Arts, Faculty of
Information, School of
DSpace
UBCV
Mohammadkhani, Maryam
Master of Arts - MA
University of British Columbia
This thesis investigates the visual representation of ideological transformation in Iranian children’s picturebooks published by Kānoon-e Parvaresh-e Fekri-e Koodakān va Nojavānān, a state-funded cultural institution that operated under the authority of the ruling regime both before and after the 1979 Iranian Revolution. Focusing on a pivotal twenty-year period (1969–1989), the study explores how illustrations in these books reflect and construct cultural hegemony across two contrasting political systems: the secular nationalism of the Pahlavi monarchy and the religious ideology of the Islamic Republic. Guided by Antonio Gramsci’s theory of cultural hegemony and employing Kathy Short’s model of critical content analysis, the research conducts a close visual and ideological reading of four focal Persian texts supplemented by the analysis of 36 additional illustrations drawn from Kānoon’s archive. The study is structured around three interrelated thematic inquiries: (1) how visual narratives articulate ideological and political messages, (2) how representations of cultural identity and heritage shift across regimes, and (3) how gender roles and social dynamics are visually constructed and communicated to young readers. Findings reveal that illustrations in Kānoon books function as ideological artifacts, closely aligned with the dominant political discourses of their respective periods. During the Pahlavi era, visual narratives foregrounded Persian myth, pre-Islamic heritage, and national unity, often through grand historical or heroic imagery. In contrast, post-revolutionary publications exhibit a marked shift toward Islamic symbolism, revolutionary iconography, and visual codes reinforcing modesty, piety, and domesticity—particularly in the portrayal of female characters, who transition from unveiled and public to veiled and domestic figures. By situating Iranian picturebooks within a broader framework of cultural production and state ideology, this study illuminates the ways in which visual storytelling serves as a subtle yet powerful vehicle of hegemonic transmission. It offers a rare English-language analysis of Iranian visual culture in children’s literature across a major sociopolitical rupture and contributes to the growing discourse on visual literacy, childhood education, and the politicization of cultural artifacts. Ultimately, it argues that picturebooks are not merely artistic or educational tools, but strategic instruments in shaping ideological consciousness in young audiences.
Revolution in Imagery: Visual Representation of Hegemony in Iranian Illustrated Books Before and After the 1979 Revolution by Maryam Mohammadkhani B.A., University of Tehran, 2010 M.A., University of Tehran, 2013 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS In THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE AND POSTDOCTORAL STUDIES (Children’s Literature) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver) April 2025 © Maryam Mohammadkhani, 2025 ii The following individuals certify that they have read, and recommend to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies for acceptance, the thesis entitled: Revolution in Imagery: Visual Representation of Hegemony in Iranian Illustrated Books Before and After the 1979 Revolution submitted by Maryam Mohammadkhani in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Children’s Literature Examining Committee: Dr. Theresa Rogers, Professor, Department of Language and Literacy Education, UBC Supervisor Dr. Kathryn Shoemaker, Adjunct Professor, School of Information, UBC UBC Co-supervisor iii Abstract This thesis investigates the visual representation of ideological transformation in Iranian children’s picturebooks published by Kānoon-e Parvaresh-e Fekri-e Koodakān va Nojavānān (The Institute for the Intellectual Development of Children and Young Adults), a state-funded cultural institution that operated under the authority of the ruling regime both before and after the 1979 Iranian Revolution. Focusing on a pivotal twenty-year period (1969–1989), the study explores how illustrations in these books reflect and construct cultural hegemony across two contrasting political systems: the secular nationalism of the Pahlavi monarchy and the religious ideology of the Islamic Republic. Guided by Antonio Gramsci’s theory of cultural hegemony and employing Kathy Short’s model of critical content analysis, the research conducts a close visual and ideological reading of four focal Persian texts—Bozī Ke Gom Shod (The Lost Goat), Gordafarīd, Āy Ibrahim (Oh, Ibrahim), and Khāneh-ye Hāj Rahīm Āghā Kojāst (Where Is the House of Haj Rahim Agha?)—supplemented by the analysis of 36 additional illustrations drawn from Kānoon’s archive. The study is structured around three interrelated thematic inquiries: (1) how visual narratives articulate ideological and political messages, (2) how representations of cultural identity and heritage shift across regimes, and (3) how gender roles and social dynamics are visually constructed and communicated to young readers. Findings reveal that illustrations in Kānoon books function as ideological artifacts, closely aligned with the dominant political discourses of their respective periods. During the Pahlavi era, visual narratives foregrounded Persian myth, pre-Islamic heritage, and national unity, often through grand historical or heroic imagery. In contrast, post-revolutionary publications exhibit a marked shift toward Islamic symbolism, revolutionary iconography, and visual codes reinforcing modesty, piety, and domesticity—particularly in the portrayal of female characters, who transition from unveiled and public to veiled and domestic figures. By situating Iranian picturebooks within a broader framework of cultural production and state ideology, this study illuminates the ways in which visual storytelling serves as a subtle yet powerful vehicle of hegemonic transmission. It