi:, xɩd gʷi: ʔʌd gʌm sga:l χa:-ga:y u: a: Gʌŋ=ga m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Neg Adv Adv Conj Neg Subj Obj-DetD Foc Vi Neg =PR Not up towards, down towards and not bee dog-DetD Foc good not Eng Gloss not upwards, downwards! and bees not good (for) the dog. He had some Subject Adjective order mismatches. He also produced correct tokens of some earlier mismatches, including line 112 where he applied the correct intensifier that he’d been mismatching a month prior in ILP3 (in ILP3: lines 052-3, in the correct position, he used the intensifier [kwa:n] many instead of [Gu:dsλ] very). In ILP4 he produced the correct intensifier [Gu:dsλ]: ILP3: 038 ʔʌd qʌgʌn qun ḷ lʌ ta: gʌn Target ʔʌd kʌgʌn ḷ kun q̓u:χɩd gʌn. Morpheme ʔʌd qʌgʌn qun ḷ lʌ ta: =gʌn. m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Conj Subj Obj Foc 3sSubj Vi =PA and mouse nose Foc him ate Eng Gloss and he is the one who ate mouse’s nose. 372 After the intensifier [Gu:dsλ] he even had the present tense inflection suffix after the Vi scared. In this ILP, in an earlier line 050 he showed the transition to this line with his own self-correction: k’waayGa consistently kept [Gu:dsλ-Gʌ] Intensifier-Present tense suffix together, a collocation. Still in expansive ILP4, k’waayGa began to use postpositions for the first time. The postpositions [gu:] at, [sdʌ] from, [gʷi:] towards, [gi:] to: are suddenly used. In this ILP, their meaning and their position was not always clear, for example: ILP4: 044, 046, 048: ʔʌd ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ qʌlgʌ [ʌm...]… ƛlGa:ǰu: sʌh gʷi: … doʌχʌn χɩd gʷi:. Target ʔʌd ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ qʌlgʌ ƛlGa:ǰu: gʌ sʌh gʷi: doʌχʌn χɩdgʷi:. Morpheme ʔʌd ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ qʌlgʌ ƛl- Ga:ǰu: sʌh gʷi: doʌχʌn χɩd gʷi: m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Conj Subj Obj CL- Vi Adj PP PP Adj Vi and boy glass do.with.hands open up towards or down towards Eng Gloss boy glass jar … um, open upwards… or downwards. ILP4: 112 χa:ga:y, ḷ ɬGʷa:gʌ Gu:dsλ Gʌ Target χa:ga:y u: ɬGʷa:gʌ Gu:dsλ gʌ Morpheme χa: -ga:y, ḷ ɬGʷa:gʌ Gu:dsλ =Gʌ m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Subj-DetD 3sSubj Vi Adv =PR dog-DetD he scared very Eng Gloss the dog, he is very scared! ILP4: 050 χa: ɬGʷa:gʌ qʷa:n... Gu:dsλ Gʌ. ʔa:yʌ. Morpheme χa: ɬGʷa:gʌ qʷa:n... Gu:dsλ =Gʌ. ʔa:yʌ. m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Subj Vi Adv Adv =PR Intj dog scared many… very -PR. I.don’t.know Eng gloss dog very scared. 373 Though this sentence meaning is not completely clear, the postposition [gʷi:] toward was applied in the correct position after the word [sʌh] up as well as after the word [χɩd] down. This is a good example of the creative and expressive risks he was taking at this time. His focus was on communication and expression, and his self-confidence and risk taking was increasing. This also meant that his “mismatches” were also increasing, as he was pushing the boundaries of his language use, and productively experimenting (as evidenced by the intensifier exploration and eventual self-correction). Progressive ILPs also show an increasing number of compound sentences. In ILP5 k’waayGa produced a large number of long and novel sentences with correct Word Order and new lexicon (in new verbs and nouns), showing significant expansion in his storytelling. Line 008 is an example of a list of Noun Subjects (missing the conjunction) and then a Vi, as well as a NomSubj-Vbe in the second clause: He introduced a novel, Subj-Vtr complete sentence in line 024 that he repeated (word for word) in lines 024, 034, 063. He introduced the Vtr su: say, which he omitted in previous tellings of this part of the story. He included it here as a verb, but as a memorized chunk [hʌn ʔʌ su:] say it like this, a frequent expression in daily life during the ILPs (he continued this pattern into ILP6): ILP5: 008 ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ, χa:... ɬkya:n ku:sta:n u: la:... k̓a:di: gi:ʔɩnsgwa:y u: i:ǰi:. Target nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ, χa: ga:y ʔʌd ɬk̓ya:n q̓usa:n u: la:... q̓a:di: gi:ʔɩnsgwa:y u: i:ǰi: Morpheme ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ, χa:... ɬkya:n ku:sta:n u: la:... k̓a:di: gi:ʔɩnsg-wa:y u: i:ǰ =i: m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Subj Subj Subj Foc Vi Obj -DetD Foc Vbe=PR boy, dog forest crab Foc good sleep clothes -DetD Foc be Eng Gloss boy, dog… forest crab is good… here are sleeping clothes. 374 In ILP5 he used the same correct Word Order format as in earlier ILPs but with new verbs, including [ska:č̓ʌ] to be cranky: He continued to put more sentences together in multi-clausal construction. In 048, the first sentence (Subj-Vi) was almost completely correct, including the verb suffix (with only the determiner missing on Subj [sGa:l] bees). In the second part there are some still lexical mismatches (indicated in green), and in the last part of the sentence [qugɩn ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ ʌ ta: gʌn] there are a few things occurring at the same time: it had the proper NomSubj-NomObj-Vtr order, but there was an insertion of the ProSubj ʌ, which, taken without the referent qugɩn mouse, would be correct NomObj-ProSubj-Vtr with the correct pronoun form, ʌ, which is significant. Note also that the Vtr used was [ta:] eat which was an approximation for bite, a transitive verb he had not yet acquired: ILP5: 024, 034, 063 ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ hʌn ʔʌ su:, "ɬkya:n k̓u:sta:n, gi:nu: dʌŋ i:ǰi:?" Target nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ su:, ɬk̓ya:n q̓usa:n, gi:nu: dʌŋ i:ǰi:? Morpheme ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ hʌn ʔʌ su: ɬkya:n k̓u:sta:n gi:n -u: dʌŋ i:ǰ =i: m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Su like.that Vtr Subj WhQ – Foc 2sSubj Vbe=PR boy like that say Forest Crab where Foc you are Eng Gloss and boy and dog… boy says, “Forest Crab, where are you?” ILP5: 030 ʔʌd ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ ska:č̓ʌ. χa: u: a: Target ʔʌd nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ ska:č̓ʌ gʌ. χa:ga:y u: a: gʌ. Morpheme ʔʌd ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ ska:č̓ʌ χa: u: a: m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Conj Subj Vi Subj Foc Vi and boy cranky dog Foc good Eng Gloss and the boy is cranky. dog is the one who is good. 375 Lines 070 shows k’waayGa’s correct Word Order (but with differences from target). It indicates the kinds of Subj-Vtr sentences k’waayGa was making in ILP5. In ILP6 k’waayGa produced NomSubj-NomObj-Vtr Word Order in sentence 027: In 027 above, the Word Order of this sentence was mismatched. The dog was looking for the frog, and put his head in the glass jar, the “forest crab house.” The intended meaning requires rearrangement of the Subject and Object. ILP5: 048 sga:l sGa:č̓ʌ Gu:sλḷ gʌ ʔʌd kʌl qugɩn ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ ʌ ta: gʌn Target sGa:la:y sGa:č̓ʌ Gu:sλḷ gʌ ʔʌd kʌgʌn ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ ta: gʌn Morpheme sga:l sGa:č̓ʌ Gu:sλḷ =gʌ ʔʌd kʌl qugɩn ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ ʌ ta: =gʌn m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Subj Vi Adv =PR Conj FS Subj Obj 3sSubj Vtr =PA bee cranky really and FS mouse boy he ate Eng Gloss bees were really cranky, and mouse he ate boy. ILP5: 070 k̓a:d u: i:ǰi: ʔʌd k̓a:d t̕i:s ɬḷ xal qa: xɩdi:. Target k̓a:d u: i:ǰi:, ʔʌd t̕i:s gʷi: k̓a:da:y qa: xɩdi:. Morpheme k̓a:d u: i:ǰ =i: ʔʌd k̓a:d t̕i:s ɬḷ xal-qa: xɩ =di:. m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Subj Foc Vbe=PR Conj Subj Obj 1sSubj Vi Incep =PROG deer Foc is and deer cliff I drive going.to -now Eng Gloss it is a deer and deer cliff I’m going to drive. ILP6: 027 χa: ɬkya:n k̓u:sta:n na:y qa:ǰi: ɬḷ da:gʌ. Target χa:ga:y qa:ǰi: ɬk̓ya:n q̓usa:n na:y da:Gʌ gʌ. Morpheme χa: ɬkya:n k̓u:sta:n na: -y qa:ǰi: ɬḷ da:gʌ. m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Subj Obj -DetD Subj 1s Vtr dog forest crab house -DetD head I have Eng Gloss Intent dog frog house head I have. The dog has the frog house on his head. 376 ILP6 continued the distinct pattern of speaking/sentence emerging; k’waayGa consistently makes sentences structured like this, “dog, he is angry,” with both the Nominal Subject and the Pronoun Subject. This kind of topic-comment construction is very common in early SLA as well as in child language development (Patricia Duff, Pers. Comm. 2025). k’waayGa introduced the complete and correct expression “[di: gi: ɬʌ ƛlGʌd!]” “help me!”: In ILP7 k’waayGa continued to demonstrate increasing sentence complexity. He had started to experiment with postpositions in ILP4, producing unclear or mismatched Word Order tokens. However, in ILP7 they were used with correct Word Order, for example in line 070 (although the verb suffix is missing), in cliff-towards. ILP6: 080-81 gyen ʔʌsɩŋ na:nu:, … “di: gi: ɬʌ ƛlGʌd!” hʌn-?ʌ su:. Target gyen ʔʌsɩŋ na:nu:, su: “di: gi: ɬʌ ƛlGʌd!” hʌn-u: l: su:. Morpheme gyen ʔʌsɩŋ na:nu: di: gi: ɬʌ ƛlGʌd hʌn-?ʌ su:. m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Adj Adv Subj 1sSubj PP IMP Vtr ? Vtr then again baby me to do help like.that say Eng Gloss then again, baby, “help me!” says like that. ILP7: 070 ʔʌd i:s gʷi: ḷ qa: Target ʔʌd i:s gʷi: ḷ qa: di: gʌ. Morpheme ʔʌd i:s gʷi: ḷ qa: m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Conj Obj PP 3sSubj Vi and cliff towards he walk Eng Gloss and he goes towards cliff. 377 In ILP8, k’waayGa produced a list of nouns in the scene being described: Here, k’waayGa put the focus marker u: after the whole list. It seems like he was treating this list of four nouns as a single constituent. This could therefore be interpreted as his having really grasped (i) the generalization that it is the first “constituent” in a sentence that is marked by the Focus marker, and (ii) that this constituent may be complex. ILP8, Line 020, was an example of two sentences following each other. Determiners on Subject and Object are still missing and verb suffixes are missing (these omissions are in green). However, it indicates how he was putting together sentences in the correct Word Order: Another good example of his abilities by the end of ILP8 is in lines 041-42 - a dialogue containing a sentence with correct Word Order (even as he was still using the collocation [hʌn ʌ su:] for the Vtr [su:] say, and was missing the postposition [Gi:] into): ILP8: 006 [ʔo], ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ , χa:, ɬkya:n k̓u:sta:n, qʌlgʌ u: i:ji:. Target nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ, χa:ga:y, ɬk̓ya:n q̓usa:na:y ʔʌd qʌlgʌ u: i:ji: Morpheme [ʔo], ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ χa: ɬk̓ya:n q̓usa:n qʌlgʌ u: i:j -i: m-by-m ID m-by-m trans [ ] Subj Subj Subj Subj Foc V.be -PR [ ] boy dog forest crab glass Foc is Eng gloss oh, it is boy, dog, forest crab, glass. ILP8: 020 ʔʌd ʔʌm, ɬkya:n k̓u:sta:n u: hʌylu:. ʔʌd ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ ʔʌd xa: ɬGʷa:gʌ. Target ʔʌd ɬk̓ya:n q̓usa:na:y u: ga:gu: gʌn ʔʌd nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ ʔʌd xa:ga:y ɬGʷa:gʌ gʌ Morpheme ʔʌd ʔʌm, ɬkya:n k̓u:sta:n u: hʌylu: ʔʌd ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ ʔʌd xa: ɬGʷa:gʌ. m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Conj [ ] Subj Foc Vi Conj Subj Conj Subj Adj and forest crab Foc finish and boy and dog scared Eng gloss and forest crab is finished. and boy and dog scared. 378 In ILP8 he used new verbs; in line 025 he used Vtr [da:yɩŋ] search. The following line 026 shows a Word Order mismatch (as well as insertion of [ɬḷ] 1sSubj): In ILP8 he continued the tendency to insert the 1s pronoun [ɬḷ] I in several instances. He also added new verbs to his repertoire of correct Subj-Obj-Verb constructions. Though they do not always include inflection, with this correct basic Word Order he was able to connect ideas and convey the story’s meaning quite well. Summary: k’waayGa k'waayGa’s basic XK Word Order demonstrated early competence in NomSubj-NomObj-Verb sentences and NomObject-SubjPro, and increased in complexity and creative experimentation over the ILPs, maintaining the established Verb-Final XK sentence order. In ILP1, he produced sentences with correct XK Word Order, including Subject-Verb sentences as well as the perfectly formed NomObj-ProSubj-Vtr construction [ɬkya:n ku:sta:n ɬḷ kɩŋ di: gʌŋ] I see forest crab, though he frequently inserted unnecessary pronouns like ɬḷ (1sSubj) before ILP8: 041-42 ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ qʌyd qʌlju: xi:lʌs hʌn ʌ su:, [ʔʌm] “ɬk̓ya:n k̓u:ɬta:n, gi:nu dʌŋ i:ji:?” Target nʌŋ i:ɬlɩŋʌ qʌyd qʌlju: χi:lʌs Gi: su:, “ɬk̓ya:n k̓u:ɬta:n, gi:nu dʌŋ i:ji:?” Morpheme ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ qʌyd qʌlju: xi:lʌs hʌn ʌ su: ɬk̓ya:n k̓u:ɬta:n gi:n -u dʌŋ i:j-i: m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Subj Obj Adj Obj Adv Vtr Subj WhQ-Foc 2sSubj Vbe-PR boy tree large hole like.that say Forest Crab where you are Eng gloss and large tree hole boy like that says, “Forest Crab, where are you?” ILP8: 026 ʌgyen ʔʌsɩŋ χa: qʌlga qa:ji: ɬḷ ɩs. Target ʌgyen ʔʌsɩŋ χa:ga:y qa:ji: qʌlgʌ Gi: ɩs di: gʌ Morpheme ʌgyen ʔʌsɩŋ χa: qʌlgʌ qa:ji: ɬḷ ɩs m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Conj Subj Obj Subj 1sSubj Vtr and.then again dog glass head I put Eng gloss and then again, dog glass head I put. 379 the verb. He continued and increased this practice throughout all the ILPs. Most verbs lacked inflection, and some Subject-Adjective mismatches occurred, such as [sdɩŋ ɬkya:n ku:sta:n] two forest crab instead of the correct order. ILP2-3 showed expanding language comfort with new sentence frames, correct manipulation of sentence structures including XK question formation requesting XK lexicon, and use of increasingly sophisticated constructions like Subj-Vbe sentences ([ʔa:w u: ʔi:ǰi:] - here it is), though inconsistencies persisted with verb-adverb order (including mismatching intensifiers [qʷa:n] many and [Gu:dsλḷ] very). ILP4 marked a major expansion in both volume (more than doubled production) and complexity, producing negative constructions and self-corrections showing metalinguistic awareness ([χa: ɬGʷa:gʌ qʷa:n... Gu:dsλ Gʌ] dog scared many... very), as well as his first experimentation with postpositions, some initially not in correct position (like [gʷi:] towards), but progressing to correct position in later ILPs. ILP5-6 represented his peak creativity period for this story retelling, producing novel Subject-Verb sentences in sequence, sometimes including Verb-suffix inceptive-progressive forms like [λḷGwi: xɩdi:] going to fall, as well as strategic use of memorized chunks like [hʌn ʔʌ su:] say it like this to frame dialogue. He showed creative risk-taking with new vocabulary including transitive constructions, though some Word Order inconsistencies remained, in particular with pronoun insertion patterns. ILP7-8 demonstrated sustained advancement with increasingly long multi-clausal sentences, correct postposition use ([ʔɩs gʷi: ḷ qa:] - he goes towards cliff), and grammatical insights such as treating noun lists as single constituents for focus marker placement ([ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ, χa:, ɬkya:n k̓u:sta:n, qʌlgʌ u: i:ji:] boy, dog, forest crab, glass Foc is), indicating understanding of constituent structure. Throughout his development, k'waayGa showed an inspiring willingness to experiment with grammatical forms while maintaining distinctly non-English, XK syntax patterns, 380 demonstrating both creative language processing and systematic grammatical development of Word Order (and other domains beyond the scope of this analysis). 6.2.2.3 Participant: Gung.Ga (age 48-49) At the start, it was evident that Gung.Ga (48-49 years old) had a foundation in XK morphosyntax; this was due to his many years of formal night class instruction at SHIP, in which grammar was part of the teaching. From ILP1, Gung.Ga consistently produced complete clauses with correct Subject-Verb order, dialogue framing, complex NomObj-ProSubj-Vtr constructions, and inclusion of verbal suffixes. However, he was more self-conscious in his storytelling, and did not have the same freedom and focus on communication that the children had. His speech was characterized by more complete sentences including verbal suffixes; less freedom but more correct grammar. Over the course of the ILPs he became more comfortable with storytelling and speaking. His trajectory over the program timeline showed systematic building upon this grammatical knowledge, progressing through the middle of the program expanding sentence complexity, self-correction abilities, and general self- confidence in speaking XK. He used compound Subj-Verb sentences; line 021 is an example: ILP1: 021 nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs k̓a:di: ɬʌ, ʔʌd χa:ga:y k̓a:di: ɬʌ. Target nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs k̓a:di: di: gʌ ʔʌd χa:ga:y k̓a:di: di: gʌ Morpheme nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs k̓a: -di: ɬʌ ʔʌd χa: -ga:y k̓a: -di: ɬʌ m-by-m ID m-by-m trans DetD Subj Vtr -Prog Imp Conj Subj -DetD Vi -Prog Imp DetD boy sleep Prog do and dog -DetD sleep -Prog do Eng gloss the boy do sleep now, and the dog do sleep now. 381 The Subj-Verb structure was correct. There was a mismatch that was repeated twice, the production of an Imperative [ɬʌ] in the place of verb tense suffix. This appears to be part of a memorized chunk [q ̓a:di: ɬʌ] sleep IMP, a sentence used nightly in Gung.Ga’s life with children, telling them to go to bed (sleep). In line 043-44 he produced the complete sentence with the title of the book within dialogue: In that line he included the Vtr su: say to introduce the dialogue, in correct Word Order. In line 140 he correctly produced Word Order of NomObj-ProSubj-Vtr: Overall this sentence demonstrates correct multi-clausal sentence structure, as in XK, the Adjective come after the noun. However, the Adjective should come directly after the Object followed by the Intensifier. Note also that the 3sSubj pronoun form was a mismatch (l ̣ for lʌ). ILP1: 043-4 ʔʌd nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs su:, … “ɬkya:n ku:sta:n, gi:nu: dʌŋ i:ǰi:?” Target ʔʌd nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs su:, … ɬk̓ya:n q̓usa:n, gi:nu: dʌŋ i:ǰi: Morpheme ʔʌd nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs su: ɬkya:n ku:sta:n gi:n -u: dʌŋ i:ǰ =i: m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Conj DetD Subj Vtr Subj WhQ -Foc 2sSubj Vbe=PR and DetD boy say forest crab where Foc you are Eng gloss and the boy says, “Forest Crab, where are you?” ILP1: 140 ɬkya:n ku:sta:n kʷa:n dʌpǰu: … ḷ qɩŋ di: gʌ. Target ʔʌd ɬk̓ya:n q̓usa:n dʌpǰu: qʷa:n lʌ qɩŋ di: gʌ Morpheme ɬkya:n ku:sta:n kʷa:n dʌpǰu: ḷ qɩŋ di: =gʌ m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Obj Intens Adj 3sSubj Vtr Prog =PR forest crab many small he sees now Eng gloss ah! two forest crab and he sees small many forest crab. 382 In ILP2 Gung.Ga continued to use the basic Subj-V Word Order in his sentences, with verb inflection, e.g. In line 023-024, he recognized his own memorized “command” collocation, and corrected himself by removing the imperative ɬʌ: Though he inflected verbs with the tense suffix di: gʌ, Gung.Ga did not always use the Negative suffix Gʌŋ, for example: In this ILP (2), Gung.Ga began to lengthen his sentences and sentence constituents. Of course the task itself (telling the Frog story) only lends itself to so much elaboration. He also produced ILP2: 017-018 [mm], nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ … qa: di: gʌ , ʔʌd χʌ qa: di: gʌ. Target nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ … q̓a: di: gʌ , ʔʌd χʌ q̓a: di: gʌ. Morpheme [mm], nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ qa: di: =gʌ ʔʌd χʌ qa: di: =gʌ m-by-m ID m-by-m trans [ ], DetD Subj Vi Prog =PR Conj Subj Vi Prog=PR [ ], DetD boy walk Prog and dog walk Prog Eng gloss mm, the boy walks, and the dog walks. ILP2: 023-24 nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ ʔʌd χa: … skɩnχʌ ɬʌ... skɩnχʌ di: gʌ. Target nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ ʔʌd χa:ga:y skɩnχʌ di: gʌ Morpheme nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ ʔʌd χa: skɩnχʌ ɬʌ skɩnχʌ di: =gʌ m-by-m ID m-by-m trans DetD Subj Conj Su Vi Imp Vi Prog=PR DetD boy and dog wake do wake Prog Eng gloss the boy and dog… wake up… are waking. ILP2: 087 gʌm xɩl u: i:ǰi:, Ga:d u: i:ǰi:! Target gʌm xɩl u: i:ǰi: Gʌŋ, k̓a:da:y u: i:ǰi: Morpheme gʌm xɩl u: i:ǰ =i: Ga:d u: i:ǰ -i: m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Neg Obj Foc Vbe=PR Obj Foc Vbe-PR not neck Foc is deer Foc is Eng gloss it’s not neck, it’s deer! 383 mismatches of Subj-Adj Word Order, (and used English when he didn’t have the XK vocabulary): In ILP3, Gung.Ga produced more complex ideas, though with several Word Order mismatches. ILP3 was also his peak output at 160 Sentences/Phrases, much higher than his average production at 108. In line 253 above, he communicated a lot of information with some correct Word Order, but with some mismatches: the locative phrase was at the front which was correct, however the 3pSubj pronoun ƛ̓l ̣ in front of the locative kyʌh outside was incorrect; when he got to the end of the sentence he did have awareness that the pronoun should be directly ahead of the verb, inserting 3pSubj ƛ̓l ̣ again in the correct position in front of the Verb. The transitive verb “found” was here and in the correct position, but it was in English (with English question intonation as he was asking for the word “found” in XK). The Word Order for the adjective ILP2: 123 ʔʌw! … sgʷa:nsɩŋ gɩdgʌlʌŋ ɬkya:n ku:sta:n nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs [take away] Target ʔʌw! … ɬk̓ya:n q̓u:sa:n gɩdgʌ sGʷa:nsɩŋ nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs [ɩsdʌ di: gʌ] Morpheme ʔʌw! … sgʷa:nsɩŋ gɩdgʌlʌŋ ɬkya:n ku:sta:n nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs [take away] m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Intj! … Adj Obj -PL Noun DetD Subj [ ] Intj! … one children forest crab DetD boy [ ] Eng gloss aw! one children forest crab the boy [take away] ILP3: 253 ƛḷ kyʌh … sgʷa:nsɩŋ sdɩŋ ɬkya:n ku:sta:n ƛḷ … [found?] Target kyʌh gu: ɬk̓ya:n q̓u:sa:n sdɩŋ ƛ̓ḷ qi:χʌ gʌ. Morpheme ƛḷ kyʌh sgʷa:nsɩŋ sdɩŋ ɬkya:n ku:sta:n ƛḷ [found?] m-by-m ID m-by-m trans 3pSubj Noun Adj Adj Obj 3pSubj [ ] they outside one two forest crab they [ ] Eng gloss they outside … one, two forest crab they [found?] 