Arts, Faculty of
Ancient Mediterranean and Near Eastern Studies, Department of
DSpace
UBCV
Watson, Cristalle
Doctor of Philosophy - PhD
University of British Columbia
My study of Proba's fourth-century CE Biblical epic Cento Vergilianus (CV), a Biblical epic formed out of excerpts taken from Vergil, begins by laying out the main theoretical lens though which I propose to analyse the work: interpretatio Christiana (IC), the re-interpretation of pagan religious, mythological, or theological material within a Christian framework. I present a sevenfold classification scheme for early Christian IC, discussing how, prior to Proba, IC tends to be almost entirely negative (interpreting pagan religious elements as false or misleading); in contrast, Proba's own IC is overwhelmingly positive (interpreting pagan religious elements as true or indicative of the truth). In the second chapter, I present my database-centred methodology: here I analyse the CV line by line, before seeking broader patterns of significant Vergilian re-use by Proba. In the third chapter, I briefly summarize the main periphrastic techniques which Proba applies to the Biblical narrative before outlining, in more detail, her six hermeneutical strategies for performing Christian exegesis on Vergilian material: a) literal; b) allusive; c) conceptual; d) typological; e) contextual; and f) thematic. The fourth chapter analyses Proba's conceptual exegesis, where a Christian narrative, concept, or practice is depicted using pagan religious concepts. The fifth chapter examines Proba's re-application of Christian typological exegesis (where an OT type is read as prefiguring a NT antitype) to her Vergilian source text (reading Vergilian characters as types of Christ). The sixth chapter explores one of Proba's major themes in the CV: the constant threat of war/violence as opposed to Christ's mission of peace. The seventh chapter concludes the study with an examination of how Proba's hermeneutical strategies function in tandem, as well as a concluding section summarizing my main findings. I end with a discussion of how the methodology employed in this study might be adapted to analyse and compare other early Christian literature.
HERMENEUTICAL STRATEGIES AND INTERPRETATIO CHRISTIANA IN PROBA'S CENTO VERGILIANUS DE LAUDIBUS CHRISTI by CRISTALLE WATSON B.A., Dalhousie University, 2017M.A., Dalhousie University, 2020A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE AND POSTDOCTORAL STUDIES (Classics) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver) May 2025 © Cristalle Watson, 2025 ii The following individuals certify that they have read, and recommend to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies for acceptance, the dissertation entitled: Hermeneutical Strategies and Interpretatio Christiana in Proba's Cento Vergilianus de Laudibus Christi submitted by Cristalle Watson in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Classics Examining Committee: Michael Griffin, Professor, Ancient Mediterranean and Near Eastern Studies, UBC Supervisor Sigrid Schottenius Cullhed, Professor, Literature and Rhetoric, Uppsala University Co-supervisor Rachel Philbrick, Professor, Ancient Mediterranean and Near Eastern Studies, UBC Supervisory Committee Member Florence Yoon, Professor, Ancient Mediterranean and Near Eastern Studies, UBC University Examiner Gernot Wieland, Professor Emeritus, English Language and Literatures, UBC University Examiner Scott McGill, Professor, Modern and Classical Literatures and Cultures, Rice University External Examiner iii Abstract My study of Proba's fourth-century CE Biblical epic Cento Vergilianus (CV), a Biblical epic formed out of excerpts taken from Vergil, begins by laying out the main theoretical lens though which I propose to analyse the work: interpretatio Christiana (IC), the re-interpretation of pagan religious, mythological, or theological material within a Christian framework. I present a sevenfold classification scheme for early Christian IC, discussing how, prior to Proba, IC tends to be almost entirely negative (interpreting pagan religious elements as false or misleading); in contrast, Proba's own IC is overwhelmingly positive (interpreting pagan religious elements as true or indicative of the truth). In the second chapter, I present my database-centred methodology: here I analyse the CV line by line, before seeking broader patterns of significant Vergilian re-use by Proba. In the third chapter, I briefly summarize the main periphrastic techniques which Proba applies to the Biblical narrative before outlining, in more detail, her six hermeneutical strategies for performing Christian exegesis on Vergilian material: a) literal; b) allusive; c) conceptual; d) typological; e) contextual; and f) thematic. The fourth chapter analyses Proba's conceptual exegesis, where a Christian narrative, concept, or practice is depicted using pagan religious concepts. The fifth chapter examines Proba's re-application of Christian typological exegesis (where an OT type is read as prefiguring a NT antitype) to her Vergilian source text (reading Vergilian characters as types of Christ). The sixth chapter explores one of Proba's major themes in the CV: the constant threat of war/violence as opposed to Christ's mission of peace. The seventh chapter concludes the study with an examination of how Proba's hermeneutical strategies function in tandem, as well as a concluding section summarizing my main findings. I end with a discussion of how the methodology employed in this study might be adapted to analyse and compare other early Christian literature. iv Lay Summary The Cento Vergilianus (CV), written by the Roman poet Faltonia Betitia Proba, tells the Christian story using material taken from the pagan poet Vergil. In this study I examine how Proba adapts and reworks pagan religious material, situating it within a Christian doctrinal framework: a process I call interpretatio Christiana (IC). I first present a seven-levelled framework for classifying various types of IC. Next, I construct a database to analyse each Vergilian excerpt separately before looking for larger patterns of re-use. My findings demonstrate that Proba uses six different strategies — literal, allusive, conceptual, typological, contextual, and thematic exegesis — to make sense of pagan material within a Christian worldview. I examine three of these categories (conceptual, typological, and thematic exegesis) more closely, tracing Proba's use of each through the CV before discussing how all six strategies work in tandem in a single passage. v Preface All research for, and writing of, this dissertation was done entirely by me at the University of British Columbia. I have two publications arising from this study: 1) Watson, Cristalle. "A Feminine Typological Trinity in Proba's Cento Vergilianus 380–414." Classical Quarterly 74 no. 1 (2024): 281–89 (based on Chapter 5); Watson, Cristalle. "A Reconstruction of Proba, Cento Vergilianus 42a–b." Classical Quarterly, published online 26 February 2025, https://doi.org/10.1017/S0009838824000971 (based on Chapter 2). No GenAI of any sort was used in the research or writing process for this dissertation. vi Table of Contents Abstract................................................................................................................................. iii Lay Summary......................................................................................................................... iv Preface................................................................................................................................... v Table of Contents................................................................................................................... vi List of Figures.......................................................................................................................... x Acknowledgements............................................................................................................... xi Dedication............................................................................................................................ xii Chapter 1: Intertextuality and Interpretatio Christiana........................................................... 1 1.1 The Cento Vergilianus: Allusion and Intertextuality..................................................... 1 1.2 Proba: Author, Reader, Exegete................................................................................... 4 1.3 Textual Interpretation in Jerome and Proba................................................................ 8 1.4 Proba and Interpretatio Christiana............................................................................. 12 1.5 Interpretatio Christiana: A Comparative Framework................................................. 16 1.6 Pre-Proba Negative IC: A Summary............................................................................ 19 1.7 Pre-Proba Positive IC.................................................................................................. 23 1.8 Proba: Redirected Polemic......................................................................................... 26 1.9 Summary.................................................................................................................... 28 Chapter 2: Methodology....................................................................................................... 30 2.1 Introduction............................................................................................................... 30 2.2 Database of Vergilian Excerpts.................................................................................. 34 2.3 Composite Excerpts................................................................................................... 39 2.4 "Quasi-Cento": CV 1–23............................................................................................. 41 2.5 Vergilian Re-Use and Authorial Intention.................................................................. 42 Chapter 3: Biblical Paraphrase and Vergilian Exegesis in the CV............................................ 48 3.1 Introduction............................................................................................................... 48 vii 3.2 The CV as Biblical Paraphrase.................................................................................... 49 3.3 Strategies of Biblical Paraphrase in the CV................................................................ 52 3.3.1 Abbreviation................................................................................................ 52 3.3.2 Elaboration.................................................................................................. 53 3.3.3 Transposition............................................................................................... 54 3.3.4 Amalgamation............................................................................................. 55 3.3.5 Reduplication.............................................................................................. 58 3.4 The CV as Poetic Vergilian Commentary.................................................................... 60 3.5 Strategies of Vergilian Exegesis in the CV.................................................................. 62 3.5.1 Literal.......................................................................................................... 63 3.5.2 Allusive........................................................................................................ 65 3.5.3 Conceptual.................................................................................................. 66 3.5.4 Typological.................................................................................................. 67 3.5.5 Contextual................................................................................................... 70 3.5.6 Thematic..................................................................................................... 73 3.6 Conclusion.................................................................................................................. 74 Chapter 4: Conceptual Vergilian Exegesis.............................................................................. 75 4.1 Introduction............................................................................................................... 75 4.2 The Fall: Sacred Trees and Groves, Sanctity, and Pollution....................................... 76 4.2.1 The Forbidden Tree as sacred: sacer, religio, fas........................................ 77 4.2.2 The Forbidden Tree as sacred tree/grove: lucus......................................... 79 4.2.3 Touch and Pollution in the Fall.................................................................... 82 4.2.4 The Fall: Sanctity, Touch, Sacrilege and Pollution....................................... 85 4.3 The Cleansing of the Temple and the Last Supper: xenia/hospitium......................... 86 4.3.1 The concept of xenia/hospitium................................................................. 86 4.3.2 The Last Supper as hospitium; Jesus as ideal hospes.................................. 89 4.3.3 The Cleansing of the Temple: Deficient/Perverted Hospitium.................... 94 4.3.4 Cleansing of the Temple and Last Supper: Conclusions............................ 100 4.4 The Believer's Relationship with Christ: Filial pietas and paternal manes cult........ 101 4.4.1 Aeneas and the faithful Christian believer: CV 422–25............................. 106 4.4.2 Anchises: A Type of Christ? ....................................................................... 107 4.4.3 Willing Martyrdom, Worship of Christ, and Filial Piety............................. 110 viii 4.5 Conclusion................................................................................................................ 115 Chapter 5: Typological Vergilian Exegesis............................................................................ 116 5.1 Christian Typological Exegesis of the OT.................................................................. 117 5.2 Typological Exegesis in the CV: Past Scholarship..................................................... 121 5.3 Vergilian Typology: Theory and Historicity.............................................................. 126 5.4 Typologies of Christ in the CV: An Introduction....................................................... 133 5.5 Typological Exegesis in the CV: Gods....................................................................... 136 5.6 Typological Exegesis in the CV: Demigods............................................................... 150 5.7 Typological Exegesis in the CV: Mortal Humans...................................................... 162 5.8 Typological Exegesis in the CV: Other Types............................................................ 170 5.9 Conclusion................................................................................................................ 173 Chapter 6: Thematic Vergilian Exegesis............................................................................... 176 6.1 The Prologue: War and Peace.................................................................................. 178 6.2 War and the Fall of Adam and Eve........................................................................... 182 6.2.1 God's Command as Foreshadowing.......................................................... 182 6.2.2 The Serpent as Allecto.............................................................................. 184 6.2.3 Eve and Adam........................................................................................... 186 6.2.4 The Curses on the Serpent, Adam, and Eve.............................................. 187 6.3 The End of the Golden Age: A Triple Fall and Punishment? .................................... 192 6.3.1 The Curse on Adam: the First Punishment................................................ 193 6.3.2 Cain and Abel: A Second Fall and Punishment.......................................... 195 6.3.3 The Decline of Human Society: A Third Fall.............................................. 198 6.4 Old Testament Summary: A Second Recusatio........................................................ 200 6.5 The Slaughter of the Innocents................................................................................ 203 6.6 The Temptation in the Wilderness........................................................................... 207 6.7 Christ's Ministry until the Last Supper..................................................................... 210 6.8 War and Violence in the Crucifixion......................................................................... 214 6.8.1 The Speech from the Cross: An "Angry" Christ? ....................................... 221 6.9 Pacis solum inviolabile pignus: The Resurrection/Ascension Scene........................ 225 6.10 Conclusion.............................................................................................................. 229 ix Chapter 7: Categories of IC in the CV; Multi-Layered Exegesis; Conclusion .......................... 231 7.1 Introduction............................................................................................................. 231 7.2 IC and Proba's Exegetical Techniques...................................................................... 231 7.3 The Last Supper Episode: An Exegetical Superstructure.......................................... 237 7.4 Conclusion................................................................................................................ 243 Bibliography....................................................................................................................... 246 Appendices......................................................................................................................... 253 Appendix A: Database of Vergilian Excerpts.................................................................. 253 x List of Figures Figure 1.1 Seven-Levelled Model of Interpretatio Christiana....................................... 17 xi Acknowledgements I must begin by thanking my generous and always supportive co-supervisors, Michael Griffin and Sigrid Schottenius Cullhed. This project had its twin beginnings in Michael's Translating Gods seminar (Fall 2020) and Sigrid's ground-breaking monograph Proba the Prophet, which I cite continually throughout this dissertation. Without these sources of inspiration, this project would never have been conceived in its present form. I thank Michael for his wise and excellent guidance even as my project evolved away from his main area of Greek philosophy towards Latin literature, and Sigrid for her ever-collegial openness towards my own approach to analysing a work she knows, and has written on, so profoundly. I thank as well Rachel Philbrick who, though a later arrival to my committee, was able to offer so many important ideas and questions and who very much helped to shape the framing of this dissertation. Thanks is also due to Mark Vessey, who offered penetrating and insightful critique at an early stage of this project. I also thank Sheri Pak, the graduate coordinator at AMNE, for her support and attentiveness to so many vital details throughout my degree. I thank as well all the faculty, staff, and my fellow students at AMNE — it's been a wonderful five years and I've learned so much from all of you. Lastly, thanks to my family (Mark, Patricia, and Danya) for your unfailing support throughout the long road towards a PhD in Classics. I couldn't have done it without you! xii Dedication For my parents, Patricia Hiob and Mark Watson, and my sister, Danya Hiob. 1 Chapter 1: Intertextuality and Interpretatio Christiana 1.1 The Cento Vergilianus: Allusion and Intertextuality Faltonia Betitia Proba, a Christian Latin poet, composed her 694-line Biblical epic Cento Vergilianus de laudibus Christi ("Vergilian Cento on the Praise/Glory of Christ": hereafter CV) in the mid-fourth century CE. Written using the compositional technique1 of cento, where the poet excerpts short segments from an existing poet's oeuvre (in this case, Vergil), and recombines them to make a new poem, it tells an abbreviated version of the Biblical story, mostly drawn from Genesis and the Gospels. As such, it can be placed — together with many other poems both ancient and modern — within the general field of Vergilian reception. However, the CV is an unusually difficult work to approach in this regard, for it (like all centos) defies many of the standard procedures used by Latinists to analyse reception in Latin poetry, including both the widely employed (and to some degree competing) categories of "intertextuality" and "allusion". If we adopt the former term, we are confronted with not a paucity but rather an overabundance of "intertextuality," since the entire text2 of the CV can be located within Vergil (in Stephen Hinds' words, "a 100% hit rate"3). The alternative term, "allusion," does no better, for if similarity of material is our only criterion for locating a meaningful "allusion", there are "allusions" in every line. Both tell us both everything and 1 See p. 50 for a discussion of cento as a technique d'écriture rather than a genre. 2 Apart, that is, from the first 23 lines of the poem, which are woven out of a number of quotations from Vergil, Lucan, and others combined with newly composed material by Proba. She also makes "accommodations" (small morphological adjustments or substitutions) to a number of her Vergilian excerpts throughout the poem. See Chapter 2 for an in-depth discussion of both these exceptions. 3 Stephen Hinds, "The Self-Conscious Cento," in Décadence: “Decline and Fall” or “Other Antiquity”?, ed. Marco Formisano and Therese Fuhrer (Heidelberg: Universitatsverlag Winter, 2014), 171–98, at 173. 2 nothing; neither term, as conventionally used, brings us any closer to a set of helpful interpretative criteria. The CV thus forces us to develop new analytical tools along with criteria for first determining which particular passages most merit our focus and for analysing those passages. As I will discuss later in this chapter, this study will examine the CV first and foremost as a specifically Christian adaptation of Vergil. By way of a theoretical framework I will introduce a somewhat underused term, interpretatio Christiana (IC), which shifts the focus from the mere fact of textual re-use to Proba's adaptation and re-interpretation of Vergil's content. How does Proba make sense of Vergil's poetry, and in particular his pagan religious and mythological material, within an overarching Christian narrative framework? Before discussing this new framework, however, I do wish to re-examine the concepts of "allusion" and "intertextuality" as applied to the CV, as certain larger questions that have been raised surrounding these terms can shed valuable light on Proba's activity, not only as an author but also as a reader of Vergil, a function I shall explain in a moment. As Hinds lamented in his 1998 work Allusion and Intertext, though both "allusion" and "intertextuality" had long been employed by Latin philologists in a practical sense for the analysis of texts, both terms were often used imprecisely and it was somewhat rare to see in Classical scholarship an explicit discussion of their meaning or of the theory underpinning them.4 Almost thirty years later, the situation is, as Donncha O’Rourke and Aaron Pelttari 4 Stephen Hinds, Allusion and Intertext: Dynamics of Appropriation in Roman Poetry (CUP, 1998), xi: "Isolating and identifying such 'allusions' [by one author to the words of a previous author] has for at least the past century been the most characteristic project of Latin philology; and, in scrutinizing individual cases, we Romanists typically argue with a degree of focus and precision which critics in other fields should envy. However, we have tended to be more diffident in situating this tidy and circumscribed study within the more spacious inquiries into intertextuality dominant in much later twentieth-century work — inquiries which find all discourse to be constituted by 3 observe, much the same, with the two terms often employed synonymously.5 Nonetheless, within their original context (literary theory), there is an important difference between these terms.6 "Allusion," the older of the two, places the emphasis on the receiving (i.e. later) author: author 1 (writing work T1, the target text) makes an allusion to author 2's earlier work T2 (the source text) in that the words used by author 1 somewhere in T1 recall, to at least some recognizable degree, those used by author 2 in T2.7 In contrast, the newer term "intertextuality" avoids placing the emphasis on author 1 and instead invests it in the reader who, reading T1, perceives a similarity to T2, which the reader then mentally brings to their interpretation of T1. This shift, from "allusion" to "intertextuality," was in part motivated by a desire to avoid debates regarding the (conscious) intention of the author, which 1) though it might be hypothesized is not easily subject to definitive proof or direct analysis, particularly for ancient authors who left few writings regarding their intentions, and 2) is arguably irrelevant to the meaning of the text as experienced by the reader. Author 1, in writing T1, may consciously mean to make an allusion, or may unconsciously recall T2, or may simply draw upon a common negotiations between texts, or between other cultural expressions analysable as 'texts'." Jay Clayton and Eric Rothstein similarly comment: "More routinely, the new and voguish "intertextuality" has served as a generational marker for younger critics who end up doing very much what their elders do with influence and its partners, like "context," "allusion," and "tradition." Jay Clayton and Eric Rothstein, "Figures in the Corpus: Theories of Influence and Intertextuality," in Influence and Intertextuality in Literary History, ed. Clayton and Rothstein (University of Wisconsin Press, 1991), 3–36, at 3. 5 They mention, for example, the "many who have adopted the terminology of intertextuality as the unreflective vernacular in which they tell a familiar story. Predicates such as ‘alludes to’, ‘looks to’, ‘reworks’, or indeed ‘is intertextual with’, and so on, are often used interchangeably and in a way that undervalues the dynamic and conceptual force of intertextuality as a separate analytical category that looks beyond static and unidirectional allusion to a multidimensional interaction of texts that each bring their own semiotic systems." Donncha O’Rourke and Aaron Pelttari, "Intertextuality," in The Cambridge Critical Guide to Latin Literature, ed. by Roy Gibson and Christopher Whitton (CUP, 2024), 208–71. 6 For a discussion contrasting the two terms, see Don Fowler, "On the Shoulders of Giants: Intertextuality and Classical Studies," Materiali e discussioni per l'analisi dei testi classici 39 (1997): 13–34, at 15–19. 7 I adopt Edmunds' terminology and sigla here for target and source texts: see Lowell Edmunds, Intertextuality and the Reading of Roman Poetry (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001), 133–39. 4 trope in standard poetic language shared by both authors; what chiefly matters for the purposes of intertextuality is not how the similarity came about, but rather how the link between the two texts is perceived and interpreted by the reader, such that T2 is read, at least in part, in terms of T1. This approach is often summed up in Charles Martindale's well-known axiom, "Meaning is always realized at the point of reception"8 — that is, it is realized by the reader. Intertextual theory, however, has not escaped criticisms of its own, for though a text has (usually) only one author, it has many readers. If the meaning is realized only at the point of reception, by the reader, then this would seem to imply that there are as many possible readings as there are readers — moreover, that all readings (no matter how wilful or idiosyncratic) are equally valid. Taken to its logical extreme, this casts into doubt the entire enterprise of literary analysis (why bother to argue that a text means something if it can mean anything?). Although scholars of intertextuality such as Martindale and Hinds do generally in practice argue for certain readings as particularly well-founded,9 the basic theoretical question remains. 1.2 Proba: Author, Reader, Exegete 8 Charles Martindale, Redeeming the Text: Latin Poetry and the Hermeneutics of Reception (CUP, 1993), 3. 9 See, for example, James Uden, "Reception," in The Cambridge Critical Guide to Classical Literature, ed. Roy Gibson and Christopher Whitton (Cambridge University Press, 2024), 395–446, at 404: "Although Martindale argues that every reading of classical literature produces a new version of the text, he ends up returning to a very specific set of readings – the Western canon – and calling for a renewed faith in the writers of the past. By reading Virgil or Lucan through Milton, Dante or Eliot, he says, we can ‘bypass twentieth-century criticism’ (1993: 55). The book’s democratising conviction that every exercise of understanding is a fresh production of meaning sits oddly with its hierarchical conclusion that some understandings are richer and more worthy of study than others." Hinds adopts a different approach, recognizing "intertextuality" as a useful framework while striving to preserve "allusion" as a distinct and viable category for analysis (even in the face of the problem of authorial intention): Hinds, Allusion and Intertext, xi–xii; 144. 5 With the foregoing in mind, we will return to Proba, not only as author but also as reader: of Vergil.10 In fact, as she clearly states in the Prologue to her CV, the work is intended specifically as a reading of Vergil — specifically, a Christian reading. She, Proba, will "unfold all mysteries of the poet [Vergil]" (arcana ut possim vatis Proba cuncta referre, 1211) and "say/declare that Vergil sang the pious deeds of Christ" (Vergilium cecinisse loquar12 pia munera Christi, 23).13 These programmatic statements draw upon an emerging Christian understanding of Vergil roughly contemporaneous with Proba: as not only Rome's foremost poet but a pre-Christian, 10 The CV thus, in Uden's words, inescapably "dissolve[s] the boundaries between subject and object, interpreter and text" ("Reception," 399). 11 Sigrid Schottenius Cullhed, Proba the Prophet: The Christian Virgilian Cento of Faltonia Betitia Proba (Brill, 2015), 18 points out that this sentence is ambiguous: vatis could either, in the genitive, refer to Vergil ("in order that I, Proba, may unfold all mysteries of the poet") or, in nominative, could stand in apposition to Proba: "in order that I, Proba, may unfold all mysteries". Though I agree with Schottenius Cullhed that this wordplay is both possible and likely intentional, I contend that the former reading must be the primary significance as the poem is restricted in content to the Biblical story, a rather narrow focus compared to an unqualified "all mysteries". This reading is also supported by the fact that vates is the preferred form of the nominative in Classical Latin. Arcana + genitive also appears in passages such as Aeneid 1.262, uoluens fatorum arcana mouebo, where Jupiter promises to reveal the secrets of the future to Venus: a passage Proba may well have modelled her own line 23 upon, promising to reveal the hidden ways in which Vergil prophesied the (for him) future Christ. 12 Proba's use of two contrasting words for verbal performance, cano and loquor, is worth discussing briefly. In his 2005 monograph The World of Roman Song (Johns Hopkins University Press), Thomas Habinek delineates the difference between three types of verbal performance. Loquor generally refers to "speech" as "unmarked activity of human communication" which "serves to convey information or express emotion," while cano and its derivatives describe "speech made special through the use of specialized diction, regular meter, musical accompaniment figures of sound, mythical or religious subject matter, and socially authoritative performance context: in effect, speech that has been ritualized" (61–2). A third term, dico, means "to express with authority" or "to insist on the validity of" a statement (63). We should not, perhaps, read too much into Proba's choice of loquar here for her own verbal activity; dicam is metrically impossible, and canam would be repetitive with cecinisse. Nevertheless, it is intriguing that Proba refers to her own activity, not as "song," but as ordinary and unmarked speech. Habinek, mentioning that loquor functions within a given "semiotic system," states (61) that "users of sign language, wind blowing through trees, and a musical instrument can all be said to engage in the activity referred to by loquor" (provided, presumably, that they successfully express some meaning by doing so.) Proba appears to differentiate Vergil's "singing" (cecinisse) from her own performative activity in rearranging excerpts taken from Vergil's "song," not so much to create a new "song" of her own as to convey a message (i.e. that Vergil sang the pious deeds of Christ); here Vergil's "song" itself functions as the underlying "semiotic system" within which Proba "speaks." 13 I take these two statements not so much as evidence of Proba's underlying "authorial intentions" (whatever they may be), but as programmatically indicative for the work: see Chapter 2 for further discussion of this point. 6 pagan prophet who foretold the birth and/or Second Coming of Christ. The usual Vergilian poem pointed to in this connection was Eclogue 4, referenced by Lactantius, Eusebius/Constantine, and (disapprovingly, as discussed below) Jerome, among others.14 In the lines quoted above, Proba appears to take up and substantially expand this statement: she will unfold all mysteries of the poet (not merely those in Eclogue 4) and will say that Vergil sang the pious deeds of Christ generally (metonymically, the entire Christian story, or at least Genesis and the Gospels, her summary of which comprises most of the CV). Proba's dual activity as author and as reader come together in the CV which, as I will argue, invites us to read Vergil along with her. The CV thus functions simultaneously as a narrative poem relating the story of Christ and a Christian exegetical commentary on Vergil. Furthermore, these two aspects of the poem are deeply intertwined: Proba brings us to consider how Vergil's poetry can function in a Christian context (exegetical aspect) by re-using Vergil's poetry to tell the story of Christ (narrative aspect). My primary goal in this study is to outline and explain the array of techniques which Proba uses to perform this exegesis. It is worth noting at this point that Proba's rereading of Vergil gives rise to a notion of intertextuality that we might see as peculiar, or even transgressive: Proba (as reader) argues that Vergil (author 1, writing T1) "alludes to" — or foretells, or "sings" prophetically (cecinisse) — the Biblical story (T2). Yet the Bible, in its full canonical Christian sense (i.e. a single volume comprised of the Old and New Testaments) dates to after Vergil. In essence, Proba as reader 14 In an address which appears in Eusebius' Life of Constantine, Constantine interprets the "child" of Eclogue 4 as a prophecy of Christ's Nativity, while Lactantius in his Divinae Institutiones interprets the poem as a prophecy of Christ's Second Coming. Ella Bourne, "The Messianic Prophecy in Vergil's Fourth Eclogue," The Classical Journal 11, no. 7 (Apr. 1916): 390–400. 7 recognizes an intertext between Vergil (as target text) and a text not yet (fully) written in Vergil's time. This might seem to challenge both our concepts of "allusion" and "intertextuality": can an author possibly "allude" to a text not yet written? Is this seeming violation of the standard temporal sequence an abuse of the interpretative openness implicit in "intertextuality"?15 However, as I will discuss below, it was a standard principle of early Christian exegesis that Scriptural texts could contain hidden meanings which prophetically look forward to events which had not yet come to pass. In any case, it is a secondary goal of this study to contend that Proba's reading is at least a defensible one: that Proba, arguing within the Christian exegetical framework common to her time, advances a well-crafted poetic argument for her "thesis," rooted in a complex and multi-layered exegesis of Vergil. In demonstrating this, I wish to place to one side any metaphysical speculations regarding how Vergil anticipates the Christian story (or appears to); Proba never broaches the question, and even among other Christian writers of her time who agreed that Vergil's work(s) foretold Christ, there were varying opinions on whether he was aware of the prophetic aspects of his poetry.16 Instead, I 15 Fowler discusses the possibility of "reversing the directionality of intertextual reference...which is often seen as the worst of the horrors to which intertextuality can lead," pointing out that even scholars who might be prepared to accept it in principle "tend to work wherever possible within a framework where source-texts precede target texts...In professional production we like to keep the references going the same way as history, so that if pressed we could always return to an intentionalist framework: Statius could have 'had the Aeneid in mind', while Vergil could not have 'been thinking of' the Thebaid." Fowler encourages classicts to challenge this framework: "I do not, again, dispute at all that directionality is required for many of the constructions we wish to make about antiquity...But such constructions are not the only ones possible, and we should not shy away from accepting that intertextuality works both ways" (Fowler, "On the Shoulders of Giants," 27–8). Fowler's idea of "reversing the directionality," however, is rooted in Martindale's idea that later "texts" (whether "texts" in the conventional sense or "cultural" texts such as "modern narratives about religion or myth of social construction", 26) affect our views of the target text rather than (as implied by Proba) affecting the target text itself. 16 Bourne, "Messianic Prophecy," 392–3. Lactantius argues that Vergil prophesied Christ's coming but did so without comprehending what he was saying (and thus unintentionally), stating that Vergil wrote certain passages from the Fourth Eclogue "in accordance with the prophecies of the Cumaean Sibyl" (quae poeta secundum Cumeae Sibyllae carmina prolocutus est); later, Augustine adopts a similar approach. Constantine, on the other hand, argues that Vergil knew what he was saying and deliberately chose to cloak his prophecy in allegory so as not to offend his pagan contemporaries. 8 will argue that Proba's CV functions as a sophisticated exegetical commentary on Vergil, one which not only brings together hermeneutically the Vergilian text and Christian story, but in doing so demonstrates — at least, to a reader who shares her basic assumptions — why reading Vergil's text as Christian is an exegetically responsible decision. 1.3 Textual Interpretation in Jerome and Proba It is illustrative at this point to briefly consider Jerome, one late fourth-century Christian writer who had serious reservations about Proba's method. Jerome's Epistle 53.7 is something of a fixture in cento studies. However, I will once more quote the relevant passage here for the light it will shed on the questions of textual interpretation we have been considering: Sola Scripturarum ars est, quam sibi omnes passim vindicant. Scribimus indocti, doctique poemata passim (Horace Epistulae 2.1.117). Hanc garrula anus, hanc delirus senex, hanc sophista verbosus, hanc universi praesumunt, lacerant, docent, antequam discant. [...] Taceo de mei similibus, qui si forte ad Scripturas sanctas, post saeculares litteras venerint; et sermone composito aurem populi mulserint, quidquid dixerint, hoc legem Dei putant: nec scire dignantur, quid Prophetae, quid Apostoli senserint; sed ad sensum suum incongrua aptant testimonia; quasi grande sit, et non vitiosissimum docendi genus, depravare sententias, et ad voluntatem suam Scripturam trahere repugnantem. Quasi non legerimus, Homerocentonas, et Virgiliocentonas: ac non sic etiam Maronem sine Christo possimus dicere Christianum, qui scripserit: Jam redit et virgo, redeunt Saturnia regna. Jam nova progenies coelo demittitur alto. Et patrem loquentem ad filium, Nate, meae vires, mea magna potentia solus. Et post verba Salvatoris in cruce. Talia perstabat memorans, fixusque manebat. Puerilia sunt haec, et circulatorum ludo similia, docere quod ignores: imo, ut cum stomacho loquar, ne hoc quidem scire quod nescias. The art of the Scriptures [i.e. Scriptural interpretation] is the only one which everyone everywhere claims for themselves. "Learned and unlearned, we all write poems" (Horace Epistulae 2.1.117). The chatty old woman, the doting old man, the wordy sophist, all people together take this art for themselves, mutilate it, teach it before they have learned it. [...] I am silent concerning those who, like me, perhaps have come to the sacred Scriptures after secular literature; and, composing a sermon, delight the 9 ears of the people, and think whatever they say is the law of God. Nor do they deign to perceive what the Prophets and Apostles meant, but rather fit unsuitable evidence to their own meaning; as though it was something impressive, and not the very worst sort of teaching, to twist the meaning of sentences, and to their own will bend the reluctant Scriptures. As though we had not read Homeric and Vergilian centos and could not [i.e. if we adopted a similar approach] say that the Christless Maro was a Christian, because he wrote: "Now returns the Virgin, now returns the reign of Saturn. Now a new child is sent down from heaven." And [as if] the Father speaking to the Son: "Son, my strength, my only great power." And after the words of the Saviour on the cross: "Having said these things he stood firm and remained immovable." These things are childish, like a charlatan's17 game, to teach what you are ignorant of; or rather, as I say with irritation, not even to know what you do not know. This relatively short passage speaks eloquently to Jerome's positions regarding the interpretation of texts, both sacred and secular: although he begins by discussing the interpretation of Christian scripture, he finishes with a discussion of the interpretation of Vergil (the two are explicitly brought together at "ad Scripturas sanctas, post saeculares litteras venerint".) Apparently, he sees certain principles as common to the interpretation of both varieties of text. For Jerome, unlike Martindale, meaning is clearly not "realized at the point of reception" in any but the most trivial way: a reader, interpreting the text, may understand its "meanings" correctly or may not. An interpreter of a text may either be skilled or unskilled (doctique/indocti) and such interpreters will produce a reading that is, respectively, correct or perverse. The latter sort of reading is arbitrary and wilful (et ad voluntatem suam Scripturam trahere repugnantem); though the reader may, indeed, cite textual passages as support, these are incorrectly interpreted (depravare sententias) and used to support a conclusion foreign to their own proper meaning (ad sensum suum incongrua aptant testimonia). Such misreadings 17 The word circulator can refer either to a peddler, or to a charlatan (the root meaning of the word refers to gathering an audience around oneself in a circle). I have adopted the latter reading here as it accords well with Jerome's portrayal of centonization as deceptive. 10 are not exclusive to Scriptural interpretation; secular literature, such as Vergil, can be misinterpreted in similar ways, one of which is through the use of centonization. A centonist such as Proba, pulling Vergilian passages out of their original context, can make them appear to refer to the Biblical story: here Jerome quotes three examples, the latter two of which appear to be from Proba (they are used in the CV in the contexts he mentions) while the former, only partially quoted by Proba in the CV, may allude instead to popular Christian interpretations of Eclogue 4. All this, Jerome states, is nothing but a childish trick, like a charlatan's deceptive game (puerilia sunt haec, et circulatorum ludo18 similia), though such an interpreter may perhaps be ignorant rather than deliberately misleading or perverse (docere quod ignores: imo...ne hoc quidem scire quod nescias). Such an interpretative strategy, apparently based upon mere surface similarity,19 can be neither a responsible way to approach the Bible nor secular literature, though Jerome's emphasis on the former hints that, for him, the consequences of misreading it are far more dire. For Jerome, "meanings" (sententiae), far from being located in the reader, appear to be in the text themselves, though the reader may or may not successfully "realize" them depending on their education and skill. What about Proba, who, in contrast to Jerome, definitively states that (she will say that) "Vergil sang the pious deeds of Christ"? Returning to the discussion of intertextuality, does she 18 It is worth mentioning that the use of the term ludus to describe a cento is not unique to Jerome; Ausonius, in the Preface to his own Cento Nuptialis, uses ludus and its derivates five times (ludus, twice; ludo, once; ludicrum, twice). In Ausonius, unlike Jerome, the term has both negative and positive connotations. On the one hand, it serves to belittle centonization as a trifling and unserious compositional technique; on the other, it suggests amusement and a sought-after diversion. Indeed, Ausonius in an extended simile compares cento to the game of the stomachion, where tiles of different shapes are rearranged to form a variety of pictures. For an in-depth discussion of the ludic aspect of cento, see Scott McGill, Virgil Recomposed: The Mythological and Secular Centos in Antiquity (OUP, 2005), 1–10. 19 Here the metaphor of the circulatorum ludus is instructive: a swindler makes things appear to be one way (as in an optical illusion or magician's trick) while they are really another way. A convincing surface appearance hides the actual facts about the meaning of the text. 11 hold that Vergil's meaning is "realized only at the point of reception"? In a sense, yes, but only a very particular one. For Martindale, the rule that "meaning is realized only at the point of reception" is a general truth of hermeneutics; we, readers, have no impartial viewpoints from which to view a work, and must come to it with the mental architecture we possess, which is inevitably shaped by other works we have read (including those which form part of the work's subsequent reception). For Proba, this is the very opposite of a general truth. Meaning is not realized at the point of just anyone’s reception of Vergil; it is (first) realized exclusively at her reception of Vergil, because she, knowing the Christian story, holds the key to its proper interpretation. In other words, Proba states that she will elucidate the meanings that were there, but hidden (arcana), all along. For this reason, I call into question Pelttari's assessment that the Cento Vergilianus is (as he contends for all the Vergilian centos) an "open text" which invites the reader to freely construct a meaning of their own by choosing from a multiplicity of interpretations. If we take Proba's programmatic statements at all seriously (which Pelttari does not, for reasons which are less than convincing20), we must conclude that the reader is intended to read Vergil, with and through Proba, as Christian. 20 Aaron Pelttari writes (The Space that Remains: Reading Latin Poetry in Late Antiquity (Cornell University Press, 2014), 110–11): "Proba transforms Vergil by saying that he actually sang of Christ. But loquar makes her statement subjective and indistinguishable from the poetic moment of the text. For that reason, I do not think that Proba makes any sort of argument about the actual content of Vergil’s poetry... Proba performs her own reading of Vergil; and she does not much care about Vergil’s original meaning." I am unconvinced by this argument since, as noted in n. 12 above, the more authoritative dicam is metrically impossible and canam is off-limits as well since it would be awkwardly repetitive; nor do I agree that Proba's vocabulary choice for a single word can in any case nullify her clear programmatic statements in CV 12 and 23. Pelttari cites (though ultimately disagreeing with) McGill, who bases his argument for the opposing position on the past tense of cecinisse: "The wording of line 23, however, suggests that Virgil in his own poetry (note the perfect 'cecinisse') sang of 'pia munera Christi' along with, for instance, pius Aeneas — and the temptation is to see that adjectival echo as deliberate. That is to say, what Proba actually writes in her programmatic statement makes it seem that her intercession will bring out the Christian in Virgil, rather than impose Christian material on him...Presumably Proba's idea is that the Christian content lay latently in the semiotic depths of Virgil's lines, and that the centonist simply releases the content." 12 Thus, for Proba as for Jerome, meanings are ultimately located in the text and not in the interpreter, though the latter can help "unlock" them from a text where they lie hidden. Indeed, Jerome would fully agree with Proba’s method were it applied, not to Vergil, but to the Old Testament, which he entirely believes contains concealed “prophetic” meanings21 which require a knowledgeable Christian reader to properly elucidate them. Jerome and Proba, in fact, share most of their terms and assumptions; their main disagreement lies not in how texts can be interpreted, nor where meaning ultimately resides, but rather what sort of interpretation(s) it is suitable to use for Vergil — in other words, which category of text Vergil should be placed in: sacred or secular. 1.4 Proba and Interpretatio Christiana It is time to return to Proba and the CV more specifically. As discussed above, I will demonstrate in the following chapters that Proba's CV functions, first and foremost, as a poetic commentary (a term I will discuss further in Chapter 3) on Vergil, re-interpreting his works within a Christian framework. I say "first and foremost" since the CV does fill other functions, for example that of Biblical paraphrase (placing it in company with late antique Biblical epics by Scott McGill, "Virgil, Christianity, and the Cento Probae," in Texts and Culture in Late Antiquity: Inheritance, Authority, and Change, ed. J.H.D. Scourfield (Swansea: The Classical Press of Wales, 2007), 173–94, at 176. 21 This is clear from the very next chapter of the same epistle (53.8), where Jerome systematically goes through the Old Testament, outlining for each book what he believes are hidden meanings within them (to give a very brief set of examples: Patet Exodus cum decem plagis, cum decalogo, cum mysticis divinisque praeceptis. In promptu est Leviticus liber, in quo singula sacrificia, imo singulae pene syllabae, et vestes Aaron, et totus ordo Leviticus, spirant coelestia sacramenta... In Judicum libro quot principes populi, tot figurae sunt... Si historiam respicias, verba simplicia sunt: si in litteris sensum latentem inspexeris, Ecclesiae paucitas, et Haereticorum contra Ecclesiam bella narrantur.) 13 Juvencus, Sedulius, and others.) Certain critics in the past seem to have taken this latter function as primary, leading to accusations that the work is "bizarre" or "grotesque" due to its frequent deviations from the more literal variety of paraphrase standard of late antique Biblical epic. In Chapter 3, I will argue that this approach is erroneous, and that when the CV is properly understood as primarily a poetic commentary on Vergil, such deviations, far from being problematic, actually serve as a useful flag to the reader that Proba is employing a non-literal method of signification in the passage in question. I will furthermore demonstrate (as outlined in Chapter 3 and further explicated in Chapters 4–7) that Proba uses six distinct hermeneutical strategies — literal, allusive, conceptual, typological, contextual, and thematic — to convincingly (re-)read Vergil's poetry within a Christian worldview. A reader familiar with Vergil might be forgiven some initial scepticism at this thesis, for on the surface at any rate, Vergil's poetry and the Christian story might appear sharply divergent, particularly with regard to religious and mythological concepts and figures. To take an obvious starting point, Vergil's poetry nowhere mentions Christ by name, nor indeed any Biblical figure22 except "Musaeus" as re-interpreted by Proba (= "Moses"). There is also the problem that Vergil's poetry is full of depictions of pagan gods and goddesses, as well as other fixtures of Greco-Roman religion (religious rituals, highly charged religious vocabulary such as pietas and fas, human beings who perform religious functions such as priests, diviners, and the Sibyl, and so forth). Such features of Vergil's poetry would at first appear to set it entirely at odds with the Christian story which Proba relates in the CV, particularly given that, for many early Christian 22 With the possible exception of God the Father, if one takes "Jupiter"/"Zeus" as synonymous with this member of the Trinity (as certain Patristic writers did): see discussion below, 139–41. 14 writers, the denial of any truth value to pagan religious and mythological material was instrumental to the construction of a strong Christian identity (as I will discuss further below).23 How can Proba's exegesis, however sophisticated, bridge the gap between her and Vergil's religious worldview? In fact, it is a mark of Proba's ingenuity and scholarly acumen that, despite this seemingly intractable divide, she is able — through a variety of exegetical techniques — to find and bring to the attentive reader's mind deep connections between Vergil and the Christian story. It is thus a second goal of this study to elucidate, categorize, and (briefly) compare to other authors the underlying strategies (see below, p. 16–19) by which she performs this act of re-interpreting Vergil within a Christian worldview. In order to set the stage for exploring this latter question, I will introduce as a theoretical framework the concept of interpretatio Christiana. The term interpretatio Christiana (IC) was first coined in the early twentieth century by Herbert Achterburg in his 1930 dissertation, where it refers to the Christian identification of pagan Germanic (and, by extension, Roman) divinities with demonic spirits.24 The term is based upon interpretatio Graeca/Romana (IG/IR), the widespread process by which ancient Mediterranean and Near East peoples routinely equated their divinities with those of other linguistic and/or cultural groups; despite the name, this phenomenon was already common in the Bronze Age.25 For example, the Greek divinity Zeus was often identified with the Egyptian 23 An excellent resource on this subject is Maijastina Kahlos, Debate and Dialogue: Christian and Pagan Cultures c. 360–430 (Ashgate: Burlington, VT, 2007). 24 Herbert Achterberg, Interpretatio Christiana. Verkleidete Glaubensgestalten der Germanen auf deutschem Boden (Leipzig, Hermann Eichblatt, 1930), cited in Dale Kinney, "Interpretatio christiana," in Maxima Debetur Magistro Reverentia: Essays on Rome and the Roman Tradition in Honor of Russell T. Scott, ed. Paul B. Harvey, Jr. and Catherine Conybeare, (Como: New Press Edizioni, 2009), 117–25, at 117. 25 Some important works discussing this phenomenon include: Jan Assmann, Moses the Egyptian: The Memory of Egypt in Western Monotheism (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1997); Mark S. Smith, God in 15 deity Ammon. An oft-cited late antique example of pagan IR is Isis' statement in Apuleius' Metamorphoses (11:5) that she is equivalent to the Phrygian Cybele, the Greek Minerva, the Cyprian Venus, the Cretan Dictynna-Diana, and many other female divinities (but that Isis is her "true name"). Since Achterberg, the term IC has been taken up from time to time by various scholars, art historians in particular,26 and applied to a wide range of phenomena. However, as Dale Kinney laments in a 2009 paper, it remains poorly defined in the literature as a whole.27 In Johann Eberlein's 2001 essay on the subject, he terms IC "in the most general sense the reception of a non-Christian cultural element or historical fact with a view to adapting it to Christianity by means of appropriate interpretation",28 a definition that potentially encompasses phenomena as diverse as content, form, genre, style, medium, and so forth. Despite what might thus seem a somewhat unpromising start, I contend that the term is worth rehabilitating in its strictly original (i.e. Achterbergian) sense, analogous to IG/IR. I thus define IC as the Christian reception of, not any pagan cultural element, but material relating to pagan deities and conceptions of the divine: that is, religious, mythological, and/or theological material. The term IC can then be used to compare the various hermeneutical strategies by which Christian writers take up such material and interpret it — that is, make sense of it or find Translation: Deities in Cross-Cultural Discourse in the Biblical World (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2008); Michael Lipka, Roman Gods: A Conceptual Approach (Leiden: Brill, 2009); and Robert Parker, Greek Gods Abroad: Names, Natures, and Transformations (Oakland: University of California Press, 2017). 26 This began in the 1930's and has continued to the present day. A sampling of recent art-historical IC papers include: Konstantinos Tsakos,“Μαρμάρινη κεφαλή από τη Σάμο: interpretatio Christiana," in Σπονδή: αφιέρωμα στη μνήμη του Γιώργου Δεσπίνη [Giorgos Despinis], ed. Delivorrias, Angelos et al., 821–8 (Athina: Mouseio Benaki, 2020); Marcell Perse, “Vom Ptolemäerkönig zum Heiligen: Interpretatio Christiana antiker Prunkkameen,” Antike Welt 48, no. 5 (2017): 31–6; Jaqueline P. Sturm, “The afterlife of the Hephaisteion: the « interpretatio Christiana » of an ancient Athenian monument,” Hesperia 85, no. 4 (2016): 795–825. Doi: 10.2972/hesperia.85.4.0795. 27 Kinney, "Interpretatio christiana." 28 Johann Konrad Eberlein, "Interpretatio Christiana," in Brill’s New Pauly, ed. Hubert Cancik and Helmuth Schneider, accessed December 14, 2020, doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1574-9347_bnp_e1406540. 16 a place for it — within a Christian worldview. To take an already-mentioned example, Lactantius and Constantine perform IC when they identify the mysterious child of Vergil's Eclogue 4 with Christ, the virgo with Mary, the Saturnia regna with Christ's coming reign, etc. Before I turn to analysing Proba's own use of IC within her CV, I will first present a seven-fold model outlining the various types of IC seen in her predecessors and near-contemporaries. As I will demonstrate, one major advantage of adopting this approach is that it allows us to easily compare hermeneutics across generic boundaries: a philosophical treatise, a homily, and a poem may all use similar strategies to engage with and adapt pagan material. This provides a much wider, and more fruitful, range of comparanda for Proba than if we were to remain within the relatively circumscribed field of Biblical epic. 1.5 Interpretatio Christiana: A Comparative Framework My model consists of seven possible IC strategies which a Christian author might use, taking the pagan Greek divinity "Dionysus" and the Christian divinity "Christ" as an example of a pagan figure and its (potential) Christian interpretation: 17 Figure 1.1 Seven-Levelled Model of Interpretatio Christiana In the chart above, I have distinguished between what I term "positive IC" and "negative IC". Positive IC regards a pagan deity or other religious concept as being (to some extent) true or at least indicative of the truth; though it may have not equal validity to the Christian revelation of the divine, it at least serves to lead people in the correct direction. Negative IC regards a pagan deity as being not what it is claimed to be, but something else instead; it is inherently deceptive and leads people away from rather than towards God. In each group, I have ordered the three levels according to the relative degree of truth or falsity ascribed to them. I have also given for the sake of logical completeness the neutral position, a simple, rhetorically uncharged denial of a pagan deity's existence, though in actual fact this position is rarely observed in Christian texts before or during Proba's time. 18 Positive IC: Level +3 (= IG/IR): "Dionysus" and "Christ" are two different names for the same divine entity. Neither name is better or more accurate than the other; they are simply different. Dionysus is identical to Christ; they have a parallel relationship. Level +2: "Dionysus" is a prophetically inspired pagan mythological precursor of Christ. Thus, (at least some) texts that mention him prefigure Christ and are divinely inspired in a similar way to the prophetic texts of the Old Testament. Dionysus is a type of Christ as antitype29; they have a typological or prophetic relationship. Level +1: "Dionysus" is a (prophetically uninspired) pagan mythological fiction. Nonetheless, the figure of Dionysus bears some resemblances to the figure of Christ, and can be used to helpfully portray or describe Christ to an audience familiar with the myths involving Dionysus. Dionysus resembles Christ; they have an illustrative relationship. Neutral IC: Level 0: "Dionysus" is a mythological fiction invented by human beings, and any resemblance between "Dionysus" and Christ is mere coincidence. "Dionysus" and Christ have no valid relationship at all. 29 It is necessary to briefly explain these two terms as they will be repeatedly employed in this study. A type, broadly speaking, is a prophetic anticipation of a later character, event, or action (e.g. Christ, or the Resurrection, or baptism) which is termed the antitype; the two thus form a type-antitype pair. Note that the prefix "anti-" does not imply that the later stands in opposition to the former in any way; rather, the term (ἀντίτυπος) comes from Greek, where the prefix ἀντί- can signify "corresponding to" rather than (as is more frequent in English) "against, in opposition to." Hence the antitype corresponds to the type. 19 Negative IC: Level -1: a) (Euhemeristic) "Dionysus" was a historical, non-divine human being who accomplished great deeds. After his death, stories about his life were embellished by the poets to make him seem godlike. b) (Naturalistic) "Dionysus" is simply a component of the natural world (in this case, vine plants and wine): a created entity rather than a divinity. In either case, "Dionysus" is a creation of God/Christ.30 Level -2: "Dionysus" is a fictitious figure invented by demons;31 insofar as he resembles Christ, this resemblance was intentional but designed to lead human beings astray concerning Christ. "Dionysus" has a deceptive relationship to Christ. Level -3: (= Achterberg's IC): "Dionysus" exists — not as a divinity, but rather a demonic spirit: a fallen angel, or a descendant of one, who is in the service of Satan. Thus, "Dionysus" and Christ have an oppositional relationship. 1.6 Pre-Proba Negative IC: A Summary 30 I have grouped these two subcategories of IC together on my scale since rhetorically they serve a similar function: the pagan deity in question is characterized as some created, physical, non-divine entity which has come to be wrongfully worshipped as a god. 31 It is worth briefly discussing the concept of "demons". As E.R. Dodds observes in his book Pagan and Christian in an Age of Anxiety (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1965), 38, belief in daimones or spirits that served an intermediary function between gods and human beings was essentially universal in the ancient world. Christianity took up this assumption and transformed it slightly: those intermediary spirits which were good were termed angels; any other intermediary spirits were evil, fallen angels opposed to God (from whence derives the Christian concept of "demons"): see Kahlos, Debate and Dialogue, 179. 20 Insofar as Christian authors of the first few centuries CE addressed pagan religious content within their works, the overwhelming trend was towards negative IC. That is, works which concerned pagan religion were generally polemical, characterizing pagan deities, religious practice, and mythology as false, misleading, and/or deceptive. As Kahlos discusses in detail, late antique Christian polemical writings were generally based upon dichotomies: Christian vs. pagan, goodness vs. wickedness, light vs. darkness, truth vs. ignorance or falsity.32 The goal was to establish and maintain clear, absolute boundaries between pagan and Christian thought, practice, and identity.33 Intriguingly, it does not seem to have occurred to (or, perhaps, was not seen as a productive rhetorical strategy by) most Christian writers in late antiquity to engage in what I have termed neutral IC, i.e. to simply deny the existence of pagan gods.34 Rather, the general consensus appears to be that the beings which pagans worshipped as gods had an existence of some sort, but that they were actually something else rather than gods: historical human beings or 32 Kahlos, Debate and Dialogue, 13–14. 33 See Kahlos, Debate and Dialogue, 58. 34 See, for example, Kahlos, Debate and Dialogue, 166: "In all the argumentation against pagan Gods, Christian polemicists rarely contest their existence. Pagan deities are false and vain Gods, demons and impure spirits and their stories are figments of poets but they do exist in the universe of Christians." Perhaps this trend stems from the fact that pagan writers, like Christian writers, could point to miracles supposedly performed by their gods; in response, Christian writers did not deny the miracles but argued that they were actually performed by demons masquerading as gods (see Kahlos, 177–79). 21 natural entities (-1),35 false stories invented by demons (-2),36 or demons themselves (-3).37 Given the wide range of interpretative possibilities above, we might expect any given Christian author to choose and consistently employ a single variety of IC: for example, to argue throughout their literary output that all pagan gods are demons. In fact, the exact opposite is more often observed: even in a single work, most Christian polemicists present multiple varieties of IC, moving from one to another according to their rhetorical strategy of the moment. Though we might be tempted, as readers, to attribute this apparent inconsistency to either inattentiveness or disingenuousness on the writer's part, there are several possible reasons for this phenomenon. Since much anti-pagan polemic was produced before the legalization and subsequent popularization of Christianity, Christian writers may well have seen themselves as engaged as a struggle for their very survival, one which called upon them to use any and all arguments that came to hand: in modern parlance, to "throw everything and see what sticks." The highly conservative 35 On Euhemeristic interpretations, see Kahlos, Debate and Dialogue, 155: Eusebius of Caesarea adopts a Euhemeristic approach in his Praeparatio evangelica, and Tertullian and Lactantius used similar arguments in support of the idea that pagan Gods were only mortals. On naturalistic interpretations, see Kahlos 181–83 and Hanson 940–3; examples of Christian writers espousing this view are Clement of Alexandria, Justin Martyr, and Lactantius. 36 This strategy was employed by Christian writers to explain away apparent similarities between pagan and Christian narratives and practices: for example, between Christ and half-divine heroes such as Hercules. According to this interpretation (one put forth by Justin), demons knew of Christ's coming beforehand and created "counterfeit" stories about false Christs to lead people astray: see Kahlos, Debate and Dialogue, 61–2. 37 E.g. Tatian and Lactantius, as cited in Kahlos, Debate and Dialogue, 174. Tatian argues that the pagan Gods are demons led by "Jupiter", who is in fact the devil. Lactantius has a more complex view: there are two types of demons, a) demons of heaven (the fallen angels) and demons of the earth (descendants of fallen angels and humans); it is the latter type which pagans worshipped as gods. 22 nature of late antique literary practice38 is likely another factor. An author's goal was far less often to advance a new argument or theory than to demonstrate that they were widely conversant with the standard tropes employed by their rhetorical predecessors: in Markus' words, they wrote "in terms of well-worn clichés".39 It is worth noting, as Kahlos points out, the curious fact that much Christian anti-pagan polemic in fact takes up and redirects content borrowed from earlier pagan polemic such as that of Cicero, Varro, and Seneca, written by an educated elite tending towards philosophical monotheism and directed, not against Christians, but against what was seen to be a superstitious and outmoded polytheism espoused only by the uneducated masses.40 Finally, as Kahlos observes, the intended audience of most anti-pagan Christian polemic was not in fact pagans but rather Christians; he discusses the need to "keep Christians" who might be tempted to follow heretical paths "in line", but it is likely that another consideration was to provide Christians with a wide range of anti-pagan arguments ready to use at need in their own debates with pagans.41 However, if we look closely at the varieties of negative IC employed in these works, we can observe a certain logic by which different facets or aspects of pagan religious thought are separated out and ascribed to different sources. Mythological stories about gods may be explained as either, following Euhemerus, exaggerated stories about historical human beings (-1) or deceptive fictions invented by demons to lead people astray concerning 38 In the words of Anna Chahoud, "the antiquarian conservatism which shapes much of Latin culture in the fourth and early fifth centuries". See her chapter "Antiquity and authority in Nonius Marcellus," in Texts and Culture in Late Antiquity, ed. J.H.D. Scourfield, (The Classical Press of Wales: Swansea, 2007), 69–96, at 84. 39 As cited in Kahlos, Debate and Dialogue, 151. 40 Kahlos, Debate and Dialogue, 151. 41 Kahlos, Debate and Dialogue, 56–7. 23 Christ and/or God (-2). Idols, on the other hand, are generally treated (following the Jewish tradition) with a sort of naturalistic or Euhemeristic IC (-1) — they are simply images of deceased humans, made of lifeless stone, wood or metal shaped by human hands42 — yet, as many Christian authors argue, they can (due to their inherent "emptiness") become inhabited by demons, which may then pretend to work miracles in order to deceive the idol's worshippers (-3).43 Pagan gods themselves, however, may variously be stated to be components of the cosmos (-1), deceptive fictions told to human beings by demons (-2), or demons themselves who have deceived human beings into worshipping them as gods (-3). 1.7 Pre-Proba Positive IC In contrast, there are relatively few examples of positive IC that appear before Proba, but these exceptions should be noted. Undoubtedly the most famous is located in the New Testament itself, in Acts 17:16-34, where the Apostle Paul gives a proselytizing speech to a number of Athenians on the Areopagus. As part of his rhetorical strategy, he references pagan material positively in several places. First, he states that the Athenians are "very religious in every way" (κατὰ πάντα ὡς δεισιδαιμονεστέρους ὑμᾶς), an intriguing spin on Paul's earlier observation that the city is "full of idols" (κατείδωλον 42 See Kahlos, Debate and Dialogue, 169. 43 On this, see R.P.C. Hanson, "The Christian Attitude to Pagan Religions up to the Time of Constantine the Great," in Aufstieg und Niedergang der Römischen Welt 31.2, ed. Wolfgang Haase, 910–73 (De Gruyter: Berlin/New York, 1980), at 911 n. 4, who cites Arnobius and Athanasius as two examples of this "widespread belief". On the synthesis between Euhemerism and demonology in the theory of "empty" idols and their demonic inhabitants, see Kahlos, Debate and Dialogue, 169. 24 οὖσαν τὴν πόλιν, 16). As such, he turns his earlier displeased reaction into an implicit acknowledgement that his audience's worship is, in its intensity and thoroughgoingness, indicative of a correct attitude towards the Divine even if most of its objects, i.e. idols made by human hands (29), are improper recipients of such worship. Secondly, he cites an inscription upon an Athenian altar "to an unknown god" (Ἀγνώστῳ θεῷ) and explicitly identifies this god with the Christian god ("what you, not knowing, worship, this I will proclaim to you", ὃ οὖν ἀγνοοῦντες εὐσεβεῖτε, τοῦτο ἐγὼ καταγγέλλω ὑμῖν, 24). Thirdly, he quotes approvingly two lines of religious poetry from pagan Greek poets (28), which appear to allude to (if not unambiguously declare) a single supreme God and hence a monotheistic or at least henotheistic44 view: "For in him we live and move and have our being" (Ἐν αὐτῷ γὰρ ζῶμεν καὶ κινούμεθα καὶ ἐσμέν, Epimenides) and "For we too are his offspring" (Τοῦ γὰρ καὶ γένος ἐσμέν, Aratus). Looking at Paul's positive IC in this passage as a whole, we could class it as something between +2 and +3: Paul clearly acknowledges the validity of at least certain elements of Greek religion, identifying outright the Athenians' "unknown God" with the Christian God (+3). At the same time, he implies that insofar as the divine has been truly revealed to the Greeks, such revelation is limited and partial and serves mainly to point towards the fuller and more valid Christian revelation (+2). In his attitude towards the traditional gods of the Greek pantheon and the numerous idols in Athens, however, Paul primarily displays a naturalistic (-1) IC: such idols 44 These two terms are difficult both to define and to distinguish. As Kahlos, Debate and Dialogue, 141 remarks, "At first sight polytheism may appear an exact opposite to monotheism but religious phenomena turn out to be too intricate to be stowed into only two restricted categories...modern scholars have introduced a third term, henotheism [...] an affirmative belief in one supreme God but not in one God only; thus other Gods are not excluded. However, even the term henotheism has not sufficed to explain the complex religious phenomena of Greco-Roman Antiquity." 25 are merely the work of human hands, and to worship them is "ignorance", a sin (if an unconscious one) for which their worshippers must "repent" (30). Insofar as positive IC can be observed in Christian writings up until Proba's time, it tends to follow the pattern set by Paul: (qualified) approval is reserved for those currents within pagan thought which tend towards a monotheistic or henotheistic view. Often, this limited positive IC towards one aspect of pagan religion is tempered by an emphasis on negative IC concerning other aspects. A particularly approbatory example can be observed in the second-century author Justin Martyr. Not only does he have a positive view of (certain schools of) pagan philosophy, but he even goes so far as to outright identify Jupiter with the Christian God (+3), an almost unheard-of concession — though he is careful to distinguish Jupiter himself from the immoral stories told about Jupiter's violent acts and sexual escapades, which he dismisses as the creation of deceptive demons (-2). He also points out similarities between Christ and certain pagan gods and heroes (Asclepius, Bacchus, Heracles) but rather than identifying the two, maintains that these, too, are tales told by demons, meant to mimic Christ's story and thus lead people astray (-2).45 Insofar as a countertrend to the prevailing negative IC can be observed at all in the first few centuries CE, it was in art, particularly catacomb art.46 Well-known examples include several fourth-century paintings from the Via Latina catacombs depicting Hercules and 45 C.A. Contreras, "Christian Views of Paganism," in Aufstieg und Niedergang der Römischen Welt 31.2, ed. by Wolfgang Haase, 974–1022 (De Gruyter: Berlin/New York, 1980), at 978. 46 Hanson, "Christian Attitude," 956. 26 one of Demeter, and a wide variety of depictions of Christ as Orpheus.47 Other pagan mythological themes imported into Christian art include Bellerophon, the sun god Helios,48 Odysseus and the Sirens, Cupid and Psyche, and possibly Endymion.49 However, the lack of accompanying explanatory text presents a problem; though it seems probable from the inclusion of pagan mythological themes that they were subject to some form of positive IC (nobody would choose to have subjects which they considered deceptive or evil painted in their burial chamber) it is difficult to determine what exactly this is.50 If Christ is depicted alongside Hercules, or (we might infer) as Hercules, what is the implication? Is it that Christ is identical to Hercules, or foretold by the tale of Hercules, or merely that he resembles Hercules in some significant way? Thus, though Christian pictorial art seems to allow for a more subtle and nuanced response to pagan themes than is reflected in Christian writings on paganism, the very ambiguity of the medium makes it difficult to determine precisely what that response entails. 1.8 Proba: Redirected Polemic 47 See Hanson, "Christian Attitude," 956 and Janet Huskinson, "Some Pagan Mythological Figures and their Significance in Early Christian Art," Papers of the British School at Rome 42 (1974): 68–97; she, however, contends that the catacomb which shows Hercules and Christ (in different rooms) was shared by a family with both Christian and pagan members (or, alternately, by two or more families): 81–2. 48 Huskinson, "Pagan Mythological Figures" 73–80. 49 See Hanson, "Christian Attitude," 956–7. 50 On the difficulty of interpreting the Via Latina catacombs and similar sites, see Kahlos, Debate and Dialogue, 32–3. Scholars who posit a strict division between pagan and Christian material in this period have also argued that the site must have featured pagan and Christian individuals buried in close proximity to one another, though Kahlos finds this a weak argument, arguing that "people of the same era and the same community and even the same single person could have had varying standards and different ways of outlining reality." 27 Viewed against this backdrop of (almost) exclusively anti-pagan Christian literary rhetoric, it can be seen how extraordinary, and divergent from previous literary trends, the CV truly is. In fact, Proba's work is nearly devoid of anti-pagan rhetoric. The only section of the poem that might be construed to fall within this category is a brief passage from the Prologue (13–17): non nunc ambrosium cura est mihi quaerere nectar, nec libet Aonio de vertice ducere Musas, non mihi saxa loqui vanus persuadeat error laurigerosque sequi tripodas et inania vota iurgantesque deos procerum victosque penates... At first glance, the terms vanus, error, and inania might seem to convey an implicit denunciation of paganism; I take iurgantes as simply an accurate summary of the Aeneid's mythological plot. However, when examined more closely, these terms convey mere nullity (vanus, inania) or mistakenness (error) rather than deception, evil, and danger as can be observed in the writings of Tatian, Justin, and so forth (compare the Prologue of Juvencus' Evangeliorum Libri IIII, which denounces pagan myths as mendacia, 16, and crimen, 20). If this is anti-pagan polemic, it is so weak as to effectively undercut itself; indeed, the charge of "vacuity" aligns most closely not to negative IC but rather to the little-observed null position (0 on my seven-levelled scale above). The overall force of the passage, I contend, is not belligerent but apologetic: Proba is explaining her rationale, as a Christian, for declining to utilize the mythological tropes for inspiration (ambrosium, nectar, Musas, etc.) traditionally employed in pagan poetry and choosing Christian sources of inspiration instead. 28 This lack of anti-pagan polemic is all the more extraordinary given that, contrary to what we might assume, Proba did not avoid polemic per se in the CV. Polemic appears — but it is directed at war, and in particular civil war. The CV opens (1–8): Iam dudum temerasse duces pia foedera pacis, regnandi miseros tenuit quos dira cupido, diversasque neces, regum crudelia bella cognatasque acies, pollutos caede parentum insignis clipeos nulloque ex hoste tropaea, sanguine conspersos tulerat quos fama triumphos, innumeris totiens viduatas civibus urbes, confiteor, scripsi: satis est meminisse malorum... The highly charged vocabulary throughout this elaborate recusatio (e.g. temerasse, dira, crudelia) makes the conclusion clear: this is a vivid and brutal depiction, and denunciation, of the horrors of civil war. For Proba, the "enemy" is not paganism; it is war itself, and she places the full force of her rhetorical ability behind a polemical attack on this enemy. In Chapter 6 of this study, I will explore in detail how Proba treats the opposing themes of violence/war (which she depicts as an ever-present threat) and peace throughout the CV. At this stage, it suffices to note Proba's conspicuous restraint towards traditional pagan themes, and even her positive approach toward (at least some) pagan poetry: namely, that of Vergil, which foretells Christ — as she proposes to demonstrate. 