384 was mismatched with the Object. Though there are several novel features in this example, when looking carefully, the XK Word Order of the sentence was there: Loc-Obj-Subj-Vtr. Gung.Ga sometimes mismatched the correct Subj-Obj-Verb order, for example in line 073 with two nouns he reversed the order of Object noun and Subject noun: He continued to correctly use phrases with dialogue embedded, as in 097: In ILP4 Gung.Ga used more memorized imperative chunks, e.g. line 014 where he inserted the imperative ɬʌ after Vi and Adj. He also stated the collocation at the beginning of the sentence in a false start. ILP3: 073 ɬkya:n ku:sta:n nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ da:yɩŋ di: gʌ. Target nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ ɬk̓ya:n q̓u:sa:n da:yɩŋ di: gʌ Morpheme ɬkya:n ku:sta:n nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ da:yɩŋ di: =gʌ m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Obj DetD Subj Vtr Prog =PR forest crab DetD boy search Prog Eng gloss The boy searches for the forest crab. ILP3: 097 nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs su:, "gi:nu: dʌŋ i:ǰi:?" Target nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs su:, "gi:nu: dʌŋ i:ǰi:?" Morpheme nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs su: gi:n -u: dʌŋ i:ǰ =i: m-by-m ID m-by-m trans DetD Subj Vtr WhQ -Foc 2sSubj Vbe=PR DetD boy say where Foc you are Eng gloss The boy says, “where are you?” ILP4: 014 ka: a: ɬʌ - nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs ʔʌd χa:ga:y k̓a: a: ɬʌ. Target nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs ʔʌd χa:ga:y q̓a: a: di: gʌ Morpheme ka: a: ɬʌ - nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs ʔʌd χa:-ga:y k̓a: a: ɬʌ m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Vi Adj Imp - DetD Subj Conj Subj-DetD Vi Adj Imp sleep well do – DetD boy and dog-DetD sleep well do Eng gloss sleep well – The boy and the dog do sleep well. 385 The first instance of the Conjunction ʔi:la:w but appears in line 031, which constitutes an effective sentence with correct word order that expresses a lot: He continued to sometimes mismatch Subj-Adj order. At the same time, Gung.Ga was also using correct Subj-Adj order (for example 102-103): In ILP5, Gung.Ga used memorized imperative chunks and introduced new constructions. He continued to use both correct and mismatched Adj-Obj Word Order. He used locative clauses in correct position, and conjunctions, increasing the complexity of his sentences, e.g.: ILP4: 031 nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs sti:xʌgʌŋ, ʔi:la:w χa:ga:y gu:dɩŋa:y a: di: gʌ. Target nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs st̕i:χʌgʌŋ gʌ, ʔi:la:w χa:ga:y gu:dɩŋa:y a: di: gʌ Morpheme nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs sti:xʌgʌŋ ʔi:la:w χa: -ga:y gu:dɩŋa:y a: di: =gʌ m-by-m ID m-by-m trans DetD Subj Vi Conj Subj-DetD Vi Prog= PR DetD boy angry but dog -DetD mind good Prog Eng gloss The boy is angry, but the dog is happy. ILP4: 102-103 ɬkya:n ku:sta:n kʷa:n … [mm] gu:dɩŋa:y a: di: gʌ. Target ɬk̓ya:n q̓u:sa:n qʷa:n … [mm] gu:dɩŋa:y a: di: gʌ Morpheme ɬkya:n ku:sta:n kʷa:n … [mm] gu:dɩŋa:y a: di: =gʌ m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Subj Adj … [ ] Noun Vi Prog =PR forest crab many … [ ] mind be.good Prog Eng gloss Many forest crabs are happy. ILP5: 028 kyʌh ƛḷ qɩŋ di: gʌ , ʔʌd nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs su:, "gi:nu: dʌŋ i:ǰi:?" Target kyʌh gu: ƛ̓l qɩŋ di: gʌ ʔʌd nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs su: gi:nu: dʌŋ i:ǰi: Morpheme kyʌh ƛḷ qɩŋ di: =gʌ ʔʌd nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs su: gi:n -u: dʌŋ i:ǰ =i: m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Loc 3pSubj Vtr Prog =PR Conj DetD Subj Vtr WhQ -Foc 2sSubj Vbe=PR outside they see Prog PR and DetD boy say where -Foc you are Eng gloss they see outside, and the boy says, “where are you?” 386 Here 028 above shows clear improvement in the locative-Subj - V Word Order since ILP3 (mismatches in omission of postposition [gu:] at, and the Vtr [qɩŋ] see should actually be the Vi [da:yɩŋ] search, though see could be a Vi). In line 030 he used the adverb [gyen] as a conjunction to connect sentences, which was a new practice for him (the present tense suffix [=gʌ] was missing from the first Vi:, but it was present in the second). In ILP5 he also begins to experiment with postpositional phrases, suddenly starting to use not only one but several different postpositions: [gi:] to, [gwi:] toward, [sdʌ] from. He was clearly experimenting and taking risks; some of the postpositions aren’t in the correct position, however some of them are, including: ILP5: 097 [ʔʌm,] gʷi:- i:s gʷi: ḷ- ƛḷ k̓a:d di: gʌ. Target i:s gʷi: ḷ- ƛ̓ḷ Ga:d di: gʌ Morpheme [ʔʌm,] gʷi: i:s gʷi: ḷ- ƛḷ k̓a:d di: =gʌ m-by-m ID m-by-m trans [ ] PP- Obj PP FS- 3pSubj Vi Prog=PR [ ] toward- cliff toward he- they run Prog Eng Gloss um, toward- he- they run toward the cliff. His use of postpositions was non-linear; in subsequent ILPs he omitted postpositions frequently. ILP5: 030 ʔʌd nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs [mm,] sti:xʌgʌŋ gyen χa:ga:y gu:dɩŋa: a: gʌ. Target nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs si:χʌgʌŋ gʌ, gyen χa:ga:y gu:dʌŋa:y a: gʌ Morpheme ʔʌd nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs [mm,] sti:xʌgʌŋ gyen χa: -ga:y gu:dɩŋa: a: =gʌ m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Conj DetD Subj [ ] Vi Adv Subj-DetD Vi =PR and DetD boy [ ] angry then dog-DetD mind good Eng gloss and the boy mm, angry, then the dog is happy. 387 In ILP6 he continued with acquired patterns including the imperative memorized chunks, and in ILP7 he continued with the patterns he had acquired and included new verbs, e.g. Vtr [χa: qa:ɬḷ] climb, and was experimenting with language use, for example: In the case above, the clause was missing a Subject. In ILP8 Gung.Ga was producing new, unmodeled sentences, such as in line 051-052: In this example the Object [qʌyd χi:lʌs] tree hole could also be a locative; either way it was in the correct position, but a postposition was needed (either [Gi:] into if tree hole was the Object, or [gu:] at, if it was a locative). He produced two correct verbs that could be used, in this case ILP7: 132-133 nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs su:, "ššš." ... qʌyd χa: qa:... χa: qa:ɬḷ di: gʌ. Target nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs su:, "ššš." … nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs qʌyd χa: qa:ɬḷ di: g Morpheme nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs su: ššš qʌyd χa: qa:... χa: qa:ɬḷ di: =gʌ m-by-m ID m-by-m trans DetD Subj Vtr shhh Obj Subj FS Vtr Prog=PR DetD boy say shhh tree dog FS climb Prog PR Eng gloss the boy says, “shh” … tree FS climbs. ILP8: 051 [ʔə] qʌyd χi:lʌs nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs da:yɩŋ- qɩŋ di: gʌ, Target qʌyd χi:lʌs Gi: nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs da:yɩŋ di: gʌ Morpheme [ʔə] qʌyd χi:lʌs nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs da:yɩŋ- qɩŋ di: =gʌ m-by-m ID m-by-m trans [ ] Adj Obj DetD Subj Vtr Vtr Prog =PR [ ] tree hole DetD boy search see Prog Eng gloss uh, tree hole the boy searches... sees ILP8: 052 ʔʌd kya:gʌŋ, "gi:nu: dʌŋ i:ǰi:?" Target ʔʌd lʌ kya:gʌŋ gi:nu: dʌŋ i:ǰi: Morpheme ʔʌd kya:gʌŋ gi:n -u: dʌŋ i:ǰ-i: m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Conj Vi WhQ -Foc 2sSubj Vbe-PR and call where Foc you are Eng gloss and call, “where are you?” 388 the first verb he used was [da:yɩŋ] search, which was more correct. In the second sentence he used the verb [kya:gʌŋ] call, but was missing a Subject (which could be 3sSubj ʌ). Though there are still some mismatches, Gung.Ga’s advancement and communicative competence is clear in ILP8. Summary: Gung.Ga Gung.Ga’s Word Order demonstrated advanced significant starting competence, showing grammatical awareness from ILP1 with consistent production of complete clauses with correct basic Subject-Verb order from the beginning, dialogue framing, as well as correct NomObj-ProSubj-Vtr structure like [ɬkya:n ku:sta:n kʷa:n dʌpǰu: … ḷ qɩŋ di: gʌ] he sees small many forest crab. ILP2-3 showed that his sentence complexity was expanding with proper Progressive-Present verb inflection [di: gʌ] and self-correction abilities. He was also becoming more confident in speaking and storytelling in XK, with his peak output occurred in ILP3. Occasional Subject-Adjective mismatches occurred, as well as Subject-Object reversals in transitive constructions. However, the Verb-Final position in his sentences was established throughout. His ambitious sentence attempts revealed both strengths in complex locative-object-subject-verb constructions and persistent challenges with adjective placement and pronoun positioning. ILP4-5 marked his peak period of Word Order sophistication, introducing new conjunctions like [ʔi:la:w] but for building complex contrastive sentences, and demonstrating both correct and mismatched adjective-object order within the same sessions. He successfully used locative phrases like [kyʌh ƛḷ qɩŋ di: gʌ] they see outside and notably, introduced the use of four postpositions, indicating metalinguistic awareness of grammatical categories. ILP6-8 showed sustained competence with introduction of new vocabulary (including verbs like [kya:gʌŋ] call); creative use of temporal adverbs in multiple grammatical 389 contexts; and production of novel unmodeled sentences with complex verb combinations such as [qʌyd χi:lʌs nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs da:yɩŋ- qɩŋ di: gʌ] tree hole the boy searches- sees, where he offered multiple appropriate verbs demonstrating both creative language processing and awareness of semantic appropriateness, though postposition omissions remained frequent. Throughout the program, Gung.Ga maintained consistent use of (appropriate) verb inflection while gradually starting to manipulate memorized imperative chunks toward productive grammatical constructions. In this way he demonstrated systematic development of distinctly non-English syntax patterns while building on his foundation of explicit grammatical knowledge. He also gained more confidence in his storytelling in general over the course of the ILPs. 6.2.2.4 Participant: awGa (age 39-40) awGa (39-40 years) also began with a solid foundation in XK, but from a different training than GungGa – her background in the language was less in explicit lessons and more from naturalistic exposure and methods from 4 years of Mentor-Apprenticeship with L1 speakers. awGa was a highly motivated and academic mother, and as a participant in this study she also wore other hats, which had positive influences on her XK abilities. She was the Team Leader (following the Sauk Master Apprentice Method) and the Learner-Teacher, and as such had an additional two hours of work daily in XK with L1 fluent naanGa in order to address her questions and allow her to provide as much integrity as possible for the XK input for the other participants. In this elicitation activity and analysis, she started with a high level of confidence in speaking and morphosyntactic ability (though also with high mismatch production), and as the program went on, she showed a significant willingness to experiment. As researcher, her choice of the elicitation instrument (Frog Story) and being part of each of the other participants’ 390 tellings and retellings likely helped prime her (consciously or unconsciously) to be able to tell the story well and with more complexity over time. In ILP1, awGa applied several different XK sentences, with clear understanding of Verb-Final position in XK Word Order. She produced many short clauses with basic, correct Subj-Verb order. 010 is an example of simple sentences that she was producing: She used the conjunction [gyen] then to join simple sentences with the same Subj-V order (verbs are missing suffixes), for example 012-13: Further to this, she used correct NomSubj-NomObj-Vtr order, evident in sentences such as 024: ILP1: 010 tʌy da:na:y na:y u: i:ǰi:. Morpheme tʌy da:n -a:y na: -y u: i:ǰ -i: m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Vi Obj -DetD Obj -DetD Foc Vbe-PR lie place-DetD house-DetD Foc Vbe-PR Eng gloss it is the lying place room. ILP1: 012-13 ḷ q̓a:di:s gyen ... ɬk̓ya:n k̓u:sta:n qʌyd. Target ḷ q̓a:di: gyen ... ɬk̓ya:n q̓usa:n qʌydʌn Morpheme ḷ q̓a:di:s gyen ɬk̓ya:n k̓u:sta:n qʌyd m-by-m ID m-by-m trans 3sSubj Vi Adv Subj Vi he sleep then forest crab leave Eng gloss he sleeping when … forest crab leave. ILP1: 024a gʌ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs ʔʌd χa:ga:y, ɬkya:n k̓u:sta:n qi:χʌ, … Target nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs ʔʌd χa:ga:y ɬk̓ya:n q̓u:sa:na:y da:yɩŋ Morpheme gʌ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs ʔʌd χa: -ga:y ɬkya:n k̓u:sta:n qi:χʌ m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Indf Subj Conj Subj-DetD Obj Vtr Indf boy and dog-DetD forest crab find Eng gloss the boy and the dog find forest crab 391 She produced correct negative sentence Word Order as well, complete with Negative suffix [Gʌŋ] (missing verb tense suffix that comes after the Negative ending): She also employed correct ObjNoun-3ProSubj-Vtr sentence structure in line 026: In lines 024-25 she used the Adverb [sk̓yʌnχʌn] even still to join two basic sentences, and used complete, correct Negative Word Order in line 060: ILP1: 024b sk̓yʌnχʌn u: gʌm ḷ qi:χʌ Gʌŋ ... Target hu:χʌn u: gʌm l̕ʌ l̕ʌ qi:χʌ Gʌŋ Morpheme sk̓yʌnχʌn u: gʌm ḷ qi:χʌ Gʌŋ m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Adv Foc Neg 3sSubj Vi Neg even.still Foc not he find Neg Eng gloss even still don’t find him. ILP1: 026 Ga:dGʌč̓a:wa:y ʌ ƛḷGa:ǰu:. Target Ga:dGʌč̓a:wa:y ʌ ƛḷGa:sλḷ gʌn Morpheme Ga:dGʌč̓a:-wa:y ʌ ƛḷ- Ga:ǰu: m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Obj -DetD 3sSubj Caus- Vtr window -DetD he do.with.hands- open Eng gloss He open the window. ILP1: 060 k̓a:d kʌlǰu: u: i:ǰi:. gʌm ska:ŋwa:y ʔɩs Gʌŋ gʌ. Target k̓a:d kʌlǰu: u: i:ǰi:. gʌm sq̓a:ŋwa:y ʔɩs Gʌŋ gʌ Morpheme k̓a:d kʌlǰu: u: i:ǰ -i:. gʌm ska:ŋ-wa:y ʔɩs Gʌŋ gʌ m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Subj Adj Foc Vbe-PR. Neg Obj -DetD Vi Neg PR deer big Foc is not stick -DetD is Neg PR Eng gloss It is a big deer. It is not the stick. 392 She used another conjunction [ʌgyen ʔʌsɩŋ] then again, (storytelling feature) with correct order of SuNoun and ObjPro (though with mismatched pronoun form): She used locatives in correct position several times, for example in line 005-7: She did this again (twice) in line 050. It was striking that though she was successfully using more complicated sentence structures like NomObj-ProSubj-Vtr, awGa produced NomObj-NomSubj Word Order mismatches, for example line 061: ILP1: 037 ʌgyen ʔʌsɩŋ χa:ga:y ʌ a:ŋnʌnʌŋ. Target ʌgyen ʔʌsɩŋ χa:ga:y ḷ a:ŋnʌnʌŋ gʌn Morpheme ʌgyen ʔʌsɩŋ χa: -ga:y ʌ a:ŋnʌnʌŋ m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Adv Adv Subj-DetD 3sObj Vi and.then again dog -DetD him lick Eng gloss and then again, the dog licked him. ILP1: 005-007 Gʌlgʌ gyen, … gʌ … ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs ʔʌd χa:ga:y, ɬk̓ya:n ku:sta:n … qɩŋ. Target Gʌlgʌ gyen, … nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs ʔʌd χa:ga:y ɬk̓ya:n ku:sta:n qɩŋ di: gʌ Morpheme Gʌlgʌ gyen gʌ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs ʔʌd χa: -ga:y ɬk̓ya:n ku:sta:n qɩŋ m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Adj Adv Indf Subj Conj Subj-DetD Obj Vtr dark when Indf boy and dog -DetD forest crab see Eng gloss dark when, frog, ILP1: 061 ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ Ga:d- k̓a:d λḷxɩd sʌh... i:s gʷi: k̓a:da:y qa: di: gʌ. Target k̓a:da:y nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ λḷxɩd di: gʌ... k̓a:da:y i:s gʷi: qa: di: gʌ Morpheme ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ Ga:d- k̓a:d λḷxɩd sʌh i:s gʷi: k̓a:d-a:y qa: di: =gʌ m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Obj FS- Subj Vtr noun Obj PP Subj-DetD Vi Prog=PR boy run- deer carry up cliff toward deer-DetD walk Prog Eng gloss boy carry deer up… the deer walks towards cliff. 393 In the first part of the sentence she used nouns, the verb [λḷxɩd] carry and locatives in an incorrect Word Order in an attempt to say that the deer carries the boy on top (of his antlers). The second part of the sentence was correct. The Verb is always in the correct, final position. In ILP1 she was already using different, complex sentences and taking creative risks. In ILP2 through ILP8, awGa continued to use the Word Order patterns that occurred in ILP1. In ILP2, she used some question sentences, as in 011: In this ILP (2) she continued to mismatch NomSubj-NomObj Word Order (3 instances incorrect lexical noun order: Obj-Subj for Subj-Obj; this is interesting, as it could be assumed that the order of nominal subjects and objects would be easy to correctly produce, as they have the saem order as English. However it could be that awGa’s knowledge of XK has registered the NomObj-ProSubj-Vtr pattern, and that this is influencing her production of NomSubj – NomObj should follow the English. Line 006 is an example of a Locative position mismatch (which should be at the beginning of the sentence): ILP2: 011 ʔʌgʌlgʌ gyen, … ŋa:, di: kɩl gʷʌ dʌ gu:dʌŋ? Target ʔʌgʌlʌxʷʌ gyen, … ŋa:, di: kɩl gʷʌ dʌ gu:dʌŋ? Morpheme ʔʌgʌlgʌ gyen, … ŋa:, di: kɩl gʷʌ dʌ gu:dʌŋ? m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Noun Adv, … Intj, 1sPoss Obj YNQ 2sSubj Vtr? night then, … look! my voice YNQ you hear? Eng gloss night when… look, are you listening to me? ILP2: 006 [k,] ɬkya:n q̓u:sta:n qʌlgʌ gu: na: u:. hey, Ti:sa:n, di: gi: ɬʌ qɩŋ. Target qʌlgʌ gu: ɬk̓ya:n q̓u:sa:n na: u: di: gʌ. hey, Ti:sa:n, di: gi: ɬʌ qɩŋ Morpheme [k,] ɬkya:n q̓u:sta:n qʌlgʌ gu: na: u: hey Ti:sa:n di: gi: ɬʌ qɩŋ m-by-m ID m-by-m trans [ ] Subj Obj PP Vi Foc [Intj] Name 1sOb PP Imp Vtr [ ] forest crab glass at live Foc [ ] Tiisaan me to do see Eng gloss [k] forest crab lives at glass. hey, Tiisaan, look at me. 394 She continues to have correct production of ProSubj-NomObj Vtr (note also the correct postposition order): awGa continued with these general patterns in ILP3. She presented 8 sentences with correct NomSubj- NomObj-Vtr order, evident in example 030 (Vtr missing suffix): Again, she had three instances of NomSubj-NomObj-Vtr order mismatches (NomObj-NomSubj for NomSubj-NomObj). She used three correct NomObj-ProSubj-Vtr sentences, and four instances of correct Locative position in sentences. She also showed correct positioning of postpositions. Like dawGanGa and k’waayGa, LP4 marked an expansion in awGa’s XK. She began in a new way, by using an XK storytelling locative, “[ƛḷsdʌ Ga:gʷi:…]” colloquially in English “a long time ago…”, which is a comedic way of beginning the simple children’s story of “Frog, Where Are You?” In this ILP she had seven instances of correct NomSub-NomObj-Vtr Word Order, and two mismatches. She produced seven clauses that led with locatives in their correct position. She had seven correct Word Order instances for NomObj-SubjPro-Vtr (in six of these ILP2: 023 ḷ ta:n sta:y ḷ- Gi: ḷ qi:χʌ. ʌgyen ʔʌsɩŋ, Target ḷ ta:n sa:y ḷ- Gi: ḷ da:yɩŋ di: gʌ. ʌgyen ʔʌsɩŋ, Morpheme ḷ ta:n sta: -y ḷ- Gi: ḷ qi:χʌ ʌgyen ʔʌsɩŋ m-by-m ID m-by-m trans 3Poss Obj -DetD FS- PP 3sSubj Vtr Adv Adv his bear foot-DetD he- into he find and.then again Eng gloss he find in his boot ILP3: 030 χa:-ga:y nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs a:ŋnʌnʌŋ. Target χa:ga:y nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs a:ŋnʌnʌŋ di: gʌ. Morpheme χa: -ga:y nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs a:ŋnʌnʌŋ. m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Subj -DetD DetD Obj Vtr. dog -DetD DetD boy lick. Eng gloss the dog lick the boy. 395 cases she mismatched the 3s pronoun form ḷ instead of ʌ, which reversed meaning of the sentence), for example in line 096: She used Yes-No-Question sentences with the YNQ marker gʷʌ in the correct position: In ILP5, awGa produced 12 correct NomSub-NomObj Vtr sentences and one mismatch. She produced 4 correct locative sentences with loc in correct position, however also produced two locative position order mismatches. In this ILP (5), awGa directly addressed the challenge of mismatch 3sSubj form in NomObj-ProSubj-Vtr that she had in ILP4; this time she produced 9 correct NomObj-ProSubj-Vtr sentences with the correct 3sSubj pronoun [ʌ]. Some examples: ILP4: 096 sda: u:, ʔo! ɬkya:n q̓u:sta:n sdɩŋ ḷ qɩŋ. Target sda: u:, ʔo! ɬk̓ya:n q̓u:sa:n sdɩŋ ʌ qɩŋ di: gʌ. Morpheme sda: u:, ʔo! ɬkya:n q̓u:sta:n sdɩŋ ḷ qɩŋ. m-by-m ID m-by-m trans PP Foc [Intj] Subj Adj 3sSubj Vtr. after Foc [ ] forest crab two he see. Eng gloss after that… oh! two forest crab see him! ILP4: 105 ḷ na:nu: gʷʌ gu:dɩŋa:y a:? ʔa:ŋʌ ! Target ḷ na:nu: gʷʌ gu:dɩŋa:y a:? ʔa:ŋʌ Morpheme ḷ na:nu: gʷʌ gu:dɩŋa:y a: ʔa:ŋʌ m-by-m ID m-by-m trans 3sPoss Subj YNQ Vi yes his baby YNQ mind well yes Eng gloss Is his baby happy? yes! ILP5: 060 ʌgyen ʔʌsɩŋ, … sga:ŋwa:y ʌ ʔɩsdʌ. Target ʌgyen ʔʌsɩŋ, … sga:ŋwa:y ʌ ʔɩsdʌ. Morpheme ʌgyen ʔʌsɩŋ sga:ŋ-wa:y ʌ ʔɩsdʌ. m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Adv Adv Obj -DetD 3sSubj Vtr and.then again stick -DetD he take. Eng gloss and then again, he took the stick. 