1.9 Summary To sum up, this study will attempt to answer the following question: what strategies does Proba use in the CV to perform exegesis upon Vergil's poetry, and hence interpret his pagan religious and mythological material within a Christian framework? I will begin, in Chapter 2, by 29 discussing the methodology I use to analyse the CV: this is centred on the construction of a database which breaks down the poem into its constitutive Vergilian excerpts, analysing each individually with regards to its Vergilian and Proban contexts. In Chapter 3, I will briefly discuss Proba's strategies of paraphrase before outlining, in greater detail, the six exegetical strategies (literal, allusive, conceptual, typological, contextual, and thematic) though which she reads Vergil. Chapters 4 to 6 will expand on three particularly fruitful strategies in the CV: conceptual (4), typological (5) and thematic (6). In Chapter 7, I will return to questions of intertextuality and IC and draw broad conclusions regarding both in Proba in comparison to other authors of her time. 30 Chapter 2: Methodology 2.1 Introduction Now that we have examined larger questions of theory and laid out a theoretical framework for the present study, that of interpretatio Christiana, the question of methodology arises: how are we, on a practical level, to analyse Proba's CV and specifically her re-interpretation of pagan material? Despite suffering serious neglect in the 19th and early 20th century, the CV has experienced renewed scholarly interest in recent decades, as witnessed by the publication of numerous articles, three critical editions (two with translations of the work into Italian), and a major monograph. Many of these published studies have examined Proba's adaptation of or response to pagan mythological material as observed within particular passages of the CV. However, no study has yet examined Proba's re-use of pagan religious material within the work as a whole, as is the goal of the present study. As mentioned in Chapter 1, the CV poses a serious difficulty to conventional strategies of analysis in that it is a cento, and every line is by default "intertextual". The mere fact of Vergilian re-use cannot serve as a marker of significance, as it often does in non-cento works; nor does it tell us anything about the mode(s) of exegesis and IC used by Proba in the passage. Indeed, there is no reason why the borrowed material which makes up a cento must necessarily have any significance beyond the purely literal. It is useful to imagine here a hypothetical Christian cento composed out of excerpts from Vergil, selected only for their literal meaning — i.e. to advance the narrative — and thus with total disregard for any resemblance, contrast, or connection between the original Vergilian context and the new cento context. Such material 31 would be (except for the literal level) hermeneutically inert,51 reused at will, much like the infinitely rearrangeable pieces of bone in the ancient game of the stomachion, as discussed by Ausonius in his Preface to the Wedding Cento.52 Framing the situation in this way, we are confronted at once by the question: how can we distinguish a cento where the original context is hermeneutically significant from one where it is not? Put another way: how can we convincingly demonstrate the presence of IC, i.e. a hermeneutical relationship between hypotext (Vergil) and Proba's new text that goes beyond the merely literal? In his monograph on the secular Vergilian centos, McGill both lays out his basic strategy for such an analysis and discusses how this non-literal level of meaning functions within the reader's mind:53 [A]udiences can explore the relationship between the specific content of each unit and its original content in Virgil. The interpretive strategy is to preserve in memory the Virgilian meaning of a unit and/or some degree of its narrative context and to bring it/them to bear on the particular segment in a cento where that unit reappears. It can then happen that readers, having recalled the original significance and setting of a Virgilian membrum, and having related them to the narrative moment in the cento where that membrum reappears, find that some aspect of the original res relates precisely to the cento and contributes to its meaning. Such an allusion gives to the individual verse unit another layer of significance that one can recognize on top of its new semantic and sometimes generic and comic function within the cento; and this secondary significance is generated through comparison with its specific Virgilian counterpart.54 51 This type of re-use bears a close resemblance to Pelttari's category of the non-referential allusion, discussed in detail in Chapter 4 of The Space that Remains. 52 See McGill, Virgil Recomposed, 3–5 for the full passage from Ausonius, with translation. 53 McGill, Virgil Recomposed, 25–6. 54 It is worth pointing out that this process closely resembles Conte's theory that allusion is itself a rhetorical trope which functions much like metaphor or simile, in that it draws together the immediate meaning of the text and a second, evoked meaning (i.e. the original context of the passage), causing the reader to combine the two interpretatively. "[In metaphor], a gap is created between the letter (the literal meaning of the sign) and the sense (the meaning), and this gap has its own form, which we may term a "figure"...The gap in figurative language that opens between "letter" and "sense" is also created in allusion between that which is said (as it first appears), a letter, and the thought evoked, the sense...In the art of allusion, as in every rhetorical figure, the poetry lies in the simultaneous presence of two different realities that try to indicate a single reality." Gian Biagio Conte, The 32 This process of analysis treats the poem on a micro-level, excerpt by excerpt, carefully examining each Vergilian membrum and comparing its old and new referent and role in the surrounding narrative. Though McGill does not treat the CV itself in his monograph, which focuses on the mythological and secular centos, his concept of "secondary significance" and his general strategy for identifying instances of such significance are equally applicable to Proba's sacred cento in which this "secondary" level takes the form of implicit Christian exegesis. Pelttari, in his work on late antique Latin poetry The Space that Remains, goes even further than McGill, outlining "three distinct layers" of meaning —"the narrative surface of the text, its allusive engagement with the specific context of its source (microtextual allusion), and the abstract hypertexuality of its repeated words (macrotextual allusion)" — between which the reader must continually navigate. This third level, not present in McGill's model, "describes the relation between centonic composition and Vergilian poetry. That is, macrotextual allusion is concerned not primarily with the use of individual words but with the poet’s wholesale transposition of Vergilian poetry" (98–9). In this and the next chapter, I will extend McGill's method, not only demonstrating the presence of this secondary level in the CV but detailing the five modes by which it operates: allusive, conceptual, typological, contextual, and thematic. In doing so, I will demonstrate how, taking up Pelttari's terminology, the CV on its microtextual level functions as Vergilian exegesis in order to prove Proba's macrotextual argument: that the CV will elucidate how the Christian story is already present within Vergil's poetry. Rhetoric of Imitation: Genre and Poetic Memory in Virgil and Other Latin Poets, trans. Charles Segal (Cornell University Press, 1986), 38. 33 This method of seeking non-literal levels of hermeneutical significance is a well-established approach to analysing the CV, employed by Clark and Hatch in their 1981 monograph on the CV and by scholars of this work ever since. Such studies have elucidated non-literal meanings within a wide range of Vergilian re-uses for specific characters, scenes, or situations in the CV. However, as Hinds acknowledges, these existing studies are far from exhaustive;55 rather, they tend to focus on particular characters from, or sections of, the CV, explicating patterns of localized Vergilian re-use by Proba.56 This is, of course, not surprising given the constraints of a journal article or book chapter, but it does mean that, as Hinds discusses, the end product depends to a large degree on the subset of the CV's lines chosen for analysis by a particular scholar: perhaps out of personal interest or a rough estimation of its scholarly potential (or both).57 As a result, potentially fruitful passages may be inadvertently passed over, while other passages receive, arguably, an outsized share of attention. For example, the wider scholarly interest in gender studies in recent decades is reflected in a number of papers focused on the CV's two female characters, Eve and Mary;58 while such studies are certainly valuable, other 55 Hinds, "The Self-Conscious Cento," 182. 56 Proba the Prophet, Schottenius Cullhed's 2015 monograph on the CV, is the most exhaustive study by far, but due to reasons of space even this work gives a fairly abbreviated treatment of non-literal aspects of Vergilian re-use in the CV. Three chapters of the monograph deal with other aspects of the work and its reception, while three chapters feature (to a greater or lesser degree) discussion of Proba's re-use of Vergil. In Chapter 4, Schottenius Cullhed focuses on the "extradiegetic" passages of the work; in Chapter 5, on the first half of the work, mostly on Genesis; in Chapter 6, on the second (Gospel) half of the work. 57 Hinds, "The Self-Conscious Cento," 177: "[T]he typical new-wave article or essay rehabilitating the cento tends to be selective rather than comprehensive in its reading, but that very selectivity may dodge the central interpretative challenge raised by the cento form. Does a paper like this one simply skip the less interpretable intertexts? Or can one argue that Virgil is such a canonical author, with his every line already in Proba’s time (and certainly in our time) carrying such a freight of interpretation, that there will always be some way to beat a path towards interpretability from any Virgilian line or half-line whatsoever? I pose this as an open question; but, given the current acceleration in close readings of the cento (both pagan and Christian), the bases for discussion are even now in flux." 58 Such studies include: Elizabeth A. Clark and Diane F. Hatch, The Golden Bough, the Oaken Cross: The Vergilian Cento of Faltonia Betitia Proba (Ann Arbor, Michigan: Scholars Press, 1981), 151–9; Stratis Kyriakidis, "Eve and Mary: Proba's Technique in the Creation of Two Different Female Figures," Materiali e discussioni per l'analisi dei 34 important aspects of the CV have been relatively neglected. Though Hinds briefly reflects upon the possibility of a more exhaustive approach, he almost (but not quite) dismisses it as unfeasible: "if the goal is to find allusive sensitivity to original Virgilian context in every line or half-line of Proba’s almost-700-line cento, that way may lie madness … or maybe not"59. Nevertheless, I contend this is an idea worth pursuing; a 694-line poem (containing roughly 1100 Vergilian excerpts total) is not too long to analyse thoroughly and systematically in a book-length study. In so doing, I will demonstrate that, perhaps surprisingly,60 the vast majority of the excerpts utilized by Proba do exhibit some connection between the original and new poetic context that goes beyond the merely literal. That is to say, they point to some variety of Vergilian exegesis on Proba's part. I will return at the end of this chapter (p. 42–8) to the issue of how to distinguish a meaningful resemblance from the mere "static"61 of obligatory Vergilian re-use in a cento, and in particular the vexing question of authorial intention. First, however, I will lay out my database-focused method for exhaustively scanning the entire CV for potential hermeneutical connections between the CV and Vergil's original text. 2.2 Database of Vergilian Excerpts testi classici 29 (1992): 121–53; Michael Margoni-Kögler, “Women Promoting Literary Inculturation: A Case Study of the Aristocratic Roman Matron Faltonia Betitia Proba and Her Biblical Epic," in Gender and Religion: European Studies, ed. K.E. Børresen et al. (Carocci, 2001), 129–34; Schottenius Cullhed, Proba the Prophet, 16, 150–2, 163–8; Anni Maria Laato, "Adam and Eve Rewritten in Vergil's Words: Cento of Proba," in Adam and Eve Story, vol. 2: In Jewish, Christian, and Islamic Perspectives, ed. Antti Laato and Lotta Valve (Turku, Finland: Åbo Akademi University, 2017), 85–117. 59 Hinds, "The Self-Conscious Cento," 177. 60 Hinds, for example, appears to expect otherwise ("The Self-Conscious Cento," 173): "If some (perhaps the majority) of the recycled phrases reuse Virgilian language in ways that seem to have nothing to do with the original Virgilian context, does that mean that instances where there does seem to be a meaningful engagement with Virgilian context should be seen as mere chance occurrences, or, even if intended by the centonist, as unlikely to be picked up by the reader because of the heavy static coming from all the non-significant intertexts?" 61 Hinds' term; "The Self-Conscious Cento," 173. 35 The database I constructed for the CV can be viewed in Appendix A. It contains one entry for each Vergilian excerpt in the CV. Each excerpt is analysed across six (sometimes seven) columns, described below. (Note that the first 23 lines of the CV are what I term "quasi-cento" — made up of a combination of quoted text and newly composed material — and their layout is slightly different, as I will discuss shortly.) a) Identifier Each Vergilian excerpt used by Proba is assigned a unique identifier, based upon its line number in the CV. If more than one Vergilian excerpt appears in the same line of the CV (as is common), they are each assigned letters in addition to the line number, to eliminate any ambiguity of reference. For example, CV line 36 contains three Vergilian excerpts: 36a (Musaeum ante omnes), 36b (vestrum cecinisse), and 36c (per orbem). Conversely, it is not uncommon for a single Vergilian excerpt to extend over two or even three lines of the CV. In this case, the identifier shows the lines or line segments encompassed: e.g. 68b–69 (qua parte calores | Austrinos tulerit, quae terga obverterit axi); 670b–671–672a (quae vos a stirpe parentum | prima tulit tellus, eadem vos ubere laeto | accipiet). Finally, a # immediately following the identifier (e.g. 126a#) denotes a composite excerpt (discussed further below), while a ^ indicates that material has been rearranged or removed from within the excerpt. b) Material 36 The second column shows the excerpted material as it appears in the CV; any accommodations (alterations of and substitutions to the original Vergilian text) are dealt with in the fourth column. Material which extends over more than one line in the CV is placed in adjacent rows as appropriate to preserve line breaks. Note that this is done primarily for ease of reading; such material remains a single excerpt with a single identifier. c) Referent in CV The third column shows the referent of the excerpted material in the CV: for example, excerpt 32a, nate patris summi, refers to Christ. Sometimes there is more than one referent, which I have indicated with slashes (/) and, where applicable, with syntactical modifiers: for example, excerpt 238, illa dolos dirumque nefas sub pectore versans, is spoken by Adam to God about Eve. d) Vergilian line number This column indicates the Vergilian work (A = Aeneid, G = Georgics, E = Eclogues), book, and line(s) that the excerpted material is taken from. These line numbers are taken from Fassina and Lucarini's 2015 critical edition;62 for one excerpt, 174, I provide an additional and arguably preferable63 possibility for the Vergilian source, one which Fassina and Lucarini fail to mention: 62 Faltonia Betitia Proba, Cento Vergilianus, ed. Alessia Fassina and Carlo M. Lucarini (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2015). 63 The excerpt as given by Proba is septem ingens gyros, septena volumina versans, describing the Serpent's motion: a composite excerpt formed from A5.85 (septem ingens gyros, septena volumina traxit) and either A5.408 (volumina versat), listed by Fassina and Lucarini, or A11.753 (volumina versat). I contend that the latter is preferable because in its original context it actually refers to a snake, used as a metaphor for Venulus, whereas the former context (Entellus putting on his gloves for the boxing match) has no apparent connection to the Serpent. 37 A11.753 (versat). I have not specified the position of excerpted material in its original line, because, as first observed by Sineri and noted by Fassina and Lucarini in their critical edition, it is a general feature of Proba's compositional style that any excerpted Vergilian material is preserved in its original metrical location.64 One partial exception to this rule, the composite excerpt, is discussed later in this chapter. For certain excerpts, there is more than one possible Vergilian source location, as Vergil re-uses material from time to time. Such alternate source locations are each given their own row, and preceded with "OR" (e.g. 55a matres atque viri = G4.475 OR A6.306). For the sake of brevity, any excerpt with more than three possible Vergilian source locations has simply been denoted "many places" and not considered further. Accommodations, i.e. small alterations to the original Vergilian reading, are also listed in this column after the line number, denoted by square brackets. I have given only the original Vergilian reading where the location of the altered text is obvious (e.g. CV 601b late loca questibus implent = G4.515 [implet]). If it is not clear at a glance where the alteration or substitution has been made, I have used the format [CV reading > original reading], e.g. CV 76 ac medio tostas aestu terit area fruges = G1.298 [ac > et]. It is here necessary to discuss the two types of accommodations made by Proba. The first and most common variety, alteration, involves slight changes to the inflection or ending of a word: for a noun or adjective, a change in gender, number, or case; for a verb, a change in person, number, tense, or mood. The other category, substitution, simply swaps out one word 64 Sineri, Il Centone di Proba (Acireale, 2011), 119, n. 163: "È il caso di osservare che non avviene mai che un primo emistichio di un verso vergiliano venga riutilizzato da Proba come secondo emistichio: in genere nei centoni gli emistichi virgiliani ripresi mantengono la stessa posizione che occupano nel contesto originale." 38 for an entirely different word, e.g. aut instead of nam. As Fassina and Lucarini's critical edition demonstrates, albeit without explicit discussion,65 many, though not all, of Proba's substitutions can be shown to exist somewhere in Vergil in that same metrical position. This raises a difficulty (one not broached by Fassina and Lucarini): if a given substitution satisfies Sineri's requirement of remaining in its original metrical sedes, could it not equally well be regarded as an independent Vergilian excerpt? As I cannot find a clear basis within the text of the CV itself for differentiating these categories, I have formulated a practical criterion for the purposes of this study. An independent excerpt must be a foot or more in length, while anything shorter than this is a substitution. e) Vergilian referent In this column I have given the person or thing to which the Vergilian excerpt refers within its original context. As was seen in column c), some excerpts have more than one Vergilian referent, particularly if they involve dialogue. I have employed two abbreviations for brevity throughout: A. = Aeneas; V. = Vergil. f) Vergilian context In this column I give a short one-sentence summary of what is happening in the immediate Vergilian context of the excerpt. I have not considered it necessary to provide a column 65 These metrically consistent substitutions are listed by Fassina and Lucarini in the following format: ([original Vergilian reading]; de [metrically substituted Vergilian material] cf. [Vergilian work, book and line number]) For example, see p. 21, line 223: (adfata est; de alloquitur cf. A 6, 341). 39 explicitly denoting the excerpt's context within the CV, because this is apparent from the Biblical episode in question and from scanning the surrounding material in the CV. g) Typology This final column is applicable only to those excerpts which display typological exegesis (for a short discussion of typology, see above, p. 18; for my criteria in distinguishing typological and non-typological excerpts, see below, p. 71–3). For these particular excerpts, I give in this column any Vergilian character or object which Proba employs as a type of Christ. Note that this is not always identical to the Vergilian referent; at times, a Vergilian excerpt will indirectly suggest a typology, often one which is more explicitly shown elsewhere. For example, 426b tantarum in munera laudum is spoken by King Evander to the surrounding youths, but his words describe the rites to Hercules, who is used elsewhere as a type of Christ; thus this passage reinforces the Hercules-Christ typology without explicitly mentioning Hercules. Though there are other typologies present in Proba's poem — e.g. for God the Father, God the Holy Spirit, and Mary — I have chosen not to give them in this column for clarity's sake unless they are part of a double typology involving Christ. For example, CV 403 contains a double typology, where Christ is depicted as Cupid, with God the Father depicted as his mother Venus. 2.3 Composite Excerpts 40 One facet of Proba's compositional style not addressed in previous studies is her use of what I term composite excerpts, of which 45 (or 46)66 appear in the CV. These are excerpts formed by recombining two or more Vergilian excerpts linked by at least one keyword. For example, 240# dum furit, incautum crudeli morte peremit does not occur as a continuous excerpt anywhere in Vergil. Rather, it is formed by recombining material from A10.386 (dum furit, incautum crudeli morte sodalis), A6.163 (indigna morte peremptum), and A6.442 (crudeli tabe peremit); here A10.386 and A6.163 are linked by morte, A10.386 and A6.442 by crudeli, and A6.163 and A6.442 by peremptum/peremit. Such composite excerpts, which I have denoted by a # following their identifier, nearly always involve metrical rearrangement of some or all of the material used, and hence form a limited exception to the rule observed by Sineri and cited by Fassina and Lucarini, that when Proba borrows material from Vergil she preserves its metrical sedes. The line numbers of the individual selections from Vergil which form a composite excerpt are placed in separate rows; all but the first row are marked with the "&" identifier; and each contains, in addition to the Vergilian line number, the material itself in round brackets (to clearly distinguish it from the square brackets denoting an alteration or substitution). A related phenomenon which is considerably rarer (8 instances) is the rearrangement of or removal of material from within an excerpt: e.g. 265b^ heu, perdita, nescis = A4.541 (nescis heu perdita); 315a^ eripuit leto = A2.134 (eripui, fateor, leto). I have marked all such instances with 66 In my 2025 article from Classical Quarterly ("A Reconstruction of Proba, Cento Vergilianus 42a–b," Classical Quarterly (2025), published online 26 February 2025 (https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/classical-quarterly/article/reconstruction-of-proba-cento-vergilianvs-42ab/4AEE21F676BB61449F1E8D90CE4EB45F), I give two possible reconstructions of the lacuna at 42a–b; one uses a composite excerpt, while the other does not. 41 a ^ following their identifier. As for the composite excerpts above, the Vergilian line number is followed with the original Vergilian reading in round brackets. 2.4 "Quasi-Cento": CV 1–23 Finally, a few words must be said regarding the first 23 lines of the CV. This section is not composed using pure cento technique; rather, it is formed from a number of possible quotations from various poets,67 predominantly Vergil and Lucan, mixed with material newly composed by Proba. I have placed these first 23 lines in italics, and my conventions for presenting them are somewhat different from the above. Each line has its own identifier (simply the line number); the entire line is given in the Material column; the CV referent is in the third column as usual. In the fourth column, I give in round brackets any material which may be a quotation, as identified by Fassina and Lucarini; this is preceded by the author's name, if not Vergil (Luc = Lucan, Stat Th. = Statius' Thebaid) and by the line number of the quoted material in its original location. Lines which do not contain any identified quotations are simply designated NCM (newly composed material). The fifth column gives the referent of a quotation in its original context, while the sixth provides a one-sentence summary of that context; in the case of newly composed material, these final two columns are marked "none". For all 67 Fassina and Lucarini identify a number of potential allusions in these lines, certain of them more speculative than others. For example, the attribution of cognatasque acies (CV 4) to Lucan 1.4 cognatasque acies appears highly secure; the attribution of sanguine conspersos (CV 6) to Lucan 6.582–4 conspersos...sanguine (the two words being separated by two lines and not grammatically connected) far less so. 42 quotations not from Vergil, the entries in the fifth and sixth columns are placed in square brackets so as to set them apart from Vergilian material. 2.5 Vergilian Re-Use and Authorial Intention After constructing this database, my next step was to search through it entry by entry, along the lines specified by McGill: that is, looking for resonances, similarities, or other connections between the Vergilian and Proban referent of the excerpt and/or its immediate narrative context. As I worked, I noted any patterns emerging in the similarities I was finding. The connections I noted between the Vergilian excerpts and their Proban re-use fell, in the final analysis, into six main categories: what I have termed literal, allusive, conceptual, typological, contextual, and thematic exegesis. I will expand on each of these more in Chapter 3. However, there first remain two important questions to be dealt with. The first, raised by Hinds, we have already touched upon: how can the process of looking for patterns of Vergilian re-use be made as objective as possible, such that we find the most significant patterns — i.e. those which would be noted by Proba's readership generally — rather than those which we personally happen to find most appealing or interesting? The second question is closely related, but framed within the even more thorny language of authorial intention: how can we determine whether any given connection we might find is intended by Proba? Both processes are perhaps best illustrated by recalling our hypothetical "hermeneutically inert" cento, where each passage is chosen for its literal content and nothing more. Due to the narrative richness of Vergil's text as well as the Biblical story, it is inevitable that even in such a "hermeneutically 43 inert" cento certain resonances should arise here and there between the two by sheer statistical coincidence. Proba, to be sure, gives us a strong indication at CV 23 that her own cento is intended as anything but hermeneutically inert in a broader sense. However, the process of cento composition and her commitment to relating a specific narrative (the Biblical story) inevitably means that some excerpts will be chosen out of sheer necessity to move the story along. How then can we separate the "wheat" — significant, or intentional Vergilian resonances — from the "chaff", i.e. chance resonances which exist only due to the constraints of the narrative?68 Some answers to both problems suggest themselves, but they are not without their own difficulties. One technique often employed by scholars of the CV is to look for wider patterns of Vergilian re-use, particularly when several resonances of a single type occur within a particular passage: what I term a "cluster" (for example, the Camilla cluster in the Flight to Egypt and Baptism episodes of the CV69). This might appear a statistically sound (and pleasingly objective) approach, as such a "cluster" would seem unlikely to arise by chance. However, it is an unfortunate fact that the process of cento composition itself and in particular the central role of memory in this process70 can actually cause such "clusters" to appear without any necessary 68 This difficulty is, of course, not unique to works composed in cento technique; it is present, to some degree, in all studies of intertextuality. Hinds (Allusion and Intertext, 19) cites R.F. Thomas: "Methodologically, there is one chief danger in a study such as this, that is, the problem of determining when a reference is really a reference, and when it is merely an accidental confluence, inevitable between poets dealing with a shared or related language.” Hinds ultimately concludes that no sharp line can be drawn between the two, and that the very idea of a textual similarity being "merely an accidental confluence" (19, Hinds' italics) is deeply problematic. 69 For an in-depth exploration of the Camilla passages, see my article: Cristalle Watson, "A Feminine Typological Trinity in Proba's Cento Vergilianus 380–414," Classical Quarterly 74, no. 1 (2024): 281–289, at 288–9. 70 McGill (Vergil Recomposed, 10–18) discusses the importance of memory in the centonization process, pointing to a passage from Ausonius' preface: solae memoriae negotium sparsa colligere et integrare lacerata ("'Tis a task for the memory only, which has to gather up scattered tags and fit these mangled scraps together into a whole," McGill's translation, 2). He connects sparsa colligere et integrare lacerata to the techniques of divisio and compositio, used to memorize long texts in antiquity: the speaker would break apart a long work into segments 44 hermeneutical implications. Once a skilled (and efficient) centonist has brought a particular Vergilian passage to mind, choosing one excerpt from this passage for re-use, it is only to be expected that they will scan the immediate Vergilian context for other nearby passages which might fruitfully be "mined" for re-use. Another difficulty with this approach lies in the fact that the excerpts employed by Proba range widely in length, from a foot up to twelve feet. Are we to weigh all excerpts as equally significant, or should longer excerpts be given more weight proportional to their length? Furthermore, even a single short excerpt can be significant when it appears within a heightened context: for example, Silenus appears as a type of Christ just once in the CV (621b) but his words in Eclogue 6.23 are re-used as part of Christ's three-line speech from the cross, lending them a hermeneutical importance which they might not have had elsewhere. I have for these reasons decided against a purely statistical analysis of the CV, and have instead adopted the database method I describe above. Since this method breaks down the CV into its constituent excerpts and analyses each independently, it forces the user to grapple hermeneutically with every excerpt and not simply those which might at first glance appear most interesting and appealing. Longer excerpts or those in a heightened context will naturally weigh heavier in the user's mind, while even shorter ones will not be entirely overlooked. As I will demonstrate in this study, this method yields a wide variety of fruitful insights into Vergilian re-use in the CV, including passages which have been previously overlooked. which were memorized separately and then reconstituted in performance. Similarly, McGill argues, a centonist would most likely work first and foremost from memory, mentally scanning through the membra of a Vergilian poem for promising passages and consulting a written codex or scroll only when necessary. McGill goes on to detail four different techniques of recall which he sees reflected in the secular Vergilian centos: 1) situational agreement; 2) overt keywords; 3) covert keywords; and 4) sound cues. 45 The question of authorial intention is somewhat harder to address: in part because it is even at the best of times a vexed issue; in part because we have so little explicit information about Proba's "intentions" in how she reuses Vergil; and in part because the technique of cento does not lend itself well to making clear-cut statements about intention. For example, if Proba, selecting a passage, has the literal meaning uppermost in her mind, but fleetingly notes a non-literal connection between the Vergilian and Biblical context, can this be considered sufficiently "intentional"?. McGill, in his monograph on the mythological and secular centos, chooses to largely put this question aside in favour of a "functional" approach, writing: Nor is the question of intention important, if one looks to intertextual function rather than to authorial control. Allusive meaning can proliferate beyond what the author intended (if he intended it at all) and still be a real part of a poem; it is just that the reader invests the text with that meaning... Poets cannot control tightly even what seem clearly to be their deliberate intertextual references. They may have meant one thing by such references, but a reader may draw another conclusion entirely... [I]t is almost always more useful to approach allusions as phenomena functioning within a network of texts, rather than to focus on the possible ideas and aims of an author behind an allusion.71 In other words, rather than asking, "Did Proba intend to perform Christian exegesis on this Vergilian passage," we are far better off asking, "Could Proba's use of this Vergilian passage function effectively as an exegesis in the reader's mind?" I contend that McGill's approach is an effective one, for two reasons. Firstly, it allows us to get on with our analysis rather than spending (probably unfruitful) time speculating on what Proba's intentions were: a question for which, as noted above, we largely lack concrete evidence. Secondly, the category of "authorial intention" is arguably alien to Proba's own approach, as she herself seems uninterested in discussing the "intentions" of authors. Unlike Augustine or Lactantius, who argue that Vergil 71 McGill, Vergil Recomposed, 29–30. 46 prophesied Christ's coming but did so without comprehending what he was saying (and thus unintentionally),72 Proba never makes any statement regarding Vergil's intentions; her emphasis is on his output ("Vergil sang the pious deeds of Christ") and not his internal processes (e.g. that he knew or understood or perceived the pious deeds of Christ). Moreover, though Proba clearly identifies herself as the author of her work and hopes that it will bring her fame, she prays, repeatedly, for inspiration from God. This introduces a blurred line between her own "intentions" and God's "intentions"; though it is "her poem" in the sense that she has written it, she does not claim to be the only creative force behind the work, and in fact explicitly asks not to be. It is, however, possible to retain something like authorial intentionality if we look at the way that the narrator Proba frames her poetic activity. As discussed above, "Proba" makes in the Prologue two programmatic statements about what she wishes to accomplish in the CV: "unfold all mysteries of the poet [Vergil]" (arcana ut possim vatis Proba cuncta referre, 12) and "say/declare that Vergil sang the pious deeds of Christ" (Vergilium cecinisse loquar pia munera Christi, 23). I propose to take this (explicitly announced) programmatic intention as a stand-in for "authorial intention," and the narrator of the poem as a poetic persona whose intentions may or may not line up with the historical Proba's intentions.73 It is logically possible, after all, 72 Bourne, "Messianic Prophecy," 392–3: see discussion in n. 16 above. 73 This approach is comparable to the "hypothetical intentionalism" proposed by Jerrold Levinson in ‘Intention and interpretation: a last look’, in Intention and Interpretation, ed. G. Iseminger (Philadelphia, 1992), 221–56. As Alison Sharrock discusses, Levinson's reader "attempts to construct meaning for the text ([Levinson] calls this ‘utterance meaning’), taking into account all available information about genre, historical moment, etc. I quote: "...The core of utterance meaning can be conceived of analytically as our best appropriately informed projection of author’s intended meaning from our positions as intended interpreters." [Levinson, 224] There is, then, considerable value in thinking about intendable meaning, rather than making claims for intended." Sharrock, "Author and Identity," in The Cambridge Critical Guide to Latin Literature, ed. Roy Gibson and Christopher Whitton (CUP, 2024), 191–2. 47 that even though Proba the narrator announces that her goal is to prove that "Vergil sang the pious deeds of Christ," Proba the author's goal was something else altogether: to win lasting fame through a display of exegetical sophistry, for example, or even to poke fun at overly tendentious and abstruse Biblical exegesis, though I do not think either scenario likely.74 In other words, we should not be asking "what did Proba, as author, intend?" but rather "does her poem accomplish its stated goals?". In the remainder of this study, I will answer this question decisively in the affirmative, demonstrating that Proba's CV functions as an effective and intricate exegesis of Vergil. 74 For example, Pelttari, as earlier mentioned (n. 20), argues that Proba does not in fact care about Vergil's original meaning or whether he actually wrote of Christ; her goal is transformative, i.e. to "turn Vergil into a poet who already did sing of Christ" (The Space that Remains, 110–11). As discussed in Chapter 1, I think Pelttari is wrong, but if we focus on "programmatic intention" as I have proposed rather than on authorial intention, it does not ultimately matter to my analysis even if he is right. 48 Chapter 3: Biblical Paraphrase and Vergilian Exegesis in the CV 3.1 Introduction In the preceding chapter, I outlined my methodology for finding significant patterns of Vergilian re-use in the CV; this centres around the construction of a database, presented in Appendix 1, which analyses each Vergilian excerpt individually. After constructing this database, I systematically searched through it for larger patterns of Vergilian re-use, which I will outline in this chapter. I will begin by discussing Proba's techniques of Biblical paraphrase. Although (as I mention in Chapter 1 and expand upon here), the CV's primary function is as poetic commentary rather than paraphrase, I contend that it should nonetheless be considered a Biblical paraphrase, if an unusually free one. Moreover, to look at the CV through the lens of paraphrase can assist in our analysis of the CV as poetic commentary, as Proba's choice to engage in a freer form of periphrasis often signals that a non-literal form of Vergilian exegesis is at play in the passage in question, as I will demonstrate. Following the discussion of paraphrase, I will return to the main lens through which I propose to analyse the CV, that of poetic commentary. In the remainder of the chapter, I will outline the six exegetical techniques employed by Proba (literal, allusive, conceptual, typological, contextual, and thematic), explaining the function of each. This will serve as an introduction before I explore Proba's three most important strategies of IC (conceptual, typological, and thematic) in more depth in Chapters 4–6. 49 3.2 The CV as Biblical Paraphrase Michael Roberts' seminal monograph of 1985 analyses in detail the Classical practice of the rhetorical paraphrase as adapted to late antique Latin Biblical epic.75 Though he examines a wide variety of authors ranging from Juvencus in the early fourth century to Avitus in the early sixth century, he declines to discuss "Biblical cento" on the grounds that the cento is "clearly distinguished from biblical epic in the degree of its dependence on the Vergilian model."76 Similarly, in Patrick McBrine's otherwise wide-reaching study of Biblical epic in Late Antiquity, Proba does not even merit a mention; in this McBrine appears to be following Roberts, since in his Introduction McBrine explicitly references Roberts' definition of Biblical epic: "poems written in the dactylic hexameter which owe their narrative continuity to a biblical sequence of events."77 On the other hand, Daniel Nodes in his 1993 work on doctrine and exegesis in Latin Biblical epic includes Proba among his list of authors, and discusses the CV (if fairly briefly compared to the other works under discussion).78 Roberts' decision to exclude cento from Biblical epic, and thus from his study of rhetorical paraphrase, is to some degree understandable. Certainly, the CV is a rather different sort of paraphrase than, for example, Juvencus' or Sedulius' Biblical epics, since the language in which the Biblical narrative is retold is not Latin as a whole (with all its extant vocabulary, grammar, and syntax), but rather an unusually constrained subset of Latin: i.e. only those words and 75 Michael Roberts, Biblical Epic and Rhetorical Paraphrase in Late Antiquity (Liverpool: Francis Cairns, 1985). 76 Roberts, Biblical Epic, 4 n. 12. 77 Patrick McBrine, Biblical Epics in Late Antiquity and Anglo-Saxon England (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2017), 4. 78 Daniel J. Nodes, Doctrine and Exegesis in Biblical Latin Poetry (Leeds: Francis Cairns, 1993), 6. 50 phrasings that occur in Vergil (a sort of "sandbox Latin"). Moreover, the liberties taken by Proba in adapting her Biblical original significantly exceed those seen in Juvencus or even a later, and freer, author such as Sedulius. However, it is telling that even according to Roberts' own definition of Biblical epic, there is no very good reason for excluding the CV, which undeniably 1) is written in dactylic hexameter and 2) draws its narrative from the Biblical sequence of events. In this I follow scholars such as Martin Bažil and Hélène Cazes, who have argued for cento not as a genre but as a technique of writing (une technique d’écriture) which can be utilized in any genre, including that of Biblical epic.79 Moreover, I contend that there are excellent analytical reasons for applying Roberts' paraphrastic categories to the CV, for they demonstrate how Proba's paraphrase invariably brings with it a particular interpretation of the Biblical narrative. As Nodes states in the Introduction to his work, the Biblical epicists' "act of versification itself" requires "decisions about the meaning of Scripture [which] in turn involve fundamental points of doctrine"; the Biblical epicists were thus also exegetes, "participants in an age of intense theological inquiry and doctrinal formation."80 It would be misleading, however, to view the primary function of the CV as paraphrase. The considerable liberties taken by Proba have led, in the past, to criticisms of the CV as "tortured and bizarre" (vers torturés et bizarres), “awkward”, “deformed,” and even “grotesque”.81 Such criticisms appear to operate with the underlying assumption that Proba's main purpose in composing the CV was to produce a faithful Biblical paraphrase in Latin verse along the same 79 Schottenius Cullhed, Proba the Prophet, 12. 80 Nodes, Doctrine and Exegesis, 6. 81 See Schottenius Cullhed, Proba the Prophet, 77 for a summary of such verdicts from nineteenth- and twentieth-century critics of the CV. 51 lines as her predecessor and near-contemporary, Juvencus, or her successors such as Sedulius, Arator, and Ps.-Cyprian.82 Compared to such works (for example, Juvencus' largely literal, often line-by-line rendering of an amalgamated Gospel account83), the CV appears to lack fidelity to the Biblical text. Proba removes, adds, and even alters material: for example, the CV omits all of Jesus' healing miracles; it presents an apparently vengeful Christ on the cross; and it rearranges the events of the six-day Creation. According to this line of reasoning, Proba's failure to remain "true" to the Biblical text is due either to carelessness or lack of skill on her part (despite widespread acknowledgement of her metrical mastery and thorough knowledge of Vergil!); to, more charitably, the inherent clumsiness involved in composing a poem out of an existing poetic corpus; or to inscrutable feminine wilfulness. I will demonstrate, in the second half of this chapter, that such criticisms reflect a misunderstanding of Proba's exegetical methods which, when properly elucidated, explain even the more (seemingly) idiosyncratic aspects of her Biblical epic. First, however, we will return to the subject of Biblical paraphrase more widely. Roberts identifies three main strategies at work: i) abbreviation, ii) elaboration, and iii) transposition.84 Though the first two might seem mutually contrary, all three modes are in fact employed by the Biblical epicists examined by Roberts. As I will demonstrate, the same is true for Proba, though she clearly favours i) abbreviation substantially over ii) elaboration and the latter over iii) transposition. In addition, I will identify two extra modes which function as specialized varieties 82 Among others; see Roberts, Biblical Epic for a comprehensive discussion of most early Christian Biblical verse paraphrases. 83 Its "literalness" was remarked upon (if slightly exaggerated) by St. Jerome: see Roberts, Biblical Epic, 75–6. 84 Roberts, Biblical Epic, 29. 52 or combinations of the above: iv) amalgamation, which reflects aspects of abbreviation and, to a lesser degree, elaboration and transposition, and v) reduplication or "doublet" scenes, a special subtype of elaboration. I will discuss Proba's use of these five paraphrastic modes one by one, giving examples of each. As I will demonstrate, Proba engages in extensive, even daring adaptation of her Scriptural material. To be sure, the Scriptures clearly remain the basis for her narrative; she does not invent scenes entirely, nor does she import plot points or characters directly from Vergil into the Scriptures. Nevertheless, she is quite willing to extensively rework Scriptural material. I will demonstrate that Proba generally has systematic reasons for what she does, and that certain of her paraphrastic techniques also function exegetically; that is, they convey doctrinal conclusions regarding Scripture. 3.3 Strategies of Biblical Paraphrase in the CV 3.3.1 Abbreviation This first paraphrastic strategy is by far the most frequently used strategy in the CV; in fact, its 694 lines reflect only a very small selection of Biblical material, mostly drawn from Genesis and the Gospels. Though most of the time entire stories are omitted from the narrative (e.g. the Tower of Babel or the Wedding at Cana), Proba also omits sections of episodes when it suits her purpose: for example, in her otherwise detailed Creation retelling, the creation of the firmament and the separation of the waters (Day 2) is simply left out.85 It should be noted, 85 As I have argued elsewhere (“Bringing Order out of Chaos in the ‘Creation’ Episode of Proba's Cento Vergilianus," conference paper delivered in Cape Town, South Africa, November 24, 2023) this can easily be explained with reference to the differences between the prevailing cosmological accounts in the ancient Near East 53 though, that sometimes seemingly omitted material is in fact implicitly retained via amalgamation (see 3.3.4 below), a technique where repetitive or related episodes are pared down to a single narrative which subsumes various aspects of the entire group. 3.3.2 Elaboration The second strategy Proba uses is that of elaboration; the often bare-bones Biblical narrative is filled out with added details. Sometimes her primary purpose in doing so appears to be artistic, suggesting an ecphrasis: for example, in her second Genesis narrative, the material which corresponds to the first five days of Creation (Genesis 1:1–25, 25 verses total) occupies CV 56–106 (50 lines total). Thus we are not only told that God created, for example, land animals; rather, we see herds grazing and lions baring their claws, and hear wolves howling (CV 102–6). Sometimes, however, the primary purpose of a given elaboration appears to be to move a Biblical story closer to the Vergilian, or more broadly Classical, worldview or poetic ethos. Such a shift may be predominantly formal: for example, the CV (like other Biblical epics) tends to emulate the lengthy speeches of Vergilian epic. A good example of this is the story of the Rich Young Man, CV 505–30, which features a six-line speech by the youth and a nine-line answering speech by Jesus in contrast to the rapid-fire dialogue of the Biblical account (Matt 19:16–30; Mark 10:17–31; Luke 18:18–30), which is ill-suited to the conventions of epic poetry.86 Certain at the time Genesis was written, and the Greco-Roman world in Proba's time. While the former represented the sky as a solid dome (usually) holding back the waters above — i.e. the firmament — the latter included no mention of a solid sky or waters above it, and thus it made no sense for Proba to include them. See John H. Walton, Genesis 1 as Ancient Cosmology (Eisenbrauns, 2011), 88–92. 86 Roberts, Biblical Epic, 142–8. 54 scenes use elaboration to imitate generic type scenes in Vergil and other Classical authors; for example, the episode where Jesus walks on the water (CV 531–61) is greatly elaborated to evoke Vergilian type scenes (such as Aeneid 1.81–124) depicting a storm at sea, while the Last Supper episode (CV 580–99) strongly resembles a Classical feasting scene. However, elaboration can also involve a more radical reinterpretation of a given Biblical scene in pagan terms. In other words, the paraphrastic technique of elaboration provides Proba with sufficient poetic latitude to bring strategies of Vergilian exegesis (which will be described further below) into play. A particularly striking example of this is the Fall scene in the CV. In Genesis 2–3, the forbidden fruit is described in purely neutral terms; it is (in itself) neither good nor evil, and the wrongness of Adam and Eve's action in eating it lies only in the fact that God has forbidden them to do so (Gen 2:17, 3:17). Proba, however, elaborates and thus interprets the narrative by explicitly referencing pagan theological material: most notably, the concept of the sacred tree and of pollution. I will return to this example in greater detail below, when I discuss Proba's hermeneutical strategies of Vergilian reuse. 3.3.3 Transposition Very occasionally, Proba rearranges the sequence of events in a narrative. Though this is a fairly uncommon technique (most of the episodes featured do not lend themselves well to rearrangement of their narrative elements) she employs it at great length in her second Genesis narrative (CV 56–135). Here, most of the events of Creation are displaced from their Genesis 1 sequence onto different days: for example, the sea, dry land, and sea creatures are created on Day 1, vegetation on Day 2, birds on Day 3 and land animals on Day 4, while nothing at all is 55 created on Day 5. The only element to retain its Genesis 1 position is the creation of humans on Day 6. As I have argued elsewhere,87 Proba's reasons for these elaborate rearrangements can be traced to a desire to align her Creation narrative both with the prevailing Greco-Roman cosmological framework and with the Vergilian context of the temporally relevant verses she employs in her cento technique. For example, the verse et iam prima novo spargebat lumine terras (CV 82: Day 1, creation of the sea) in its Vergilian context introduces Dido looking out over the sea and observing the Trojan ships sailing away (A4.584), while quarto terra die (CV 91a, Day 4, creation of land animals) depicts the Trojans landing on the Strophades, inhabited by large flocks of goats and cattle without any human to tend them (A3.205). 3.3.4 Amalgamation I will now turn to the first of the two additional paraphrastic modes I have identified in Proba. Roberts treats this (under "conflation") as a subcategory of transposition; however, since it involves transposition and abbreviation simultaneously, I contend that it is best handled separately.88 It is clear that, in general, Proba goes to considerable lengths to eliminate the repetition that frequently occurs in the Biblical writers: e.g. both Matthew and Mark feature two stories in which a multitude of people are fed with a small number of loaves and fishes, one involving five thousand people (Matthew 14:13–21, Mark 6:31–44), the other involving four thousand (Matthew 15:32–39 and Mark 8:1–9). Proba not only removes such apparent repetitions but also amalgamates stories which share a more subtle similarity. For example, 87 See n. 85 above. 88 Roberts, Biblical Epic, 127–35. 56 while both Matthew and Mark include separate stories of Jesus calming the storm and walking on the water, Proba at first glance appears to omit the former narrative in favour of the latter. However, if we look closely at the way that Proba shapes the narrative and the Vergilian excerpts she uses, it becomes apparent that this is not a case of simple omission but rather amalgamation, where the "calming the storm" episode is subsumed into the "walking on water" episode. In doing this, Proba is aided by the fact that the two stories share (along with a common setting) some common narrative elements, to which Proba gives a heightened emphasis. For example, it is briefly mentioned in the Gospel story of Jesus walking on the water that the sea is somewhat rough, causing the disciples to strain at the oars (τὸ δὲ πλοῖον...βασανιζόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν κυμάτων, ἦν γὰρ ἐναντίος ὁ ἄνεμος, Matt 14:24; καὶ ἰδὼν αὐτοὺς βασανιζομένους ἐν τῷ ἐλαύνειν, Mark 6:49)89. Proba magnifies this into an actual storm, one that causes the disciples to fear for their lives as in the storm-calming scene (CV 539–43: at sociis subita gelidus formidine sanguis | diriguit: cecidere animi cunctique repente | pontum adspectabant flentes —vox omnibus una— | spemque metumque inter dubii seu vivere credant | sive extrema pati, leti discrimine parvo). When Jesus reaches the boat, this contrary wind then dies down (καὶ ἀνέβη πρὸς αὐτοὺς εἰς τὸ πλοῖον, καὶ ἐκόπασεν ὁ ἄνεμος, Mark 6:52), a detail emphasized in Proba's account (CV 554–555a: subsidunt undae, remo ut luctamen abesset, | collectasque fugat nubes). Finally, CV 560b puppique deus consedit in alta (A5.841) depicts in its original context the god Somnus taking a seat in the stern of Palinurus' boat; this is used in the CV to depict Jesus seating himself in the stern after reaching the boat, a 89 Here and elsewhere I have quoted from the Greek New Testament because Proba predates the Vulgate; she would undoubtedly have used some version of the Vetus Latina, but we cannot tell which one, and to arbitrarily select one would risk misleading readers; hence I have quoted directly from the Greek original. 57 detail that is not mentioned in any of the accounts of Jesus walking on the water but which appears to reference Mark's storm-calming scene (Mark 4:39), where Jesus is described as asleep in the stern on a cushion: καὶ αὐτὸς ἦν ἐν τῇ πρύμνῃ ἐπὶ τὸπροσκεφάλαιον καθεύδων. Some instances of amalgamation are more nuanced. For example, the Last Supper episode in the CV (580–99) depicts Christ and the disciples reclining on the grass: tum victu revocant vires fusique per herbam (580 = A1.214). This may at first seem an extraneous and jarring detail given that, in the Gospels, the Last Supper very explicitly takes place indoors, in the "upper room" (ἀνάγαιον, Mark 14:15/Luke 22:12). However, there is another place in the Gospels where Jesus' followers are depicted as seated upon the grass, and that is the Feeding of the Five Thousand: the only miracle besides the Resurrection recorded in all four Gospels. Here Jesus instructs the multitude to sit down upon the grass, a detail mentioned in every gospel except Luke's: e.g. καὶ κελεύσας τοὺς ὄχλους ἀνακλιθῆναι ἐπὶ τοῦ χόρτου, Matt 14:19). It is not difficult to see why Proba should choose to subsume this narrative into the story of the Last Supper, since the latter (Christ giving his own body as bread within the Eucharist) is arguably a heightened, even more wondrous version of the former; indeed, we can even identify the Feeding of the Five Thousand as a miraculous sign meant to anticipate, and thus a type fulfilled by, the Eucharist as antitype. The close linkage between the two is strengthened by another detail included by Proba: Christ looks up to heaven (suspiciens caelum, CV 585a) before dispensing bread and wine to his followers, another detail which does not occur in the Last Supper narrative but instead occurs in the Feeding of the Five Thousand, in every Gospel except John's (e.g. ἀναβλέψας εἰς τὸν οὐρανὸν, Matt 14:20). 58 In a similar vein, scholars have commented on the seeming oddity of Proba's omission of all Jesus' healing miracles from the CV.90 This might strike us as particularly unexpected given that the Aeneid features a scene where the goddess Venus miraculously heals Aeneas of his wound (Aeneid 12:411–29), which appears tailor-made for such an adaptation. In fact, an excerpt from this passage does appear in the CV, but not the New Testament section. Rather, it is featured in the Creation of Adam: maior agit deus atque opera ad maiora remittit (121 = A12.429). The original line is spoken by Iapyx, who explains to the newly-awoken Aeneas that he has been healed by a divine (Venus) rather than human (Iapyx) agent; in its new context, the line references not Adam's healer but his creator. It is not hard to see the logic here: surely to create a human being is a greater miracle than to heal one; moreover, the former ability, since it requires a mastery over the human body, implies and thus subsumes the latter. There is, for Proba, no need to include a healing miracle in her Gospel retelling, for Christ, as true God, is more than our healer; he is our Creator. 3.3.5 Reduplication Finally, a specific type of elaboration is the expansion of a single Biblical scene into two parallel scenes, or what I will call a "doublet". This might seem to run counter to Proba's above-referenced dislike of repetition and her general desire to amalgamate related scenes. However, such "doublets" are not inserted randomly or whimsically, but instead generally represent an attempt to understand a scene from two perspectives: often, one prophetic, symbolic, and/or 90 See, for example, Karl Olav Sandnes, The Gospel ‘According to Homer and Virgil’: Cento and Canon (Leiden; Boston: Brill, 2011). 59 mystical, and the other concrete or temporal. An example are the two creation scenes depicted in the CV: the first is brief (CV 39–45) and, as I have argued elsewhere, comprises a literal backwards summary of the six days of Creation as related in Genesis 1.91 The second, which is much longer (CV 56–135), liberally adapts the Genesis 1 account to conform to both the prevailing Greco-Roman cosmological model and the Vergilian context of the temporally relevant verses employed by Proba.92 Another example of a "doublet" scene occurs in CV 338–45 and 346–70, where Jesus' nativity is related twice. The first account is shorter and sparer, with few concrete details given; the focus is on Christ's Incarnation and its fulfilment of prophecy, both Biblical (e.g. quom femina primum | virginis os habitumque gerens, 340b–341a) and Vergilian (e.g. Eclogue IV is obliquely referenced in CV 338, quod tua progenies caelo descendit ab alto). The second account is longer and gives a concrete narrative of events associated with the Nativity: the star, the coming of the Magi, the stable, and so on. A particularly interesting doublet is found in the Genesis section of the CV, which depicts nature's decline from its initial paradisical state to the current fallen state, characterized by deprivation, weeds, disease, and dangerous beasts (resembling the Classical narrative of the "Golden Age" gradually declining into the "Iron Age"93). Intriguingly, in the CV this decline appears to happen twice: after the Fall of Adam and Eve (CV 276–84), and after the murder of Abel by Cain (CV 290–98). As I will discuss in Chapter 6 below, it appears that Proba views the Cain and Abel story as a second Fall; though this may at first glance be surprising, it in fact 91 Cristalle Watson, "A Reconstruction of Proba, Cento Vergilianus 42a–b," Classical Quarterly, published online 26 February 2025, https://doi.org/10.1017/S0009838824000971. 92 See n. 85, pages 52–3 above. 93 An association explored by Schottenius Cullhed, Proba the Prophet, 154–57. 60 reflects her thematic focus on violent conflict itself as the Christian narrative's fundamental antagonist (a motif that will be discussed in the section below, under "thematic" exegesis). In fact, the two "decline" scenes differ subtly: in the first, the relation of humans to nature is generally characterized by simple deprivation (the fields and woods no longer give forth abundant food of their own accord). In the second, however, subterfuge, conflict, and parasitism dominate; snakes are given poison, wolves hunt for prey, and diseases devastate crops, necessitating further subterfuge in turn (the capturing of wild animals in snares and of birds with lime). This is arguably an even more pernicious decline than the first, suggesting that for Proba, the story of Cain and Abel actually represents a greater "Fall" than that of Adam and Eve. 3.4 The CV as Poetic Vergilian Commentary I will now proceed to discuss Proba's hermeneutical strategies of Vergilian textual reuse in the CV, demonstrating that the CV functions, in essence, as a Christian exegetical commentary on Vergil's poetry. This might seem at first a surprising claim, since the CV is (at face value) a narrative poem, not a prose commentary, the form in which most early Christian (or, for that matter, pagan) textual exegesis is presented. However, as various scholars of reception have pointed out, the line between "work of literature" and "commentary" is not so easily drawn (and this is particularly true for ancient literature). Harold Bloom in effect argues that all poetic works are commentaries (as well as the converse, that critical commentary is continuous with literature), in that they respond to the works of previous authors, interpreting or "misreading" 61 (Bloom's term) them in a variety of ways.94 With regard to Vergil more specifically, it is well established that his Eclogues and Aeneid engage not only with their poetic precursors (Homer, Apollonius, Theocritus) but also with the Alexandrian tradition of scholarly commentary upon these works;95 we could thus situate both Vergil and Proba's CV within this wider tradition of poetic commentary. Similarly, David Ross identifies a specific phenomenon in Roman poetry which he terms the "Alexandrian footnote."96 Here, a poet will include in their work a "scholarly footnote" which reflects upon the work of a previous poet; such "footnotes", however, are not placed parallel to the text (as in a modern footnote) but rather inserted into the text, using a variety of words to alert the reader to the hidden reference (Hinds, expanding upon Ross' idea, identifies dicuntur, memini, imitatrix, agnosco, as well as subtler phrasings).97 In a similar if more overt manner, Proba (the narrator) makes clear in the concluding lines of the CV's opening proem (19–23) that she aims to make the case that Vergil foretold Christ's deeds or, interpreted more widely, the entire Christian story: Vergilium cecinisse loquar pia munera Christi (CV 23). Though Proba does not argue this case openly and explicitly, as in a prose commentary, the CV nonetheless implicitly interprets Vergil's poetry through patterns of reuse, in which specific Vergilian excerpts are linked to aspects of the Christian story. As scholars such as Sigrid Schottenius Cullhed have argued, such patterns of reuse demonstrate a 94 Harold Bloom (The Anxiety of Influence, OUP, 1973) lists six "revisionary ratios" by which "strong poets" respond to previous authors' works: clinamen, tessera, kenosis, daemonization, askesis, and apophrades. 95 For discussion of how the Eclogues respond to commentary upon Theocritus, see Joseph Farrell, "Ancient Commentaries on Theocritus’ Idylls and Virgil’s Eclogues," in Classical Commentaries: Explorations in a Scholarly Genre, ed. Christina S. Kraus and Christopher Stray (OUP, 2015). For discussion of how the Aeneid responds to Homeric commentary, see Robin R. Schlunk, The Homeric Scholia and the Aeneid (University of Michigan Press, 1974). 96 David Ross, Backgrounds to Augustan Poetry: Gallus, Elegy and Rome (CUP, 1975), 78, cited in Hinds, Allusion and Intertext, 1–2. 97 Hinds, Allusion and Intertext, 1–16. 62 close similarity to standard Christian exegetical tools (e.g. typology) used to explicate the Old Testament in light of the New.98 Such hermeneutical tools were not the sole possession of Christian interpreters; Pelttari explores in detail how the pagan Servius' fourth-century commentary on Vergil read profound allegorical meanings into his poetry: for example, the passage concerning the twin gates of Sleep was given "intertextual, poetic, physiological, and oneiric interpretations."99 Macrobius, writing in the early fifth century, went even further: since Vergil, the supreme Latin poet, must be without error, even (seeming) mistakes or contradictions in his text must serve only to mask profound hidden meanings (arcani sensus).100 Thus, by selecting and re-using particular passages from Vergil, Proba interprets his (putatively) prophetic poetry in a manner much like Christian and even pagan exegesis of the OT, aiming to draw out the deeper connections that she sees between Vergil and the Christian narrative. 3.5 Strategies of Vergilian Exegesis in the CV I will now examine the six exegetical strategies Proba uses to interpret Vergilian material within a Christian context. To some degree these strategies resemble the four hermeneutical levels employed within standard Christian exegesis: the literal, allegorical (or typological), moral, and anagogical levels.101 The six strategies I identify within the CV are as follows: a) Literal 98 Schottenius Cullhed, Proba the Prophet, 15–17. 99 Pelttari, The Space that Remains, 35–7. 100 Pelttari, The Space that Remains, 37–42. 101 For an in-depth discussion on how and when these were developed, see Henri de Lubac, Medieval Exegesis: The Four Senses of Scripture (Grand Rapids, MI: W.B. Eerdmans, 1998). Although all four senses were not fully explicated until some centuries after Proba's time, similar strategies of exegesis can be observed in the Patristics. 63 b) Allusive c) Conceptual d) Typological e) Contextual f) Thematic All six will be elaborated below, with examples. After doing so, I will spend the next three chapters discussing in greater depth conceptual (Chapter 4), typological (Chapter 5) and thematic (Chapter 6) Vergilian exegesis, as these three categories are the most fruitful ones for exploring interpretatio Christiana in the CV as a whole. Finally, one general principle to note is that a given Vergilian excerpt can — indeed, most often does — function on more than one level simultaneously, as is also the case for OT Christian exegesis. 3.5.1 Literal This is the most obvious, and widespread, level of Vergilian interpretation within the CV: the excerpt from Vergil conveys a literal surface meaning which functions as such within the CV's narrative. It should be noted that the literal meaning of the excerpt within its new context is not always the same as the literal meaning of the excerpt within Vergil's original; by changing the surrounding material, and sometimes the excerpt itself,102 Proba is able to subtly alter how the reader, syntactically and/or semantically, understands the given excerpt. For example, in CV 439–40 aut quis te, iuvenum confidentissime, nostras | iussit adire domus pacique inponere 102 As discussed in Chapter 2, it is generally permissible within cento technique to make occasional minor changes to an excerpt to accommodate it to its new context, if required. Most often, this functions on the level of morphology: e.g. the nominative being substituted for an accusative, or singular for plural. 64 morem?, the final excerpt (440b, pacique inponere morem = A6.852) is a simple statement in its original context (Anchises tells Aeneas that it will be the Romans' special gift to rule the people and impose peace) rather than a question. Unsurprisingly, nearly every Vergilian excerpt within the CV functions on the literal level, though for a few passages the literal meaning in the new context is less than clear. For example, in the Last Supper episode at CV 593–94 et lux cum primum terris se crastina reddet, | unus erit tantum (CV 594a = A5.814) in me exitiumque meorum, the meaning of unus in the immediate context is unclear; it would seem to refer to a human male (probably Judas), but in fact when the next day does dawn, Judas is nowhere to be seen and we witness a scene of collective violence against Jesus instead. This excerpt is evidently not employed primarily for its literal sense (insofar as it possesses any well-defined literal sense here) but rather on a different hermeneutical level: the typological, with Palinurus, the chosen sacrifice whose loss overboard allows the rest of the Trojans to cross safely to Italy, standing in for Christ. A second excerpt, CV 676b (pacis solum inviolabile pignus, from the Ascension episode) is likewise vague as to its literal referent; here the primary hermeneutic level is thematic (war vs. peace). The converse question also suggests itself: does the CV contain any passages which function only on the literal level? In fact, this is rare due to the many rich hermeneutical levels which Proba employs in the CV, but arguably it does occur. In CV 572b, insonuit flagello, there appears no connection between the original Vergilian context (Epytides' signal to begin the display of horsemanship, A5.579) and the CV's narrative (Christ cracking his whip to clear the temple) other than the literal image of the whip being sounded. Such passages often occur at 65 transitions, where stock Vergilian phrases such as tempore non alio (CV 429a = G3.245 or G3.531) are employed in a simple literal sense to move the narrative along. 3.5.2 Allusive In this second hermeneutical strategy, a Vergilian excerpt used by Proba bears a strong textual resemblance, through its vocabulary and/or phrasing, to another passage. The latter may be: 1) a Biblical passage, either a) in the scene being related or b) in a different scene; 2) a different Vergilian passage; 3) another passage in the CV; or 4) a passage in some other text. An example of 1. a) occurs at the beginning of Proba's second Creation account (CV 56), principio caelum ac terras camposque liquentes, which closely recalls the opening verse of Genesis, in principio creavit Deus caelum et terram. An instance of 1. b) is found in the Last Supper scene at CV 598a, unum pro multis dabitur caput. The wording of this excerpt strongly recalls Jesus' statement at Matthew 20:28/Mark 10:45 that "the Son of Man did not come to be served, but to serve, and to give his life as a ransom for many," as well as Caiaphas' prophetic statement at John 11:50, "it is better for you that one man die for the people than that the whole nation perish" (NIV). Indeed, this excerpt is active on multiple hermeneutical levels, for like the passage discussed above (unus erit tantum, CV 594a) it references the Vergilian character Palinurus, who functions as a type of Christ in the CV, as discussed further in Chapter 5. 2) Two Vergilian allusions are found at CV 338a–b, quod tua progenies (= A9.84/A1.250/A10.30) caelo descendit ab alto (= A8.423); together, they evoke the famous passage from Eclogue 4 sometimes read as a prophecy of Christ's birth: iam nova progenies caelo demittitur alto (E4.7). 3) An intra-Cento allusive passage occurs in the Resurrection episode at CV 649, tertia lux 66 gelidam caelo dimoverat umbram, which was previously employed in the longer Genesis narrative at CV 95; this links the third day of Creation with Christ's resurrection on the third day, both of which feature birds singing (cf. CV 96, avia tum resonant avibus virgulta canoris; 657b, volucrum sub culmine cantus). Finally, an example of 4) is CV 391b–392a, tu nunc eris alter ab illo, (E5.49)| fortunate puer (E5.49), in its original context a statement by Menalcas that Mopsus is now equal with (and will succeed) his singing master, but here reminiscent of creedal statements concerning the Son's equality with the Father. 3.5.3 Conceptual In this third hermeneutical strategy, a Vergilian excerpt is employed for the larger Greco-Roman religious framework or concept that it references. Through this technique, Proba depicts a Biblical scene in pagan religious terms. A striking example of this is Proba's retelling of the Fall (Genesis 3), depicted in terms taken from the Greco-Roman idea of religious pollution, repeatedly referenced in the Aeneid. Thus, the forbidden fruit of Genesis 3 and the tree on which it grows are described as sacred: a "heavenly gift" (CV 187b: caelestia dona). To harm them is nefas, i.e. forbidden by religious law (CV 149–52a: [arbor] quam neque fas igni cuiquam nec sternere ferro, | religione sacra numquam concessa moveri. | hac quicumque sacros decerpserit arbore fetus | morte luet merita). Indeed, God in the CV does not forbid eating the fruit so much as merely touching (or plucking) it: see above (CV 151: decerpserit) as well as CV 188a, adtractare nefas (taken from A2.719, depicting Aeneas' inability to touch the sacred Trojan Penates since his hands are stained with blood); 154a, conmaculare manus; and 243, contigimusque manu quod non sua seminat arbor. Thus, when Adam and Eve break the 67 command, their sin lies in the fact that they have "polluted" the "once venerable tree" (CV 198b: olim venerabile lignum) with their touch: see CV 199b contactuque omnia foedant, an excerpt derived from the visceral scene in which the Harpies soil the Trojans' meal. Proba's interpretation of the Fall story in pagan religious terms is bold and striking, an innovation apparently unique to her own thought. Similarly, when Proba depicts the Last Supper as a feasting scene, this too has religious overtones; in the Greco-Roman world, it was the sacred responsibility of a host to receive, feed, and entertain a guest. The relationship between the disciples and Christ in the Last Supper episode, and (by extension) between the believing Christian and Christ within the ritual of the Eucharist which is instituted in that episode, is thus characterized as that between a guest seeking food and shelter and a generous, properly pious Homeric or Vergilian host. Both these examples will be further explored below in Chapter 4. 3.5.4 Typological Typology in the CV, as further discussed in Chapter 5, is a form of exegesis closely adapted from OT Christian exegesis, where an OT character, object, or action (the "type") is portrayed as prophetically prefiguring a NT character, object, or action (the "antitype"); for example, the bronze serpent which is lifted up to heal the Israelites of snakebite (Numbers 21:4–9) is seen as a type of Christ as antitype, who is "lifted up" on the cross to save all of humanity (John 3:14–15). In the CV, this hermeneutical strategy appears in several forms. 1) Most commonly, a Vergilian excerpt originally referring to a Vergilian character (or less often, an object) is reapplied to a character from the Biblical story, creating a type-antitype 68 pairing between them similar to the pairings seen in traditional Christian OT exegesis. To take a frequently discussed example, Aeneas, who is destined to found a kingdom which will rule the earth and impose peace, is seen as a type of Christ as antitype, who brings the peaceable Kingdom of Heaven.103 By pairing Aeneas with Christ, Proba depicts Christ in terms of Aeneas, giving us a new and unique perspective through which to understand Christ: a process I have elsewhere termed enfiguring.104 This variety of typological exegesis in the Cento thus bears strong resemblances to what I have termed conceptual exegesis (3) above, in that it allows us to see a Christian reality (Christ) in terms of a pagan one (Aeneas). They differ in that, while conceptual exegesis draws upon an abstract idea such as religious pollution, typological exegesis is generally more concrete, rooted in a particular character, object, or (at its most abstract) an action such as baptism. Vergilian typologies in the CV have been explored by multiple scholars including Anne Jensen,105 Michael Margoni-Kögler,106 Henrietta Harich-Schwartzbauer,107 and Schottenius Cullhed.108 However, given the variety and richness of the many typological passages in the CV (Christ is typologically depicted not only as Aeneas but also as the virgin warrior Camilla; Neptune; Jupiter; Hercules; Palinurus; and many more), much work remains to be done and I 103 See Elizabeth A. Clark and Diane F. Hatch, "Jesus as Hero in the Vergilian "Cento" of Faltonia Betitia Proba," Vergilius 27 (1981): 31–39. 104 Watson, "A Feminine Typological Trinity," 284–5. 105 Anne Jensen, "Prophetin, Poetin und Kirchenmutter. Das theologische Werk Faltonia Betitia Probas (Rom, 4. Jh)," in Frauen Gestalten Geschichte: Im Spannungsfeld zwischen Religion und Geschlecht, eds. L. Siegele-Wenschkewitz et al. (Hannover: Lutherisches Verlagshaus, 1998), 33–55. 106 Michael Margoni-Kögler, "Typologie in den christlichen Vergilcentonen," in Studia Patristica 36, eds. M.F. Wiles et al. (Leuven: Peeters, 2001), 140–52. 107 Henrietta Harich-Schwarzbauer, "Von Aeneas zu Camilla. Intertextualität im Vergilcento der Faltonia Betitia Proba," in Jeux de voix: Enonciation, intertextualité et intentionnalité dans la littérature antique, eds. Danielle van Mal-Maeder, Loreto Núñez, and Alexandre Burnier. (Bern: Peter Lang, 2009), 331–46. 108 Schottenius Cullhed, Proba the Prophet, 15–16. 69 hope that this present dissertation will prove a significant contribution to the scholarship on this topic. In addition to a) the single typologies discussed above, typologies in the CV can also occur as b) paired typologies (e.g. God the Father = Venus, Christ = Cupid in CV 403 and 410) and even arguably c) one triplet typology (God the Father = Venus, Christ = Aeneas, the Holy Spirit = Venus' doves) though the relevant Vergilian verse is referenced only by allusion rather than directly.109 2) The second form of typological exegesis is considerably rarer: here Proba references pre-existing OT/NT typologies. For example, CV 362b furtim mandarat alendum (A3.50), referring to Mary (subject) and the infant Jesus (object), might seem strikingly odd to an attentive reader given that none of the Gospels depict Mary entrusting the infant Jesus to another to be nurtured secretly. However, in Exodus 2 the OT character Jochebed entrusts her son Moses — a standard typological precursor of Christ110 — to Pharoah's daughter to be raised in secret, delivering him from the threatening Pharoah who, much like King Herod in Matthew 2, seeks to destroy the Hebrew children. Proba's apparent violation of the Biblical narrative thus serves to draw the reader's attention to a typology (Christ as second Moses) which might otherwise pass unnoticed. Another example, pointed out by Schottenius Cullhed, is the use of a single Vergilian excerpt to describe both Eve and Mary (Eve: illa dolos dirumque nefas sub pectore versans, CV 238; Mary: illa dolos dirumque nefas, CV 360a); this activates an existing typology in standard Christian exegesis where Eve is viewed as an OT precursor to Mary.111 109 CV 399, radit iter liquidum celeres neque commovet alas (describing the Holy Spirit which, sent by God the Father, descends on Jesus at his baptism in the form of a dove) bears a strong resemblance to Aeneid 6.202, tollunt se celeres liquidumque per aera lapsae, in which the goddess Venus sends the doves to guide her son Aeneas. 110 Jean Danielou, From Shadows to Reality (London: Burns & Oates, 1960), 153–226. 111 Schottenius Cullhed, Proba the Prophet, 165–66; Maja Weyermann, "The Typologies of Adam-Christ and Eve-Mary, and their Relationship to One Another," Anglican Theological Review 84 (2002): 609–26. 70 3) Rarer still is Proba's reuse of Vergilian material to create a novel OT/NT typological pairing; for example, (laxis) laterum conpagibus artis (A1.112 + A1.293) is used to depict both the creation of Eve (CV 128b#) and the resurrection of Christ (CV 654b#). Christ emerges from the tomb just as Eve emerges from Adam's side, suggesting that Proba views Christ as a "new Eve" alongside the traditional Patristic typology of "new Adam."112 3.5.5 Contextual This fifth hermeneutical strategy draws upon similarities — present but not explicitly stated — between the context of a particular Vergilian excerpt and that of a Biblical scene. We might call this a form of implicit scene-setting, as it fills in background details for the reader and provides dramatic and affective content. One vivid example occurs in the Triumphal Entry scene (CV 562–566a), depicting Christ riding into Jerusalem on a donkey, which in only five lines total references the story of the Trojan Horse three times: CV 562a, tunc etiam (= A2.246, Cassandra attempts to warn the Trojans of the Horse); CV 565a, subiciunt (= A2.236, the Trojans place wheels beneath the Horse's feet); and CV 565b, funemque manu contingere gaudent (= A2.239, Trojan boys and girls rejoice as they touch the ropes drawing the Horse). This is supplemented by an associated passage, CV 562a insedit nimbo effulgens = A2.616, where Aeneas is granted a vision of the gods attacking the burning city of Troy. Though the Trojan Horse cannot reasonably be seen as a type of Christ, the wider similarities between the two stories are 112 It has also been pointed out that the Serpent's temptation of Christ in the second half of the CV stands as a parallel to the Serpent's temptation of Eve in the first half, again casting Christ as a "new Eve": see Elizabeth A. Clark and Diane F. Hatch, The Golden Bough, the Oaken Cross: The Vergilian Cento of Faltonia Betitia Proba (Ann Arbor, Michigan: Scholars Press, 1981), 64–65. 