396 There were only two cases with mismatched 3sSubj pronoun form ([ḷ] for [ʌ]); however, all were correct in overall XK NomObj-ProSubj-Vtr order. This was a dramatic improvement in this domain from ILP4. In ILP6 awGa had five correct NomSub-NomObj-Vtr sentences, but still exhibited confusion in this area with five mismatches (order reversed, as in earlier ILPs). She had two correct locative sentences and one mismatched position. Continuing on the correct Word Order sentences for NomObj-SubPro-Vtr, she had 12 correct and one mismatched order. However, of these twelve, there were only three instances of correct 3sSubj pronoun form choice ([ʌ]), and nine cases of mismatched pronoun form ([ḷ] for [ʌ]). This was “developmental fluctuation” from the previous ILP (5), when the majority of these sentences used the correct pronoun form. In ILP7, awGa continued to correctly produce NomSubj-NomObj in correct order (9), but still had two cases where the order was mismatched. Locative position was correct four times with one mismatched position. For NomObj-ProSubj-Vtr sentences she produced twelve cases with correct order and no mismatch orders (however all of these instances had the incorrect 3sSubj pronoun choice [ḷ] for [ʌ]). This was a reversal from the high numbers of correct pronoun form choice in this particular sentence structure from ILP5. At the end of the story in line 081 awGa manipulated the ProObj-ProSubj-Vtr collocation [ʔʌsɩŋ dʌlʌŋ ɬḷ qɩŋ Gʌs gʌ] I’ll see you again/goodbye, by using different pronouns and a different transitive verb (Vtr) to create a novel sentence: 397 In ILP8, awGa used correct NomSubj-NomObj-Vtr ten times. 071 is an example of the ambitious sentences she used in this last ILP: She took risks, and produced five mismatched NomSubj-NomObj constructions Line 068 is a good example of the ideas attempted: For locative Word Order she produced seven instances with correct locative position, and two incorrect, in increasingly complicated sentences. She produced seven correct order NomObj-SubPro-Vtr sentences (four of these had mismatched 3sSubj form, ll [ḷ] for ‘la [ʌ]); one mismatch. ILP7: 081 "ha:wʌ, dalʌŋ a:λuχʌn. ʔɩsɩŋ dalʌŋ alʌŋ q̓a:wqa: xɩdi: gʌ.” Target ha:wʌ dalʌŋ a:λuχʌn ʔɩsɩŋ dalʌŋ alʌŋ q̓a:wqa: xɩdi: gʌ Morpheme ha:wʌ dalʌŋ a:λuχʌn ʔɩsɩŋ dalʌŋ alʌŋ q̓a:wqa: xɩ- di: =gʌ m-by-m ID m-by-m trans thank.you 2pObj Adv 2pObj 1pSubj Vi Incep-Prog=PR thank.you you.all every again you.all we sit.walk Incep ProgPR Eng gloss “thank you, everyone. we’ll visit you all again.” ILP8: 071 ʌgyen ʔʌsɩŋ, ɬk̓ya:n q̓u:sta:n sdɩŋ na:nu: qʷa:n da:Gʌ. Target ʌgyen ʔʌsɩŋ, ɬk̓ya:n q̓u:sa:n sdɩŋ na:nu: qʷa:n da:Gʌ gʌ Morpheme ʌgyen ʔʌsɩŋ ɬk̓ya:n q̓u:sta:n sdɩŋ na:nu: qʷa:n da:Gʌ m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Adv Adv Subj Adj Obj Adj Vi and.then again forest crab two baby many have Eng gloss and then again, two forest crab have many babies. ILP8: 068 gɩnʌ sla:mgu:di: ʔu:ngu: nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs ʔʌd χa:ga:y qi:χʌ. Target gɩnʌ sla:mgu:di: ʔu:ngu: nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs ʔʌd Obj χa:ga:y qi:χʌ Morpheme gɩnʌ sla:m-gu:di: ʔu:n-gu: nʌŋ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs ʔʌd χa: -ga:y qi:χʌ m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Obj PP DetD Subj Conj Subj-DetD Vi thing long-lying ontop-at DetD boy and Subj -DetD find Eng gloss over the long log lying there the boy and the dog find (Object). 398 Summary: awGa ILP1 indicated that awGa began this study with significant XK sentence structures and confidence to take creative risks. As with the three other participants, her production of XK Verb-Final position was fully established. In ILP1, she produced compound sentences with correct basic Subject-Verb order, like [ḷ q̓a:di:s gyen ... ɬk̓ya:n k̓u:sta:n qʌyd] he sleeping when forest crab leave. She showed early use of complex constructions including correct NomSubj - NomObj -Vtr order [gʌ ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌs ʔʌd χa:ga:y, ɬkya:n k̓u:sta:n qi:χʌ] the boy and dog find forest crab) and NomObj-ProSubj-Vtr structures [Ga:dGʌč̓a:wa:y ʌ ƛḷGa:ǰu:] he open the window), as well as use of conjunctions like [gyen] then and [sk̓yʌnχʌn] even still and to join clauses and correct negative sentence patterns, though some locative position mismatches occurred. ILP2-3 showed continued competence with basic Word Order while experimenting with increasingly complex constructions, including yes-no questions with correct YNQ marker placement, and correct postposition positioning ( [qʌlgʌ Gi: gʌ χa:ga:y qɩŋ] into the glass the dog looks) (though Subject-Object reversals appeared in some transitive constructions, and the causative [gɩŋ] make was used correctly before verbs). ILP4 marked a period of creative expansion, with mixed success with pronoun forms in NomObj-ProSubj-Vtr constructions (frequently using incorrect 3sSubj form [ḷ] instead of [ʌ]). ILP5 represented dramatic improvement in pronoun form accuracy, producing nine correct NomObj-ProSubj-Vtr sentences with proper [ʌ] form ( [sk̓yʌnχʌn u: χa:ga:y ʌ a:ŋnʌnʌŋ] even still, the dog lick him, demonstrating metalinguistic awareness and systematic correction. ILP6-8 showed continued complexity with ambitious multiclausal sentences like [ʌgyen ʔʌsɩŋ, ɬk̓ya:n q̓u:sta:n sdɩŋ na:nu: qʷa:n da:Gʌ] and then again, two forest crab have many babies, creative manipulation of learned collocations to form novel expressions ([dalʌŋ alʌŋ q̓a:wqa: xɩdi: gʌ] we'll visit you all 399 again), and continued self-correction abilities. Some developmental fluctuation in pronoun form accuracy occurred, suggesting ongoing instability of complex grammatical features, at least on this type of retelling task. Throughout the timeline, awGa maintained distinctly non-English syntax patterns while demonstrating creative language processing, systematic self-correction abilities, and willingness to take grammatical risks with increasingly sophisticated constructions. 6.2.3 Learner Trajectories: Key Findings and Discussion The limitations of this elicitation and analysis are important to recognize - it did not examine participants’ competency in understanding XK interactions, or abilities in responding. It was also a limited task in terms even of storytelling. Though the wordless book “Frog, Where are You?” was accessible and low-barrier to the children and adults, it was not a culturally relevant Haida story, and did not fully showcase all that the participants were learning in XK as they went through the ILPs. Furthermore, the analysis did not study the fluidity of speech, the joy or self-confidence or ownership of the participants as they gained more experience and self-confidence in expression. It is a narrow look at a general morphosyntactic area to give clues on this often-challenging aspect of XK acquisition. From the beginning (ILP1), all four participants showed consistent use of the Verb-Final sentence structure that is distinctly XK. This is significant, as their L1 – English – is not a Verb-Final language. To different degrees, they all began with demonstrated abilities within the Subj-Obj-Vi and NomObj-ProSubj-Vtr, which is also significant. This indicates that the informal use of XK in the home throughout our lives provided this foundational morphosyntactic grounding in the language. 400 Each of the learners began from significantly different starting points in terms of ability (and age) and showed different acquisition strategies and learning trajectories. dawGanGa (age 7-8), began with minimal early production followed by systematic expansion. His progression from requiring extensive prompting (for example SCS asking, “what happened after that?”) to producing complete sentences illustrated a quiet period followed by emergence. His consistent accuracy in core Word Order patterns (Verb-Final sentence and also Noun-Adjective combinations), even with limited vocabulary, suggests attention to syntactic structure over lexical expansion. His code-switching strategies—inserting English lexicon in correct XK syntactic positions—indicate metalinguistic awareness and systematic application of acquired structural knowledge and also resourcefulness (drawing on his L1 English). k'waayGa (age 10), started with a high level of lexicon and ability (though without grammatical focus on inflection), and from the beginning exhibited a risk-taking, experimental approach marked by willingness to attempt complex constructions beyond his current competence level. His early production of structures like postpositional phrases and causative constructions, along with lots of mismatches, demonstrated a lack of self-consciousness and a very empowered affect, as well as a focus on communicative effectiveness. His strategic use of memorized chunks like [hʌn ʔʌ su:] say it like this as scaffolding for complex sentence production illustrates creative use of available resources. Though he had many instances of word order mismatches of Noun-Adjective or Verb-Adverb order, he demonstrated consistent understanding of XK Verb-Final sentence structure and awareness of constituent structure. Gung.Ga (age 48-49), began with a significant grammatical foundation in XL, and indicating the benefits of prior formal instruction through his grammatical awareness and 401 attention, and systematic building upon explicit knowledge. His consistent verbal inflection, complex conjunction usage, and embedded dialogue structures reflected metalinguistic knowledge that facilitated acquisition of new patterns. His reliance on memorized imperative chunks indicated that collocations may need to be unpacked and translated into naturalistic contexts. His understanding of temporal adverbs functioning as both conjunctions and adverbs indicated metalinguistic awareness of grammatical categories. awGa (age 38-39), demonstrated the most dynamic and variable learning profile, characterized by expansive periods followed by temporary regressions and then renewed advancement, all of which are commonplace in SLA. Her dramatic improvement in pronoun form usage in ILP5, followed by regression in ILP6-7, then emergence of self-correction behaviors in ILP8, illustrates the non-linear nature of acquisition/production processes. Her use of correct pronoun forms indicates a challenging area for learners of XL, and her ongoing mismatching of NomSubj-NomObj order indicates the challenges for learners of keeping different sentence structure rules straight. Her creative manipulation of learned collocations to generate novel expressions shows sophisticated productive capacity and willingness to extend acquired patterns to new contexts. All participants consistently produced Haida rather than English syntax patterns from early stages. Error patterns were systematic rather than random across all participants, suggesting that learners were developing rule-based grammatical systems rather than memorizing isolated constructions. Self-correction behaviors and systematic error resolution indicate that explicit grammatical awareness facilitates acquisition of complex morphosyntactic features, particularly in adult learners. 402 6.3 Initial exploration: Morphological Cross-Domain Synthesis and Analysis While a complete linguistic analysis of Word Order as well as other morphosyntactic domains over the ILPs is beyond the scope of this dissertation, preliminary cross-domain patterns bear mention here for language revitalization. An initial exploration of morphosyntactic development patterns across 5 domains (Word Order, Determiners, Pronouns, Postpositions, and Verb Suffixes) revealed some themes across the learners, despite their significant individual variation. These cross-domain patterns offer some LR insight in this case study in an endangered language context on how adults and children can acquire complex morphosyntactic systems in XK. 6.3.1 Developmental Patterns Across Participants Three patterns emerged across all five grammatical domains, and across individual learner characteristics: 1) Threshold Effects leading to Breakthrough, 2) Non-Linear Development, 3) Formulaic Scaffolding: using Memorized Chunks as Grammatical Foundation. 6.3.1.1 Threshold Effects Leading to Breakthrough A striking cross-domain finding was the significant leap in grammatical complexity occurring between ILP3 and ILP5 (the ILP storytelling sessions took place two months apart) all participants and domains – a qualitative leap from minimal or basic production to significantly expanded structural complexity and productive use. It appears that learners had reached a threshold of XK input and intensity; after this, there were clear “breakthroughs” in language output. 403 The first indication of this was in volume of output produced by the two children in the study. dawGanGa’s peak output was in ILP4 at 132 Sentences/Phrases, well beyond his average production (83 Sentences/Phrases). k'waayGa’s peak production was also in ILP4 with 167 Sentences/Phrases (over twice the average of 76). awGa’s peak production was also at ILP4 at 101 Sentences/Phrases, higher than the average of 82.5. Gung.Ga’s peak was at ILP3 at 160 Sentences/Phrases, higher than an average 108. An important affective factor for this is that at the time of the storytelling of ILP4, the family was on holiday, relaxed and together, and feeling good. The expansion was quantified in numbers (volume of Sentences/Phrases) but was also evident in the way the storytelling was done, qualified by enthusiasm of the storytellers, especially the children. In stark contrast with ILP1-3, in ILP4, dawGanGa produced a proliferation of complete and compound sentences; he included embedded dialogue with theatrical voices, and experimented with storytelling intonation (especially in use of word “ad” with/and). He added a creative, playful twist in the denouement of the story by adding some new dialogue for one of the secondary characters (a baby frog): ILP4: 215 ɬgya:ŋ gu:ɬga:n: "A:wa:y! di: gi: ɬʌ ƛḷGʌd!" Target (NAPA) ɬk̓ya:n q̓u:sa:n: su: "A:wa:y! di: gi: ɬʌ ƛḷGʌd!" Morpheme ɬgya:ŋ gu:ɬga:n: "A:wa:y! di: gi: ɬʌ ƛḷGʌd!" m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Subj “Subj-DetD! 1sSubj PP Imp Vtr!” forest crab: “Mum! me to do help!” Eng trans/gloss forest crab: Mum! help me! k’waayGa also was joyously enthusiastic in his storytelling in ILP4, using voices and producing playful strings of information, for example line 044: 404 k'waayGa expanded from basic sentence frames to increasing compound sentences, correcting forms of earlier mismatches (like correct Intensifier form [Gudsλḷ] instead of [qʷa:n] many), and suddenly began using postpositions– in ILP4 he began to use postpositions [gu:] at, [sdʌ] from, [gʷi:] towards, [gi:] to). In ILP5 Gung.Ga introduced a new conjunction [i:la:w] that allowed him to create new multi-clausal sentences, and also suddenly began to use postpositions (not just one, but four). awGa achieved a significant pronoun system advancement in ILP5 with 9 correct instances of correct pronoun forms in NomObj-ProSubj-Vtr sentences. This pattern of a dramatic expansion at ILP3-5 extended across different morphosyntactic domains. Consider first the process of marking a Noun with a definite Determiner suffix. In the early ILPs, k'waayGa only produced [χa:] dog without a definitive determiner (DetD), but in ILP4 he began systematically producing [χa:-ga:y] dog-DetD in six correct tokens, representing his peak period of definitive Determiner productivity (he reverted back to omitting the determiner subsequently). dawGanGa incorporated a new lexical item with correct DetD marking including [ga:sgu:ǰu:-wa:y] light-DetD and showed creative morphological breakthrough by innovatively attaching DetD suffix -a:y to English sound effects to create [hu:t-a:y] hoot.DetD as a creative substitute for unknown XK lexicon. For pronouns, k'waayGa demonstrated metalinguistic awareness through self-correction behaviors and began ILP4: 044, 046, 048: ʔʌd ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ qʌlgʌ [ʌm...]… ƛlGa:ǰu: sʌh gʷi: … doʌχʌn χɩd gʷi:. Target ʔʌd ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ qʌlgʌ ƛlGa:ǰu: gʌ sʌh gʷi: doʌχʌn χɩdgʷi:. Morpheme ʔʌd ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ qʌlgʌ ƛl- Ga:ǰu: sʌh gʷi: doʌχʌn χɩd gʷi:. M-by-M Conj Subj Obj CL- Vi Adj PP PP Adj Vi and boy glass jar do.with.hands open up towards or down towards Eng gloss boy glass jar … um, open upwards… or downwards. 405 producing correct third-person singular pronouns in novel contexts, while awGa reached peak creativity in pronoun use with maximum variety in forms and novel constructions. Postposition development showed the same pattern, with k'waayGa beginning productive use of three postpositions ( [sdʌ] from, [gʷi:] towards, [gi:] to) after complete avoidance through ILP3 (with continued expansion through ILP7), and Gung. Ga showing dramatic breakthrough with sudden productive use of four postpositions including [gi:] to, [gʷi:] toward, [gyen] then, and [sdʌ] from after no postposition use through ILP4. Verb suffix acquisition revealed the most dramatic threshold effects of all domains. dawGanGa produced his first systematic verb inflection in ILP4 with multiple complete sentences using progressive and present tense suffixes [di: gʌ], representing a qualitative leap from his earlier complete omission of verbal suffixes. k'waayGa showed peak inflectional experimentation in ILP4 with unprecedented risk-taking in complex negative constructions and inchoative-progressive forms [xɩdi:]. Even Gung.Ga, who had used progressive forms from ILP1, reached his peak productivity with 19 instances of Verb ending [di: gʌ] in ILP4. awGa demonstrated renewed morphological attention in ILP4 with novel future tense self-correction and return of progressive forms after near-complete absence in ILP2-3. This leap of productivity and morphosyntactic expansion in this period between ILP3-ILP5 could be explained as the result of a crossing a threshold level of input, intensity and opportunities for producing output. ILP4 marked the completion of 4 months in immersion - approximately 240 hours for Gung.Ga, and 480 hours for the other participants dawGanGa, k’waayGa and awGa - over a period of 6 months (June 1, 2019 through November 21, 2019). I describe the dramatic expansion in language production as “breakthrough”. 