71 striking, in particular the general mood of both passages: excessive celebration and joy, foreshadowing anguish and death to come. This hints not only at Christ's own approaching doom within Jerusalem, but also his lamentations over the city as he prophesies its destruction at the Romans' hands (e.g. Matthew 23:37–39, Luke 19:41–44; Luke 23:28–31). Sometimes the line between typological and contextual significance is less clearly drawn. An example of this occurs in the Walking on the Water episode (CV 531–561), where Christ is three times depicted using passages which in the Vergilian context refer to Polyphemus the Cyclops (CV 552, postquam altos tetigit fluctus et ad aequora venit = A3.662; 555b, graditurque per aequor = A3.664; 556, iam medium necdum fluctu latera ardua tinxit = A3.665). Though we as readers might be tempted to dismiss Polyphemus out of hand as a potential type of Christ, there are in fact similarities between the two figures: Polyphemus is depicted in the Odyssey as a shepherd, recalling Christ as Good Shepherd; in addition, Polyphemus is the son of the sea god Poseidon and thus, like Christ, (partially) divine. Nevertheless, there are strong considerations against such a conclusion, most notably Polyphemus' monstrous, indeed repulsive appearance and behaviour in the Aeneid and the Odyssey. I contend that, in distinguishing between typological and contextual forms of significance, we as readers need to consider three criteria: 1) the type should reflect some essential attribute of the antitype; 2) the Vergilian role played by the type in the passage under consideration should resemble the Christian role played by the antitype; and 3) no strong affective factors should weigh against an association between the two characters. In the case of Polyphemus, 1) is satisfied since Polyphemus is the son of a god, an essential attribute of the incarnate Christ, but 2) is not since in the scene under consideration he is simultaneously pitiable and threatening, neither of which 72 reflects Christ's role in the ship scene, and 3) clearly fails as well since the Cyclops, both in Homer and Vergil, is depicted as monstrous and cannibalistic. Proba's use of the Polyphemus material here is thus not typological but contextual: the Trojans' fear and wonder at the Cyclops' more-than-human size mirrors the disciples' fear and wonder at the ghostlike appearance of Christ walking on the water. Another "borderline" typological passage is Proba's depiction of Christ before his baptism using Vergilian material originally referring to Iris in her disguise as Beroë (CV 386b–387). At first glance, we might dismiss a typological identification here based on criterion 2 (Iris' mission is destructive, not salvific; she is attempting to convince the Trojan women to burn their ships), and possibly also criterion 3 (Iris' destructive goal might make her seem an unfitting type for Christ). Nevertheless, Iris' immediate role in the extracted material (qui spiritus illi, qui vultus vocisque sonus vel gressus eunti est! = A5.648–9, originally spoken by Pyrgo regarding the false Beroë) is that of a deity who is incarnate (if only temporarily) and who shows noticeable signs of her divinity. This is surely applicable to Christ; indeed, as I have argued elsewhere, this "goddess as almost human" type balances the other type of Christ used in the same passage: the virgin warrior Camilla, a mortal woman who is almost goddess-like in her abilities and appearance. Together, these two types point to Christ's dual nature as human and divine.113 With regard to criterion 3, Iris' mission may appear less unfitting if we reflect that she is simply doing the work of the deity (Juno) who has sent her, as Christ does his Father's work (cf. Luke 2:48). For these reasons, I would classify CV 386b–387 as having typological significance. 113 Watson, "A Feminine Typological Trinity," 286–7. 73 Nevertheless, I recognize that these considerations are to some degree subjective, and other readers may come to different conclusions regarding such "borderline" passages. 3.5.6 Thematic This final hermeneutical strategy is somewhat different from the others outlined above, in that we observe Proba adapting Vergilian material not to the Scriptures per se, but rather to her own overarching poetic themes in the CV. The most prominent of these by far is the theme of war and peace, which can be traced throughout the CV from Proba's repudiation of her civil war-themed poetic past in the opening lines, through the story of Cain and Abel and the much-elaborated King Herod episode in the Gospel narrative, to Christ's post-resurrection appearance with his thrice-repeated mention of pax. To be sure, the themes of war and peace also appear both in Vergil and in the Christian scriptures; thus Proba is not so much imposing an alien hermeneutic upon her material (either Vergilian or Christian), as moving a theme from the background into the foreground so that it engages the reader's active attention. For example, the Serpent in the temptation scene is depicted using material referring to Allecto, the Fury and bringer of war; the main antagonist of the Christian story, Satan, is thus framed as the spirit of war itself. On the converse side, we read Christ's post-resurrection words to his followers (CV 675–76): pacem orate manu, pacem laudate sedentes | magnanimi; pacis solum inviolabile pignus. Though the post-resurrection Christ in the Gospels also greets his followers thrice with the salutation "Peace be with you" (John 20:19, 21, 26), this is the sole mention of "peace" that he makes. His words as represented by Proba — which imply that the disciples must not only passively receive "peace" from Christ, as in John 20, but actively strive for "peace" through 74 prayer and praising — are thus an elaboration which serves to further develop, and provide a final coda to, her theme of war and peace. 3.6 Conclusion I have now outlined the six exegetical strategies which Proba uses to re-interpret, and thus perform IC upon, Vergilian material in the CV. The following three chapters will take a closer look at three particularly important strategies — conceptual exegesis (Chapter 4); typological exegesis (Chapter 5); and thematic exegesis (Chapter 6). Finally, in Chapter 7, I will return to my seven-levelled framework for IC and draw higher-level conclusions about the hermeneutical strategies which Proba uses to re-interpret Vergil within a Christian framework. 75 Chapter 4: Conceptual Vergilian Exegesis 4.1 Introduction In exploring Proba's hermeneutical strategies in the CV more deeply, I will begin with the strategy that I have labelled conceptual. In this strategy Proba, in depicting a Biblical scene, chooses Vergilian material that references, implicitly or explicitly, a pagan (Greco-Roman) religious concept, framework, or custom. In so doing, she depicts the Christian narrative in pagan religious terms. To take a relatively simple and widely-discussed114 example, during the preaching scene (469–511) Christ describes the punishments of Hell (475–87) using imagery largely taken from Aeneid 6, focusing on two passages in particular: the Sibyl's address to Aeneas, discussing the punishments undergone by wicked souls in Tartarus (562–627), and Anchises' speech (735–47), describing the processes of purification which spirits undergo in the Underworld.115 Proba thus portrays a Christian concept (Hell) in terms of a pagan one (Tartarus/the Underworld). Conceptual Vergilian exegesis can be observed throughout the CV. In this chapter I will choose the three most prominent examples and explore them in detail. These are the depiction of a) the Fall in terms of sacred trees/groves, sanctity, and pollution; b) the Cleansing of the Temple and the Last Supper in terms of xenia/hospitium; c) the believer's relationship with 114 On Proba's depiction of Hell, see: Clark and Hatch, The Golden Bough, 145–6; Antonia Badini and Antonia Rizzi (eds.), Il Centone (EDB, 2011), 190; and Schottenius Cullhed, Proba the Prophet, 169–72. 115 Proba is not, as one might think, simply alluding to similarities between the pagan and Christian conceptions of the Underworld/Hell, as most of the imagery she uses has no precedent in the Christian scriptures: whirlpools, whips, and chains. 76 Christ in terms of Aeneas' pietas towards his father (in particular, his rescue of Anchises from Troy and his worship of his manes after death). 4.2 The Fall: Sacred Trees and Groves, Sanctity, and Pollution The story of the Fall (CV 172–277) forms a significant part of the CV and in particular its OT section; indeed, at 106 lines, it comes in just under the Creation narrative (CV 56–171). Clearly the Fall narrative is central to Proba's conception of the Christian story. Even more striking, however, is the way in which she depicts the Fall narrative: her retelling, arguably, has more in common with concepts and values taken from pagan religion than it does with the Biblical account. Proba's pagan-inspired framing of the Fall narrative can be summarized as follows: 1) the Forbidden Tree is depicted as sacred; 2) furthermore, it is shown in terms of the sacred tree or grove (lucus) common in Greco-Roman religion; 3) Adam and Eve's trespass consists primarily of touching (not eating!) the Tree and its fruit; 4) through this touch, they bring pollution, first upon the Tree, then ultimately upon themselves. In contrast, within the Biblical account (Gen 2:16–7, 3:1–20), there is no implication that the Tree or its fruit are sacred and the command is explicitly not to eat from the tree. (The only mention of "touch" comes at Genesis 3:3, where Eve, speaking to the Serpent, mischaracterizes God's command.) In this section, I will go through each of the Greco-Roman religious concepts outlined above and demonstrate how Proba applies it to the story of the Fall. I will then bring these concepts together in 5) a brief concluding section. 77 4.2.1 The Forbidden Tree as sacred: sacer, religio, fas In the CV, we first encounter the Forbidden Tree in God's speech to the newly created Adam and Eve (139–56). In CV 148–152, God introduces the Tree and the prohibition concerning it as follows (I have bolded terms from Latin religious vocabulary): est in conspectu | ramis felicibus arbos, quam neque fas igni cuiquam nec sternere ferro, religione sacra | numquam concessa moveri. hac quicumque sacros | decerpserit arbore fetus, morte luet merita: | nec me sententia vertit. As can be seen, Proba uses highly charged pagan religious vocabulary to depict the Biblical account. The tree is not only forbidden but actually protected by religious law (religione sacra); to disturb (moveri) or destroy (sternere) it is nefas. Moreover, the Tree's fruits (fetus) are explicitly said to be sacros. This contrasts sharply with Genesis 2:16, where there is no suggestion that the Tree is sacred in any way; Adam is merely commanded not to eat from it. The specific Latin terms used in the above passage merit further discussion. Of these, the most important (appearing twice) is sacer, which in its broad sense simply meant any property set aside for the gods. As John Scheid states: "The term sacer...referred to ownership. 'All that is considered to be the property of the gods' was sacer." Sacrilege, the violation of that which is sacer, thus consisted in "infringement of divine property", of violating that which was (or at least should be) "inviolable": an offense that would, at least theoretically, bring a terrible and "inexorable" punishment by the injured god or gods.116 Religio designated the framework 116 John Scheid, An Introduction to Roman Religion (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2003), 23–4. 78 within which "an individual established a relationship with the gods": "a set of formal, objective rules, bequeathed by tradition."117 It was in strictly following these rules (i.e. exhibiting proper religious behaviour) that an individual could acquire the right sort of relationship with the gods: one rooted in divine favour rather than disfavour. Applied specifically to a place, religio took on a similar connotation to sacer: "a place set apart from regular [secular] use", with the implication that the god or gods for whom the place was reserved actually, in some sense, inhabited it.118 Finally, fas designates a lawful action "in the eyes of the gods"; its opposite, nefas, designates a forbidden action: an "impiety".119 Putting these terms together, we can construct an overall picture of the Genesis 2–3 situation as read through the vocabulary and categories of Roman religion. The Tree's fruits and, by extension, the Tree itself are sacros and thus the exclusive property of God, who explicitly reserves them for himself. Religio sacra (the repetition of the adjective adds extra emphasis), i.e. the laws which regulate human conduct in relation to the divine, stipulates that the Tree is to be neither destroyed nor even disturbed; the reason, of course, why this command is religio is simply that God himself has uttered it. Finally, so as to give no doubt as what behaviour is forbidden, God emphasizes that it is nefas to harm the Tree, and states outright that whoever plucks the fetus sacros will "pay for it by a deserved death" (morte luet merita). 117 Scheid, Roman Religion, 22–3. 118 Sabine MacCormack, "Loca Sancta," in Roman Religion ed. Clifford Ando (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2003), 252–72, at 256–8; she cites, as an example, religio...dira loci from Vergil 8.349–50. 119 Valerie M. Warrior, Roman Religion (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 146. 79 At this point, it is worth reiterating that none of these Greco-Roman religious concepts appear in the Genesis account. There is no suggestion that the Tree is the property of God, that it is protected by religious laws, or that plucking its fruit is a deeply impious action deserving of death — merely the neutral statement that Adam and Eve "must not do so". Nor do other early Christian interpretations of the Fall make use of such pagan religious language or ideas.120 Insofar as these concepts are present in the CV, they represent Proba's own IC. 4.2.2 The Forbidden Tree as sacred tree/grove: lucus In Roman religion, a great many things could be sacer: set apart for the gods. This included places, times, individuals, images, treasure, and paraphernalia associated with worship, among other things.121 However, the Forbidden Tree is repeatedly depicted in the CV as belonging to one special category of the sacer: the sacred tree or grove. Sacred groves, usually called ἄλσος or κñπος in Greek, and lucus or nemus in Latin,122 were important both in Greek and Roman religion, as is attested by archaeological, material, and literary evidence.123 As Scheid discusses, the Romans generally recognized two categories of sacred places: one was constructed by humans and set apart for a god or gods, while the other was a naturally occurring site chosen 120 In his paper "Prefiguration, Apocalypse, Tragedy: Three Trajectories of Patristic Interpretation of the Adamic Fall," Pro Ecclesia 29, no. 4 (2020): 407–28, Paul Blowers explores early Christian interpretations of the Fall, classifying them into three main groups: those which depicted Adam and Eve's fall as a prefigurative event imitated by all subsequent humans, focusing on virtue and vice; those which depicted the story of the Fall as revelatory of God's salvific economy, focusing on questions of free will and theodicy; and those which depicted the Fall story as a cosmic tragedy. Though this third category of interpretation draws upon Greco-Roman dramatic literature as a genre, there is no suggestion here that Greco-Roman religious concepts are brought into play. 121 Robert Parker, Miasma: Pollution and Purification in Early Greek Religion (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983), 154–76. 122 Maureen Carroll, "The Sacred Places of the Immortal Ones: Ancient Greek and Roman Sacred Groves," in A History of Groves, ed. Jan Woudstra and Colin Roth (London: Routledge, 2017), 14. 123 Maureen Carroll, "The Sacred Places," 13–33. 80 by the gods themselves and merely recognized by human beings as divine property, and thus respected as such. In general, the sacred grove (lucus) fell into the second category.124 To violate such groves by cutting down their trees was generally viewed as a religious offense, one punishable by a required sacrifice or a (sometimes substantial) monetary fine, or even by death, though the last was more common as a literary trope than an actual occurrence.125 Undoubtedly the most famous literary example of such a punishment is the passage from Ovid's Metamorphoses VIII.738–879 where the wicked king Erysichthon, having wilfully felled an oak sacred to Demeter, is punished by insatiable hunger which in the end claims his life: an episode which greatly influenced subsequent literary depictions of sacred groves,126 and may have been a direct inspiration for Proba as well. The Forbidden Tree is cast as "sacred tree/grove" repeatedly in the CV. As discussed above, its fruits are said to be sacros and it is protected from harm or disturbance by religione sacra. In the passage where the Fall actually occurs (CV 197–205), we are told that Adam and Eve "subjected that which was guarded by law, the once venerated tree, to a banquet" (quod lege tenetur, | subiciunt epulis olim venerabile lignum: 197b–8).127 Not only are we reminded of the Tree's protection by religious law (lege), but the Tree itself is explicitly characterized as olim venerabile lignum. This passage is drawn from Aeneid 12.767, where it refers to an actual sacred tree belonging to the native god Faunus (sacer Fauno...oleaster, 12.766) which has been 124 Scheid, Roman Religion, 63, 73. 125 Carroll, "The Sacred Places," 15 gives as an example of the latter Decimus Turullius, executed after felling trees in a grove sacred to Asclepius on Kos; note, however, that this may have merely been a pretext for his death, as suggested by Ailsa Hunt, Reviving Roman Religion: Sacred Trees in the Roman World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016), 129–30. 126 Hunt, Reviving Roman Religion, 122–5. 127 Translation from Schottenius Cullhed, Proba the Prophet, 148. 81 cut down (and thus violated) by the Trojans to clear the field for battle. This act is not without its repercussions, since Aeneas' spear later sticks fast in the stump after Turnus prays to Faunus and Earth (Terra). He (Turnus) has always, he states, observed their rites (colui vestros si semper honores, 12.778) which the Trojans, in contrast, have profaned (quos contra Aeneadae bello fecere profanos, 12.779). The native gods of the land, who recognize the tree as sacred, support Turnus' cause against the transgressors. Returning to the CV, we see the Tree and its immediate area specifically described as lucus in the passage where God confronts Adam and Eve, ordering them to maturate fugam, totoque absistite luco (228); the Vergilian passage (A6.259) refers to the lucus where the Sibyl opens the gate to the Underworld, a place which only Aeneas and the Sibyl, having been "purified" and thus no longer profani, may enter. In a related set of passages, Proba repeatedly describes the Tree using material drawn from Aeneid 6 and referring to the Golden Bough, itself a sacred tree or part of one. Vergil explicitly characterizes the Golden Bough as a plant similar to mistletoe, miraculously growing upon a host tree of an unrelated species (quale solet silvis brumali frigore viscum | fronde virere nova, quod non sua seminat arbos, A6.205–6). The Golden Bough is also "forbidden", though in a different sense from Erysichthon's oak, for, as we are told, it cannot be plucked by anyone but he whom the Fates have decreed to do so, i.e. Aeneas (namque ipse volens facilisque sequetur, | si te fata vocant; aliter non viribus ullis | vincere nec duro poteris convellere ferro, 146–8). Moreover, it is sacred to Proserpina, the goddess of the underworld and thus of death (latet arbore opaca | aureus et foliis et lento vimine ramus, | Iunoni infernae dictus sacer [...] hoc sibi pulchra suum ferri Proserpina munus | instituit, 136–143). The Golden Bough would thus seem to be a convenient pagan near-equivalent of the Forbidden Tree, and Proba accordingly casts 82 the latter in terms of the former. Material originally referring to the Golden Bough is re-used for the Tree: we read decerpserit arbore fetus in God's warning to Adam and Eve (A6.141 = CV 151b), and contigimusque manu quod non sua seminat arbor (= A6.206) in Adam's confession to God (CV 243). More indirectly, Proba re-uses several passages from Georgics 2 referring to grafted boughs, which recall the Golden Bough due to its "grafted" quality: ramis felicibus arbos, CV 148b = G2.81, from God's command to Adam and Eve; mirataque novas frondes et non sua poma, CV 201 = G2.82, referring to Eve as she plucks the forbidden fruit; and aliena ex arbore germen, CV 204b = G2.76, where Eve offers the fruit to Adam. 4.2.3 Touch and Pollution in the Fall That which is sacer is set apart for the divine from the objects and people of everyday human life, i.e. that which is profanus, the opposite of sacer. To touch or appropriate that which is the exclusive property of a god is to pollute its sanctity (defined in terms of purity)128 — that is, to risk (at least in theory) contaminating and degrading it such that it is no longer sacred. As Robert Parker writes, "When the barrier of respect that hedges round the sacred is violated, pollution occurs."129 In theory, such pollution attaches first to the violated object, and by inference to its divine possessor: "Through such acts, the pure gods suffer defilement."130 Nonetheless, as Parker goes on to explain, the ultimate pollution (and therefore punishment) is directed back towards the offending mortal, not the god whose sanctity has been violated: “Though mortals can pollute the gods, however, the gods do not seem to suffer by it [...] It is 128 Parker, Miasma, 144. 129 Parker, Miasma, 150. 130 Parker, Miasma, 145. 83 upon the offending mortal that the pollution rebounds; he falls into the power of the god whose purity he has violated.”131 Scheid accords: "[Impiety] consisted in denying the gods the honours and rank that were rightfully theirs, or in damaging their property by theft (sacrilege, in the strict sense of the term) or by neglect. [...I]f the offense was deliberate, it was inexpiable [...] the impious offender was 'handed over' to the gods for them to 'do justice' for themselves."132 Proba takes up and re-uses this pagan understanding of pollution as the violation of sanctity. Adam and Eve's transgression in the CV is mainly spelled out in terms of touching the sacred Tree and its fruit; though the concept of eating is not absent from the episode, it is placed in a less significant light and almost appears an afterthought. There are five prominent mentions of touch: hac quicumque sacros decerpserit arbore fetus (CV 151, God's command); nec tibi tam prudens quisquam persuadeat auctor | conmaculare manus (153–154a, God's command); instituuntque dapes contactuque omnia foedant (199, describing Adam and Eve touching the Tree and its fruit); summo tenus attigit ore (202b, describing Eve handling the fruit); and contigimusque manu quod non sua seminat arbor (243, Adam's confession to God). An associated passage is found at 213–214a, where God confronts Adam and Eve immediately after their sin (continuo invadit: “procul, o procul este profani” | conclamat); here, Adam and Eve are explicitly said to be profanus, the opposite of sacer and thus a threat to that which is sacer, i.e. the Tree. 131 Parker, Miasma, 145–6. 132 Scheid, Roman Religion, 26–7. 84 Two of these passages explicitly mention defilement: conmaculare manus and contactuque omnia [sc. arboris] foedant. These lines may appear contradictory: are Adam and Eve "staining" or "defiling" themselves, or the Tree? In fact, both are consistent with Parker's understanding of sacrilege. Adam and Eve initially defile the Tree, but the ultimate defilement (and thus punishment: exile from Eden and eventual death) rebounds upon them, the offenders. The imagery of conmaculare manus, however, draws upon another subspecies of pollution, that of murder. In an image which saw widespread use in literature and rhetoric, the blood of the victim was poetically depicted as physically clinging to the murderer's hands, rendering them unclean.133 This not only suggests that Adam and Eve's sin is equivalent in severity to murder; it also accords well with the traditional consequences for pollution by murder, both natural (increased sterility of the land, pronounced by God in CV 252–60) and societal (removal of the offender by exile: here, the "society" is that of God's presence in the Garden of Eden). On a final note, it is worth briefly discussing the imagery used in this section around food and eating. As mentioned, this is for Proba a secondary consideration: Adam and Eve's violation of religious law, and thus their sin, consists in them touching the sacred Tree and plucking its fruit; the fact that they go on to eat that fruit is of relatively little consequence (in contrast to the Biblical account, where it forms the core of their transgression). Nevertheless, Proba concedes to the Genesis narrative sufficiently to at least mention the action of eating, and she employs imagery from Vergil connected with this idea. Three passages draw upon the scene in Aeneid 7 where the Harpy Celaeno's ominous prophecy to the Trojans regarding "eating their tables" (3.255–7: sed non ante datam cingetis moenibus urbem | quam vos dira fames 133 Parker, Miasma, 104. 85 nostraeque iniuria caedis | ambesas subigat malis absumere mensas) is at last fulfilled: CV 198a (subiciunt epulis = 7.110); 199a (instuuntque dapes = A7.109); and 108a (corpora sub ramis = A7.108). Another passage, already discussed, draws upon the initial Harpy scene itself, depicting the Harpies fouling the Trojans' feast in Aeneid 3.227: instituuntque dapes | contactuque omnia foedant; this scene is also referenced in the Serpent's persuasion of Eve (extruimusque toros dapibusque epulamur opimis, CV 196 = A3.224). Finally, one line (CV 205, obicit atque animum subita dulcedine movit), in which Eve gives Adam the fruit of the Tree, draws upon Aeneid 6.421, where the Sibyl tosses Cerberus a morsel of drugged bread. Although these five passages do not form a coherent enough unity to rise to the level of conceptual Vergilian exegesis, their Vergilian connotations are contextually significant, suggesting associations between eating, fouled or drugged food, and a dire prophecy associated with a meal, all of which have resonances with Adam and Eve's consumption of the death-bringing fruit. This is therefore an example of what I have termed Vergilian contextual exegesis. 4.2.4 The Fall: Sanctity, Touch, Sacrilege and Pollution It is time to briefly summarize the narrative of the Fall as a whole as interpreted by Proba through the lens of conceptual Vergilian exegesis. The Tree, which in the Biblical account is merely "forbidden" for reasons unknown to the reader, is explicitly depicted as being sacer: an object designated by God as his own property and set aside exclusively for his own use. Furthermore, it is specifically a sacred tree, depicted by Proba as parallel to other sacred trees or groves, such as the Golden Bough, the olim venerabile lignum in Aeneid 12, and the Sibyl's lucus in Aeneid 6. When Adam and Eve (who, being human, are profanus rather than sacer) 86 touch the sacred Tree, they commit sacrilege, profaning and polluting that which is sacred. Ultimately, however, the pollution (and punishment) rebounds upon their own heads; thus they are said to stain their own hands (conmaculare manus) as well as the Tree (contactuque omnia foedant). Their sin, comparable in severity to murder, brings sterility to the land and exile from society (i.e. Eden and God's presence) upon Adam and Eve themselves. 4.3 The Cleansing of the Temple and the Last Supper: xenia/hospitium I will now turn to the second example of conceptual Vergilian exegesis that this chapter will examine. This is Proba's use of the Greco-Roman concept of xenia/hospitium to frame the two scenes immediately preceding the Crucifixion: the Cleansing of the Temple (566–579) and the Last Supper (580–599). I will begin by 1) laying out the underlying principles of hospitium as understood and practiced in the Greco-Roman world. Following this, I will begin my analysis with the latter scene, elucidating 2) how Proba depicts Jesus at the Last Supper as the ideal Greco-Roman hospes. From here I will turn to 3) the Cleansing of the Temple, which (in contrast to the Last Supper) serves as an instance of deficient or even perverted hospitium. Lastly, 4) I will bring these two episodes back together to analyse how Proba develops the concept of hospitium through both episodes, culminating in Christ's sacrifice as ideal exemplar of hospitium. 4.3.1 The concept of xenia/hospitium 87 As John Nicols writes, the practice of (pro)xenia or hospitium (the two are essentially interchangeable;134 I will henceforth use the latter term as we are dealing with a Latin text) appears to have been nearly ubiquitous in the ancient world.135 The earliest textual references to hospitium can be found in Homer, where it is largely depicted as a reciprocal and lasting relationship between elites. In Iliad 6, Glaucon and Diomedes recognize the "guest-friendship" (proxenia) established by their fathers; this leads to an exchange of gifts (armour) and a pledge not to fight one another. The Odyssey, with its emphasis on voyaging, features many examples of hospitium in the sense of receiving a guest (generally a traveller in need) into one's home; an illustrative example is the reception of the (disguised) Odysseus by the Phaeacians. The host, having received a guest, was under obligation to provide them with safe lodging, protection, food and drink (generally a lavish feast), entertainment (music and/or athletic games), and even valuable gifts upon departure; Odysseus' stay in Phaeacia features all of the above. Passages in epic that feature hospitium thus generally include a feasting scene, such as the Trojans' reception by Dido in Aeneid 1 and by the Arcadians in Aeneid 8. Hospitium as practiced in the Roman world tended to be less extravagant than in epic poetry, particularly when it came to gifts which, if given at all, tended to be small personal tokens136. However, the basic outlines — providing shelter, food, and safety to a guest — 134 John Nicols, "Hospitality Among the Romans," in The Oxford Handbook of Social Relations in the Roman World, ed. Michael Peachin (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 422–37, at 424; Gabriel Herman, "Friendship, ritualized (or guest-friendship)", in The Oxford Classical Dictionary (4 ed.), ed. Simon Hornblower and Antony Spawforth (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), accessed online, 1. 135 Nicols, "Hospitality Among the Romans," 422. Nicols goes on to state that "the Romans viewed guest-friendship both as an institution ‘shared’ not only with the Greeks, but with most other peoples", citing Roman texts which reference instances of hospitium among the Germans, Numidians, and Carthaginians: 424. (One might also cite the Trojans' reception by the Carthaginians in Aeneid 1, referenced above.) 136 Nicols, "Hospitality," 432. More often, the expense of hosting a guest was itself viewed as a "gift". 88 remained unchanged. Roman hospitium differed from Greek (pro)xenia in that it took two forms. Hospitium privatum closely resembled the Homeric ideal in that it involved a relationship between two private (often elite) individuals, while in hospitium publicum at least one of the two parties involved was a collective or a head of state representing one (e.g. a local senate or magistrate). The active partner (i.e. the hospes or host) in hospitium publicum was more often the collective, but this is not always the case. Nicols provides an example where a Roman individual, the senator Silvinus, "established guest-friendship with the senate and people of Munigua in Further Spain" (hospitium fecit cum senatu populoque Muniguensi Hispaniae ulterioris).137 One might be inclined to view hospitium as chiefly a social phenomenon, but in fact it is deeply rooted in Greco-Roman religious belief and practice. The demands of hospitium were guaranteed by divine authority — either the chief god himself, Zeus Xenios (for the Greeks) or Jupiter Hospitalis (for the Romans), or the gods more generally (dii hospitales) — and is almost universally regarded as being a profoundly sacred institution, termed sanctissimum by Cicero and sacratissimum by Seneca.138 To violate such a sacred relationship was a heinous crime: a magnum crimen, as Cicero terms it; a deed which only an ingratissimus would contemplate.139 Hospitium was viewed as a relationship so fundamental to not only human nature but nature more generally that even animals are represented as recognizing its demands: for example, Pliny, quoting Aristotle, writes that scorpions decline to sting hospites, while freely attacking 137 Nicols, "Hospitality," 430–1. 138 Cicero, In Verrem, II.2.110; Seneca Maior, Controversiae, VIII.6.7. Both cited in Nicols, "Hospitality," 424–5. 139 Nicols, "Hospitality," 424–5. 89 other individuals.140 To break or betray the bonds of hospitium was thus to prove oneself utterly uncivilized, even inhuman: it was an utterly impious action, something "only" (or not even!) "a wild beast would do."141 4.3.2 The Last Supper as hospitium; Jesus as ideal hospes The Last Supper narrative (CV 580–99) falls into two distinct sections. In the first (580–88), Jesus provides a feast for his followers and teaches them the "sacred rites" (ritusque sacrorum edocet). This is followed by a direct address to his disciples (588–99), consisting of a short discussion of "gifts" (donatus, munera) followed by a foretelling of his death the following day. I shall treat each of these sections, discussing how the Vergilian excerpts used and their new contexts portray Jesus as ideal hospes. The Last Supper narrative begins with a description of a two-part feast shared by Jesus and his followers. We see a time of general feasting (581–2), followed by a more solemn and structured ritual feast explicitly provided by Jesus (583–88) featuring periods of silence (tum facta silentia linguis, 585b) and prayers (inmiscetque preces, 588b), and involving bread (fruges, 586a), water (dulcesque a fontibus undas, 586b), and wine (merum, 587a). This second stage of "feasting" clearly refers to the Eucharist. Both sections draw prominently upon the section of Aeneid 1 in which the Trojans are hospitably received at Carthage by Dido, which contributes four excerpts: et dapibus mensas onerant et pocula ponunt, CV 582 = A1.706; postquam prima quies epulis mensaeque remotae, CV 583 = A1.723; dat manibus fruges, CV 586a#, adapted 140 Nicols, "Hospitality," 425–6. 141 Nicols, "Hospitality," 426. 90 from A 1.701, dant manibus famuli; and implevitque mero pateram, CV 587a = A1.729. Supplementary material related to the concept of hospitium comes from Aeneid 8, in which the Trojans are received by the Arcadians at Pallantium and treated to a two-part religious feast in honour of Hercules (devexo interea propior fit Vesper Olympo, CV 580 = A8.280) and from Aeneid 1, in which Aeneas provides a feast, in the form of two deer, to his shipwrecked men (tum victu revocant vires fusique per herbam, CV 581 = A1.214). The latter passage, as discussed in Chapter 3, allusively references (along with suspiciens caelum, CV 585a) the Feeding of the Five Thousand, subsuming this miracle into the even more wondrous sign of the Eucharist.142 Note as well that all three Vergilian exempla fall into the category of hospitium publicum: hospitality is shown to the Trojans as a collective by a head of state (Dido, Evander) or individual (Aeneas), which accords well with the Christian context (Jesus providing the Eucharist to his followers). Once the two-part feast is done, Jesus speaks to his followers. The first topic addressed (589–92) is that of "gifts". Jesus assures them that "none of you will go away without a gift" (nemo ex hoc numero mihi non donatus abibit, CV 590 = A5.305) and that their gifts "remain secure, and nobody will take away your palma" (vestra — inquit — munera vobis | certa manent, pueri, et palmam movet ordine nemo, CV 591b–2 = A5.348–9). Thus, we see Jesus promise each of his followers a guest-gift: another mark of the ideal epic hospes. Moreover, 142 Certain ancient Eucharistic prayers (as well as the later Roman Canon of the Mass, standardized by Pope Gregory I around 600 CE) also link these two episodes together. For example, Pseudo-Ambrose in De Sacramentis (around 400) gives the following formula: Qui pridie quam pateretur, in sanctis manibus suis accepit panem, respexit in caelum ad te... (Catholic Encyclopedia, "Canon of the Mass", accessed online 21 May 2025 at https://www.newadvent.org/cathen/03255c.htm). However, as the Latin Eucharistic liturgy was in a fluid process of development in the mid-to-late fourth century, this phrase may or may not have been in the prayers with which Proba was familiar. See Christine Mohrmann, Liturgical Latin: Its Origins and Character (Burns & Oates, 1959), 44–46, 55–58. 91 these two lines, themselves comprising the majority of the "gift" passage, are taken from the funeral games in Aeneid 5, implying not only guest-gifts (or "prizes") but also athletic entertainment following the feast. Like Achilles in Iliad 23 or Aeneas in Aeneid 5, Jesus is able to provide a munificent prize for each of the "competitors" (his followers); there are no "losers" in these "games", only winners. Though the conceptual Greco-Roman logic of this passage (Jesus as ideal hospes) is obvious, its Christian referent seems at first glance less clear. What are these "gifts" or "prizes" (munera) that Jesus is promising his followers? Though a number of Biblical referents spring to mind — for example, the "good gifts" which the Father knows how to give his children in Matt 7:11/Luke 11:13, suggested perhaps by promissa patris (CV 591a), or the "gifts of the Holy Spirit" in 1 Corinthians 12 — I believe we must look first and foremost to the immediate Biblical context of the passage. In Luke's account of the Last Supper, Jesus' institution of the Eucharist is immediately followed by a passage where the disciples quarrel about "who should be considered the greatest" (Luke 22:24). Jesus gently reprimands them, telling them that this should not be their focus; though the "Gentiles" strive for honour and lordship, among his disciples, the "greatest" is in fact the one who serves, rather than being served (Luke 22:25–7). This is immediately followed by a promise: he will bestow upon them, his faithful followers, a "kingdom" where they shall eat and drink at Jesus' table and judge the twelve tribes of Israel (Luke 22:28-–30). This promise is echoed in John's Gospel, where Jesus, after the Last Supper, tells the disciples not to be troubled (14:1), promising that "My Father’s house has many rooms; if that were not so, would I have told you that I am going there to prepare a place for you?" (14:2). 92 How does this Biblical discussion of "the greatest" and of promised rewards in heaven relate to the Vergilian excerpts chosen by Proba? In fact, all three Aeneid 5 passages in this section are drawn from a single episode: the footrace. Here we see an athletic instance of the rivalry and competition observed among "the Gentiles": each of the racers are striving to be recognized as "the greatest". However, the race does not turn out so as to reflect the true merits of the racers: the fleetest runner, Nisus, slips in some mud, deliberately obstructing the second-place runner Salius so as to let his beloved Euryalus claim first place. This gives rise to a quarrel in which Salius and Euryalus squabble over the first-place prize; Aeneas defuses the tension, assuring the runners that their prizes and standing in the race remain safe, while mollifying the angry Salius and the mud-drenched Nisus with extra gifts. This topsy-turvy logic recalls certain parables told by Jesus, most notably the Parable of the Workers in the Vineyard (in which all the workers are paid the same amount despite working for different lengths of time), concluding with the statement that "the last shall be first, and the first last" (Matt 20:1–16). Another important Biblical referent for this passage is St. Paul's athletic metaphor in 1 Cor 9:24–27, where he compares a life spent following Christ to athletic training: "Do you not know that in a race all the runners run, but only one gets the prize? Run in such a way as to get the prize. Everyone who competes in the games goes into strict training. They do it to get a crown that will not last, but we do it to get a crown that will last forever. Therefore I do not run like someone running aimlessly; I do not fight like a boxer beating the air. No, I strike a blow to my 93 body and make it my slave so that after I have preached to others, I myself will not be disqualified for the prize."143 Putting it all together, we can see how this short passage from Proba in fact reflects a wider and somewhat paradoxical Biblical dialectic regarding competition among believers. It is good for Christ's followers to continually strive for excellence, keeping their eyes on the "prize" (1 Cor 9:24); those who succeed will earn eternal glory, a "crown that will last forever" (1 Cor 25). Nevertheless, such striving should not be competitive, i.e. seeking one's own glory at others' expense; indeed, just as Christ demonstrated his "greatness" by serving, so believers should seek to humble themselves and to serve one another (Luke 22:25–7), for "the first shall be last, and the last shall be first" (Matt 20:16). All faithful followers of Christ will obtain the same reward: eternal hospitality in heaven, marked by perpetual glory and abundance (Luke 22:28–30). There is thus no need for Christians to squabble about earthly recognition, titles, or honours, as the footracers in Aeneid 5 do, for Jesus is able to provide each of his followers with a suitable reward. Indeed, here we see Jesus held up as the Greco-Roman host par excellence, surpassing even Aeneas or Achilles in his munificence; while these earthly heroes were able to provide only earthly gifts which pass away (horses, bronze cauldrons, armour and the like), Jesus is able to provide eternal gifts which last forever. Similarly, while an earthly host can only provide temporary lodging and feasting, Jesus will reward his followers with eternal hospitality in heaven which they will enjoy without end. It is worth noting that several of Jesus' parables also 143 NIV. See also Philippians 3:13–14: "But one thing I do: forgetting what is behind and straining toward what is ahead, I press on toward the goal to win the prize for which God has called me heavenward in Christ Jesus." (NIV) 94 employ a banquet as a metaphor for the promised Kingdom of Heaven (Matthew 22:1–14, 25:1–13; Luke 14:7–14, 14:15–24); by developing the Greco-Roman theme of hospitium, Proba implicitly brings the two traditions together. The third section of the Last Supper narrative features a speech by Jesus to his followers, after which he rests until the following dawn. In this speech, he foretells (rather obliquely) his death the coming day, using material drawn from the end of Aeneid 5, where Palinurus is lost, ensuring the fleet's safe passage to Italy. I will return to the significance of Palinurus in the next chapter where I discuss typologies of Christ; for now, I wish to look at this material as reflective of hospitium. Jesus states repeatedly that he alone will die (mecum erit iste labor, CV 597a; unum pro multis dabitur caput, 598a). By giving up his body to death, he will bestow peace upon his followers (dum paci medium se offert de corpore nostro, 595); thus, he tells them to put aside their cares (secludite curas, 596b). Here we see Jesus fulfilling to an unprecedented degree another aspect of the hospes' role: providing protection and safety for his guests. Just as an earthly host can provide only temporary food and lodging, so they can only provide a limited degree of protection for some finite time. Jesus, the ideal hospes, goes above and beyond: he sacrifices himself in order to provide his followers with an absolute and eternal assurance of safety from death by bestowing upon them redemption and eternal life. 4.3.3 The Cleansing of the Temple: Deficient/Perverted Hospitium The Cleansing of the Temple episode in the CV comes immediately before the Last Supper and is linked with it thematically. Like the Last Supper, it is built around the concept of hospitium; however, while the Last Supper shows Jesus as the ideal Greco-Roman hospes, the 95 Temple episode shows an example of deficient or even perverted hospitium in which strangers are exploited economically rather than shown hospitality. This inverted hospitium is rebuked by Jesus, who drives the money-changers and merchants from the Temple. Like the Last Supper episode, the Temple episode falls into two parts. In the first (CV 566–570), Jesus approaches the Temple, which is described at length. In the second, he gazes around the Temple and, seeing the merchants and money-changers, cracks a whip and furiously denounces them; they are terrified and immediately leave the Temple (571–9). The first passage, describing the Temple, takes around half of its material from Aeneid 7, where Aeneas' messengers approach the Latin city and King Latinus' palace. Aeneid 7:170–86 gives a detailed description of the latter: its impressive structure (A7.170–72), the activities that it supports (173–6), and its decoration, consisting of wooden statues of ancestors and trophies taken in war (177–86). It is important to note that the palace serves multiple functions. It is not simply King Latinus' home but also the seat of government (hic sceptra accipere et primos attollere fascis | regibus omen erat, 173–4); a temple (hoc illis curia templum, 174) — a function also suggested by its centum columnis (170) — in which sacrifices were performed (hic ariete caeso, 175); and a place of communal feasting (hae sacris sedes epulis; hic ariete caeso | perpetuis soliti patres considere mensis, 175–6). The two latter functions are closely intertwined in the text, and were conceptually linked for the Greeks and Romans as well. Most sacrifices144 were followed by a communal banquet of the meat that remained after the god's portion (usually the entrails, though sometimes other cuts of meat145) had been burned, and such a 144 The exception was the gods of the underworld; sacrifices to these gods were generally burned whole, as it was considered undesirable to feast with the gods of death. See Scheid, Roman Religion, 89–90. 145 Scheid, Roman Religion, 84–5. 96 feast was generally interpreted as being a banquet with the god in whose honour the sacrifice had been held.146 King Latinus' palace is thus a building built to provide hospitium to gods and humans alike, allowing the patres (elders of the city, senators) of line 176 to dine not only with one another, but with the gods as well. In the passage from the Aeneid, we see this theme of hospitality further developed as King Latinus receives the Trojan envoys; one of his first utterances, in fact, is to urge them to accept his hospitium (ne fugite hospitium, A7.201). Although there is no welcome feast — presumably because the majority of the Trojans, including their leader Aeneas, remain at the ships — Latinus provides the envoys with promises of peace and alliance, along with a pledge for his daughter Lavinia's hand. Gifts are exchanged: the envoys give King Latinus the gifts sent from Aeneas, and he reciprocates by providing each of the legates with a magnificent stallion, along with a chariot and fire-breathing horses of a divine lineage. All that is lacking, he says, to seal the pledge of guest-friendship (hospitium) and of peace (pax) between the two peoples is the customary handshake between himself and Aeneas (si iungi hospitio properat sociusque vocari, | adveniat, vultus neve exhorrescat amicos: | pars mihi pacis erit dextram tetigisse tyranni, A7.264–6).147 King Latinus' palace and his behaviour are thus both held up as models of hospitium and thus, by implication, pax, a theme which I will further develop in Chapter 6 of this study. In addition to the above passage, we are told that the Trojan envoys specifically go to King Latinus to seek pax (pacemque exposcere Teucris, 155) and that they return with assurances of this desired pax (sublimes in equis redeunt pacemque reportant, 285). 146 Scheid, Roman Religion, 85, 93–4. 147 On the handshake as pledge of hospitium, see Herman, "Friendship, ritualized," 2. 97 Proba's own description of the Temple (CV 566–70) draws heavily upon this Vergilian scene. Material describing King Latinus' palace is used four times in these five lines: antiqua e cedro (CV 567a = A7.178); centum sublime columnis (CV 567b = A7.170); horrendum silvis (CV 569a = A7.172); hoc illis curia templum | hae sacrae sedes (CV 569b–570a = A7.174–5). Another, related line, templumque vetustum (CV 566a = A2.713) refers to Ceres' temple outside Troy where the desperate Trojan refugees seek shelter from the destruction of their city. The implication is clear: the Temple, like King Latinus' palace, was built and intended to provide hospitium to its guests. Insofar as its representatives received anything from these guests, these were to be gifts, freely and reciprocally given rather than demanded. As Jesus goes on to state later in this passage, once again drawing from the Aeneid 7 episode, the Temple once did actually fulfil this function as a place of communal feasting: perpetuis soliti patres considere mensis ("here our ancestors were accustomed to sit at never-ceasing tables").148 In the second half of this episode, after the Temple's intended use, i.e. hospitium, has been made clear, Jesus surveys the Temple and is confronted by the reality of its current use: as a money-making venture. His reaction is immediate (horrescit visu subito, CV 572a): he cracks a whip (insonuit flagello, CV 572b), gestures (significatque manu, CV 573a) and shouts loudly in rebuke (magno simul intonat ore, CV 573). Three Vergilian excerpts from this section are taken from passages relating to the denial of hospitium. Firstly, intonat ore (CV 573b = A6.607) describe a Fury standing guard over a table in Tartarus, forever denying food to the impious Pirithous and Ixion. Quae mentem insania mutat? (CV 575b) is taken from Dido's speech to 148 This reading follows the Vergilian model. An alternative reading, patrum, is attested by several manuscripts. I have diverged from Schottenius Cullhed (but followed Fassina and Lucarini) in adopting the Vergilian reading, with patres taken in the sense of "forefathers, ancestors" rather than the Vergilian "elders, senators". 98 herself in Aeneid 4.595, where she reproaches herself for not having slaughtered Aeneas and his son at once rather than granting them hospitium. In a final striking passage, the merchants are terrified by Jesus' angry speech and leave their tables at once: mensasque metu liquere priores (CV 579b = A3.213). This latter passage refers, in Vergil, to the Harpies, who have been preventing Phineas from eating at his own tables or showing hospitium to his guests until they are driven away by the Argonauts. Proba thus viscerally depicts the merchants and money-changers as sinister Harpies, preventing anyone from accessing the Temple's hospitium and (metaphorically) "fouling" the intended feast so that none can eat. The imagery of the Harpies recalls the Harpy-related imagery used by Proba in the Fall (see page 84 above), suggesting a connection between the two. We might thus say that the Fall also represented a perversion of hospitium, but this time by the guests (Adam and Eve) who, though granted hospitium in Eden by God, abused this hospitium by stealing what rightfully belonged to their hospes (i.e. the fruit of the Tree). In depicting Jesus' rebuke to the merchants in such harsh Vergilian terms, Proba is remaining true to her Biblical model, interpreted through a Greco-Roman conceptual lens. In all three Synoptic Gospels, which have nearly identical accounts here, Jesus states that it is written that his house, the Temple, should be a house of prayer, but that the merchants are making it "a den of robbers": e.g. Mark 11:17, Οὐ γέγραπται ὅτι Ὁ οἶκός μου οἶκος προσευχῆς κληθήσεται πᾶσιν τοῖς ἔθνεσιν; ὑμεῖς δὲ πεποιήκατε αὐτὸν σπήλαιον λῃστῶν. The implication is twofold. First, the money-changers, who converted Greek and Roman money into coinage permissible 99 for Temple use149 and merchants, who provided sacrificial animals for use in the Temple at greatly marked-up prices, are financially exploiting travellers — the needy in particular, since sellers of doves (offered only by the poor: see Lev 5:7) are explicitly mentioned.150 As Nylund writes, the Temple thus functioned as a banking system, generating vast amounts of income.151 Secondly, this exploitative and disruptive economic activity is taking place not even outside the Temple but rather inside its "courts"; this is generally taken to refer to the Court of the Gentiles, originally provided as a place for non-Jewish people to worship.152 Mark's account is particularly significant in this regard, as Jesus says specifically that his house should be a house of prayer for all nations (πᾶσιν τοῖς ἔθνεσιν, Mark 11:17). Foreigners, the archetypal recipients of hospitium in the ancient world, have been promised a special place to worship in the Temple, which they are being denied by the merchants and money-changers. To sum up: Jesus' "house", the Temple, is intended as a place of hospitium where travellers, both Jewish and Gentile, can freely come to join with God in the communal fellowship of prayer, just as King Latinus' house — also a temple — is a place where gods and humans (both native and foreign) can banquet together on the sacrifices offered. Instead, the merchants have perverted the Temple's intention by making the Court of the Gentiles the locus of economic 149 Jan Nylund, "The Court of the Gentiles," in The Lexham Bible Dictionary, ed. J. D. Barry, D. Bomar, D. R. Brown, R. Klippenstein, D. Mangum, C. Sinclair Wolcott, & W. Widder (Bellingham, WA: Lexham Press, 2016), accessed online Jul 5 2024, https://lucris.lub.lu.se/ws/portalfiles/portal/57820558/Court_of_the_Gentiles_m_fr.pdf. The coinage used appears to be Tyrian shekels, used to pay the Temple tax. Other coinage was deemed unsuitable for use in the Temple due 1) to varying weight and value and 2) to idolatrous images featured on the coins. 150 There is some debate among Biblical scholars regarding the precise target of Jesus' anger in this episode: is Jesus objecting to 1) the Jewish sacrificial system more widely or to 2) the selling of animals at exploitative prices? Also, more to the point, how precisely would Proba have understood this passage? In fact, I contend that either interpretation could work; whether the sacrificial system as a whole is exploitative, or whether it is simply being exercised in exploitative ways, it still represents a perversion of hospitium. 151 Nylund, "The Court of the Gentiles," 2–3. 152 Nylund, "The Court of the Gentiles," 1–2. 100 exchange rather than a place of quiet and solemn worship. A relationship which is deeply sacred and which should be freely given and received — the hospitium of communion with God — has been perverted into an opportunity to extract money from the poor and desperate. No Homeric or Vergilian hero, Proba seems to be saying, would act in such a grasping and indeed impious way. To transgress hospitium is (we will recall) a deeply barbaric, inhuman act, akin to a form of violence. It should not surprise us, then, that two lines from this section link the Temple merchants to the violence of war and conquest: Jesus, seeing the coins, asks aera micantia cerno (CV 574b = A2.734) Caesaris et nomen? (CV 575a = G3.47). The first excerpt, in its Vergilian context, refers not to the glitter of coins but the glitter of the approaching Greeks' weapons and armour spotted by Anchises, as Troy is ransacked. The behaviour of the merchants is thus linked with the violence of armed conflict and the name of Caesar, representative of Roman rapaciousness and conquest. As I will explore in Chapter 6, this is for Proba the ultimate denunciation: violence and war are, for her, the archetypal enemy, a continual and looming threat dispelled only by Christ's pax. 4.3.4 Cleansing of the Temple and Last Supper: Conclusions Finally, it is instructive to consider these two episodes side by side, as they occur in the CV, along with their theme of hospitium. After arriving in Jerusalem, Jesus approaches the Temple, which like King Latinus' palace was built in order to show hospitium to all travellers, both Jewish and foreign: a place where human beings and God could once enjoy fellowship together. However, the merchants and money-changers installed in the Temple have perverted and co-opted this ideal of hospitium, reducing it to the level of an economic transaction. Those 101 particularly deserving of hospitium are denied it: the poor and needy are exploited, and foreigners are denied the peaceful shelter of the Court of the Gentiles, now a bustling marketplace. The Temple has thus become a money-making venture designed to extract profit from travellers rather than a place of freely offered guest-friendship. From hospitium denied and perverted we turn to an exemplar of correct hospitium: the Last Supper. Here Proba depicts Jesus in terms of the ideal Greco-Roman hospes. He feasts with his disciples, provides a banquet for them (the Eucharist), promises them each a guest-gift, and even gives himself up to die to ensure their safety. Jesus' guests (his followers) need not compete and quarrel in order to gain their "prizes"; like the munificent Achilles or Aeneas, Jesus will provide rewards for all who strive to follow him. Indeed, Jesus goes beyond even the legendary Greek heroes as the ideal hospes, for while they can provide only temporary and limited hospitium, Jesus' hospitium is eternal and infinite: his followers will enjoy everlasting lodging in heaven and will forever feast with him in his communal banquet. 4.4 The Believer's Relationship with Christ: Filial pietas and paternal manes cult The final passage I will examine in this chapter is the "confessional" passage at CV 415–28, in which Proba depicts the relationship between the faithful Christian believer and Christ in terms of the relationship between Aeneas and his father Anchises. More precisely, the Christian believer's attitude and devotion to Christ should resemble Aeneas' filial piety and devotion to first his aged father (in Aeneid 2), then his father's deified spirit (in Aeneid 5). Before examining in detail Proba's conceptual exegesis, however, I will first contextualize the confessional 102 passage as a whole, as it has been somewhat sidelined in previous studies of the CV due to its unusual qualities. In fact, this passage is rather different from the other two examined in this chapter, for it is written not in the third person (like most of the CV) but in the first person; thus it forms part of what Schottenius Cullhed terms the "extradiegetic"153 material of the CV, a category which also includes the preface (CV 1–55), a brief interlude between the OT and NT sections of the poem (333–337), and the epilogue (689–694). Unlike them, however, it is placed in the middle of the NT narrative, directly following the account of Christ's baptism and preceding the Temptation in the Wilderness; as such, it has no counterpart in the OT section of the poem, which maintains a seamless third-person narration throughout. Though this short interlude may at first glance appear intrusive, structurally disruptive, and awkwardly placed, I will argue that its positioning in fact reflects a deliberate logic on Proba's part. First, however, I will briefly summarize its contents. This confessional, "prayer-like" passage is formed of three distinct sections.154 In the first and longest (CV 415–21), the author breaks out into a passionate expression of thanks to Christ (heu pietas, heu prisca fides! quas dicere grates | incipiam, si parva licet conponere magnis?, CV 415–16). He has, she states, answered her prayers (hic mihi responsum primus dedit ille petenti, 419) and delivered her from a hopeless situation, restoring her to health (nec mihi iam patriam antiquam spes ulla videndi | nec spes libertatis erat nec cura salutis, 417–18), cleansing her from sin (concretam exemit labem purumque reliquit | aetherium sensum, 420–421a) and 153 Schottenius Cullhed, Proba the Prophet, 113. 154 Schottenius Cullhed, Proba the Prophet, 48. 103 granting her the promise of heaven (meque in mea regna remisit, 421b). In the next section (422–5), she vows to follow Christ, come what may (quo res cumque cadent, unum pro nomine tanto | exequerer, 424–425) — even at the cost of exile and personal danger (illum ego per flammas agerem si Syrtibus exul | per varios casus, per mille sequentia tela, 422–3) — and to continue in faithful worship of him (strueremque suis altaria donis, 425). The final section (426–8), only three lines long and constructed mainly from material taken from Eclogues 5 and 10, depicts the landscape itself bursting into song at Christ's coming (huius in adventum tantarum in munera laudum | ipsi laetitia voces ad sidera iactant | intonsi montes respondent omnia valles), imagery reminiscent of certain Psalms (e.g. 96:12–13: "Let the fields be jubilant, and everything in them; let all the trees of the forest sing for joy. Let all creation rejoice before the LORD, for he comes, he comes to judge the earth"; 98:8–9: "Let the rivers clap their hands, let the mountains sing together for joy; let them sing before the LORD, for he comes to judge the earth," NIV.) Why does Proba interrupt her NT narrative at this point to insert a personal confession of her faith and her devotion to Christ? I contend that the vital clue lies in the line si parva licet conponere magnis. Since the previous episode (CV 380–414) depicted in detail Jesus' baptism by John (made "great" both by Jesus' divine nature and the miraculous signs which mark him out as the Son of God), it is logical to assume that by parva Proba is referring to her own baptism.155 This conclusion is supported by the benefits which Proba outlines — freedom 155 Clark and Hatch, The Golden Bough, 108 state that the passage refers to "[Proba's] own conversion to the Christian faith and the baptism which brought her forgiveness of sins," but they do not give any more detailed reasoning. Another possibility was suggested to me by Gernot Wieland (personal communication): by parva Proba may simply mean her own speech of praise for Christ, which is here compared to the magna (verba) of God the Father to his Son at his baptism. 104 (libertatis), salvation (salutis), cleansing from sin (concretam exemit labem purumque reliquit | aetherium sensum) and eventual access to Paradise (patriam antiquam, mea regna) — benefits which, Christians generally believed, only baptism could confer. Schottenius Cullhed attributes these benefits instead to Proba's "conversion" more generally (presumably, from paganism to Christianity),156 but in fact we do not know if Proba was born pagan or Christian. If the former, her conversion would certainly have included the process of baptism; if the latter, she may have been baptized as an infant, an older child or adult, or during a medical crisis which raised the possibility of imminent death.157 In any case, the most natural reading of the passage is that it references baptism specifically, not merely an internal conversion (either from paganism to 156 Clark and Hatch in The Golden Bough also assume that Proba was born pagan and later converted to Christianity, citing (195 note 11) CV 13–23, but no further reasoning is given; they further expand on this idea at 123, where they locate the date of Proba's supposed conversion as "no more than a dozen years, if that" before her writing of the CV. At 109 they interpret CV 415a heu pietas, heu prisca fides as a "woeful cry" which indicates that "her desertion of the familial religion for the new faith caused her no small anxiety." I disagree with these authors regarding anxiety on Proba's part, since the other first-person passages of the CV are written in a supremely confident (even, at moments, self-aggrandizing) tone. However, if a pagan convert, Proba may well have been motivated by a broader wish to adapt into the milieu of her new faith what she found good and worth preserving in the old. The emotional force of the repeated heu in CV 415a I take to refer to Jesus, who like the Vergilian referent of the line Marcellus will die young — a fact foreshadowed in the preceding Baptism episode, as I discuss in my article "A Feminine Typological Trinity," 288. Marcellus thus arguably acts as a type of Christ in this brief passage, though he is referenced in relation to Christ only once more in the CV, at 568a ingreditur = A6.856 (in the Cleansing of the Temple episode). 157 It is necessary at this point to briefly discuss the timing of baptism. It is well-known that in the fourth century, a trend arose among certain (but not all) Christian believers to delay baptism to the point just before death, due to its supposed effect in cleansing the believer of all sins and the fact that it could not be subsequently repeated; thus Constantine, for example, was baptized on his deathbed. The Church Fathers are nearly unanimous in depicting this practice as undesirable (though it is not nowhere condemned outright): see Everett Ferguson, Baptism in the Early Church (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Wm B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 2009), 618–25 for examples. However, the very fact that they felt the need to write against it speaks to its relative popularity. Other concurrent practices were infant baptism, where the child was baptized shortly after birth (ensuring its salvation in a time of high infant mortality), or "believers' baptism" (see Ferguson, Baptism, 626–7), where baptism was postponed until the child or young adult had reached the age of rational choice; the latter group includes many of the Church Fathers themselves. Due to a paucity of evidence, it is difficult to determine the relative frequency of these customs, which likely varied from one Christian community to another in any case. Proba, of course, may have been baptized as an infant, as an older child or young adult, during a medical crisis, or during a conversion from paganism to Christianity; what seems evident from the text is that she was baptized before writing the CV. In support of this, Clark and Hatch (126) also point to CV 21 quae sitiens hausi sanctae libamina lucis, which appears to refer to Proba's participation in the Eucharist (from which an unbaptized Christian would of course be barred.) 105 Christianity, or from a lukewarm Christian persuasion to passionate belief) — a reading supported by a line from the CV's prologue referring to Proba herself, "washed in the Castalian fount" (Castalio sed fonte madens),158 which also appears to allude to baptism, as Schottenius Cullhed herself suggests.159 The centrality of baptism to salvation, alluded to above, may be demonstrated from passages found throughout the Church Fathers, of which just a few selections follow. For example, Clement of Alexandria writes: "When we are baptized, we are enlightened. Being enlightened, we are adopted as sons. Adopted as sons, we are made perfect. Made perfect, we become immortal . . . ‘and sons of the Most High’ [Ps. 82:6]. This work is variously called grace, illumination, perfection, and washing. It is a washing by which we are cleansed of sins, a gift of grace by which the punishments due our sins are remitted, an illumination by which we behold that holy light of salvation."160 Basil of Caesarea employs an impressive list of metaphors to convey the efficacy of baptism for salvation: "Baptism is a ransom to captives, a forgiveness of debts, the death of sin, regeneration of the soul, a shining garment, an unassailable seal, a chariot to heaven, the agent of the kingdom, the gift of adoption."161 Cyril of Jerusalem's verdict 158 Schottenius Cullhed adopts the reading madens, following a number of manuscripts. Fassina and Lucarini give magis instead, but dagger the line as a whole, presumably due to its metrical deficiencies (I thank my colleague Sarah van der Pas for this observation). They reject madens on the grounds that a Christian would not use pagan mythological imagery (Castalio...fonte) to refer to the waters of baptism. However, given Proba's ready use of pagan mythological imagery elsewhere in the CV, I contend that there is no good reason for rejecting madens and that it aligns with references to baptism elsewhere in the poem. 159 Schottenius Cullhed, Proba the Prophet, 124, following Clark and Hatch as well as others: see n. 155 above. 160 Clement of Alexandria, The Instructor of Children 1:6:26:1, translation from "Baptism in the Early Church, 2–5th Centuries", accessed online, https://www.trinitysa.org/blog/2021/11/17/baptism-in-the-early-church-2-5th-centuries, published Nov 17, 2021. 161 Basil of Caesarea, Exhortation to Baptism 5, translation from Everett Ferguson, "Baptism", in Brill Encyclopedia of Early Christianity Online, ed. David G. Hunter, Paul J.J. van Geest, and Bert Jan Lietaert Peerbolte, published online, https://referenceworks.brill.com/display/entries/EECO/SIM-00000375.xml 106 is even more blunt: "If any man does not receive baptism, he does not have salvation."162 As Ferguson writes, baptism was seen in the third and fourth century as "the high point of Christian experience";163 thus it is unsurprising that Proba would choose to interrupt her Biblical narrative at this pivotal point, following her depiction of Christ's baptism with a heartfelt confession of her faith as grounded in her own baptism. 4.4.1 Aeneas and the faithful Christian believer: CV 422–25 I will now turn to the middle section of the confessional passage, CV 422–25, which draws heavily upon Vergilian material depicting Aeneas' filial piety towards Anchises. In fact, the larger confessional passage as a whole reflects a heightened interest in these two Vergilian characters; of 24 Vergilian excerpts total, fully half (12) directly involve Aeneas or Anchises or both. This interest is even more focused in the central section of the passage (CV 421–25: seven excerpts total), where every single excerpt involves Aeneas and/or Anchises, and five out of the seven involve both.164 Given this preponderance of material, it seems evident that Proba wishes the reader to connect the subject of the CV passage (the believing Christian's faithful devotion to Christ through hardship and peril) to the Vergilian context (Aeneas' faithful devotion to his father through hardship and peril). Strikingly, Proba does not confine herself to material involving only the living Anchises; while three of these five excerpts relate to Aeneas' rescue of his aged father from Troy (illum ego per flammas, CV 422a = A6.110; mille sequentia tela, CV 162 Cyril of Jerusalem, Catechetical Lectures 3:10, translation from "Baptism in the Early Church, 2–5th Centuries." 163 Everett Ferguson, "Baptism." 164 I will focus on the latter, but for the sake of thoroughness, the former two are CV 423a per varios casus, per (= A1.204, where Aeneas exhorts his men to trust him despite the perils of their voyage) and 424b pro nomine tanto (= A8.472) where Evander declares that his strength in war is feeble compared to that of Aeneas and his men. 107 423b = A6.110; quo res cumque cadent, unum CV 424a = A2.709), the other two depict Aeneas' yearly worship of his father's manes, i.e. deified spirit (agerem si Syrtibus exul, CV 422b = A5.51; exequerer strueremque suis altaria donis, CV 425a = A5.54). Proba is thus willing to depict her own worship of Christ in terms of pagan familial manes worship — an almost unbelievably positive mode of IC given the otherwise almost uniform hostility to pagan religious practice among Christian authors of her time. Moreover, the implication of this association is that Aeneas' own piety (much emphasized by Vergil) and devotion stands as a pagan exemplar for the faithful Christian believer. This instance of IC is thus, like the two previous examples in this chapter, an instance of conceptual IC: where a Christian religious concept is framed, explained, or depicted in terms of a pagan religious concept. 4.4.2 Anchises: A Type of Christ? Before I turn to an in-depth discussion of this passage, I first wish to dispel one possible objection. If Aeneas stands in here for the Christian believer, could we not in turn interpret the figure of Anchises as a type of Christ? In other words, could this passage not be said to be an example of typological (discussed in Chapter 4, below) rather than conceptual exegesis? It is true that we could potentially conceive of a passage in which Proba depicts Anchises as a typological precursor to Christ, as there are similarities between the two: most notably, Anchises is both mortal (since he dies during the voyage from Troy) and divine (since Aeneas worships his spirit as a deified human in Aeneid 5), just as Christ is simultaneously human and divine. As Charles King demonstrates in his groundbreaking book on the Roman manes cult, the 108 Romans unequivocally viewed the manes of the departed as gods,165 referring to them as di manes, "the manes gods" or "the divine manes", depending on whether one takes di as an adjective or a noun in apposition.166 Like gods, the manes expected worship and were able to intervene on behalf of their worshippers, granting them longer life, giving them advice, or helping in other ways:167 all of which suggest Christ, who bestows eternal life upon his followers. The departed Anchises receives worship from Aeneas and subsequently answers his prayers by providing guidance at a pivotal moment (after the Trojan women have tried to burn the ships): specifically, he tells Aeneas to follow Nautes' advice and, leaving behind those who wished to stay in Sicily, to sail to Italy, where he is first to seek the Sibyl's advice and aid in descending to the underworld before going on to establish his new kingdom in Latium (A5.724–40). Moreover, Anchises descends to the underworld after death like Christ descending into Hell; Aeneas then meets him in a joyful reunion in Elysium which might be seen to anticipate the Christian idea of the resurrection (A6.637–702). Such considerations might lead a reader to contemplate viewing Anchises as a type of Christ. However, there are compelling reasons not to accept such an exegesis of this passage. As discussed in Chapter 3,168 I argue for three criteria which a typological exegesis must fulfil for 165 Charles King devotes the first chapter of his book The Ancient Roman Afterlife (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2020) to disproving the idea, popular in older scholarship, that the spirits of deceased humans could not be regarded as gods. (As King describes, previous generations of scholars often defined the category of "god" explicitly to exclude the manes, due to a popular feeling that they were unworthy of the term "god".) As he unequivocally states: "Manes are the deified spirits of dead Romans that continue to exist once the physical bodies of those Romans have expired." (2) Among the evidence he cites (1–14) is the name di manes itself, the wide diversity of "gods" that the Romans recognized (penates, Lares, Olympian/cult deities, etc.), and the actual behaviour of Romans vis-a-vis the manes: that they worshipped the manes as they did other gods, i.e. by offering sacrifices and gifts and requesting supernatural favours in return. 166 King, The Ancient Roman Afterlife, 3–4. 167 King, The Ancient Roman Afterlife, 89–120. 168 See Chapter 3, page 71–3. 109 the reader to accept it as valid: 1) that the type reflects some essential attribute of the antitype; 2) that the Vergilian role played by the type in the passage under consideration resembles the Christian role played by the antitype; and 3) that no strong affective factors weigh against the reader associating the two characters. 1) is fulfilled here — like Christ, Anchises is both mortal and divine — but 2) is not; though Anchises does provide a limited degree of supernatural advice for Aeneas, this act is nowhere referenced in the Vergilian excerpts which Proba actually uses. Moreover, Anchises' overall role in aiding Aeneas is peripheral at best, for Nautes has already suggested to Aeneas the majority of the plan which Anchises recommends, and in any case, Anchises does nothing more than provide advice; unlike (say) Venus or Jupiter, he never physically intervenes on Aeneas' behalf. Indeed, even the assistance that he does provide is only "at Jupiter's command" (imperio Iovis huc venio, A5.726). Anchises' actions are thus helpful to a limited extent, but scarcely salvific in the same way that Christ's death and resurrection are salvific for the Christian believer. Moreover, 3) presents an even greater problem here, for three of the five excerpts (as mentioned above) involve Aeneas rescuing his aged father from the burning city of Troy. Anchises' frailty and helplessness — his need for salvation rather than his ability to provide salvation to others — make him an incongruous stand-in for Christ as Saviour. Even after his death and deification, he remains "frail" in a certain sense: his ghost cannot linger in the upper world beyond daybreak (iamque vale; torquet medios Nox umida cursus | et me saevus equis Oriens adflavit anhelis, A5.738–9) and vanishes away like smoke after speaking to Aeneas (dixerat et tenuis fugit ceu fumus in auras, A5.740). This, combined with his extremely limited ability to act in Aeneas' aid, precludes us as readers from categorizing him as a type of Christ. Indeed, the emphasis in the Vergilian material which Proba 110 uses is all upon Aeneas' actions rather than Anchises': specifically, Aeneas' behaviour towards his father, which can far more readily be viewed as a pagan exemplar of ideal Christian behaviour towards Christ. 4.4.3 Willing Martyrdom, Worship of Christ, and Filial Piety I will now return to the conceptual analysis of CV 422–25. As discussed above, Proba juxtaposes two main groups of excerpts from the Aeneid here. Three of the excerpts, from Aeneid 2 and 6, come from passages which depict Aeneas rescuing his father from Troy: one of them narrates the action directly (quo res cumque cadent, unum CV 424a = A2.709), while the other two feature Aeneas relating the story of their escape to the Sibyl (illum ego per flammas, CV 422a = A6.110; mille sequentia tela, CV 423b = A6.110). Proba takes up and applies these lines to her own relationship with Christ: she will, she says, follow Christ alone for the sake of his name through flames or a shower of arrows, through any danger whatsoever and even through exile (illum ego per flammas, agerem si Syrtibus exul, | per varios casus, per mille sequentia tela | quo res cumque cadent, unum pro nomine tanto | exequerer, CV 422–25). Here Proba replaces the idea of Aeneas carrying his father from Troy with the more appropriate idea of "following" Christ (exequerer). Rather than needing to be rescued, it is Christ who confronts danger first and foremost, and the Christian believer need merely follow in his footsteps. This image recalls Christ's dictum: "If anyone would come after me, let him deny himself and take up his cross and follow me" (Matt 16:24, ESV; see the similar statements in Mark 8:34 and Luke 9:23, as well as 1 Peter 2:21: "To this you were called, because Christ suffered for you, leaving you an example, that you should follow in his steps," NIV). Thus, in speaking of "following" 111 Christ, this passage seems to be referring to the possibility of persecution or even martyrdom: a concern that may seem distant in Proba's time, given that Christianity had been legal for decades. However, Proba would certainly have been familiar with the stories of earlier Christian martyrs. Moreover, if the CV was indeed written during the reign of Julian,169 persecution and martyrdom might well have once more been on the minds of the Christian community, though in actual fact Julian's anti-Christian actions were minimal.170 Regardless, Proba presents the Christian believer as a faithful follower of Christ who is willing to endure exile, injury, pain, and even death for the sake "of such a name" (pro nomine tanto, CV 424b). This Vergilian excerpt is derived from a speech of Evander to Aeneas, in which he tells Aeneas that compared to his (Aeneas') fame, Evander's own might in war is feeble. Just so, Proba seems to be saying, the Christian believer is feeble compared to Christ — again, turning the idea of a strong Aeneas vs. a feeble Anchises on its head — yet we must follow him faithfully with all the strength and courage we possess. The other two excerpts in this section (agerem si Syrtibus exul, CV 422b = A5.51; exequerer strueremque suis altaria donis, CV 425a = A5.54) are taken from the episode in Aeneid 5 where 169 As proposed by various scholars, starting with Amatucci in 1929; see the discussion in R.P.H. Green, "Proba's Cento: Its Date, Purpose, and Reception," Classical Quarterly 45, no. 2 (1995): 554–60. The general idea is that the CV is a response to Julian's edict (see note 170 below) against Christians teaching pagan literature, and that Proba's composition of the CV was an attempt to either evade the edict by "smuggling in" Christian literature in the guise of a Vergilian cento (a hypothesis Green rightly dismisses as "not for a moment likely"); to "meet Julian halfway" by presenting a Vergil devoid of its religious content; or simply to provide an "alternative" classical literature which Christians could (without pain of conscience) teach to Christian children. Schottenius Cullhed (Proba the Prophet, 53), having examined the evidence, concludes that there is insufficient proof that the CV "was intended exclusively for young students" (italics mine), though this may have been one intended use. 170 The most onerous legislation was probably the edict of 362 on education, which prevented Christians from teaching literature to pagan students. For the text of the edict itself see Green, "Proba's Cento," 555; for the text of the subsequent rescript from Julian ("Rescript on Christian Teachers") which elaborated the law's intent with regard to Christian teachers, see Julian, The Works of the Emperor Julian Vol. III, Loeb Classical Library, ed. and trans. Wilmer C. Wright (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1923), 116–123. 112 Aeneas makes ritual offerings at his father's tomb. By utilizing these two excerpts, Proba casts the Christian believer's faithful and regular worship in terms of Roman manes worship: the worship of departed, and thus deified, human spirits. Though often referred to as "ancestor worship" in the literature, this Roman religious practice is more accurately termed manes worship or cult, since it involved the worship of a far vaster range of deified dead, including spouses, children, other non-ancestral relatives, or even those who bore no familial or marital relationship to the observer. For example, in certain situations a debtor or creditor of the deceased's estate might find themselves as the primary worshipper of their manes.171 It is also important to note that, in general, worship of "ancestors" beyond the immediate generation was relatively uncommon since the number of required ritual observances would otherwise quickly become unmanageable, though exceptions were sometimes made for a particularly distinguished ancestor.172 The observances which Aeneas performs for his father's spirit — scattering flower petals, making drink offerings (bowls of wine and sacrificial blood) and performing sacrifices (two sheep, two cows, two heifers, plus an unspecified number of sacrificial "gifts" offered by his companions) — resemble those of the yearly Parentalia festival, in which the dead were honoured with similar though usually less elaborate sacrifices,173 though Aeneas' observances take place on the anniversary of his father's death (late summer)174 rather than mid-February as was customary for the Parentalia.175 By taking up this material from Vergil and re-applying it to Christian worship, Proba depicts faithful, regular and 171 King, The Ancient Roman Afterlife, 33–44. 172 King, The Ancient Roman Afterlife, 55–61. 173 King, The Ancient Roman Afterlife, 155. 174 Franklin H. Potter, "How Long Was Aeneas at Carthage?," The Classical Journal 21, no. 8 (1926): 615–24. 175 The Parentalia took place February 13–21: see King, The Ancient Roman Afterlife, 104. 113 generous worship of Christ with Aeneas' similarly pious and open-handed worship of his father's spirit: a remarkable juxtaposition given the hostility of most of her contemporaries to pagan religious practice. She even goes so far as to take a line that, in Vergil, refers to animal sacrifice (strueremque suis altaria donis, in the Vergilian original referring to Aeneas' offerings of slaughtered animals and bowls of blood and wine) and reapply it to the (bloodless and presumably financial) dona that the Christian worshipper should bring. No less shocking is her implicit association of a pagan altar (one vividly depicted as covered with slaughtered animals and their blood) with its Christian equivalent — a juxtaposition that most of her Christian contemporaries would no doubt view with shock and horror.176 Yet Proba's IC does not end here. The defining characteristic of Aeneas is, of course, his piety. Nicholas Moseley observes that Vergil uses the epithet pius or a related term (e.g. pietate insignis) for Aeneas a total of 25 times in the Aeneid, and writes, "it is evident that the poet meant to impress the reader with this side of his hero's character."177 Like most Roman religious terms, pius and pietas are difficult to define, but they generally refer to a human being having proper relationships with others, particularly family members and the gods.178 King argues that the latter variety of pietas is in fact conceptually dependent on the former: "pietas was a way of conceiving of relationships with gods as being based on reciprocity on the model 176 See Kahlos, Debate and Dialogue, 119–26. 177 Nicholas Moseley, "Pius Aeneas," The Classical Journal 20, no. 7 (1925): 387–400, at 387. 178 John Scheid, Roman Religion, 26 also mentions relationships with friends and fellow-citizens as ones to which pietas was relevant. 114 of relationships between family members."179 Thus, as Scheid writes, "Virgil's Aeneas is pius because he observes right relations to all things human and divine."180 Though the two Aeneid episodes referenced in this passage of the CV both concern Aeneas' pietas towards his father, they in fact exemplify both halves of this definition: Aeneas' courageous rescue of his father from Troy demonstrates pietas towards humans, while his observances of his father's deified spirit depict pietas towards the divine realm. As King writes: "The transformation from living human to manes extended familial pietas into religious pietas. The obligations of pietas already linked the family members in life, and the death of a family member would thus extend an already established reciprocity in a new form, as the former family member became a deity."181 Thus, in holding up Aeneas' relationship with his father as a model for the faithful Christian believer's attitude toward Christ, Proba also takes up the Roman religious idea of filial pietas as a model for Christian piety. This connection is not only implicit; the confessional passage as a whole begins with the exclamation heu pietas, heu prisca fides! which in the immediate context applies to Jesus, but serves to turn the reader's mind towards the concept of pietas more generally. Clark and Hatch, discussing Proba's referencing of traditional Roman values such as marital fidelity, observe the prevalence of material referring to Aeneas and Anchises throughout the CV as a whole (including ten borrowings from the escape from Troy) and conclude that filial pietas is of particular interest to her.182 Notably, the 179 King, The Ancient Roman Afterlife, 78. 180 John Scheid, "Religion, Roman, terms relating to," in Oxford Classical Dictionary, 3rd ed., ed. Simon Hornblower and Antony Spawforth, accessed online Jul 5 2024, at https://www.oxfordreference.com/display/10.1093/acref/9780198606413.001.0001/acref-9780198606413-e-5549?rskey=RVZReW&result=2. 181 King, The Ancient Roman Afterlife, 45-6. 182 Clark and Hatch, The Golden Bough, 111–16. 115 CV concludes with a wish that her descendants (nepotes) should remain faithful in the worship of Christ. To do this, Proba seems to be saying, they should — like all traditional Roman children — take Aeneas for their model. If they can exemplify the same devoted and courageous pietas towards Christ that Aeneas showed towards his father, they will observe the proper Christian religious attitude as well. 4.5 Conclusion To summarize, this chapter has outlined three different extended examples of conceptual exegesis within the CV, where Christian narratives and concepts are depicted in terms of concepts drawn from Greco-Roman paganism. Proba depicts the narrative of the Fall in terms of sanctity, pollution, sacred law (fas/nefas) and the sacred tree/grove (lucus); the Cleansing of the Temple and the Last Supper in terms of sacred hospitality (hospitium); and the individual Christian's relationship to Christ in terms of Aeneas' pietas toward his father both before and after his death. In so doing, Proba in a certain way goes beyond the forms of IC outlined in the previous chapter, for by explaining Christian concepts using pagan ones, she seems (at least according to a bold reading) to be assigning pagan religious concepts and language a validity even above Christian ones. A more cautious reading, though, would perhaps represent her as placing Christian and pagan religious concepts on an equal footing (after all, the core of her narrative remains Christian, not pagan). Either way, it is clear from the above analysis that Proba's use of conceptual exegesis is a particularly, and unusually, strong form of positive IC. 116 Chapter 5: Typological Vergilian Exegesis We will now move on to the next category of Vergilian exegesis employed by Proba: typological exegesis. This is derived from, and remains closely related to, the late antique hermeneutical strategy of explaining the Old Testament by reference to the New: interpreting OT characters, situations, or objects (the "type") as prophecies of Christ as "antitype" (associated characters, such as his mother Mary, and processes such as baptism may also function as antitypes). Of all the varieties of hermeneutical exegesis which Proba employs in the CV, typological exegesis has been by far the most discussed: a 1981 monograph and article by Clark and Hatch,183 articles by Jensen,184 Stratis Kyriakidis,185 Margoni-Kögler,186 Karla Pollmann,187 Harich-Schwarzbauer,188 Anni Laato189, and Schottenius Cullhed's 2015 monograph190 all explore Proba's typological strategies in the CV. I will begin this chapter with a short explanation of OT typological exegesis and how it operates. Following this, I will summarize previous scholarly work on typology in the CV and, in particular, discuss the thorny question of historicity in typology, before proceeding to my main topic: Vergilian typologies of Christ from the second half of the CV (338–694). I will systematically present and discuss the various Vergilian typologies which Proba employs for 183 Clark and Hatch, The Golden Bough. 184 Jensen, "Prophetin, Poetin und Kirchenmutter." 185 Stratis Kyriakidis, "Eve and Mary: Proba's Technique in the Creation of Two Different Female Figures," Materiali e discussioni per l'analisi dei testi classici 29 (1992): 121–53. 186 Margoni-Kögler, "Typologie." 187 Karla Pollmann, The Baptized Muse (OUP, 2017), 102–19. 188 Harich-Schwarzbauer, "Von Aeneas zu Camilla." 189 Anni Maria Laato, "Adam and Eve Rewritten in Vergil's Words: Cento of Proba," in Adam and Eve Story, vol. 2: In Jewish, Christian, and Islamic Perspectives, ed. Antti Laato and Lotta Valve (Turku, Finland: Åbo Akademi University, 2017), 85–117. 190 Schottenius Cullhed, Proba the Prophet. 117 Christ, arranged into categories (gods, demigods, mortal humans, and assorted other typologies). I will end with a discussion of two rather problematic categories: "deified" human beings, most notably the Roman emperor Caesar Augustus, and the Phrygian Penates, material statues of gods. 5.1 Christian Typological Exegesis of the OT Christian typology originated as a technique for explaining the Old Testament by reference to the New, hence demonstrating that the two testaments are, in effect, unified. The OT's lengthy descriptions of Israel's law, history, and prophecy are not only important or interesting for their own sake, but because they point ahead to, or prophetically prefigure, the coming Saviour, revealed in the NT. The term for this form of exegesis, typology, originates from the Greek word τύπος, an impression or image; the word ultimately comes from τύπτω, to beat or strike. The underlying thought, in Eberlein's words, is "the making of an impression in the active as well as the passive sense, the image (eikon and mimema), therefore, in the sense of a model and of a copy, just as the coiner's die and hammer give a coin its impression with a single blow."191 The model or antitype is Christ as Saviour, as revealed in the NT; the image or type, a mere copy, is an OT character, object, or situation which prophetically points to him. The image or copy, speaking temporally, precedes the model (rather than the other way around as in the literal action of stamping a coin), but it is ultimately dependent upon, and thus logically secondary to, it. Seminal studies of typology in early Christian exegesis include those by Erich 191 Eberlein, "Interpretatio Christiana," 3. 118 Auerbach,192 Leonard Goppelt,193 and Jean Danielou.194 All three scholars, in their discussions, foreground the historical aspect of the Old Testament, a subject on which I will have more to say in a moment. In this conception of typology, the "medium" onto which the "image" has been stamped (drawing once again upon the τύπος metaphor) is human history itself, most prominently Jewish history as related in the OT. In this view, God is overtly active within history, shaping it according to not only his immediate purposes but also in order to embed within it signs which point to Christ's incarnation.195 The earliest instances of Christian typological exegesis may be found in the New Testament and indeed in the words of Christ himself, who in the Gospels explains himself and his ministry using various passages from the Old Testament. For example, he compares his crucifixion to the episode of the Brazen Serpent from Numbers 21:4–9 (John 3:14–15: "Just as Moses lifted up the snake in the wilderness, so the Son of Man must be lifted up, that everyone who believes may have eternal life in him") and his burial, followed by the resurrection, to the episode of Jonah swallowed by the whale (Matthew 12:40: "For as Jonah was three days and three nights in the belly of a huge fish, so the Son of Man will be three days and three nights in the heart of the earth"). Similarly, in an extended passage from John 6 Jesus speaks of himself as the true manna, the "bread that comes down from heaven and gives life to the world" (John 6:33, referencing Exodus 16). Though there is no explicit mention of τύπος or even of prophecy here 192 Erich Auerbach, Scenes from the Drama of European Literature (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1959), 11–76. 193 Leonard Goppelt, Typos: The Typological Interpretation of the Old Testament in the New, trans. Donald H. Madvig (Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1982). 194 Jean Danielou, From Shadows to Reality: Studies in the Biblical Typology of the Fathers (London: Burns & Oates, 1960). 195 In Goppelt's words (Typos, xv): "Typological exegesis assumes a divine sovereignty over history, an assumption that admittedly not everyone is prepared to accept. But it may, nonetheless, be a defensible assumption." 119 – these images could, logically speaking, serve merely an illustrative purpose – various passages from the Gospels clearly depict Jesus representing the OT writings as broadly prophetic of his ministry: "And beginning with Moses and all the Prophets, he explained to them what was said in all the Scriptures concerning himself" (Luke 24:27); "But this has all taken place that the writings of the prophets might be fulfilled" (Matthew 26:56). In a similar vein, the Gospel writers themselves adduce many additional instances in Christ's life and ministry where various prophesies or other points from OT Scripture are "fulfilled."196 This method of exegesis is extended by Paul, who is the first Christian author to use a term from the τύπος family (τυπικῶς, "by way of examples" or "typologically"). In his writings, he clearly represents the OT as prophetically anticipating the New: "Now these things [Israel's wanderings] occurred as examples (τυπικῶς) to keep us from setting our hearts on evil things as they did" (1 Cor 10:11); "The message I proclaim about Jesus Christ, in keeping with the revelation of the mystery hidden for long ages past, but now revealed and made known through the prophetic writings by the command of the eternal God, so that all the Gentiles might come to the obedience that comes from faith" (Rom 16:25–6).197 Christ is thus depicted as the new Adam, who unlike the first (who brought death into the world) brings instead life (Rom 5:12–21). Throughout Hebrews (a book of uncertain authorship, though traditionally attributed to Paul), another type is foregrounded, receiving an even more elaborate treatment: Christ as the Great High Priest, anticipated by the mysterious OT figure of Melchizedek.198 Paul's types are not confined to Christ: in 1 Corinthians 10 he links the rite of baptism to Israel's 196 For example, Matthew 2:13, 2:23, 13:14, etc. 197 Examples taken from Goppelt, Typos, 127. 198 Both these types are discussed at length in Goppelt, Typos, 129–36 and 163–70. 120 passage through the Red Sea (a typology much used by later authors) and in 1 Galatians 4:21–31 he develops an elaborate illustration for the Old and New Covenants, represented here by the wives of Abraham, Hagar (a slave) and Sarah (free).199 For the latter, however, he uses not a τύπος-term but rather the related term ἀλληγορέω: ἅτινά ἐστιν ἀλληγορούμενα, "these things are said allegorically." Paul's typological method was taken up and further developed by the Church Fathers, both Greek and Latin, as well as within the visual arts: Eberlein discusses visual types of Christ that include the sacrifice of Isaac, Joshua, Daniel, the youths in the fiery furnace, and Noah's ark.200 Daniélou systematically discusses types drawn from Genesis, Exodus, and Joshua by the Church Fathers from Irenaeus to Augustine,201 though typology continued as a mode of Biblical exegesis through and beyond the Middle Ages into the modern world. (Luther, in particular, employs it quite heavily, as Goppelt points out in the Introduction to his work.202) As demonstrated by the Hagar/Sarah example above, the borderline between "typology" and "allegory" was even in Paul's day difficult to draw, and has remained a point of contention among scholars of typology. Auerbach, Goppelt, and Daniélou all work to draw a clear dividing line between these two related but (in their view) distinct forms of early Christian OT exegesis, typology and allegory: to this end, they tend to emphasize the historicity of typology.203 Both the type and the antitype, Goppelt baldly states, must be historical facts.204 Typology is thus 199 Examples from Eberlein, "Interpretatio Christiana," 3. 200 Eberlein, "Interpretatio Christiana," 4. 201 Daniélou, From Shadows to Reality. 202 Goppelt, Typos, 6. 203 Goppelt, as discussed below, states the distinction outright. Daniélou is somewhat less consistent in that he makes throughout his work various statements regarding the "essence" or "basis" of typology: for example, that typology is based upon similarity (p. 30) or upon analogy (31), that it rests upon an "imperfect order" that anticipates a "perfect order" (31), and that it rests upon the historical (52). Auerbach, in his essay "Figura," touches upon both ideas: "...figura is something real and historical which announced something else that is also real and historical. The relation between the two events is revealed by an accord or similarity" (29). 204 Goppelt, Typos, 17–18. 121 rooted in the literal sense, which is in turn firmly anchored in facticity; the latter event (antitype) represents in some way a deepening or escalation of the first (the type), which serves as a sign or prophetic shadow of the antitype to come. The result is a unified conception both of history, where God is continually active, and of the Scriptures, in which the OT points forward to the NT. In contrast, allegory is philosophical, timeless, and seeks a deeper or hidden meaning which is obscured (rather than revealed) by the literal sense. Daniélou cites as an example of the latter Philo's allegory, further developed by Origen, of the Garden of Eden: Adam stands for the human soul, Eve for sensation, the trees of Eden for virtues, the beasts for passions, and so forth.205 Here there is no sense of historical progression — the allegory portrays timeless philosophical truths rather than future occurrences — and a somewhat arbitrary linkage between the literal sense and the "deeper meaning" represented (it is not clear how trees are particularly "virtue-like", for example). 5.2 Typological Exegesis in the CV: Past Scholarship Before moving on to my own results concerning typologies in the CV, I will briefly summarize previous work on this topic. Such studies not only present specific typological examples from Vergil/Proba, but also grapple with the larger question of what typology, in essence, is; how, or whether, it differs in essence from allegory and metaphor; and how it can logically be adapted from its traditional use for OT exegesis to encompass material from Vergil, a pagan poet. Scholarship on typology in the CV reflects a continuum of thought ranging from affirming 205 Daniélou, From Shadows to Reality, 57–65. 122 typology as rooted in historicity (in accordance with Goppelt, Eberlein, and Danielou's view above), to seeing it as contiguous with and even a subcategory of allegory writ large. After summarizing this conversation, I will add my own contribution, outlining three major functions of typology to address the question of whether typology must be rooted in historical fact. The first scholars to explore typology in the CV are Clark and Hatch, who in The Golden Bough, the Oaken Cross examine Proba's use of, and allusion to, various OT (but not Vergilian) typologies: e.g. Christ as the second Moses, hinted at in CV 361–363.206 In the same year, Clark and Hatch published an article, "Jesus as Hero,"207 arguing that Proba depicts Jesus as a traditional Greco-Roman hero (a role particularly exemplified by Aeneas); however, they do not explicitly frame this literary act in terms of "typology." Kyriakidis adopts a similar approach in a 1992 article on Eve and Mary in the CV, arguing that Proba carefully selects Vergilian material referring to various negatively portrayed female characters (Dido, Scylla, Clytemnestra, etc.) in order to repeatedly paint Eve (and through her the female gender writ large) in a highly negative light, while downplaying Mary's femininity to present a portrait of her "beyond characteristics of sex and weakness."208 The first scholar to explicitly mention Vergilian types in the CV is Jensen, who suggests Aeneas as a type of Christ in her 1998 article, comparing him to Biblical types such as Moses and David; Christ, like a "new Moses," can also be seen as a "new Aeneas" in his function as the 206 Clark and Hatch, The Golden Bough, 161–9. As discussed in Chapter 3, Mary secretly sending the baby Jesus away to be cared for (something which does not happen in any of the Gospel accounts) suggests Jochebed entrusting Moses first to the ark of reeds and then to Pharoah's daughter to be raised in secret. 207 Clark and Hatch, "Jesus as Hero." 208 Kyriakidis, "Eve and Mary," 152. While Kyriakidis' evidence regarding Eve is compelling, his conclusion regarding Proba's broader view of the female gender has been challenged in favour of a more nuanced interpretation: see Schottenius Cullhed, Proba the Prophet, 145, as well as my discussion regarding female types for Christ later in this chapter. 123 founder of a new kingdom (i.e. the "Kingdom of Heaven" which Christ announces). The article goes on to connect the violent nature of the Aeneid with the similarly warlike Old Testament; both, she argues, need to be "overcome" in favour of the new, peaceful kingdom of heaven which Christ brings. Jensen argues for typology as a broadly structuring mechanism in the CV and notes Proba's readiness to cross gender boundaries in her use of typology, citing as an example the implicit association between Cupid as son of the goddess Venus209 and Christ as the son of God the Father. In his 2001 article "Typologie in den Christlichen Vergilcentonen," Margoni-Kögler takes a more theoretical approach to address head-on the question of defining typology vis-a-vis allegory. Rather than, like Danielou, viewing typology as an independent method of early Christian exegesis anchored specifically within salvation history, Margoni-Kögler — citing a lack of support for this distinction in the patristic authors themselves — argues that typology should be seen as continuous with, and ultimately indistinguishable from, broader techniques of allegory. This shifts the emphasis from the prophetic and religious dimension of typology to its literary aspect: typology becomes simply a subcategory of intertextuality viewed more generally, in which any author can engage with reference to any earlier text. This distinction is made even more explicitly in his article "Women Promoting Literary Inculturation: A Case Study of the Aristocratic Roman Matron Faltonia Betitia Proba and Her Biblical Epic," also published in 2001. Discussing typology, Margoni-Kögler writes that "Proba’s way of contextualizing Vergil is her specific reading in her specific situation which allows her to portray Vergilian characters as 209 Not Juno (!): pace Jensen, "Prophetin, Poetin und Kirchenmutter," 46. 124 types of biblical characters" (italics original),210 an approach highly reminiscent of Martindale's principle that "meaning is always realized at the point of reception." The ultimate source of the type, Margoni-Kögler contends, is not the source text or its author, but rather the centonist who selects characters from the hypotext to use as types. The former article goes on to examine in detail two typologies suggested by earlier scholars of the CV: namely, Jesus as Aeneas and Eve as Dido. In a 2004 article (later reprinted in her book The Baptized Muse), Pollmann in part responds to this definition of typology, placing the emphasis on Proba's Christian interpretation of Vergil. Proba is not simply making clever use of standard literary techniques such as intertextuality or allegory: rather, she is seeking to uncover a specifically Christian message which she believes already exists, in a latent form, in Vergil. In other words, she is doing Christian exegesis.211 Similarly, Harich-Schwartzbauer, in her 2009 article, takes up both Jensen and Margoni-Kögler's ideas, further developing Aeneas as a type for Christ while juxtaposing this typology with a second, gender-crossing typology for Christ hitherto unexplored: the warrior maiden Camilla. Through an in-depth analysis of Proba's use of Camilla-focused material in the passages referring to Jesus' birth (375–9) and his first adult appearance in public (384–7), Harich-Schwartzbauer discusses how these two typologies work in concert with a third typology for Christ which appears in the latter passage: the disguised goddess Iris. With this we arrive at Schottenius Cullhed's seminal 2015 monograph on the CV. Schottenius Cullhed takes up Jensen's, Margoni-Kögler's, Pollmann's, and Harich-Schwartzbauer's findings 210 Michael Margoni-Kögler, “Women Promoting Literary Inculturation," at 127. 211 Pollmann, "Sex and Salvation," 112–3. 125 regarding typology in the CV, developing and expanding them. In addition to further exploring previously suggested types, she points out some hitherto overlooked ones: for example, Hercules as a type of Christ in the Ascension scene. She also makes a useful terminological distinction between what she terms "biblical typologies" (with an OT type, e.g. Eve, corresponding to an NT antitype, e.g. Mary), "semi-biblical typologies" (with a Vergilian type such as Aeneas corresponding to a NT antitype such as Christ), and "internal typologies" (where the same material is used for two different episodes in the CV, connecting them).212 Like Danielou she emphasizes the historical aspect of typology — the role of the type and antitype in "salvation history" — but argues that the hypertext (the CV) functions in relation to not one but two hypotexts (i.e. the Bible and the Vergilian texts), each featuring a historical narrative which it merges and transforms. "Thus, Christianity is presented as the fulfilment of the Roman history...Through such operations, Roman pagan, Hebrew and Roman Christian master narratives...are unified in one salvation history."213 Two subsequent articles remain to be mentioned. In the first of these, Laato (2017) takes up once again the question of Adam and Eve's portrayal in the CV, providing a counterweight to Kyriakidis' rather stark conclusions regarding the female gender in Proba. Finally, in my own 2024 article I further explore Proba's use of typology in the baptism episode from the CV (380–414), showing how the three members of the Christian Trinity (God the Father, Christ, and the Holy Spirit) are each enfigured (a term I will explain shortly) in Proba's work using female types: Camilla, Iris, the female dove (columba), and Venus. 212 Schottenius Cullhed, Proba the Prophet, 15–16. 213 Schottenius Cullhed, Proba the Prophet, 16. 126 5.3 Vergilian Typology: Theory and Historicity Despite certain differences, all the scholars discussed above agree that the CV reflects in some way an extension of OT typological exegesis to Vergilian types; insofar as disagreement exists, it is in how to conceive of or theoretically justify this extension. Given that traditional Christian OT typological exegesis seems, as discussed in several prominent studies, to be rooted in factual human history, can we logically extend the category of typology to encompass the characters depicted in a literary text such as Vergil's poetry? Schottenius Cullhed offers one possible approach by inviting us to view the Biblical and Vergilian narratives as part of a merged Jewish and Roman "salvation history", with types for Christ freely drawn from either half of the combined narrative.214 This may work for certain characters from the Aeneid (such as the pageant of historical Romans in 6:756–886), and possibly even for a quasi-legendary figure like Aeneas, though there was considerable disagreement even among ancient historians as to whether he, along with other early Roman figures such as Romulus, could be properly termed "historical".215 To extend this designation, however, to more legendary demigods such as Hercules, and even to deities such as Venus or 214 Such an approach is supported by early Christian historical chronicles such as the Chronicle of Eusebius, later translated and extended by Jerome, which sought to bring the various events of Mediterranean and Near Eastern history (Greek, Roman, Syrian, Jewish, etc.) together into a single synthesized timeline. Denis Feeney, Caesar's Calendar: Ancient Time and the Beginnings of History (University of California Press, 2007), 28–36, provides an in-depth discussion. 215 As Feeney writes concerning Romulus: "Romulus is on a fascinating borderland, right on the fringe of what is susceptible to historical treatment. As Pelling observes, to Plutarch Numa lies “just this side, Romulus just the other side of the boundary.” You can nudge Romulus farther back into the mist or bring him farther out into the sunlight, and the decision as to whether he goes one way or the other will vary according to the agenda and genre of each author." Feeney, Caesar's Calendar, 88. 127 Neptune — all of which Proba uses typologically — raises major problems. Even when such figures were given a specific place in the historical record by early Christian chronicles, such as Eusebius and Jerome do for a limited number of mythological figures, they were generally given a strongly Euhemeristic interpretation; indeed, the very act of anchoring them to a specific point on a historical timeline would seem to implicitly transfer them from the realm of timeless immortality to that of mortality (and thus mere humanity).216 Yet, as I will demonstrate below, when Proba draws upon divine or semi-divine figures as typologies for Christ, it is often precisely their status as fully or partially divine (or the supernatural powers granted by this status) that makes them suitable types for Christ. A Euhemerizing historical interpretation thus will not do here as a basis for Proba's typology. Furthermore, the label of "historicity" is generally inapplicable to the Eclogues or the Georgics, works from which Proba also draws typologically, if less often. It seems, then, there is no side-stepping the question: in order to argue for this variety of Proba's exegesis as typological (rather than belonging to allegory or intertextuality more generally), we must either meet this challenge head-on and demonstrate why typology is not necessarily confined to the strictly historical, or else limit ourselves to Vergilian types which can be said to be historical or at least quasi-historical, such as Aeneas. Alternatively, we may follow 216 For example, in year 620 of the Chronicle, Eusebius and Jerome give a Euhemerized version of the myth of Persephone: "The fable of Proserpina, whom Aidoneus carried off — that is, Orcus, king of the Molossians. His dog named Cerberus, of enormous size, devoured Pirithous, who had come to abduct his (Aidoenus') wife with Theseus. When the latter found himself already in mortal danger, Hercules arrived and set him free. For this reason he (Hercules) is spoken of as if he had been received from the underworld: so Philochorus writes in the second book of the Atthis." Another strategy which Eusebius and Jerome use is to simply relay, without verifying them, reported events which are said to have happened in a particular year: e.g. year 643, "Those things which are told concerning Procne and Philomela." For the complete Chronicle, see Roger Pearse, "The Chronicle of St. Jerome," published online at https://www.tertullian.org/fathers/jerome_chronicle_00_eintro.htm 128 Margoni-Kögler, giving up the conception of "typology" as a clearly defined category and treating it as continuous with allegory and intertextuality more broadly. Indeed, certain scholars have criticized this clear-cut distinction between "typology" and "allegory" as overly tendentious,217 pointing out that the Church Fathers themselves are not clear about the distinction (for example, St. Ambrose uses the term "types" in referencing both the Philonian allegory of Adam and Eve as the soul and body and the Christian typology of Adam and Eve as Christ and the Church218). However, despite some such inconsistencies in terminology among the texts they study, Goppelt and Daniélou do succeed in broadly outlining two distinct varieties of exegesis: the first specific, prefigurative, and rooted in the literal sense; the second general, abstract, timeless, and philosophical in aim. To reject this distinction, as Margoni-Kögler does, is a somewhat drastic expedient, particularly given that Proba's actual use of Vergilian characters is far more similar to the first sort of exegesis (the typological) than the second sort (the allegorical). There is no sense here that Proba aims to draw timeless moral or philosophical truths out of Vergil's work. Rather, she clearly treats it as a prophetic anticipation of the Christian message, as she states programmatically at 23 (Vergilium cecinisse loquar pia munera Christi.) Are scholars such as Goppelt then correct in stating that a type must be anchored in a real historical event? Undoubtedly, the Church Fathers by and large accepted the OT scriptures as 217 In addition to Margoni-Kögler (discussed above), see Andrew Perriman, "Typology in Paul," Theology 90, no. 5 (issue 735, 1987): 200–206, who examines a number of "typological" passages in Paul and highlights various difficulties with Goppelt's characterization of typology. He concludes that it is "very difficult to impose the category of typology on Paul's use of the Old Testament without distorting the logic of the particular correspondence. There is very little evidence that Paul worked with a clear model of typological exegesis and in many cases it seems that the perceived correlations are illustrative or metaphorical rather than typological. Much of the difficulty stems from the fact that the word 'typology' conceals a fundamental ambiguity" (205). 218 Daniélou, From Shadows to Reality, 47. 129 broadly "historical" (though even in the first few centuries CE there were questions regarding the historicity of Genesis in particular219), and this general belief in their historicity would have naturally transferred over to the ways in which they spoke about types drawn from the OT; they would have treated them as historical. However, it is premature to reject on this basis the notion that pagan mythological figures (which had, at best, a disputed level of historicity among Christians) can serve a typological purpose. The relevant question is not so much whether Christian typological exegesis in late antiquity was generally rooted in (what was viewed as) the historical; it is whether Christian typological exegesis must inevitably be rooted in the historical. If we look critically at the roles played by a historical type, might all or at least some of those roles also be played by a non-historical type? If so, we would be justified in applying the term "typological" to the latter as well, though perhaps it would be necessary or at least helpful to qualify it so as to distinguish it from specifically historical Christian exegesis (e.g. "non-historical typology"). The question has important ramifications not only for the CV but for Christian exegesis today more broadly, for by and large modern Biblical scholarship does not share with late antique Christianity the preconception that all or even most of the OT is a faithful record of actual historical events.220 If typology is to remain a valid method of exegesis for contemporary Christians, it must — short of assuming a strictly literalist approach to the Scriptures — be able to admit at least types, if not antitypes, which are not rooted in factual history as such. To this 219 Augustine, for example, treats many points from Genesis 1–3 as metaphorical or analogical rather than literal, particularly those that do not make logical sense when taken literally: for example, the repeated statement that there was evening and morning (even before the creation of the sun on Day 4!) he takes to refer to the completion of one stage of God's "work" and the beginning of a new one. Guido Jacobs, "Augustine of Hippo: Advocate of Scriptural Metaphor," Cuestiones Teológicas 49, no. 112 (2022): 1–21. 220 Goppelt, in the Introduction to Typos, hints at but does not deal with this issue. 130 end, and based on the typologies seen in the NT and early Christian writings, I will enumerate three functions which, I contend, mark out a given exegesis as typological in nature and set it clearly apart from allegory more widely. 1) Typology serves a prophetic function (undoubtedly the most often discussed of the three functions): the type prefigures — i.e. chronologically anticipates and foreshadows — the antitype. Here we are indeed in the realm of "history" in a certain sense, insofar as to perform this function the type must appear before the antitype chronologically. However, there is nothing here to prevent a type from being purely literary or fictive rather than historical. For example, when we read Psalm 118:22 ("The stone the builders rejected has become the cornerstone"), later interpreted typologically in Mark 12:10, it is difficult to seriously argue that the psalm text refers to a particular literal, historical stone rejected by a particular group of builders; it is far more likely to be a poetic image invented by the author. Yet Christ himself uses it typologically to refer to himself. Therefore, as long as a particular non-Christian literary text was composed prior to Christ's life, there seems no reason why it should not serve this first typological function. 2) Typology serves a revelatory function: the type — taken in its literal meaning — portrays, explains, or elucidates some essential quality of the antitype. This function is far less often spoken about, though I examine it in detail in my 2024 paper "A Feminine Typological Trinity in Proba's Cento Vergilianus 380–414." As I discuss, the type enfigures the antitype, such as we see the antitype through the lens of the type. Margoni-Kögler hints at this when he speaks of typology as a "picture-theology" (Bildtheologie) which "draws conclusions...about invisible reality from sensible experience (aus sinnlich Erfahrbarem auf die unsichtbare Wirklichkeit 131 schließt)."221 An excellent Biblical example of this function is the extended type of Melchizedek, developed by the author of Hebrews over a series of four chapters (Hebrews 5–8). The author does not simply present Melchizedek as a prefiguration of Christ (this could be done in a sentence or two); rather, he carefully and at great length explains Christ's ministry in terms of the ministry of an earthly priest. We, as readers, are invited to understand Christ and his saving work in terms of Melchizedek. One important aspect of typology to note while discussing this enfiguring function in particular is that different typologies function in a complementary way to one another: each presents a different lens through which we can view the antitype, revealing certain features even as it obscures others. Indeed, the NT is filled with various typologies, some of which have surface features which might even seem contradictory (for example, Christ is also portrayed as a new Moses, but Moses was not a priest, while Melchizedek was not a lawgiver). The overall effect is rather like a mosaic: each typology should perform a uniquely revelatory function, in that it sheds light upon a unique facet of Christ's identity, life, or ministry. Again, there is nothing in any of this to prevent a pagan mythological figure from serving typologically, and in fact certain passages of the Church Fathers suggest such typologies: for example, Clement uses the mast to which Odysseus is tied as a metaphor for (or even a prefiguration of) the Christian, bound like Christ to the Cross,222 and Eusebius paints Christ as a new Orpheus in an extended passage.223 221 Margoni-Kögler, "Typologie," 142. 222 Clement of Alexandria, Protrepticus 12.118.4. 223 Eusebius, Oration in Praise of Constantine 20, cited in D.C. Allen, "Milton and the Descent into Light," The Journal of English and Germanic Philology 60, no. 4 (1961): 619. 132 3) Finally, typology serves a unitive function. Both Goppelt and Daniélou allude to this when they speak about typology as connecting the two testaments, such that a single, consistent divine purpose can be discerned in both. For example, Daniélou: "To think of the universe [...] as composed of two successive stages, is the very essence of typology. Just because the plan is unique the two stages, while remaining distinct, will necessarily present resemblances, analogies, for this is what we mean by typology." And again: "its basic principle is that there is an imperfect order which prepares for and prefigures an order of perfection."224 Though both Goppelt and Daniélou are thinking about this unity as a historical one — the history of the OT points ahead to, and is shaped in continuity with, the history of the NT — there is no particular reason why this unifying action must occur only on the historical level. Indeed, certain portions of the OT (such as the Psalms, as noted above) are literary rather than historical in nature; surely, God shapes, guides, and directs these purely literary productions just as deeply as he does the historical books of the OT. Nor is it difficult, given such an acknowledgement of God's ultimate dominion over creation as a whole, to extend this principle to non-Christian history and non-Christian literary texts as well; here as much as in the Jewish biblical texts, we have, in Danielou's words, an "imperfect order" (albeit a literary rather than historical one) that anticipates and prepares for an "order of perfection." It is worth recalling the underlying principle of τύπος, the idea that God has left his "stamp" or "image" upon history; surely, as Margoni-Kögler points out,225 such a "stamp" must logically be reflected not only in human history but in all of creation, which points to and reveals its Creator (cf. Col 1:16, "all things 224 Daniélou, From Shadows to Reality, 31. 225 Margoni-Kögler, "Typologie," 142. 133 have been created through him [i.e. Christ] and for him"). By this reasoning, even pagan mythological ficta are ultimately rooted in human beings' experience of the creation, both its visible components (sun, earth, sea, etc.) and abstract qualities (love, justice, wisdom), all of which point to their divine Creator; such ficta will thus contain a hint of reflected divine truth. Moreover, if God's spirit guides the minds and words of the Old Testament writers, both historical and literary, surely by the same token he can guide those of pagan writers as well, as Proba hints at CV 23. Thus, pagan mythological ficta also serve the unifying function of typology, albeit with a difference: we are shown, not how OT and NT history form part of a single divine plan, but how Gentile literature (as well as certain aspects of Gentile history and legend) fit into this same divine plan. Such typologies indeed exist as supplementary to, rather than in competition with, historical OT typologies; together they show the providence and ultimate dominion of God over his creation as a whole, simply touching upon different spheres. 5.4 Typologies of Christ in the CV: An Introduction Having established a theoretical basis for typological exegesis in the CV, I will move to presenting specific examples. For reasons of space, I have chosen in this section to focus on the NT section of the poem (338–694), and upon a single antitype: Christ. My choice is motivated both for reasons of space and by several factors. Firstly, typologies for other characters (in particular, Eve and Mary) have been rather thoroughly explored in previous scholarly work. Secondly, this choice will provide the best basis for comparison with traditional Christian exegesis, which most often uses Christ as antitype. Finally, the figure of Christ invites a widely 134 diverse range of Vergilian typologies, as he is simultaneously human and divine; thus Proba logically can (and does) use divine, semi-divine, and mortal types to depict him. I have chosen to focus upon the NT section of the poem since the persons of the Trinity are not clearly differentiated in the OT section, as they are, for instance, in the baptism scene (380–414). All typologies below are drawn from my database, presented in Appendix 1. Those excerpts which Proba employs typologically can be distinguished from non-typological excerpts in that they contain an entry in column G, which shows the Vergilian character used as a type for Christ. The differentiation of typological from non-typological excerpts is of necessity a somewhat subjective process; my criterion for differentiating the two is rooted in the overarching idea of Christ as Saviour (recalling Daniélou's emphasis on salvation history). If a potential type bears some surface resemblance to Christ but does not convincingly reveal any deeper aspect of his salvific action, I have discarded it. For example, at 614 (corripuere sacram effigiem manibusque cruentis) Proba depicts Christ in terms of the sacred statue of Athena, unlawfully plundered by Ulysses and Diomedes. Certainly, the two share something in common — both are in some manner sacred and both are unlawfully seized by force — but it is hard to link this violation of sanctity directly to Christ's salvific role. Rather, this passage appears to function primarily on the conceptual level (violation of sanctity leads to pollution, bringing divine punishment) and on the contextual level (the violent crowd is compared to Ulysses and Diomedes). Conversely, I have marked as typological certain passages which do not directly reference the Vergilian character in question, but which serve to reinforce a typology established elsewhere. For example, in the Crucifixion scene at 606b (saevitque animis ignobile vulgus) and 608a (cum subito) the hostile crowd is described in terms of the raging winds in the 135 Aeneid I storm episode; these passages implicitly reinforce the Neptune type for Christ used elsewhere in the Crucifixion scene. I present the types which Proba employs for Christ in four categories below: 1) gods; 2) semi-divine characters; 3) mortal human beings; 4) other types (i.e. those which are difficult to fit into one of the first three categories). As I will demonstrate below, Proba employs two different methods for constructing typologies: what I will call "block" and "mosaic". "Block" technique occurs when Proba repeatedly employs a single type for Christ within a particular episode: a good example are 372–376 and 384–386, where the Camilla type for Christ is employed eight times in total. In "mosaic" technique, Proba employs several different types for Christ in rapid succession: for example, Christ as he ascends at 682–688 is portrayed using material which originally refers to Aeneas, Apollo, Neptune, Mercury, Dardanus, and finally Hercules. Though particular episodes may feature a tendency towards either "block" or "mosaic" technique, I will demonstrate that typology in the NT section of the CV, viewed as a whole, predominantly employs the latter technique: there is no single type of Christ which dominates the CV. Rather, our portrait of Christ is a highly composite one, formed from the interplay of two opposing forces: typologies are continually being built up, only to be "destabilized"226 by a succeeding typology. We will recall how Biblical typological exegesis follows a similar pattern: Christ is not simply the new Adam, the second Moses, or a high priest in the order of Melchizedek, but rather is all of them simultaneously (and none of them pure and simple). Proba's "picture-theology" of Christ, like that of the NT and the Church Fathers, is a highly complex one formed out of a myriad of examples. 226 Harich-Schwartzbauer, "Von Aeneas Zu Camilla," 344. 136 5.5 Typological Exegesis in the CV: Gods I will begin by discussing Proba's use of Greco-Roman pagan gods as types for Christ. Before looking at these types in detail, it is worth reflecting for a moment on how remarkable (an early Christian polemicist might say provocative) such an exegetical strategy is. By portraying Christ through the prophetic example of a pagan god – enfiguring Christ as Mercury, say, or Neptune – Proba implicitly assigns validity to these pagan deities. That is, she portrays them as in some way true or at least firmly indicative of the truth: a strongly positive form of IC (entailing a +2 or +3 on the seven-point scale outlined in Chapter 1; I will further discuss below which of these two categories I place it in). It is also worth noting that one of the three examples lambasted by St. Jerome (nate, meae vires, mea magna potentia solus: CV 403 = A1.664) exhibits two such typologies as it depicts Christ in terms of Cupid, sent by God the Father as Venus to bring love to the human race (as Cupid brings love for Aeneas to Dido in Aeneid 1).227 It is likely that St. Jerome (following in the trail of other early Christian polemicists) was unhappy with and wary at Proba's implicit equation of members of the Christian Trinity with pagan gods, even if she clearly positions the Christian worldview as the ultimate truth in the Prologue to the CV (13–22). a) Christ as Neptune 227 For an in-depth exploration of this passage, see my article: Watson, "A Feminine Typological Trinity," 288–9. 137 Of all the pagan deities referenced in the CV, Proba chooses to typologically enfigure Christ as Neptune more than any other: eight excerpts (CV 545b–546a, 554a, 555a, 606b, 608a, 622, 623, and 683b) are taken from Vergilian passages which depict Neptune. Part of this evident emphasis is due to Proba's inclusion of the Calming the Sea episode from the Gospels, which accounts for the first four excerpts above (magno misceri murmure pontum | emissamque hiemem sensit, CV 545b–546a = A1.124–5; subsidunt undae, CV 554a = A5.820; collectasque fugat nubes, CV 555a = A1.143): three of these passages are taken from the scene in Aeneid 1 where Neptune disperses the storm, while the fourth, from Aeneid 5, depicts Neptune riding his chariot over the waves, bringing calm in its wake. As other commentators have remarked, Jesus' calming of the sea is the only miracle (aside from the Resurrection) depicted in the CV, an authorial decision which reflects Vergil's own emphasis on nautical narrative and imagery: nearly half the Aeneid depicts Aeneas' wanderings over the Mediterranean, giving Proba ample material to work with. However, I contend that the relative level of importance Proba assigns to the Calming the Sea episode in her narrative also reflects her deeper assessment of Vergil's portrayal of Neptune as typologically prophetic of Christ. For Vergil and his protagonist Aeneas, storms at sea are an ever-present threat which nearly end Aeneas' journey (and life) in Book 1; thus a true saviour must be someone who has power over the wind and waves, as Neptune demonstrates when he rises from the ocean to end the storm and save Aeneas' fleet from destruction (A1.124–56). This is exactly the authority demonstrated by Jesus when he calms the storm, saving the terrified disciples from what they regard as certain death (sc. Matt 8:25, "Lord, save us! We’re going to drown!"): in the words of the disciples, "What kind of man is this? Even the winds and the waves obey him!” (Matt 8:27). 138 Proba thus positions Neptune's salvific act as explicitly prophetic of Jesus' own salvific mastery over the ocean. However, Jesus' ability to calm storms does not end with this physical storm at sea: rather, Proba follows Vergil in extending this ability into the metaphorical and psychological, where a literal storm is equated with the emotional "storms" that drive individuals and crowds into states of wild furor. The second group of four Neptune-linked passages can be found in the Crucifixion scene (CV 600–624). Though I will discuss this passage in greater detail in Chapter 6, it suffices to say here that Proba depicts the Crucifixion, not as a legally structured, judicial undertaking, but as a spontaneous, unreasoning, and uncontrolled act of mob violence. Jesus, in contrast, calmly and without fear rebukes the mob, remaining untouched by their furor. Proba depicts this scene using four lines taken from or closely related to the storm episode. The first line, in Vergil, explicitly equates the violent waves with an angry crowd, using an extended simile: saevitque animis ignobile vulgus, CV 606b = A1.149, which Proba borrows to describe the violent crowd intent on Jesus' execution. The second is cum subito, CV 608a = A1.535, taken from Ilioneus' later depiction of the storm's sudden onset, used by Proba to emphasize the spontaneous and largely irrational manner in which a hostile crowd forms. The latter two depict Jesus' authoritative words to the crowd, using words taken from Neptune's rebuke of the winds (tantane vos generis tenuit fiducia vestri?, CV 622 = A1.132, post mihi non simili poena commissa luetis, CV 623 = A1.136). Though Jesus, in Proba's poem, does not precisely calm the crowd as Neptune calms the waves — this would, after all, prevent the Crucifixion, radically altering the Biblical narrative — he remains personally untouched by their anger and thus able 139 to continue his overall mission of bringing peace to the world in place of war and violence, a theme I will explore further in Chapter 6. The final typological Neptune passage occurs at 683b, a passage which forms part of the Ascension narrative and to which we will repeatedly return. In just three lines, three different pagan gods — Apollo, Neptune, and Mercury — are referenced in quick succession. Proba's intent here appears to be to emphasize the miraculous and sudden nature of Jesus' heavenward motion by combining scenes in which all three gods soar towards, over, or away from the earth. The passage referencing Neptune, caeloque invectus aperto (CV 683b = A1.155) is taken from the aftermath of the storm scene, where, having dispersed the storm, Neptune travels across the clear sky in his chariot. The implication here appears to go beyond the mere fact of celestial motion; just as Neptune has rescued Aeneas' fleet and may now ride triumphally over the peaceful waters, so Christ, having delivered humanity from sin and with it the looming threat of violence and war (as further discussed in Chapter 6), celebrates his triumph by soaring heavenward. b) Christ as Jupiter The second most prevalent deity used typologically for Christ is Jupiter, with seven references (CV 438b, 463b, 546b, 587b, 597b, 670a, 693b). This typological choice by Proba might strike us as surprising in certain ways. Granted, as discussed in Chapter 1 of this study, there was something of an early Christian tradition of identifying (at least partially) Jupiter with the Christian God, as Justin Martyr does (though he is quick to reject mythological stories about 140 Jupiter as false). Similarly, philosophical pagan monotheism tended to hold Jupiter up as the supreme and, ultimately, only god, with the other pagan gods interpreted as facets or aspects of a single unified divinity:228 a train of thought that Christian philosophers were generally willing to accept in its broad outlines, if with some changes (trinitarianism instead of monotheism). However, insofar as Jupiter was identified with any member of the Trinity (rather than simply with the Christian God as a whole), it was nearly always as God the Father: the authoritative, stern, commanding paterfamilias.229 Moreover, as will be further discussed below, Proba very frequently uses various sons of Jupiter (such as Hercules) as types for Christ as God the Son. Indeed, Jupiter and Hercules are used just this way as types for God the Father and Christ, respectively, in the baptism scene from the CV (tum genitor natum dictis, 402a = A10.466). Using Jupiter as a type for Christ would thus seem to (in Jensen's words) destabilize certain of Proba's other types. However, as I have argued, Proba's entire process is one of building up typologies and then undercutting them by means of other typologies. Instead of choosing a single Greco-Roman God (Zeus/Jupiter) and then identifying that deity with the Christian God, full stop (as Justin Martyr does) — a type of IC that falls into the +3 category, full identification — she seems to repeatedly indicate, though her mosaic of typologies, that no Greco-Roman deity fully embodies the reality of Christ (or the Christian God); rather, different pagan deities show us different aspects of him. This demonstrates clearly the significant difference between +2 (prefigurative IC) and +3 (full identification) in the framework for IC proposed in Chapter 1, 228 Jensen, "Prophetin, Poetin und Kirchenmutter," 46–7. 229 Jensen, "Prophetin, Poetin und Kirchenmutter," 46–7. 141 and shows that Proba's use of Vergilian types for Christ must firmly be placed in the former and not to the latter group. When Jupiter is used as a type for Christ, it is invariably in contexts suggesting authority, power, and dominion. We see Christ framed as divine lawgiver (once again suggesting the biblical typology of Moses) at 438b (nam te dare iura loquuntur = A1.731), an excerpt taken from Dido's prayer to Jupiter. At 463b, Christ is referred to as aeterna potestas, an attribute originally used for Jupiter suggesting supreme authority. This is only magnified in the Walking on the Water episode, where we are told ecce deus...cui summa potestas; here Christ is unambiguously identified, not only as deus, but with a phrase that in the original referred to Jupiter's supremacy over the other gods (cui summa potestas, 546b = A10.100 [summa > prima]). In the Last Supper scene, Christ likewise exercises authority, albeit in a more quiet way: he inaugurates a new ritus, i.e. the Eucharist (ritusque sacrorum, 587b = A12.836) and foretells his death the following day (nec me sententia fallit, 597b# = A10.608 (nec te sententia fallit) & A1.260 (neque me sententia vertit)). Both the latter excerpts refer to the divine will of Jupiter, a composite borrowing together indicating that Christ is facing death voluntarily and by his explicit will. In the Resurrection scene, we see accipite ergo animis (670a = A10.104), where Christ promises his followers the reward of heaven; finally, in the epilogue (Proba's final prayer to Christ) she implores him that her husband and descendants might remain faithful Christians (et, si pietate meremur, 693a = A2.690). Proba's use of the Jupiter typology for Christ is particularly intriguing given the contemporary Christological debates within the Church of her time, and in particular the strong Arian currents within certain areas and segments of that Church. Though Proba's work is not 142 "theological" in the sense of being an abstract treatise, we can nonetheless deduce certain of her theological leanings from the way in which she represents the members of the Trinity. By repeatedly using the Jupiter typology for Christ together with typologies that represent Christ as a son of Jupiter, Proba pre-emptively eliminates any suggestion on her readers' part that she might be an Arian. Rather, Jesus is both fully God and fully human: though the son of God, he is himself Deus...cui summa potestas. I have discussed elsewhere how the types of Iris and Camilla for Christ in the Baptism episode represent a delicate balancing act: Camilla, though a mortal woman, has superhuman abilities which mark her out as almost divine, while the goddess Iris has momentarily taken on the form of Beroë, making her almost human. Together, the two types represent Christ's half-divine, half-human nature.230 In this passage we find something similar: an acknowledgement that Christ, though rightly termed the Son of God, at all times remains a full member of the Trinity. c) Christ as Cupid Five passages from the CV typologically reference the figure of Cupid (CV 342, 356a, 403, 410, and 513). The logic underlying Proba's association of the two is not hard to discern: Cupid is the god of Love and we are repeatedly told that Christ came to the world out of love (John 3:16) and that his followers will be marked out by their great love for one another (1 John 4:7–21). This love both brought and exemplified by Christ is not (as with Cupid) love for any 230 Watson, "A Feminine Typological Trinity," 285–7. 143 particular person, but rather for the entire human race; Christ thus fulfils, and completes, Cupid's own mythological role. The first passage used by Proba comes from the summary of Christ's prophesied birth at 338–45: we are told that virginis os habitumque gerens mirabile dictu | nec generis nostri puerum nec sanguinis edit (CV 342 = E8.45). The Vergilian passage comes from the Eclogues, which of all Vergil's works are least often used by Proba, and its original context might at first appear highly inappropriate: Damon laments that Cupid, the god of Love, is nonetheless cruel and indifferent to the human sorrow that his arrows cause. However, his statement regarding Cupid's supernatural origin is well-suited to Christ, and even the negative overtones of this line are not so inapposite as they might first appear: passages such as Luke 2:35 ("And a sword will pierce your own soul also") and Matthew 10:34–5 ("Do not think that I have come to bring peace to the earth. I have not come to bring peace, but a sword") suggests that the love which Jesus brings is at times accompanied by — temporarily, at least — sorrow and even conflict. The other four passages which Proba uses all come from a single Aeneid episode: Venus disguising Cupid as Aeneas' son Iulus to charm Dido at the feast, not only ensuring her hospitable welcome of the Trojans but also causing her to fall in love with Aeneas. As with the Eclogues passage above, the use of Cupid here to enfigure Christ might at first appear inappropriate, given the sorrow and self-destruction that will ultimately result from Dido's love for Aeneas. However, the episode also provides Proba with a rare opportunity for a double typology, one that crosses the gender binary: God the Father, who sends Christ to the world in order to bring divine love to its people, is portrayed as Venus sending Cupid to bring love (for 144 Aeneas) to Dido.231 Thus, at Jesus' baptism, we see God the Father addressing Christ in words taken from Venus calling on Cupid: nate, meae vires, mea magna potentia solus (403 = A1.664). A few lines later he asks Christ to have pity upon iam pridem resides animos desuetaque corda (410 = A1.722), the same words used to describe Dido's initial state; having lost her husband Sychaeus, she is unused to love just as the human race is a stranger to the divine love Christ brings. When the Magi come to visit Jesus, they see his radiant appearance just as Cupid, disguised as the human child Iulus, nevertheless gives off a divine glow: agnoscere vultus | flagrantisque dei (356a = A1.710). Finally, in the episode of the Rich Young Man (505–30), we see the young man address Christ in words taken from the same episode, where Venus addresses Cupid: ad te confugio et supplex tua numina posco (513 = A1.666). Here, instead of Venus standing in for God the Father, she represents the human race as a whole seeking to learn the way of love from Christ. The episode ends with the rich man, told by Jesus to "despise riches" (contemnere opes, 523a) and to "extend a helping hand to the unfortunate" (da dextram misero, 524a), walking sadly away, unable to part with his possessions. This signals something of a difference between Cupid and Christ, for while Cupid's arrows are irresistible, Christ's power of love is dependent upon human freedom of choice. Though this might at first seem to call into question Christ's (relative) power, in fact it helps to soften the potential impact of Damon's quoted words above, for unlike "cruel" Cupid, Christ does not coerce human beings to follow his way of love but only entreats. d) Christ as Apollo 231 I discuss this further in my article, "A Feminine Typological Trinity," 288–9. 145 The fourth most prevalent typology for Christ is that of Apollo, with four references: 352a, 390a, 670b–672a (a lengthy excerpt extending over three lines) and 682b. It is not hard to see why Proba would cast the Son of God, who describes himself in Matthew and John's Gospels as the "light of the world" (Matt 5:14–16, John 8:12), as the solar divinity Apollo, though this connection is never explicitly made by Proba; it is also worth noting that Apollo is, of course, Jupiter's son. Apollo is also the god of prophecy, and it is this aspect that Proba most clearly references in much of the Apollo-derived material she uses. In the baptismal scene (CV 380–414), we see a vates who is also described as certissimus auctor (388) cry out, at the sight of Christ in the river, tempus, ait, deus, ecce, deus (390a), words taken from the Sibyl's spontaneous outburst at Aeneid 6.46 when she senses Apollo's presence and knows she is about to prophesy. Though the narrative context makes it clear that the vates in question must on the literal level be John the Baptist, who upon seeing Jesus recognizes him publicly as the "Lamb of God" (John 1:29, 35) and "Son of God" (John 1:34), the content of the vates' outcry also suggests the figure of Simeon (Luke 2:25–34), who after many years of waiting for the Messiah immediately recognizes the baby Jesus as the one he has anticipated and utters a spontaneous prayer to God acknowledging that the prophecies have now been fulfilled (Luke 2:29–32). Just as the Sibyl acknowledges that Apollo is the actual source of the prophecy she is about to utter, telling Aeneas that without his prayers to Apollo she cannot prophesy (A6.51–3), so John the Baptist freely admits that he is only preparing the people, through baptism by water, for the advent of "one greater than I" who will bring true baptism ("with the Holy Spirit and with fire": Luke 3.16) to the people. 146 We once again see Christ enfigured as Apollo in the final scene of the Cento, where Christ speaks to his followers before his Ascension, comforting them and promising rewards to come: quae vos a stirpe parentum | prima tulit tellus, eadem vos ubere laeto | accipiet (670b–672a = A3.94–6). These nearly two full lines (one of the longest continuous excerpts from the CV) are taken from the passage where Aeneas seeks guidance from Apollo's oracle at Delos; he tells them to seek out the homeland from which they originally came (i.e. Italy), a prophecy which is fulfilled in the course of the poem. By placing this excerpt in Christ's speech to his disciples (similarly scattered and directionless before his reappearance and address to them) Proba makes it clear that Christ is the true Apollo, for he alone is able to authoritatively promise his disciples a homeland, not on this earth, but in the life to come: they will regain the paradise from which they originally came (i.e. the Garden of Eden, equivalent to heaven).232 We also see emphasized here (as with Cupid/Iulus above) a particular characteristic common among the types Proba uses for Christ: they often reference scenes in which a pagan divinity takes on human form. Though this is not precisely equivalent to "incarnation" in the Christian sense (the divinity in question does not "become human" in any deep sense but only temporarily adopts human form) the similarity between the two phenomena is striking. Given how common such scenes are in the Aeneid, it is unsurprising that Proba should see this aspect of Vergil's poetry as prophetic. Two such typological references occur for Apollo, both drawing upon the passage in Aeneid 9 where Apollo takes on the form of the mortal man Butes to speak to Ascanius; he then miraculously vanishes from the Trojan princes' sight, and they acknowledge his divinity (A9.644–60). The first, at CV 352a (agnovere deum proceres = A9.659), 232 For this interpretation of the passage see Clark and Hatch, The Golden Bough, 168–9. 147 describes the Magi: having seen the miraculous star, they "acknowledge God" as the Trojans acknowledge Apollo in Butes' form. Though the identity of deum is not entirely clear (it could refer to God the Father who has sent the star) I contend it makes best sense to understand deum as the newborn Christ, since in the Biblical account the Magi recognize the star as signifying "he who has been born King of the Jews" (Matthew 2:2); the star is "his star." The second passage occurs in the Ascension scene, where Christ soars heavenward through the air (spirantes dimovet auras, 682b = A9.645); here the words describing Christ's ascent are borrowed from Apollo's descent from heaven. e) Christ as Iris and Mercury: Two Messenger Gods Next, we will examine Proba's use of two messenger gods as types for Christ: Iris and Mercury, with two references each. Both Iris excerpts come from a single passage, where Iris, in disguise as the Trojan woman Beroë, is persuading the Trojan women to burn their ships. This passage, as the first Cupid excerpt above, might at first glance seem an unsuitable type for Christ, since Iris' actions are not salvific but destructive. However, we must remember that Iris is simply doing the work of the goddess, Juno, who has sent her, much as Christ is, in his own words, doing the work of his Father in heaven (see, for example, John 6:38). Moreover, the emphasis in the material re-used by Proba is not on Iris' actions, but her appearance — specifically, the unmistakeable signs that mark her out to Pyrgo as divine, even when she has taken on human form (divini signa decoris | ardentisque notate oculos, qui spiritus illi, | qui vultus vocisque sonus vel gressus eunti, A5.647–9). Similarly, the Magi at Jesus' birth 148 acknowledge the signs of divinity (agnoscere vultus | flagrantisque dei divina signa decoris, 355b–356), and the crowd of mothers in the pre-baptism scene are awestruck by Jesus' manner and appearance (qui spiritus illi, | qui vultus vocisque sonus vel gressus eunti, 386b–387). Thus, the Iris type places particular emphasis upon Christ's incarnate nature: he is both human and unmistakably divine. The Mercury type, in contrast, takes up and further develops the idea that Christ has come to Earth to do his Father's will, just as Mercury repeatedly travels to the human world to carry out his father Jupiter's commands. The first passage appears in the final part of the baptism scene (402–14): here, God the Father has just spoken to Christ, marking him out as his Son and telling him what his role is to be on earth. We then read: dixerat: ille patris magni parere parabat | imperio (413–414b = A4.238–9). In its original Vergilian context, this line refers to Mercury preparing to convey Jupiter's rebuke to the distracted Aeneas, telling him that he must leave Dido and pursue his true destiny in Italy. Just so, Christ is directed by God the Father to guide or direct the peoples (tu regere imperio populos, 409a) and assist those who are ignorant of the proper way (ignarosque viae mecum miseratus inertes | adgredere et votis iam nunc adsuesce vocari, 410–11). The other Mercury passage appears in the Ascension scene in combination with the Neptune and Apollo lines discussed above: mortales visus medio in sermone reliquit (684 = A4.277). Just as Mercury, having delivered his message to Aeneas, may return to Jupiter, so Christ, having taught his message of peace to the human race, returns to heaven and to his Father. f) Christ as Vulcan, Venus, Juno, Juturna, and Silenus 149 I will end this section by briefly discussing four minor, but relevant, types which Proba uses for Christ: those of Vulcan (338b, 447, 519b), Venus (468), Juno (517b), Juturna (354b–355a) and Silenus (621). Material referring to Vulcan first appears in the summary of Christ's incarnation at quod tua progenies caelo descendit ab alto (338b = A.8.423). The primary hermeneutical force of this passage is, as I argue below (see Section 2g), allusive: both halves of the line reference (without precisely reproducing) Eclogue 4.7, iam nova progenies caelo demittitur alto, a line previously taken by both Eusebius and Constantine to refer to Christ. However, as discussed in Chapter 3, a single excerpt can have multiple hermeneutical roles, and I contend that the second half of the line is (in its original Vergilian referent, Vulcan) typologically relevant as well: just as Vulcan must descend from the celestial heaven inhabited by the Olympian gods in order to carry out the very practical, "earthy" work of producing armour in his smithy, so Christ must necessarily descend from heaven in order to save human beings and give them "armour" against the devil's temptations (sc. Ephesians 6:10–18). The idea of armour reappears at 519b, where Proba uses Vulcan's words to Venus assuring her that he will eagerly make armour for Aeneas (absiste precando = A8.403) in Jesus' words to the Rich Young Man, assuring him that he need not plead as Jesus is already eager to help him. Finally, Vulcan's foreknowledge in producing the shield for Aeneas (on it, he depicts events that have yet to happen) is used to portray Jesus' own prophetic knowledge (haut vatum ignarus venturique inscius aevi, 447 = A8.627) as he dismisses the Serpent's temptation. The goddesses Venus, Juno, and Juturna each appear just once as a type of Christ: as with the Iris type above, all three cross the gender boundary. The Venus passage appears when 150 Jesus is preparing to address the crowd: incipit et dictis divinum aspirat amorem (468 = A8.373), words which preface Venus' speech to Vulcan pleading for his help in arming Aeneas. Since Jesus' words which follow have actually been criticized for being overly harsh or even "angry" (as discussed further in Chapter 6) the mention of divinum...amorem and the use of Venus as a type is important here as it reiterates Christ's ultimate mission as being one of love. Next, we see the Rich Young Man address Jesus using Aeolus' words to Juno, mihi iussa capessere fas est (517b = A1.77): a line which, as with the Jupiter passages above, emphasizes Jesus' authority and his divinity even when incarnate as human. Finally, material relating to the goddess Juturna is used in the Nativity scene (clarumque paternae | nomen erat virtutis: et ipsi, 354b–355a = A12.225–6). As with Iris above, the emphasis here is on a deity assuming human form; intriguingly, this once again involves a change in gender, from female to male (Juturna appears as the Rutulian warrior Camers). Lastly, we see a single passage enfiguring Jesus as the sea god Silenus in the Crucifixion scene: quo vincula nectitis? — inquit — (621b = E.26), another rare Eclogues excerpt. Though I discuss this passage further in Chapter 6, for now it suffices to point out that Jesus' calm and composure on the Cross equal that of Silenus, bound by youths intent on coercing a "song" from him. 5.6 Typological Exegesis in the CV: Demigods I will now move on to my second category of types for Christ: demigods, i.e. characters who are the offspring of a mortal and a deity. Such figures would seem a natural choice as types of 151 Christ, who is the son both of Mary (a mortal woman) and of God. Many of these characters, though not all, are also heroes, and they vary widely in terms of their degree of divinity; some, like Hercules and Aeneas, are generally portrayed as having been fully divinized after death, while others (e.g. King Latinus) are not. Finally, the prophesied child of Eclogue 4 does not very clearly belong to any category, but I have placed it here as Vergil mentions both a virgin and a child sent down from heaven, implying mixed human and divine parentage. a) Christ as Aeneas Without a doubt, Aeneas is the most prevalent type for Christ in any of the four categories I have outlined above, referenced in somewhere between 36 and 40 typologically significant Vergilian excerpts.233 Despite this abundance of material, I will keep my remarks on Aeneas as type to a minimum, for two reasons. Firstly, there already exists a long and fruitful scholarly tradition of commenting on Aeneas as a type of Christ (indeed, he was the first such Vergilian type identified, as discussed above). Such studies generally point out Aeneas' half-divine parentage (he is the son of the goddess Venus and of the mortal man Anchises), along with his destiny to found a new realm and world order of peace, just as Christ comes to found the peaceable Kingdom of Heaven. Secondly, the very fact that Aeneas is the protagonist of the Aeneid exacerbates the difficulty (discussed in Chapter 2) in sifting out those passages that act 233 I count the following references (question marks are used where a typology is somewhat doubtful): 344a, 345b, 347b, 383b (?), 406b–407a, 408a, 408b, 409a, 409b, 437b–438a, 440b, 449b–450a, 451, 452a, 458, 515a, 550a, 559b, 581, 584b, 586a, 590, 591b–592, 596a (?), 645b, 646a (?), 646b (?), 658a, 659b, 661–662a, 662b–663, 664a, 665a, 665b, 672–673a, 673b, 680–681a, 682a, 689a, 698b. 152 typologically from those which are merely "filler" (since so much of the Aeneid's material refers to Aeneas in any case). Due to these factors, I will constrain my discussion of Aeneas as Christ type to one particular section of the CV which has hitherto been mostly overlooked in this respect: the Ascension scene (661–688). Given that this passage contains a particularly high concentration of typological Aeneas material, it is striking that Christ is not here (as elsewhere) represented as Aeneas the military victor or Aeneas the founder of a new empire; the emphasis is upon Aeneas' ability to lead, comfort, and encourage those who look to him for guidance. Thus we see Christ appear before his disciples as Aeneas appears out of the mist to his men, reassuring them that he is alive (cunctisque repente | inprovisus ait: coram, quem quaeritis, adsum, 662b–3 = A1.594–5); just as the Trojan refugees on Mount Ida (atque hic ingentem comitum adfluxisse novorum | invenit admirans numerum, 661–662a = A2.796–7), they are lost without him and look to him for leadership. They are told that Christ's piety has conquered the difficult way (through death to eternal life) just as Aeneas' piety conquers the difficult way to the Underworld where he is reunited with his father (vicit iter durum pietas, 664a = A6.688); a thematically related passage occurs slightly later in the passage, his demum exactis, 682a = A6.637, where Christ's fulfilment of his earthly mission is linked to Aeneas' fulfilment of the ritual observances to Persephone in the Underworld. Four more excepts follow, all taken from Aeneas' various exhortations to his men to take courage and prepare for action (praecipites vigilate, viri, 665a = A4.573; timor omnis abesto, 665b = A11.14; revocate animos maestumque timorem | mittite, 672b–673a = A1.202–203, et vosmet rebus servate secundis, 673b = A1.207). In response, Christ's disciples are depicted as rejoicing in his company just like the Trojan 153 warriors in the fields of Elysium: nec vidisse semel satis est: iuvat usque morari | et conferre gradum et, 680–681b = 6.487–8. b) Christ as Hercules The next most frequently used demigod type of Christ in the CV is that of Hercules, with 14 references in total.234 It should be noted first and foremost that Hercules appears in other early Christian interpretatio Christiana: as mentioned earlier, a number of frescoes in the Via Latina catacombs appear to depict him as, or representing, Christ.235 In her monograph, Schottenius Cullhed discusses a number of passages in which Proba uses Hercules as a type for Christ, pointing out that his physical strength and twelve labours foreshadow Christ's spiritual power and miracles,236 and his death and subsequent apotheosis appear to point to the death, resurrection, and ascension of Christ.237 One aspect of Hercules in the CV that has been neglected in previous studies, however, is the tale of Hercules and Cacus (Aeneid 8:184–305). Evander relates to Aeneas how the bloodthirsty giant Cacus, dwelling nearby in a cave, used to terrorize the Arcadian people until they were saved by the arrival of Hercules. After Cacus dares to steal four of Hercules' cattle, he is pursued to his underground lair by Hercules, who tears up the mountain itself, exposing Cacus' realm to the sunlight; he then seizes Cacus and slays him. It is not difficult to see the 234 339–340a, 402a, 426b, 471a, 522b–523a, 527b, 580, 601a, 629b, 635b, 658b, 687–688a, 690, 691. 235 Though the significance of these is disputed: see Huskinson, "Some Pagan Mythological Figures," 81–2. 236 Schottenius Cullhed, Proba the Prophet, 186. 237 Schottenius Cullhed, Proba the Prophet, 161. 154 parallels between the story of Hercules' victory over Cacus and that of Christ over the devil, particularly within the Christus Victor model of atonement popular in the early Church, with Christ represented as an almost military victor over Satan.238 Hercules' tearing open of Cacus' underground realm to regain his stolen cattle also resembles the Harrowing of Hell described in 1 Peter 4:6 and Ephesians 4:9, where Christ descends into Hell to liberate the souls held captive there. (An even closer resemblance is to the image of the Anastasis as represented in icons, though the earliest known depiction does not predate the eighth century.239) The Hercules and Cacus story is referenced typologically three times by Proba in the NT section: attulit et nobis aliquando optantibus aetas | auxilium adventumque Dei (339–340a = A8.200–201), where Christ's long-awaited deliverance is compared to Hercules' arrival; inde repente (629b = A8.238) and et umbrosae penitus patuere cavernae (635b = A8.242), where the depths of earth are shaken and disturbed after Christ's crucifixion just as Cacus' shadowy realm is exposed by Hercules. This typology is strengthened by a reference from the OT section of the poem, where the Serpent is depicted as Cacus: ne quid inausum | aut intemptatum scelerisve dolive (180b–181a = A8.205–6). It is even more strongly reinforced by the other major cluster of Hercules-related verses (briefly touched upon by Schottenius Cullhed),240 in which the rites to Hercules performed by Evander's grateful people stand in for Christians' worship of their deliverer Christ: tantarum in munera laudum (426b = A8.273 [munere]; communemque vocate Deum (471a = 8.275); devexo interea propior fit Vesper Olympo (580 = A8.280, where Hercules' ritual feast 238 Gustaf Aulén, Christus Victor: A Historical Study of the Three Main Types of the Idea of the Atonement, trans. A. G. Hebert (S.P.C.K. Publishing, 1965). 239 Bishop Joachim of Amissos, "The Image of the Anastasis in the Shrine of Saint Nicholas," published online at https://friends.stnicholaswtc.org/iconography-the-image-of-the-anastasis-in-the-shrine-of-saint-nicholas/, accessed November 10, 2024. 240 Schottenius Cullhed, Proba the Prophet, 186. 