406 6.3.1.2 Breakthrough Based on the findings of this research program, the breakthrough the participants experienced in Xaayda Kil can be characterized by several aspects. The first was multi-domain simultaneous emergence - not gradual improvement in one area, but sudden competence across Word Order, determiners, pronouns, postpositions, and verb suffixes at once (as in ILP3-5 in all participants across domains). Second was a shift from formulaic to productive competence, moving beyond memorized chunks to creative manipulation and novel constructions. This demonstrates that the learners were developing an ability to analyze, decompose, and recombine learned patterns in new contexts; for example, awGa transformed a farewell expression asing dalang hll king Gas ga [ʔʌsɩŋ dʌlʌŋ ɬḷ qɩŋ Gʌs gʌ!] I’ll see you again/goodbye, by using different pronouns and a different transitive verb (Vtr) to create a novel sentence: Third, experimental risk-taking occurred, demonstrated by a sudden willingness of the learner to attempt complex constructions beyond current competence (and therefore increasing their mismatches (errors)). This is an important aspect – practice of creative hypothesis testing and pattern exploration. An example is that while k'waayGa appeared to decrease in his use of present tense Verb Suffixes in ILP4, he also started to experiment with inceptive-progressive suffixes [xɩdi:] Prog, showing awareness of future aspect marking across multiple verb types. ILP7: 081 "ha:wʌ, dalʌŋ a:λuχʌn. ʔɩsɩŋ dalʌŋ alʌŋ q̓a:wqa: xɩdi: gʌ.” Target ha:wʌ dalʌŋ a:λuχʌn ʔɩsɩŋ dalʌŋ alʌŋ q̓a:wqa: xɩdi: gʌ Morpheme ha:wʌ dalʌŋ a:λuχʌn ʔɩsɩŋ dalʌŋ alʌŋ q̓a:wqa: xɩ- di: gʌ M-by-M thank.you 2pObj Adj Adv 2pObj 1pSubj Vi Incep-Prog PR thank.you you.all every again you.all we sit.walk Incep Prog PR Eng gloss “Thank you, everyone. We’ll visit you all again.” 407 The XK language-positive, informal family context likely contributed to a sense of safety that resulted in this sense of freedom to experiment. ILP4:238-239 ʔʌd sgʷa:nsɩŋ sgun gʌm qʌyd … k̓udwulgʌn ɬḷ λḷgʷi: xɩdi:. Target ʔʌd sGʷa:nsɩŋ sGun gʌm qʌyd … k̓udwulgʌn ḷ λḷGʷi: xɩdi: Morpheme ʔʌd sgʷa:nsɩŋ sgun gʌm qʌyd … k̓udwul-gʌn ɬḷ λḷ-gʷi: xi -di: m-by-m ID m-by-m trans Conj Obj Adj Neg Obj Adj 1sSubj CL-Vi Incep-Prog and one only not tree die -PA I fall going-Prog Eng trans/gloss and only one not dead tree I going to fall. Fourth, pattern extraction and application occurred – the demonstration of the ability to extract systematic rules from input and apply them productively. For example, creative morphological applications like dawGanGa's DetD innovation with sound effects ([hu:t-a:y] - “hoot”-a:y - for owl). This is strategic compensation by the learners using partially acquired patterns. Fifth, cognitive load redistribution also happened - the ability to manage attention strategically across competing grammatical systems. Progress appeared to go backwards in some domains with what could be seen as regression; however, looking across domains it appears that they have temporarily simplified while others advanced (a common occurrence in both L1 and L2 acquisition) therefore if the language exposure and practice continues, it is more appropriate to call this “developmental fluctuation”. The trends of these learners suggest systematic prioritization rather than random performance. It is important to note what breakthrough is not: it is not linear progression - it's a qualitative leap, not gradual improvement. It is not perfection - learners still show mismatches and developmental fluctuation. It is not permanent stability - competence can fluctuate, especially under cognitive stress. And it is not uniform across all areas - different domains may 408 breakthrough at different times. It was also all exhibited within the context of an experimental fairly simple story retelling task. Besides the linguistic breakdown of what occurred in this language breakthrough, breakthrough can also be defined as a leap of confidence of the learner, as seen through lexical creativity, expressive range, performance confidence, enjoyment, and speech fluidity. These are visible and meaningful indicators of breakthrough, especially for language revitalization goals. Breakthrough is fundamentally about the learner's relationship with the language transforming. Breakthrough is seen in the learner’s linguistic abilities: a qualitative reorganization of grammatical competence that occurs when accumulated implicit knowledge reaches sufficient critical mass to enable productive, creative language use across multiple grammatical domains simultaneously. There are other aspects of breakthrough, including spiritual and emotional ones. In this chapter I focus on language acquisition aspects. In Chapter 4, I described Elders’ profound affective experiences associated with their XL language learning, reawakening, and use, as well as their community engagement through SHIP. Note also that "fluidity" is different from "fluency." Fluidity captures a sense of comfort and natural flow with the language's rhythms and patterns, even when accuracy is still developing. Fluidity is about feeling at home in the language rather than having perfect mastery. This breakthrough in all of the four participants’ language production may have several reasons. One may be that grammatical competence develops through accumulation of implicit knowledge that reaches a critical mass before becoming available for productive deployment. 409 Breakthrough was observed across all participants with dramatically different learning profiles, age, prior instruction, or individual learning styles. 6.3.1.2 Non-Linear Development: Breakthrough, Consolidation, and Developmental Fluctuation Cycles A second theme that emerged from that learners’ preliminary cross-domain data examination was the non-linear process of their language learning trajectories (which is well attested in SLA; e.g., Douglas Fir Group, 2016). Following the breakthrough period, participants showed stochastic trajectories of consolidation, continued advancement, and developmental fluctuation that differed both individually and across domains. This non-linear development pattern challenges the predication that language acquisition is a steady, progressive improvement; it suggests that learning is a dynamic process that includes temporary destabilization that could be periods of grammatical reorganization. k'waayGa's development showed up and down patterns across multiple domains. In ILP4 he showed a significant determiner breakthrough by all of a sudden starting to use consistent [χa:ga:y] dog-DetD production when prior the DetD had been completed omitted (previously only using [χa:] dog), using it correctly 6/7 times. However, this DetD usage dropped back to being mostly omitted again in subsequent ILPs, with ILP6 showing 23 mismatches (missing DetD) and zero instances of [χa:ga:y] dog-DetD. This developmental fluctuation occurred as he also made significant advancements in Word Order and Pronouns, suggesting that some domains may be particularly vulnerable to an apparent lack of development when attention is directed toward competing grammatical areas. Similarly to Determiner use, his Postposition competence showed expansion in ILP5-7 followed by 410 complete avoidance in ILP8 despite maintained competence in other domains. His Verb Suffix development showed the most dramatic developmental fluctuation pattern, with sophisticated inflectional experimentation in ILP4 (including progressive, past, negative, and inchoative-progressive forms) followed by near-complete absence of morphological marking in ILP5-8, except for memorized collocations like [Gu:dsλḷ gʌ] Very-PR. awGa demonstrated more stable consolidation patterns across most domains but still showed systematic fluctuations. Her pronoun development reached peak creativity in ILP5 with dramatic improvement in form accuracy, followed by developmental fluctuation in ILP6-7 where all NomObj-ProSubj-Vtr instances used incorrect pronoun forms, then partial recovery with renewed self-correction behaviors in ILP8. Despite these fluctuations, her overall trajectory showed sustained competence with specific areas of continued difficulty rather than wholesale developmental fluctuation. Her verb suffix development showed the most successful consolidation pattern, with initial diversity in ILP1 followed by strategic simplification in ILP2-4, then systematic mastery of past tense forms in ILP5-8, culminating in comprehensive inflectional competence by ILP8 with consistent past tense marking (twelve instances, only one missing) and systematic negative inflection. Gung.Ga's pattern revealed vulnerability of even advanced competence to not having enough input (his input target was half that of the other participants at 2 hours per day) and external pressures. His sophisticated early pronoun and determiner use, drawing on years of explicit instruction, showed unexpected developmental fluctuation in ILP7-8 coinciding with early COVID-19 lockdown pressures. This developmental fluctuation suggests that adult explicit knowledge may provide initial advantages without guaranteeing long-term stability under stress and under certain task conditions, indicating complex relationships between 411 metalinguistic awareness and automatized competence. His verb suffix development showed remarkable consistency with progressive forms [di: gʌ] throughout all sessions, but this specialization came at the cost of developing competence in other inflectional categories, suggesting that adult explicit learning may lead to successful but narrow morphological knowledge. dawGanGa showed the most extreme threshold patterns with extended silent periods followed by dramatic emergence then developmental fluctuation. His verb suffix development exemplified this pattern most clearly: no inflection beyond formulaic expressions through ILP3, sudden systematic emergence with multiple suffix types in ILP4-6 (including progressive, past, present, and even negative constructions), followed by complete reversion back to formulaic-only usage in ILP7-8. These non-linear patterns provide evidence that grammatical development involves periods of reorganization where temporary destabilization precedes consolidation. The domain-specific nature of developmental fluctuation and advancement suggests that different grammatical systems compete for cognitive resources during acquisition, with learners strategically prioritizing certain domains over others depending on communicative demands and processing capabilities. 6.3.1.4 Formulaic Scaffolding: Memorized Chunks as Grammatical Foundation Across all domains, memorized formulaic sequences clearly served as crucial scaffolding for productive grammatical development, providing both lexicon, early competence and frameworks for later creative manipulation. This pattern appeared consistently regardless of participant age or background, suggesting the fundamental role of formulaic language in XK 412 grammatical acquisition. There might have also been some task effects, related to the recurrence of certain structures, such as the question: Frog [Forest Crab], where are you? In Word Order development, all participants demonstrated correct syntax within formulaic expressions before achieving productive competence. The story's refrain [ɬya:n u:sa:n, gi:nu: dʌŋ i:ǰi:?] Forest Crab, where are you? and the farewell expression [ʔʌsɩŋ dʌŋ ɬḷ qɩŋ Gʌs gʌ] I'll see you again provided scaffolding for question formation, Word Order patterns, and pronoun use. Even early on in the program, dawGanGa produced these complete sentences with correct non-English Word Order as well as the sentence template [tʌy da:na:yuu: i:ǰi:] it is a bed (ILP2:018) despite requiring significant prompting, and began to manipulate this sentence in ILP3 (demonstrating that formulaic competence can precede productive grammatical knowledge). Determiner acquisition showed similar chunk-based foundations. dawGanGa's progressive use of [quŋ] moon illustrated the transition from formulaic to productive competence: produced without DetD in ILP1-2 ([quŋ] moon), sporadically with DetD in ILP4, then exclusively as [quŋa:y] moon-DetD) in ILP6-8. This progression provides concrete evidence that morphological awareness can develop through repeated exposure to correctly formed lexical items that eventually serve as templates for productive rule formation. Pronoun development demonstrated extensive reliance on formulaic scaffolding across all participants. First and second person pronouns emerged within formulaic expressions like [di: gi: ɬʌ ƛlGʌd] help me and [gi:nu: dʌŋ i:ǰi:] where are you before appearing in productive contexts. These chunks provided both syntactic frames and morphological templates that participants eventually decomposed and recombined creatively. 413 The scaffolding function of formulaic sequences extended to postposition acquisition, where forms like [gi:] (PP) to appeared primarily within expressions like [di: gi: ɬʌ ƛlGʌd!] give me help!) before becoming available for productive spatial and temporal marking. k'waayGa's creative use of [hʌn ʔʌ su:] say it like this as a proxy for the verb [su:] say illustrated sophisticated understanding of how memorized chunks can be strategically deployed to compensate for incomplete lexical knowledge while maintaining grammatical accuracy. Verb suffix acquisition showed the most extensive reliance on formulaic scaffolding across all participants and ages. The farewell expression [ʔʌsɩŋ dʌŋ ɬḷ qɩŋ Gʌs gʌ] I'll see you again containing future tense marking was the first inflected form for dawGanGa, k'waayGa, and awGa, appearing consistently even during periods of morphological developmental fluctuation. Gung.Ga and k'waayGa developed strong competence with the intensifier collocation [Gu:dsλḷ gʌ] very + present tense, which persisted as an island of morphological accuracy even when other inflectional forms disappeared. awGa maintained daily-life expressions with correct inflection that served as templates for later productive manipulation. The preservation of inflected formulaic expressions during morphological developmental fluctuation across all participants provides compelling evidence that some verb suffix knowledge may be lexically stored rather than grammatically computed. The reliance on formulaic scaffolding suggests that chunk-based learning provides essential support for grammatical development in second language acquisition. Rather than representing rote memorization that impedes creative language use, formulaic sequences appear to offer crucial grammatical templates that learners gradually analyze and extend to novel contexts. This pattern supports usage-based approaches to language acquisition (DFG, 2016) that emphasize 414 the role of frequently encountered constructions in developing productive grammatical competence. All of these insights support the approach that SHIP Elders took early in their program, of documenting and recording many CDs of “Xaayda kil Phrases” - complete XK expressions and sentences for daily life. The data of this study supports the teaching and use of these complete phrases as important input for XK learning and also using stories as a way of reinforcing certain patterns. 6.4 Recommendations 6.4.1 Develop and Invest in the Language Learner Community Languages exist for communication between people. The intergenerational study was only possible by being a family/community. However, it was still very challenging, and not sustainable over a longer term than the present study for the solitary lead (the researcher) on the program. Developing and supporting the community of language teachers and a cohort of learners, and reasons and routines to get together, is critical. This has been identified by Haida language revitalization actors in many projects. It must be continually nurtured and supported. 6.4.2 Define Levels of Language Ability in Culturally Engaging Frameworks All levels of ability of XK learners must interact and reinforce each other with providing input. Language learning programs have different levels and even within one level there will be learners with different repertoires and abilities; nonetheless, programs with articulated levels can provide appropriate language input and challenge for the learner, allowing them to produce meaningful and level- and context-appropriate output, a critical component for SLA. Instead of using language for the levels that are frequently used to designate competence such as numbers 415 or English designations (beginner, intermediate, expert), a Xaaydas gii naa.ah Haida ways of being hierarchy could be used, for example the salmon life cycle: egg, alevin, fry, smolt, grilse, spawner – see this suggestion in Figure 6.1. Figure 6.1 Example of a Potential Framework for Language Levels Names. Drawing in pen by the Kihlgula Gaay.ya; XK language source: informal discussion with GwaaGanad July 2025. A beginning learner would be a chaay egg, and would start with the chaay language which could be focussed on introducing the sounds of XK, and the basic building blocks of phonological inventory and morphosyntax. The next level would be chaay sda from the egg (alevin), and this would correspond with the next level of linguistic complexity and comprehensible input. The next level would be taatl’ad smolt, chiina adult salmon, and finally, chiina chiigang spawning salmon. 416 All the stages of the salmon life cycle are respected. Like all natural systems, the salmon framework is not linear but is a circle, and indicates a reciprocal nature of each of the stages of endangered language learning and teaching, where, by necessity, we need to both learn and teach, or at least, provide output that can be someone else’s necessary input. This framework could disrupt the associations of previously used language of “expertise” as well as the seriousness of the language acquisition challenge, help us step outside of our ordinary, human mindsets, and call upon the regenerative force of the salmon people to help us. Engagement and gina k’aadang.nga gii uu tll k’anguudang seeking wise counsel with Xaayda kil Elders at SHIP and the XK learning community is necessary for determining if this (or other framework) are appropriate, and steps for uptake and use. The framework would need significant curriculum development and work to operationalize. It would also be part of the documentation of the learner progress, referred to in the next section. 