155 stands in for the Last Supper and the Eucharist); ex illo celebratus honos, laetique minores | servavere diem (687–688a = A8.268–9); et nos et tua dexter adi pede sacra secundo (690 = A8.302); annua, quae differre nefas. Celebrate faventes (691 = A8.173); and, perhaps most strikingly, iamque sacerdotes (601a = A8.281, where the priests preparing to sacrifice to Hercules stand in for the Jewish priests preparing to crucify Christ himself!) Four passages remain. In the Rich Man episode, we see the dialogue between Evander and Aeneas at 362–5 repeatedly referenced. Here, Hercules' indifference to material comforts is held up as a model for properly heroic behaviour, just as Christ shows the rich man how a proper Christian should act: contemnere opes et te quoque dignum | finge Deo (522b–523a= A8.364–5); rebusque veni non asper egenis (527b = A8.365). At 658b Christ rises from the dead spoliisque [i.e. the souls he has redeemed] superbus, a passage which in the original (A8.202), refers to Hercules, triumphant over the giant Geryon (closely reminiscent of Cacus), driving his cattle along. One final passage, tum genitor natum dictis (402a = A10.466), reminds us of Christ's divine parentage: it depicts God the Father speaking to Jesus at his baptism as Jupiter speaking to his son Hercules. c) Christ as King Latinus At first glance, King Latinus might seem an unsuitable type for Christ. Not only is he not used in this respect anywhere outside Proba's CV (unlike Hercules or Orpheus, discussed below), he is largely a weak character whose efforts to bring peace are easily circumvented by his wife, by Turnus, and by Juno. It might seem initially surprising, then, that Proba draws upon him in a 156 typological sense, with between five and twelve references depending on what is included (the borderline between typological and non-typological references is slightly blurry in King Latinus' case, for reasons that will be discussed below). However, King Latinus is in fact semi-divine, the son of the native Latin god Faunus and of the nymph Marica. The first cluster of references to him occurs in the baptism scene, where God the Father addresses Christ using a number of lines all drawn from Faunus' speech to King Latinus, who has sought out his counsel regarding the omens of the bees and of Lavinia's flaming hair. Faunus addresses King Latinus as o mea progenies, 406a = A7.97, and tells him that he is to wed his daughter to the stranger (Aeneas) that will come to Latium and who will establish a new empire, with unlimited dominion (A7.96–101). Typologically, this passage is rather complex: the god Faunus is speaking to his half-divine son King Latinus, but the subject of his speech is not (for the most part) King Latinus himself but rather the (similarly half-divine) hero Aeneas. Proba, by depicting God the Father's speech to Christ as being about Christ himself — a transformation effected by turning videbunt (A7.101) into videbis (408b) — collapses the two typologies into one, a subtle effect which is easily overlooked. Three excerpts are employed in this function: qua sol utrumque recurrens | aspicit oceanum, 406b–407a = A7.100–101; omni sub pedibus, 408a = A7.100; and vertique regique videbis, 408bb = A7.101. Elsewhere in the CV, King Latinus functions typologically as an exemplar of pietas, much like Aeneas himself (with whom he is often closely linked). Though Latinus' attempts to evoke pietas from those around him may prove ultimately ineffective, he himself exemplifies proper conduct towards both the gods and his fellow human beings. Thus, we see Christ in the Sermon on the Mount calling upon his listeners to succurrite fessis (469b = A11.335) and, later, upon the 157 Rich Young Man to assist those in need (o praestans animi iuvenis, 519a = A12.19, originally urging caution upon the impetuous Turnus). Another cluster of passages occurs in the Cleansing of the Temple, already discussed in Chapter 3 above, where the Temple (described by Christ as hae nobis propriae sedes, CV 576a) is depicted in terms of King Latinus' palace (567a, 567b, 569a, 569b–570, 577). Though these passages reference Latinus only indirectly, the fact that his palace serves as a place of ritual sacrifice and feasting for the populace reinforces his fundamental pietas. Finally, two King Latinus passages occur in the Last Supper where Christ institutes the Eucharist, drawing upon the sacrificial ritual where Latinus and Aeneas pledge the treaty of single combat (A12.161–215): suspiciens caelum (585a = A12.196), referring to King Latinus alone, and dat manibus fruges (586a = 12.173 [dant fruges manibus]), referring to both Aeneas and King Latinus. Arguably, these two passages point to conceptual exegesis as much or even more than typological exegesis (the Eucharistic ritual is portrayed in terms of a pagan sacrifice sealing a treaty) but King Latinus' due observance of proper ritual is typologically relevant here as well. d) Christ as Orpheus Like Hercules, Orpheus is also the subject of interpretatio Christiana in the early Church beyond Proba: frescoes in the Catacombs of Saints Callixtus, Peter and Marcellinus, and Domitilla, and a number of sarcophagi, all depict Christ as Orpheus.241 Proba's use of Orpheus-related material is rather more circumscribed (four references total); taken from Proteus' tale 241 Huskinson, "Some Pagan Mythological Figures," 69–70. 158 at Georgics 4.453–527, it is used exclusively in the context of the aftermath of Christ's death and his resurrection. Two excerpts depict Christ's resurrection in terms of Orpheus returning with Eurydice to the upper world (the ultimate failure of his quest is, as one might expect, glossed over here): iamque pedem referens, 650a = G4.485, and superas veniebat ad auras, 650b = G4.486. The remaining two excerpts depict the upheaval of the underworld brought about by Orpheus' song (commotae Erebi de sedibus imis | umbrae ibant tenues, 631b–632a = G4.471–2; quin ipsae stupuere domus atque intima Leti | Tartara, 634–635a = G4.481–2). Like Hercules' conquest of Cacus' underground realm, Orpheus' power over the underworld serves as an effective metaphor for Christ's harrowing of Hell. e) Christ as Aristaeus The fifth semi-divine type that appears for Christ is that of Aristaeus, from Georgics 4. At first glance Aristaeus might seem a particularly unsuitable type: not only is he impulsive and lustful (his adulterous pursuit of Eurydice leads to her death), he is also piteous almost to the point of ridiculousness, crying to his mother in despair after losing his bees. In fact, Proba uses only two Aristaeus-related excerpts in her poem. These two, however, are relevant typologically, as they focus not on Aristaeus' actions nor his temperament but rather on his semi-divine parentage and the unique abilities it bestows upon him. It is intriguing that both passages are spoken by the Serpent when it returns to tempt Christ in 429–45, giving them a note of question or challenge: a choice which perhaps reflects Proba's wish to distance herself slightly from the context of the Aristaeus material. Thus, we see in 445a si modo, quem memoras, pater est (= 159 G4.323 [memoras > adhibes]); in the original context, this line is spoken by Aristaeus himself to Cyrene, asking why he is suffering if he is truly the son of the god Apollo. His questioning of his own parentage is implicitly answered when he is allowed to approach Cyrene's watery home, a privilege extended to him only due to his divine heritage: fas illi limina divum tangere (358). This language recalls not only Christ's ability to pass through death into hell and return, but even more, Paul's language at Hebrews 9:11–15, where Christ is depicted as the great High Priest who alone is able to enter into the Most Holy Place. Aristaeus' divine heritage is further displayed when he successfully binds the shape-shifting god Proteus, evading his tricks and compelling him to his will, just as Christ successfully first resists the Serpent's temptations and then subdues him, forcing him to flee ignominiously, stretched out upon the earth. Proba references the combat between Aristaeus and Proteus when she has the Serpent (in Proteus' words) ask Christ, aut quis te, iuvenum confidentissime, nostras | iussit adire domos? (439–440a = G4.445–6 [aut > nam]). f) Christ as Dardanus and Acestes These two typologies are extremely minor, each comprising only one excerpt. In the first (divinae stirpis, 347b = A5.711) we see Christ depicted as Acestes, a half-divine hero (son of the river god Crinisus) who is destined to found the city of Acesta (later Segesta) in Sicily. Here the emphasis is on Acestes' semi-divine parentage, which, like many of the typologies discussed in this section, reflects Christ's dual divine and human nature. The excerpt also hints at Christ's activity as founder of a new kingdom. 160 The second typology is similar. Here (solio stellantis regia caeli | accipit, 685b–686a = A7.210–211), we see Christ depicted as Dardanus, a son of Zeus who voyages from Latium to found a settlement in the Troad, becoming the ancestor of the Trojan kings. Broadly speaking, he is an effective type of Christ for much the same reasons as for Aeneas: he is not only of divine descent, but is (according to Homer) Zeus' favourite son by any mortal woman (Iliad 20.304–5, recalling "This is my beloved son", e.g. Matthew 3:17). Also, like Aeneas and Acestes, he founds a new realm. The typological focus in this particular passage, however, located in the Ascension episode, is on Dardanus' eventual divinization: he ascends to his new realm in the heavens, where he sits on a throne and is worshipped as a god. Not only is this effective typologically, it is also a clear instance of allusion: either Biblical ("After he had provided purification for sins, he sat down at the right hand of the Majesty in heaven," Hebrews 1:3) or creedal (Old Roman Creed: ascendit in caelos, sedet ad dexteram patris; Nicene Creed: Καὶ ἀνελθόντα εἰς τοὺς οὐρανοὺς καὶ καθεζόμενον ἐκ δεξιῶν τοῦ Πατρός) or both. This demonstrates how two levels of exegesis, the allusive and the typological, can work together to represent Christ. g) Christ as the child of Eclogue 4 I will close this section by discussing one final, and in certain respects unusual, Vergilian type: the child of Eclogue 4 (referred to variously in the second or third person and never named 161 outright242). The child of Eclogue 4 was, of course, the first Vergilian type recognized and treated as a type of Christ: first by Constantine in an address (which appears in Eusebius' Life of Constantine), then by Lactantius in his Divinae Institutiones, though they interpreted the "child" slightly differently: Constantine interpreted the passage as prophetic of Christ's first coming, Lactantius of his second.243 The child is not a simple Vergilian type like the others we have examined above, however, for it is not interpreted alone but rather in conjunction with certain prophesies of Isaiah regarding a coming "Golden Age", in particular the child, Immanuel, of Isaiah 7:13–17 (identified, in OT exegesis, with Christ). Thus, the child of Eclogue 4 functions typologically within a merged Vergilian/Biblical type. Given the precedent which Constantine sets (quoting E4.7, iam redit et virgo, redeunt Saturnia regna), it is interesting that Proba does not directly quote E4.7. Furthermore, the line that follows, iam nova progenies caelo demittitur alto — also, one would think, an extremely suitable line for her project of demonstrating that Vergil's poetry is prophetic — is quoted only in part, at CV 34a iam nova progenies. Perhaps these two lines, in their Christological interpretation, were already such a well-known trope by her time that she felt it would be overly facile to quote them directly; Jerome, for example, cites them in this connection (disapprovingly) in Ep. 53.7, suggesting that by his time at least this was a common interpretation. However, Proba refers to E4.8 allusively in the scene summarizing Christ's incarnation (338–45), writing quod tua progenies (338a# = A9.84 (quod tua cara parens) & 242 There was even in Vergil's time, and certainly afterwards, considerable speculation among both pagan and Christian authors about what child Vergil was referencing (on the surface at any rate) in this passage, as no name is given. Two historical figures who were often linked to the child are Asinius Gallus, the son of C. Asinius Pollio, consul in 40 BC (his term as consul is mentioned in the poem) and the Emperor Augustus: see L.B.T. Houghton, "Early Responses to Virgil's Fourth Eclogue," Greece & Rome 62, no. 2 (2018): 189–204. 243 Bourne, "Messianic Prophecy." 162 A1.250 (nos, tua progenies) OR A10.30 (et tua progenies)) caelo descendit ab alto (338b = A8.423). Typological exegesis of Eclogue 4 material appears in two passages. The most extensive is the nativity scene; after Mary flees with Jesus to (it is implied) Egypt, the earth itself is depicted as breaking forth into bloom around the child's cradle. These three lines are taken exclusively from Eclogue 4: hic tibi prima, puer (377a = E4.18 [at]) fundent cunabula flores (377b = E4.23) | mixtaque ridenti (378a = E4.20) passim cum baccare tellus (378b = E4.19) | molli paulatim (379a = E4.28) colocasia fundet acantho (379b = E4.20). Such beauty and fecundity, it is implied, foretell the greater peace and prosperity which the child will bring, not only to the human world, but to the natural world itself, again recalling OT passages such as Isaiah 11:6–9. Intriguingly, though Lactantius cites large portions of Eclogue 4 in his Divinae Institutiones,244 he does not cite these particular lines; Proba once again seems to be opting to break new ground rather than follow slavishly in the footsteps of previous exegetes. Shortly thereafter, in the baptism scene, God the Father addresses Christ using Eclogue 4 material (adgredere, 412 = E4.48). In the original line, the poet urges the child to take up his rightful honours and specifically addresses him as the son of Jupiter (Adgredere o magnos—aderit iam tempus—honores, | cara deum suboles, magnum Iovis incrementum!, Eclogue 4.48–9). God the Father, by speaking aloud to Christ after his baptism, similarly acknowledges him as his son. 5.7 Typological Exegesis in the CV: Mortal Humans 244 See Bourne, "Messianic Prophecy," 392: Lactantius cites Eclogue 4.38–41, 28–30, 42–45, and 21–22. 163 I will now move on to the third group of types employed for Christ in the CV: mortal humans, who are neither of divine lineage nor at any point divinized (I will treat this latter group separately). For these characters, the predominant typological emphasis tends to be on their death: thus, their mortality is not merely incidentally present, but foregrounded, providing an important and necessary counterpart to group 1 (immortal deities) and group 2 (half-divine heroes, often divinized). Once again we observe Proba's overall use of "mosaic" technique here: Christ's divinity and his humanity are given equal emphasis. a) Christ as Pallas One of the two most prominent human types for Christ in the CV is that of Pallas, with nine excerpts. As explored briefly by Clark and Hatch,245 the Pallas typology emphasizes the close connection between Evander and his only, greatly beloved, son Pallas, whom he sends with Aeneas to fight for him. This can be most clearly seen in the baptism scene, where three Pallas-related excerpts are used. First, Christ is described by John the Baptist as spes et solacia nostri (394b = A8.514), words originally spoken by Evander; then, at 404a and 404b, God the Father himself refers to Christ as et praedulce decus (= A11.155) magnum rediture parenti (= A10.507), words which in Vergil refer to the slain Pallas. Thus, the baptism scene foreshadows the necessity of Christ's death (as I have previously discussed246). Backing up slightly to the Nativity scene, we see Proba borrow the beautiful image of the evening star, a simile for Pallas in Vergil, 245 Clark and Hatch, The Golden Bough, 114 (though they do not use the term "typology"). 246 Watson, "A Feminine Typological Trinity," 8. 164 to describe the newborn Christ: extulit os sacrum (347a = A8.591). The bulk of the Pallas material, however, falls in and around the Crucifixion scene. We see Christ's attackers described using words which in the original refer to the Arcadians surrounding Pallas, urged on to fight by his bold deeds; here, Christ's deeds instead inspire hostility against him (praeclara tuentes | facta viri mixtus dolor et, 610b–611a = A10.397–398). A particularly interesting excerpt occurs two lines later: (nescia mens hominum!) (612a = A10.501). Turnus, plundering the sword-belt from Pallas which will cause his own death two books later, is compared to Christ's attackers who do not realize (it is implied) the divine retribution they will suffer for the murder they are committing. Three more passages referring to the slain Pallas follow: Christ's bereft followers refer to him as o dolor atque decus (645a = A10.507), words taken from the narrator's address to the dead Pallas; in the Resurrection scene, corpus ubi exanime positum (652a = A11.30 [exanimi]) references Pallas' body, while foribus sese intulit altis (660b = A11.36) here depicting Christ leaving the tomb, in Vergil refers to Aeneas entering the place where Pallas' body is laid. b) Christ as Camilla The virgin warrior Camilla is also used as a type for Christ in nine excerpts; this is a particularly interesting typology as it crosses the gender boundary. However, as the Camilla/Christ typology has already been explored quite thoroughly, I will keep my remarks on it to a minimum.247 The Camilla material is almost entirely clustered in two groups: 373a, 374a, 247 See Harich-Schwartzbauer, "Von Aeneas Zu Camilla"; Schottenius Cullhed, Proba the Prophet, 162; Watson, "A Feminine Typological Trinity," 5–7. 165 375a, and 376a, where the infant Christ is depicted as Camilla, raised in exile by her father Metabus (standing in for Mary); and 384, 385a, 385b, and 386a, where the populace stares in amazement at the soon-to-be baptized Christ, drawing on the Vergilian scene where Camilla rides out before her army, soon to sacrifice her life in battle. An additional excerpt not previously discussed, 415b, falls within Proba's confession of faith to Christ: quas dicere grates (= A11.508), taken from Turnus' expression of gratitude for Camilla's assistance in war. c) Christ as Dido To scholars familiar with the literature on typology in the CV, Proba's choice to enfigure Christ as Dido — not once or twice, but in seven excerpts — might seem not only surprising but even troubling. After all, as Kyriakidis and others have shown, the episode of the Fall from the Old Testament section of the work repeatedly depicts Eve using Dido material, much of it strongly negative. The use of Dido material for Christ in the New Testament section, then, not only strongly militates against Kyriakidis' overall reading of the CV as "misogynistic"; it also strengthens the intra-Cento typological link between Eve and Christ, discussed by Clark and Hatch as well as in Chapter 3 above.248 In contrast to Pallas and Camilla, the Dido material used for Christ emphasizes not Dido's tragic death (this material is used in conjunction with Eve instead, as Kyriakidis and others explore), but on her authority, industry, and generosity as Queen of Carthage. The first excerpt appears in the baptism scene, where Christ, acknowledged as the Son of God, is eager to bring 248 Clark and Hatch, The Golden Bough, 165. 166 about his new kingdom: instans operi regnisque futuris (414b = A1.504), originally describing Queen Dido as she builds her new kingdom of Carthage. In the Sermon on the Mount episode, Christ is depicted as a divine lawgiver as he preaches to the people, just as Dido iura dabat legesque viris (464a = A1.507). The remaining five excerpts are all found in the Last Supper scene, modelled in part upon Dido's welcome feast for the Trojans (et dapibus mensas onerant et pocula ponunt, 582 = A1.706, et > qui; postquam prima quies epulis mensaeque remotae, 583 = A1.723; dat manibus fruges, 586a = A1.701, dat > dant, fruges > famuli; implevitque mero pateram, 587a = 1.729; secludite curas, 596b = A1.562). Here we see typological and conceptual exegesis working in tandem: Christ's Last Supper is presented as a perfect fulfilment of the laws of hospitality; just so, Dido as host typologically points to Christ as an even more excellent host (giving not mere bread and wine but rather his own body and blood in the Eucharist). d) Christ as Palinurus Once again, Palinurus as a type for Christ has been previously explored by others, whose work I will partially recapitulate here.249 Palinurus is referenced in this connection four times in the New Testament section of the poem; of these four references, all but one fall within Christ's speech to his disciples in the Last Supper scene, and foreshadow his crucifixion and death. The emphasis here is thus on Palinurus as unique sacrifice: he alone falls overboard and is lost so that his comrades might reach Italy in safety, just as Christ alone must die for the salvation of the entire world. Two excerpts (unus erit tantum, 594a = A5.814; unum pro multis dabitur 249 Clark and Hatch, The Golden Bough, 134–5. 167 caput, 598a = A5.815) directly reference Palinurus in the original; as mentioned in Chapter 3, the second of these is also allusive. A third (promissisque patris, 591a = A5.863) in the original refers to Palinurus' shipmates, safe through Father Neptune's promises; here it is reapplied to the disciples, whose promised "gifts" (eternal life in heaven) are secure through Christ's sacrifice. Finally, a fourth Palinurus passage appears in the Sermon on the Mount episode (quoque vocat vertamus iter, 472a = A5.23). Here Palinurus, giving advice to Aeneas as an experienced navigator, stands in for Christ who is wisely directing the spiritual journey of his followers. e) Christ as Sinon (and Palamedes) A rather unexpected and difficult typology emerges in Proba's re-use of four passages from Sinon's tale (A2.77–194) to refer to Christ. The Greek warrior Sinon remains behind while his comrades have pretended to sail back to Greece (in reality hiding their ships a short distance away); his task is to persuade the Trojans to take the Horse into their city. To gain the Trojans' sympathy, he narrates a lengthy and predominantly fictitious story about his own attempted sacrifice; as he tells it, a jealous Ulysses first engineered the death of Sinon's friend Palamedes, and then, conspiring with the seer Calchas, insisted that Sinon be offered in sacrifice to gain Apollo's favour. Though the circumstances related in Sinon's story (treachery and human sacrifice) visibly resemble that of Christ's betrayal and execution, we might expect Proba to refrain from employing a story so obviously deceptive — ficta within poetic ficta — for use as a type of Christ. However, she references the Sinon episode four times, all within the Crucifixion 168 scene. Two of these excerpts are drawn from Sinon's story itself: poenas cum sanguine poscunt, 604b = A2.72, depicting Christ's executioners as the hostile Greeks seeking Sinon's death, and insontem, 606a = A2.84, depicting Christ, bringer of peace, as the innocent Palamedes killed for seeking peace with Troy. Two more come from the surrounding material; here Christ's executioners are represented by the Trojans who have taken Sinon captive (farique iubent, quo sanguine cretus, 609b = A2.74 [fari quo sanguine cretus]; certantque inludere capto, 612b = 2.64). Proba's surprising willingness to use the deceptive Sinon and his tale typologically stands as a testament to her wider acceptance of ficta in general; no poetic passage, no matter how apparently deceptive, cannot be interpreted to reveal a Christian message. f) Christ as Musaeus Two passages in the NT section of the CV portray Christ as the poet and prophet Musaeus, who appears in Aeneid 6, depicted as residing in the Elysian Fields with the other heroes. As discussed in detail by Schottenius Cullhed and others, Musaeus is Proba's stand-in Vergilian name for Moses, who alone of all her Biblical characters is referred to by name in the CV: Musaeum ante omnes (36a = A6.667 [omnis]). In doing so, she draws upon the view, popular among early Christians, that Musaeus was actually identical to the Judeo-Christian prophet Moses, who was said to have taught Orpheus in Egypt: an example of positive IC used by Christians to argue for the actual antiquity of their seemingly new religion.250 Musaeus as a type for Christ is thus not a simple Vergilian type, but (like the prophesied child of Eclogue 4 above) 250 Schottenius Cullhed, Proba the Prophet, 128. 169 also draws upon a Biblical typology (Christ as new Moses), one referenced elsewhere in the CV (e.g. 362). Of the two references which show Musaeus as a type of Christ, one occurs in the Sermon on the Mount episode (medium nam plurima turba | hunc habet atque umeris extantem suspicit altis, 461b–462 = A6.667–8), depicting the crowd's admiration of Christ and recognition of his authority, and one in the Rich Man episode (atque huic responsum paucis ita reddidit heros, 518 = A6.672); the rich young man defers to Christ's wisdom, just as even the Sibyl defers to Musaeus' knowledge. g) Assorted other human typologies There are a number of other human Vergilian characters which Proba uses as types for Christ in passing, with only one reference each; however, since they present a wide range of aspects of Christ (and thus enfigure him in different ways) they are worth discussing. Four depict characters who die premature or tragic deaths. The prototypical example is the youth Marcellus; Proba puts Anchises' words describing him (heu pietas, heu prisca fides, 415a = A6.878) into her own mouth as she confesses her faith in Christ. Related are Galaesus, who dies in the midst of trying to negotiate a peace between the Trojans and the Latins (dum paci medium se offert, 595a = A7.536) and whose words Christ applies to himself as sacrificial bringer of peace, and Laocoon, strangled by serpents as he attempts to warn the Trojans of the perils the Horse holds (spirisque ligant ingentibus ipsum, 617b = A.2.217 [ipsum > et iam]):251 a 251 Schottenius Cullhed observes here (Proba the Prophet, 182) that the bonds tying Christ to the cross are depicted as the serpents strangling Laocoon; thus Christ's primary adversary in the CV, the Serpent, appears to have won a temporary victory in the Crucifixion scene. 170 passage that hints not only at Christ's various warnings to the Jewish nation that disaster is near, but also provides context for his rebuke from the cross, discussed further in Chapter 6. Cassandra, who also attempts to warn the Trojans, is likewise used as a type of this "warning" Christ (tunc etiam, 562a = A2.246). Four other excerpts enfigure Christ in other respects. At 348a he is depicted as Numa, the legendary Roman lawgiver (missus in imperium = A6.812), another passage that recalls the Biblical typology of Christ as a second Moses. In the very next line we see an unexpected typology using the rather violent Latin warrior Aventinus. Here, however, the emphasis is wholly on his half-divine parentage: the priestess Rhea and Hercules, here termed a god (mixta Deo, 349a = A7.661). On a similar note, even Aeneas' adversary Turnus is used as a type of Christ, who dismisses the Serpent with calm authority just as Turnus calmly dismisses Pandarus' boasting (olli subridens sedato pectore fatur, 446 = A9.740 [olli subridens sedato pectore]). Finally, we see the precocious Iulus used to enfigure Christ as he first walks abroad in public, directly before his baptism (ante annos animumque gerens, 382a = A9.311). 5.8 Typological Exegesis in the CV: Other Types a) Animals and inanimate objects Before moving on to two potentially problematic groups of typologies (deified human beings and physical representations of gods) I will briefly touch upon one final group of types for Christ: animals and inanimate objects. Proba's use of these should not be surprising, given that 171 standard OT exegesis recognizes a wide array of non-human types for Christ (the bronze serpent, the Passover lamb, the rock struck by Moses, and so on). Most of these five types used by Proba illustrate Christ's "half-divine" nature. Three appear in the Nativity scene: Christ is enfigured as the half-divine horses which King Latinus gives to Aeneas (semine ab aetherio, 345a = A7.281); as Cybele's ships, once perishable but miraculously transformed into sea nymphs (iamque aderat promissa dies, 346a = A9.107 [aderat promissa dies]); and the new race created by Deucalion by casting stones behind him, miraculously changed into human beings (quo tempore primum, 346b = G1.61). In the Baptism scene, we see Christ as the Golden Bough, a supernatural plant growing upon a tree not its own (nec plura his: ille admirans venerabile donum, 453 = A6.408); here the idea that Christ comes as a "gift" (donum) to the world is emphasized. One final type casts Christ, the "King of the Jews" and ultimately king of creation as well, as the bees' king, whose followers crowd around him in reverence and protection just as Christ's followers gather close around him (fremitu denso stipantque frequentes, 460b = G4.216). b) Two anomalous groups I have reserved discussion of two anomalous, and rather problematic, groupings for the end of this chapter. The first group is of mortal human beings who are deified (or declared as such) after their death: most notably, the Roman emperor Augustus Caesar (four excerpts), along with the youth Daphnis (one excerpt). It might appear at first glance extraordinary, and perhaps even repugnant, that Proba should use deified Roman Emperors as types for Christ at all, given 172 that much anti-Christian persecution was founded upon the Christian refusal to acknowledge, through sacrificial ritual, the divinity of the Emperor. However, these five excerpts are so prominently placed that it is hard to argue that this borrowing was not done deliberately. The first two occur in the Baptism scene, where God addresses Christ in words taken from Vergil's authorial plea — almost a prayer — to Augustus for assistance in his poetic task of instruction: ignarosque viae mecum miseratus (411a = G1.41); adgredere et votis iam nunc adsuesce vocari (412 = G1.42 [ingredere]). The remaining three follow in close proximity within Proba's statement of confession, remarkable for its heightened emotion: she says of Christ, hic mihi responsum primus dedit ille petenti (419 = E1.44), Tityrus' words to Meliboeus describing the Emperor Augustus' answer to his petition. Throughout Eclogue 1, Augustus (though not yet dead) is consistently portrayed by Tityrus as a god: we are told that deus nobis haec otia fecit. | namque erit ille mihi semper deus (E1.6–7), that neque servitio me...licebat tam praesentis alibi cognoscere divos (E1.40–1), and finally reminded that Augustus already receives sacrifice: hic illum vidi iuvenem, Meliboee, quot annis | bis senos cui nostra dies altaria fumant (E1.42–3). Later in the same confessional passage of the CV, Augustus is again used typologically for Christ: huius in adventum (426a = A6.798), taken from a passage in Aeneid 6 where the land itself is depicted as trembling at prophecies of Augustus' coming, imagery that closely reflects certain of the Psalms (e.g. Psalm 64 and 65). This theme is further developed in the very next line, taken from the song depicting the youth Daphnis' deification: ipsi laetitia voces ad sidera iactant | intonsi montes (427–428a = E5.62–3), where the earth itself breaks into song. What are we to make of this? Given the close placement of these lines to one another and the significance of the passages in which they occur, they cannot simply be dismissed; it is hard 173 to see how this choice would not be a deliberate one. We are forced to conclude that Proba sees even that most problematic of pagan institutions, the imperial cult, as redeemable and indicative of the truth; the pagan belief that a human being could be made divine, she seems to be saying, is ultimately rooted in a true (if only partial) apprehension of Christ, who though born in human form ultimately ascends, after his death, into heaven. The second group I have chosen to treat here is anomalous in a different way: these are the Penates, Greco-Roman gods represented in statue form, and thus both inanimate and divine. Again, though Proba uses this group only sparingly (two references) it might strike the reader as extraordinary that she uses them at all, given the extreme polemic directed by most early Christian writers, and indeed in the New Testament itself, against "idols." Her willingness to not only utilize these figures in the CV at all, but even to use them typologically — as a means for the reader to understand and visualize the reality of Christ, as true God — cannot be overstated. Both these excerpts are taken from the scene where the Phrygian Penates appear to Aeneas in a dream and give him guidance (itself a common OT motif): at 355b (agnoscere vultus = A3.173) the Magi acknowledge the newborn Christ as divine just as Aeneas acknowledges the figures of his Penates, and at 576a (hae nobis propriae sedes = A3.167) Christ claims authority over the Temple in the same words the Penates use to claim Italy as their rightful home. 5.9 Conclusion 174 In this chapter, I have presented a wide variety of Vergilian figures which Proba employs typologically to depict the various attributes and aspects of Christ. At this point, a sceptical objection could perhaps be raised: given so many typologies, can the reader make any sense out of Proba's typological exegesis as a whole? If, as Harich-Schwartzbauer argues, one typology will inevitably "destabilize" certain aspects of the last (e.g. Camilla is female and mortal, while Neptune is male and divine) does any coherent picture of Christ emerge, or are we left with a confused jumble of scattered impressions? Of course, this problem is not unique to Vergilian typologies, for the typologies of Christ which traditional Christian exegesis finds in the OT appear similarly chaotic. What could Adam, Melchisedek, Moses, Jonah, the bronze serpent, the rock struck by Moses, the stone abandoned by builders (and many more types) possibly have in common? The answer, though it might appear somewhat tautological, is Christ. That is, these types have nothing at all in common except for the very fact that they all foreshadow in some way, and are fulfilled by, the figure of Christ. In other words, a type — though it prophetically anticipates the future — can only be fully recognized as a type in retrospect. Furthermore, it is only when the antitype appears that it is able to fully perform the three roles that I laid out earlier in this chapter. In other words (though this may seem paradoxical), the prefigurative quality of the type is fully recognized only in retrospect, though even prior to the appearance of the antitype it may give us some shadowy anticipation of it (for example, someone instructed to read the story of the brazen serpent prophetically might be led to expect a healer). The same is true for the type's enfiguring role: we must have the antitype before us before we can look at 175 it through a particular lens (e.g. that of High Priest, or Lawgiver). Finally, the unitive function of the type by definition cannot be operative before the antitype appears. In fact, once we adopt this retrospective standpoint, it becomes clear that a wide variety of types is actually helpful rather than confusing, for the figure of Christ contains so many attributes and plays so many different roles that a single type (e.g. Aeneas), or a mere handful, would fail to show us Christ in all his complexity. Thus, in employing a wide variety of Vergilian types, Proba fully follows in the footsteps of earlier Christian exegetes, and she does not weaken but rather strengthen her exegetical point: that Vergil, through the use of typology, foretold the coming Christ much as the OT scriptures do. 176 Chapter 6: Thematic Vergilian Exegesis The third and final variety of Vergilian exegesis in the CV that I will examine in detail is thematic exegesis. Here Proba selects and adapts both Vergilian verses and Biblical material in order to throw into prominence for her readers a particular theme which she wishes to explore. Such themes generally pertain not only to one or two episodes, but can be observed throughout the CV and may act as a unifying and/or structuring device. Certain of these themes have been touched upon by previous scholars; for example, Schottenius Cullhed discusses the theme of poetic/prophetic authority as developed throughout the CV and in particular its extradiegetic sections such as the Prologue.252 Another theme elucidated by multiple scholars is that of gender and in particular femininity as it relates to Proba's depiction of evil throughout the CV.253 As these two themes have already been explored in some detail, I will turn to a third central theme of the CV: war and peace. This theme can be felt in the very first lines of the CV, where Proba confesses that she once wrote epic poetry depicting warfare, but that she will no longer do so; instead, she will redirect her poetic powers to tell the story of Christ (CV 1–23). The Prologue of the CV (1–55) has received significant attention from scholars; in particular, it has been mined for relevant autobiographical details for determining the date and authorship of the CV (as I will touch upon below). Given this scholarly interest, it is somewhat surprising that 252 Schottenius Cullhed, Proba the Prophet, 129–36. 253 See Chapter 5, "The Myth of Feminine Evil" in Clark and Hatch, The Golden Bough, 151–9. 177 no more general exploration of the dual themes of war and peace in the CV has yet been undertaken. In this chapter, I will explore how Proba develops these paired themes throughout the CV, using them both as recurrent leitmotifs and as a narrative structuring device. Indeed, as we will see, Proba's very choice of Biblical episodes is in fact heavily dependent upon these themes. As I will demonstrate, Proba repeatedly depicts the CV's antagonists (the Serpent, Herod, Jesus' killers) in terms of war, furor, and violence. Indeed, in Proba's retelling of the Biblical story, war itself is the main antagonist of the CV and thus of Christ, who in contrast brings the promise of a true and lasting peace to his followers and to the world. Before I turn to the CV, it should be pointed out that Proba — in developing war and peace as a theme throughout her poem — is not introducing into her work an entirely novel theme foreign to Vergil or to the Bible. Indeed, war and peace are of clear interest both to Vergil and to the Biblical authors. Aeneas, fleeing from the destruction of Troy in war and arriving in Latium, fully intends to forge a peaceful alliance with King Latinus, but is thwarted by the machinations of Juno, who sends Allecto to inflame Turnus and Queen Amata to violence. The Biblical prophets similarly express in multiple places the desire for a "peaceable kingdom" (e.g. Isaiah 11:1–10) in which war and violence will be unknown among the human and even the animal race. However, both seem to accept that war is to some degree inevitable: Aeneas must, in the actual event, wage war against and defeat Turnus to establish his new realm, while many of the Biblical prophets portray war as a useful chastisement inflicted by God upon a nation (Israel), or other nations, that have forgotten his decrees. In casting war as the primary 178 antagonist of the Biblical story, Proba thus takes up a theme with both Vergilian and Biblical precedents, yet develops and heightens it to a degree unprecedented in either. 6.1 The Prologue: War and Peace I will begin by discussing the first eight lines of the CV, a recusatio in which Proba claims to have written (confiteor, scripsi: CV 8) a poem (or poems) depicting war: iam dudum temerasse duces pia foedera pacis, regnandi miseros tenuit quos dira cupido, diversasque neces regum, crudelia bella cognatasque acies, pollutos caede parentum insignes clipeos nulloque ex hoste tropaea, sanguine conspersos tulerat quos fama triumphos, innumeris totiens viduatas civibus urbes, confiteor, scripsi: satis est meminisse malorum... There are several useful conclusions that can be drawn from the vocabulary employed by Proba in this passage. First of all, we see a stark opposition between war and peace presented in the very first line: as Proba states, she has written about generals or leaders (duces) who violate (temerasse) sacred treaties of peace (pia foedera pacis). Secondly, the war described in this passage is specifically a civil war; this is evident from her mention of "kindred armies" 179 (cognatasque acies), "shields polluted with the slaughter of parents" (pollutos caede parentum...clipeos) and "trophies taken from no enemy" (nulloque ex hoste tropaea). The first two of these excerpts are adapted from Lucan's Civil War (cognatasque acies, Luc 1.4; polluta nefanda/agmina caede, Luc 4.259–60). More generally, the recusatio as a whole draws heavily upon Lucan, quoting him six times (see Appendix 1, lines 1–8 for citations); this pattern of re-use further underscores Proba's depiction of civil war in particular. Finally, Proba's depiction of war is overwhelmingly negative. The vocabulary she selects is highly charged, particularly her adjectives (miseros, dira, crudelia) and nouns (cupido, neces, bella, caede). The brutality of her imagery cannot help but grip the reader: among the more extreme examples, we read of insignes clipeos pollutos caede parentum, triumphos conspersos sanguine, and innumeris totiens viduatas civibus urbes. The overall atmosphere is one of utter chaos, societal breakdown, and devastation: a situation which Proba sums up in line 8 with the single word malorum. In contrast to Vergil or to other Classical writers (e.g. Horace III.2), there is no sense here that there is anything noble or admirable about warfare. We can thus characterize this passage as an anti-war polemic: a striking authorial choice on Proba's part given that (as earlier discussed254) the CV is relatively polemic-free otherwise. The first part of the CV's Prologue thus functions as a ringing denunciation of war, and of civil war in particular. This view of CV 1–8 as anti-war polemic also helps to explain the seemingly paradoxical255 fact 254 Chapter 2, 26–7. 255 Such a recusatio is, however, a common rhetorical device in poetry, particularly in situations where the author rejects a martial theme: Vergil (Eclogue 6.3), Ovid (Amores 1.1–2), and Horace (Odes 1.6) all engage in similar (if generally less lengthy) recusationes. 180 that, as Clark and Hatch point out, Proba "devotes fourteen lines to detailing the themes that she chooses not to narrate."256 Does this passage reference an actual poem which Proba wrote, and if so, was that poem based on her personal experience of civil war? These lines have been the focus of a rather extensive scholarly debate regarding the date and authorship of Proba's CV, given that they have traditionally been taken as referring to Constantius' war against Magnentius, occurring from 351–3 CE, an association which stems from a lost tenth-century manuscript examined by Bernard de Montfaucon. As such, they have been used to argue both for and against the traditional authorship and date (Faltonia Betitia Proba, composed approx. 350–370 CE). The scholar Danuta Shanzer has proposed, instead, that the CV was in fact composed decades later by Faltonia Betitia Proba's granddaughter Anicia Faltonia Proba.257 It is not my purpose in this study to take up this debate, since the historical evidence has already been thoroughly sifted by both sides. I will simply state that, like most scholars of the CV, I accept the earlier authorship as the more convincing of the two, and thus have proceeded in this study under the assumption that Faltonia Betitia Proba was in fact the author of the CV. However, before leaving the question entirely, I do wish to discuss the possible historical referent of Cento 1–8. When Proba states that she wrote a poem or poems about civil war, does this in fact allude to the war of Constantius and Magnentius? In fact, there have been a number of answers proposed to this question, which I summarize below: 256 Clark and Hatch, The Golden Bough, 123, though it is unclear which other lines they mean. If they are referring to CV 14–17 (Proba's dismissal of pagan sources of inspiration), this would bring the total only to 13 lines; if the second short recusatio at CV 47–9 (namque, fatebor enim, levium spectacula rerum, | semper equos atque arma virum pugnasque canebam | et studio incassum volui exercere laborem), only to 11; if both, the total would be 16. Perhaps the reference to "fourteen" is simply an error. 257 For a summary of the scholarship around this question, see Schottenius Cullhed, Proba the Prophet, 20–23. 181 1) CV 1–8 alludes to an earlier (and now lost) classicizing epic poem by Proba which related the history of the civil war between Constantius and Magnentius. Accordingly, this lost poem must have been written after 353 CE, and the Cento must have been composed some time after that: perhaps between 360 and 370. In between these two poems, Proba's views on civil war underwent a dramatic change, from seeing it as a worthy subject for an epic poem to viewing it as execrable.258 2) CV 1–8 alludes to an earlier classicizing epic which Proba wrote on a historical or mythological subject, such as the civil war between Caesar and Pompey. Though this epic was written before the composition of the CV, it is tied to no specific historical date.259 3) CV 1–8 is a literary fiction: a recusatio manufactured purely for the purposes of creating a poetic persona. Proba wrote no earlier epic on civil war at all.260 I wish to propose another hypothesis altogether. My own sense, reading CV 1–8, is that it is rooted in personal experience; Proba's almost frenetic denunciation of war and the stark, visceral imagery she employs seem to go beyond the mythological or merely historical. The overwhelming sense the reader takes away from this passage is that the author saw, first-hand, the misery and brutality of civil war.261 Yet it is hard to imagine how, after writing an earlier epic shortly after the civil war between Constantius and Magnentius (perhaps in 355) that glorified 258 See, for example, John Matthews, "The Poetess Proba and fourth-century Rome: Questions of Interpretation," in Institutions, société et vie politique dans l'Empire romain au IVe siècle ap. J.-C. Actes de la table ronde autour de l'oeuvre d'André Chastagnol (Paris, 20–21 janvier 1989) (Rome : École Française de Rome, 1992), 277–304: "That the poetess was in her earlier poem referring to the theme of recent civil war is a natural reading of the text of the Cento" (294). 259 Danuta Shanzer, "The Anonymous Carmen contra paganos and the date and identity of the Centonist Proba", Revue des Etudes Augustiniennes 32 (1986), 232–48. 260 Schottenius Cullhed, Proba the Prophet, 117–9. 261 Such a reaction is suggested by the scale of the losses incurred in the conflict: for example, Constantius II lost so many soldiers at the Battle of Mursa (351 CE) that he feared the Empire would soon become unable to defend itself against enemy attack from outside. See Zosimus, New History, 2.51. 182 civil war or at least portrayed it as worthy of poetic treatment, she should suddenly turn against it so sharply a handful of years later. If such a dramatic conversion was indeed caused by first-hand experience, one would expect it to be immediate rather than delayed. Yet what if both theories 1) and 2) are to some degree correct? Suppose Proba a) wrote, prior to 351, a traditional classicizing epic on the subject of a historical civil war from a purely theoretical standpoint; b) experienced the reality of civil war first-hand 351–3 (including the personal calamity of accusations of treason against her husband Alypius262); and c) after 353, having come to realize the inherent falsity of her earlier depictions of civil war, wrote the CV, fervently denouncing both civil war and her own earlier poem exalting it? This would also explain why not only the Prologue but in fact the entirety of the CV reflects a highly negative view of war: Proba's personal experience of civil war went on to colour not only her views of war per se but also her conception of history and of salvation more generally. As I will demonstrate below, Proba's Jesus comes to save people from war, violence, and furor more than from "sin" abstractly. 6.2 War and the Fall of Adam and Eve 6.2.1 God's Command as Foreshadowing I will now turn to the first episode in which the concept of war/violence plays a significant role: the Fall from Genesis 3. Proba can already be seen to foreshadow the association between 262 Hagith Sivan, "Anician Women, the Cento of Proba, and Aristocratic Conversion in the Fourth Century," Vigiliae Christianae 47 (1993): 140–57, at 146–7. 183 war/violence and the Fall in God's initial speech to Adam and Eve after their creation (CV 139–56). In commanding Adam and Eve not to touch the Forbidden Tree, he states that [est arbos] quam neque fas igni cuiquam nec sternere ferro (CV 149). Igni [et] ferro, of course, is a phrase with well-known military connotations, referring to techniques of scorched-earth warfare, i.e. to inflict utter devastation upon the enemy; the Tree is thus protected from violence generally and specifically from the specific sort of violence inflicted upon the earth by invading armies. Indeed, not only the Tree but the primordial earth more generally is to be free from violence: God tells Adam and Eve that the "earth will not endure the plough, nor the vines the sickle" (non rastros patietur humus, non vinea falcem, 144). God goes on to warn them that nec tibi tam prudens quisquam persuadeat auctor | conmaculare manus (153–154a); the latter phrase refers generally to murder and specifically in its Vergilian context to Medea's murder of her two children (Eclogue 8.48). Finally, speaking to Eve specifically, he says liceat te voce moneri | femina, nec te ullius violentia vincat (CV 154b–155). The latter excerpt (te ullius violentia vincat) is originally spoken by Drances to King Latinus, urging him to make peace with Aeneas and to give him his daughter (Aeneid 11.354). Proba thus repeatedly frames the temptation to harm the Tree in terms of violence: not only is the Tree protected from violence by religious law (religione sacra, 150a), but Adam and Eve are specifically warned not to allow themselves to be overcome by violence and thus to inflict violence in turn upon the Tree. Of course, this thematic exegesis of the Tree and God's commandment coexists with the earlier-discussed conceptual exegesis of the Tree as sacred grove or tree. Indeed, the two dovetail nicely, for the most common threat against the sacred grove or tree in both history and literature was that of felling. This often occurred in times of 184 warfare to produce wood for military applications, to demoralize the enemy,263 or to provide a suitable field for battle as in the example earlier quoted (of the olim venerabile lignum of Aeneid 12.767 = CV 198). This emphasis on the avoidance of violence also allows Proba to utilize Vergilian excerpts earlier in the same passage which the reader might otherwise find discordant or troubling: God's statement to Adam and Eve that his ego nec metas rerum nec tempora pono | imperium sine fine dedi (CV 142–143a). These two lines derive from Jupiter's statement to Venus that he has given the Romans military command (imperium) without bounds or end (Aeneid 1.278–9). Such a statement might be seen to abstractly endorse violent conquest of other peoples, though of course it is impossible to read it as such in this particular context, since Adam and Eve are the only humans who yet exist. By framing God's command in terms of avoidance of violence, however, Proba further dissuades the reader from reading these lines as endorsing violent conquest. 6.2.2 The Serpent as Allecto Next I will turn to the actual scene of the Fall itself. The episode begins with a lengthy description of the Serpent who tempts Adam and Eve. Unsurprisingly, Proba draws heavily in this passages upon Vergilian descriptions of snakes, as previous commentators have noted: we see references to the snakes which strangle Laocoön and his sons (CV 173b, immensis orbibus anguis = A2.204 [angues]), to the snake which appears at Anchises' grave (CV 174, septem ingens gyros, septena volumina = A5.85), and to the snake to which Venulus, captured by 263 For examples, see Carroll, "The Sacred Places," 15–16. 185 Tarchon, is compared (CV 174, volumina versans = A11.753 [versat]; CV 180a, arrectisque horret squamis et = A11.754). Given this context, it might at first seem unsurprising that Proba also employs lines for the Serpent that in Vergil refer to another "snake-related" character, the Fury Allecto, who has snakes growing out of her body (tot pullulat atra colubris, A7.329) and who uses snakes to madden her victims, driving them to war (Queen Amata: A7.346–53; Turnus: A7.450–1). Yet the preponderance of Allecto-derived material in this passage — three excerpts in a row, comprising CV 177–9 — suggests that Proba's interest in Allecto goes far beyond her "snakiness"; indeed, of these excerpts only one is directly snake-related (vipeream spirans animam, CV 177a = A7.351, describing the snake which Allecto flings at Queen Amata). The focus, rather, is on Allecto's role as the bringer of war; A7.325–6, cui tristia bella | iraeque insidiaeque et crimina noxia cordi, is taken up and reapplied without alteration to the Serpent (CV 177b–178). It is for this reason that, we are told by Proba, odit et ipse pater (CV 179a = A7.327): a line which in the Vergilian original refers to Allecto's father Pluto, but in Proba refers, of course, to God as Creator. The remaining line, tot sese vertit in ora (CV 179b = A7.328), describes another attribute of Allecto: her propensity to change form (possibly alluding to the snake's ability to cast its skin), hinting at the chaos and societal disturbance that she has the power to bring along with war. Thus, Proba casts the CV's central antagonist, the Serpent, as the spirit of war itself. We see another Allecto-derived line near the end of the Serpent's temptation of Eve, where it tells her dux ego vester ero: tua si mihi certa voluntas, | extruimusque toros dapibusque epulamur opimis (CV 195–6). CV 195b, tua si mihi certa voluntas (= A7.548), is spoken by Allecto 186 to Juno; having accomplished her assigned mission of bringing warfare between the Trojans and Latins, she urges Juno to command her to create even greater conflict, a plea which Juno dismisses (A7.552–60). The Serpent's temptation of Eve to violate the Tree and to pick its fruit becomes, in Proba, a temptation to violence and war. 6.2.3 Eve and Adam By yielding to the Serpent's temptation, Eve becomes the cause of future war. We are told that Eve is causa mali tanti (CV 202a = A6.93), a passage taken from the Sibyl's implicit description of Lavinia as a second Helen, doomed to be the cause of war between the Latins and Trojans (causa mali tanti coniunx iterum hospita Teucris | externique iterum thalami, A7.93–4). In the same passage, Proba also describes Eve using two lines taken from the banquet in which Dido welcomes the Trojans to Carthage, praecipue infelix pesti devota futurae (CV 200 = A1.712) and summo tenus attigit ore (CV 202b = A1.737). These lines, though they refer to what appears a joyous occasion of feasting, foreshadow Dido's eventual fate (not only of suicide, but as cause of lasting enmity between the Carthaginians and Romans). Just so, Proba seems to be saying, Eve's choice to give in to the Serpent's temptation and to "set up a banquet" (instuuntque dapes, CV 199a = A7.109) consisting of the forbidden fruits will be the cause of future war and conflict. As Eve gives the fruit to Adam, she is described using an excerpt referring to Queen Amata, driven to nefas and furor by the serpent which Allecto flings at her: maius adorta nefas maioremque orsa furorem (CV 203 = A7.386). The idea of furor is echoed in another line referring to Eve shortly after, describing God's knowledge of Eve's transgression: notumque 187 furens quid femina posset (CV 212b = A5.6). The Vergilian verse refers, of course, to Dido's self-destruction upon her funeral pyre, which Aeneas sees from his ship. Eve, by succumbing to the Serpent's temptation, has brought both upon the world and upon herself a furor that breeds conflict, evil deeds, and (self-)destruction. The theme of furor, first introduced in this passage, is in fact one that Proba will take up and employ throughout the CV; each time it appears, it is framed as a highly dangerous, hostile force which possesses people, driving them to violence. The furor which Allecto brings thus becomes, along with the Serpent, the main antagonist of the CV, and it is this furor which Christ must defeat in order to bring his reign of peace in its place. After Adam and Eve eat the fruit, we see the first evidence of future conflict: as we are told, "immediately a new light sparkled in their [or, his] eyes" (continuo nova lux oculis effulsit, CV 206). In the Aeneid, this line refers to the lust for battle that gleams in Turnus' eyes when he finds himself inside the Trojans' camp (A9.731). A few lines later we hear that God, seeing Adam and Eve's actions, can foresee the full extent of the war and bloodshed that their disobedience will bring upon the world: at non haec nullis hominum rerumque repertor | observans oculis caedes et facta tyranni | praesensit (CV 210–12). The excerpt caedes et facta tyranni (CV 211b = A8.483 [quid]) refers, in Vergil's verse, to the tyrant Mezentius, who commits unspeakable crimes against his own people and threatens Evander's Arcadians with war. 6.2.4 The Curses on the Serpent, Adam, and Eve 188 Immediately after the Fall, Proba relates how Adam and Eve are struck by fear; having made rough clothes for themselves, they attempt to flee from God's sight (206–19). God, of course, soon approaches their hiding place (220–3) and demands an explanation of their misdeeds (224–7), at the same time pronouncing their exile from Eden: they are to depart, and a river of fire will prevent their return (228–32). Once again, the theme of furor is seen here: God demands quis furor iste novus? (CV 225) as part of a series of rhetorical questions aimed at Adam and Eve. Here furor is used parallel to and roughly equivalent to dementia (224) and insania (226), demonstrating that for Proba, furor is a sickness not only of the emotions but of the mind as well, overwhelming and overthrowing human reason: a quality which makes it all the more dangerous. Adam replies, both confessing his own sin (233–6, 242–3) and accusing Eve for her role in the Fall (236–41): a passage that roughly parallels Genesis 3:12, and that has been much discussed in gender-focused studies of the CV.264 Like God, he too mentions furor, though only in relation to Eve's actions, stating that dum furit, incautum crudeli morte peremit (CV 240). Rather oddly, no mention is made of the Serpent, nor is Eve given any chance to explain her own side of the story (as in Genesis 3:13); however, the next passage makes it clear that God certainly knows the Serpent's role in the Fall regardless of Adam's failure to mention it. At this point, God pronounces three curses upon those involved in the Fall: the Serpent, then Adam, then Eve, an order somewhat altered from that in Genesis 3 (Serpent, Eve, Adam); there 264 See Clark and Hatch, The Golden Bough, 153; Schottenius Cullhed, Proba the Prophet, 145; Margoni-Kögler, "Women Promoting Literary Inculturation," 132–3; Kyriakidis, "Eve and Mary," 132. 189 is no very clear reason for this change. Each of the three curses has somewhat different implications for the theme of war/violence, and I will present each in turn. The first curse (CV 246–51) is addressed to the Serpent, to whom God clearly assigns the largest share of blame for the Fall, addressing it as tuque prior scelere ante alios inmanior omnes (CV 246). The passage that follows roughly parallels the Biblical curse: the Serpent is to eat "evil herbs" (mala gramina), to crawl on its belly (latamque trahens inglorius alvum), and to give way (cede locis) to human beings, living instead in barren land that is unsuitable for cultivation (tenuis ubi argilla et dumosis calculus arvis). An examination of the Vergilian context of these lines reveals that, "neutral" though their content seems, nearly every excerpt employed in this speech references a character who is the source of war and/or violence. God's first words to the Serpent, tuque prior (CV 246a = A6.834) are spoken by Anchises to the vision of Julius Caesar as part of the pageant of future Romans that he shows to Aeneas; here, Anchises pleads with Caesar not to bring civil war upon Rome, a plea that in the event is of course fruitless. The next excerpt, scelere ante alios inmanior omnes (CV 246b = A1.347), refers to Dido's brother Pygmalion, the evil and tyrannical ruler of Tyre who is responsible for Sychaeus' murder. In the next line, we are told that the Serpent's evil desires are unappeasable, using words (quem nec longa dies pietas nec mitigat ulla, CV 247 = A5.738 [quam]), which originally refer to Juno's implacable hatred and anger against the Trojans. The Serpent is then called a hortator scelerum (CV 248a = A6.529) and coluber mala gramina pastus (CV 248b = A2.471): two excerpts which describe members of the Greek army in their rampage of Troy. The former excerpt is spoken by Deiphobus' shade to Aeneas, describing Ulysses as leader of the Greeks who butchered him as he lay unarmed and helpless; the latter describes the insatiably 190 violent Pyrrhus brandishing his weapon in a manner reminiscent of a snake. The next line (desidia latamque trahens inglorius alvum, CV 249), though from Georgics (4.94) rather than Aeneid, also has military connotations: Vergil uses it to describe the losing "general" in a battle of two beehives. Finally, the brief command cede locis (CV 250b = A7.559, spoken by Juno to Allecto) references once more the identification of the Serpent with Allecto, the spirit of warfare. The Serpent is thus clearly, and repeatedly, depicted as the deliberate originator and ultimate cause of war and violence. Next, God pronounces the curse upon Adam (CV 252–63); this is by far the longest of the three curses. I will not analyze it in detail at this point, since the majority of it pertains to the effect of the Fall upon nature, which I will discuss in the following section. However, it is worth pointing out that just as Adam (and Eve) violated the Tree in opposition to God's command, so he must now violently wound the earth itself for the basic necessities of life: primusque per artem | heu, miserande puer terram insectabere rastris (CV 253b–4). Furthermore, he must continually struggle against competitors, both avian (et sonitu terrebis aves, CV 255a) and plant, the latter of which are armed with their own thorny or poisoned weapons in defence (horrebit in arvis | carduus et spinis surget paliurus acutis | lappaeque tribolique et fallax herba veneni, CV 255b–257a). Even to collect the poor man's food of acorns, he must do (a limited sort of) violence to oak trees: concussaque famem in silvis solabere quercu (CV 260). It is instructive to compare this with the situation in Eden, where fruit lay underneath every tree free for the taking: strata iacent passim sua quaeque sub arbore poma, CV 186. 191 The final, and shortest, curse is pronounced upon Eve (CV 263–8), a passage often quoted in gender-focused studies of the CV.265 This relatively short passage contains four lines from the tale of Dido, three of which cast Eve as Dido herself: non ignara mali (CV 264a = A1.630), heu, perdita, nescis (CV 265b = A4.541) and nunc morere, ut merita es (CV 267a = A4.547).266 We are again reminded that Dido's death is to become a cause of lasting warfare between Rome and Carthage. Related is Proba's use of a Vergilian excerpt, tuque, o saevissima coniunx (CV 263b) partly derived from the description of Juno as saevissima (A2.612) as she holds the gates of Troy, assisting in its overthrow by the Greeks. God also terms Eve the caput horum et causa malorum (CV 264b = A11.361), which in the Vergilian original is spoken by Drances to Turnus, accusing him of being the sole cause of the war with Aeneas. Indeed, this association between Eve and Turnus dovetails nicely with the portrayal of the Serpent as Allecto, who spurs Turnus on to bring about the war that she desires. Thus, though Eve can be said in a certain sense to be the "head and cause of these evils" (due to her temptation of Adam), this line is spoken by God with the understanding that the Serpent, already cursed, is the ultimate cause of the Fall. Finally, we see a line spoken by Proteus to Aristaeus, magna lues commissa tibi (CV 265a = G4.454), referring to the latter's attempt to force himself on Eurydice, a violent act resulting in her death (an interesting cross-gender adaptation by Proba of the Vergilian original). Taken together, these passages reiterate Proba's earlier portrayal of the Fall as an act of violence that 265 See n. 58 above. 266 The fourth Dido-related excerpt in this section spoken by God to Eve, nec que te circum stent deinde pericula cernis (CV 266 = A4.561), actually derives from Mercury's rather mendacious words to Aeneas, encouraging him to sail before Dido can wreak the violence upon him that she is supposedly planning. 192 leads to further violence: against the earth, its plants and birds, and even other human beings. Indeed, the truth of the latter will be seen in the very next episode: that of Cain and Abel. 6.3 The End of the Golden Age: A Triple Fall and Punishment? Before I proceed to the next episode (that of Cain and Abel) I wish to step back and look at Proba's selection of narrative material from Genesis more broadly. The two major episodes, the Creation (65–171) and the Fall (172–275), are followed by two shorter episodes: the slaying of Abel by his brother Cain (285–9) and the Flood (307–15). Sandwiched in between are two portrayals of the decline of nature (276–84 and 290–8), as well as a shorter passage depicting humanity's descent into violence and greed (299–306). It has long been recognized that these latter three passages are based, in large part, on portrayals of a lost "Golden Age" of peace and plenty in Vergil and other Greco-Roman poets (e.g. Hesiod).267 Though I will not repeat these arguments here as they have been thoroughly made by others, I will note that this is another example of what I have termed conceptual exegesis: Proba depicts a Christian concept (the exile from Eden) in terms of a Greco-Roman mythological concept (the end of the Golden Age). Turning back to Proba's portrayal of Genesis material, I contend that these passages represent a carefully constructed three-part structure, with every part containing first a "Fall" exemplified by violence, followed by a description of its consequences on nature. Hence we have the "Fall" proper (Adam and Eve's violence against the Tree) followed by its punishment (exile from Eden, the necessity to cultivate crops); the "Fall" of Cain slaying Abel, followed by its 267 Clark and Hatch, The Golden Bough, 171–81. 193 more severe punishment (the introduction of poison, disease, and predation into nature); and, finally, the "Fall" of society as a whole, followed by the most extreme of the three punishments, the Flood. This three-part structure where each punishment increases in intensity suggests that, for Proba, each Fall, being more violent, also increases in severity. Viewed in this manner, Cain's violent murder of his brother Abel is actually a worse "fall" than the "Fall" itself! I will now examine each of these passages in turn. 6.3.1 The Curse on Adam: the First Punishment We see the curse on Adam depicted in two passages. First, there is the curse proper as pronounced by God in 254–63, followed by a narrative depiction of Adam and Eve's life outside Eden in 276–84. If we look at these two passages as a whole, we can see that the main theme of them is unending labour, followed closely by deprivation. Indeed, the two are closely linked: Adam, we are told, must now work continually to produce edible crops, or else he will be forced to shake acorn trees for the bare sustenance of life: at ni triticeam in messem robustaque farra | exercebis humum frustra spectabis acervum | concussaque famem in silvis solabere quercu (CV 268–60). This emphasis on continual labour contrasts sharply with the plentiful food given freely by the trees in Eden: strata iacent passim sua quaeque sub arbore poma (CV 186). Now Adam must not only work for his food; he must contend with inedible plants which seek to occupy the fields which he sows (horrebit in arvis | carduus et spinis surget paliurus acutis | lappaeque tribolique et fallax herba veneni, CV 255b–7) and with birds endeavouring to eat his grain crops (et sonitu terrebis aves, CV 255a). 194 This theme of labour and deprivation is taken up again in the second passage depicting Adam's punishment. After Adam and Eve have been cast out of Eden, they experience a period of hunger and want, held at bay only by what meagre food they can gather from the forest: tum victum in silvis bacas lapidosaque corna | dant rami et vulsis pascunt radicibus herbae (CV 276–7). Eve gives birth to Cain and Abel, ominously referred to as durum genus (CV 280a), a process which requires labour of its own (matri longa decem tulerunt fastidia menses, CV 279). After this, humans begin to develop farming technology (artem, CV 280b) and produce the first crops: aut herbae campo apparent aut arbore frondes, | inque novos soles audent se gramina tuto | credere: et lentis uvam demittere ramis | instituunt udoque docent inolescere libro (CV 281–4). In summary, this first Fall seems surprisingly mild in its consequences upon the natural world. True, Adam and Eve must suffer eventual death (durae rapit inclementia mortis, CV 262) but in the meantime, there is food to be gained through labour and the use of human intellect. Even the lazy or unintelligent farmer will not starve, for basic sustenance can be gleaned from the forest. Indeed, these passages even suggest that humankind has been in a sense ennobled through this development, as it has necessitated not only labour but the discovery of technology (artem). As Clark and Hatch discuss, this episode draws quite heavily upon Georgics 1:118–59, where it is implied that Jupiter deliberately removed the possibility of easy living from the land, with the ultimate intention of bettering the human race through the necessity to work: pater ipse colendi | haud facilem esse uiam uoluit (G1:121–2). In any case, there is the implication that the curse is pronounced exclusively upon humankind: non-human entities such as weeds and birds do not seem to suffer as a result, and may even benefit (in the case of the 195 birds dining upon cultivated grain). This will change in the next passage, describing a second Fall: Cain's murder of Abel and its consequences. 6.3.2 Cain and Abel: A Second Fall and Punishment The episode of Cain and Abel is related in CV 285–9. It is not a lengthy episode, but it is significant, given that it numbers among a mere handful of episodes chosen by Proba from Genesis. It is not difficult to see why Proba chose this episode in particular to advance her theme of violence/war; indeed, Cain's murder of Abel can be seen as the origin of all violence committed by one human against another, and hence of war itself. In contrast to Adam and Eve's (relatively mild) violence against the Forbidden Tree, this form of violence is considerably more intense, and Proba does not hold back in depicting the brutality of Abel's murder. Of the eight Vergilian excerpts which comprise this episode, all but one (praelato invidit honore, CV 5.541) stem from a Vergilian context related to war. One might protest, of course, that a centonist must draw upon violent Vergilian passages in depicting a violent scene, and hence that there is no evidence that Proba meant us to look at these excerpts in anything but the literal sense. However, of these seven war-related Vergilian excerpts, only two (excipit incautum patriasque obtruncat ad aras, CV 288 = A3.332, depicting Orestes' slaughter of Pyrrhus; sanguine foedantem, quos ipse sacraverat ignes, CV 289 = A2.502 [ignis], depicting Pyrrhus' slaughter of Priam) actually depict violence outright. Hence, we have five excerpts with a non-violent literal sense which nonetheless stem from war-related contexts: tum gemini fratres (CV 285a = A7.670: the brothers Catillus and Coras join the Latin 196 army); adolent dum altaria taedis (CV 285b = A7.71 [adolet]: Lavinia's flaming hair indicates war to come); alter in alterius (CV 286a = A2.667 [alterum in]: Aeneas urges Anchises to leave Troy); horresco referens (CV 287a = A2.204: the poet is horrified at the fate of Laocoön and his sons); consanguinitate propinquum (CV 287b = A2.86: Sinon, deceiving the Trojan army, refers to Palamedes). Such an accumulation of thematically relevant material is unlikely to be coincidental, and suggests that Proba meant us to view this passage thematically (as related to war) as well as literally (depicting Abel's violent murder by Cain). Proba's use of the Laocoön passage is particularly intriguing given its connections to the Fall of Adam and Eve, where this episode is referenced twice (si mens non laeva fuisset, CV 170b = A2.54; immensis orbibus anguis, CV 173b = A2.204 [angues]). Material from the Laocoön episode is also used later in the CV: in particular, in the Slaughter of the Innocents episode (corpora natorum, CV 371a = A2.214), and in the Crucifixion scene, as pointed out by Schottenius Cullhed (spirisque ligant ingentibus ipsum, CV 617b = A2.217 [et iam]).268 This second, more violent Fall thus simultaneously looks back to the initial Fall and forward to war and slaughter to come. After this episode, Proba depicts a second decline of nature. As Clark and Hatch argue,269 this decision may have been based on Genesis 4:11–12, where God tells Cain, "Now you are under a curse and driven from the ground, which opened its mouth to receive your brother’s blood from your hand. When you work the ground, it will no longer yield its crops for you. You will be a restless wanderer on the earth" (NIV). The mention of "blood" in the Abel and Cain episode 268 Schottenius Cullhed, Proba the Prophet, 151. 269 Clark and Hatch, The Golden Bough, 177–9. 197 (sanguine foedantem) may allude to such a connection, though in Proba's account Abel's blood stains not the ground but the altars. If so, Proba takes up a "curse" that, in the Biblical account, appears to apply to Cain alone and expands it, not only to the human race as a whole, but to all of nature, which now becomes violent, destructive, and predatory. Like the first, this second punishment draws quite heavily upon the "decline of nature" passage from Georgics 1: 1:118–59; yet the emphasis here is different. Snakes, we are told, are given poison (tum genitor virus serpentibus addidit atris, CV 290),270 wolves are made to hunt (praedarique lupos iussit, CV 292), and the sea itself changes from calm to stormy (pontumque moveri, CV 292). Plant diseases appear, wreaking havoc upon crops (mox et frumentis labor additus, ut mala culmos | esset robigo et victum seges aegra negaret, CV 294–5). The first punishment saw Nature made indifferent as to the survival of Adam and Eve; now it becomes actively hostile, rife with predation and disease. Even those small things which might make the human race's lot less onerous are pitilessly taken away; leaves are made bitter (mellaque decussit foliis, CV 291), fire is hidden (ignemque removit, CV 291) and rivers which once flowed with wine do so no longer (et passim rivis currentia vina repressit, CV 293). In short, the violence which characterized Cain and Abel's relationship has been transferred to the natural world, which displays hostility not only towards humans but within itself, with its various species destructively preying upon one another. As such, I see this as a deeper and more profound curse upon Nature, implying that Cain's Fall is a greater one even than Adam's. 270 Though the first punishment also briefly mentioned poison (et fallax herba veneni, CV 257a) this second instance is far more actively hostile: the poisonous plants are harmless if left alone, while the poisonous snakes actively hunt their prey. 198 6.3.3 The Decline of Human Society: A Third Fall Finally, we witness a third Fall (296–306) in the lead-up to the episode of the Flood (CV 307–16). This third Fall (which depicts roughly Gen 6:5–6) follows seamlessly from the previous episode and is indeed a response to it. Nature has become hostile and violent, and in order to survive, human society mirrors this violence in turn. At first it is directed against the non-human world: human beings learn to trap wild animals and birds (tum laqueis captare feras et fallere visco | inventum, CV 296–297a), and reshape the land itself to suit their agricultural purposes (movit agros, 298), measures to which they are driven by need (et duris urgens in rebus egestas | movit agros, curis acuens mortalia corda, 297–8). Too quickly, however, need turns to greed (et amor successit habendi, 301), and furor makes its reappearance; together with ira, it drives human beings to violence against one another (nec longum in medio tempus furor iraque mentem praecipitant: gaudent perfusi sanguine fratrum, 303–4), leading to the first wars (et belli rabies, 301). People hoard the necessities of life and ignore those in want (condit opes alius defossoque incubat auro | nec doluit miserans inopem dextramque tetendit, 305–6). Proba sums up the situation using two images derived from Vergil's (and before him Hesiod's) portrayal of the end of the Golden Age: this new stage in human society is an inferior age (deterior donec paulatim ac decolor aetas, 299), an "iron race" (ferrea progenies, duris caput extulit arvis, 300). The overall structure of Proba's three-stage Fall so far remains remarkably close to Hesiod's account of the ages of humankind (Works and Days 109–201): if we take Adam and Eve to be the "golden race", created first and most blessed, followed by an inferior "silver race" given to brawling and improper worship of the gods (i.e. Cain), this third 199 stage would appear to correspond to Hesiod's "bronze race", devoted wholly to warfare and conflict. Again, this is an example of conceptual exegesis: Proba depicts a series of Biblical episodes in terms of the stages of history in Vergil and Hesiod. At the same time, she collapses Hesiod's third (Bronze Age), fourth (Age of Heroes), and fifth (Iron Age) ages into one, for she tells us several lines later that iustitia excedens terris vestigia fecit (CV 302), a clear reference to Hesiod's statement that in his own time (i.e. the fifth age), Aidos and Nemesis left the earth (Works and Days 197–200). This third Fall is punished, of course, by the Biblical Flood, an independent passage already examined in some detail by Clark and Hatch.271 It is time to step back and summarize these three "Fall" episodes, separated by passages in which the punishment for each Fall is depicted. It is a remarkable feature of this narrative that each episode logically — almost inevitably — proceeds out of the previous one. Adam and Eve's initial fall (violence against the Tree) results in them being driven out of God's presence and forced them to work the land, which no longer gives forth fruit of its own accord (punishment: nature becomes indifferent). These two factors cause Cain to be jealous of Abel (whose pastoralist offerings are preferred by God to Cain's agriculturalist produce), leading to Cain's murder of Abel. This act of deeper violence leads to a second, more serious degradation of Nature, which becomes actively hostile and dangerous. Faced with this perilous new situation, human beings become violent in turn, first against the creatures of the natural world, then against each other. This leads to a state of rapacious greed and unending conflict so severe that it can only be remedied by the extreme expedient of the Flood. Violence, Proba seems to be saying, inevitably calls forth more, and greater, violence. We are reminded again of her 271 See Clark and Hatch, The Golden Bough, 166–7. 200 statement in CV 210–12 that hominum rerumque repertor | observans oculis caedes et facta tyranni | praesensit. Indeed, now that Proba has explicated the self-perpetuating logic of violence, we too can see how war, slaughter, and tyranny are implicated in Adam and Eve's initial Fall. 6.4 Old Testament Summary: A Second Recusatio After the Flood episode, Proba summarizes the remainder of Genesis in two brief lines, detailing God's covenants (magnis...legibus) with the patriarchs (patribus, i.e. Noah, Abraham, Isaac, and Joseph): diluvio ex illo patribus dat iura vocatis | omnipotens: magnis agitant sub legibus aevum (CV 317–18).272 This short transition is followed by a 14-line (CV 319–32) summary of the remainder of the Old Testament. Given the amount of material to be referenced in a fairly brief passage, Proba must engage in an extreme level of condensation; her strategy for doing so is to focus on the violent, warlike aspects of Israel's history. We read of infandas caedes and facta tyranni (319); viresque orientis et ultima bella (321); of sacerdotes casti and pii vates (i.e. the prophets) dying for liberty (pro libertate ruebant), 325–6; of wholesale war and slaughter by kings and their armies (qui bello exciti reges, quae litore rubro | conplerint campos acies quibus arserit armis | rex, genus egregium magno inflammante furore | agmen agens equitum et florentes aere catervas, 327–30); and finally, of successive wars 272 Schottenius Cullhed takes these lines as referring specifically to God's covenant with Noah. Though Noah certainly seems to be included in patribus given the phrase diluvio ex illo, I contend that here Proba is referring to God's covenants with the patriarchs more generally, given the plural in both patribus (multiple "fathers") and iura/legibus (multiple covenants). 201 (pugnataque in ordine bella, 331c). Note that here once again we see mention of furor; the rex mentioned chooses to wage war not as the result of rational calculation but because he is inflamed by furor (inflammante furore). The overall effect is to depict Israel before Christ's coming as engaged in a state of near-perpetual warfare. Though (as is evident upon a reading of the historical books of the OT) this may come close to the literal truth as depicted in the OT, Proba could easily have chosen in this passage to emphasize some other aspect of Israel's history: for example, the writing of the Old Testament, the construction of the First and Second Temple, or the recurring pattern of unfaithfulness to God's law, followed by exile and return. That instead she focuses on war underlines once more the importance of this theme for her, to the point where she uses it as a tool to guide her selection of Biblical material. Moreover, this war-focused passage functions as a second recusatio.273 As in the first recusatio (CV 1–8), Proba (at least ostensibly) declines to relate material concerning war and violence. True, her rhetorical strategy here is somewhat different; whereas in the first recusatio the material that she will not mention is framed as a confession (iam dudum temerasse duces pia foedera pacis...confiteor, scripsi, CV 1–8), in the second she uses rhetorical questions to decline handling the said material. What, she asks, will she relate of unspeakable slaughter, of the deeds of tyrants (quid memorem infandas caedes, quid facta tyranni...?, CV 319); of Pharoah's heart which cannot be softened by human prayer (nesciaque humanis precibus mansuescere corda, CV 320); or of the "battle" by the Red Sea in which Egypt's forces were destroyed (Aegyptum viresque orientis et ultima bella | magnanimosque duces totiusque ordine 273 This two-part structure of her poem, with a recusatio heading each section, is reminiscent of the structure of the Aeneid, which contains a second proem at the halfway point (Aeneid 7:37–45): see also the discussion of maius opus moveo (Aeneid 7.45 = CV 334a) below. 202 gentis, CV 321–2)? A long indirect question follows, also depending on quid memorem (quo cursu deserta petiverit et tribus et gens | magna virum... quibus arserit armis rex...agmen agens equitum et florentes aere catervas, CV 323–30). Proba's rhetorical strategy in these lines — constructing a long subordinate period depending on a single verb where she describes the things which she will not relate — is remarkably similar to CV 1–7, which also features a long subordinate period. The main difference is that in the Prologue the word upon which the period depends is delayed until its end (...confiteor, scripsi, 8) while in the second recusatio it appears at the start of the period (quid memorem..., 319). This second recusatio, like the first, also ends with a clear declaration that she will not speak of these things: cetera facta patrum pugnataque in ordine bella | praetereo atque aliis post me memoranda relinquo (331–2); compare CV 8 satis est meminisse malorum. As with the first recusatio, this passage is immediately followed by a discussion of what Proba will speak about. She is, she tells the reader, commencing upon a maius opus (334) — that is, a greater work than the first half of her CV — a subject that was predicted by ancient prophets (vatum praedicta priorum, 334b). Proba is referring, of course, to the incarnation and birth of Christ, made clear in CV 338, quod tua progenies caelo descendit ab alto. In reusing the Vergilian excerpt maius opus moveo (334a) Proba co-opts Vergil's own meaning, for he is referring to the second half of his Aeneid, a work that deliberately echoes Homer's Iliad in its focus on war and battle. The second half of Proba's work, by contrast, will focus on the antithesis of war: that is, Christ and the new order of peace that he will bring. Accordingly, the second half of the CV is somewhat less war-focused than the first. In the latter, we saw a peaceful world created by God slide inexorably into a state of continual war 203 and violence; even the drastic expedient of the Flood was not enough to reverse the process, though the iura and magnae leges introduced in its aftermath brought at least some order to human society. The second half of the CV will reverse this process, bringing peace out of war and violence. This is not to say that war will not be present in this section of the work; indeed, as we shall see, Christ must confront furor, the force driving humankind to violence, in order to bring about the pax that he promises. In this second half of the CV, we see three episodes which particularly exemplify the themes of war and peace: the Slaughter of the Innocents, the Crucifixion, and the Resurrection. In between, the Temptation, the Cleansing of the Temple, and the Last Supper also reference these themes, helping to structure this second half of the CV. 6.5 The Slaughter of the Innocents The first violence-themed episode in the NT section of the CV that we will examine is the Slaughter of the Innocents and Escape to Egypt. As other scholars have remarked,274 this episode occupies a disproportionately long section of the CV given that it is a fairly minor Biblical episode, appearing only in Matthew, where it occupies only 12 verses total (Matt 2:3–8, 12–18), in contrast to the 28 lines devoted to it in the CV, a far shorter work overall (357–79). The reason for Proba's focus on this episode is twofold. Firstly, it offers a variety of possibilities for typological analysis, including both Biblical and Vergilian types (e.g. Jesus as Moses, Mary as Dido, Mary as second Eve), which have been to a large degree elaborated by previous 274 See Clark and Hatch, The Golden Bough, 111. 204 commentators275 and which I have touched upon in Chapter 5. Secondly, the episode serves to reinforce Proba's themes of furor, violence, and peace. Though of course the underlying material is violent in nature, Proba shapes and retells it in such a way as to foreground the conflict between King Herod's uncontrolled furor and Mary's calm, sagacious response. For a reader familiar with Matthew's account, Proba's retelling of this passage may seem odd in certain respects. An initial, short passage where King Herod hears rumours and grows angry (357–9) is followed by a passage depicting Mary's response upon hearing the same rumours: she foresees what will happen and takes steps to protect the baby Jesus, including entrusting him to another to be cared for while the situation is dangerous (359–63). Next, King Herod takes action, sending men to kill the young children of Bethlehem and to report back to him; their slaughter is described (364–71). In response, Mary, carrying her child before her, flees to a stable; here, she nurses her child amidst Egyptian plants, suggesting the escape to Egypt (372–9). The back-and-forth narrative style of this passage may seem at first jarring, not to mention its logistical difficulties. For instance, to whom precisely does Mary entrust her child, and at what point does she get him back so that she can flee with him? I contend that Mary's two responses here are best understood as what I have termed a "doublet", i.e. the same scene told in two different ways: the first response (entrusting her child to another) emphasizes the typological connections between Jesus and Moses, also entrusted to the care of another woman as a child, while the second response (fleeing with her child) sets up a typological 275 Schottenius Cullhed, Proba the Prophet, 16 argues for a typological connection between Eve and Mary in the CV, while Clark and Hatch reject this connection (154–55). On Jesus as second Moses in the CV, see Clark and Hatch 168. 205 correspondence between Jesus and the virgin warrior Camilla (as discussed in the previous chapter). The reader is thus not meant to probe for logical consistency so much as to appreciate the manifold resonances of the scene in its alternate narrations. However, I argue that there is more than one reason for Proba's choice to narrate this episode as she has. The back-and-forth structure also sets up a contrast in the reader's mind between King Herod and Mary, allowing the reader to compare their responses to the situation. This is particularly true in the first pair of scenes, where King Herod and Mary both react to fama, but in strikingly different ways. When he hears the rumours of Jesus' birth (fama volat, 358a), King Herod is gripped by furor (magno clamore furentem, 357b; see also ut primum cessit furor et rabida ora quierunt, 381, describing the episode in retrospect).276 His wrath is whetted (variisque acuit rumoribus iras, 358b) and his mind is inflamed (incenditque animum, 359a), demonstrating once again the power of furor to overcome rational thought. Though the same fama comes to Mary as well (matrisque adlabitur aures, 359b), her response is decidedly different. Rather than simply responding to his violence such that she is overcome by an equal but opposite furor against King Herod, she retains her power of foresight and careful thought (praesensit motusque excepit prima futuros | praescia venturi, 361–362a). Perhaps Proba had Luke 2:19 in mind here ("But Mary treasured up all these things and pondered them in her heart", NIV). Sensing trouble to come (iIla dolos dirumque nefas haut nescia rerum, 360), she takes steps to protect her child (furtim mandarat alendum | dum curae ambiguae, dum mens exaestuat ira, 362b–363). The last line suggests that Mary is well aware of the power that furor holds over King Herod's mind. 276 The mention of magno clamore furentem before fama volat I take to be hysteron proteron. 206 Next, we see the narrative move back to King Herod. His mind and emotions overwhelmed by furor, King Herod now acts to extinguish not only Jesus but the entire stirpem et genus omne futurum (364b), which I take to refer to the children of Bethlehem as a collective. He sends loyal soldiers ([iubet] mittique viros, qui certa reportent, 366b) to Bethlehem; they travel there quickly (rapidisque feruntur | passibus, 367b–368a) and carry out his terrible command (haut secus ac iussi faciunt, 367a; et magnis urbem terroribus inplent, 368b). Three lines follow, depicting the gruesome aftermath: continuo auditae voces vagitus et ingens | infantumque animae flentes ante ora parentum | corpora natorum sternuntur limine primo (369–71), a fairly close paraphrase of Matthew 2:18 (Φωνὴ ἐν Ῥαμὰ ἠκούσθη, κλαυθμὸς καὶ ὀδυρμὸς πολύς· Ῥαχὴλ κλαίουσα τὰ τέκνα αὐτῆς, καὶ οὐκ ἤθελεν παρακληθῆναι, ὅτι οὐκ εἰσίν). The narrative now once again shifts to Mary, who — Proba emphasizes — retains her reflective calm and power of reason despite the evident danger (at mater gemitu non frustra exterrita tanto, 372). The contrasts continue: while King Herod's men travel to Bethlehem, Mary travels away (turbante tumultu | infantum fugiens, 373b–374a); unlike the other infants, whose bodies lie strewn across the ground, Jesus is carefully carried in front of Mary (ipsa sinu prae se portans, 373a) and, later, nursed (hic natum angusti subter fastigia tecti | nutribat teneris inmulgens ubera labris, 375–6). Together, they flee to a "well-stocked stable" (Schottenius Cullhed: plena ad praesepia reddit, 374b). The adjective plena suggests, again, careful forethought on Mary's part; this was no sudden or unprepared flight. Here, Proba tells us, the earth itself around Jesus' cradle bursts forth with exotic Egyptian flowers (hic tibi prima, puer fundent cunabula flores | mixtaque ridenti passim cum baccare tellus | molli paulatim colocasia fundet acantho, 377–9). Though this passage has resonances on other levels, 207 including the literal (the Escape to Egypt) and the typological (Moses' childhood in Egypt; Jesus as the child of Eclogue 4), we are also reminded that Eclogue 4, which this passage draws upon heavily, foretells an era of peace attendant upon the birth of a child (Eclogue 4:7–9, 17). This promised peace stands in sharp contrast to the slaughter committed by King Herod. In summary, Proba's depiction of the Slaughter of the Innocents stands as a microcosm of the CV's central conflict: war versus peace. By giving in to furor and attempting to kill the baby Jesus, King Herod has become in effect a proxy of the CV's main antagonist: the Serpent, portrayed as Allecto, the originator of furor. On the other side, Mary stands in as a proxy for Christ, who cannot yet act of his own accord; she exemplifies the antithesis of furor with her calm, rational, and prescient thought, while the passages from Eclogue 4 hint at the peace that Christ himself will bring. We will see this conflict further developed through the NT passages to come, beginning with the Temptation. 6.6 The Temptation in the Wilderness The Temptation (429–55) directly follows, in Proba's narrative277 as in the Biblical account, the scene in which Christ is baptized. However, Proba's depiction of the Temptation diverges from the Biblical account in two important ways. Firstly, Christ's antagonist is the Serpent from Genesis 3 rather than "Satan" (Σατανᾶς: Mark 1:13) or "the Devil" (διάβολος: Matthew 4:1, 277 I exclude the intervening first-person extradiegetic (non-narrative) confessional passage discussed in Chapter 4 (415–28). 208 Luke 4:2).278 Secondly, though Matthew's and Luke's account feature three temptations each — turning stones into bread, jumping off a high tower, and bowing down to the devil (the order of the three varies in Matthew and Luke, while Mark lists no specific temptations at all) — Proba's account contains only one temptation (jumping off a high building).279 Despite Proba's abbreviation of the Biblical narrative, the scene in Proba is rather lengthy, featuring an elaborate speech by the Serpent (436–45) followed by a somewhat shorter reply from Jesus (446–52). Though many aspects of the scene are worthy of discussion, I will focus on its relation to Proba's overall theme of war and peace. The passage begins with a description of the Serpent approaching Jesus (429–35), much as it approached Eve in the Genesis section of the CV. Though the description of the Serpent here is drawn from a number of Vergilian passages, two verses originally referring to Allecto reiterate Proba's casting of the Serpent as Allecto. The first is serpentis furiale malum (CV 430a = A7.375): in Vergil, this depicts the poison of Allecto's serpent driving Amata to madness, with furiale, of course, closely related to furor. The second depicts the Serpent speaking to Jesus "with proud voice" (adfatur voce superba, CV 435b = A7.544); this is drawn from Allecto's speech to Juno, where she "tempts" Juno to allow her to create even greater chaos and bloodshed (a temptation that Juno declines). A third Allecto-related passage occurs in the 278 On this aspect of the scene, and in particular its implications for the overall structure of the CV (each half contains a temptation scene by the Serpent) and typology (Eve is implicitly compared to Christ), see Pollmann, The Baptized Muse, 114; Clark and Hatch, The Golden Bough, 165. 279 As Clark and Hatch discuss (The Golden Bough, 126 and 166), this choice of temptation reflects an overall interest in the CV with walking or ascending through the air. The CV's final scene features Christ's ascension, and the Epilogue indicates Proba's wish that her husband and children continue to celebrate this festival; another relevant scene (and the only one of Jesus' miracles included in the CV) is the Walking on the Water episode. Not mentioned by Clark and Hatch, but also relevant, is the use of Camilla as a type for Christ; Vergil describes how her fleet-footedness and agility gives her the ability to skim over fields of wheat or the wavetops (A7.808–11). 209 Serpent's speech itself where it urges Jesus to leap off a high building and fly, "seeking the high roofs" (ardua tecta petens, CV 444a = A7.512 [petit]), a line which in the original describes Allecto herself. By bringing back Allecto as a Vergilian counterpart to the Serpent, Proba reinforces for the reader the association between the two: like Allecto tempting Juno, the Serpent tempts Jesus to succumb, like Eve, to furor. Indeed, the single temptation depicted by Proba — leaping off a high building — is, of the three temptations in Matthew/Luke, the one most closely associated with madness, i.e. furious abandonment of one's reason. The association between the Serpent and furor is reinforced by two more Vergilian characters employed in this scene. The first is the insane and sadistic tyrant Mezentius, raging out of control on the battlefield: hunc ubi tendentem (433 = A10.721 [miscentem]); substitit infremuitque ferox (434a = A10.711). A third line, quo periture ruis maioraque viribus audes? (451 = A10.811 [moriture]) refers to Mezentius' son Lausus, equal to his father in audacity: he dares to stand against the far superior warrior Aeneas on the battlefield. Two other passages which occur later in this episode reference the warrior Arruns (periture, CV 451 = A11.856; contentusque fuga caecis se inmiscuit umbris, 455 = A11.815 [mediis]), whose delusions of grandeur drive him to attack the virgin warrior Camilla, a fighter far above his own skill; though he manages to slay Camilla, it is only with the help of Apollo, and his own death soon follows. Proba's use of Arruns in relation to the Serpent recalls, as discussed in Chapter 4, the Camilla = Christ typology, and foreshadows the Serpent's ultimate defeat through Christ's valiant self-sacrifice. In contrast to the furor exemplified by the Serpent, Jesus remains calm and self-controlled: as Proba tells us, olli subridens sedato pectore fatur (CV 446). Like Mary, his reason remains 210 untouched by furor and he demonstrates a similar prescience and knowledge of Scriptural prophecy (haut vatum ignarus venturique inscius aevi: 447), allowing him to rightly dismiss the Serpent's temptation as an empty deception (dissimulare etiam sperasti, perfide serpens?: 448). This calmness and reason gives him the authority to dismiss the Serpent, after which it flees (453–5). One final aspect of the Serpent's speech to Jesus must be noted. After interrogating Jesus regarding his origin, he demands to know quis te, iuvenum confidentissime, nostras | iussit adire domos pacique inponere morem? (439–40). We further hear that Jesus is said to "give laws": nam te dare iura loquuntur (438b). In fact, this is the first mention of pax in Proba's narrative proper (setting aside the introductory material of the Prologue). Here we first see the reason why Christ has come to the world: to bring peace, achieved in part through the giving of "laws" (I take this to refer to the "new commandment" given by Jesus, requiring love of God and of one's neighbour: Matt 22:37–40; Mark 12: 29–31; John 13:34–5). This mention of pax and iura also looks back to the description of Christ's mission in God's speech to Jesus following his baptism, and corrects any mistaken ideas we might have had regarding the particular sort of imperium (409, 414) that Christ is given. Christ will rule not through force and military imperium, but by bringing pax (and with it, his new law of love) to the world through his death. We will see this theme of pax taken up and expanded in the Last Supper and Ascension scenes. 6.7 Christ's Ministry until the Last Supper 211 The Temptation episode is followed by Proba's retelling of several Gospel episodes: the lengthy and elaborate Sermon on the Mount (456–504), the Rich Man episode (505–30), and the Walking on the Water episode (531–61). In these three episodes, the themes of war and peace take a secondary role to other themes and considerations. Clark and Hatch, for example, have explored in detail the ethical themes which take prominence in the Sermon on the Mount and the Rich Man episodes.280 However, this does not mean that the themes of war and peace are absent. For example, the Sermon on the Mount is prefaced by a scene depicting crowds gathering; we are told that Jesus iura dabat legesque viris (464a), another nod to his role in countering violence with his new law of love. Several lines later a second crowd, strangely prepared for battle, approaches: conspicit ecce alios dextra laevaque frequentis: quos ubi confertos audere in proelia vidit (466–467). It is somewhat difficult to know what Proba had in mind here; this may be a reference to the multiple times when hostile crowds unsuccessfully attempt to seize Jesus (e.g. Luke 4:28–30), or perhaps this simply indicates that Roman soldiers were among his audience (e.g. the centurion in Matthew 8:5–13). Regardless, Jesus responds to this warlike contingent as he does the rest of his audience, with "divine love": incipit et dictis divinum aspirate amorem (468). Proba's depiction of the Sermon itself (469–504) has been criticized by a number of commentators for being overly "angry", even threatening; such criticisms often connect this passage to the "scandal" of the "angry Christ" in the Crucifixion scene, a critique to which we will return in due course. It is true that Jesus, in the Sermon, does not hold back when depicting 280 Clark and Hatch, The Golden Bough, 118–121. 212 the fate of evildoers in Hell, a passage (478–87) which draws heavily upon Vergil's description of Tartarus, or when foretelling the chaos to come at the end of the world (495–502). Indeed, we are told that he foretells "anger" to come (et tristes denuntiat iras, 499b, a passage which clearly draws upon Matthew 3:7, though there it is spoken by John the Baptist), and that the crowd's response is sheer terror: tum vero tremefacta novos per pectora cunctis | insinuat pavor et taciti ventura videbant (503–4). Nonetheless, to criticize Jesus (or Proba's depiction of him) based upon the subject matter of his speech here is rather unfair; it is clear that his intent is to save his audience by warning them of the dire fates which threaten them. In this, he is successful, as taciti ventura videbant indicates. Though instilling fear of a very real danger (Hell/the apocalypse) into an otherwise careless audience may be a vital step, the ultimate goal of his speech is not to cause terror but to show his listeners the way to salvation (via prima salutis, 472b); if they follow this path, then the peace of heaven will be theirs (vobis parta quies perfecto temporis orbe, 474). A similar juxtaposition between violence, fear and peace can be seen in the Walking on the Water episode. Though the sea is tranquil when the disciples set out (tranquilla per alta, 531b), a storm quickly blows up, and the disciples' bodies and minds are gripped by a very justified fear: they recognize that they are close to death (at sociis subita gelidus formidine sanguis | diriguit: cecidere animi, 539–540a; spemque metumque inter dubii, seu vivere credant | sive extrema pati leti discrimine parvo, 542–3). It is intriguing, and I think a deliberate change by Proba, that when Jesus appears walking on the water the disciples have no fear of him (as they do in the Gospel accounts of Matthew, Mark, and John, where they think he is a ghost, e.g. Matthew 26; Luke does not include the story). Rather, they recognize their king (agnoscunt 213 longe regem, 550a) and salute him joyfully (nudati socii et magno clamore salutant, 551), recognizing his power to save them from the storm (dextramque potentem, 550b). As he approaches, he disperses the storm (554–5) and with it their fear, returning peace to the natural world around them. The two episodes which follow are the Cleansing of the Temple and the Last Supper; each contains an excerpt with significant overtones for the theme of peace. As mentioned in Chapter 3, when Jesus rebukes the Temple merchants and money-changers, he shouts: quaeve aera micantia cerno | Caesaris et nomen? (574b–575a). The excerpt aera micantia cerno is taken from A2.734, where Anchises spots the glitter of the approaching Greeks' weapons and armour. Though applied here to the glitter of the merchants' coins, it retains its military overtones, particularly when followed by the words Caesaris et nomen. The implication appears to be (as discussed in Chapter 3 above) that the merchants and money-changers are engaged in a system of violence against the vulnerable: the poor and foreigners. The full force of the violence that Jesus challenges will be put on display in the scene depicting the Crucifixion. One significant passage remains. After the Last Supper, Jesus speaks to his disciples, foretelling his death the following day (et lux cum primum terris se crastina reddet | unus erit tantum in me exitiumque meorum, | dum paci medium se offert de corpore nostro, 593–5). In the final line, Jesus references the peace he seeks to bring to the world and which can only be obtained through his suffering and death in the flesh upon the cross (with perhaps some Eucharistic overtones as well in de corpore nostro). This pax, obtained at such great cost, is what underlies Jesus' promise to his disciples that their gifts (eternal life in heaven) remain secure (vestra -- inquit -- munera vobis certa manent, pueri, 591–2) and his plea that they "put 214 aside their cares" (secludite curas, 596b). The importance of the word paci here cannot be overstated. The ultimate antidote to the CV's continually looming threat of violence and warfare is at hand — but will only be obtained de corpore nostro, i.e. through Jesus' death. 6.8 War and Violence in the Crucifixion It is now time to turn to the Crucifixion episode (600–24). This is a rather long episode which deviates from the Biblical account in several important ways, which I will discuss below. First, however, it is necessary to outline its overall structure. The episode falls into three main scenes, each set off from the others by an expression of time which opens that scene: Oceanum interea surgens Aurora reliquit (which introduces lines 600–6), sol medium caeli conscenderat igneus orbem (lines 607–12), and tum vero (lines 613–624). In the first scene, we see a large crowd form which then follows Jesus in a hostile manner (undique collecti et magno clamore secuntur | insontem saevitque animis ignobile vulgus, 605–6). The second scene features their interrogation of Jesus and hints at his torture at the soldiers' hands (acciri omnes populusque patresque | exposcunt farique iubent, quo sanguine cretus | quidve petat quidve ipse ferat: 608–10, certantque inludere capto: 612). The third section falls into two parts: from 613–20 there is a description of the Crucifixion itself, while 621–4 features a short speech by Jesus. Before turning to the question of why Proba employs this three-part structure, it is necessary to discuss the multiple ways it diverges from the Biblical account. As the four Gospel accounts of the Passion differ in some respects, I will first summarize Matthew's account (as the one most used by Proba), then discuss significant ways in which the others diverge. Matthew's 215 account of the Passion features: 1) Jesus' capture in the Garden of Gethsemane at night by an armed force sent by the chief priests and elders (Matthew 26:47–56); 2) his interrogation before the chief priest Caiaphas (Matthew 26:57–68); 3) the Roman governor Pilate's interrogation of Jesus and his dialogue with the crowd, culminating in a sentence of death (Matthew 27:11–26); 4) the soldiers' mockery of Jesus (Matthew 27:27–31); 5) the Crucifixion itself (Matthew 27:32–50); Mark's account features the same five steps. In Luke's account, the steps are slightly reversed (1, 2, 4, 3, 5) and step 3 is expanded, featuring an interrogation by Pilate, then Herod, and finally Pilate again. John's account features the five steps in order, except that step 4 is condensed with and inserted in the middle of step 3 (Pilate has the soldiers flog and mock Jesus during his dialogue with the crowd). All in all, the Gospel accounts are remarkably similar and feature the same overall structure, with some slight variation in the content and ordering of steps 3 and 4. Proba's three-stage account is strikingly different. 1) The first stage, commencing at dawn rather than night (Oceanum interea surgens Aurora reliquit, 600) begins with priests voicing their complaints about Jesus (iamque sacerdotes late loca questibus implent, 601); they are joined by the people, both common and elite (cum populo patribus, 602a). A crowd forms and grumbles against Jesus and his mores, which they see as barbaric (ferturque per agmina murmur: | quod genus hoc hominum, quaeve hunc tam barbara morem | permittit patria?, 602b–604a), and demand the penalty of death (poenas cum sanguine poscunt, 604b). At this point, an even greater crowd gathers (undique collecti, 605a) and follows Jesus in a hostile and savage manner (et magno clamore secuntur | insontem saevitque animis ignobile vulgus, 605b–606). 2) The second stage begins at noon (sol medium caeli conscenderat igneus orbem, 607). 216 Suddenly (cum subito, 608a), the crowd demands that Jesus be summoned and interrogated (acciri omnes populusque patresque | exposcunt farique iubent, 608b–609b) regarding his origin and intentions (quo sanguine cretus | quidve petat quidve ipse ferat, 609b–10). We are given a brief glimpse into their mental state: though they gaze upon Jesus' extraordinary deeds (praeclara tuentes | facta viri, 610b–611a), they are nonetheless overwhelmed by pain or sorrow (dolor) mixed with bewilderment (stupor) due to their feebleness and ignorance (mixtus dolor et stupor urguet inertes | (nescia mens hominum!), 611a–612a); the result is that they compete in mocking their captive (certantque inludere capto, 612b). 3) The third stage begins abruptly (tum vero, 613): people snatch up weapons and run to the spot (raptis concurrunt undique telis, 613). A shout is raised (tollitur in caelum clamor, 614) and together they seize Jesus (cunctique repente | corripuere sacram effigiem manibusque cruentis, 614–615). They set up a large oak tree which they have stripped of branches (ingentem quercum, decisis undique ramis, | constituunt, 616–617a) and tie Jesus to the trunk (spirisque ligant ingentibus ipsum, 617b), stretching out his hands with his feet intertwined (tendebantque manus pedibus per mutua nexis,| triste ministerium, 618–619a). The youth join in as well (sequitur quos cetera pubes, 619b); together, all present dare to commit this terrible deed (ausi omnes inmane nefas ausoque potiti, 620). The third stage ends with Jesus' speech from the cross, which I will explore separately below. Proba's account of the Crucifixion depicts a number of details which differ sharply from the Biblical account. a) Firstly, there is an increased emphasis on the role of the crowd in the Crucifixion. In the Biblical account, the crowd is operative at only one point: when they shout to Pilate for Jesus' death. Here, we see the crowd complaining (601–2), following Jesus with 217 hostile intent (605), demanding Jesus' interrogation (608), mocking Jesus (612) and finally crucifying Jesus (615). Nearly all these roles are, in the Gospel account, played not by the crowd but rather by the chief priests or the Roman soldiers. Proba makes no mention at all of the latter; the former is mentioned (sacerdotes, 601) but only at the beginning of the first stage. In contrast, a number of words are used to indicate the populace at large: cum populo patribus (602), undique collecti (605), omnes populusque patresque (608), cuncti (614), omnes (620). The result is that the many interacting parties of the Gospel account (the chief priests, the elders, Pilate, Herod, the Roman soldiers) are all largely condensed into one entity: the hostile populace. 2) On a similar note, Proba's account indicates a crowd gathering multiple times: 601–2, 605–6, 608, 613, including twice in Stage 1 alone! 3) Unlike in the Biblical account, there is little implication of legal procedure: acciri...farique iubent seems to hint at some sort of summons followed by interrogation, but does not necessarily need to be read in a legal context. The Sanhedrin, the witnesses against Jesus, Pilate's judgement hall, and Herod's royal court are all conspicuously absent. In its place, the crowd acts spontaneously and largely without order, moving from one action to the next without reason or procedure. 4) Taken collectively, the result is that Proba's Crucifixion scene reads like an account of "mob justice": Jesus is threatened, snatched up, and put to death by an increasingly large, increasingly angry mob unrestrained by rational thought or law. Why does Proba make this conspicuous change? My contention is that Proba shapes the Crucifixion scene to better illustrate her theme of violence and in particular the spontaneous, furious violence caused by furor. Though the Crucifixion scene as portrayed in the Gospels has certain elements of furor-related violence, such as Jesus' seizure by armed men and the shouts 218 of "Crucify him!" by the crowd, in large part it is depicted as a highly ordered, legal undertaking: Jesus is questioned by representatives from several different levels of government (the Sanhedrin, the Roman governor, the local king) and is finally condemned to death by crucifixion under the jurisdiction of Roman law. Such an emphasis on legally sanctioned violence would fit uncomfortably with the dichotomy exemplified in the CV between the Serpent as agent of war/violence and Christ as bringer of law (leges, iura). Instead, Proba reworks the Crucifixion to depict it in terms of spontaneous, uncontrolled mob violence;281 though the word furor itself is not used, Proba's description of the crowd suggests a furor-like force which compels them to execute Jesus. They are, she says, driven (urguet) by dolor (which here might best be translated "anguish" or "vexation") and by stupor (translated by Schottenius Cullhed as "senselessness"); they rage in their minds (saevitque animis). Twice we read about the chaotic, angry sound produced by a mob: magno clamore (605) and tollitur in caelum clamor (612). The spontaneity (and hence thoughtlessness) of mob violence is also emphasized repeatedly: we read cum subito acciri omnes populusque patresque | exposcunt (608–609a) and tum vero raptis concurrunt undique telis (613), suggesting hasty action. Another feature requiring explanation is why Proba uses this particular three-scene structure to depict the Crucifixion. Given her choice to depict it as an act of mob violence, why not simply show a single scene in which a crowd gathered, seizes Jesus, and puts him to death? I contend that there are four reasons for her doing so. 281 This is suggested by Ilona Opelt, "Der zürnende Christus im Cento der Proba," Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum 7 (1964): 106–116, at 115: "Die Kreuzigung erscheint als spontaner Akt des aufgebrachten Pöbels" (115). 219 1) The simple act of repetition helps to hammer home her point regarding mob violence. The mob does not simply gather once (which the reader might overlook), but repeatedly (or increasingly); the crowd shouts aloud not only once, but twice, and so forth. 2) Proba's three-part depiction follows a logical progression. In the first scene, the crowd follows Jesus in a fairly passive manner, merely complaining about him; the second scene depicts more aggressive action being taken, including an interrogation and mockery; finally, the third scene depicts overt physical violence including the taking up of arms, culminating in the seizure and crucifixion of Jesus. 3) In using this three-part structure, Proba is following (to some degree) her Biblical source, which depicts the Crucifixion as occurring over several stages (as detailed above) and not just one. 4) Even more importantly, however, I contend that Proba is following not only a Biblical source but also a Vergilian one: notably, Allecto's bringing of war between the Trojans and Latins (Aeneid 7:341–539). Allecto's actions also follow a three-part structure: a) she provokes Amata; b) she provokes Turnus into preparing for war; c) she causes Iulus to shoot the stag, in response to which the Latins take up arms. The same logical progression can be seen in Allecto's actions. Amata is merely frenzied, drawing out the women of the city to feigned Bacchic rites; Turnus is more deeply affected, commanding the Rutulians to prepare themselves to march against Aeneas and King Latinus; finally, the killing of the stag causes the Latins to rush to immediate war, taking up arms then and there. I do not think it a coincidence that in the third stage of the Crucifixion scene we read tum vero (CV 613a = A7.519) raptis concurrunt undique telis (CV 613b = A7.520), words which in the Vergilian context describe the Latin 220 farmers snatching up arms and hurrying together to attack the Trojans. Since the CV's main antagonist, the Serpent, is modelled on Allecto, it seems only logical that the scene which depicts the Serpent's (temporary) triumph — the Crucifixion — should be modelled in turn upon the scene depicting Allecto's own triumph in successfully bringing war between the Latins and Trojans. This connection between the Crucifixion and Allecto/the Serpent is reinforced by a detail pointed out by Schottenius Cullhed:282 when the crowd attaches Jesus to the oaken "cross" they have made, this is done not (as in the Biblical account) by means of nails but rather through tying him to the trunk (spirisque ligant ingentibus, 617b = A2.217). This excerpt is drawn from the scene in Vergil in which serpents strangle Laocoön and his sons, a passage closely associated with the Serpent elsewhere in the CV. Having provoked the crowd to furor, the Serpent then goes on to "strangle" Jesus, holding him in place upon the cross. In addition, the cross to which Jesus is tied references in the original Vergilian passage an oak tree which the Trojans decorate with their enemies' arms and set up as a trophy to Mars, the god of war; thus here we see Christ himself, the bringer of peace, momentarily defeated and hung up as a trophy to the spirit of war itself! Before moving to my discussion of Jesus' speech from the cross, I wish to point out one further detail of the Crucifixion scene: the line ausi omnes inmane nefas ausoque potiti (CV 620). The word nefas has significant resonances throughout the CV: first used to describe Adam and Eve's touching of the Tree (CV 149 (neque fas), 188, 203, 238), it is then used again to refer to the Slaughter of the Innocents (360) before being used in the Crucifixion scene. Proba's use of this term thus links together the three scenes: the Serpent, through furor, drives Eve (and 282 Schottenius Cullhed, Proba the Prophet, 153–4, 182. 221 then Adam) to commit violence against the Tree; furor then drives King Herod to attempt violence against Jesus and inflict violence upon the other children of Bethlehem; finally, the Serpent reappears in the Crucifixion scene, driving the furor-inflamed crowd to the nefas that consists of the execution of Jesus himself. 6.8.1 The Speech from the Cross: An "Angry" Christ? Before leaving the Crucifixion scene, it is time to turn to a passage that has been a crux in previous studies of the CV: the so-called "angry Christ" speech (CV 621–4), where Christ denounces his attackers from the Cross. This issue was first raised by Opelt, who argues for Christ's words here as a "scandal":283 a passage that, in her opinion, was responsible for the Gelasian Decree's condemnation of the poem as apocrypha.284 Clark and Hatch, summarizing the speech, write (somewhat exaggeratedly) that "Christ on the cross, in a somewhat shocking outburst, blasts forth his wrathful condemnation of those who have done him to death, warning them of the retribution they will receive."285 If Opelt, and Clark and Hatch, are correct in their assessment of the scene it causes some difficulties for Proba's theme of violence and furor as laid out above, for it would seem to imply that Christ, on the cross, was gripped by an equal furor to his attackers, rendering at least his speech (if not his actions) violent in their turn. It is thus necessary to deal with Opelt's objection before proceeding. 283 Opelt, "Der zürnende Christus," 115: "Hier wird Probas Darstellung zum Skandalon." 284 Opelt, "Der zürnende Christus," 116. Though this is possible, my own inclination is to attribute the Gelasian verdict not to any single scene, but rather to two more global aspects of Proba's centonizing process: 1) her willingness to alter Biblical material when paraphrasing (e.g. rearranging the days of Creation); and 2) her willingness to apply (almost) any and all Vergilian material to the Christian God, including that which might seem to a more polemic Christian writer eminently unsuitable (e.g. pagan gods, the Phrygian Penates). 285 Clark and Hatch, The Golden Bough, 133. 222 I begin by giving this short passage in its entirety, together with Vergilian references: ille autem inpavidus (A10.717): quo vincula nectitis? — inquit — (E6.23) tantane vos generis tenuit fiducia vestri? (A1.132) post mihi non simili poena commissa luetis. (A1.136) talia perstabat memorans fixusque manebat. (A2.650) I will begin with the sections of this passage which are not reported speech. Jesus' manner in these can hardly be described as "violent". True, the first Vergilian excerpt (ille autem inpavidus) refers in its original context to a wild boar which serves as a simile for a violent character, Mezentius, raging in battle. However, the actual content of the excerpt only denotes lack of fear, not rage: the wild boar, like Jesus, is at bay, yet shows no fear of his attackers, and its actions are purely defensive rather than offensive (partis cunctatur in omnis | dentibus infrendens et tergo decutit hastas, A10:717–18). As such, the simile can easily be transferred from the violent Mezentius to the nonviolent Jesus. The final line (talia perstabat memorans fixusque manebat) likewise contains no hint of violence; its original context refers to Anchises' initial resolve to remain in Troy and meet his death rather than escaping with Aeneas. As used by Proba, it signals firm resolution and resignation to death — as far from retaliatory violence as can be imagined, bringing to mind Gospel passages such as Matthew 5:39, "But I tell you, do not resist an evil person. If anyone slaps you on the right cheek, turn to them the other cheek also" (NIV). 223 Nor do the two and a half lines of reported speech, when closely examined, seem to indicate furor or violent anger. The first excerpt, quo vincula nectitis? — inquit —, is taken from Eclogue 6, where Chromis and Mnasyllos bind Silenus, compelling him to sing for them. Silenus' reaction is hardly violent or even annoyed: rather, he laughs at their stratagem (ille dolum ridens) and light-heartedly asks them to free him, promising them their desired song (Quo uincula nectitis? inquit. | Soluite me, pueri; satis est potuisse uideri. | Carmina quae uoltis cognoscite; carmina uobis, | huic aliud mercedis erit, Eclogue 6:23–6). The other two lines (tantane vos generis tenuit fiducia vestri? post mihi non simili poena commissa luetis) are taken from Neptune's speech to the rebellious winds at Aeneid 1.132–41. Though his words might be taken to express indignation as well as to reassert his authority (which is their main purpose) they are not particularly angry per se and certainly not violent. Indeed, in the very next passage, Neptune is compared to a dignified statesman calming and quieting a violent crowd with his words (Aeneid 1.148–53). The impression is one of self-possessed calm and control, not furious anger. Notably, in this simile it is the crowd, not the statesman, which is driven by violent furor: saevitque animis ignobile volgus | iamque faces et saxa volant—furor arma ministrat (Aeneid 1.149–50), a passage drawn upon earlier in the Crucifixion scene as well, where the hostile populace is said to saevitque animis ignobile vulgus (CV 606). Proba's repeated use of the statesman simile makes clear that she is deploying Neptune's words not as an example of violent anger (as Opelt and Clark and Hatch indicate) but rather to indicate Jesus' calmness and control as set in opposition to the furor-driven anger that possesses his attackers: an impression reinforced by Silenus' laughing indifference to his own binding in Eclogue 6. As with Jesus' vivid depiction of the horrors of hell (discussed above), his reference to "punishment" 224 (poena) here is not a threat but merely a well-founded warning. Indeed, as Jensen points out, such "judgemental" passages can be found throughout the New Testament.286 However, a question remains. Though Jesus' words are not, in fact, violent, they do function to reassert his authority even in extremis and to warn his attackers of the punishment they face for their crime. This "authoritative" speech is a rather different message than Christ's famous plea for forgiveness for his attackers, "Father, forgive them, for they do not know what they are doing" (Luke 23:34). Proba's alteration is easier to understand when we remember that this line, well-known as it is, appears only in Luke (whereas Proba most often follows Matthew) and even more so given that this verse in fact was omitted from a number of second to fourth-century Biblical manuscripts,287 most likely due to anti-Jewish sentiment (as it appears to imply forgiveness for Jesus' attackers). The line may not have been in Proba's Vetus Latina Bible at all, or, if it was, she may simply have decided not to include it, a decision not surprising given her willingness to omit the majority of her Biblical material. In its absence, a speech denoting authority, calm, and lack of fear on Jesus' part is not at all amiss. Finally, it is worth relating this passage back to Proba's overall themes of furor, violence, and peace. Since the Crucifixion scene is the epitome of violence and furor — in essence, the Serpent/Allecto's triumph (if temporary) — it would in fact be odd if Jesus did not condemn his attackers' actions; indeed, it might give the impression that he condoned such violence or at least did not consider it worth 286 Jensen p. 47: "daß Proba solche Gerichtsworte im Neuen Testament vorgefunden hat." 287 Bart Ehrman, "Did Jesus Pray “Father Forgive Them” from the Cross?," published online on The Bart Ehrman Blog, https://ehrmanblog.org/did-jesus-pray-father-forgive-them-from-the-cross/. For example, the verse is omitted in the bilingual (Greek and Latin) Codex Bezae, written around 400 CE. 225 commenting upon. With Jesus' speech, Proba hammers her thematic point home: violence is inexcusable and will be met with divine punishment. 6.9 Pacis solum inviolabile pignus: The Resurrection/Ascension Scene The final scene I will examine is that depicting the Resurrection and Ascension: Proba combines these two biblical scenes into one (CV 648–88). The scene features 1) the earthquake at the tomb at sunrise on the third day (648–56); 2) Christ emerging from the tomb (657–60); 3) Christ's speech to his disciples and their joyful reaction (661–81); 4) the Ascension (682–8). Of these four sections, the most important for the themes of war and peace is the third, Christ's speech to his disciples: a section of the CV that has received relatively little attention from scholars. I have already examined the typologies inherent in this speech in Chapter 4; I will reiterate them briefly as part of my discussion of the speech as a whole. The first part of the speech consists of the resurrected Christ revealing himself to his disciples (coram, quem quaeritis, adsum, 663), telling them of his victory (vicit iter durum pietas et vivida virtus, 664; hi nostri reditus expectatique triumphi | haec mea magna fides, 666–667a), and commanding them to cast off fear and look to the future (praecipites vigilate, viri: timor omnis abesto, 665), a theme that returns somewhat later in the speech (revocate animos maestumque timorem | mittite et vosmet rebus servate secundis, 672b–673). These sections, as earlier discussed, draw heavily upon material spoken by Aeneas, casting Christ typologically as Aeneas, the confident and triumphant leader, well able to instil courage into his followers after a difficult and terrifying episode. The second part of the speech turns back towards the idea of 226 "gifts", apparently referencing the "gift" discussion from the Last Supper episode. Jesus commends his followers' loyalty to him and asks (rhetorically) with what gifts (dona) he can repay them: o terque quaterque beati, | quae vobis, quae digna, viri, pro laudibus istis | praemia posse rear solvi, quae dona parari? (667b–669). A rather enigmatic passage follows, apparently detailing the suitable "gift" in question: accipite ergo animis: | quae vos a stirpe parentum | prima tulit tellus, eadem vos ubere laeto | accipiet (670b–672a). This passage draws heavily upon prophetic material spoken by Phoebus: the Trojans are to return to the land (Italy) from which they originally came (A3.94–6). Clark and Hatch interpret the tellus in question as Eden, from the soil of which Adam was formed and from which Adam and Eve were driven, while Christ, through his death, has opened the way back to Paradise, to which his faithful followers shall return:288 as good a solution as any, and one suggested by the "homecoming" motif in the Vergilian source. Assuming the dona of the Ascension scene are equivalent to the dona of the Last Supper, this serves as further evidence that Proba's Jesus is speaking of eternal life in heaven in the latter scene, as discussed in Chapter 3. In the third part of the speech, Christ instructs his followers on how they are to act. First, he exhorts them again to be brave and to look towards whatever the future may bring (revocate animos maestumque timorem | mittite et vosmet rebus servate secundis, 672b–673). After this, he exhorts them to pray for and to praise "peace": quod superest, laeti bene gestis ordine rebus| pacem orate manu, pacem laudate sedentes, | magnanimi (674–676a). The two-fold repetition of pacem is a clear allusion to Jesus' words to his followers in John 14:27, "Peace I leave with you; my peace I give you" (NIV) = Εἰρήνην ἀφίημι ὑμῖν, εἰρήνην τὴν ἐμὴν δίδωμι 288 Clark and Hatch, The Golden Bough, 169. 227 ὑμῖν; though this verse comes from Jesus' farewell discourse to his disciples at the Last Supper rather than the Ascension, the Biblical context is clearly similar (Jesus speaking of his impending departure from the world).289 It is worth comparing the import of these two excerpts in the original Vergilian context, where the mention of "peace" is ironic or sarcastic (pacem orate manu, CV 675a = A10.80 [orare]: Juno accuses the Trojans of deceptiveness by offering peace while preparing war; pacem laudate sedentes, CV 675b = A11.460: Turnus criticizes the Latins for praising peace while the Trojans are already attacking). By placing these verses in the context of Christ's speech to his disciples, Proba has turned Vergil's rather cynical notion of "peace" into a genuine vision of Christian peace. The literal referent of bene gestis ordine rebus is slightly unclear, but may refer to Christian ritual (a particular interest of Proba's, as Clark and Hatch discuss290). If so, Proba in mentioning pacem may also have been thinking of the ritual "kiss of peace" which already in her time occupied a prominent place in the Eucharist (after the Consecration and before Communion);291 similarly, the Gloria contains the line et in terra pax hominibus bonae voluntatis (itself taken from Luke 2:14).292 Alternatively, bene gestis ordine 289 Note also the similarity between revocate animos maestumque timorem (672) and the final phrase of John 14:27, "Do not let your hearts be troubled and do not be afraid" (μὴ ταρασσέσθω ὑμῶν ἡ καρδία μηδὲ δειλιάτω). 290 Clark and Hatch, The Golden Bough, 126–8. R.P.H. Green, “Which Proba Wrote the Cento?", Classical Quarterly 58 (2008): 264–276, at 272–4, argues that Proba's interest in Christian ritual extends sufficiently far for her, in the CV, to insert herself into contemporaneous debates regarding the date of the celebration of Easter/the Ascension, a reference suggested by annua, quae differre nefas (691). 291 On this point, see The Catholic Encyclopedia, "Canon of the Mass," published online at https://www.newadvent.org/cathen/03255c.htm, and Jacques Paul Migne, Patrologia Latina 20 (Vrayet de Surcy, 1845), viewed online at https://archive.org/details/patrologiaecurs75unkngoog/page/n284/mode/2up. Pope Innocent I writes, early in the fifth century, post omnia, quae aperire non debeo [i.e. mysteria] pax sit necessario indicenda, per quam constet populum ad omnia, quae in mysteriis aguntur atque in ecclesia celebrantur, praebuisse consensum, ac finita esse pacis concludentis signaculo demonstrentur. 292 The Agnus Dei also mentions pacem, but it dates from well after Proba's time (it was introduced into the Mass by Pope Sergius I in the late seventh century). 228 rebus may simply refer to the virtuous and orderly lives that Christ's followers are to live: Clark and Hatch discuss in detail Proba's deep interest in domestic and social virtues.293 Christ's speech to his disciples concludes with the gnomic line pacis solum inviolabile pignus (CV 676b = A11.363). Here, the original Vergilian context is not ironic but sincere: Drances urges Turnus to give Lavinia up to Aeneas (her hand in marriage being "the only inviolable pledge of peace") and thereby bring peace between the Trojans and Latins. The prominence of this line in the CV (it is Christ's final word to his followers) suggests hermeneutical importance, though the literal referent is once again less than clear; what (or whom), precisely, is Christ declaring the "the only inviolable pledge of peace"? I will suggest three options: 1) pacis solum inviolabile pignus refers to the actions which Christ has commanded: i.e. praying for and praising peace. More broadly, we could take these actions as representative of the Christian life as a whole: that is, a life spent in peaceful worship of Christ. 2) pacis solum inviolabile pignus is in apposition to an implied vos (i.e. the subject of orate and laudate in 675). In this case, "the only inviolable pledge of peace" are Christ's followers themselves, or (taken more broadly) the Church in general. 3) Something like ecce is implied: "Behold the only inviolable pledge of peace". In this case this line refers not to what precedes it, but to what follows, i.e. Christ showing his disciples the wounds of his crucifixion: et simul his dictis faciem ostendebat et ora, | ora manusque ambas populataque pectora ferro (CV 677–8). Here, "the only inviolable pledge of peace" is (abstractly) Christ's suffering and death, as well as (more concretely) the lasting marks which serve as evidence of his sacrifice. 293 Clark and Hatch, The Golden Bough, 109–21. 229 In fact, the ambiguity in this line seems likely to be deliberate, given that all three of these readings are valid from a Christian theological perspective. Christ's sacrifice is what guarantees peace on a soteriological level; the Church, as Christ's body, represents Christ in the world and helps to bring about the peace that he promises; and this is actually carried out through the actions of praying for and praising peace, rather than (as in Proba's earlier poetic writings) glorifying war. No matter how we take pacis solum inviolabile pignus, it can be read as a tacit rebuke to all who would attempt to achieve peace though war: a method which Proba, having (likely) experienced civil war herself, fully denounces. Peace, she appears to declare here, cannot be achieved through military means; violence leads only to a spiral of increasing violence. Those who dream of peace should instead follow Christ's way: the way of self-sacrificing love, of calm willingness to suffer violence and even death in order to neutralize furor and stop the violence it brings from spreading any further. 6.10 Conclusion We have come full circle. Proba, as we have seen, opens her CV by denouncing her previous poetry which glorified combat and civil war. Her new conception of furor-induced violence can then be traced throughout the poem: in the Old Testament section, we see an initial act of violence (Adam and Eve violating the Tree) leading to more and more violence in an increasing spiral. In the New Testament section of the poem, furor and violence pose an ever-looming threat, particularly exemplified in the Slaughter of the Innocents and the Crucifixion scene, yet they cannot defeat Jesus. Rather, by voluntarily sacrificing himself, Jesus brings about the 230 ultimate defeat of the Serpent/Allecto's furor and the guarantee of a true, lasting peace for his followers and, ultimately, for the world. Proba concludes by urging her followers to praise and pray for peace, once more tacitly renouncing her poetic past and the deeds of war she once praised. 231 Chapter 7: Categories of IC in the CV; Multi-Layered Exegesis; Conclusion 7.1 Introduction Now that we have explored in detail Proba's three most fruitful exegetical strategies — conceptual, typological, and thematic exegesis — it is time to return to the central question of this study: how does Proba reinterpret pagan religious, theological, and mythological material within a Christian context? What do her exegetical strategies, as elaborated above, tell us about her broader techniques of IC in the CV, and where do these techniques fit on the seven-point scale outlined in Chapter 1? I will begin this chapter with a recapitulation of the six exegetical techniques discussed, explaining how I classify each within the structure I presented in Chapter 1. After this, I will move to an even more intriguing question: how do these techniques work in tandem with one another to generate a multi-layered exegetical structure? I will answer this question by closely examining a particularly exegetically rich section of the CV as a case study: the Last Supper episode (580–99). 7.2 IC and Proba's Exegetical Techniques a) We will begin with literal exegesis: the process by which Proba uses the literal surface meaning of a Vergilian extract as part of a new narrative in her CV. We might well ask whether this process fits within IC at all, for the excerpts used by Proba do not contain, in their surface meaning, any blatantly mythological material — for example, none of them refer to Greco-Roman gods or goddesses by name; insofar as any Greco-Roman deities are referenced in the 232 CV, it is through the original context of the excerpts used rather than their surface meaning. Furthermore, though Proba clearly recognizes the aptness of particular Vergilian passages to the Christian story (for example, Epytides cracking his whip, re-used in the Cleansing of the Temple episode) there is no suggestion here that she views this aptness in and of itself as prophetically significant. If she did, we would expect to see certain re-uses that we do not; for example, surely Venus' healing of her son Aeneas would be taken to prophetically foretell Christ's healing miracles, none of which are depicted in the CV. Proba's declaration that Vergil "sang the pious deeds of Christ" is clearly not satisfied by a mere surface resemblance of particular narrative moments between Vergil's poems and the Biblical story; some deeper connection is required. (Jerome appears to miss this distinction when he declares, likely referencing the CV, that the technique of Biblical cento is like a "charlatan's trick" (circulatorum ludo similia). Does Proba's use of literal exegesis then reflect a purely neutral position (0) on the seven-point scale I have argued? In fact, I argue that it is best situated at +1 (illustrative IC), for such a re-use at least tacitly acknowledges that the surface meaning of a given Vergilian passage is illustrative of the Biblical story, though it does not claim that there is any deeper prophetic or theological significance to this resemblance. However, though it may be coincidental, it is nonetheless useful for Proba's purposes. b) The next exegetical technique is that of allusive exegesis: here, the wording of a particular Vergilian excerpt closely resembles that of a particular Biblical (or other) passage. This is by far the least common form of exegesis employed by Proba, occurring only a handful of times in the 233 CV; perhaps Proba had difficulty finding phrases in Vergil which bore a sufficiently close resemblance to Biblical verses. Nonetheless, insofar as they do occur, Proba gives them a high level of prominence, placing them in such heightened contexts as the Nativity, Christ's words at the Last Supper, and the Ascension. This placement suggests that Proba views these excerpts not as merely displaying a surface resemblance to the Christian story, but as actually prophetic of that story: a +2 on the scale (prophetic IC). It is also worth mentioning that allusion is often used in close connection to the exegetical strategy of typology, to draw the reader's attention to connections between a Vergilian and Biblical character which might otherwise be missed. For example, in the Last Supper episode, the distinctive phrase unum pro multis dabitur caput alludes to certain Biblical verses (Matt 20:28, Mark 10:45, John 11:50) which prophetically foreshadow the Crucifixion: this prompts the reader to think of Palinurus, the Vergilian referent who is killed to ensure the safety of his comrades, here used as a type for Christ. c) The third exegetical strategy to discuss is that of conceptual exegesis, where Proba depicts a Biblical episode (the Fall, the Last Supper) or concept (the relationship between the believer and Christ) in terms of a pagan religious concept: for example, the Fall is related in terms of the mutually opposed categories of sanctity and pollution. This is clearly a strongly positive form of IC, since it implies that pagan religious categories are valid insofar as they can be used to understand the Christian Scriptures. Indeed, it would seem to be higher than both a merely illustrative relationship (+1) and even than a prophetic relationship (+2), since the categories of sanctity and pollution are repeatedly attributed to the Tree, the forbidden fruit, Adam and Eve's action in touching the Tree, etc. We might even wonder whether such a strategy lies off the 234 seven-point scale entirely (+4?), since at its boldest it might be seen to imply that the Christian Scriptures can only properly be understood through the lens of pagan religion, thus assigning the categories of pagan religion a place above the Scriptures themselves! Indeed, such an exegesis would be more justly termed an interpretatio Romana (where Biblical material is adapted to fit the categories of Greco-Roman religion) rather than an interpretatio Christiana (where Greco-Roman material is adapted to fit within a Christian worldview). However, a more cautious approach would assign it a +3, implying that a pagan interpretation of the Fall has, for Proba, equivalent validity to a more conventionally Christian interpretation of the Fall. d) We now move to typological exegesis. Though it might seem at once that this should be placed in the +2 category (typological/prophetic IC), given that this strategy of Vergilian exegesis appears closely related to Christian typological exegesis (which interprets OT characters as prefigurations of the NT), the situation is in fact not so simple. It is not hard to imagine a cento in which the Christ-related material was dominated by typological passages all, or mostly, referring to a single Vergilian character: perhaps most likely, Aeneas. If we were dealing with such a cento, we might be justified in suggesting that the exegetical connection between Christ and Aeneas goes beyond the prophetic and approaches complete identification (+3), such that Aeneas is seen as simply another name for Christ. We have already seen such a one-to-one identification in the works of Justin Martyr, who identified Jupiter with God the Father. However, in Proba's CV no single typology dominates; to be sure, Aeneas is by far the most frequent type paired with Christ as antitype, but typological passages referring to Aeneas account for only about a quarter of all typological passages in the CV (moreover, it is at times 235 difficult to tell whether a given Aeneas passage is typological or not, given his identity as the Aeneid's protagonist). Moreover, this typology is destabilized294 by other typologies that occur in the CV: for example, the use of Venus (Aeneas' mother), or of King Latinus or Turnus, characters with whom Aeneas is in conflict, as types for Christ. This has typological implications for the CV's other characters as well: though the repeated references to pater in the OT section of the poem might lead us to identify Jupiter with God the Father, the use of Jupiter as a Christ typology renders this similarly impossible; similarly, the use of Dido material for Christ discourages us from identifying Eve too closely with Dido (as certain scholars have done). To sum up, there is no one-to-one correspondence between Vergilian characters and Biblical characters, tidy as such a system would be. Instead, as I have discussed in detail in Chapter 5, Proba's typological exegesis resembles a mosaic, in that a composite portrait of Christ is built up from many different typologies. This means that, unlike in Justin Martyr, Proba's Christ cannot be identified with any particular pagan mythological figure; rather, they must be seen as prophetic anticipations of him, a +2 on the scale. e) Next we will turn to contextual exegesis. To return to two already-discussed examples, the Triumphal Entry scene repeatedly uses material taken from the fall of Troy (particularly the Trojan Horse), while the Walking on the Water episode uses material from the Polyphemus episode. Here again, as with literal exegesis, it is not difficult to class this on the seven-point scale: though the Vergilian reference in question is neither identified with a Biblical reference (+3) nor seen as a prophetic anticipation of it (+2) it is nonetheless used in an illustrative 294 I borrow this term from Harich-Schwartzbauer, "Von Aeneas zu Camilla," 344. 236 manner to set the scene and fill in affective details. The Triumphal Entry is like the story of the Trojan Horse because it foreshadows both personal and collective suffering; the Walking on the Water is like the Polyphemus episode because the disciples, like the Trojans, are filled with surprise and terror upon seeing a supernatural figure approach their ship. f) The final exegetical strategy to be examined is thematic exegesis: in particular, the dual theme of war and peace. Unlike the preceding five, this particular strategy cannot be easily placed anywhere on the scale because it is not, in fact, a case of simple interpretatio Christiana. Rather, Proba "interprets" both her Vergilian and her Biblical material, focusing on a single theme which is touched upon (but not dominant) in both, and which is given a considerably heightened level of prominence in the CV. In effect, Proba casts her entire retelling in terms of war and peace, using it as a large-scale structuring device as well as a repeated leitmotiv throughout the CV. Christ is framed as the bringer of peace with his main antagonist, the Serpent, cast as Allecto, the bringer of war. The struggle of Christ to redeem humanity is thus shown in terms of the perennial struggle against the ever-present threat of war. Though this is interpretatio, it cannot be said to be strictly interpretatio Christiana as the Biblical material is also being interpreted; instead, we might term both Proba's exegesis of Vergil and her exegesis of the Bible as an interpretatio Probiana. To sum up: from the above, it can be seen the strategies of IC used by Proba occupy a wide range of positions on the scale I have outlined: all the way from +1 (illustrative IC: literal and contextual exegesis) through +2 (prophetic IC: allusive and typological exegesis), +3 (parallel IC: 237 conceptual exegesis). Indeed, this final category (conceptual) might even best be termed an interpretatio Romana rather than an interpretatio Christiana, since the Biblical elements in, for example, the story of the Fall appear to be adapted to fit within the framework of Greco-Roman religion and not the other way around. Finally, we have thematic exegesis which displays an interpretatio Probiana of both Vergilian and Biblical material. This diversity of levels of IC mirrors the polemical anti-pagan works we discussed in Chapter 1, which utilize a wide range of strategies of IC to dismiss pagan mythology, theology, or religious practice as either misdirected (-1), intentionally deceptive (-2) or demon worship (-3); the difference is, of course, while these polemics tend to utilize almost exclusively negative IC, Proba's CV uses almost exclusively positive IC. This exploration of Proba's exegetical strategies has already granted us significant insight into her hermeneutical adaptation of Vergil's material into a Christian context or, in certain cases, even vice versa. However, there is one final facet of Proba's hermeneutics to be explored: these strategies do not operate independently of one another. Still less do they conflict with one another such that the reader is forced to choose between two or more levels of interpretatio to contemplate at any given moment. Instead, these levels of interpretatio function in tandem, strengthening and reinforcing one another to create a multi-layered exegetical superstructure. I will close this study with a demonstration of this process, taking as my case study one of the most exegetically rich episodes of the CV: the Last Supper (580–599). 7.3 The Last Supper Episode: An Exegetical Superstructure 238 The episode of the Last Supper in the CV falls into two neat halves. The first (580–88) comprises the meal proper, where we see the disciples feasting, followed by the physical actions which comprise Christ's institution of the Eucharist. The second half (589–99) consists mostly of Christ's speech to his disciples, in which he assures them of the "gifts" they will receive and foretells his own death the coming day. I will examine these two sections separately, as the exegetical methods used vary slightly — or, to be more precise, the second half retains certain of the hermeneutics of the first while adding additional layers. First, however, I will quote the entire passage (see Appendix 1 for Vergilian line numbers): Devexo interea propior fit Vesper Olympo. 580 tum victu revocant vires fusique per herbam et dapibus mensas onerant et pocula ponunt. postquam prima quies epulis mensaeque remotae, ipse inter primos | genitori instaurat honores, suspiciens caelum. | tum facta silentia linguis. 585 dat manibus fruges | dulcesque a fontibus undas implevitque mero pateram | ritusque sacrorum edocet | inmiscetque preces | ac talia fatur: “audite, o proceres,” ait “et spes discite vestras. nemo ex hoc numero mihi non donatus abibit, 590 promissisque patris | vestra” inquit “munera vobis certa manent, pueri, et palmam movet ordine nemo. et lux cum primum terris se crastina reddet, unus erit tantum | in me exitiumque meorum, dum paci medium se offert | de corpore | nostro. 595 iamque dies, nisi fallor, adest. | secludite curas. mecum erit iste labor, | nec me sententia fallit: unum pro multis dabitur caput.” | haec ita fatus conticuit | seramque dedit per membra quietem. a) The Last Supper: the meal and Eucharist (CV 580–88) 239 Given the many layers of meaning present in this scene, I will start from the more literal or concrete forms of significance and generally move to more abstract hermeneutical levels. On the first, purely literal level, we see a depiction of a general feasting scene held outdoors at evening (580–83), followed by a ritual involving the distribution of bread and filling a cup with wine and water (584–88). Though the particulars given here correspond in most points to the relevant Biblical passages (Matthew 26:20–29; Mark 14:17–25; Luke 22:14–23),295 three details do not: the Last Supper is held indoors in the "upper room," not outdoors; Jesus is not depicted as looking up to heaven (suspiciens caelum, CV 585a); and there is no mention of water, only wine. I contend that these discrepancies act as convenient flags to direct us to the second level, that of allusion. As I have argued earlier, the mention of sitting upon grass (fusique per herbam, 581) and the detail of Jesus looking up to heaven recall strongly the episode of the Feeding of the Five Thousand, suggesting that Proba has amalgamated these two episodes into one: the Eucharist in essence acts as the fulfilment, and completion, of the earlier miracle involving mere bread and fish. The mention of water (dulcesque a fontibus undas, 586b) is intriguing: though it may simply reflect the ancient practice of diluting wine with water at most banquets, Proba's explicit mention of it would seem to point to the practice (already established in the second century) of mixing a small amount of water with the wine at Mass.296 This would then be another instance of an allusion to a text outside the CV, i.e. liturgical Christian rubrics. The same lines which literally depict a feast also function on the level of contextual exegesis: by drawing in material from Vergil depicting standard feasting scenes, Proba invites us to envisage the Last 295 I have excluded John as this gospel does not depict the institution of the Eucharist. 296 This is referenced in Justin Martyr (First Apology 65, second century) and Cyprian (Epistle 63.13, third century). 240 Supper in terms of the feast in Pallantium (A8.175–284), the shipwrecked Trojans' feast of deer (A1.208–19), and Dido's welcome feast (A1.697–724). This heavy use of contextual exegesis makes possible Proba's characteristic brevity: she is able to paint a scene in very few words, as she knows the reader will fill in all the necessary background details. Passing on to conceptual and typological exegesis, it is important to note that in these two scenes they work in particularly close conjunction. We have already discussed in detail the conceptual exegesis which occurs in this scene. To briefly reiterate: Christ, in providing a dual feast for his disciples, is depicted as the ideal Greco-Roman host, perfectly fulfilling the laws of hospitality. Proba's use of typological exegesis serves to reinforce this conceptual interpretation: we see Christ depicted in terms of Aeneas (580, implied) and Dido (581, 582, and 586b, implied; 587a), both of whom provide feasts for those in need of refreshment. We see an additional conceptual exegesis introduced at 585a and 586a, where the Eucharist is depicted in terms of the sacred rituals surrounding the treaty made by King Latinus and Aeneas (A12.161–215). This might at first seem a rather arbitrary connection, but it is worth remembering that the Eucharist is often framed in standard Christian exegesis in terms of a "new covenant" (i.e. to replace God's ancient covenant with the Jewish nation), an interpretation first advanced in Hebrews 8. The making of a treaty would seem a highly appropriate model for this. Two related conceptual referents which also serve as models for the Eucharist are Aeneas' prayers to his father's spirit (584b) and Jupiter's mention of the native Latin religious rites (587b). In this section, both King Latinus and Aeneas act as types of Christ, embodying his piety and respect for sacred law; such an understanding of Aeneas fits well with 241 the concept referenced immediately above, that of Homeric/Vergilian host, since to fulfil the obligations of hospitality is naturally a pious action. b) The Last Supper: Christ's speech (CV 589–99) In this second half of the Last Supper episode, we see on the literal level Christ make a speech to his disciples, promising each of them "gifts" which shall remain secure through God's promises (589–92). This is followed by a passage in which he predicts his death the following day for the sake of bringing peace; after this, he sleeps (593–99). Though this passage largely moves away from the institution of the Eucharist to a discussion of things to come (Christ's death and his "gifts" of eternal life), we can see that certain hermeneutical strategies from the first half are carried over and indeed further developed. On the conceptual level, Christ continues to be portrayed as the ideal Homeric/Vergilian host, a depiction taken here to new heights. Christ promises each of his disciples a guest gift (590) and even entertainment of a sort; in place of the physical athletics competition seen in Homer or Vergil, he invites his disciples to compete for the prize of salvation, not against one another (each is promised a gift: 590, 592) but rather each individually striving to follow Christ as closely as possible. To this is further added a promise of safety, another important role of the Homeric or Vergilian host: his disciples are not to fear (596b, 598a) for Christ alone will die the following day in order to bring peace, not only to his disciples, but to all people. Typologically, the former section (regarding the "gifts") is dominated by Aeneas as a type of Christ: his munificence and generosity in the athletics competition (Book 5) are held up as a model for Christ's generosity. In the latter, 242 however, we see a new type emphasized: Palinurus, referenced typologically three times here (591a, 594a, 598a). Just as Palinurus must die to ensure the safety of his shipmates, so Christ must die to bring a true and lasting peace. This identification between Palinurus and Christ is strengthened by another hermeneutical level, that of allusion: 598a (unum pro multis dabitur caput) closely recalls several Scriptural statements regarding Christ's death for all of humanity, as discussed in Chapter 3. The association between Palinurus and Christ is reinforced by another sacrificial type in close proximity to the former: Gelaesus, the farmer and (perhaps significantly) shepherd who is slaughtered while trying to negotiate a peace between the Latins and Trojans (595a). The necessity of Christ's bodily sacrifice is also reinforced by a second allusion, if a somewhat manufactured one (597b#, a composite excerpt drawing from three Vergilian excerpts): de corpore nostro clearly links Christ's crucifixion with the ritual of the Eucharist that has just been instituted. This linkage is intensified by the following line (598a: iamque dies, nisi fallor, adest) originally preceding Aeneas' ritual sacrifice to his father. We will recall that this particular scene was used conceptually as a pagan model for the Eucharist (584b) in the first half of the Last Supper passage: now we see it applied, not to the ritual that Christ has just performed, but rather to his death the following day, suggesting a link between the two (a connection suggested by Christ's words: "This is my body given for you," Luke 22:19; "This is my blood of the covenant, which is poured out for many," Mark 14:24). Finally, a number of passages from this section are contextually active: the repeated references to Neptune's speech to Venus, foreshadowing Palinurus' coming death, prompt the reader to feel a similar sense of dread, an impression strengthened by two passages near the end of this section. The first (599a, conticuit = A3.718) originally depicts Aeneas falling silent after 243 recounting his harrowing tale to the Carthaginians, while the second (599b, seramque dedit per membra quietam = A8.30) shows Aeneas troubled by the declaration of war in Latium. I will stop here having outlined the most prominent hermeneutical techniques employed in this section, but more could be said: for example, the use of Jupiter as a type for Christ (597b) emphasizes his divine authority, rendering his predictions and promises sure. 7.4 Conclusion To sum up, this study has demonstrated that the CV can be most fruitfully analysed, not with the standard tools of intertextuality and allusion alone, but rather through the additional lens of interpretatio Christiana. When we examine the CV from this perspective, we come to understand how Proba, throughout her poem, navigates between the pagan and Christian worldviews, showing how aspects of the former can be re-interpreted and constructively positioned within the latter. More than a simple Biblical paraphrase, the CV is best regarded, first and foremost, as an exegetical poetic commentary on Vergil, one which employs six different exegetical strategies — literal, allusive, conceptual, typological, contextual, and thematic — which span the entire gamut of positive IC, from illustrative (+1) through prophetic (+2) to parallel (+3) IC. In this, Proba's work bears a certain though opposing resemblance to polemical Christian works which interpret pagan material using a variety of negative strategies of IC. Indeed, Proba's work even in certain respects transcends my scale for IC entirely; her use of conceptual exegesis borders upon an interpretatio Romana rather than Christiana, and through her use of thematic exegesis, she imposes her own interpretatio Probiana on both her 244 Vergilian and Biblical material. Lastly, when we examine how these strategies interact in a single passage, we can see that they work in tandem, reinforcing and strengthening one another to create a multi-layered exegetical structure. Far from Jerome's accusations of unlearned or wilfully idiosyncratic interpretation, then, Proba's CV exhibits an unparalleled mastery over, and thoughtful deployment of, a broad range of different hermeneutical strategies which function to convincingly support her thesis: that Vergil's work anticipates the Christian story, or at least appears to. Given her skilful and nuanced employment of these methods both individually and in concert with one another, it is not surprising that she appears to have been extraordinarily successful in her endeavour, as evidenced by the considerable popularity of the Cento Vergilianus in the Middle Ages and indeed for some time afterwards.297 On a final note, it is worth as well pointing out that the methodology and theoretical framework which I have employed in this study can be easily adapted to analyze other early Christian works. The database method employed in Chapter 2 is perhaps best suited to the compositional technique of cento; a natural first step would be to use it to analyze the three remaining late antique Christian centos (Versus ad Gratiam Domini; De Verbi Incarnatione; De Ecclesia) or, with a slight shift of focus, pagan centos such as Geta's Medea or Ausonius' Cento Nuptialis. 