6.4.3 Set the Conditions for Breakthrough All participants showed a dramatic expansion across multiple grammatical domains at ILP3-ILP5. In this study, the dramatic expansion appeared when learners had accumulated approximately enough hours of meaningful input containing systematic grammatical patterns embedded in formulaic expressions and authentic communicative contexts (if taken at ILP4, this was approximately 240 hours for one participant, and 480 hours for the three others). This critical mass enables a qualitative reorganization where previously separate linguistic knowledge becomes integrated and productive. Additionally, high intensity of the input is 417 critical; this input occurred within the span of 6 months. Finally, it must be noted that formal instruction of grammatical forms was minimal; the method of instruction was modeling correct forms in the immersion, Master-Apprentice method. Increasing instructional time that identifies formal language patterns may reduce the hours of immersion required for Breakthrough. This is an important point that requires more exploration. Language immersion is an effective way of learning language, and a challenge for endangered languages. This XK family immersion program is a case study that can help inform further XK immersion programming. The Master-Apprentice Method was a naturalistic and low-barrier approach to immersion programming that was accessible for the primary researcher; she developed the family immersion program as the “Team Leader” in a version of the Sauk adaptation of the Master-Apprentice method (Hinton et al. 2018). Adaptations of principles and practices used in the family immersion methodology and language resources could be used to begin to build communication-based immersion programming. Creating high-volume of language input (exposure) as well as opportunities for output were the most important requirements for activities during the ILPs. Additionally, there was a focus on meaningful communication and pattern exposure rather than accuracy demands. The findings of this program show that there may be extended “quiet” periods for some individuals, particularly for children under age 10; this does not mean that they are not integrating the language input they are receiving. Abundant formulaic expressions that contain target grammatical patterns should be a part of the language input (the curriculum). Language learning by individuals should be documented, as having evidence of learning can be very encouraging and can increase self-confidence for learners, and to help language instructors be informed on what is working, and what to shift. However, the documentation should defy 418 pressure to judge "progress" through production requirements during the foundation phase, should not be a comparison with other learners as clearly every learner has a very different language trajectory, and should be done in a way that provides positive affect for the learner. In this regard, documentation should be conducted under the conditions for empowered XK learner affect - held between the challenge of K’uust’an tlldaGaaw Unguu the Supernatural Crab on Top of the Mountain and the comfort and support of the Ancestors and the Land (see Chapter 4). Documentation of language progress would be helpful for teachers to be able to adapt input and activities, but also could be a way for the learner to engage and take ownership of their own learning. Additionally, age-specific adaptations should be considered, though adults and children can learn together. Children (in this study ages 7-10): may require up to 300 hours before breakthrough, therefore an emphasis should be on play-based immersion activities. Adults (in this study ages 35-50) can benefit from explicit introduction of metalinguistic patterns but also require opportunities for output, and could engage in game-based immersion activities, as well as explicit drills. The reduction of learners’ self-consciousness in speaking XK will reduce as the opportunities for speaking become consistent, frequent and routine. Formulaic Expression Scaffolding All participants maintained inflected formulaic expressions (e.g. [ʔʌsɩŋ dʌŋ ɬḷ qɩŋ Gʌs gʌ] I’ll see you again, [Gu:dsλḷ gʌ] very + PR (a collocation), [di: gi: ɬʌ ƛlGʌd!] help me!, [hʌn a su:] say like it like this, [q̓a:di: ɬʌ] sleep IMP, even during morphological developmental fluctuation periods, and these served as templates for later productive manipulation. High-frequency formulaic expressions from simple collocations to longer expressions and even idioms containing target grammatical patterns could be repeated parts of the language 419 curriculum. Also it should be understood that expressions must be extensively practiced (opportunities for meaningful output) before productive competence and increasing accuracy emerges. Drawing from the significance of formulaic scaffolding found in this study, a recommendation could be to go through the corpus of XK lessons and expressions recorded by SHIP Elders (as well as the material of other XK language teachers) and identify a number of culturally relevant, high-frequency formulaic expressions containing diverse grammatical patterns. Ensure target grammatical structure appears within meaningful formulaic contexts (even simple ones). These expressions can be used extensively as language input throughout the meaningful social routines that should be part of immersion programming (greetings, storytelling refrains, daily activities). Once significant foundational input is achieved (which could be measured by learners’ comfort with the expressions), these formulaic expressions could be explicitly decomposed and recombined, thus supporting the learners to practice manipulating what they know. Storytelling contexts that naturally repeat key expressions with variation could be a major activity within the immersion programming. Examples of formulaic categories to include are: • Greeting/farewell sequences with future tense and pronoun patterns • Storytelling refrains with question formation and Word Order patterns • Daily activity expressions with progressive aspect and determiner patterns • Intensifier constructions with present tense and adjective patterns • Spatial relationship expressions with postposition and focus patterns • Interesting, playful cultural expressions that are fun to use, e.g. 420 kaydxid tluuwaay sgaapxyangdaal [qʌydxɩd ƛlwa:y sga:pχyʌŋda:l] to quit and leave, boat bow high in the air (SHIP 2021) Cognitive Load Management The inverse relationship between syntactic complexity and morphological accuracy across all participants demonstrates that grammatical systems compete for processing resources. Successful learners like awGa showed strategic simplification in some domains while advancing in others. Based on this, a recommendation is for sequential focus periods that concentrate intensive attention on one grammatical domain while maintaining others at maintenance level. Include strategic cycling: return to previously learned domains for consolidation after advancing in new areas. If possible, recognize and use complexity hierarchy: introduce grammatical patterns in order of accessibility; based on preliminary analysis of the data from the learners in this study, this was Word Order → determiners → pronouns → postpositions → verb suffixes). Monitor cognitive load: recognize signs of cognitive overload in the documentation (increased omission errors, reversion to formulaic-only usage) and respond with strategic simplification and return to language already acquired. Load management may be age-specific, and therefore require some considerations: children can be more vulnerable to overload; require longer consolidation periods between domain advancement, while adults can handle more explicit discussion of strategic prioritization and attention management. If there are signs of overload, the activity/dialogue should revert to simpler, established language. This way, English does not have to be the answer to being tired, as stopping the immersion input of the target language is not the way to move through cognitive overload, and move to breakthrough. 421 Meaningful Communicative Context Breakthrough requires sustained engagement with communicatively meaningful content that motivates pattern extraction and creative application. Recommendations with regard to this are: storytelling as core activity: use traditional Xaayda Kil narratives that naturally contain diverse grammatical patterns but are simple with appropriate comprehensible input. Emphasize social interaction: create genuine reasons to communicate and use XK, for example say Grace at meal times, prayers at the opening and conclusion of all meetings, XK introductions whenever speaking publicly or at a meeting, bring back XK interjections (haajaajiiyah! alas! ee! yuck, etc.), have a list of question words and sentences to use for repetitive requests (at work, at home, in meetings). Cultural content integration: embed grammatical learning within phrases and practices of traditional knowledge, land-based activities, and cultural practice (this was absolutely key to the family’s engagement). Personal relevance: support learners to create their own public speaking introduction, their own prayer that they can memorize, and adapt traditional expressions and practices to personal experiences and contemporary contexts (for example the children creating “Tawskin” action figures for creative play, see §3.7.1 and Figure 3.5). Experimental Risk-Taking Environment k'waayGa's creative experimentation and awGa's risk-taking led to the most dynamic development, while accuracy pressure during experimental phases led to developmental fluctuation. Breakthrough requires an environment that encourages grammatical experimentation without accuracy pressure during the critical development phase. This is the ideal affective state of the empowered XK learner, held in a loving tension between the challenge of K’uust’aan TlldaGaaw Unguu and the support of the Elders and the land. 422 Recommendations: have “mismatch” tolerance: treat grammatical experiments as evidence of progress rather than problems, and encourage learner experimentation and exploration. This means teachers should use positive reinforcement coupled with correct modeling, which is what Elders recommend for corrective feedback in §4.8.5. Focus on communication: prioritize successful meaning transmission over formal accuracy, especially during experimental phases. Provide self-correction tools – teach learners how to ask for XK lexicon in XK (like k’waayGa in ILP3:033 [ʔʌd ʔi:ɬlɩŋʌ ... gʌsɩŋu: ["hole"] ki:Gʌ?] and boy… what is “hole” named?). This is a Master-Apprentice strategy, and allows the learner to stay in immersion. Encourage them to notice and self-correct patterns (e.g. by asking them to repeat a statement). For adults, explicitly discuss the value of experimentation in language development. Pattern Recognition Support All participants showed creative morphological applications (dawGanGa's DetD innovation, k'waayGa's inchoative-progressive exploration) that revealed pattern extraction abilities. Breakthrough requires explicit or implicit support for recognizing systematic patterns within the accumulated input. Recommendations are: highlight patterns - subtly emphasize grammatical patterns through stress, repetition, and visual cues during input. Offer systematic variation: present the same grammatical patterns across multiple lexical contexts to facilitate abstraction. Give contrastive examples: provide minimal pairs and systematic contrasts to highlight morphological distinctions. Practice patterns: once breakthrough occurs, provide explicit opportunities to apply extracted patterns to novel contexts. 423 Once again, age-specific pattern support is needed. For children, rely more on implicit pattern recognition through varied input. For adults, benefit from explicit pattern discussion and metalinguistic analysis. These recommendations sound complex, but are interdependent, and not overly complex to create, given the wealth within the language itself, as well as vast amount of documentation of language that Elders such as SHIP have created. These resources (recordings as well as texts) can be used with the above recommendations in mind, to be built into formal program elements in immersion programming. Again, the Elders at SHIP have provided the fundamental advice, repeated in every newsletter for years: “When you use the little bit of Skidegate Haida you know, it will get longer and longer!” (SHIP Newsletter, June 21, 2021). Cultural Foundations for Breakthrough This chapter has focused on the linguistic acquisition of XK. However, the rest of this thesis contains the advice from Xaaydas gii naa.ah Haida ways of being and the Elders who provide the essential foundations that are required for language breakthrough. These include prayer, food gathering, eating together, singing. These cultural aspects are critical as spiritual, emotional and physical foundations for linguistic breakthrough to take place in a good way, and are practiced by XK language instructors today. Dr. Jaskwaan Bedard’s 2025 thesis describing the strength and healing in land-based, culturally grounded community-led XK programming is an essential resource for the foundations for breakthrough. Environmental and Instructional Conditions Following the Elders’ guidance for teaching XK (explored in Chapter 4), creating a low-anxiety physical and social environment is essential. Teachers must create comfortable, culturally appropriate learning spaces, and create opportunities for connecting community: 424 include fluent speakers and cultural knowledge holders if possible. Creating conditions for intergenerational interaction and natural interaction between age groups and grounding all learning in authentic cultural contexts and practices is foundational. In instructional approach, focus on input and output - provide extensive meaningful input and opportunities for output, beginning with repetition of modeled words. Focus on meaning - prioritize communication over grammatical accuracy initially (though always repeating with correct modeling if possible). Use systematic recycling: return to previously learned patterns for consolidation, comfort, and re-affirming. Recognize breakthrough moments, and celebrate them to build confidence. Normalize developmental fluctuation - treat temporary developmental fluctuation as a normal part of development. Use assessment with a culturally relevant and enjoyable framework (e.g. Figure 6.1), and assess pattern recognition and creative application, not only accuracy (which indicates a learner’s relationship to the language, and ownership which is hugely important). Recognize and expect individual variation, and different breakthrough timelines and pathways. Normalize the fact that mistakes are part of language acquisition, and can even indicate progress (e.g., risking taking, consolidation of linguistic knowledge); couple this normalization with encouraging corrective feedback. Consider holistic evaluation, progress across all grammatical domains rather than isolated skills. Have a long-term perspective: evaluate success over months and years rather than individual sessions, and also understand that for some, breakthrough will be spiritual and emotional, rather than linguistic acquisition. All is significant and important. 425 6.5 Chapter Six Conclusion Because each of the participants experienced breakthrough in Xaayda Kil, XK acquisition may follow some patterns that could potentially be systematically facilitated and researched. The insight is that breakthrough occurs when sufficient implicit knowledge accumulates to enable qualitative reorganization of grammatical knowledge and communicative competence. By understanding and implementing these conditions, XK revitalization programs could potentially improve learning outcomes and accelerate the development of new speakers. The evidence demonstrates that learners of all ages can achieve sophisticated grammatical competence in Xaayda Kil when provided with appropriate conditions for breakthrough. Success requires patient foundation building, strategic cognitive load management, meaningful communicative contexts, and respect for individual learning pathways. Most importantly, it makes the contribution that apparent lack of progress during foundation phases may actually represent crucial internal processing that enables later dramatic advancement. These conditions for breakthrough offer hope and practical guidance for Xaayda Kil revitalization efforts, demonstrating that child and adult learners alike can successfully progress in this complex and beautiful language when provided with optimal learning conditions that respect both the linguistic sophistication of Xaayda Kil and the diverse pathways through which humans develop grammatical competence. 426 Chapter 7 Conclusions: The Pursuit of Knowledge for the Cause of Xaayda kil 7.1 Introduction: Language as Survival Languages are integral to the way humans see and act in the world. Moss scientist and Potawatomi language learner Robin Wall-Kimmerer describes her language and its “grammar of animacy” that honours living things, bringing the natural world into kinship with us humans through its pronouns and verb focus. It contrasts with English: In English, we never refer to a member of our family, or indeed to any person, as “it.” That would be a profound act of disrespect. It robs a person of selfhood and kinship, reducing a person to a mere thing. So it is that in Potawatomi and most other indigenous languages, we use the same words to address the living world as we use for our family. Because they are our family. (Kimmerer 2018:55) At this time when humanity finds itself in climate crisis102, in breach of six of our nine Planetary Boundaries (K. Richardson et al. 2023) and amidst the “biological annihilation” currently underway as part of the 6th mass extinction event of our planet (Ceballos et al. 2017), it is becoming increasingly clear that the capitalist and colonial way of being is not sustainable. But the current, dominant way is not the only way to be human. Indigenous communities living in place are living examples of how to live with the natural world, not off it. Furthermore, Indigenous communities today know how to survive extinction. Baldwin, Noodin and Perley (2018) explain, “native North America is an example of surviving through the first convulsion of the Sixth Mass Extinction" (2018:202). Languages have been an integral part of this survival, the intellectual framework heritage which facilitates Indigenous peoples in accessing their long term and deep knowledge of how to thrive in place with nature, and how to survive ecological change. Languages also are the frameworks for the values and principles of the cultures that have lived with respect for the world. In a time when the pillars of capitalist civilization are clearly 102 See latest evidence in Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s Sixth Assessement Report (IPCC 2023) 427 rotting, alternative human frameworks of being are needed. Revitalizing Indigenous languages at this time is crucial for our collective survival. "As we all anticipate and face the next round of mass extinctions, we can look to American Indian strategies of awakening, emergent vitality, and sovereignty for guidance in surviving what will become a global New World" (Baldwin et al. 2018:223). The research of this dissertation was directional, in service of the continuation of the Haida language. My research questions were the following: Why did Xaayda kil (XK) language shift occur? What guidance do Elders have for us to continue the language? What disciplines and strategies can help us in language programming? What are the phonological and morphosyntactic features of XK second language (L2) learning? The answers to these questions are profound, and can support our work for the continuum of XK. 7.2 Understanding the Past: Why XK Language Shift Occurred 7.2.1 The Forces of Change The historical context and factors for the XK language shift that occurred in the 20th century are explored and described in Chapter 1's historical background, and in Chapter 4 from the Elders' accounts. These stories give us an understanding of the violent forces of colonization and change affecting Haida parents, families and communities over the last 100 years: the assault on Haida bodies, culture, spirits, territories, and language was extreme. The Elders’ accounts indicated the main external factors for language shift were colonial systems that were intentionally trying to change Native peoples: residential school, Indian day school, Indian agents and the potlatch ban, impacts of the Indian Act on Haida women, and 428 religion. These created internal factors for language shift, such as: pressure of ongoing background events (WWII, racism, family tragedy), the cultural value of social group inclusion, and then, raising their own children in English. In Chapter 4, the Douglas Fir Group (2016) multiscalar language socialization model is used to show the kinds of acute pressures and assaults on Haida parents (Figure 4.2). As children, these Elders were on the cusp of the language shift from Haida to English. Fluent Elder Taalgyaa’adad Betty Richardson explained that though her parents both spoke XK, they didn’t speak it much at home or to her: “people figured that their kids were better off with English at that point, I guess.” But they lived with Taalgyaa’adad’s monolingual XK naanGa grandmother Agnes Russ, and young Taalgyaa’adad learned XK from her: “my parents did speak Haida when they thought they didn’t want me to know what they were saying but I knew what they were saying, because I learned from my grandmother, you know.” Around 1930 the practice of not teaching or speaking XK to children began on Haida Gwaii, in hope of helping them succeed at (English-speaking) school (Enrico 2003:7). 