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Identifier Material Referent in CV Vergilian line number Vergilian referentVergilian context Typology for Christ (if any)Prologue A (quasi-cento)1 iam dudum temerasse duces pia foedera pacis,Civil wars/Proba's poetic pastLuc 4.205 (foedera pacis)[Petreius] [Petreius, after the two sides spontaneously make a brief peace, recalls his men to war.]OR 4.365 (foedera pacis)[Caesar] [As soon as terms of peace have been settled, the thirsty soldiers rush for the rivers.]Luc 1.225-6 (temerataque...foedera)[Julius Caesar] [Julius Caesar, having crossed the Rubicon, declares that he relinquishes peace and "laws already scorned."]2 regnandi miseros tenuit quos dira cupido,Civil wars/Proba's poetic pastG1.37 (regnandi...dira cupido)V. to CaesarAugustusThe divinized Caesar will have no desire to rule the Underworld.A6.721 (miseris tam dira cupido)A. to Anchises A. asks his father's spirit: Why do the souls duefor rebirth have such a terrible longing for thelight?3 diversasque neces regum, crudelia bellaCivil wars/Proba's poetic pastA12.500-1 (caedes/diversas obitumque ducum)V. to theaudienceV. asks: What god can relate for me suchdiverse slaughter and the death of generals?4 cognatasque acies, pollutos caede parentumCivil wars/Proba's poetic pastLuc 1.4 (cognatasque acies)[Lucan] [Lucan proem: I sing of kindred armies...]Luc 4.259-60 (polluta nefanda/agmina caede)[Generals/army] [The generals dare not allow the army, "polluted by foul bloodshed," to pitch camp nearby.]5 insignes clipeos nulloque ex hoste tropaea,Civil wars/Proba's poetic pastStat Th. 9.332 (clipeusque insignis)[Crenaeus] [Crenaeus' armour and fine shield, showing the origin of the Theban people.]253Appendix A: Database of Vergilian ExcerptsG3.32 (diverso ex hoste tropaea)V. V. imagines himself returning to Rome in a (poetic?) triumph with two trophies of war taken from different enemies.6 sanguine conspersos tulerat quos fama triumphos,Civil wars/Proba's poetic pastLuc 1.12 (bella geri placuit nullos habitura triumphos (?))[War] [Lucan: you (countrymen) chose to wage a war that would bear no spoils (when other countries remained to conquer!)]Luc 6.582-4 (conspersos...sanguine)[Erictho] [Erictho the witch, seeking carnage and death for her necromantic spells, prevents the war from leaving the land.]7 innumeris totens viduatas civibus urbes,Civil wars/Proba's poetic pastA8.571 (tam multis viduasset civibus urbem)Evander to Pallas Evander to Pallas: If only I were younger, Mezentius would not have annihilated so many cities.8 confiteor, scripsi: satis est meminisse malorum:Civil wars/Proba's poetic pastNCM (newly composed material)none none9 nunc, deus omnipotens, sacrum, precor, accipe carmenFather NCM none none10–11a aeternique tui septemplicis ora resolveSpirit A12.925 (loricae et clipei extremos septemplicis orbis)A./Turnus A's spear pierces T's sevenfold shield.spiritus A3.457 (ipsa canat vocemque volens atque ora resolvat)Sibyl The priest Helenus urges A. to seek the Sibyl and her oracle.G4.452 (et graviter frendens sic fatis ora resolvit)Proteus Aristaeus seeks and obtains an oracle from Proteus.Luc 7.609 (spiritus in vocem morientiaque ora resolvit)[Domitius] [Domitius, taunted by Caesar while dying, prophecies a reward for Caesar's crimes.]Luc 8.261 (maesta ora resolvit)[Pompey] [At Syhedra, the defeated Pompey speaks sadly to the assembled officials.]254Juvencus 1.356-8 (caeli septemplicis aethera/.../spiritus aeriam simulans ex nube columbam)[Christ at his baptism][The Holy Spirit descends as a dove upon Christ at his baptism.]11 atque mei resera penetralia cordis,Proba Luc 5.70 (reserat penetralia Phoebi)[Appius Claudius] [Appius Claudius re-opens the long-closed shrine of Apollo at Delphi.]Juvencus 4.7 (penetralia cordis)[Christ] [Christ sees the inmost hearts of the Pharisees testing him with the Caesar question.]12 arcana ut possim vatis Proba cuncta referre.Proba NCM none none13 non nunc ambrosium cura est mihi quaerere nectar,Pagan poetic conventionsNCM none none14 nec libet Aonio de vertice ducere Musas,Pagan poetic conventionsG3.11 (Aonio...deducam vertice Musas)V. to audience V.: Returning to my country, I'll bring the Muses down from the Aonian peak.15 non mihi saxa loqui vanus persuadeat errorPagan poetic conventionsNCM none none16 laurigerosque sequi tripodas et inania votaPagan poetic conventionsNCM none none17 iurgantesque deos procerum victosque penates:Pagan poetic conventionsA1.68 (victosque penates)Juno to Aeolus Juno tells Aeolus: The Trojans sail the Tyrrhenian sea, bringing their vanquished Penates.18 nullus enim labor est verbis extendere famamPagan poetic conventionsA10.468 (famam extendere factis)Jupiter to HerculesJupiter: Every mortal must die; but virtue allows them to extend their fame by deeds.19 atque hominum studiis parvam disquirere laudem:Pagan poetic conventionsJuvencus 2.686 (disquirere laudem)[Christ] [Christ reproaches the Jewish leaders: you seek glory that comes from one another, but not the glory that comes only from God.]20 Castalio sed fonte magis imatata beatosSaints NCM none none21 quae sitiens hausi sanctae libamina lucisProba NCM none none22 hinc canere incipiam. praesens, deus, erige mentem:God G1.5 (hinc canere incipiam)V. V.'s invocation: I'll begin to sing of how to farm properly.255Luc 8.76 (erige mentem)[Pompey to Cornelia][The defeated Pompey urges Cornelia to take courage.]23 Vergilium cecinisse loquar pia munera Christi.Vergil Juvencus 1.439 (munera Christi)[Christ's deeds] [The report of Christ's preaching and miraculous healings spreads through the entire countryside.]OR Juvencus 2.361 (munera Christi)[Christ's deeds] [Many are marvelling at Christ's deeds when one of John's disciples asks: Why do your disciples not fast?]OR Juvencus 2.381 (munera Christi)[Christ's help] [The synagogue ruler whose daughter has died begs for Christ's salvific help.]Prologue B (true cento begins)24a rem nulli obscuram Biblical story A11.343 Drances to TurnusDrances attacks Turnus in debate: You speak of a matter not obscure to us...24b repetens ab origine pergam, Proba/Biblical storyA1.372 A. to (disguised) VenusA. to Venus: If I were to tell my tale from the beginning, evening would arrive before I finished.25#–26 si qua fides animo, si vera infusa per artus,Proba A3.434 (si qua fides, animum si veris implet Apollo)Helenus to A. Helenus to A.: If Apollo speaks faithfully and truthfully... (pay attention to this one command)mens agitat molem et toto se corpore miscetProba & A6.726–7 (spiritus intus alit, totamque infua per artus/mens agitat molem et magno se corpore miscet)Anchises to A. Anchises' cosmological speech: a spirit within all things nourishes them.27#–28 spiritus et quantum non noxia corpora tardantProba E4.54 (spiritus et quantum)V. to prophesied childV. speaks: Let the last part of my life remain along with the spirit/inspiration to tell of your deeds.& A6.731 (quantum non noxia corpora tardant)–732Anchises to A. Anchises' cosmological speech: The origin of all things is fiery, insofar as dull matter does not weigh them down.256terrenique hebetant artus moribundaque membra.29 O pater, o hominum rerumque aeterna potestasFather A10.18 Venus to Jupiter In the gods' council, Venus urges Jupiter to help the Trojans against the Latins.30a da facilem cursum atque Father G1.40 V. to Caesar (as a future god)V. prays to Caesar: Even now, go ahead and become accustomed to being called in prayers.30b animis inlabere nostris Father A3.89 A. to Apollo Aeneas begs Apollo for prophetic guidance.31 tuque ades inceptumque una decurre laboremChrist G2.39 V. to Maecenas V. entreats Maecenas: Be present and sail through (decurre ) the work begun.32a nate patris summi Christ A1.665 Venus to Cupid Venus entreats Cupid to help her by making Dido fall in love with Aeneas.32b vigor et caelestis origo Christ A6.730 Anchises' spirit to A.Anchises' cosmological speech: There is a fiery and divine origin (for those seeds).33a quem primi colimus Christ A11.786 Arruns to Apollo Arruns prays that he might kill Camilla and that he might return to his ancestral city.33b meritosque novamus honores Christ A8.189 Evander/HerculesEvander describes reason for ritual banquet to Hercules: he saved them from the giant Cacus.34a iam nova progenies Christ E4.7 V./prophesied childVergil sings prophetically of the "new race" and the child to be born.34b omnis quem credidit aetas Christ A7.680 Caeculus Caeculus is the founder of Praeneste: birthed by Vulcan and found on the hearth.35a nam memini Proba/history A8.157 Evander/AnchisesEvander recalls meeting Anchises in his (Evander's) youth.35b veterum volvens monumenta virorumProba/history A3.102 Anchises Anchises, pondering Phoebus' oracle, recalls the deeds of his ancestors.36a Musaeum ante omnes Moses/PentateuchA6.667 Sibyl/Musaeus The Sibyl speaks to Musaeus, above all others in the Elysian fields.36b vestrum cecinisse Moses/PentateuchE10.70 V. to Muses V. speaks: Divine Muses, it will be enough for your poet to have sung...36c per orbem Moses/PentateuchMany places37 quae sint, quae fuerint, quae mox ventura trahantur,Moses/PentateuchG4.393 Proteus Proteus knows all things in the present, future, and past.38 omnia, ut ipse tener mundi concreverit orbis.Biblical creation accountE6.34 Silenus' song Silenus sings of the creation of the world.25739 felix, qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas,Biblical creation accountG2.490 Simple farmer The farmer, who knows the causes of things and is not greedy or careworn, is happy.40#–41 unde hominum pecudumque genus vitaeque volantumBiblical creation accountA1.743 (unde hominum genus et pecudes)Iopas Iopas sings of the world's creation, including the origin of humans and land animals.& A6.728 (inde hominum peducumque genus vitaeque volantum)–729Anchises to A. Anchises' cosmological speech: a spirit within all things nourishes them, giving rise to all animals.et quae marmoreo fert monstra sub aequore pontus,42a (#?) et liquidi simul ignis OR ignes Biblical creation accountE6.33 Silenus' song Silenus sings of the creation of the world.42b aetheris Biblical creation accountA12.140 Juturna Jupiter, rex aetheris, gave Juturna the honour of ruling over lakes/rivers (in return for her virginity).42b# (alt) OR: fontes Biblical creation accountG2.200 (non liquidi gregibus fontes)Woodland pastures of Tarentum or MantuaIn these pastures, clear springs or grass won't be lacking.42c–42'a et genus omne Biblical creation accountG2.20–1 Nature's means of propagationBy these means, every sort of plant and tree flourishes.silvarum fruticumque42'b et caeli mobilis umor. Biblical creation accountG1.417 Rain When the weather changes, birds feel and act differently.43a haut aliter Biblical creation accountMany places43b–44–45aprima crescentis origine mundi Biblical creation accountG2.336–8 Primeval spring V.: I am convinced that at the world's creation it was primeval spring.inluxisse dies aliumve habuisse tenoremcrediderim.45b maior rerum mihi nascitur ordo, Proba/Cento A7.44 V. to Erato V. to Erato: I am attempting a greater poetic task: help me sing of the Trojans in Latium.25846 si qua fidem tanto est operi latura vetustas.Proba/Cento A10.792 V. to Lausus (apostrophe)V: I will not be silent about your deeds, Lausus, if any old antiquity will bring faith to such a work. 47a namque, fatebor enim, Proba/poetic pastE1.31 Tityrus to MeliboeusTityrus to Meliboeus: I will confess, while Galatea had me (as her lover), there was no hope for freedom or prosperity for me.47b levium spectacula rerum, Proba/poetic pastG4.3 V. to Maecenas V. to Maecenas: Pay attention to this part as well: I will tell you about the battles, leaders, customs, etc. of bees.48 semper equos atque arma virum pugnasque canebamProba/poetic pastA9.777 [canebat] Cretheus Turnus slays Cretheus in battle, friend to the Muses, who always sang about military subjects.49a et studio incassum Proba/poetic pastG1.387 Sea birds Sea birds, when it rains, enjoy their bath with playful splashing.49b volui exercere laborem. Proba/poetic pastA8.378 [labores] Venus to Vulcan Venus to Vulcan: I didn't ask for help before (during the Trojan war), not wanting to ask you to exercise your skills in vain.50a omnia temptanti Proba/Cento G4.328 Aristaeus to his motherAristaeus to his mother: I, attempting all things, have barely eked out even this honour itself of mortal life.50b potior sententia visa est Proba/Cento A4.287 A. This plan appears best to A.: prepare secretly to sail.51 pandere res altas terra et caligine mersas.Proba/Cento A6.267 V. to infernal godsV. begs the infernal gods: May it be lawful for me to tell of the Underworld.52a inque dies Proba/Cento G3.553 Tisiphone (plague personified)Day by day Tisiphone (the plague) rages more brutally.52b–53 aliquid iam dudum invadere magnumProba/Cento A9.186–7 Nisus to Euryalus Nisus speaks to Euryalus: My mind urges me to try some great feat and I cannot rest.mens agitat mihi nec placida contenta quiete est.Proba/Cento54a ore favete omnes Proba to audienceA5.71 A. to Trojans A. declares the sacrifice to his father and the Games and urges silence among the Trojans.54b laetasque advertite mentes, Proba to audienceA5.304 A. to Trojans A. announces the footrace: Listen happily, since all participants will receive a gift.25955a matres atque viri Proba to audienceG4.475 Spirits in the underworldThere are spirits of mothers and fathers (men) in the underworld.OR A6.306 Spirits in the underworldThere are spirits of mothers and fathers (men) in the underworld.55b pueri innuptaeque puellae. Proba to audienceG4.476 Spirits in the underworldThere are spirits of boys and unmarried girls in the underworld.OR A6.307 Spirits in the underworldThere are spirits of boys and unmarried girls in the underworld.Creation (non-human world)56–57a principio caelum ac terras camposque liquentesGod/the cosmos A6.724–5 Anchises to A. Anchises speaks of the inward spirit that nourishes all of Creation.lucentemque globum lunae57b solisque labores God/the cosmos A1.742 Iolas to dinner guestsIolas sings of the cosmos and its origin.58a ipse pater statuit God/the cosmos G1.353 Jupiter Jupiter establishes certain signs (certis signis ) to mark the seasons for the farmer's/sailor's benefit58b–59 vos, o clarissima mundi God/the cosmos G1.5–6 Stars Vergil sings of the stars.lumina, labentem caelo quae ducitis annum60# nam neque erant astorum ignes nec lucidus aether,Pre-creation state (Chaos)A3.585 (nam neque erant astorum ignes nec lucidus aether)Darkness of Etna The erupting mountain Etna hides the stars and the moon, shrouding all in dark night.& A1.90 (intonuere poli, et crebris micat ignibus aether)Storm at sea The Trojan fleet is caught in a sudden storm.OR A4.167 (dant signum; fulsere ignes et conscius aether)Thunderstorm There is a thunderstorm as Dido and Aeneas consummate their union.61 et nox atra polum bigis subvecta tenebat,Pre-creation state (Chaos)A5.721 Darkness of night In the darkness of night, Anchises' spirit appears to A. with words of advice.26062a et chaos Pre-creation state (Chaos)A6.265 Chaos (as god) V. as narrator prays to gods of underworld: May it be lawful for me to relate what I have heard.62b–63 in praeceps tantum tendebat ad umbras,Pre-creation state (Chaos)A6.578 [tenditque, ad > sub]–579Tartarus The Sibyl explains: Tartarus stretches twice as far down as Mount Olympus rises high.quantus ad aetherium caeli suspectus Olympum.64 tum pater omnipotens, rerum cui summa potestasGod A10.100 [summa > prima]Jupiter Jupiter speaks in council of gods, silences their chaotic bickering; leaves outcome of war to fate.65 aëra dimovit tenebrosum et dispulit umbrasGod A5.839 Somnus/PalinurusSleep descends from heaven to bring death to Palinurus.66 et medium luci atque umbris iam dividit orbemGod G1.209 Libra (constellation)When Libra makes the days and nights equal...67 sidera cuncta notat tacito labentia caeloGod A3.515 Palinurus Palinurus watches the stars to prepare for departure near dawn.68a inventos volvens oculus God A7.251 King Latinus King Latinus keeps his gaze downward, fixed on the ground, "moving his eyes around intently."68b–69 qua parte calores God G2.270-1 The wise farmer Wise farmers mark on the bark which direction each tree faced so they can transplant them properly.Austrinos tulerit, quae terga obverterit axi70 Postquam cuncta videt caelo constare serenoGod A3.518 Palinurus When the sky is clear, Palinurus gives the sign to leave.71a Omnipotens God Many places71b stellis numeros et nomina fecit God G1.137 Sailors In Jupiter's reign, sailors first numbered and named the constellations.72 temporibusque parem diversis quattuor annumGod G1.258 Farmers/seasons We don't observe the signs in vain, nor the year divided equally among the four seasons.73 aestusque pluviasque et agentes frigora ventosGod G1.352 Jupiter/farmers Jupiter established signs so we may predict the seasons/weather.74 atque haec ut certis possimus discere signis,Seasons G1.351 Jupiter/farmers Jupiter established signs so we may predict the seasons/weather.26175 vere tument terrae et genitalia semina poscuntSeasons G2.324 Spring In the Spring soil expands and seeks fertile seed.76 ac medio tostas aestu terit area frugesSeasons G1.298 [ac > et] Summer In the heat of mid-day the threshing floor grinds the scorched ears of corn.77a et varios ponit fetus autumnus etSeasons G2.521 Autumn Autumn gives the farmer varied fruit.77b atra Seasons Many places Winter78 venit hiemps: teritur Sicyonia baca trapetis:Seasons G2.519 Winter In winter, the olives are trodden in the mills.79 atque in se sua per vestigia volvitur annus.Seasons G2.402 Seasons The farmer's work returns in a yearly cycle.80a tempore iam ex illo Seasons A1.623 Teucer's time Dido remember Teucer coming to Sidon: since that time, the fall of Troy is known to her.80b fecundis imbribus aether Seasons G2.325 Aether in spring In spring, Aether descends as rain into his consort (Earth's) body and nourishes growth.81 magnus alit magno conmixtus corpore fetus.Seasons G2.327 Aether in spring In spring, Aether descends as rain into his consort (Earth's) body and nourishes growth.82 et iam prima novo spargebat lumine terrasDawning of Day 1A4.584 Dawning of new dayDido watches the new day dawn and sees that the Greek fleet has sailed.OR A9.459 Dawning of new dayA new day dawns after Euryalus' and Nisus' deaths, with their heads impaled on spears.83a ducebatque diem Dawning of Day 1A2.802 Morning star bringing dawnThe morning star (Lucifer ) rises, bringing the dawn after Troy's fall.83b stellis Aurora fugatis: Dawning of Day 1A3.521 Dawn Dawn brings the Trojans' first sight of Italy.84 tum durare solum et discludere Nerea pontoDry land E6.35 Dry ground hardensIn Silenus' song of creation, after the world is formed out of the four elements, the dry ground hardens and separates from the sea.85a incipit Dry land Many places85b et rerum paulatim sumere formas,Dry land E6.36 Dry ground hardensIn Silenus' song of creation, after the world is formed out of the four elements, the dry ground hardens and separates from the sea.86a et variae pelagi Sea creatures G1.383 [et > iam] Sea birds (sign of rain)One sign of rain are the many sea birds washing themselves.26286b facies, inmania cete, Sea creatures A5.822 Neptune's followers (sea monsters)Neptune's followers, immania cete , follow his chariot as it rides over the waves, bringing good weather.87 aequora verrebant caudis aestumque secabant.Sea creatures A8.674 Dolphins (on A.'s shield)The dolphins pictured on A.'s shield cut the water with their tails.88a nec non et Sea creatures Many places88b vasti circum gens umida ponti Sea creatures G4.430 Sea creatures around ProteusThe sea creatures frolic around Proteus as he leaves the water, seeking his cave.89 iam sole infuso, iam rebus luce retectisSea creatures A9.461 Dawning of new dayA new day dawns after Euryalus' and Nisus' deaths, with their heads impaled on spears.90 exultans rorem late dispergit amarum.Sea creatures G4.431 Sea creatures around ProteusThe sea creatures frolic around Proteus as he leaves the water, seeking his cave.91 postera iamque dies primo surgebat Eoo:Dawning of Day 2A3.588 Next day's dawn The next day dawns, and Achaemenides walks out of the forest.92a fundit humus flores Plants E9.41 Moeris to Lycidas/GalateaMoeris sings his song (to Galatea) to Lycidas: the song asks her to leave the seashore in favour of the countryside and its plants.92b et frondes explicat omnes Plants G2.335 Spring In spring, new fronds unfurl.93 sanguineisque inculta rubent aviaria bacis,Plants G2.430 Wild thickets (lit. wild birds' homes)Wild thickets put forth red berries on their own.94 non rastris, hominum non ulli obnoxia curae.Plants G2.439 Untilled fields V. discusses the delight of seeing untilled fields give forth useful plants on their own.95 tertia lux gelidam caelo dimoverat umbram:Dawning of Day 3A11.210 Trojans mourning their deadOn the third day, the Trojans rake together the ashes and unburned bones and pile a mound over them.96 avia tum resonant avibus virgulta canorisBirds G2.328 Spring In spring, the untrodden thickets resound with the calls of melodious birds.97 et liquidas corvi presso dant gutture vocesBirds G1.410 [et > tum, dant > ter]Raven calls Ravens call three or four times after the rain.98 nec gemere aeria cessavit turtur ab ulmo.Birds E1.58 [cessabit] Meliboeus to TityrusMeliboeus calls Tityrus fortunate: he will keep his land and all its delights, including the call of the dove.26399a quarto terra die Day 4 A3.205 The fourth day/StrophadesOn the fourth day, the Trojans arrive at the Strophades, inhabited by flocks of goats and cattle, as well as the Harpies.99b variarum monstra ferarum Land animals A6.285 Monsters in the UnderworldThere are many shapes of various monstrous beings in the Underworld.100a omnigenumque Land animals A8.698 Egyptian gods On A.'s shield can be seen the Battle of Actium: all sorts of monstrous Egyptian gods attack the Roman pantheon.100b pecus nullo custode per herbam Land animals A3.221 Flocks of goats On the Strophades, huge flocks of goats roam unguarded.101a educit silvis Land animals A6.765 [educet] Lavinia/Silvius Anchises declares the future: Lavinia will raise A.'s son Silvius in the woods in A.'s old age.101b subito, Land animals Many places101c mirabile visu. Land animals A12.252 Juturna's bird sign Juturna sends a bird sign to cause the Rutulians to break the treaty.102a tum demum movet arma leo, Land animals A12.6 Wounded lion (simile for Turnus)Turnus is compared to a wounded lion who only fights more fiercely.102b tum pessima tigris Land animals G3.248 Tigress (and all other animals)All animals are at their fiercest when in their season of desire.103 squamosusque draco et fulva cervice leaenaLand animals G4.408 Cyrene to AristaeusCyrene to Aristaeus: Proteus will take on many shapes, including a serpent or lioness.104 saevire ac formae magnorum ululare luporum.Land animals A7.18 Circe's isle The Trojans sail past Circe's isle, which contains the animals she's created from people.105 cetera pascuntur virides armenta per herbas,Land animals G3.162 The rest of the cattleV.: While the rest of the cattle graze, train those you've selected for farm work.106^ nec gregibus liquidi fontes nec gramina desunt.Land animals G2.200 (non liquidi gregibus fontes, non gramina derunt)Woodland pastures of Tarentum or MantuaIn these pastures, clear springs or grass won't be lacking.Creation of humans107a iamque dies alterque dies processit et5th/6th day of CreationA3.356 [omne > aurae]A./Helenus After day after day goes by, the winds are favourable for sailing, and A. approaches Helenus the seer.264107b omne 5th/6th day of CreationG2.20 Species of trees/shrubsBy these methods, every species of tree, shrub, and sacred grove flourishes.OR A7.514 Grove Every grove shivers at Allecto's horn call.108a hoc virtutis opus Creation A10.469 Jupiter to Hercules re PallasAll human beings (incl. Pallas) are mortal; but to extend one's fame by deeds is virtutis opus .108b divinae mentis et haustus Creation G4.220 Bees Some have said that bees have a share of the divine mind/a draught of aether, since there is a god in everything (all of Creation!)109a prospiciens genitor God A1.155 Neptune Having stilled the storm, Neptune rides across the waves in his chariot.109a perfectis ordine Creation A3.548 Trojans After making offerings to Athene and Juno, the Trojans set sail for Italy.109b rebus Creation Many places110 expleri mentem nequit ardescitque tuendoCreation A1.713 Dido/Cupid (as Iulus)Dido cannot satisfy her mind with gazing at the disguised Cupid and at Aeneas' gifts.111 terrasque tractusque maris caelumque profundumCreation E4.51 V./prophesied childV. tells the child ("great son of Jupiter") to look upon the world (that he is to rule).OR G4.222 Creation Every part of Creation has a share in the divine mind.112a alituum pecudumque genus Creation A8.27 Animals It is night and all animals are sleepy.112b secumque volutat God A10.159 A. A. ponders events of war so far; Pallas, by his left side, asks about his adventures.113 qui mare, qui terras omni dicione tenerentGod A1.236 Venus to Jupiter Venus asks Jupiter: Are the Trojans not after all to have all power over sea and land?114a neu segnes iaceant terrae God G2.37 V. to farmers V. tells farmers to learn how to cultivate all sorts of plants, and to domesticate wild fruits, lest the lands lie fallow.114b iuvat usque morari God A6.487 The shades in Hades/A.The shades look again and again upon A. and ask the reason for his coming.115a talia God Many places115b versanti subito sententia sedit God A11.551 Metabus/Camilla Metabus forms a plan to save his daughter Camilla by hurling her across the river on a javelin.265116a felicemque trahit limum God G2.188 Rich soil carried by riverFrom a section on the nature of soils; rich soil is carried by rivers.116b fingitque premendo God A6.80 Apollo/Sybil Apollo is "shaping" the Sibyl by possessing/dominating her will.117 pingue solum primis extemplo a mensibus anniGod G1.64 V. V. urges reader: plough the rich soil of the year's first months with strong oxen.118a iamque inproviso Adam A8.524 Venus Venus sends a sudden sign from heaven: lightning and thunder, arms flashing in a cloud118b tantae pietatis imago Adam A6.405 A./Sibyl/Charon The Sibyl describes A. to Charon as tantae pietatis imago.119a procedit Adam A3.592 Achaemenides The marooned Achaemenides walks out of the forest, begging the Trojans to take him along.119b nova forma viri Adam A3.591 Achaemenides The marooned Achaemenides walks out of the forest, begging the Trojans to take him along.119c pulcherrima primum Adam A9.253 Aletes/Euryalus and NisusAletes tells Euryalus and Nisus: the gods will give you the first and most beautiful reward for your courage.120a os umerosque Deo similis Adam A1.589 A./Dido A. appears out of the mist to Dido, looking like a god (thanks to Venus' power).120b cui mentem animumque God/Adam A6.11 Apollo/Sybil Apollo inspires the Sibyl's mentem animumque by revealing the future.121 maior agit deus atque opera ad maiora remittitGod/Adam A12.429 Iapyx to A. (re Venus)Iapyx says neither he nor any human has healed A.; rather, a maior deus (Venus) did so.122–123a quaeritur huic alius; nec quisquam ex agmine tantoAdam/Creation A5.378–9 Dares Nobody dares to face Dares as his opponent in the boxing match.audet adire virum123b# sociusque in regna vocari Adam/Creation A11.322 (sociosque in regna vocemus)King Latinus King Latinus urges: Let us make peace with the Trojans and invite them to settle nearby.& A7.264 (sociusque vocari)King Latinus/Trojan ambassadors/A.King Latinus: Let A. come himself if he wishes to be called my ally and he will be well received.& A7.256 (in regna vocari)King Latinus/A. King Latinus realizes: A. is the man called by Fate to wed my daughter, whose descendants will conquer the world.266124a haut mora continuo God G4.548 Aristaeus Aristaeus immediately carries out his mother's advice and sacrifices to Orpheus.OR A3.548 Trojans Having made their sacrifices, the Trojans immediately embark for Italy.124b placidam per membra quietam God A1.691 Venus/Iulus Venus puts Ascanius to sleep so that Cupid can impersonate him.125a dat iuveni et God A3.611 Anchises/Achaemenides"Father" Anchises holds out his hand to the shipwrecked Achaemenides.125b dulci declinat lumina somno God A4.185 Fama The monster Fama never sleeps.126a# atque illi medio in spatio iam noctis opacaeGod A10.219 (atque illi medio in spatio) Nymphs The nymphs, transformed from ships, appear to Aeneas as he sails.& A8.407 (medio iam noctis abactae)Vulcan Vulcan rises from his bed in the middle of the night to forge A.'s arms.& A8.658 (dono noctis opacae)Galli The Galli, protected by the dark of night, hold the citadel.127a omnipotens genitor God A10.668 Turnus to Jupiter Juno saves Turnus from death at Aeneas' hands; Turnus reproaches Jupiter.127b costas et viscera nudat God A1.211 [costis, nudant]Trojans The Trojans prepare seven slaughtered deer for a feast.128a harum unam iuveni God A11.76 A./Pallas/Dido Aeneas prepares Pallas for his funeral pyre, dressing him in one of Dido's robes.128b# laterum conpagibus artis God A1.122 (laterum compagibus omnes) Trojan ships The Trojan ships begin to take on water.& A1.293 (ferro et compagibus artis)Gates of War The Gates of War will be closed (Jupiter's prophecy to Venus).129a eripuit God Many places129b subitoque Eve Many places129c# oritur mirabile donum Eve A2.680 (oritur mirabile)Jupiter/Iulus A miraculous flame appears over Iulus' head (followed by the star).& A1.652 (mirabile donum)Helen's robe and cloak (as gifts for Dido)A. orders Achates to bring gifts for Dido, including Helen's robe and cloak.130a argumentum ingens Eve A7.791 Io Turnus' shield shows Io transformed into a cow.267130b claraque in luce refulsit Eve A1.588 A./Dido A. appears out of the mist to Dido, shining in the light.131a insignis facie Eve A9.583 Arcens' son Arcens' handsome son is killed by Mezentius.131b et pulchro pectore virgo Eve A3.426 Scylla From the waist up, Scylla is a beautiful maiden.132 iam matura viro, iam plenis nubilis annisEve A7.53 Lavinia Lavinia, Latinus' daughter, is of marriageable age.133 olli somnum ingens rumpit pavor: ossaque et artusAdam/Eve A7.458 Allecto/Turnus Allecto breaks Turnus' sleep with a vision; throws a blazing brand which strikes him in the chest.134a coniugium vocat Adam/Eve A4.172 Dido/A. Dido calls A. her spouse (coniugium ).134b ac stupefactus numine pressit Adam/Eve A7.119 A./Ascanius A., hearing the "eating your tables" prophecy fulfilled, cuts off his son's speech.135 excepitque manu dextramque amplexus inhaesitAdam/Eve A8.124 Pallas/A. Pallas grips A.'s hand in welcome.136a his demum exactis God A6.637 A. Aeneas has fulfilled the ritual required for his underworld trip: to set down the Golden Bough.136b torquet qui sidera mundi God A9.93 Jupiter Jupiter responds to Cybele's (his mother's) plea to save her ships.137a infit: eo dicente God A10.101 Jupiter When Jupiter speaks, the natural world falls silent.137b premit placida aequora pontus God A10.103 Jupiter When Jupiter speaks, the natural world falls silent.138 et tremefacta solo tellus, silet arduus aether:God A10.102 Jupiter When Jupiter speaks, the natural world falls silent.139a vivite felices God to Adam/EveA3.493 A. to Andromache/HelenusA. tells Andromache/Helenus, whose fate is already determined, to live happily; he and his Trojans must sail on.139b interque nitentia culta God to Adam/EveG1.153 Weeds among good plantsWhen the Golden Age ended, weeds began to grow among good plants.140 fortunatorum nemorum sedesque beatasGod to Adam/EveA6.639 Elysian fields A. and the Sibyl arrive at the Elysian fields.141a haec domus, haec patria est God to Adam/EveA7.122 (hic domus, haec patria est)A. to the Trojans A. tells the Trojans: The prophecy is fulfilled; this is our new home.268141b requies ea certa laborum God to Adam/EveA3.393 Helenus to A. When you see a white sow with 30 white piglets, this will be your home.OR A8.46 Tiberinus to A. Tiberinus tells A. that he will find a white sow, showing him his home.142–143a his ego nec metas rerum nec tempora ponoGod to Adam/EveA1.278–9 Jupiter to Venus Jupiter promises Venus: he will give the Romans a kingdom without bounds or end.imperium sine fine dedi143b multosque per annos God to Adam/EveG4.208 Bees Individual bees are short-lived, but their species is immortal and their hive persists.144 non rastros patietur humus, non vinea falcemGod to Adam/EveE4.40 Golden Age In the Golden Age to come, the earth will not be ploughed or the vine pruned.145a at genus inmortale manet God to Adam/EveG4.208 Bees Individual bees are short-lived, but their species is immortal and their hive persists.145b–146 nec tarda senectus God to Adam/EveA9.610–11 Numanus to AscaniusNumanus boasts in battle: the Latin warriors aren't slowed or hampered by old age.debilitat vires animi mutatque vigorem147a vos contra God to Adam/EveA7.267 King Latinus Latinus asks the Trojan embassy to relay his message to A.147b quae dicam animis advertite vestrisGod to Adam/EveA2.712 A. to his servants A. tells his servants to listen to his evacuation plan.148a est in conspectu God to Adam/EveA2.21 The island TenedosThe island Tenedos is in sight of the Greek army.148b ramis felicibus arbos God to Adam/EveG2.81 A grafted tree V. describes the process of grafting.149 quam neque fas igni cuiquam nec sternere ferroGod to Adam/EveA7.692 [quem] Messapus Messapus is invulnerable to both fire and sword.150a religione sacra God to Adam/EveA7.608 [sacrae] Gates of War It is the Latin custom to open the Gates of War when war begins.150b numquam concessa moveri God to Adam/EveA3.700 Camerina Camerina is not supposed to be moved (by prophecy).151a hac quicumque sacros God to Adam/EveA11.591 Opis/Diana/CamillaDiana instructs Opis: Slay anyone who violates Camilla's body (i.e. by killing her).151b decerpserit arbore fetus God to Adam/EveA6.141 The Golden BoughThe Sibyl tells A. of the Golden Bough: one cannot travel to the Underworld without it.269152a morte luet merita God to Adam/EveA11.849 Arruns/Opis Opis speaks: Whoever has slain Camilla must pay the price of death.152b# nec me sententia vertit God to Adam/EveA1.260 (neque me sententia vertit)Jupiter/Venus Jupiter reassures Venus: My plans for the Trojans have not changed.& A10.608 (nec te sententia fallit)Jupiter/Juno Jupiter tells Juno that her judgment is not wrong: Venus is sustaining the Trojans in battle.153 nec tibi tam prudens quisquam persuadeat auctorGod to Adam/EveG2.315 V. V. speaks to the reader: let nobody persuade you to till the earth in winter.154a conmaculare manus God to Adam/EveE8.48 Amor (Cupid)/MedeaCruel Love taught Medea to stain her hands with her children's blood.154b liceat te voce moneri God to Adam/EveA3.461 Helenus to A. This is what I am able to warn you of with my voice.155a femina, nec God to Adam/EveG3.216 V. V. warns the reader: The sight of a female inflames a bull and saps his strength.155b te ullius violentia vincat God to Adam/EveA11.354 Drances to King LatinusDrances urges King Latinus not to let one man's violence conquer him and to make peace with Aeneas by giving him his daughter.156 si te digna manet divini gloria rurisGod to Adam/EveG1.168 V. V. to the reader: Prudently store away what is needed in advance.157a postquam cuncta pater God A3.518 [pater > videt]Palinurus When the sky is clear, Palinurus gives the sign to leave.157b caeli cui sidera parent God A10.176 Asilas Asilas the diviner follows Aeneas to war with his thousand men.158a conposuit, legesque dedit God A8.322 Saturn/the Latins Saturn rules over Latium and brings together its scattered people.158b–159a camposque nitentis God A6.677–8 Musaeus Musaeus shows A. and the Sibyl the Elysian fields and leads them to Anchises.desuper ostentat159b tantarum gloria rerum God A4.232 Jupiter, through Mercury, to A.Jupiter reproaches A. through Mercury: Are you not concerned for the glory of your future destiny?OR A4.272 Jupiter, through Mercury, to A.Jupiter reproaches A. through Mercury: Are you not concerned for the glory of your future destiny?270160 ecce autem primi sub limina solis et ortusAdam/Eve A6.255 Dawn The door to the underworld opens at dawn.161a devenere locos Adam/Eve A1.365 Dido and her friendsDido and her friends arrive at Carthage.OR A6.638 A. and the Sibyl A. and the Sibyl arrive at the Elysian fields.161b–162 ubi mollis amaracus illos Eden A1.693 [illum]–694 Venus/Ascanius Venus puts Ascanius to sleep in a garden so that Cupid can impersonate him.floribus et dulci adspirans conplectitur umbra163a hic ver purpureum Eden E9.40 Menalcas' song to GalateaMenalcas entreats Galatea to leave the waves and come to the flowering fields.163b atque alienis mensibus aestas Eden G2.149 V./Italy V. discusses the beauties of Italy's seasons: continual spring and summer.164a hic liquidi fontes Eden G4.18 [hic > at] V./Apiary locationV. discusses the ideal location for an apiary: clear springs should be nearby.164b–165a hic caeli tempore certo Eden G4.100 [hinc]–101 [premes]V./honey productionAt a certain time of year, the listener will press out sweet honey.dulcia mella premunt165b–166 hic candida populus antro Eden E9.41–2 Menalcas' song to GalateaMenalcas entreats Galatea to leave the waves and come to the flowering fields.inminet et lentae texunt umbracula vites167 invitant croceis halantes floribus hortiEden G4.109 [invitent] V./the reader V. urges the reader: Let gardens fragrant with saffron flowers allure the bees.168a inter odoratum lauri nemus Eden A6.658 Spirits in the Elysian fieldsThe spirits in the Elysian fields feast and sing in the fragrant groves of laurel.168b–169 ipsaque tellus Eden G1.127–8 Golden Age In the Golden Age, the earth gave forth everything freely.omnia liberius nullo poscente ferebat170a fortunati ambo Adam/Eve A9.446 V./Euryalus and NisusV. speaks as narrator and salutes the "fortunate pair", wishing that their memory may endure forever.271170b si mens non laeva fuisset Eve E1.16 Meliboeus/twin goatsMeliboeus would have been able to predict the unfortunate birth (twin goats lost on the rocks) if his mind had not been adverse/foolish.OR A2.54 Laocoön/Trojan HorseIf fate and the Trojans' minds had not been adverse, Laocoön would have incited them to open the Horse.171a coniugis infandae Eve A11.267 Clytemnestra Agamemnon, having conquered Asia, was struck down at the hand of his evil wife.171b docuit post exitus ingens Adam/Eve A5.523 Acestes/the arrow omenThe great outcome reveals the magnitude of the omen.The Fall & Expulsion from Eden172a iamque dies infanda aderat Day of the Fall A2.132 Sinon's tale Sinon falsely tells of the day when he was to be sacrificed.172b per florea rura Serpent A1.430 Carthage building workThe work at Carthage is compared to bees producing honey.173a ecce inimicus atrox Serpent G1.407 Nisus/Scylla Nisus (sea-eagle) chases Scylla (rock-dove).173b immensis orbibus anguis Serpent A2.204 [angues] Snakes/Laocoön Twin snakes appear and consume Laocoön and his sons.174# septem ingens gyros, septena volumina versansSerpent A5.85 (septem ingens gyros, septena volumina traxit)A./snake A. makes an offering to his father's spirit; a snake appears.& A5.408 (volumina versat)Entellus Entellus, challenged to combat by Dares, turns back and forth the weight of his massive gloves.OR A11.753 (volumina versat)Snake (metaphor for Venulus/Tarcon)"Just as a wounded snake carried by an eagle twists itself around..."175 nec visu facilis nec dictu effabilis ulliSerpent A3.621 Cyclops/AchaemenidesAchaemenides: the Cyclops is not easy to describe.176a obliqua invidia Serpent A11.337 Drances Drances is provoked by envy of Turnus' glory.176b ramo frondente pependit Serpent A7.67 Bee swarm (omen)The bee swarm hangs down from a leafy branch.272177a vipeream spirans animam Serpent A7.351 Allecto The Fury Allecto is described.177b–178–179acui tristia bella Serpent A7.325–6–7 Allecto The Fury Allecto is described.iraeque insidiaeque et crimina noxia cordiodit et ipse pater God/Serpent Pluto/Allecto Even "Father Pluto" hates the Fury Allecto.179b tot sese vertit in ora Serpent A7.328 Allecto Black vipers grow from Allecto's body.180a arrectisque horret squamis et Serpent A11.754 Snake (metaphor for Venulus/Tarcon)"Just as a wounded snake carried by an eagle bristles with its scales..."180b–181a ne quid inausum Serpent A8.205–6 Cacus The giant Cacus drags off Hercules' cattle.aut intemptatum scelerisve dolive181b relinquat Serpent Many places182a sic prior adgreditur dictis Serpent A6.387 Charon to A./the SibylCharon reproves A. and the Sibyl for approaching the River Styx while alive and armed.182b seque obtulit ultro Serpent A8.611 Venus/A. Venus comes bearing gifts for her son.183a dic, ait, o virgo Serpent to Eve A6.318 A./the Sibyl A. asks the Sibyl why a crowd is hurrying to the River Styx.183a–184–185alucis habitamus opacis Serpent to Eve A6.673–5 Musaeus/A. Musaeus describes Elysium as the habitation of the blessed.riparumque toros et prata recentia rivisincolimus185b quae tanta animis ignavia venit?Serpent to Eve A11.733 Tarchon Tarchon criticizes his men, spurring them to battle.186 strata iacent passim sua quaeque sub arbore pomaSerpent to Eve E7.54 Corydon Corydon, competing in song, describes the pastoral scene.187a pocula sunt fontes liquidi Serpent to Eve G3.529 The herds before plagueV. wonders at the cause of the plague: the herds drink only clear springs.187b caelestia dona Serpent to Eve G4.1 Honey V. begins Book IV with his new topic: the "celestial gifts of airy honey."273188a adtractare nefas? Serpent to Eve A2.719 A. to Anchises It is not lawful for A. to carry the Penates since his hands are tainted with slaughter.188b id rebus defuit unum! Serpent to Eve A12.643 Turnus to Juturna Turnus asks Juturna: Should I endure the razing of our homes (the only thing left)?189a quis prohibet Serpent to Eve A5.631 Iris (as Beroë) to Trojan womenIris, disguised as Beroë, asks: Who prohibits us to put up walls and found a city here?189b causas penitus temptare latentes?Serpent to Eve A3.32 [latentis] A./Polydorus' graveA. seeks to find the cause of why a broken bough drips blood.190a vana superstitio! Serpent to Eve A8.187 Evander to A. Evander to A.: We do not offer sacrifices to Hercules out of empty superstition.190b rerum pars altera adempta est! Serpent to Eve A9.131 Turnus to Latins Turnus tells the Latins: Other regions are taken away from the Trojans (since their ships are lost).191–192a quo vitam dedit aeternam? Cur mortis adempta estSerpent to Eve A12.879–80 Juturna Juturna, having foreseen Turnus' death, asks Jupiter why she is immortal.condicio? Serpent to Eve192b mea si non inrita dicta putaris, Serpent to Eve A10.244 Nymph to A. Cybele's nymph speaks to A., predicting the death of many Rutulians the next day.193a auctor ego audendi Serpent to Eve A12.159 Juno to Juturna Juno urges Juturna to save Turnus from death: I teach (you) boldness.193b sacrata resolvere iura Serpent to Eve A2.157 Sinon to the TrojansSinon: "It is lawful for me (fas mihi ) to break the Greeks' solemn oaths..."194 tu coniunx, tibi fas animum temptare precandoSerpent to Eve A4.113 Venus to Juno Venus speaks manipulatively to Juno: try to persuade Jupiter to let A. and Dido wed.195a dux ego vester ero: Serpent to Eve E8.38 [eram] Damon's song to NysaDamon sings to his beloved Nysa: I saw you collecting dewy apples in the garden (I was your leader)...195b tua si mihi certa voluntas Serpent to Eve A4.125 Juno to Venus Juno speaks manipulatively to Venus: I will join them in marriage if I have your good will.OR A7.548 Allecto to Juno Allecto to Juno: If it's your will, I can even bring neighbouring cities into the battle.196 extruimusque toros dapibusque epulamur opimis.Serpent/Eve A3.224 Trojans/Harpies The Trojans prepare cattle for a feast, when the Harpies swoop in and pollute the feast.197a sic ait et dicto citius Serpent/Adam/EveA1.142 Neptune Neptune, having rebuked the waves, calms them.274197b quod lege tenetur Serpent (?)/Adam/EveA12.819 Juno to Jupiter Juno pleads with Jupiter: Since this is not forbidden by the law of fate, let the Latins keep their name.198a subiciunt epulis Serpent (?)/Adam/EveA7.110 A./Ascanius "Eating the tables" prophecy is fulfilled.198b olim venerabile lignum Serpent (?)/Adam/EveA12.767 Tree sacred to FaunusA tree sacred to Faunus has been cut down by the Trojans; Turnus pleads that A.'s spear might stick fast in its trunk.199a instuuntque dapes Serpent (?)/Adam/EveA7.109 A./Ascanius "Eating the tables" prophecy is fulfilled.199b contactuque omnia foedant Serpent (?)/Adam/EveA3.227 Harpies The Harpies foul the entire feast.200 praecipue infelix pesti devota futuraeEve A1.712 Dido Dido, devoted to future calamity, cannot satisfy herself with gazing at the disguised Cupid and the gifts.201 mirataque novas frondes et non sua pomaEve G2.82 A grafted tree A tree with a branch grafted in marvels at its new foliage and alien fruit.202a causa mali tanti Eve A6.93 Lavinia Lavinia is the cause of war; she is implicitly described (by the Sibyl) as a second Helen.202b summo tenus attigit ore Eve A1.737 Dido Dido, having poured a libation from her cup of hospitality, drinks from it.203 maius adorta nefas maioremque orsa furoremEve A7.386 Queen Amata Queen Amata, maddened by Allecto, feigns Bacchic possession in order to hide Lavinia in the mountains.204a heu misero coniunx Eve A2.738 Creusa Creusa is lost during the escape from Troy; the cause is unknown.204b aliena ex arbore germen Eve G2.76 A grafted bough A bud is grafted into a tree not its own.205a obicit atque Eve A6.421 [atque > ille] Sibyl/Cerberus The Sibyl tosses Cerberus a drugged morsel of food, and he devours it, falling asleep.205b animum subita dulcedine movit Eve A11.538 [subitaque animum]Diana/Camilla Diana expresses her concern for Camilla: this is no new love that moves me.206a continuo nova lux oculis effulsit Adam and/or EveA9.731 Turnus Turnus, locked inside the enemy camp, is animated by lust for battle.206b at illi Adam/Eve G4.416 Cyrene/Aristaeus Cyrene spreads a perfume over her son's entire body, such that his hair is scented.275Adam/Eve OR A8.443 Vulcan's Cyclopes The Cyclopes begin to make A.'s arms.207a terrentur visu subito Adam/Eve A8.109 The Arcadians The Arcadians are troubled by the sudden sight of A.'s boats on the river.207b nec plura morati Adam/Eve A5.381 [moratus] Dares Dares, thinking nobody dares box against him, demands that A. let him take the prize.208a corpora sub ramis Adam/Eve A7.108 A./Ascanius "Eating the tables" prophecy is fulfilled.208b obtentu frondis inumbrant Adam/Eve A11.66 Trojans/Pallas The Trojans weave Pallas' bier and shade it with a covering of leafy branches.209a consertum tegumen Adam/Eve A3.594 Achaemenides Achaemenides is covered with rags pieced together with thorns.209b nec spes opis ulla dabatur Adam/Eve A2.803 Troy The Greeks hold the gates of Troy; there is no hope of rescue.210a at non haec nullis hominum God A11.725 Jupiter Jupiter, father of gods and men, sits on Mount Olympus watching the battle.210b hominum rerumque repertor God A12.829 Jupiter to Juno Jupiter grants Juno her wish (regarding the Latins and Trojans).211a observans oculis God A11.726 Jupiter Jupiter, father of gods and men, sits on Mount Olympus watching the battle.211b caedes et facta tyranni God A8.483 [et > quid] Evander to A. Evander recalls the tyrant Mezentius' terrible deeds.212a praesensit God A4.297 Dido Dido senses A.'s trickery as he prepares to leave.212b notumque furens quid femina possetGod/Eve A5.6 Dido/A. A. looks back at Dido's funeral pyre.213a continuo invadit God A4.265 Mercury to A. Mercury berates A. for not sailing for Italy.213b–214a "procul, o procul este, profani" God to Adam/EveA6.258–9 Sibyl The Sibyl, having opened the entrance to Hades, commands all who are profani to leave the grove.conclamat214b caelum ac terras qui numine God A4.269 Jupiter/Mercury Mercury tells A. that Jupiter commands him to leave.214c firmat God A3.611 Anchises to Achaemenides"Father" Anchises holds out his hand to the shipwrecked Achaemenides.276OR A3.659 Polyphemus the CyclopsThe Trojans see Polyphemus walking, leaning on a tree trunk.OR G3.209 Cattle and horses Nothing increases the power of cattle and horses so much as to keep them from sexual love.215–216 atque illi longe gradientem ac dira frementemGod/Adam/Eve A10.572–3 Niphaeus' horses/A.Niphaeus' horse team is terrified by the sight of the raging Aeneas and they run, throwing their master.ut videre, metu versi retroque ruentes217–218a diffugiunt silvasque et sicubi concava furtimAdam/Eve A5.677–8 Trojan women The Trojan women, having fired the ships, are sickened by the sight of their deeds and the light; they seek shelter under rocks.saxa petunt. piget incepti lucisque218b–219a neque auras Adam/Eve A6.733–4 Anchises to A. All life is born of fiery seeds which, enclosed in a dull material body, cannot see the upper heavens/light: condition of mortality.dispiciunt219b taedet caeli convexa tueri Adam/Eve A4.451 Dido Dido, resolved to die, is weary of gazing upon the sky.220a nec longum in medio tempus God A9.395 Nisus/Euryalus Nisus sees Euryalus captive and being dragged away.220b–221a cum creber ad aures A2.731–2 Ascanius/A. Ascanius tells A. to flee the approaching Greeks; Creusa is lost.visus adesse pedum sonitus genitorque per221b auras God Many places222 hunc, ubi vix multa maestum cognovit in umbraGod A6.340 A./Palinurus A. sees Palinurus' ghost in Hades.223a talibus God A8.611 Venus/A. Venus brings armour to A.223b adloquitur God A6.341 A./Palinurus A. sees Palinurus' ghost in Hades.OR A8.372 Venus/Vulcan Venus asks Vulcan to make arms for A.OR A10.860 Mezentius/RhaebusMezentius speaks to his horse Rhaebus.277223c dictis God A8.611 Venus/A. Venus brings armour to A.223d atque increpat ultro God A6.387 Charon to A./the SibylCharon reproves A. and the Sibyl for approaching the River Styx while alive and armed.224 infelix, quae tanta animum dementia cepit?God to Adam/EveA5.465 A. to Dares A. reproves the vanquished Dares and leads him from the fight.225 quis furor iste novus? quo nunc, quo tenditis, inquitGod to Adam/EveA5.670 Ascanius/Trojan womenAscanius reproves the Trojan women: What furor has possessed you?226a regnorum inmemores God to Adam/EveA4.194 Fama/Dido and A.Fama spreads the story: Dido and A. have both forgotten their realms.226b quae mentem insania mutat? God to Adam/EveA4.595 Dido Dido raves to herself as she sees A.'s departure.OR A12.37 King Latinus/TurnusLatinus replies to Turnus' demand of marriage and single combat.227a dicite God to Adam/EveMany places227b quae lucis miseris tam dira cupido?God to Adam/EveA6.721 A. to Anchises A. asks Anchises: Why do the souls in Elysium long to be reborn?228a maturate fugam God to Adam/EveA1.137 Neptune Neptune, reproving the winds, tells them to fly to their king and remind him of Neptune's supremacy.228b toto absistite luco God to Adam/EveA6.259 The Sibyl to the TrojansThe Sibyl commands the profani to leave the sacred grove.229a# nec revocare gradum God to Adam/EveA6.128 (sed revocare gradum)The Sibyl to A. The Sibyl tells A.: it is easy to visit the Underworld; the difficulty is in coming back.& A3.451 (nec revocare)The Sibyl/her leavesAfter the wind has scattered the Sibyl's leaves, she never cares to put them back in order.229b si quando adversa vocarint God to Adam/EveA9.172 [vocarent] A./Mnestheus and SerestrusA. has left Mnestheus and Serestrus to command the army and state if adversity demands.230a est licitum God to Adam/EveA10.344 Numitor/A. Numitor tries to strike at A., but is not permitted (i.e. by fate) to do so.230b flammis ambit torrentibus amnisGod to Adam/EveA6.550 Phlegethon The river Phlegethon in Hades flows with fire.278231a per medium stridens God to Adam/EveA12.926 A.'s javelin/TurnusAeneas' javelin transfixes Turnus' thigh.231b torquetque sonantia saxa God to Adam/EveA6.551 Phlegethon The river Phlegethon in Hades flows with fire.232 attollitque globos flammarum et sidera lambitGod to Adam/EveA3.574 Etna Etna, erupting, throws up globes of flame and licks the stars.233a ille sub haec Adam A5.394 Entellus to AchestesEntellus replies to Achestes' reproof: he is not cowardly or idle but has grown old.233b tua me, genitor, tua tristis imagoAdam to God A6.695 A. to Anchises A. greets Anchises in the underworld: his tristis imago had drawn A. here.234a his posuere locis Adam to God A8.335 King Evander King Evander explains: chance and fate brought him, an exile, to this kingdom.234b merui nec deprecor, inquit Adam to God A12.931 Turnus Turnus in defeat: "I have deserved it and do not complain." 235a omnipotens Adam to God A10.615 Juno to Jupiter Juno pleads with Jupiter: Let me withdraw Turnus from the fight.OR A10.668 Jupiter (as described by Turnus)Turnus reproaches Jupiter: Why did you take me from the battle via ship (accompanied by storm cloud)?OR A11.790 Arruns to Apollo Arruns begs Apollo: Let me kill Camilla and then return to the land of my ancestors.235b sonitumque pedum vocemque tremescoAdam to God A3.648 Achaemenides Achaemenides recounts how, hiding in the forest, he would see the Cyclops.236a conscius audacis facti Adam to God A11.812 Arruns Arruns, having slain Camilla, slinks away like a wolf "aware of his audacious deed."236b monitisque sinistris Adam to God re EveA10.110 Jupiter/Trojans Jupiter leaves the battle's outcome to fate, whether the Italians or Trojans are losing "with evil omens."237a femina Adam to God re EveMany places237b fert tristis sucos tardumque saporemAdam to God re EveG2.126 Fruit antidote to poisonMedia (the region) bears bitter juices and the taste of the felicis mali which drives out poison.238 illa dolos dirumque nefas sub pectore versansAdam to God re EveA4.563 [sub > in, versat]Mercury to A. Mercury (rather mendaciously) tells A. that Dido is plotting an evil revenge.279239a insontem infando indicio Adam to God re EveA2.84 Palamedes (in Sinon's tale)Sinon: Palamedes, though innocent, was put to death on false charges of treason.239b moritura puella Adam to God re EveG4.458 Eurydice Eurydice, "doomed to die," did not see the snake while fleeing Aristaeus.240# dum furit, incautum crudeli morte peremit:Adam to God re EveA10.386 (dum furit, incautum crudeli morte sodalis)Pallas/Hisbo Pallas kills Hisbo, who is incautum by reason of his friend's cruel death.& A6.163 (indigna morte peremptum)Misenus Misenus, daring to challenge Triton at conch-blowing, was drowned by him.& A6.442 (crudeli tabe peremit)A./Dido A. sees various ghosts (including Dido) in the Lugentes Campi.241a# suasit enim Adam to God re EveA10.367 (suasit equos)Arcadians The Arcadians, unused to water-churned ground, have left their horses and gone on foot.& A9.340 (suadet enim)Nisus/starving lion (simile)Nisus, like a starving lion, slaughters the Latins on the night raid.241b scis ipse, neque est te fallere cuiquamAdam to God G4.447 Aristaeus to ProteusAristaeus to Proteus: You yourself know (why I have captured you).242 ut vidi, ut perii, ut me malus abstulit errorAdam to God E8.41 Damon to Nysa Damon sings to his beloved Nysa: I saw you, I was lost, the evil error took me away...243a contigimusque manu Adam to God re him/EveA11.245 [manum] Venulus/DiomedesVenulus reports: We have seen Diomedes and touched the hand by which Troy fell.243b quod non sua seminat arbor Adam to God re him/EveA6.206 The Golden BoughThe Golden Bough grows on a tree not its own.244a tum pater omnipotens God G2.325 Aether The "omnipotent Father" Aether descends as rain into the lap of his consort Earth.God OR A7.770 Jupiter/Asclepius Jupiter is indignant that a dead mortal should rise again to life; hurls Asclepius down to the underworldGod OR A10.100 Jupiter Jupiter, having heard the competing claims of Venus and Juno, renders his judgment.244b solio sic infit ab alto God A11.301 [sic > rex] King Latinus to his peopleKing Latinus to his people: We have done wrong in making war on Aeneas.280245 accipite ergo animis atque haec mea figite dictaGod to Adam/Eve/SerpentA3.250 Celaeno (leader of Harpies)Celaeno makes a chilling prophecy regarding the Trojans' hunger to come.OR A10.104 Jupiter/Gods/CombatantsJupiter leaves the battle's outcome to fate, whether the Italians or Trojans are losing "with evil omens."246a tuque prior God to Serpent A6.834 Anchises to Julius CaesarAnchises pleads with Caesar, his descendant, not to bring civil war upon Rome.246b scelere ante alios inmanior omnesGod to Serpent A1.347 Pygmalion (Dido's brother)Pygmalion, ruler of Tyre, was a more evil ruler than any others.247 quem nec longa dies pietas nec mitigat ullaGod to Serpent A5.783 [quam] Venus to Neptune (re Juno)Venus tells Neptune: neither long time nor any piety appeases Juno.248a hortator scelerum God to Serpent A6.529 Deiphobus to A. (re Ulysses)Deiphobus tells A. how the Greeks, accompanied by Ulysses, broke into his chamber.248b coluber mala gramina pastus God to Serpent A2.471 Pyrrhus (snake simile)Pyrrhus brandishes his weapon like a snake having shed its skin which comes into the sunlight.249 desidia latamque trahens inglorius alvumGod to Serpent G4.94 Inferior bee "general"V. describes the inferior "general" amid the battle of two bee colonies.250a cede locis God to Serpent A7.559 Juno to Allecto Allecto suggests spreading the war even further; Juno orders her to cease and return to her dwelling place.250b nullis hominum cogentibus, ipse,God to Serpent G2.10 [ipsae] Trees Some trees spring up of their own accord with no human help.251 tenuis ubi argilla et dumosis calculus arvisGod to Serpent G2.180 Difficult ground for farmingThe difficult ground described (clay, pebbles, thorns) supports olive trees most easily.252 at tibi pro scelere - exclamat - pro talibus ausisGod to Adam A2.535 Priam to Pyrrhus Priam prays that the gods will take appropriate vengeance on Pyrrhus for his acts.253a omne aevum ferro teritur God to Adam A9.609 Numanus to AscaniusNumanus boasts in battle: the Latin warriors are used to iron at every age of their lives.253b primusque per artem God to Adam G1.122 Jupiter Jupiter ends the Golden Age, "moving" the fields.281254a heu, miserande puer God to Adam A6.882 Anchises (apostrophe to Marcellus)Anchises, speaking as if to Marcellus, laments Marcellus' fata aspera of early death.254b–255a terram insectabere rastris God to Adam G1.155–6 V. to the reader V.: If you do not continually work the land, you will suffer from hunger.et sonitu terrebis aves:255b horrebit in arvis God to Adam G1.151 [horreret] Thistles The Golden Age was ended, so that thistles arose in unworked land.256 carduus et spinis surget paliurus acutisGod to Adam E5.39 Mopsus sings of DaphnisMopsus: When Daphnis was taken from the world, thistles and thorns grew instead of violets and narcissi.257a lappaeque tribolique God to Adam G1.153 Burs and thorns The Golden Age was ended, so that burs and thorns arose in unworked land.257b et fallax herba veneni. God to Adam E4.24 V. re the prophesied childV: When the prophesied child brings the Golden Age to come, poisonous herbs will vanish.258–259a at ni triticeam in messem robustaque farraGod to Adam G1.219 [ni > si]–220 V. speaks to the readerV: Do not sow wheat or spelt too early or it will not grow properly (watch the stars).exercebis humum God to Adam259b–260 frustra spectabis acervum God to Adam G1.158–9 V. speaks to the readerV.: If you do not continually work the land, you will suffer from hunger.concussaque famem in silvis solabere quercu.261a insuper his God to Adam A9.274 Ascanius to Euryalus/NisusAscanius: Beyond these gifts, we will give you whatever land King Latinus owns himself.261b–262 subeunt morbi tristisque senectusGod to Adam G3.67–8 V. speaks to the readerV: For all mortal beings, the best days of life vanish first: then illness, old age, and labour come followed by death.et labor et durae rapit inclementia mortis.God to Adam263a haec tibi semper erunt God to Adam E5.74 Menalcas sings of DaphnisMenalcas: Daphnis, these rites shall be yours forever.263b# tuque, o saevissima coniunx, God to Eve A11.158 (tuque, o sanctissima coniunx)Evander to his dead wife, re PallasEvander: Happy are you never to have seen this sorrow.282& A2.612 (saevissima portas)Juno "Most savage Juno" holds the Scaean gates as Troy burns.264a non ignara mali, God to Eve A1.630 Dido Dido describes herself as non ignara mali.264b caput horum et causa malorum, God to Eve A11.361 Drances to TurnusDrances describes Turnus as "the head and case of all these evils" (i.e. the war).265a magna lues commissa tibi: God to Eve G4.454 Proteus to AristaeusProteus to Aristaeus: You are atoning for a great sin/crime.265b–266# heu, perdita, nescis God to Eve A4.541 (nescis heu perdita necdum)Dido to herself Dido to herself: Ah, lost one, do you not yet know the treachery of Laomedon's race?nec que te circum stent deinde pericula cernis.A4.561 (nec que te circum stent deinde pericula cernis)Mercury to A. Mercury warns A.: don't you see the dangers surrounding you?267a# nunc morere, ut merita es, God to Eve A2.550 (nunc morere)Pyrrhus to Priam Pyrrhus, before he slays Priam.OR A10.743 (nunc morere)Mezentius to OrodesMezentius, before he slays Orodes.& A4.547 (quin morere, ut merita es)Dido to herself Dido speaks to herself: Instead die, as you have deserved...267b tota quod mente petisti: God to Eve A4.100 Juno to Venus Juno to Venus: You have what you sought (Dido falling in love); why should she and A. not marry?268 nec mea iam mutat loco sententia cedit.God to Adam/Eve/SerpentA9.220 Euryalus to Nisus Euryalus tells Nisus that his mind is made up: he will accompany Nisus on the raid (and thus to death).269a# at iuvenem Adam A7.780 (et iuvenem) Hippolytus Hippolytus is killed through his stepmother's cunning and his father's rage.OR A9.335 (et iuvenem)Serranus Serranus is slaughtered by Euryalus and Nisus.OR A12.517 (et iuvenem)Menoetes Menoetes is slaughtered by Turnus.& A7.446 (at iuveni) Turnus Turnus, seeing Allecto's fury, is seized by terror.269b primum saevus circumstetit horror:Adam A2.559 A. A., having seen Priam slaughtered, is gripped by terror for his family.283270a deriguere oculi Adam (and Eve?)A7.447 Turnus Turnus, seeing Allecto's fury, is seized by terror.270b–271a ne se celare tenebris Adam (and Eve?)A9.425–6 Nisus Nisus, exterritus and amens , can no longer hide in the shadows; he shouts aloud to the Rutulians.amplius aut271b notas audire et reddere voces. Adam (and Eve?)A6.689 Anchises to A. Anchises can hardly believe he is able once more to converse with A.272–273a haut mora, festinant iussi rapidisque ferunturAdam A7.156–7 A.'s ambassadors A.'s ambassadors travel without delay to King Latinus' palace.passibus273b–274a et pariter gressi per opaca viarumAdam A6.633–4 A./the Sibyl A. and the Sibyl travel through the underworld towards the Elysian fields.corripiunt spatium medium274b limenque relinquunt Adam A5.316 Racers The participants of the foot-race leave the starting mark.275a flentes Adam A10.842 Lausus' comrades Weeping, Lausus' comrades carry him from the battlefield.275b et paribus curis vestigia figunt Adam A6.159 [figit] A./Anchises A. and Anchises leave the Sibyl's cave, downcast in mood (at the prophesied death of a companion).276a tum victum The natural worldA1.214 [victu] Trojans/Pallas The Trojans recover their strength through eating.276b in silvis The natural worldA3.646 Achaemenides Achaemenides recounts how, hiding in the forest, he would see the Cyclops.276c–277 bacas lapidosaque corna The natural worldA3.649–50 Achaemenides Achaemenides recounts how he gathered meagre provisions in the forest.dant rami et vulsis pascunt radicibus herbae278 interea magnum sol circumvolvitur annum:Time A3.284 Time The Trojans pass the year in Actium.279 matri longa decem tulerunt fastidia menses,Eve E4.61 V. to the prophesied child re his motherV. speaks to the prophesied child: Smile upon your mother since she bore you for ten months.284280a unde homines nati, durum genus. indeCain/Abel G1.63 [inde > ergo] Deucalion's stone raceNature has had certain rules, ever since a race was born from Deucalion's stones.280b per artem The (farmed) natural worldMany places281 aut herbae campo apparent aut arbore frondes,The (farmed) natural worldG3.353 Scythia In Scythia, there is no foliage or grass; it is always winter.282–283a inque novos soles audent se gramina tutoThe (farmed) natural worldG2.332–3 Spring In spring, the grasses safely trust themselves to the sun.credere:283b et lentis uvam demittere ramis The (farmed) natural worldG4.558 Cluster of bees A cluster of bees appears hanging from a tree.284a instituunt The (farmed) natural worldA7.109 [instituuntque]A. and the TrojansA. and the Trojans have a feast (and "eat their tables").284b udoque docent inolescere libro. The (farmed) natural worldG2.77 A grafted tree A bud is grafted into a tree not its own.Cain and Abel & Aftermath285a tum gemini fratres Cain/Abel A7.670 Catillus and Coras Catillus and Coras join the Latin army.285b adolent dum altaria taedis Cain/Abel A7.71 [adolet] Lavinia Lavinia's hair appears to catch fire; omen signifying brilliant future but also war.286a alter in alterius Cain/Abel A2.667 [alter > alterum]A./Anchises/their familyA. urges Anchises to leave Troy: nightmarish vision of the whole family slaughtered (like Pyrrhus slaughtered Priam at the altar).286b praelato invidit honore Cain/Abel A5.541 Eurytion/Acestes Eurytion does NOT envy Acestes (marked out for special favour by a divine sign).287a horresco referens Cain/Abel A2.204 Snakes/Laocoön Snakes strangle Laocoön and his sons.287b consanguinitate propinquum Cain/Abel A2.86 Sinon/Palamedes Sinon tells deceptive tale: he is the blood relative of Palamedes, who opposed the war.288 excipit incautum patriasque obtruncat ad arasCain/Abel A3.332 Orestes Orestes (having killed Clytemnestra) then kills Pyrrhus for "taking" his "bride" Hermione.289 sanguine foedantem, quos ipse sacraverat ignesCain/Abel A2.502 Priam (killed by Pyrrhus)Priam, having been slaughtered by Pyrrhus, is polluting the flames with his blood.285290a tum genitor God A3.102 Anchises to the TrojansAnchises interprets Apollo's prophecy.290b virus serpentibus addidit atris God G1.129 Jupiter Jupiter ends the Golden Age by making nature less paradisical.291 mellaque decussit foliis ignemque removitGod G1.131 Jupiter Jupiter ends the Golden Age by making nature less paradisical.292 praedarique lupos iussit pontumque moveriGod G1.130 Jupiter Jupiter ends the Golden Age by making nature less paradisical.293 et passim rivis currentia vina repressitGod G1.132 Jupiter Jupiter ends the Golden Age by making nature less paradisical.294–295a mox et frumentis labor additus, ut mala culmosNatural world G1.150–1 Natural world The Golden Age ends and raising crops becomes a laborious task.esset robigo295b et victum seges aegra negaret; Natural world A3.142 [negabat] Fields during plagueDuring the plague in Crete, the fields no longer produce food.296–297a tum laqueis captare feras et fallere viscoHuman activity G1.139–40 Humans after end of Golden AgeAfter Jupiter ends the Golden Age, human beings learn to ensnare beasts and birds.inventum et297b duris urgens in rebus egestas Human activity G1.146 Poverty Poverty in hard times and labour conquer all challenges that face human beings once the Golden Age ends.298 movit agros, curis acuens mortalia corda,Human activity G1.123 Jupiter Jupiter changes the fields (to be less easy to cultivate), ending the Golden Age.299 deterior donec paulatim ac decolor aetas,"Iron race" A8.326 Iron Age (in Latium)After Saturn's Golden Age ends, a new age of conflict and greed begins in Latium.300 ferrea progenies, duris caput extulit arvis"Iron race" G2.341 Primeval spring In the first age of the world, a primeval spring, animals and humans first emerged.301 et belli rabies et amor successit habendi."Iron race" A8.327 Iron Age (in Latium)After Saturn's Golden Age ends, a new age of conflict and greed begins in Latium.302 iustitia excedens terris vestigia fecit.Justice G2.474 Justice/farmers When Justice left the land, she planted her last steps among farmers who lead their simple, untroubled life.303a nec longum in medio tempus Time A9.395 Nisus/Euryalus Nisus sees Euryalus captive and being dragged away.286303b–304a furor iraque mentem Violent human activityA2.316–7 Furor and anger/A.Furor and anger overwhelm A.'s mind as he watches Troy burn.praecipitant:304b gaudent perfusi sanguine fratrum.Violent human activityG2.510 Greedy and violent individualsUnlike simple farmers, individuals who seek fame and wealth delight in slaughter even of their kindred.305 condit opes alius defossoque incubat auroViolent human activityG2.507 Greedy and violent individualsUnlike simple farmers, individuals who seek fame and wealth delight in slaughter even of their kindred.306a nec doluit miserans inopem Violent human activityG2.499 [nec > aut] Simple farmer The simple farmer neither pities the poor nor envies the rich.306b dextramque tetendit. Violent human activityA10.823 A./Lausus A., looking upon the slain Lausus, is moved by the similarity to his own love for his father.The Flood & Genesis summary307a tum pater omnipotens God G2.325 Aether The "omnipotent Father" Aether descends as rain into the lap of his consort Earth.OR A7.770 Jupiter punishes AsclepiusJupiter is indignant that a dead mortal should rise again to life; hurls Asclepius down to the underworldOR A10.100 Jupiter Jupiter, having heard the competing claims of Venus and Juno, renders his judgment.307b graviter commotus ab alto God A1.126 (graviter commotus et alto)Neptune Neptune senses the storm raised by Aeolus/Juno.& G1.443 (ab alto)308a aethere se mittit God A9.645 Apollo Apollo descends from a cloud (after Jove thunders) and congratulates Iulus on slaying the insulting Numanus.308b–309 tellurem effundit in undas God A12.204–5 King Latinus to A. King Latinus promises A.: Our peace treaty will never be broken even if the earth is flooded.diluvio miscens caelumque in Tartara solvit310 sternit agros, sternit sata laeta boumque laboresGod A2.306 Troy Aeneas sees Troy burning like a river in flood.287311 diluit: inplentur fossae et cava flumina crescuntGod G1.326 Autumn storms Rain washes away the fields and the oxen's work, fills the ditches and the rivers rise.312 et genus omne neci pecudum dedit, omne ferarumGod G3.480 Plague A late summer plague inflicts death upon both domesticated and wild animals.313a tum pietate gravem ac meritis Noah A1.151 Simile: a statesmanNeptune, calming the storm, is like a pious statesman calming an angry crowd.313b (mirabile dictu) Noah Many places314a qui fuit in Noah A2.427 Rhipeus Rhipeus, the most just Trojan, falls in battle.314b terris Noah Many places314c et servantissimus aequi Noah A2.427 Rhipeus Rhipeus, the most just Trojan, falls in battle.315a^ erupuit leto God A2.134 (eripui, fateor, leto)Sinon's story Sinon falsely recounts how he escaped from being sacrificed.315b^ tantis surgentibus undis God A6.354 (tantis navis surgentibus undis)Palinurus to A. Palinurus, having fallen from the ship, is terrified lest A.'s ship, deprived of its rudder, be lost in such waves.316 ut genus unde novae stirpis revocetur haberetGod G4.282 [ut > nec, habebit]Bees If someone's brood has failed and no stock is left, bees can be created from bullocks' blood.317a diluvio ex illo God A7.228 Troy's destruction Troy's destruction is metaphorically described as a "deluge" (by Aeneas).317b patribus dat iura vocatis God calls the patriarchsA5.758 Acestes Acestes declares laws for the new-founded "Troy" in Sicily (this occurs directly after the storm that drenches the burning ships).318a omnipotens God A10.615 Jupiter (as described by Juno)Juno pleads with Jupiter to let her save Turnus from battle.318b magnis agitant sub legibus aevumFormation of covenantG4.154 Bees Bees live beneath "laws" for their colony (a "nature" given by Jupiter).Exodus & OT summary319 quid memorem infandas caedas, quid facta tyranniIsrael in Egypt A8.483 King Mezentius Description of King Mezentius' atrocities.320 nesciaque humanis precibus mansuescere cordaPharoah G4.470 The ruler(s) of the underworldOrpheus travels to the underworld and meets its king, who has a stubborn heart.288321a Aegyptum viresque orientis et ultimaIsrael in Egypt A8.687 Antony (in battle of Actium)Antony (in the future) is depicted on Aeneas' shield.321b bella Many places322 magnanimosque duces totiusque ordine gentisMoses/the Israelites leave EgyptG4.4 Bees and their societyVergil sets out to describe the societies of bees, describing these matters as tenui and levium rerum (implication that human battles are no more important!)323a quo cursu deserta petiverit Exodus from Egypt into the desertE6.80 Philomela Philomela, having (with her sister) served her son as a meal to King Tereus, flees to the desert.323b et tribus et gens Twelve tribes of IsraelA7.708 Claudian tribe and peopleThe Claudian tribe is descended from Clausus, who is fighting on the Latins' side.324a magna virum Twelve tribes of IsraelG2.174 Land of Italy Vergil salutes the land of Italy, which has brought forth such great men.324b meriti tanti non inmemor umquamMerit/service of OT figuresA9.256 Aletes to Nisus and Euryalus re AscaniusAletes: Ascanius, not unmindful of your merit, will reward you.325a quique sacerdotes casti Tribe of Levi A6.661 Priests in Elysium Having been pure priests while they lived, they are now rewarded in Elysium.325b altaria iuxta Altar of God in the tabernacleA4.517 Dido Dido, deserted by A., calls on the gods to witness her coming death.326a quique pii vates Prophets A6.662 Seers in Elysium Having been pious seers while they lived, they are now rewarded in Elysium.326b pro libertate ruebant Prophets A8.648 Descendants of A.A.'s descendants, in early Rome, will die for the sake of liberty.327a qui bello exciti reges, quae Kings in the OT A7.642 Intro to the battle list.V. will now describe the Latin battle list (in great detail, while Proba recuses herself.)327b litore rubro Wars in the OT A8.686 Antony (in battle of Actium)328a conplerint campos acies Wars in the OT A7.643 Intro to the battle list.V. will now describe the Latin battle list (in great detail, while Proba recuses herself.)328b quibus arserit armis Israel's armies A7.644 Intro to the battle list.V. will now describe the Latin battle list (in great detail, while Proba recuses herself.)289329a rex, genus egregium An OT king (probably of Israel)A7.213 King Latinus King Latinus is the genus egregium Fauni (Faunus is a prophetic god of the forest).329b magno inflammante Wars in the OT A3.330 [inflammatus v. flammatus]Orestes Orestes, inflamed by a great wrath, kills Pyrrhus.329c furore Wars in the OT A2.244 Furor /Trojans The Trojans, blinded by furor, bring the Horse into Troy.OR A4.697 Furor /Dido Dido, inflamed by furore, has sought death before her fated time.OR A5.659 Furor/ Trojan womenThe Trojan women, driven by furor, set fire to their ships.330 agmen agens equitum et florentes aere catervasIsrael's armies A7.804 Camilla and her armiesCamilla brings her armies to the Latin side.331a cetera The OT in generalMany places331b facta patrum The OT in generalA1.641 Dido's ancestors' deedsDido's ancestors' deeds are engraved in gold upon the feasting table.331c pugnataque in ordine bella Wars in the OT A8.629 Future Roman battlesUpon Aeneas' shield are represented the battles that Rome will fight.332 praetereo atque aliis post me memoranda relinquoThe OT in generalG4.148 Discussion of bee gardensV. (after a quick mention) declines to discuss in detail the sorts of gardens that attract bees.OT to NT transition333 nunc ad te et tua magna, pater, consulta revertorIntroduces NT A11.410 Turnus to King LatinusTurnus (after a hot-headed reply to Drances) turns back to King Latinus' proposal of peace.334a maius opus moveo New Testament A7.45 Second half of V.'s narrativeV. will now begin the second half of his Aeneid narrative.334b vatum praedicta priorum NT events as prophesiedA4.464 Prophecies/Dido Dido, having resolved to die, is troubled by ancient prophecies.335a adgredior NT events as prophesiedA3.38 A./Polydorus Aeneas seeks to pluck a branch and discovers that it is Polydorus (transformed).335b–336a quamvis angusti terminus aevi Proba G4.206–7 Bees Individual bees are short-lived, but their species is immortal and their hive persists.excipiat290336b–337a temptanda via est, qua me quoque possimProba G3.8–9 V. V. resolves to try the way by which he may become famous.tollere humo337b et nomen fama tot ferre per annosProba G3.47 V./Caesar V. will confer lasting fame upon Caesar's name through his poetry.Christ's incarnation (as fulfillment of prophecy)338a quod tua progenies Christ A9.84 (quod tua cara parens)Cybele/Jupiter Cybele (the tua cara parens ) prays to her son Jupiter to spare her ships.Prophesied child of Eclogue 4 (by allusion)& A1.250 (nos, tua progenies) Venus/Jupiter Venus prays to her father Jupiter to rescue the shipwrecked Trojans.OR A10.30 (et tua progenies)Venus/Jupiter Venus expresses her concern for the embattled Trojans to her father Jupiter.338b caelo descendit ab alto Christ A8.423 Vulcan Vulcan descends from heaven to his smithy. Vulcan339–340a attulit et nobis aliquando optantibus aetasChrist A8.200 Hercules Hercules arrives to destroy Cacus and free Evander's people from his dominion, for which he is ever after worshipped by them.Herculesauxilium adventumque Dei340b quom femina primum Christ A8.408 A lower-class woman/VulcanA lower-class woman, rising in mid-night, stokes the fire and begins her work anew; describes the time of night when Vulcan awakes to make Aeneas' arms.341a virginis os habitumque gerens Mary A1.315 Venus (disguised as a mortal woman)Venus, disguised as a Spartan huntress, goes to meet A. (her son).341b mirabile dictu Many places342 nec generis nostri puerum nec sanguinis editChrist E8.45 [eduunt] Cupid Damon's song: Cupid is cruel, hard like the craggy cliffs, not born of our race or blood.Cupid291343 seraque terrifici cecinerunt omina vatesChrist A5.524 Acestes' arrow/propheciesAcestes' arrow bursts into flame: an omen celebrated by awe-inspiring seers.344a adventare virum Christ A7.69 Bee omen/A. The seer interprets the bee swarm: a foreign man and his army will come from abroad and will rule.Aeneas344b populis terrisque superbum Christ A2.556 Priam Priam was once the ruler of a great empire.345a semine ab aetherio Christ A7.281 Horses (Latinus' gift for A.)Latinus gives A. a chariot with two fire-breathing horses of heavenly originHalf-divine horses345b qui viribus occupet orbem Christ A7.258 [quae] Latinus/A. Latinus recognizes that A. is the subject of the bee omen and that his descendants' might will conquer the whole world.AeneasNativity346a iamque aderat promissa dies Day A12.391 (iamque aderat)Iapyx Iapyx attempts (unsuccessfully) to heal A.'s wound.Day & A9.107 (aderat promissa dies)Cybele/her ships The promised day has come: Cybele transforms her ships (threatened by fire), making them immortal sea nymphs.Cybele's ships346b quo tempore primum G1.61 Deucalion After the flood, Deucalion throws stones behind him, which become a new race of men (suited to working the land).Deucalion's race347a extulit os sacrum Christ A8.591 Morning star (lucifer ) rising (simile for Pallas)Pallas is compared to the evening star rising from the ocean (the star which Venus loves above all.)Pallas347b# divinae stirpis origo Christ A5.711 (divinae stirpis)Acestes Acestes is described (by Nautus) as being of divine origin.Acestes& A12.166 (stirpis origo)A. A. is the father (pater ) and origin of the Roman race.Aeneas348a missus in imperium Christ A6.812 Numa (seen in future)Numa, king of Rome, will give Rome its first laws. He is sent from a small town (Cures) to a position of great authority.Numa348b venitque in corpore virtus Christ A5.344 [veniens] Euryalus Euryalus, winning the race due to Nisus' trick, is protected by his tears and beauty.349a mixta Deo Christ A7.661 Rhea The priestess Rhea, wedded to the god Heracles, bears Aventinus.Aventinus292349b subiit cari genitoris imago Christ A2.560 A./Anchises A. imagines his father Anchises dying as he has just see Priam die.350a haut mora, continuo Star G4.548 Aristaeus Aristaeus obeys his mother's (and Proteus') advice (and sacrifices to Eurydice).OR A3.548 A./the Trojans Their sacrifices performed, the Trojans set sail for Italy.350b caeli regione serena Star A8.528 Venus/A. Venus sends a sign (a thundering cloud with weapons) to A.: war is at hand and he must return to the Trojan camp.351 stella facem ducens multa cum luce cucurritStar A2.694 Star/Anchises A blazing star from Jupiter, sent in answer to Anchises' prayer, shows A. and his family the way to flee burning Troy.352a agnovere deum proceres Christ/Star/Magi A9.659 Trojan princes/ApolloThe Trojan princes recognize Apollo, disguised as Butes then vanishing into the air.Apollo352b cunctisque repente Magi A1.594 A. A., suddenly revealed out of the mist and made godlike by Venus, addresses Dido.353a muneribus cumulant Magi A5.532 [cumulat] A./Acestes A. embraces Acestes and showers him with gifts, recognizing the significance of the omen.353b et sanctum sidus adorant Magi A2.700 [adorat] Anchises/Star Anchises adores the star as a heavenly omen sent from Jupiter.354a tum vero manifesta fides Christ A2.309 Trojan horse The truth of the Trojan horse is revealed as Troy burns.354b–355a clarumque paternae Christ A12.225–6 [ipse] Juturna (as Camers)Juturna (Turnus' sister and a goddess) takes on the form of Camers to rouse the Rutulians to break the treaty, and shows a bird omen.Juturna (as Camers)nomen erat virtutis: et ipsi Christ355b agnoscere vultus Christ/Magi A3.173 Phrygian Penates The Phrygian Penates speak to A. on Crete and reveal the cause of the plague.Phrygian Penates356a flagrantisque dei Christ A1.710 Phoenicians/CupidThe Tyrians (particularly Dido) are amazed by A.'s gifts and the face of Cupid (disguised as Iulus).Cupid (as Iulus)356b divina signa decoris Christ A5.647 Pyrgo/Iris Pyrgo recognizes Iris' divinity through her Beroë disguise.Iris (as Beroë)293Flight to Egypt and Slaughter of the Innocents357a protinus ad regem Rumour/King HerodA4.196 Fama/Iarban Fama flies to King Iarbas' ears and inflames him with wrath.357b magno clamore furentem King Herod A5.207 (magno clamore) Sergestus' sailors Sergestus' sailors hurry to free their ship, trapped on a cragOR A10.799 (magno clamore)Lausus' friends Lausus' friends follow him as he attacks A.A11.838 (in clamore furentem)Camilla/Opis Camilla's death amidst the clamour of battle is spotted by Opis, who is watching from a high peak.358a fama volat Rumour/King HerodA7.392 Amata/other Latin womenAmata is driven by fury and feigns Bacchic possession; with the other women she runs to the forest and hides her daughter there.358b variisque acuit rumoribus iras King Herod A9.464 [acuunt] Latin army The Latin soldiers whet their fury with various tales (having slain Euryalus and Nisus).359a incenditque animum King Herod A4.197 Fama/Iarban Fama flies to King Iarbas' ears and inflames him with wrath.359b matrisque adlabitur aures Mary A9.474 Fama/mother of EuryalusWinged Fama flies to Euryalus' mother's ears and brings her news of his son's death.360a iIla dolos dirumque nefas Mary A4.653 Mercury/Dido/A. Mercury warns A. of what the scorned Dido will do; urges him to set sail.360b haut nescia rerum Mary A12.227 Juturna (as Camers)Juturna takes Camers' form and stirs up the Rutulians to break the treaty.361 praesensit motusque excepit prima futurosMary A4.297 Dido The prescient Queen Dido senses that A. is preparing to leave secretly.362a praescia venturi Mary A6.66 The Sibyl/A. A. prays to the Sibyl to prophecy for him.362b furtim mandarat alendum Mary/Christ A3.50 Priam/Polydorus King Priam (unsuccessfully) sends Polydorus away in secret to be cared for elsewhere, but he is slain by the treacherous Thracian king.363a dum curae ambiguae, dum