7.2.2 Restorying the Narrative: From "Linguistic Suicide" to Ember Carriers For approximately three decades, from the late 1930s to the beginning of the 1970s, to navigate these extreme stressors, to survive and to protect their children, the language went quiet. Haida parents did not pass on their language to their children, and it was largely suuda k'uhlda whispered in secret. Haida parents were receiving messages from many sources that their children would be better off if they learned English and not XK. 429 However, opposite to Enrico's disparaging charge of Haida parents committing "linguistic suicide" (Enrico 2003:7), these parents did not give up the language. Instead, they carried the XK embers within and amongst themselves until it was safe to bring it back out. The Potlatch Ban was removed from the Indian Act in 1951. Guud San Glans Robert Davidson's raising of the Bear Mother pole in Gaw Tlagée Old Massett in 1969 was a major collective reawakening point. By the 1970s the shift in safety had reached a threshold, and in all three dialect communities, Elders began to bring XK out into their communities, raising awareness about their beautiful language, and beginning to speak it to younger generations again. In the spirit of Baldwin, Noodin and Perley (2018) refuting “extinction rhetoric,” this restorying clears the path for a vibrant future, and empowerment in a story not of death but of renaissance and survival. These Elders were Xaayda kil daas llGaayGa ember carriers of the Haida language, and linguistic refugia, carrying the language until the danger had ebbed, bringing the language to new generations who could build the fire. 7.2.3 Conditions for Language Continuity The Elders' accounts (Chapter 4) describe their conditions for learning and maintaining XK, as the last generation of fluent L1 speakers to do so. The conditions described were: their age (being born on the cusp of the language shift before 1937 – Elders in this cohort were born between 1924-1937), not going to residential school, being raised on the land, speaking XK into adolescence, and having others to speak to in XK from time to time in their lives. This last aspect that they described was critical for language to continue – each of these Elders had had someone to speak XK to throughout their lives. Language exists in communication. Before they were ember carriers, they themselves had elder people in their lives who were champions of 430 language and culture, who were Xaayda kil daas llGaayGa themselves, and this helped them become Xaayda kil daas llGaayGa. Now it's our turn. The precious Elders have played their role in a continuum of language survival, and now have brought the embers to us. The continuum of Xaayda kil daas llGaayGa. The conditions the Elders list are what we need to create towards Xaayda kil jii.nga xaaynang.nga Gas ga the Haida language will live long. 7.3 Learning from the Elders: Guidance for the Future As we prepare for the unimaginable - a time when we will not have the precious XK-fluent Elders - a major line of inquiry in this research was to seek their counsel, and ask them for guidance to take forward for XK teaching and learning. Their advice was profound, and can inform our language learning, teaching, and language programming. 7.3.1 The Supernatural Crab's Urgency The Elders who founded the SHIP program chose the K'uust'an TlldaGaaw Unguu the Supernatural Crab on Top of the Mountain as their crest for the language program in Skidegate. K'uust'an TlldaGaaw Unguu is a powerful Supernatural to connect with for learning XK. The crab pinched the ancient Haidas as they paddled through the Narrows, urgently challenging them to "progress faster in the language." This urgency and challenge represents the very real commitment and work necessary to learn XK. The field of Second Language Acquisition can show us that learning any second language can be very difficult, depending on the circumstances. Language learning requires a huge volume of input, regular opportunity for output, cognitive effort, physical effort, emotional 431 comfort, and significant time and motivation. Furthermore, speaking language is like exercise: it must be maintained. K'uust'an TlldaGaaw Unguu represents these challenges, and the push to overcome them. 7.3.1.1 K'uust'an TlldaGaaw Unguu The Supernatural Crab in Learners’ Dreams and Visions The power of K'uust'an TlldaGaaw Unguu to guide language learners continues today, as evidenced by the dreams and visions experienced by three contemporary language learners who shared with me while I did my research. Dii hltaaxwii my friend/relative language learner Jaalen Edenshaw recounted his dream when his partner Jaskwaan was pregnant with their first daughter (Jaalen Edenshaw, Pers. Comm. July 30, 2021): Jaalen: It was when Jaskwaan was pregnant with Haana. I never remember my dreams at all, but this was vivid - me and Guuj, we were on the beach, a North Beach sorta feel, and the waves were crashing in. There was a crab that was surfing on top of the wave, and it was singing a Haida song, and we stopped and listened. And when I woke up I still almost had it. I don’t have it now. So we listened for awhile, then we kept going. Guuj’s dog was there, Akbar. We heard a voice, it was Old Nanaay’s voice, she was talking Haida. And the dog ran over and grabbed the crab, and we thought that’s who it was, but then it turned out there was another crab underneath, and that one was the one talking. We picked her up, and we were walking along while she was talking to us. At the end we were trying to decide if she wanted us to cook her, eat her, or put her back, but we never figured it out. Probably the most clear dream I’ve ever had. I don’t think I knew the crab story [K'uust'an TlldaGaaw Unguu] at that time either. That’s sort of why we [Jaalen and Jaskwaan] started picking up on doing it. We always wanted to anyway, but that was the spark. And I figured she [Old Nanaay] was, not necessarily that it was her coming back as Haana, but I figured she was telling us who Haana was, but I couldn’t understand her, that was the problem. SCS: Who was your Old Nanaay? Jaalen: Susan Williams. Old Nanaay. I recognized her voice from the tapes. 432 Jaalen knew his Old Nanaay’s voice through listening to recordings. “Old Nanaay” Susan Williams is the same Xaayda kil daas llGaayGa Ember carrier of the Haida language referred to by several of the Elders interviewed in (see Chapter 4, §4.7.3). Through Jaalen’s study of his language and culture, this amazing naanGa grandmother was able to speak to him in his dream, taking the form of a crab. nuučaan ̓uł language learner and teacher Dr. chuutsqa Layla Rorick is married to Robin Rorick of the Yahguulaanas Haidas. When their children were small, and before she started learning her own language, chuutsqa lived on Haida Gwaii, and we became friends. We started our respective language learning around the same time in our lives. It was an experience with a crab that compelled chuutsqa to begin learning her language (Rorick 2019); she recalled her experience to me (Pers. Comm. August 14, 2021): It was down at the beach; we were getting crabs at low tide. Robin gave me his tote - it had one big crab in it. He and Kura went up to make a fire to cook it. I was on the beach, and I went to the tote, and all of a sudden I got scared of that crab. It just stared at me. It looked up at me, and then it just yelled: “Learn your language! Do whatever it takes!” I said, “Okay, I’ll do it. But just tell me what I have to do.” I was wondering, Am I supposed to eat you? To get the ability? It wouldn’t respond. It didn’t answer. I just pushed the tote real close to the water, pushed it over, and it slowly walked away. It didn’t talk to me again. I was so shocked by it. Afterwards I thought, ‘Why did I say okay?’ I was so afraid of the crab, just startled at that moment. I walked up to the fire to Robin, he asked, “Where’s the crab?” I was carrying an empty tote. We went home and I phoned Lawrence Paul and asked if he would teach me and he said yeah. It wasn’t a dream, it was a real day. We were actually down there at the beach. They both [Robin and Kura] believed me right away, I was in disbelief. I was really surprised that Rob didn’t question the reality of that. It was right normal. chuutsqa has referred to the experience in her writing: Though surprising to me at the time of occurrence, those experiences have been verified in discussion with elders to be consistent with ancestral nuučaan ̓uł interaction with the metaphysical or spiritual realm. Spirituality, inclusive of supernatural communication, is one of four major nuučaan ̓uł learning strategies. (Rorick 2018:224) 433 In both Jaalen and chuutsqa’s dreams, the crab represents a challenge: Jaalen’s Old Nanaay, speaking to him as a crab, was trying to communicate but he couldn’t understand her. In chuutsqa’s experience, the crab spoke to her in English, and literally directed her to learn her language, whatever it took. Both crabs issued the metaphorical “pinch on the shoulder.” During the winter and the middle of the language-focussed year (during our family’s fifth Intensive Language Period, ILP5), our eldest son Ganhlaans (then, aged 10) had a dream, which featured language and the crab. Ganhlaans recalled his dream to me (Pers. Comm., August 14, 2021): So I had a dream, that Nanaay was having a potlatch in her backyard. And every animal was there. And, I could talk in Haida to all the animals, except the crab. I just couldn’t understand it, and it couldn’t understand me. The host of the potlatch, Ganhlaans’ naanGa grandmother GwaaGanad, was the host of the event, and as such was the source of wealth. It is very striking that Ganhlaans could talk to all of the animals fluently in Haida, and that the crab was the only animal that Ganhlaans could not communicate with. Like Jaalen, he could not understand the crab. Perhaps while Ganhlaans spoke enough Xaayda kil to be able to converse with other animals, it was not enough for the crab. As in the events experienced by Jaalen and chuutsqa, the crab represents a challenge of language. At the time, Ganhlaans did not know the story of the Supernatural Crab on Top of the Mountain. K’uust’aanaay the dungeness crab itself is a remarkable animal. It is a valued and increasingly abundant food on Haida Gwaii that Haidas gather. It is a decapod, with four pairs of legs and two very strong claws that can injure even the toughest human fingers. Like all crustaceans, one of its most impressive features is how it grows: under its hard, old shell, it 434 grows a thin and flexible new exoskeleton underneath, and finally sheds the old exoskeleton, and emerges, in a brand new, larger shell, which hardens over a period of several days. During this hardening period the crab is extremely vulnerable. In this respect, the crab is a significant symbol of revitalization, undergoing significant periods of vulnerability and rebirth within a lifetime. The crab also represents rebirth through being eaten. Eating from the ocean and the land is a very important source of Haida spirituality and connection to the earth. Both Jaalen and chuutsqa wondered if the crab wanted them to eat it, as a source of energy and power, and as potential for connecting deeper with the Haida language. In all three of these cases, through speech, the crab seems to represent a Supernatural power of the language itself, drawing these New Speakers to engage deeper with their language. It represents a greater, deeper voice and wisdom compelling learners to learn their birthright language. In these dreams, the crab, through the “pinching” of the challenge that they represent, also seems to point to the need for a supernatural effort in language learning, and a spiritual level of engagement and focus. It also brought the message of support through Ancestors, the land and the web of life on Haida Gwaii, that connects spiritually with those seeking to connect to their birthright, their ancestral language. 7.3.2 Elder Wisdom: Definitions of Fluency and Advice for Teaching To be “fluent” is often cited as a goal of language learners, and is important in the eyes of the Elders. But there are many steps on the road to fluency. Fluency can in fact be described as a spectrum: children can be fluent in their language, but they speak very differently than a fluent adult. A learner could be fluent in dialogue with babies or young children, but not with adults. 435 The Elders defined fluency in 5 aspects: 1) to be able to make conversation; 2) to speak fluidly and have no hesitation when speaking; 3) to have the "swing" of the language (the proper intonation); 4) to have the proper pronunciation of consonants and vowels; and 5) to be able to tell stories. These are beautiful descriptions of language fluency, and bring awareness to different aspects important in learning and speaking XK. Elders had specific advice for teaching XK that align well with pedagogical principles in Second Language Acquisition and Language Socialization (see Chapters 2 and 6), including: receiving ample input from fluent speakers, specific focus on pronunciation, intonation, teaching grammar in sentence structure and parts of speech, as well as ensuring a learning environment where learners are comfortable and relaxed, and teaching prayers and introductions as an early part of a learners’ language journey. Elders discussed the necessity of maintaining the integrity of the language, and established that corrective feedback is essential. However, they asserted that in the feedback there must be an understanding or acknowledgement of the good efforts by the learners; the corrective feedback should be grounded in encouragement (it must be clear that the feedback is meant in context of supporting the learner’s good work of learning). Furthermore, corrective feedback should be communicated in private (as opposed to correction in public that could embarrass or shame learners); it should be grounded in the existing relationship between a learner and a mentor; and finally, corrective feedback should be done with an attitude that normalizes the fact that everyone makes mistakes. In support of this, the findings of the family language transmission program showed that making mistakes (called “mismatches” in this study) is in fact a natural feature of language acquisition, and often signals a significant stage of language learning where the learner is testing the bounds of a generalization they have made. As 436 learners gain confidence, they increase their risk taking and experimentation; by doing this they gain deeper insights into different features of the language through making “errors”, which ultimately leads to more sophisticated language learning. The normalization of making mistakes when learning XK coupled with corrective feedback is important advice from the Elders that is a supportive and pedagogically sound approach for teaching second language learners. 7.3.3 Spiritual Foundations for Language Learning Language shift of XK to English is a legacy of the violent colonization that occurred on Haida Gwaii. Language is an expression that requires unity of spirit, body and mind, and therefore affective aspects exist in the ways that people speak. Some XK learners have fear and anxiety when they speak XK, due to this violent history. But the Elders had advice in this area. Elders shared that when Haida people ask the Ancestors for help, and tune in to the land and the spirit world, they can receive messages from their Ancestors - in the form of dreams, flashes of insight, language, memories, and in their own bodies. Sdaahl K’awaas reached out to her Ancestors and received support throughout her repatriation work and her PhD process; she writes beautifully of their power and support in her thesis (Bell 2025). To overcome the negative affective vestiges of this legacy, remembering and deepening into the truth and comfort that the Ancestors are still here, and that the language is within Haida people today, as well as in the land and Supernaturals of Haida Gwaii, is essential and powerful. The combination of the challenge and urgency of K'uust'an TlldaGaaw Unguu, paired with the profoundly comforting knowledge that the Ancestors and the language are (and will always be) spiritually accessible to Haida people, are two sides of a language socialization 437 framework that can provide the affective grounding for learners of Xaayda Kil, providing the pinch as well as the comfort required for an empowered learning affect. 7.4 Stl’inll Clever Hands: A Multidisciplinary Approach The Pacific Northwest Coast has many stories of First Nations individuals who lived at this time of massive cultural change who were skilled cultural brokers, translators, architects of their worlds and futures. In this tradition, the Haida practice of being stl’inll having clever hands - taking advantage of new tools, technology and ideas for Haida cultural practice and aims - gave shape to my research inquiries. Employing the approach of being stl’inll for the cause of reversing XK language shift, I drew on several fields: Anthropology as the field provided the historical context and documentation for understanding XK language shift in the 20th century, as well as the context and meaning-making for its revitalization; Critical Indigenous Studies provided the methodologies and intellectual connections supporting the academic recognition and upholding of the inherent wisdom in Xaaydas gii naa.ah Haida ways of being; Indigenous Language Revitalization and SLA provided practical strategies for developing the family intergenerational language transmission program, and Linguistics provided a means of examining the language learning pathways of the participants. 7.5 Xaayda kil gud ad kihlguul Speaking the Haida language together: Living the Research 7.5.1 Achievements and Breakthroughs As the learner-teacher-researcher in our family of XK learners, it was sometimes challenging. I remember breaking down crying near the end of the first Intensive Language 438 Period (ILP), when it seemed that the children were simply not paying attention and not making any real effort to speak Xaayda Kil. When they saw my tears, they immediately began speaking XK to me and to each other, showing me how much they had learned, telling me they did want to keep going, and promising to speak more XK. From that point on, they were my true collaborators, and the family project was possible. I remain grateful and inspired by their commitment. Because of their partnership, we were able to achieve the goal of eight, 4 week-long Intensive Language Period (ILP), with a 4 hour/day target (with a 2 hour target for the other adult, Gung.Ga). Drawing from the learning and resources from the Elders at SHIP, the Master/Mentor-Apprentice method and dii jiiGuu naanGa mother-in-law, fluent Elder GwaaGanad's coaching, we were indeed able to spend 30% of our day in XK. This was a significant achievement for us, as creating an immersive XK environment was a big endeavour. By the mid-way point (end of ILP4), the children were able to speak fluidly (though not fluently) in XK, and to use XK to a degree to express themselves. I presented the linguistic details (phonological and morphosyntactic) and contours of their non-linear XK learning trajectories in Chapters 5 and 6 with narrative data elicited at 8 different points from the Frog, Where are You? story. In addition to that controlled narrative elicitation, I remember hearing Ganhlaans telling a marvelous story103 as he was playing with k’yaalo LEGO with his usual sound effects and voices. It sounded completely normal, except it was entirely in Xaayda kil. I could not quite understand all the words, nor completely follow the story, but the flow and joy he was finding in using the XK sounds and words that he knew filled my heart; dii k’uuga st’aaxuga gan my heart was full. This experience in itself, apart from this research or 103I asked him to repeat his story and have recorded it for future analysis - ILP4_2019_11_05_GSB_scs_GSB's_giiahlG̱alang 439 dissertation, was a success for us in our family endeavour. Unfortunately, it was beyond the scope of this dissertation to analyze the corpus of recorded spontaneous language use and interaction in our family study, or to elicit reflections from the participants about their affective orientation to the language and project, aspects of identity, and other themes commonly researched in SLA and LR studies. However, many insights and pedagogical implications emerged from the analysis of their narrative production (see Chapters 5 and 6, and summaries below in §7.5.3) that may be beneficial for other LR participants and which also align with the guidance provided by Elders. 7.5.2 Challenges and Lessons Creating 4 hours of immersion daily for the Family Transmission Project was very tiring for the primary driver of the project (this researcher), who was solitary, and required a level of near-fanaticism that was isolating and tiring yet needed to be sustained over nearly a year. There is a clear recommendation here: the importance of cohorts – the benefit of support for the learners in procuring or producing materials and organizing resources and activities, but also in developing a community of others committed to learning at the same time and going through similar experiences. COVID-19 also resulted in an unpredicted shift in lifestyle that surprisingly had one positive outcome: it made the family goal of 30% XK per day much more achievable, as in isolation it was easier to achieve the desired hours of XK use. This shows that the social pressure not to exclude (which emerged from Elders' accounts as one of the aspects leading to complete language shift) remains today. If we had been in our typical community-rich 440 environment there would be non-XK speakers interacting with us, and it would have been much more difficult to sustain our XK focus without excluding others from our conversations. One recommendation flowing from this point is to normalize XK in the community. Perhaps there could be a simple statement that people in community could gently start to socialize others (for example in newsletters or at community events) into the understanding that when people are using XK it’s not to exclude anybody, it is in fact bringing XK back into the community, to widen the use of the language and to reclaim or resist the English language scape. When we speak XK it’s not to exclude non-speakers, it’s to invite them in to hearing the language of the islands. Normalizing XK being spoken around non-XK speakers would allow the XK speakers to continue to speak XK wherever they were, thereby widening the spaces for XK reclamation, as well as expose the others to the language, welcoming in potential new learners. 