King Herod A8.580 Evander/Pallas Evander bids his beloved son Pallas (soon to be killed in battle) farewell.294363b mens exaestuat ira King Herod A9.798 Turnus Turnus, his mind burning with anger, is slowly driven back.364a at rex sollicitus King Herod A7.81 King Latinus Latinus, troubled by the bee and fire omens, seeks Faunus' prophecy.364b stirpem et genus omne futurum King Herod A4.622 Dido Dido pronounces her dying curse: the Carthaginians will ever war against the Trojans/Romans.365 praecipitare iubet subiectisque urere flammisKing Herod A2.37 Trojans/Trojan HorseMany of the Trojans, suspecting a trick, argue that the Horse should be thrown into the sea or burned.366a multa movens King Herod A3.34 A./Polydorus' graveA., troubled by the blood flowing from the bushes on Polydorus' tomb, prays to the local Nymphs.OR A5.608 Juno/Iris Juno, troubled by her ancient hate, sends Iris in human form to persuade the Trojan women to burn their ships.OR A10.890 A./Mezentius' horseA., thinking hard about what to do, fells Mezentius' horse (and soon afterwards Mezentius.)366b mittique viros, qui certa reportentKing Herod's soldiersA9.193 The Trojan army/councilThe Trojans demand that A. be recalled and men sent to report the facts to him.367a haut secus ac iussi faciunt King Herod's soldiersA3.236 A./the Trojan menA. orders the Trojan men to make war on the Harpies.367b–368a rapidisque feruntur King Herod's soldiersA7.156–7 A./the Trojan menA. orders a select group of Trojans to approach the Latin king seeking peace.passibus368b et magnis urbem terroribus inplentKing Herod's soldiersA11.448 [magnisque] Messenger/council of LatinsA messenger brings news to the Latin council: the Trojans are attacking.369 continuo auditae voces vagitus et ingensThe Innocents/their parentsA6.426 The infants in the underworldThose who were killed before they had any part in life.370a infantumque animae flentes The Innocents/their parentsA6.427 The infants in the underworldThose who were killed before they had any part in life.295370b ante ora parentum The Innocents/their parentsG4.477 Sons in the underworldSons set on the pyre before the faces of their parents.OR A5.553 The Trojan horse-riding boysBoys parade on their horses before the faces of their parents.OR A6.308 Sons in the underworldSons set on the pyre before the faces of their parents.371a corpora natorum The Innocents/their parentsA2.214 The serpents/Laocoön's childrenThe serpents devour Laocoön's children.OR A6.22 Athenian children 14 Athenian children are sent yearly to Crete as an offering.371b sternuntur The Innocents/their parentsA2.364 Corpses in Troy Corpses lie scattered everywhere in the fallen city of Troy.371c limine primo The Innocents/their parentsA2.485 Priam's guards Armed men (Priam's guards) stand on Priam's threshold.OR A6.427 The infants in the underworldThose who were killed before they had any part in life.OR A11.423 Turnus Turnus reproaches the Latins: Why do we lose courage on the very threshold?372a at mater Mary G4.333 Cyrene/Aristaeus Cyrene, in the depths of the river, hears her son's cries for help.372b gemitu non frustra exterrita tantoMary G4.353 Cyrene/Aristaeus Arethusa tells her sister Cyrene that Aristaeus is crying for her.373a ipsa sinu prae se portans Mary/Christ A11.544 [ipse] Metabus/Camilla Metabus, fleeing from his city, carries his infant daughter before him.Camilla373b turbante tumultu King Herod's soldiersA6.857 Turbulent times/Claudius MarcellusClaudius Marcellus stabilizes the Roman Republic amid turbulent times.OR A9.397 Latins/Euryalus Euryalus is snatched up by a group of Latins.374a infantum fugiens Mary/Christ A11.541 Metabus/Camilla Metabus, fleeing from his city, carries his infant daughter before him.Camilla374b plena ad praesepia reddit Mary/Christ G3.495 [reddunt] Calves in plague Calves die of plague before their full mangers.296375a hic natum Mary/Christ A11.570 [natam] Metabus/Camilla Metabus, having fled to the forest, cares for Camilla.Camilla375b angusti subter fastigia tecti Mary/Christ A8.366 Evander/A. Evander, having shown A. his rustic kingdom, leads him into his house.376 nutribat teneris inmulgens ubera labrisMary/Christ A11.572 Metabus/Camilla Metabus milks wild animals/cattle into Camilla's mouth.Camilla377a hic tibi prima, puer Christ Many places (hic tibi)& E4.18 (at tibi prima, puer)The prophesied child/the Golden AgeThe Earth itself will freely blossom forth after the child is born.Prophesied child of Eclogue 4377b fundent cunabula flores Earth/Christ E4.23 The prophesied child/the Golden AgeThe cradle of the prophesied child will sprout flowers.Prophesied child of Eclogue 4378a mixtaque ridenti Earth/Christ E4.20 The prophesied child/the Golden AgeThe Earth itself will freely blossom forth after the child is born.Prophesied child of Eclogue 4378b passim cum baccare tellus Earth/Christ E4.19 The prophesied child/the Golden AgeThe Earth itself will freely blossom forth after the child is born.Prophesied child of Eclogue 4379a molli paulatim Earth/Christ E4.28 The prophesied child/the Golden AgeThe Earth itself will freely blossom forth after the child is born.Prophesied child of Eclogue 4379b colocasia fundet acantho Earth/Christ E4.20 The prophesied child/the Golden AgeThe Earth itself will freely blossom forth after the child is born.Prophesied child of Eclogue 4Baptism380a et iam finis erat Time A1.223 A./his men A. and his men have finished feasting and mourning their companions' lot.380b perfecto temporis orbe Time A6.745 Blessed souls in ElysiumThe nearly pure stay in Elysium until every stain is gone.381 ut primum cessit furor et rabida ora quieruntKing Herod/soldiersA6.102 The Sibyl The Sibyl, raging in prophecy, falls silent for a while.382a ante annos animumque gerens Christ A9.311 Iulus Iulus, with a spirit beyond his years, gives Euryalus and Nisus messages for his father.Iulus297382b caelestis origo Christ A6.730 Origin of all living thingsAll living things have a fiery source/origin.383a per medias urbes Christ A7.384 Amata Amata races through the city, possessed by rage.383b graditur Christ Many places383c populosque propinquos Christ A3.502 A. to Helenus A tells Helenus: if he reaches Italy, they will someday make one Troy in spirit from both cities.Aeneas (?)384 illum omnis tectis agrisque effusa iuventusChrist/crowds A7.812 [illam] Camilla/the Latin peopleCamilla, riding in the Latin battle-list, is admired by all who see her.Camilla385a attonitis inhians animis Christ/crowds A7.814 Camilla/the Latin peopleCamilla, riding in the Latin battle-list, is admired by all who see her.Camilla385b prospectat euntem Christ/crowds A7.813 Camilla/the Latin peopleCamilla, riding in the Latin battle-list, is admired by all who see her.Camilla386a turbaque miratur matrum Christ/crowds A7.813 Camilla/the Latin peopleCamilla, riding in the Latin battle-list, is admired by all who see her.Camilla386b–387 qui spiritus illi Christ/crowds A5.648 Iris (as Beroë)/PyrgoPyrgo sees that Iris is not Beroë but a divinity. Iris (as Beroë)qui vultus vocisque sonus vel gressus eunti388a continuo vates John the Baptist A7.68 Seer at Latinus' palaceThe seer immediately interprets the bee omen.388b namque is certissimus auctor John the Baptist G1.432 Moon weather signIf the moon is clear on the fourth day, there will be good weather until the end of the month: this is the clearest sign.389 ut procul egelido secretum flumine viditJohn the Baptist/ChristA8.610 Venus/A. Venus, bearing gifts for A., sees him standing in the river to refresh himself.390a tempus, ait, deus, ecce, deus, cuiJohn the Baptist to/re ChristA6.46 Sibyl/Apollo/A. The Sibyl cries out that Apollo is at hand and admonishes A. to pray.Apollo390b–391a maxime rerum John the Baptist to/re ChristA9.279–80 Ascanius/EuryalusAscanius states that Euryalus will have his greatest trust from now on.verborumque fides391b tu nunc eris alter ab illo John the Baptist to/re ChristE5.49 Menalcus/MopsusMenalcas tells Mopsus he is equal to his singing master and will be the next in succession.298392a fortunate puer John the Baptist to/re ChristE5.49 Menalcus/MopsusMenalcas tells Mopsus he is equal to his singing master and will be the next in succession.392b caeli cui sidera parent John the Baptist to/re ChristA10.176 Asilas Asilas the diviner can read the very stars of heaven.393 sic equidem ducebam animo rebarque futurumJohn the Baptist to/re ChristA6.690 Anchises/A. Anchises has long expected A.'s arrival in the Elysian fields.394a expectate venis, John the Baptist to/re ChristA2.283 Hector/A. A. asks the vision of Hector: From what shores do you, long-expected, come?394b spes et solacia nostri John the Baptist to/re ChristA8.514 Evander/Pallas Evander puts his son Pallas into A.'s care. Pallas395a haec ubi dicta dedit John the Baptist/ChristMany places395b fluvio mersare salubri John the Baptist/ChristG1.272 Farmer/flock Even on religious days, one can bathe one's bleating flock in life-giving water.396 accepit venientem ac mollibus extulit undisJohn the Baptist/ChristA9.817 Turnus/the river Turnus leaps from battle into the river; it cleanses him from slaughter and returns him to his friends.397a exultant vada et The river A3.557 [et > atque] Shallows near CharybdisThe shallows near Charybdis spring up in turmoil.397b subito commota columba Spirit A5.213 Dove simile/Mnestheus' shipMnestheus' ship glides as smoothly and swiftly as a dove.398a devolat et supra caput astit Spirit A4.207 Iris/Dido Iris is sent to free the dying Dido's soul from her body.398b inde repente Spirit A8.238 Hercules Hercules, having torn up the rock over Cacus' den, hurls it away.399 radit iter liquidum celeres neque commovet alasSpirit A5.217 Dove simile/Mnestheus' shipMnestheus' ship glides as smoothly and swiftly as a dove.400 huc omnis turba ad ripas effusa ruebatCrowd A6.305 Spirits at the River StyxThe whole crowd of spirits rushes down to the River Styx, seeking to cross.401 certatim largos umeris infundere roresCrowd G1.385 Sea birds and Asian birdsBirds, in the rain, vie to each splash themselves with water.299402a tum genitor natum dictis Father/Christ A10.466 Jupiter/Hercules/PallasHercules groans at Pallas' imminent death; Jupiter tells Hercules that everyone has their fated dayHercules (& Jupiter as God the Father)402b compellat amicis Father/Christ A2.372 Androgeos/A. and his TrojansAndrogeos calls to A. and his Trojans, thinking them friendly Greeks.403 nate, meae vires, mea magna potentia solusFather/Christ A1.664 Venus/Cupid Venus asks Cupid to make Dido fall in love with A.Cupid (& Venus as God the Father)404a et praedulce decus Father/Christ A11.155 Evander/Pallas Evander grieves for his fallen son Pallas: he (Evander) knows the sweet honour that comes from one's first battle.Pallas (& Evander as God the Father)404b magnum rediture parenti Father/Christ A10.507 Pallas The fallen Pallas, his father's great dolor et decus , is going to return to his father Evander.Pallas (& Evander as God the Father)405a a te principium, tibi desinet Father/Christ E8.11 V. to his patron PollioV. addresses his patron: In you was my beginning and my end.405b accipe, testor, Father/Christ A11.559 Metabus/Diana/CamillaMetabus vows Camilla to Diana in return for letting her cross the flooded river safely.406a o mea progenies: Father/Christ A7.97 Faunus/King LatinusFaunus addresses King Latinus as mea progenies.King Latinus (& Faunus as God the Father)406b–407a qua sol utrumque recurrens Father/Christ A7.100–1 Faunus/King LatinusFaunus to King Latinus: the Trojans' descendants will rule everything that Sun's path sees between the oceans.King Latinus/Aeneas (& Faunus as God the Father)aspicit oceanum407b perfecto laetus honore Father/Christ A3.178 A./the Phrygian PenatesA., having seen a vision of the Phrygian Penates speaking to him, offers sacrifice before joyfully telling Anchises.300408a omni sub pedibus Father/Christ A7.100 Faunus/King LatinusFaunus to King Latinus: the Trojans will dominate and rule all this territory.King Latinus/Aeneas (& Faunus as God the Father)408b vertique regique videbis Father/Christ A7.101 [videbunt] Faunus/King LatinusFaunus to King Latinus: the Trojans will dominate and rule all this territory.King Latinus/Aeneas (& Faunus as God the Father)409a tu regere imperio populos Father/Christ A6.851 Anchises/A. Anchises' spirit to A.: It is the special gift of the Roman race to rule the nations.Aeneas409b matresque virosque Father/Christ A2.797 A./people of Troy A., having fled Troy with his family, finds a large group of refugees on Mount Ida.Aeneas410 iam pridem resides animos desuetaque cordaFather/Christ A1.722 Cupid/Dido Cupid begins to move Dido's heart, unaccustomed to love.Cupid411a ignarosque viae mecum miseratusFather/Christ G1.41 V./Caesar V. prays to the still-to-be-deified Caesar for assistance in his task (helping those ignorant of farming).Caesar Augustus411b inertes Father/Christ Many places412# adgredere et votis iam nunc adsuesce vocariFather/Christ E4.48 (adgredere) Narrator/prophesied childThe narrator asks the prophesied child to take up his honours.Prophesied child of Eclogue 4Father/Christ & G1.42 (ingredere et votis iam nunc adsuesce vocari)V./Caesar V. prays to the still-to-be-deified Caesar for assistance in his task (helping those ignorant of farming).Caesar Augustus413–414a dixerat: ille patris magni parere parabatChrist A4.238–9 Mercury/Jupiter Mercury at once prepares to obey Jupiter's command; puts on his winged slippers to descend to Earth.Mercury (& Jupiter as God the Father)imperio414b instans operi regnisque futuris Christ A1.504 Dido Dido, joyful and ambitious, arrives at the temple.DidoConfessional Interlude301415a heu pietas, heu prisca fides Proba A6.878 Anchises, speaking of MarcellusAnchises laments the early death of Marcellus. Marcellus415b quas dicere grates Proba A11.508 Turnus to Camilla Turnus is grateful to Camilla for her aid in war; she has offered to fight alone, but he will share the risk with her.Camilla416a incipiam Proba A2.13 A. to Dido A. to Dido: If you really must hear of the horrifying fall of Troy, I will begin.416b si parva licet conponere magnis Proba G4.176 Bees Like the Cyclopes creating thunderbolts, a love of creation drives the Attic bees.417 nec mihi iam patriam antiquam spes ulla videndiProba A2.137 Sinon's tale Sinon: There is no hope of me seeing my native land again.418a nec spes libertatis erat nec cura Proba E1.32 Tityrus to MeliboeusTityrus: While Galatea swayed me, there was no hope of freedom.418b salutis Proba Many places419 hic mihi responsum primus dedit ille petentiChrist/Proba E1.44 Augustus to TityrusAugustus tells Tityrus that he may keep his land.Caesar Augustus420–421a concretam exemit labem purumque reliquitChrist/Proba A6.746–7 Anchises to A. Anchises describes the process of purification after death.aetherium sensum421b meque in mea regna remisit Christ/Proba A2.543 Priam to Pyrrhus Priam: Achilles returned Hector's corpse and let me return to my kingdom.422a illum ego per flammas Proba/Christ A6.110 A. to the Sibyl re AnchisesA. describes to the Sibyl how he saved his father.422b agerem si Syrtibus exul Proba/Christ A5.51 A. to the Trojans re AnchisesA.: Even if I were exiled to the Syrtes, I'd still conduct the yearly rite to remember my father.423a per varios casus, per Proba/Christ A1.204 A. to the Trojans A. encourages his men: We are traveling to Italy thorough various perils.423b mille sequentia tela Proba/Christ A6.110 A. to the Sibyl re AnchisesA. describes to the Sibyl how he saved his father.424a quo res cumque cadent, unum Proba/Christ A2.709 A. to his father A: No matter how things turn out, we will share our peril in escaping together.424b pro nomine tanto Proba/Christ A8.472 Evander to A. Evander to A.: Our strength in war is feeble compared to such a name.302425 exequerer strueremque suis altaria donisProba/Christ A5.54 A. to the Trojans re AnchisesA.: Even if I were exiled to the Syrtes, I'd still conduct the yearly rite to remember my father.426a huius in adventum Natural world/ChristA6.798 Anchises to A. re AugustusAnchises to A.: This is Augustus Caesar; the land itself trembles at divine prophecies of his coming.Caesar Augustus426b tantarum in munera laudum Natural world/ChristA8.273 [munere] Evander to youthsEvander commands the youths to perform the rites for Hercules.Hercules427–428a ipsi laetitia voces ad sidera iactantNatural world/ChristE5.62–3 Menalcas re DaphnisAs Daphnis is deified, the very mountains shout aloud: "He is a god!"Daphnisintonsi montes428b respondent omnia Natural world/ChristE10.8 V. re Gallus V. singing of Gallus' love, does not sing to deaf ears: the forests re-echo it all.428c valles Natural world/ChristE5.84 Mopsus The streams cascading through the valleys do not delight me as much as your song.Temptation in the Wilderness429a tempore non alio Time G3.245 Mating season At no other time (than their time of desire) do animals, both domestic and wild, act so fiercely.OR G3.531 Time of plague At this and no other time, people searched the land for offerings (bullocks/oxen) to Juno.429b magnum et memorabile nomenSerpent (? unclear)A4.94 [numen? original reading uncertain ]Dido/Cupid Juno sarcastically characterizes Venus'/Cupid's display of divine power.430a serpentis furiale malum Serpent A7.375 Allecto's serpent/Queen AmataThe poison of the serpent drives Amata to madness.430b meminisse necesse est Serpent A6.514 Deiphobus to A. Deiphobus recalls the final night of Troy.431a ausus quin etiam Serpent A2.768 A. A., seeking Creusa, even dares to shout aloud in the streets.303431b fama est obscurior annis Serpent A7.205 Latinus/Dardanus Latinus: I remember the tale of how Dardanus, sprung from Italy, founded Troy, though it is obscured by time.432a conpellare virum et Serpent A2.280 A./Hector A. addresses Hector in his dream.432b veniendi poscere causas Serpent A1.414 Venus/A. Venus casts a mist around A. and his companions so nobody can ask their reason for coming.433# hunc ubi tendentem adversum per gramina vidit,Serpent/Christ A10.721 (hunc ubi miscentem)Mezentius/Acron When Mezentius sees Acron approaching in the army's midst, he charges madly at him and kills him.& A6.684 (ubi tendentem adversum per gramina vidit)Anchises/A. Anchises (in the Elysian fields) sees A. approaching him over the grass.434a substitit infremuitque ferox Serpent A10.711 Mezentius/wild boar (simile)Mezentius rages wildly like a boar driven from its hiding place by the hunters.434b dominumque potentem Serpent A6.621 A despotic lord The Sibyl describes the damned souls: one of them sold his country for gold and introduced a despotic lord.435a saucius ac serpens Serpent A11.753 [ac > at] Snake (metaphor for Venulus/Tarcon)Just as a wounded snake carried by an eagle twists itself around...435b adfatur voce superba: Serpent A7.544 Allecto to Juno Allecto proudly announces that her mission is complete (and offers to stir up yet more war).436 verane te facies, verus mihi nuntius adfers?Serpent to Christ A3.310 Andromache to A.Andromache addresses A.: Are you actually here?437a qui genus? unde domo? Serpent to Christ A8.114 Pallas/the TrojansPallas questions the Trojans: who are you and where are you from?437b–438a qui nostra ad limina tendis? Serpent to Christ A6.388–9 Charon to A./the SibylCharon demands to know A.'s identity and reason for coming.Aeneasfare age, quid venias; Serpent to Christ438b nam te dare iura loquuntur. Serpent to Christ A1.731 Dido (toasting Trojans)/JupiterDido: "Jupiter, since they say you give laws, let this be a happy day."Jupiter439–440a aut quis te, iuvenum confidentissime, nostrasSerpent to Christ G4.445 (aut > nam)–446Proteus/AristaeusProteus interrogates Aristaeus: who is he and why is he here?Aristaeus304iussit adire domos440b pacique inponere morem? Serpent to Christ A6.852 Anchises to A. re Roman racreAnchises: "It is the destiny of the Roman race to rule the world and impose the way of peace."Aeneas441a non equidem invideo, miror magis:Serpent to Christ E1.11 Meliboeus to TityrusMeliboeus: "I am not jealous, just amazed."441b–442 accipe porro Serpent to Christ A9.190 [accipe > percipe]–191Nisus to Euryalus Nisus: "Listen to what I have in mind..."quid dubitem et quae nunc animo sententia surgat.443a est domus alta: Serpent to Christ A10.526 Magus to A. Magus begs A. (unsuccessfully) to let him be ransomed.443b voca Zephyros et labere pinnis Serpent to Christ A4.223 Jupiter to MercuryJupiter tells Mercury to bear his message to A.444a ardua tecta petens, Serpent to Christ A7.512 [petit] Allecto Allecto seeks the stable's roof and sounds the call to war: the Latins and the Trojans begin to fight.444b ausus te credere caelo, Serpent to Christ A6.15 [se] Daedalus Daedalus dared to trust himself to the sky on wings.445a# si modo, quem memoras, pater estSerpent to Christ re FatherG4.323 (si modo quem perhibes pater est)Aristaeus to CyreneAristaeus: "If, as you say, my father really is Apollo..."Aristaeus& A4.109 (si modo quod memoras)Venus to Juno Venus to Juno: "I agree to your plan, provided that fortune will follow what you have proposed."445b cui sidera parent. Serpent to Christ re FatherA10.176 Asilas Asilas the diviner can read the very stars of heaven.446# olli subridens sedato pectore faturChrist A9.740 (olli subridens sedato pectore)Turnus Turnus calmly replies to Pandarus' boasting. Turnus& A12.888 (pectore fatur)A. A. addresses Turnus saevo pectore , urging him to continue the single combat.447 haut vatum ignarus venturique inscius aevi:Christ A8.627 Vulcan Vulcan, knowing the prophecies and the age to come, has represented future events on the shield.Vulcan305448a dissimulare etiam sperasti, perfideChrist to Serpent A4.305 Dido to A. Dido, sensing that A. is preparing to leave, addresses him angrily.448b serpens? Christ to Serpent A5.91 Snake at Anchises' graveAfter A. has dedicated offerings to his dead father, a snake arises and tastes the offerings.OR A5.273 An injured snake (simile)Sergestus' ship moves slowly, like a half-dead, crushed snake on a road.449a ne dubita, nam vera vides. Christ to Serpent A3.316 A. to AndromacheA. assures Andromache that he still lives.449b–450 opta ardua pinnis Christ to Serpent A12.892–3 A. to Turnus A. tells Turnus: "Wish for wings in order that you may flee."Aeneasastra sequi clausumque cava te condere terra.451# quo periture ruis maioraque viribus audes?Christ to Serpent A10.811 (quo moriture ruis maioraque viribus audes)A. to Lausus A. rebukes Lausus, Mezentius' son, for opposing him in battle and saving Mezentius from A.Aeneas& A11.856 (huc periture veni)Opis to Arruns Opis tells Arruns: do not flee; come here and receive your reward (i.e. death) for slaying Camilla.452a cede deo, Christ to Serpent A5.467 A. to Dareta A. gently rebukes Dareta, telling him to retire from the boxing match.Aeneas452b toto proiectus corpore terrae. Christ to Serpent A11.87 Acoetes Acoetes, Pallas' guardian, is overcome by grief as Pallas' body is carried to Pallanteum.453 nec plura his: ille admirans venerabile donumSerpent/Christ A6.408 Charon/the Sibyl Charon, recognizing the Golden Bough's authority, is silent and obeys the Sibyl.Golden Bough454a fronte premit terram et Serpent A10.349 [premit > ferit]Clausus/Dryopes Clausus strikes Dryopes in the throat; the latter, voiceless, falls to the ground and vomits blood.454b spumas agit ore cruentas Serpent G3.203 [aget] A horse raised for warA horse raised for war will strive towards the finish line, "flinging bloody foam from his mouth."455# contentusque fuga caecis se inmiscuit umbris.Serpent A11.815 (contentusque fuga mediis se inmiscuit armis)Arruns Arruns does not exult in his slaying of Camilla but is content to flee, hiding among the armies.306& A7.619 (caecis se condidit umbris)Latinus Latinus, having abdicated, does not open the Gates of War but hides in the shadows.Sermon on the Mount456# interea volitans magnas it fama per urbes:Christ's fame A9.473 (interea pavidam volitans pinnata per urbem)Fama Fama (that Euryalus is dead) quickly flies through the city and reaches the ears of Euryalus' mother.& A4.173 (extemplo Libyae magnas it fama per urbes)Fama Fama (that Dido has taken A. as her lover) flies through the Libyan cities.457a convenere viri: Disciples A5.490 Trojan men Trojan men gather for the archery contest.457b mens omnibus una sequendi Disciples A10.182 Astur's men Three hundred men follow Astur as one.458 in quascumque velit pelago deducere terrasDisciples A2.800 [velim] Trojan refugees Refugees, having gathered on Mount Ida, are ready to follow wherever A. will lead them.Aeneas459 multi praeterea, quos fama obscura recondit,Disciples A5.302 Foot racers Many men, some now forgotten, gather for the foot race.460a concurrunt Disciples Many places460b fremitu denso stipantque frequentesDisciples G4.216 The bees' king V. describes how the bees reverence their king: they stand about him and protect him in battle, even at the cost of their own lives.The bees' king461a# exultantque animis; Disciples A11.491 (exsultatque animis)Turnus Turnus, arming for battle, is exultant in spirit.& A3.557 (exsultantque)Shallows near CharybdisNear Charybdis, the shallows rise up in waves.OR A7.464 Boiling liquid (simile)Simile for the enraged Turnus: liquid in a boiling pot bubbles up furiously461b–462 medium nam plurima turba Christ/disciples A6.667–8 Musaeus All in the Elysian fields look up to the towering Musaeus.Musaeushunc habet atque umeris extantem suspicit altis.463a postquam altos ventum in montes,Christ/disciples A4.151 Trojan/Carthaginian hunting partyAfter the hunting party comes to the mountains...463b aeterna potestas Christ/disciples A10.18 Venus to Jupiter Venus addresses Jupiter as rerum aeterna potestas.Jupiter307464a iura dabat legesque viris, Christ/disciples A1.507 Dido Dido, sitting on her throne, judges and gives laws to her people.Dido464b secreta parentis Christ/disciples A2.299 The house of AnchisesThe house of Anchises is set back and screened behind trees, but the sounds of battle can still be heard.465a spemque dedit dubiae menti Christ/disciples A4.55 Anna to Dido Anna gives Dido hope in her love for Aeneas.465b curasque resolvit. Christ/disciples G1.302 Winter Genial winter soothes the farmers' cares (because they can do little work then).466# conspicit ecce alios dextra laevaque frequentis:Christ/crowd A6.656 (conspicit ecce alios dextra laevaque per herbam)Spirits in the Elysian fieldsA. sees spirits sitting to the right and left on the grass.& A6.486 (dextra laevaque frequentes)Spirits of warriors Spirits of warriors stand to the right and left.467 quos ubi confertos audere in proelia vidit,Christ/crowd A2.347 [vidi] A./the gathered Trojan menA. addresses the Trojan men who have gathered, exhorting them to resist even to death.468 incipit et dictis divinum aspirat amorem:Christ/crowd A8.373 Venus to Vulcan Venus asks Vulcan to make arms for A. Venus469a discite iustitiam moniti, Christ to crowd A6.620 Phlegyas Phlegyas, the "most unfortunate" of all souls sentenced to eternal punishment, warns the living.469b succurrite fessis Christ to crowd A11.335 King Latinus King Latinus urges his citizens to desist from war with A. and to repair the common good.King Latinus470a pro se quisque, viri, Christ to crowd A5.501 Trojan archers Each archer in the contest prepares his bow and arrows, for his own good.470b quae cuique est copia, laeti Christ to crowd A5.100 A.'s companions Each of A.'s companions who has a store brings forth gifts for the sacrifice (to the snake).471a communemque vocate Deum. Christ to crowd A8.275 King Evander King Evander instructs the youths to call upon Hercules.Hercules471b meliora sequamur Christ to crowd A3.188 Anchises to A. Anchises instructs A. to obey Phoebus and to seek Italy.308472a quoque vocat vertamus iter. Christ to crowd A5.23 Palinurus to A. Palinurus: with this weather we cannot sail for Italy; let us return to Sicily.Palinurus472b via prima salutis Christ to crowd A6.96 Sibyl to A. Sibyl: "Your way of salvation in this time of war will be (as you least expect it) a Greek city."473a intemerata fides Christ to crowd A2.143 Sinon to Trojans Sinon: "If any unviolated faith remains among mortals, have pity on me."473b et mens sibi conscia recti. Christ to crowd A1.604 A. to Dido A.: "If there is justice and a mind conscious of the right, may the gods reward you for welcoming us."474a vobis parta quies Christ to crowd A3.495 A. to AndromacheA. bids farewell to Andromache: "for you, rest is achieved" (i.e. there is no further need to travel)474b perfecto temporis orbe: Christ to crowd A6.745 Souls after purgationWhen the circle of time is complete, souls which have been purified in Elysium are ready to be reborn.475–476a nam qui divitiis soli incubuere repertisChrist to crowd A6.610 [nam > aut]–611Greedy souls Greedy souls who trust only in their wealth and don't share it with family are punished in the afterlife.nec partem posuere suis,476b#–477 dum vita maneret, Christ to crowd A6.608 (dum vita manebat)–609Wicked souls Souls who scorn their family and defraud their clients are punished in the afterlife.& A10.629 (vita maneret)Juno to Jupiter Juno begs Jupiter to let her save Turnus.pulsatusve parens et fraus innexa clienti,478 tum, cum frigida mors anima seduxerit artus,Christ to crowd A4.385 [tum > et] Dido to A. Dido: "When I am dead, you will pay the penalty and I (in the underworld) will hear of it."479a inclusi poenam expectant, Christ to crowd A6.614 Wicked souls The wicked souls await their punishment.479b quae maxima turba est, Christ to crowd A6.611 Greedy souls Greedy souls form the largest group of the condemned souls.480a infernisque cient tenebris Christ to crowd A7.325 Juno/Allecto Juno summons Allecto from the underworld.480b–481a veterumque malorum Christ to crowd A6.739–40 Souls being purgedSouls suffer the punishment of their earthly evils.supplicia expendunt.309481b–482 aliis sub gurgite vasto Christ to crowd A6.741–2 Souls being purgedSome souls are purged via a whirlpool, others by fire.infectum eluitur scelus aut exuritur igni.483–484# turbidus hic caeno vastaque voragine gurgesChrist to crowd A6.296–7 (aestuat atque omnem Cocyto eructat harenam)The river Acheron The river Acheron seethes and bubbles in a vast whirlpool.aestuat atque imo barathri eructat harenam.& A3.421 (obsidet atque imo barathri ter gurgite vasto)Charybdis Charybdis swallows the waters three times (and then spews them out again).485–486 hinc exaudiri gemitus et saeva sonareChrist to crowd A6.557–8 Tartarus Harsh noises are heard in Tartarus (groans, lashes, iron, chains).verbera, tum stridor ferri tractaeque catenae,487 semper et obducta densantur nocte tenebrae.Christ to crowd G1.248 The south pole They say that the south pole is ever covered in night, or... (that it sees sunset when we see dawn).488a praeterea Christ to crowd Many places488b quae dicam animis advertite vestris:Christ to crowd A2.712 A. to his servants A. tells his servants to meet him in Ceres' temple during the escape from Troy.489a non ego vos posthac Christ to crowd E1.75 Meliboeus to his goatsMeliboeus: "I will no longer see you, goats, hanging from the thorny cliff..."489b^ caesis de more iuvencis Christ to crowd A3.369 (caesis primum de more iuvencis)Sacrifices to ApolloWith bullocks having been sacrificed to Apollo, Helenus begins to prophesy.490a religione patrum Christ to crowd A2.715 Cypress grove Next to Ceres' temple there is a ancient cypress grove protected by old religious practice.490b^ truncis et robore natas Christ to crowd A8.315 (truncis et duro robore nata)Primitive race A primitive race of humans born from trees once inhabited this place (Pallanteum).491a mortalive manu Christ to crowd A9.95 [mortaline] Jupiter to Cybele Jupiter reprehends Cybele: should ships carved by mortal hand be immortal?310491b effigies et templa tueri Christ to crowd A7.443 Turnus to Calybe (the disguised Allecto)Turnus: war is none of your business; go and watch over your temples.492a audiam et haec Christ to crowd A4.387 Dido to A. Dido: "When I am dead, you will pay the penalty and I (in the underworld) will hear of it."492b repetens iterumque iterumque monebo:Christ to crowd A3.436 Helenus to A. Helenus: "I will repeat again and again this warning: to honour Juno above all."493a sed periisse semel satis est, Christ to crowd A9.140 Turnus Gnomic line/proverb uttered/quoted by Turnus.493b natumque patremque Christ to crowd A4.605 Dido (to herself) Dido: "I should have slain both son and father when I had the chance."494a profuerit meminisse magis, Christ to crowd G1.451 Sunset V. to the reader: it is still more useful to mark the appearance of sunset, for it forecasts the weather.494b si credere dignum est. Christ to crowd G3.391 Pan/the Moon Vergil relates a tale where Pan deceives the Moon with a gift of snowy wool.OR A6.173 Triton/Misenus If the tale is to be believed, Triton slays Misenus (for challenging him in song).495a sed fugit interea, fugit inreparabile tempusChrist to crowd G3.284 V. to himself V. reproaches himself: the time is flying while I recount each single detail.496a flammarumque Christ to crowd G1.473 V. on portents V.: when Caesar was killed, the sun, earth, and animals (dogs/birds) gave omens.496b dies et vis inimica propinquat. Christ to crowd A12.150 Juno to Juturna Juno: the day of fate/inimical force approaches: if you can help your brother, do so now.497a adtonitis haesere animis: Christ to crowd A5.529 Watchers of archery contestThe watchers of the contest are stunned by the omen of the arrow.497b nec plura moratus Christ to crowd A5.381 Dares Dares, thinking that nobody dares challenge him, at once claims the prize.498a hic aliud maius miseris Christ to crowd A2.199 Laocoön/the serpentsHere another disquieting omen arises: twin snakes devour Laocoön and his sons.498b mortalibus aegris Christ to crowd Many places499a iudicium Christ to crowd A1.27 Paris' judgment Paris' judgment remains fixed in Juno's mind and her anger persists.311499b canit (et tristes denuntiat iras) Christ to crowd A3.366 The Harpy's prophecyA. refers to Celaeno's prophecy of bitter hunger to come.500a venturum excidio Christ to crowd A1.22 The Roman peopleJuno sees the future, determined by the Fates: a people will come from Rome to destroy Carthage.500b et vasta convulsa ruina Christ to crowd A3.414 Italy and Sicily Helenus: they say that Italy and Sicily were once one land, and were torn apart in a vast cataclysm.501a omnia tum pariter Christ to crowd G1.455 Storm indicated by red skyThe red sky at evening indicates a great storm to come.501b rutilo inmiscerier igni Christ to crowd G1.454 Storm indicated by red skyThe red sky at evening indicates a great storm to come.502a palantesque polo stellas Christ to crowd A9.21 Turnus to Iris Turnus asks: who sends you down from the sky to me? What does this brightness indicate?502b caelique ruinam Christ to crowd A1.129 [ruina] The storm Neptune rises from the sea and views the storm.503–504a tum vero tremefacta novos per pectora cunctisChrist to crowd A2.228–9 Omen of Laocoön/the serpentsAll are terrified at the omen of Laocoön and his children devoured by the serpents.insinuat pavor et504b taciti ventura videbant. Christ to crowd A2.125 The Greeks (in Sinon's tale) Sinon relates: many silently saw what was coming (i.e. my doom at Ulysses' hands).Rich Young Man505a# haec super adventu Christ/crowd G4.559 (haec super) V. to the reader Final envoi: "so I sang above of fields..."Christ/crowd OR A9.168 (haec super)Trojans The besieged Trojans look down from above.Christ/crowd & A7.344 (quam super adventu)Trojans The arrival of the Trojans in Latium has troubled Queen Amata.505b cum multa horrenda moneret Christ/crowd A3.712 Helenus/AnchisesHelenus, who warned A. of many things, did NOT warn him of his father's death.506 ora puer prima signans intonsa iuventaRich man A9.181 Euryalus Euryalus is in the first bloom of youth and his cheeks are unshaven.312507a dives opum Rich man G2.468 Farmers Farmers live a tranquil, simple life, rich in many things.507b studiis florens ignobilis oti Rich man G4.564 [florentem] V. to the reader V. describes his pastoral childhood; contrasts with Caesar's victories.508–509a quinque greges illi balantum, quina redibantRich man A7.538–9 Galaesus Galaesus, rich in flocks, is among the first to die as he attempts to mediate a peace.armenta et509b dapibus menas onerabat inemptisRich man G4.133 Old farmer V. recalls an old farmer: poor in land, yet able to grow plenty of food for his tables.510a continuo Rich man Many places510b alacris palmas utrasque tetenditRich man A6.685 Anchises/A. Anchises welcomes his son in the Elysian fields with great joy.511a et genua amplectens Rich man A10.523 Magus to A. Magus begs A. (unsuccessfully) to let him be ransomed.511b sic ore effatus amico est Rich man A3.463 Helenus to A. Helenus concludes his prophecy to A.512 o decus, o famae merito pars maxima nostrae,Rich man to ChristG2.40 A. to Maecenus A. addresses his patron Maecenas.513 ad te confugio et supplex tua numina posco.Rich man to ChristA1.666 Venus to Cupid Venus seeks help from Cupid to make Dido fall in love.Cupid514 omnia praecepi atque animo mecum ante peregi.Rich man to ChristA6.105 A. to the Sibyl A. tells the Sibyl that he has thought about all these things already.515a eripe me his, invicte, malis. Rich man to ChristA6.365 Palinurus to A. Palinurus' shade begs A. to either bury him or bring him along across the Styx.Aeneas515b quid denique restat Rich man to ChristA12.793 Jupiter to Juno Jupiter reproaches Juno: why continue this fighting when the future is determined?516 quidve sequens tantos possim superare labores?Rich man to ChristA3.368 A. to Helenus A. asks Helenus for guidance: how can I overcome the toils set before me?517a accipe daque fidem: Rich man to ChristA8.150 A. to Evander A. urges Evander: let us offer and receive friendship.517b mihi iussa capessere fas est. Rich man to ChristA1.77 Aeolus to Juno Aeolus to Juno: It is right for me to fulfil your commands.Juno518 atque huic responsum paucis ita reddidit heros:Christ A6.672 Musaeus to the SibylMusaeus tells the Sibyl that Anchises and the others in the Elysian fields have no fixed abode.Musaeus313519a o praestans animi iuvenis, Christ to rich man A12.19 King Latinus to TurnusTurnus is demanding immediate marriage: Latinus refuses and urges cautionKing Latinus519b absiste precando, Christ to rich man A8.403 Vulcan to Venus Vulcan to Venus: I will gladly make weapons for Aeneas; there is no need to beg me.Vulcan520a nec te paeniteat: Christ to rich man E2.34 Corydon to Alexis Corydon urges Alexis to live with him and play music on the pipe with him.Christ to rich man OR E10.17 Sheep V., singing of Gallus' love to Arethusa: The sheep aren't ashamed of us, so don't be ashamed of them.520b nihil o tibi, amice, relictum. Christ to rich man A6.509 Deiphobus to A. Deiphobus to A.: You have done everything for me that you owed to me; these wounds are not your fault.521 hoc etiam his addam, tua si mihi certa voluntas:Christ to rich man A7.548 Allecto to Juno Allecto to Juno: I can stir up yet more war if you desire it.522a disce, puer, Christ to rich man A12.435 A. to Ascanius A to Ascanius: My son, learn virtus and verum laborem from me, fortuna from others.522b–523a contemnere opes et te quoque dignumChrist to rich man A8.364–5 Evander to A. Evander to A.: Hercules himself slept in this poor place: like him, scorn wealth and become worthy of/to be a god.Herculesfinge Deo,523b et quae sit poteris cognoscere virtus.Christ to rich man E4.27 V. to the prophesied childV to the prophesied child: You will learn of the praise of heroes and deeds of your parent, and know what virtue is.524a da dextram misero et Christ to rich man A6.370 Palinurus Palinurus begs A.: Give me your hand and take me with you.524b fratrem ne desere frater. Christ to rich man A10.600 A. to Ligur A. ironically tells Ligur not to desert his brother Lucagus in death.525a si iungi hospitio properat, Christ to rich man A7.264 King Latinus to ambassadorsLatinus to ambassadors: If A. wishes to be our ally, let him come here himself.525b coniunge volentem. Christ to rich man A5.712 Nautus to A. Nautus urges A. to take Acestes as his partner and let him found a city in Sicily.526a casta pudicitiam servet domus. Christ to rich man G2.524 [servat] Farmers Farmers live a tranquil, simple life, rich in many things.314526b–527a en, age, segnes Christ to rich man G3.42–3 V. to Maecenas V. begs his patron Maecenas to approach and end the delay (since V. cannot write without him.)rumpe moras527b rebusque veni non asper egenis.Christ to rich man A8.365 Evander to A. Evander to A.: Hercules himself slept in this poor place: like him, scorn wealth and become worthy of/to be a god.Hercules528a dixerat haec: ille Christ A5.84 [ille > adytus] A. to his father's spiritA. makes offerings at his father's grave.Christ OR A11.132 [ille > unoque]Drances to A. Drances speaks conciliatorily to A.528b in verbo vestigia torsit Rich man A6.547 Deiphobus Deiphobus, having spoken to A., turns away.529a tristior, Rich man G4.235 Taygete the Pleiad (star)Indicates time for birthing/harvest (when, fleeing the star of the watery fish, she sinks sadly into winter waves.)Rich man OR A1.228 Venus Venus speaks sadly to Jupiter: Are the Trojans never to secure their promised glory in Italy?529b ora modis adtollens pallida miris,Rich man A1.354 Sychaeus The slain Sychaeus appears in a dream to Dido.530a multa gemens, Rich man Many places530b seque ex oculis avertit et aufert.Rich man A4.389 Dido Dido's shade flees angrily from A.'s sight.Walking on the Water531a inde ubi prima fides pelago Disciples A3.69 The Trojans/the seaThe Trojans deem the sea calm enough for sailing.531b tranquilla per alta Disciples A2.203 Laocoön's serpentsThe serpents swim out of a calm sea.532a deducunt socii navis Disciples A3.71 The Trojans The Trojans prepare to set sail.532b atque arte magistra Disciples A8.442 (nunc arte magistra)Vulcan/the CyclopesVulcan orders the Cyclopes to use all their art in making A.'s arms.OR A12.427 (non arte magistra)Iapyx/A. Iapyx tells A. that his healing art did not heal A.; it was divine power.315533–534 hic alius latum funda transverberat amnemDisciples G1.141 [hic > atque, transverberat > iam verberat]–142Fishermen After the end of the Golden Age, human beings learn to fish.alta petens, pelagoque alius trahit umida lina535–536a# postquam altum tenuere rates nec iam amplius ullaeDisciples A3.192–3 (apparent terrae)Trojans The Trojans leave Crete, seeking Italy.occurrunt terrae& A5.9 (occurrit tellus)Trojans The Trojans leave Carthage, seeking Italy.536b crebris micat ignibus aether Disciples A1.90 Aeolus' storm Aeolus, at Juno's command, raises a storm.537 eripiunt subito nubes caelumque diemqueDisciples A1.88 Aeolus' storm Aeolus, at Juno's command, raises a storm.538a consurgunt venti et Disciples A5.20 [et > atque] Palinurus to A. Palinurus, seeing the storm, urges A. to sail for Sicily.538b# fluctus ad sidera tollunt Disciples A1.103 (fluctus ad sidera tollit)Aeolus' storm Aeolus, at Juno's command, raises a storm.& A9.637 (ad sidera tollunt)Trojans The Trojans, buoyed by Ascanius' success in battle, lift their spirits "to the stars."OR A10.262 (ad sidera tollunt)Trojans The Trojans, seeing A.'s arrival, raise a great shout.OR A11.37 (ad sidera tollunt)Attendants/TrojansAs A. enters the room where Pallas' body lies, the onlookers raise a great groan/cry.539–540a at sociis subita gelidus formidine sanguisDisciples A3.259–60 Trojans As the Trojans hear Celaeno's prophecy, their blood runs cold and their spirits fall.diriguit: cecidere animi540b cunctique repente Disciples A1.594 [cunctisque] A. A., suddenly appearing out of the mist, speaks to the queen.541a pontum adspectabant flentes Disciples A5.615 Trojan women The Trojan women, weary of travel, bewail the seas they must still cross.541b vox omnibus una Disciples A5.616 Trojan women The Trojan women, weary of travel, bewail the seas they must still cross.542–543a spemque metumque inter dubii, seu vivere credantDisciples A1.218–9 Trojans/their missing friendsThe Trojans speculate about the fate of their friends lost at sea.sive extrema pati316543b leti discrimine parvo Disciples A3.685 Scylla and CharybdisThe path between Scylla and Charybdis is near to death on both sides.544 qualia multa mari nautae patiuntur in altoDisciples A7.200 Straying from course/stormsLatinus: Whatever drove you (Trojans) here, whether an error in your course or storms, as sailors must often suffer...545a ecce deus Christ A5.854 Somnus Somnus shakes a branch heavy with Lethean dew in Palinurus' face, forcing him to sleep.545b–546a magno misceri murmure pontumChrist A1.124–5 Neptune Neptune senses the storm from below. Neptuneemissamque hiemem sensit546b cui summa potestas Christ A10.100 [summa > prima]Jupiter Jupiter, having heard the competing claims of Venus and Juno, renders his judgment.Jupiter547a par levibus ventis Christ A2.794 Creusa's imago When A. tries to grasp Creusa, she slips away like the light winds.Christ OR A6.702 Anchises' imago When A. tries to grasp Anchises, he slips away like the light winds.547b et fulminis ocior alis Christ A5.319 Nisus Nisus, ahead of all other racers, moves faster than the lightning.548 prona petit maria et pelago decurrit aperto:Christ A5.212 Mnestheus Mnestheus' ship, passing Sergestus, heads for the open sea.549a nec longo distat cursu Christ A3.116 [distant] Crete Anchises to the Trojans: Crete is no long journey (from Delos).549b praeeunte carina Christ A5.186 Sergestus Sergestus is ahead, but not even by a ship's length.550a agnoscunt longe regem Disciples/Christ A10.224 Nymphs/A. The sea nymphs (transformed from ships) recognize A. as king from afar.Aeneas550b dextramque potentem Disciples/Christ A7.234 Ilioneus Ilioneus swears by A.'s right hand: many nations sought to join the Trojans, but they refused.551# nudati socii et magno clamore salutantDisciples/Christ A3.282 (nudati socii) Trojan men The Trojan men celebrate games at Actium.Disciples/Christ & A10.799 (socii magno clamore sequuntur)Lausus' friends Lausus rushes into the fight to save his father; his companions follow with great shouts.317Disciples/Christ OR A5.207 (et magno clamore morantur)Sergestus' crew His ship having been caught on the rocks, Sergestus' sailors leap up with great shouts.Disciples/Christ & A3.524 (socii clamore salutant)Trojans The Trojans cheer at the first sight of Italy.Disciples/Christ OR A12.257 (clamore salutant)Rutulians The Rutulians hail a promising (but misleading) omen with a great shout.552 postquam altos tetigit fluctus et ad aequora venitChrist A3.662 Polyphemus the CyclopsAfter the Cyclops comes to the water, he washes his ruined eye.553 id vero horrendum ac visu mirabile ferri:Christ A7.78 Omen of Lavinia's hairLavinia's hair appearing to catch fire is a miraculous but foreboding sign.554a subsidunt undae Sea A5.820 Sea/Neptune After Neptune rides his chariot over the waves, the sea falls calm.Neptune554b remo ut luctamen abesset Sea A8.89 A.'s companions A.'s companions need not exert effort to row, because Tiber's waters remain still all night.555a collectasque fugat nubes Sea A1.143 Neptune Neptune disperses the storm clouds. Neptune555b–556 graditurque per aequor Sea A3.664–5 Polyphemus the CyclopsThe Cyclops is so enormous that he can wade through the water without it reaching his high sides.iam medium necdum fluctu latera ardua tinxit557 at media socios incedens nave per ipsosChrist A5.188 Mnestheus Mnestheus exhorts his men to row with all their strength.558 ipse gubernaclo rector subit, ipse magisterChrist A5.176 Gyas Gyas, having impatiently thrown Menoetes off the ship, himself sits at the rudder.559a intremuit malus Christ A5.505 The mast Hippocoon's arrow strikes the mast, which quivers.559b gemuit sub pondere cumba Christ A6.413 Charon's ship Charon's ship groans beneath A.'s weight. Aeneas560a vela cadunt Christ A3.207 Trojans The Trojans, sighting land in the distance, drop sail and row.560b puppique deus consedit in alta Christ A5.841 Somnus Somnus, sitting in the high stern, tries to persuade Palinurus to sleep.561 et tandem laeti notae advertuntur harenaeDisciples A5.34 Trojans The Trojans, despite the stormy weather, happily turn towards a known shore (Sicily).318Triumphal Entry562a tunc etiam Christ A2.246 Cassandra Cassandra warns the Trojans about the Horse, but is not believed.Cassandra562b tardi costas agitator aselli Christ G1.273 Farmer Even on religious days, the farmer can load a donkey with olive-oil/fruit, or return from the city with millstone/pitch.563a insedit nimbo effulgens: Christ A2.616 Pallas (Athena) A. is granted a vision of the gods attacking Troy; Pallas herself holds the fortress. 563b# cui plurima circum Onlookers/Christ G3.52 (cui plurima) Best-shaped cow The best-shaped cow has a long neck.OR A6.299 (cui plurima)Charon Charon has a bushy, unkempt grey beard.& G4.274 (plurima circum)Petals of amellus This is a plant that will help sick bees recover: gold in the centre, surrounded by purple petals.OR A5.250 (plurima circum)Purple design on gold cloakA. gives a gold cloak with a purple-edged design to the winner of the boat race (Cloanthus).564a matres atque viri, Onlookers/Christ G4.475 Spirits in the underworldThere are spirits of mothers and fathers (men) in the underworld.OR A6.306 Spirits in the underworldThere are spirits of mothers and fathers (men) in the underworld.564b pueri Onlookers/Christ G4.476 Spirits in the underworldThere are spirits of boys in the underworld.OR A6.307 Spirits in the underworldThere are spirits of boys in the underworld.564c velamina nota Onlookers/Christ A6.221 Trojans/Misenus' bodyThe Trojans cast wealthy purple fabrics on Misenus' body.565a subiciunt Onlookers/Christ A2.236 Trojans/Trojan horseThe Trojans place wheels below the Horse's feet.565b funemque manu contingere gaudentOnlookers/Christ A2.239 Trojans/Trojan horseThe Trojan boys and girls rejoice to touch the ropes with their hands.566a iamque propinquabant portis Christ/onlookers A11.621 Trojan army The Trojan army nears the gates of the Latin city.319Cleansing of the Temple566b templumque vetustum Christ A2.713 Temple to Ceres There is a temple to Ceres outside Troy; A. plans to seek refuge there with his family.567a antiqua e cedro Christ A7.178 Statues at King Latinus' palaceAt the entrance there are cedar-wood statues of his ancestors.King Latinus567b centum sublime columnis Christ A7.170 King Latinus' palaceA.'s messengers come to King Latinus' palace. King Latinus568a ingreditur, Christ A6.157 A. The Sibyl's prophecy is complete, so A. goes to carry out her orders.OR A6.856 Claudius MarcellusThe Sibyl points out Claudius Marcellus in the pageant of future Romans.568b magna medius comitante caterva,Christ A5.76 A. A. goes to his father's tomb with a large group of companions.569a horrendum silvis: Christ A7.172 King Latinus' palaceThe narrator describes King Latinus' palace. King Latinus569b–570a hoc illis curia templum Christ A7.174–5 King Latinus' palaceThe narrator describes King Latinus' palace. King Latinushae sacrae sedes,570b miro quod honore colebant. Christ A4.458 [colebat] Sychaeus' temple Dido's custom is to attend Sychaeus' temple with great honour.571 iamque sub ingenti lustrat dum singula temploChrist A1.453 [namque] A. A. marvels at the artwork on Juno's temple, including depictions of the Trojan war.572a horrescit visu subito Christ A6.710 A. A. is struck by awe at the sight of the many diverse spirits, like buzzing bees, drinking at Lethe's stream.572b insonuitque flagello Christ A5.579 Epytides Epytides cries aloud and cracks his whip to begin the display of horsemanship.573a significatque manu et magno simulChrist A12.692 Turnus Turnus tells the Rutulians and Latins that he alone will decide the outcome through single combat.573b intonat ore Christ A6.607 Fury/Pirithous and IxionA Fury stands guard over a table in Tartarus, eternally preventing Pirithous and Ixion from eating at it.320574a quae scelerum facies, Christ to merchantsA6.560 A. to the Sibyl A. asks the Sibyl what the doomed souls in Tartarus did to deserve their punishment.574b quaeve aera micantia cerno Christ to merchantsA2.734 [quaeve > atque]Anchises to A. Anchises spots the glitter of bronze: the approaching Greeks' arms.575a Caesaris et nomen? Christ to merchantsG3.47 V. to the reader V to the reader: Soon I'll prepare myself to speak of Caesar's name and his battles.575b quae mentem insania mutat? Christ to merchantsA4.595 Dido Dido cries out in fury and recognizes her own mental instability.OR A12.37 King Latinus King Latinus to himself: Why did I change my mind so often?576a hae nobis propriae sedes, Christ to merchantsA3.167 Phrygian penates to A.The Penates tell A: Italy is our (and your) rightful home.Phrygian Penates576b^ hic tempore certo Christ to merchantsG4.100 (hinc caeli tempore certo)Better type of bee/certain seasonFrom the better type of bee, you will press forth honey in a certain season.577 perpetuis soliti patres considere mensis.Christ to merchantsA7.176 King Latinus' palaceKing Latinus' palace, also a temple, is traditionally a place of ritual feasting.King Latinus578#–579a obstipuere animis gelidusque per ima cucurritMerchants A8.530 (obstipuere animis)Trojans/Evander's peopleThe onlookers are stunned by the omen of the weapons in the cloud (signalling war).OR A9.123 (obstipuere animis)Rutulians The Rutulians are stunned by the transformation of the ships into sea nymphs.ossa tremor & A2.120-1 (obstipuere animi gelidusque per ima cucurrit/ossa tremor)Greeks (in Sinon's tale)The Greeks are terrified by the announcement that one of their number will need to die as a sacrifice.OR A12.447-8 (gelidusque per ima cucurrit/ossa tremor)Ausonians The Ausonians are terrified by the return of A. to battle (after his healing by Venus).579b mensasque metu liquere prioresChrist to merchantsA3.213 Harpies The Harpies leave their previous tables (at Phineas' house) in fear.Last Supper580 devexo interea propior fit Vesper Olympo.Evening A8.280 Evening Evening comes on in Pallantium, and a second feast begins.Hercules321581 tum victu revocant vires fusique per herbamDisciples/Christ A1.214 Trojans The shipwrecked Trojans eat and gain back their strength.Aeneas582 et dapibus mensas onerant et pocula ponuntDisciples/Christ A1.706 [et > qui] Carthagian servants100 maidservants and 100 manservants serve the guests at the feast.Dido583 postquam prima quies epulis mensaeque remotaeDisciples/Christ A1.723 After the feast After the feast, wine is set out and Dido salutes the guests.Dido584a ipse inter primos Christ/disciples A2.479 Pyrrhus Pyrrhus himself, among the front ranks, breaks through the gate into Priam's palace.OR A7.783 Turnus Turnus himself, among the war-leaders, joins the Latin host.OR A12.579 A. Aeneas himself, among the leaders of the Trojans, accuses Latinus of treaty-breaking.584b genitori instaurat honores Christ/disciples A5.94 A. (for Anchises) A. renews the ritual honours to his father, uncertain of the meaning of the snake.Aeneas585a suspiciens caelum. Christ/disciples A12.196 King Latinus Latinus, raising his eyes to heaven, commits himself to the treaty (of single combat).King Latinus585b tum facta silentia linguis Christ/disciples A11.241 Latins The Latins fall silent as Venulus recounts Diomedes' answer.586a# dat manibus fruges Christ/disciples A12.173 (dant fruges manibus)A. and King LatinusA. and King Latinus offer sacrificial meal to pledge their truce of single combat.Aeneas/King Latinus& A1.701 (dant manibus famuli)Carthagian servantsThe Carthaginian servants pour water over their guests' hands, serve bread from baskets, and bring napkins.Dido586b dulcesque a fontibus undas Christ/disciples G2.243 [dulces, undae]Water (used for testing soil)Sweet spring water can be used to test the bitterness (saltiness) of soil.587a implevitque mero pateram Christ/disciples A1.729 Dido/the Trojans Dido salutes/welcomes the Trojans with a ritual cup of wine.Dido587b ritusque sacrorum Christ/disciples A12.836 Jupiter/the TrojansJupiter promises Juno: I will add (the Latins') sacred laws and rites.Jupiter588a edocet Christ/disciples A10.152 A./Tarchon A. convinces Tarchon to join with him.588b inmiscetque preces Christ/disciples A10.153 A./Tarchon A. convinces Tarchon to join with him.588c ac talia fatur: Christ/disciples Many places589 audite, o proceres, -- ait -- et spes discite vestras.Christ to disciples A3.103 Anchises to Trojan princesAnchises (incorrectly): Phoebus must be referring to Crete.322590 nemo ex hoc numero mihi non donatus abibit,Christ to disciples A5.305 A. to the footracersA.: none of the participants will go away without a gift.Aeneas591a promissisque patris Christ to disciples A5.863 Neptune As Neptune had promised, the rest of the fleet sailed safely with only Palinurus lost.Palinurus591b–592 vestra -- inquit -- munera vobis Christ to disciples A5.348–9 A. to the footracersA reassures the squabbling footraces: they will still have their prizes in order, but he will also take pity on Salius and Nisus with a special prize.Aeneascerta manent, pueri, et palmam movet ordine nemo.593 et lux cum primum terris se crastina reddet,Christ to disciples A8.170 Evander to A. Evander to A: Tomorrow I shall send help to you (for today we must complete the sacred rites to Hercules).594a unus erit tantum Christ to disciples A5.814 Neptune to Venus re PalinurusNeptune to Venus: Only one man will be lost. Palinurus594b in me exitiumque meorum, Christ to disciples A8.386 Venus to Vulcan Venus: See what peoples are gathering against me to destroy my people.595a dum paci medium se offert Christ to disciples A7.536 Galaesus Galaesus, rich in flocks, is among the first to die as he attempts to mediate a peace.Galaesus595b# de corpore nostro. Christ to disciples G2.23 (de corpore) Farmer A farmer cuts shoots from the trunk of the mother tree.OR A12.421 (de corpore)A. A.'s wounds are instantly healed by Venus' medicine.&A3.623 (de numero cum corpora nostro)Achaemenides Achaemenides recounts: I saw the Cyclops kill two of our number.596a iamque dies, nisi fallor, adest: Christ to disciples A5.49 A. to the Trojans A. recounts: This is the anniversary of my father's death.Aeneas (?)596b secludite curas: Christ to disciples A1.562 Dido to the TrojansDido to the Trojans: Put away your cares: you will find hospitality here.Dido597a mecum erit iste labor, Christ to disciples A4.115 Juno to Venus Juno: This (persuading Jupiter to let Trojans and Carthaginians join) will be my work.597b# nec me sententia fallit: Christ to disciples A10.608 (nec te sententia fallit)Jupiter to Juno Jupiter tells Juno that her judgment is not wrong: Venus is sustaining the Trojans in battle.Jupiter323&A1.260 (neque me sententia vertit)Jupiter to Venus Jupiter reassures Venus that his plans for the Trojans have not changed.598a unum pro multis dabitur caput. Christ to disciples A5.815 Neptune to VenusNeptune to Venus: Only one man will be lost. Palinurus598b haec ita fatus Christ A10.594 A. to Lucagus A. speaks mockingly to the dead Lucagus.599a conticuit Christ A3.718 A. A., having told his tale to the Carthaginians, falls silent.OR A6.54 Sibyl Sibyl, having told A. to pray, falls silent.599b seramque dedit per membra quietam.Christ A8.30 A. A., troubled by the declaration of war in Latium, at last falls asleep (and dreams of Tiberinus).Crucifixion600 Oceanum interea surgens Aurora reliquit.Sun A4.129 Carthagian hunting partyAs the sun rises, a Carthaginian hunting party sets out.OR A11.1 Day after battle The sun rises on the day after the battle and Pallas' death.601a iamque sacerdotes Hostile crowd A8.281 Arcadian priests The priests, as evening approaches, start a "second course" of the feast/sacrifice.Hercules601b late loca questibus implent Hostile crowd G4.515 [implet] Orpheus/nightingale (simile)Orpheus is compared to a grieving nightingale who has lost her chicks.602a^ cum populo patribus Hostile crowd A8.679 (cum patribus populoque)Augustus Caesar Augustus stands in the high stern of a boat leading the people to war (Battle of Actium).602b ferturque per agmina murmur: Hostile crowd A12.239 [ferturque > serpitque]Juturna/the RutuliansJuturna encourages the Rutulians to break the treaty.603–604a quod genus hoc hominum, quaeve hunc tam barbara moremHostile crowd A1.539–40 Ilioneus to Dido Ilioneus demands of Dido: What barbarity is this, that we are denied the hospitality of the shore?permittit patria?604b poenas cum sanguine poscunt Hostile crowd A2.72 Sinon's tale Sinon relates: The Greeks sought my blood. Sinon605a undique collecti Hostile crowd A2.414 Greeks The Greeks (having captured Cassandra) charge at the Trojans in fury for daring to take her away.Hostile crowd OR A7.582 Latins The Latin men whose women/mothers were calling on Bacchus join together, calling for war.324605b# et magno clamore secuntur Hostile crowd A10.799 (magno clamore sequuntur)Lausus' friends Lausus rushes into the fight to save his father; his companions follow with great shouts.Hostile crowd & A5.207 (et magno clamore morantur)Sergestus' crew His ship having been caught on the rocks, Sergestus' sailors leap up with great shouts.606a insontem Hostile crowd/ChristA2.84 Palamedes (in Sinon's tale)The Greeks put Palamedes to death on false charges of treason for opposing the war.Palamedes606b saevitque animis ignobile vulgus.Hostile crowd A1.149 An angry crowd (simile)The raging winds are compared to an angry crowd.Neptune607 sol medium caeli conscenderat igneus orbem,Sun A8.97 A. A. and his companions arrive at Pallantium in the middle of the day.608a cum subito Hostile crowd A1.509 A./the lost TrojansA. suddenly sees (nearly) all the Trojans lost at sea (with the exception of Orontes' ship).Hostile crowd OR A1.535 Ilioneus/storm Ilioneus describes the sudden onset of the storm.NeptuneHostile crowd OR A3.590 Achaemenides Achaemenides suddenly appears out of the forest.608b–609a acciri omnes populusque patresqueHostile crowd A9.192–3 Nisus to Euryalus Nisus: the army and the people demand that A. be summoned.exposcunt609b# farique iubent, quo sanguine cretusHostile crowd A11.240 (fari iubet) King Latinus/Latin ambassadorsKing Latinus orders the ambassadors (to Diomedes) to relay their message.Hostile crowd & A2.74 (fari quo sanguine cretus)Trojans to Sinon The Trojans demand of Sinon: Tell us of what blood you come.Sinon610a quidve petat quidve ipse ferat. Hostile crowd A10.150 A. to Tarcon A. persuades the Tuscan king Tarchon to join with him.610b–611a praeclara tuentes Hostile crowd A10.397–8 Arcadians/Pallas A mixture of sadness and shame at Pallas' deeds urges the Arcadians on against their enemy.Pallasfacta viri mixtus dolor et611b stupor urguet inertes Hostile crowd G3.523 Bullock dying of plagueThe bullock dying of plague: his eyes are seized by a stupor.612a (nescia mens hominum!) Hostile crowd A10.501 Human mind The human mind is ignorant of future things and, when lifted up, cannot keep to limits.Pallas325612b certantque inludere capto. Hostile crowd/ChristA2.64 Trojan youths/SinonThe Trojan youths mock the captive Sinon for sport.Sinon613a tum vero Hostile crowd A7.519 Farmers of LatiumThe farmers of Latium rush to answer the call to war, seizing arms.613b raptis concurrunt undique telis; Hostile crowd A7.520 Farmers of LatiumThe farmers of Latium rush to answer the call to war, seizing arms.614# tollitur in caelum clamor cunctique repenteHostile crowd A11.745 (tollitur in caelum clamor cunctique)Latins The Latins all turn to Tarchon daringly carrying Venulus off.Hostile crowd & A1.594 (cunctisque repente)A. Aeneas, suddenly revealed out of the mist and made godlike by Venus, addresses Dido.615 corripuere sacram effigiem manibusque cruentisHostile crowd/ChristA2.167 Diomedes/Ulysses (in Sinon's tale)Diomedes and Ulysses carry off the sacred statue of Athena from Troy.616 ingentem quercum, decisis undique ramis,Hostile crowd A11.5 Oak trunk (trophy to Mars)A. sets up a giant oak trunk, its branches lopped off and with the captured arms fastened to it, as a trophy to Mars.617a constituunt Hostile crowd A6.217 Misenus' pyre The Trojans set up a giant pyre for Misenus, covered with his arms.617b spirisque ligant ingentibus Hostile crowd/ChristA2.217 Serpents/LaocoönThe serpents twist around Laocoön, trapping him and rendering him motionless.Laocoön617c ipsum Hostile crowd/ChristMany places618a tendebantque manus Hostile crowd/ChristA6.314 Spirits near the AcheronThe crowds of spirits stretch out their hands, longing to cross the Acheron.618b pedibus per mutua nexis, Hostile crowd/ChristA7.66 Bees The swarm of bees, their feet intertwined, hangs down from the branch.619a triste ministerium, Hostile crowd A6.223 Trojans carrying Misenus' bierA group of Trojans carry Misenus' bier.619b sequitur quos cetera pubes, Hostile crowd A5.74 Young Trojan menThe young Trojan men follow A. in wreathing their brows with myrtle (in honour of the dead Anchises)620 ausi omnes inmane nefas ausoque potiti.Hostile crowd A6.624 Spirits punished in TartarusThey all dared horrible crimes and succeeded in what they dared.326621a ille autem inpavidus: Christ A10.717 Boar (simile for Mezentius)"Just as a wild boar halts, unafraid, turning in every direction...and shaking the spears from its hide..."621b quo vincula nectitis? -- inquit -- Christ to hostile crowdE6.23 Silenus Silenus laughingly (or smiling) asks: Why are you binding me? I'll sing the song you want.Silenus622 tantane vos generis tenuit fiducia vestri?Christ to hostile crowdA1.132 Neptune to the windsNeptune to the winds: Do you have so much confidence in your ancestry?Neptune623 post mihi non simili poena commissa luetis.Christ to hostile crowdA1.136 Neptune to the windsNeptune to the winds: You will later atone with a very different punishment.Neptune624 talia perstabat memorans fixusque manebat.Christ A2.650 Anchises Anchises tells A.: Escape while you can; I will die here.Aftermath of Crucifixion625–626a interea magno misceri murmure caelumSky A4.160–1 Storm A storm blows up during the Carthaginian/Trojan hunting trip.incipit626b et rebus nox abstulit atra coloremSky A6.272 Underworld/night (simile)A. and the Sibyl travel through the Underworld, dark and colourless as night.627 impiaque aeternam timuerunt saecula noctem.Sky G1.468 Rome after Caesar's deathRome, after Caesar's death, feared eternal night (since the sun was eclipsed).628–629a terra tremit, fugere ferae et mortalia cordaEarth/onlookers G1.330–1 Lightning storm In a lightning storm the ground shakes, and both wild animals and people are afraid.per gentes humilis stravit pavor:629b inde repente Earth A8.238 Hercules Hercules tears away the pinnacle of flint, revealing Cacus' realm.Hercules630a dat tellus gemitum et Earth A9.709 Bitias Slain by Turnus' javelin, Bitias falls and the ground groans under him.630b caelum tonat omne fragore. Sky A9.541 Turret collapsing A turret in the Trojans' tower collapses, killing most of those inside, and the sky echoes with the noise.631a extemplo Spirits in underworldMany places327631b–632a commotae Erebi de sedibus imisSpirits in underworldG4.471–2 Spirits in Hades The spirits in Hades are disturbed by Orpheus' song.Orpheusumbrae ibant tenues.632b tellus quoque et aequore ponti Earth/Sea G1.469 Earth and Sea Earth and Sea, along with the sky, gave portents after Caesar's death.633a signa dabant: Earth/Sea G1.471 Earth, Sea, dogs, birdsEarth, Sea, dogs, and birds all gave portents after Caesar's death.633b sistunt amnes terraeque dehiscunt.Earth/Sea G1.479 Rivers/Earth Rivers stopped and earth split after Caesar's death.634–635a quin ipsae stupuere domus atque intima LetiUnderworld G4.481–2 Palace of Hades/TartarusEven the palace of Hades and innermost Tartarus are disturbed by Orpheus' song.OrpheusTartara635b et umbrosae penitus patuere cavernae.Underworld A8.242 Cacus' realm After Hercules tears the mountain away, Cacus' shadowy realm is exposed.Hercules636a sol quoque et exoriens Sun G1.438 Sun The sun gives signs at rising and setting.636b (cuncti se scire fatentur) Sun A11.344 Drances Drances attacks Turnus: all know what the public good requires.637 tum caput obscura nitidum ferrugine texit.Sun G1.467 [cum] The sun after Caesar's deathThe sun was eclipsed after Caesar's death.638 Diffugiunt comites et nocte teguntur opacaDisciples A4.123 [diffugient, tegentur]Juno to Venus Juno: when the storm arises, A.'s and Dido's companions will be scattered, leaving them alone.639# multaque dura suo tristi cum corde volutant.Disciples A8.522 (multaque dura suo triste cum corde putabat)A. and Achates A. and Achates are deep in thought concerning the difficulties before them.& A6.185 (atque haec ipse suo tristi cum corde volutat)A. A is deep in thought concerning Misenus' death (revealed by the Sibyl): how will he now find the Golden Bough?640# quid faciant? Disciples E3.16 (quid domini faciant)Menalcas to DamoetasMenalcas (jokingly): What will the masters do when thieves (such as you) do these things?& G1.1 (quid faciat) V. to the reader V: I'll begin to sing of what makes the fields happy...OR A9.399 (quid faciat)Narrator re Nisus Narrator: what is Nisus to do (as he sees E. being dragged off)?328640b–641 haerant infixi pectore vultus Disciples A4.4–5 Dido/A. A.'s appearance and words remain fixed within Dido's mind and she is restless.verbaque nec placidam membris dat cura quietem.642 tum senior tales referebat pectore voces,Disciples A5.409 Entellus/Dares Entellus replies to Dares' boxing challenge.643a multa putans: Disciples A6.332 A. A. pensively halts, thinking about the fate of those souls who cannot cross the Acheron.643b ubi nunc nobis deus ille magister?Disciples A5.391 Achestes to EntellusAchestes asks Entellus: Where is now your master Eryx (who trained you to box)?644 quem sequimur? quove ire iubes, ubi ponere sedes?Disciples A3.88 A. to Apollo's oracle at DelosA. asks: Where should we go/settle? Whom should we follow?645a o dolor atque decus, Disciples A10.507 Narrator to the slain PallasApostrophe: dramatic moment when the narrator addresses the slain Pallas.Pallas645b tantarum gloria rerum! Disciples A4.232 Jupiter, through Mercury, to A.Jupiter reproaches A. through Mercury: Are you not concerned for the glory of your future destiny?AeneasOR A4.272 Jupiter, through Mercury, to A.Jupiter reproaches A. through Mercury: Are you not concerned for the glory of your future destiny?Aeneas646a iam iam nulla mora est: Disciples A2.701 Anchises to A. Anchises, having seen the omen, gives in: he will leave Troy with A.Aeneas (?)646b et nos rape in omnia tecum, Disciples A2.675 Creusa to A. Creusa begs A.: Defend this house first; but if you go to die, take us with you.Aeneas (?)647a (oramus!) Disciples A1.525 Ilioneus to Dido Ilioneus begs Dido: Have mercy upon the shipwrecked Trojans.647b teque aspectu ne subtrahe nostro.Disciples A6.465 A. to Dido A. begs Dido's shade in the Underworld: don't turn away from me.Resurrection648a hos inter motus, Disciples A11.225 Trojan and Latin funeral pyresAs both the Trojans and Latins burn their dead, the (unsuccessful) ambassadors return from Diomedes' city.329648b media inter talia verba, Disciples A12.318 A. to the Trojans A is pleading with the Trojans not to fight, for a peace treaty has been made, when he is suddenly wounded by an arrow.649 tertia lux gelidam caelo dimoverat umbram:Sunrise A11.210 Trojan and Latin funeral pyresOn the third day after the pyres have been lit, the Trojans rake the ashes and bones together and bury them.650a iamque pedem referens Sunrise G4.485 Orpheus and Eurydice (in Proteus' story)Orpheus is returning to the upper world with Eurydice when he looks backward, losing her.Orpheus650b superas veniebat ad auras Sunrise G4.486 Orpheus and Eurydice (in Proteus' story)Orpheus is returning to the upper world with Eurydice when he looks backward, losing her.Orpheus651a cum subito Disciples A1.509 A./the Trojans lost in the stormA. suddenly spots the Trojans he had thought lost at sea.OR A1.535 Ilioneus to Dido Ilioneus recounts to Dido: A storm suddenly blew up.OR A3.590 Achaemenides Achaemenides suddenly steps out of the forest (three months after being abandoned there).651b# ante oculos ingenti mole sepulchrumDisciples/tomb A1.114 (ante oculos ingens)A. A large wave strikes Orontes' ship before A.'s very eyes.& A6.232 (ingenti mole sepulchrum)A./Misenus' tombA. places a large grave mound over Misenus' tomb.652a corpus ubi exanime positum Disciples/tomb A11.30 [exanimi] A./Pallas' body A. retraces his steps to the threshold where Pallas' body was laid.Pallas652b–653a (ne claustra nec ipsi Disciples/tomb A2.491–2 Priam's palace The doors and guards are insufficient to keep out the attacking Greeks.custodes sufferre valent)653b–654a avulsaque saxis Disciples/tomb A2.608–9 [vides] A./Venus/NeptuneVenus explains to A.: Where you see stones being ripped from one another, Neptune is attacking Troy.saxa vident,654b# laxis laterum conpagibus artis. Disciples/tomb A1.122 (laxis laterum compagibus)Trojan ships The Trojan ships begin to take on water.& A1.293 (compagibus artis)Gates of War The Gates of War will be closed (Jupiter's prophecy to Venus).330655 fit sonus: ingenti concussa est pondere tellus:Earthquake A9.752 Pandarus The earth shakes beneath Pandarus' weight as he is felled.656 horror ubique animo, simul ipsa silentia terrent.Disciples A2.755 A./Creusa A. searches for his vanished wife.657a ecce autem primi Birdsong A6.255 Sunrise The door to the Underworld is opened at sunrise.657b volucrum sub culmine cantus: Birdsong A8.456 Evander The dawn light and morning birdsong awaken the king Evander.658a ingreditur linquens antrum Christ A6.157 A. A. leaves the Sibyl's cave, having heard her prophecy.Aeneas658b spoliisque superbus Christ A8.202 Hercules Hercules, having slain Geryon, is driving his spoils (cattle) along.Hercules659a ibat ovans, Christ A6.589 Salmoneus Salmoneus, having dared to mimic Jupiter's thunder and demand worship, now languishes in Tartarus.659b pulsuque pedum tremit excita tellus,Christ A12.445 A. and companionsThe plain of battle shakes with the approach of the newly-healed A. and his companions.Aeneas660a vulneraque illa gerens Christ A2.278 Hector (slain) The slain Hector appears to A. in a dream, wearing his wounds.660b foribus sese intulit altis. Christ A11.36 A./Pallas A. enters the room where the slain Pallas is laid. PallasAscension661–662a atque hic ingentem comitum adfluxisse novorumChrist/disciples A2.796–7 [invenio] Trojan refugees A huge number of Trojan refugees have arrived at the Temple of Ceres.Aeneasinvenit admirans numerum662b–663 cunctisque repente Christ/disciples A1.594–5 A. A. suddenly appears out of the mist to the Carthaginians and Trojans.Aeneasinprovisus ait: coram, quem quaeritis, adsum.664a vicit iter durum pietas Christ to disciples A6.688 Anchises to A. Anchises is overjoyed: his son's piety has conquered the difficult way (to the Underworld).Aeneas664b et vivida virtus. Christ to disciples A5.754 [et > bello] Remaining TrojansHaving left behind some Trojans in the new city, the remaining Trojans, their virtue in war still alive, prepare to set out.331OR A11.386 [et > quid]Turnus to DrancesTurnus replies to Drances: you're free to try what courage can do.665a praecipites vigilate, viri: Christ to disciples A4.573 A. to his men A. orders his men to depart at once for fear of Dido's wrath.Aeneas665b timor omnis abesto. Christ to disciples A11.14 A. to his men After the battle, A. urges his men to put aside all fear; the next task is to attack the Latin city.Aeneas666–667a hi nostri reditus expectatique triumphi,Christ to disciples A11.54–5 A. mourns Pallas A., speaking ironically: are these our triumphs and my faith to your father?haec mea magna fides.667b o terque quaterque beati, Christ to disciples A1.94 A. A., speaking rhetorically: O blessed ones who died at Troy (rather than at sea)!668–669a quae vobis, quae digna, viri, pro laudibus istisChrist to disciples A9.252–3 Aletes to Euryalus/NisusAletes: what reward could I give you (for agreeing to conduct this midnight raid)?praemia posse rear solvi,669b quae dona parari? Christ to disciples E6.79 [pararit] Philomela Philomela prepares a meal of her son's flesh for Tereus in revenge.670a accipite ergo animis: Christ to disciples A3.250 Celaeno to TrojansCelaeno proclaims a horrifying prophecy to the Trojans.OR A10.104 Jupiter to other godsJupiter tells the quarrelling gods to accept his decree.Jupiter670b–671–672aquae vos a stirpe parentum Christ to disciples A3.94–5–6 Phoebus to the TrojansPhoebus tells the Trojans: the same land that gave birth to their race will receive them again.Apolloprima tulit tellus, eadem vos ubere laetoaccipiet.672b–673a revocate animos maestumque timoremChrist to disciples A1.202–3 A. to his men A. exhorts his men, after the sea storm, to have courage and look to the future.Aeneasmittite673b et vosmet rebus servate secundis.Christ to disciples A1.207 A. to his men A. exhorts his men, after the sea storm, to have courage and look to the future.Aeneas674a quod superest, laeti bene gestis Christ to disciples A9.157 Turnus to his men Turnus to his men: Refresh yourselves and look forward to the battle tomorrow.674b ordine Christ to disciples Many places332674c rebus Christ to disciples A9.157 Turnus to his men Turnus to his men: Refresh yourselves and look forward to the battle tomorrow.675a pacem orate manu, Christ to disciples A10.80 [orare] Juno (about the Trojans)Juno rages in the council of the gods about the Trojans' deceptiveness (offering peace while preparing war).675b pacem laudate sedentes, Christ to disciples A11.460 Turnus Turnus to the Latins: You, seated, praise peace while the Trojans are already attacking us.676a magnanimi; Christ to disciples A6.649 Spirits in the Elysian fieldsA. and the Sibyl see the spirits of great-souled heroes in the Elysian fields.OR A12.144 Juno to Juturna Juno: I've preferred you to all the Latin girls who've come to great-hearted Jupiter's couch...OR A12.878 Juturna to self Juturna mourns but recognizes the decree of great-hearted Jupiter.676b pacis solum inviolabile pignus. Christ to disciples A11.363 Drances to TurnusDrances: We all ask you, Turnus, for peace, and for the inviolable pledge of peace (giving up Lavinia).677a et simul his dictis faciem ostendebat etChrist/disciples A5.357 Nisus Nisus, having fallen in the footrace, shows the Trojans his mud-smeared face.677b–678a ora, Christ/disciples A6.495–6 Deiphobus (appearing to A.)The spirit of Deiphobus shows A. his ravaged body.ora manusque ambas populataque678b pectora ferro: Christ/disciples A1.355 Sychaeus (appearing to D.)The spirit of Sychaeus appears to Dido and shows her how he was killed by her brother.679a immiscentque manus manibus Christ/disciples A5.429 Entellus and DaresEntellus and Dares spar in the boxing contest, hand to hand.679b gaudentque tuentes. Christ/disciples A5.575 Trojans/horseback youthsThe Trojans rejoice in looking on the faces of the horseback youths; they see their parents in them.680–681a nec vidisse semel satis est: iuvat usque morariChrist/disciples A6.487–8 Trojan warriors' spirits/A.The spirits of the Trojan warriors rejoice in walking with A. and speaking to him.Aeneaset conferre gradum et681b dextrae coniungere dextram. Christ/disciples A8.164 Evander/AnchisesEvander remembers Anchises' visit: he longed to clasp his hand and speak with him.333682a his demum exactis Christ A6.637 A. A. fulfils the ritual observance to Persephone by planting the Golden Bough in the gates to the Elysian fields.Aeneas682b spirantes dimovet auras: Christ A9.645 Apollo to AscaniusApollo descends from heaven to congratulate Ascanius and to tell him to withdraw from the rest of the battle.Apollo683a aera per tenerum Christ A9.699 Turnus' spear Turnus' spear flies through the air, slaying Antiphates.683b caeloque invectus aperto Christ A1.155 Neptune Neptune, carried in his chariot, travels through the (now) clear sky.Neptune684 mortales visus medio in sermone reliquit:Christ A4.277 Mercury Mercury, having delivered his message, vanishes in the midst of speaking.Mercury685a atque illum Christ G1.203 A boat on the river (simile)V: All things revert to the worse, just like a boat that slips downriver when you stop rowing.OR A1.227 Jupiter (addressed by Venus)Venus addresses Jupiter out of concern for the shipwrecked Trojans and their promised destiny.685b–686a solio stellantis regia caeli Christ A7.210–11 Dardanus (described by King Latinus)King Latinus relates: Dardanus, son of Jupiter, voyaging from Latium, founded his settlement in the Troad and was later divinized.Dardanusaccipit686b aeternumque tenet per saecula nomen.Christ A6.235 Mountain (named after Misenus)The nearby mountain was named after Misenus and has kept its name through the centuries.687a–688a ex illo celebratus honos, laetique minoresThe church A8.268 Hercules' rites Because of Hercules' victory over Cacus, the people (especially youths) of Arcadia celebrate his rites to this day.Herculesservavere diem688b tot iam labentibus annis. The church A2.14 Years of Trojan warAfter many years of war have slipped by, the Greeks build a massive horse.Epilogue689a i decus, i nostrum, Christ A6.546 Deiphobus to A. Deiphobus to A.: "Go on, our glory." Aeneas689b tantarum gloria rerum, Christ A4.232 Jupiter, through Mercury, to A.Jupiter reproaches A. through Mercury: Are you not concerned for the glory of your future destiny?Aeneas334OR A4.272 Jupiter, through Mercury, to A.Jupiter reproaches A. through Mercury: Are you not concerned for the glory of your future destiny?690 et nos et tua dexter adi pede sacra secundoChrist/church A8.302 Evander to HerculesEvander: "Visit us and your rites favourably, with fortunate step/foot."Hercules691 annua, quae differre nefas. Celebrate faventesChrist/church A8.173 Evander to A. Evander urges A. and his men to join them in celebrating the ritual to Hercules.Hercules692 hunc, socii, morem sacrorum: hunc ipse teneto,Proba's comradesA3.408 Helenus to A. Helenus urges A. to adopt a certain mode of sacrifice (Roman custom vs. Greek) and pass it down to descendants: to veil his face/hair in purple robes.693a o dulcis coniunx, Proba's spouse A2.777 Creusa's spirit to A.Creusa's spirit speaks to A.: Why look for me? I have perished.693b et, si pietate meremur, Proba's descendants/posterityA2.690 Anchises to JupiterAnchises to Jupiter: If we so merit, please look upon us and send help.Jupiter694 hac casti maneant in religione nepotes.Proba's descendants/posterityA3.409 Helenus to A. Helenus urges A. to adopt a certain mode of sacrifice (Roman custom vs. Greek) and pass it down to descendants: to veil his face/hair in purple robes.335
Thesis/Dissertation
eng
Classics
Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library
Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International
Graduate
Griffin, Michael J. (Michael James), 1982-
Cullhed, Sigrid Schottenius
Hermeneutical strategies and interpretatio Christiana in Proba's Cento Vergilianus de laudibus Christi
Text