7.5.3 Linguistic Findings: Characteristics of Xaayda kil Acquisition Examining the linguistic characteristics of the family members’ language acquisition journey was fascinating. Each of the participants were acquiring and using so many different sounds, grammatical patterns, and lexical structures. This gives insight to the reality that there are so many different cognitive aspects of language acquisition. Identifying the different sounds and grammatical aspects that were ebbing and flowing in the XK learners’ minds throughout the program shows just how amazing the work of learning (and speaking!) XK is. There are many reasons why it’s hard for English L1 speakers to learn XK – the cognitive, semantic, structural, and articulatory differences between aspects of the two languages are large. However, this study also shows that great gains are in small but persistent (if non-linear) steps, and most importantly, 441 that each step contributes to setting the conditions for success (described in this study as “breakthrough”). I summarize the findings from Chapters 5 and 6 below. 7.5.3.1 Phonological Patterns The phonological analysis contributes to the small but growing literature on language acquisition processes in Indigenous languages (see Clifton Pye 2021 for context of the paucity of studies of Indigenous children’s language acquisition, a review of Indigenous language acquisition literature and an appeal for more documentation of Indigenous language acquisition in the context of pervasive language endangerment (Pye 2021)). The phonological data revealed striking patterns in how four English-L1 family members navigated the typologically distant sound system of Xaayda Kil over the eight Intensive Language Periods. All participants demonstrated on-target production of the vowel system, including core vowels, diphthongs, and syllabic laterals. This could be due to the close correspondence between XK vowel sounds and those found in Canadian English. This positive transfer created an accessible foundation for phonological learning. The 40-consonant inventory did present complex challenges, as 23 of these sounds are not in the English inventory. The data showed that for the non-English consonant sounds, there was an order of accessibility: fricatives (including /ɬ/, /x/, and /χ/) emerged as the most accessible entry point, followed by plain stops, while ejective stops—particularly those combining ejection with non-English place feature—proved most challenging. The ejective uvular stop /q̓/, combining both non-English uvular place and ejection (constricted glottis), showed minimal acquisition even after intensive exposure, while the non-English plain uvular stops /q/ and /G/ were acquired more readily. Systematic error patterns gave insight into some of the learners’ processes of perception and production of “new” consonants in the target inventory: dawGanGa's use of voicing ([g]) 442 for ejectives ([k̓], [q̓]) demonstrated that he was perceiving laryngeal activity but was mapping it to a familiar English feature. However, this sound was not stabilized; he experimented with several different sounds for ejections in different tokens of the same lexical item, showing active engagement in experimenting with the sounds. Individual variation of the participants included age, exposure levels, and individual learning strategies, which significantly influenced trajectories. awGa’s phonological improvement was significant, indicating additional daily L1 input (2 hours) and explicit teaching responsibility (as the Team Lead/Learner-Teacher) increased her exposure and production of XK consonants. The phonology study also revealed how high-frequency vocabulary like hlk'yaan k'uust'aan [ɬk̓ya:n q̓u:st̕a:n] forest crab (frog) became seemingly "fossilized" in particular mismatch patterns that resisted systematic improvement, even as participants' overall phonetic abilities advanced. This dissociation between item-specific lexical representation and systematic phonetic rule acquisition has pedagogical implications, suggesting that XK instruction must address both systematic phonetic capacity and lexically-specific patterns. The data support feature-based sequential instruction of phonological features, beginning with fricatives, followed by place distinctions, and finally ejective complexity, while simultaneously requiring explicit remediation of entrenched mismatch patterns in high-frequency vocabulary. These findings illuminate the complex articulatory and perceptual challenges facing both child and adult learners of Xaayda Kil, and other Indigenous languages. 7.5.3.2 Morphosyntactic Development The morphosyntactic language trajectories of the four learners in the Family Transmission Project were described through a focus on Word Order, revealing that all participants demonstrated significant Xaayda kil foundations from the beginning. In ILP1, they 443 consistently used Verb-Final sentence structure in constructions ranging from basic Subject-Verb sentences to complex NomObj-ProSubj-Vtr patterns—syntax that is distinctly Haida rather than English. With vastly different ages (7-49), expressive abilities in XK, learning strategies and trajectories, their individual pathways documented and described in Chapter 6 yielded insights into XK language acquisition for language revitalization. In a preliminary cross-domain analysis of five grammatical domains across all four participants’ data, three main themes emerged: 1) threshold effects leading to "breakthrough," 2) non-linear development with fluctuation cycles, and 3) formulaic scaffolding as grammatical foundation. Most significantly, there was a consistent leap in grammatical complexity occurring between ILP3-ILP5 across all participants and domains. After this threshold was reached, learners demonstrated dramatic expansion: some doubled production volume, all produced novel sentence constructions and took creative risks. dawGanGa progressed from minimal output requiring extensive prompting to enthusiastic storytelling with complete sentences and theatrical voices, while k'waayGa expanded from basic sentence frames to complex multi-clausal constructions and creative plot additions. awGa achieved remarkable pronoun system advancement, and GungGa introduced new conjunctions enabling contrastive multi-clausal sentences. I characterize this dramatic expansion as "breakthrough"—a multi-domain simultaneous emergence involving shifts from formulaic to productive (analytical) competence, experimental risk-taking, and strategic cognitive load management. Learners suddenly showed willingness to attempt constructions beyond their current competence, demonstrating pattern extraction abilities through creative applications like dawGanGa's innovative use of determiner suffixes with English sound effects (hoot-a:y for owl) and awGa's creative manipulation of a farewell expression to generate a new sentence. 444 Equally important was recognizing that breakthrough was neither linear nor permanent. Each learner's advancement was accompanied by developmental fluctuation in some domains—for example, k'waayGa's determiner competence declined dramatically in subsequent ILPs despite continued advancement in other areas, suggesting that grammatical systems compete for cognitive resources (Douglas Fir Group 2016). Each learner experienced different domains that ebbed and flowed at different times while overall language ability slowly increased. This non-linear pattern showed that if language input and practice is maintained, fluctuation is a normal characteristic of ongoing language acquisition rather than regression. Crucially, memorized chunks (formulaic utterances)—greetings, farewell expressions, daily household instructions—served as essential scaffolding for all learners throughout the program. Even when not initially understood morpheme-by-morpheme, these formulaic sequences provided social and cultural participation, pronunciation practice opportunities, and sound-meaning correspondence learning. This study demonstrates that these chunks and collocations provided foundational grammatical templates that learners gradually analyzed and extended to novel contexts. This finding validates the teaching strategies of Xaayda kil Elders who prioritized recording full-sentence Haida expressions and sayings, demonstrating that these materials represent crucial scaffolding for grammatical development, and affirming their importance as foundational material in Xaayda kil learning programs. 7.6 Contributions This research has focused on contributing to the work of continuing the Haida language. It is ‘public anthropology’, engaging with the public issue of language revitalization through the lenses of Anthropology and Linguistics. My publics are: the communities where the research was 445 done, the villages of HlGaagilda and Gaw Tlagée and the Xaayda kil/Xaad kil community, and the Indigenous Language Revitalization community beyond XK. Further to these communities, my public is the Academic community – within this community, this research reaches across the disciplines of Anthropology, Second Language Acquisition and Applied Linguistics, Critical Indigenous Studies, as well as History through the lens of language shift. In this era of Truth and Reconciliation and Canada’s commitment to implement of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People, I hope that my research approach, frameworks, processes, results, interpretations and implications can serve as an example and encouragement for how academics can use their access, position, and academic study and knowledge for transformational, decolonial purposes that respond to the need to tll yahda make it right and the Calls to Action of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. This research has been values-driven from Xaaydas gii naa.ah Haida ways of being, and taken a collaborative approach within the community, and in my family, working towards social transformation. Using a stl’inll clever hands, cross-disciplinary approach, this study draws on, and contributes to, several different fields. This research fundamentally belongs in the interdisciplinary field of Language Revitalization: the restorying of XK narrative, the wise counsel and guidance of challenge and support from the Elders, can support and contribute to the work that language actors in families and communities are doing. The family transmission experiment is a case study with practical information for language families (heritage-language, Indigenous, and others), learners and programs. It is my hope that in the field of LR, this research supports other language actors in setting their own conditions for language breakthrough. 446 In the broad field of Second Language Acquisition and Applied Linguistics, the subfields of Indigenous SLA and LR are small but growing (see McKenzie 2022; McIvor 2020; Henne–Ochoa et al. 2020). This study offers insight into language socialization aspects of both loss and revitalization, within family, community, and classroom settings, as well as focussed analysis on the specifics of the trajectories of learning language acquisition in XK, a polysynthetic Indigenous language. XK is also a language isolate, genetically unrelated to any other languages or language families in the world. Therefore, the findings of this study can contribute unique insights into fundamental questions related to human’s cognitive linguistic capabilities. In Critical Indigenous Studies, this study represents examples of several Indigenous research paradigms, including research as ceremony, story as theory, restorying practice, and following the foundationally decolonial principle of grounding in Haida culture: using Xaaydas gii naa.ah Haida ways of being as a foundation set the stage for an empowered affect for learners; this is required for breakthrough. 7.7 Future Directions Across the Indigenous Language Revitalization movements in community, we can share stories towards language revitalization in our respective communities, and help inspire dreams and visions of the future. In late spring of 2018, I crossed Turtle Island and visited the Kanien'kehá:ka village of Kahnawà:ke in Montreal, Quebec. Reaghan Tarbell hosted me, then Executive Director of the Kanien'kehá:ka Onkwawén:na Raotitióhkwa Language and Cultural Center, and showed me around. The Center hosted a TV recording studio, a puppet studio, a museum, and the Kanien’kéha Ratiwennahní:rats Adult Immersion Program. As we approached the classroom, I could hear voices speaking in Kanien’kéha. Ronikonkatste 447 Norton, Karhowane McComber and Tehokwirathe Cross were in the classroom in animated discussion, occasionally laughing, but mostly working together to debrief each other about the day’s class, and preparing for the class the next day. These young men were speaking in rapid-fire, fluent Kanien’kéha. This Iroquoian language is, of course, very different from Xaayda kil. But to hear these young men doing their lesson planning so fluidly and entirely in their own language, filled my soul. Further, to learn that some of them had learned to speak fluent Kanien’kéha from going through the 2-year adult immersion language program themselves, burst open my imagination to what was possible in the future for language revitalization for XK. This adult immersion program started in 2002, and 16 years later, the graduates of the program were teaching Kanien’kéha in different language immersion programs throughout the community (including elementary and high schools). Keeping this powerful example in my mind, and knowing that such programs and futures are completely possible, and keeping in mind the beautiful, land-based immersion camps that our relatives in Gaw Tlagee have been practicing at T’aalan Stl’ang, my prayer for the next step in language shift reversal in our community is for a formal multi-year language immersion program that can produce new fluent speakers who can teach immersion in the communities in many different ways. This concept and work is already underway by current XK leaders. 7.8 Recommendations for Language Revitalization: Small but Consistent Steps Language exists as something shared between people: it requires community. The intergenerational language transmission project was a collaboration with a small community – our family. The gains for XK have been in the fostering of connections between Haida people; Chapter 2 outlines the incredible XK revitalization movement continually creating community 448 connections with initiatives, gatherings and programs. The language learning communities need consistent and ongoing fostering, investment, support and development (there are many recommendations here that XK Language Revitalization actors know well, including accessible space, consistent and accessible programming that aims to connect and include all language actors). Cultural grounding and Xaaydas gii naa’ah principles must always be the foundation of XK language learning, and environmental and instructional conditions must be optimal for an empowered learner affect – the learner needs to be both challenged in the spirit of the Supernatural Crab, and also held in encouragement, love and comfort by the land and the Ancestors. The phonology findings of the study (Chapter 5) offer many suggestions for XK immersion teaching. For example, it is important to provide explicit attention to high-frequency vocabulary that would benefit from targeted learning practice. The morphosyntax findings (Chapter 6) suggest XK programs should design initial phases (first 240 hours) as input-rich foundation building, provide extensive formulaic expressions containing target patterns focussed on establishing familiarity with basic declarative (PP)-S-Viand (PP)-S-O-Vtr structures, and basic Yes-No Question sentences, and WH-sentences. Although learners could be encouraged to use somewhat complex questions like “What is this called in XK?” or “How would I say [sample] in XK?”, as their understanding of the components of basic sentence structure grows, each of these foundational boot-strapping sentences can be revisited with revelations, one by one, of how they are grammatically constructed. This then provides a framework for experimental risk-taking environments conducive to grammatical exploration. There are many 449 ways that we can weave in these findings to complement, enhance and affirm the wealth of methods and materials that XK language teachers have already been using. Multi-year, immersion cohort programming that sets the conditions for breakthrough is needed (the conditions discussed in Chapter 6). Pedagogical practices can be included in immersion programming to document and study progress, for example assessments to support learning could be developed in culturally appropriate frameworks. Future work is required to examine and optimize “breakthrough” in XK. Note that the family intergenerational language transmission study had a low formal instruction component, following the Mentor Apprentice method. The balance of formal vs. informal instruction should be examined, and could potentially reduce the amount of time before breakthrough. 7.9 Chapter Seven Conclusion: The Continuum of Xaayda Kil Daas LlGaayGa Ember Carriers of the Haida Language By the time I started writing this final chapter, many of the Elders I have worked with had passed away. It is hard to believe that they are gone; they still feel so present in this work. They do live on, in the Xaayda kil daas Haida language embers that they have passed on to us that we are carrying on to build the fire. Gudtaawt’is and my children are now teenagers. Tiisaan is 13, and Ganhlaans just turned 16. In the years since our intensive, immersive year, I have not been able to continue with the intensity and regularity of a dedicated time frame for a systematic immersion structure in our daily lives. Although we do use the language frequently in our interactions with each other, as well as in certain ritual and ceremonial contexts (mealtime grace, introducing ourselves formally, prayer), we have not maintained our XK gains. This is the reality of endangered language 450 revitalization work and language learning in other contexts (e.g., heritage-language, foreign language) – without structural cohort support of other champions, it is difficult to continue on a daily basis, year after year. However, our intensive year of XK learning and experience remains within us. We now carry those embers inside. And there is a community of other language learners, teachers, and Elders. When I have finished this thesis, we will reconnect with our community, and return to the essential, daily work of keeping Xaayda kil spoken aloud in our home, and in our community on Haida Gwaii. We have achieved our goal of having the children feel positively about Xaayda kil – helping to heal the emotional damage of residential school that their chinGa grandfather Gaahlaay Watson Pryce had. My son Ganhlaans showed me this was true when I shared my fear that I was making him speak XK. He replied, “You’re not making me speak Haida, you’re allowing me to learn.” Tiisaan is learning to tell a Raven Traveling story, practicing with his naanGa, and continuing to say Grace at the dinner table. These small but dedicated steps will ensure that the fire will never go out. 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Orthographies for Xaad kíl/Xaayda kil Xaayda kil CONSONANTS North American Phonetic Alphabet (NAPA) SHIP orthography EXAMPLE SHIP NAPA English h h haanas [ha:nʌs] beautiful x x xyaahl [xya:ɬ] dance χ x xaa [χa:] dog č ch chiina [či:nʌ] fish c̓̌ ts' ts’ik ts’ik104 [ɩk ɩk] car G G Gandll [Gʌnλl] water g g guudang [gu:dʌŋ] hear ɬ hl hlGaahl [ɬGa:ɬ] black ǰ j jaada [ǰa:dʌ] woman k̓ k' k’ay [ʌy] crabapple q K kay [qʌy] sea lion q̓ K' k'aw [ ʌw] sit k k kuuga [ku:gʌ] cook l l laamadu [la:mʌdu] lamb  ‘l ‘laana [a:nʌ] village ŋ ng ng.aal [ŋa:l] kelp t t taan [ta:n] black bear t̕ t' t’aa [a:] black chiton λ dl dluujuu [λu:ǰu:] big and tall ƛ tl tluu [ƛu:] canoe/boat ƛ̓ tl’ tl’aay tl’aay [a:y a:y] Steller’s Jay ʔ . tl’aa.ahl [a:ʔʌɬ] ten y y yahguudang [yʌhgu:dʌŋ] respect  ‘y ‘yuujuu [u:ju:] large w w haawa [ha:wʌ] thank you  ‘w 'waadluxan [a:λuχʌn] everyone 104 This word is from Chinook jargon 467 Appendix B. Letter of Informed Consent for Elders - Interviews Project: Xaayda kil gud ad t’alang sk’aadGa: Multigenerational Language Acquisition of Xaayda kil About Severn’s Cullis-Suzuki’s Xaayda kil Research Project Severn has been learning Xaayda kil for the past 12 years, and three years ago started a PhD to learn more about research on language revitalization and second language acquisition. She wants her research to help our community with learning and teaching Xaayda kil. Doing a PhD on this allows her to focus full time on this work. Back home on Haida Gwaii, she is doing a research project that consists of: 1- Interviewing fluent Haida speakers across all three dialects of Skidegate, Massett and Alaska for guidance for Haida language learners, and aspects of Haida fluency; 2- Doing a language acquisition program in her family which consists of: 3-4 wk Language Intensive Periods where the family will try and use Xaayda kil for 3-4 hours per day. As well, she wants to audio and video record this work for other language learners. All materials will be held in archives at the Haida Gwaii Museum. If requested, the interviews will be confidential, and will only be accessed by individuals designated by the elders interviewed. The research will be part of a thesis, which will be a public document available through the UBC archives. INVITATION: If you agree, here is how we will do the interview: • Severn will video and audio record if you are comfortable. These materials are for her reference in her research, but also for the Xaayda kil archives, and will be housed at the Haida Gwaii Museum. • In addition, you can give permission or not, to use these videos for future Xaayda kil learners. • You and/or your family will receive a copy of all records of the work together: transcripts and videos. Time Commitment Severn estimates the interview may take up to 2 hours. Audio and Video recording If you chose to participate, you have some confidentiality choices you can make. 468 MORE INFORMATION Who is in charge of the study? The person in charge of Severn’s research is Principal Investigator Dr. Patricia Shaw at UBC. She is Severn’s PhD supervisor, and she founded the First Nations Endangered Languages Program: contact information*. Kihlgula Gaaya Severn Cullis-Suzuki is doing the actual research, her title is Co-Investigator. She is working as a graduate student of Dr. Patricia Shaw, in the department of Anthropology at UBC. For any questions, concerns you can reach her at contact information. Who is funding this research? Severn has applied for and received a Canada Initiatives Health Research scholarship called the “Vanier Scholarship”, and she also has received a UBC “Public Scholar’s Initiative” Scholarship. These two scholarships allow her to be a full-time student, and to pay Elders for their time. Outcomes of the Research When the research is done (one year period), Severn will then start to analyze the She will use as much of the research as possible to support language learners. As well, the results of this study will be reported in her graduate thesis, which will be a public document that people can look up, and she hopes that the main findings of her research can also be published in journal articles and books, and shared so that others can learn from Haida language revitalization. Potential Benefits of being part of the Study We hope that this is a positive conversation about Haida language for you. We will be giving you a COOP gift card of value $30 as a small token of appreciation for this time. Leaving the study You do not have to answer any questions or participate in any language activities if you do not want to. You can stop your involvement at any time. Following the interview, if you wish, you can withdraw certain information from being included in the study. If you decide to leave the project, you can remove your data from the study. Complaints or concerns about the study? If you have any concerns or complaints about your rights as a research participant and/or your experiences while participating in this study, contact the Research Participant Complaint Line in the UBC Office of Research Ethics through phone, email, or toll free number: contact information. * contact information has been removed for this Appendix. 469 Severn’s declaration: I hereby declare that I have explained this information about my research to _____________, and that I will honour the words in this document. I will work hard to uphold and honour my relationship with you, and the Haida values of respect and reciprocity throughout my work with you, and in all my research. Date: ____________ Signed: Kihlgula Gaay.ya Severn Cullis-Suzuki 470 Consent and Signature Page I consent to being audio video-recorded in an interview about the Haida language. I understand that I will be given a copy of all edited audio- and/or video-recorded language materials that I have helped to produce. I consent that copies of these materials will also be provided to the SHIP and/or the Haida Gwaii Museum and may be used in the production of educational materials for the Haida language. I understand that I have the right to keep my identity confidential in any publications that come out of this research, and that unless I have given my signed permission in the Confidentiality section which follows, the personal information stated there will not appear in any record of the language data collected. I consent that the language data that I provide may be referred to, with appropriate acknowledgement, in publications authored by Severn Cullis-Suzuki and her supervisor, Dr. Patricia Shaw. I understand that I have the right at any time to request clarification or additional information about the project. If I have any questions, I may ask Severn Cullis-Suzuki at any time at contact information as well as contact her supervisor, Dr. Patricia A. Shaw of the First Nations and Endangered Languages Program at UBC, Vancouver, at contact information. I also understand that I may at any time withdraw from participation in this research at any time and that I can request my information to be removed also. I understand that if I have any concerns or complaints about my rights as a research participant I can contact the Research Participant Complaint Line in the UBC Office of Research Ethics at email, phone, or toll free contact information. CONFIDENTIALITY We would like to share your identity in this research to give credit to you. However, if you do not want to be identified, this will be respected. We will use a code to represent your identity in any research notes, and in any material that is published. You will not be identified by name in any reports of the completed study. We will not use the video or audio of your participation to be shown publicly; it will be stored at the Haida Gwaii Museum, and at the Audrey and Harry Hawthorne Archives at UBC but access will not be allowed to anyone except those you would give permission to. 471 Information that discloses your identity will not be released without your consent unless required by law. I understand that I have the right to keep my identity confidential. Below I have marked NO beside all aspects of my identity that I want to keep confidential. I hereby consent that those aspects of my identity that are marked YES may appear in the records of the language data that I have provided. For the Interview, I agree to the following: -to be audio recorded -to be video recorded -for the videos to be used for analysis in Severn’s dissertation -for the videos to be accessible to future learners of Xaayda kil (permission for this use through SHIP) -for the videos to be used in future videos about the Haida language -for my identity to be shared in the publications: Severn’s dissertation For Haidas Off island Publication For the interview in English about the Haida language, I agree to the following: -for the information obtained through interviews in English about Xaayda kil to be kept confidential (this means my name will not be used, Severn will instead use a code to represent my contribution) -for the video records of myself to be accessible for educational purposes (vetted through SHIP). -I agree to these records being stored at the Haida Gwaii Museum, as well as the Hawthorne Archives at UBC. I acknowledge that I have received a copy of this consent form. Date: _________________________ Signature: __________________________________ Name (in print): ______________________________ 472 Appendix C. Interview Schedule for Elders Project: Xaayda kil gud ad t’alang sk’aadGa: Multigenerational Language Acquisition of Xaayda kil Principal researcher: Severn Cullis-Suzuki INTERVIEW QUESTIONS FOR ELDERS What is your name? Haida Name(s)? What is your clan? Who are your parents? What is your DOB? Where did you grow up? When you were a little child what languages did you hear? Did anyone speak it in your family? Who did you hear XK from? Did you ever hear XK outside of the individuals who spoke to you? What did people speak in the wider community around you? When did you start to hear English? Where did you go to school? Throughout your life, when would you speak Haida? Who would speak Haida to you, who were you able to speak Haida to? Did you like the language? How did you feel about it? Did you ever stop speaking Haida? When did you start actively (re)learning the Haida language? What happened when you started to speak Haida again? Did you speak Haida to your children? Why or why not? What have been your challenges? Emotional, personal? What has been difficult? What has been rewarding? Fun, healing? How do you feel when you are speaking Haida? How do you feel about the learners learning to speak? Why do you teach Haida? (Why is it important to you?) What are you most proud of? What do you think it would it take to get the language to a safe place? What is your vision for Xaayda kil? How do you feel about receiving an honourary degree for your work with the language? LANGUAGE LEARNING QUESTIONS What attitudes should learners have when trying to learn Haida? What are the biggest difficulties for language learners? Why do you think it’s hard to learn XK? What is difficult for you with teaching the language? What would be the ideal learner? What do you think is important to learn when learning Haida? Pronunciation? Intonation – the swing of how we speak? What about hand gestures? What does fluency mean to you? What aspects of the language make it “Haida”? Protocol: how do you think we should correct people when they speak Haida? In private? In public? Is there anything you are concerned we may miss or lose, from the Haida language? 473 Appendix D. Two Examples of XK Games D.1 Gina gud gid daasgid - Puzzle Draft compiled by Kihlgula Gaay.ya Severn Cullis-Suzuki May 3, 2018 Xaayda kil from: Yangk’aalas ad Gaayinuhlas, summer 2017 Naay stl’ln – house bottom (the floor) X̱iidsii – bottom (of the puzzle) Sahsii – top (of the puzzle) Ts’iisii or TsiiG̱a – middle (of the puzzle) Daagwuulsii – side (of the puzzle) Kungiida – corner (of the puzzle) Playing the game - Dii ad hla naang. Play with me. Asii gud gii ts’aahlsgid. This fits together Gam asii gud gii ts’aahlsgid Gang ga. It doesn’t fit together. Ginuu asii is hllnga? Where can this go? Aan uu is hllnga. It can go here. Aan gwa? Here? Gam aan guu ll is hllnga. It can’t go there. DadaaG̱ahlda hla. Turn it over. ‘wasii hla isda tlaagang! First do this! ‘waniis guusda. This goes beside. ‘waan uu ll is hllnga. It can go over there. Gina gud gid daasgid gud sda is dii ga. The puzzle is breaking apart. ‘la G̱iihlgii ga! He finished (lit: he is ready) Daanx̱an ‘laa! Good job! (lit: very good) 474 D.2 Siiga ad Kiiwaay (The Snakes and ladders game) Draft compiled by Kihlgula Gaay.ya May 3, 2018 Xaayda kil from: Yangk’aalas ad Gaayinuhlas, summer 2017, Gaayinguhlas summer 2019 Edited by GwaaG̱anad March 30, 2020 Getting started: Gina naangwaay – the game Gina Guut’axung –the pieces (moving on your butt) Dii gyaa uu guhlGahl – Mine is blue (as in, the pieces) Gina k’waaying.daaya – counting thing (dice) Gina ts’isjuu – the square thing (dice) Gina naang tlljuu – the board (lit: playing flat thing) Getting ready to play Giisanuud uu siiga ad k’yuu ad da naang gan? – When do you want to play snakes & ladders? Giiniis uu k’uudlaanwaay giiyuu dang sdaahll? – which colour do you want? Naang hla! Do play! Giisduu is tlaagang? Who goes first? Giisduu gyaa? Who’s is it? (as in, turn) Nang tlaagang – the first one Nang gwii ḵaayihl uu nang tlaaG̱ang Gas ga – who wins will go first Nang dawGanas uu kaa tlaagang. – the youngest goes first. Playing the game Gina k’waaying.daaya hla k’aataa – throw the counting thing (dice) ‘way – go! Aaw ‘waa tlaagan – move it (?) K’iiwaay gud hla ḵaahll – climb the ladder Giidsxwii? - Which way? Giixiida hla! Do shake (it- here the dice) K’waagyinda hla! Do count (it) Ga sGwansing giiyuu dang kilxigang – you need one. Ga sding uu iijii – it’s two Hla uu nang tlaagang G̱as ga. I will be the first (?) HlG̱unuhl x̱an uu dang kiiG̱as – your name is ‘3’ (ie. you keep rolling 3) Tleyhll han uu da kiiGa ga! Your name is 5! Tleyhll gyaanadsx̱an tleyhll – it’s always 5! ‘waanadsx̱an tleyhll – it’s always 5! Siiga ll sdiihldas! Snake put him back. Siigaay gud hll sdiiihldas – the snake put him back Ahl axanas– that was close! Siigaay x̱iid guu da xiidxii – snake makes you go down 475 JuuG̱wiihlG̱ahl – whirlpool (as in, stuck in one spot) Getting to the end of the game Dii naang taadllsdll – leaving me behind! Naang dii aaxana Gihl! - The game’s getting close! Nang sGwaana ‘la Ga aaxang Gihl dii. – The other one’s getting close. Naangwaay gam haayluu Gang! This game is never ending/not done! Gaang.ngaang.uu iid Giida! We are tied! Dang dllGa hll is – I’m after you/I’m right behind you Dang hll daw xiidii – I’m going to get you! Dii gii da niijang. You are copying me (as in, following me) Dii gwii ḵaayihl – I win! 476 Appendix E. Examples of XK Learning Resources from SHIP E.1 Lesson Four SKIDEGATE XAAYDA IMMERSION PROGRAM LESSON FOUR – GREETING/FEELINGS/HEALTH CD # 2 1. Gassing.uu dang Giidang? T13/14* How are you? ANSWERS A. Dii ____________________________GA. T13/14 I Insert emotion Present tense T11 kaanga sleepy sGyuuGa exhausted guudang.ngaay uwan proud siiga tyaa faint from hunger ‘laa happy/well (answer A only) T12 laa aahlging don’t feel good kaahlii hildang very angry st’iixaagang angry xiida dii guudang.ngaay Giida humble (answer A only/do not use Dii or ga) B. Gam dii ____________________________ GANG GA. T13/14 No I Insert emotion Present tense T12 Gan daang. Ga ‘laa well (answer B only) T14 gam xiida dii guudang.ngaay Gid humble (answer B only) * T = Track number of corresponding SHIP audio CD 477 SKIDEGATE XAAYDA IMMERSION PROGRAM LESSON FOUR – GREETINGS/FEELINGS/HEALTH CD # 2 1. Dang gwa ____________________ ? T5/6 You what Insert emotion/health inquiry T3 st’ii sick ‘laa well or good guudang.ngaay st’ii feeling sad/bad guudang.ngaay ‘laa feeling happy st’iixaagang angry T4 kaahlii hildang very angry daagwiiyah strong Gaaxaga weak guudang.ngaay uwan proud xiidaa guudang.ngaay Gid humble (used in question) ANSWER A. Dii uu _______________________GA (Present Tense) T5/6 I Insert emotion/health Dii _______________________GA (Present Tense) I Insert emotion/health guudang.ngaay xiida Giida humble ( answer A only - no Ga) T4 B. Gam dii _______________________ GANG GA. T5/6 No I Insert emotion/health gam xiida dii guudang.ngaay Giid Gang ga humble (answer B only) T6 478 E.2 Daily Practice Phrases SHIP March 29, 2016 (See SHIP audio for “Severn’s Daily Practice Phrases”: Harvey Williams / Severn Cullis-Suzuki) 1. Xaayda kihlgii hla dii gii suu. Tell me in the Haida Language. 2. Gasing.uu xaayda kihlgii asii kiiGang? What is the name of this in Haida Language? 3. Guus.slas hla dii gii suu! Tell me slowly! 4. Ising hla suu. Say it again. 5. Gam Gan dii unsid Gang ga. I don’t know it. 6. Gan dii unsiida! I know it! 7. a) Dii k'aaysgid. b) Gii dii k'aaysgiidan. I forgot. I forgot it. 8. a) Dii hla kingda. b) Dii hla king. Show me. Look at me. 9. Dii gii hla tllGad. Help me. 10. Hala dang ad dii kyanangda. Let me ask you a question. 11. Gina hla dii Gan xal k'aadaga, dii k'aataayGa! Fry me something, my sweetheart! 12. Dii nang, guus giiuu dang sdaahlang? Dear one, what do you want? 13. _____ giiuu dii sdaahll (ga). ___ is what I want. 479 14. chiina fish 15. k'aadii sleep 16. k'yuu clam/ladder/door/road/trail 17. saabalii bread 18. dáall money 19. k'uuga love 20. xaw tea 21. gina sgaapdala banana 22. k'aaw herring roe on kelp 23. daada k'ang.ngii peanut butter 24. Gaan fruit 25. guudang.ngaay ‘láa happiness 26. yahguudang respect 27. dang you 28. Asii dii gud 'láa. I like this. 29. Dii gwii hla kaa! Walk to me! 30. a) Haahlgwii. b) Haahlgwii hla kaa. This way. Come here. 31. Uu tla! Come on. 32. Dii gii hla _____ isda. Give me _____. 480 33. Dii gii hla isda. Give it to me. 34. Waasii hla dii gii isda. Give that to me. 35. Ginaxan ‘láa dii ga. Everything is well/good. 36. Da suu ahlgwa/adgwa! Goes without saying! 37. Giin giiuu da is guudang? Where are you trying to go? 38. _____ Gaauu dii guuda kaa. _____ I want to go. 39. ‘waadxanaay store 40. tay daanaay bedroom 41. HlGaagilda Skidegate 42. Giin giiuu da isdyang? Where are you going? 43. ____ Gaauu hll iijan. I went to ____. 44. ____ guu hll is gan. I was at ____. 45. Guusuu da tllGuhlGa dii? What are you making? 46. Guusuu da isdaay.yang? What did you do? 47. Hll ____ gan. I did ____. 48. kuuga 481 cook 49. k'aa sleep 50. xawin fishing 51. gam gina tl'ah nothing 52. hlGang.gulxa work Question Words: 53. Guusuu? What? 54. Giinuu? Where? 55. Giisanud? When? 56. Giisduu? Who? 57. Gasintl'aaw? Why? 58. Gasing.uu? What / How? 59. a. Guusuu da isda dii? What are you doing? b. Gasing.uu da 'waa dii? What are you doing? 60. Guusuu da isdáay.ya? What did you do? 61. Guusuu da isda xidii? What are you going to do? Phone calls: 62. Dang gii hll kyagang dii ga. 482 I'm calling you. 63. Gasing.uu gina aahljuu gang? What's going on? 64. Hala dang tlaalGa Ga dii kihlgula da. Let me speak to your husband. 65. Giisanud uu xaayda kil ad t’alang kihlgula hll.nga? When can we speak Haida language together? 66. a. Ising dii gii hla gina ad kyaanang. Ask me something again. b. Ising hla dii ad kyaanang. Ask me again. 67. Giisdluu k'aadsgiidaay Giidang? What time is it? 68. Dang gwa Ginsda? Are you tired of waiting? 483 Appendix F. Conventions, Abbreviations and Terminology Used in Analytical Framework Boxes Conventions - morpheme boundary = clitic boundary # incorporated lexical boundary/internal word boundary e.g. compound word hlGaa k’aayhllna [ɬGa: q̓a:yɬḷŋʌ] rock#sitting Balance Rock . A single morpheme in XK may translate as more than one word in English. In such cases, the English gloss is marked with periods in between the words to indicate that all together they translate the single XK morpheme. e.g. tllsanuud [ƛḷsʌnu:d] for.the.first.time Abbreviations & Terminology (as used in Analytical Framework Boxes) Adapted from Shaw, Patricia A. & Jill Campbell. 2023. hən̓q̓əmin̓əm̓ ct ceʔ We're going to speak hən̓q̓əmin̓əm̓! Books 1-3. MIB-UBC FNEL Musqueam Language Program. Caus Causative Conj Conjunction Class Classifier DetD Determiner (Definite) Foc Focus marker FS False Start Fut Future tense Imp Imperative Incep Inceptive Incl Inclusive Loc Locative LS Lexical Suffix Neg Negative Obj Object 1sObj 1st person singular Object pronoun 484 2sObj 2nd person singular Object pronoun 3sObj 3rd person singular Object pronoun Past Past tense suffix Poss Possessive pronoun 1sPoss 1st person singular Possessive pronoun 1pPoss 1st person plural Possessive pronoun 2sPoss 2nd person singular Possessive pronoun 3sPoss 3rd person singular Possessive pronoun PP Postposition PR Present tense suffix Prog Progressive Subj Subject SubjPro Subject Pronoun (general category) FocSubjPro Focussed Subject Pronoun 1sSubj 1st person singular Subject pronoun 1pSubj 1st person plural Subject pronoun 2sSubj 2nd person singular Subject pronoun 2pSubj 2nd person plural Subject pronoun 3sSubj 3rd person singular Subject pronoun 3pSubj 3rd person plural Subject pronoun Vi Intransitive Verb Vtr Transitive Verb WhQ WH-Question, e.g. what?, where?, etc. YNQ Yes/No Question
Thesis/Dissertation
eng
Anthropology
Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library
Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International
Graduate
Shaw, Patricia A., 1946-
X̱aayda kil ga sḵ'aadgada daas llGaayGa sda
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