offers a rare English-language analysis of Iranian visual culture in children’s literature across a major sociopolitical rupture and contributes to the growing discourse on visual literacy, childhood education, and the politicization of cultural iv artifacts. Ultimately, it argues that picturebooks are not merely artistic or educational tools, but strategic instruments in shaping ideological consciousness in young audiences. v Lay Summary This research looks at how children’s picturebooks published in Iran before and after the 1979 Revolution reflect changes in political and cultural ideas. It focuses on books from a government-funded organization called Kānoon, which made many popular and visually rich storybooks for children between 1969 and 1989. This study uses a critical lens to examine how illustrations in these books reflected, and in many cases reinforced, the values of the ruling government—first under the Shah and later under the Islamic Republic. By analyzing four key books and dozens of additional images, the research shows how the pictures encouraged certain ideas about identity, religion, gender roles, and the nation’s history. This research helps us understand how children’s books are not just for fun or education—they also teach values and shape how children see the world. It shows that pictures in books can carry powerful messages about culture, politics, and identity, even if those messages are not always obvious. vi Preface This thesis is the original, unpublished, and independent work of the author, Maryam Mohammadkhani. It has not been submitted previously for any degree or diploma at any other university. I used generative artificial intelligence (AI), specifically ChatGPT, solely for grammar editing during the preparation of this thesis. All edits were reviewed and revised by me, and no AI tools were used for content generation, data analysis, or interpretation. vii Table of Contents Abstract ....................................................................................................................................................... iii Lay Summary .............................................................................................................................................. v Preface ......................................................................................................................................................... vi Table of Contents ...................................................................................................................................... vii List of Figures ............................................................................................................................................. ix Acknowledgement ...................................................................................................................................... xi Chapter 1: Foundations of the Study ........................................................................................................ 1 1.1 Introduction ......................................................................................................................................... 1 1.2 Theoretical Framework ....................................................................................................................... 4 1.3 Socio-political Context of Study ......................................................................................................... 6 A) The Middle of The Qajar Period And The Constitutional Movement (1905-1925) ........................ 6 B) Reza Shah Pahlavi (1925-1941) ....................................................................................................... 7 C) Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi (1941-1979) .................................................................................. 8 D) Islamic Republic of Iran (1979-1989)............................................................................................ 10 Chapter 2: Literature Review .................................................................................................................. 13 2.1 Intersections of Power ....................................................................................................................... 13 2.2 Kānoon Chronicles ............................................................................................................................ 17 2.3 Visual Narratives of Change ............................................................................................................. 29 Chapter 3: Methodology ........................................................................................................................... 32 3.1 Critical Content Analysis .................................................................................................................. 32 3.2 Selected Works and Rationale .......................................................................................................... 34 Chapter 4: Visual Analysis ....................................................................................................................... 36 4.1 Guiding Research Questions ............................................................................................................. 36 4.2 Picturebooks’ Analysis ..................................................................................................................... 37 A) Bozī Ke Gom Shod ......................................................................................................................... 40 B) Gordafarīd ..................................................................................................................................... 48 C) Āy Ibrahim ..................................................................................................................................... 55 D) Khāneh-ye Hāj Rahīm Āghā Kojāst? ............................................................................................. 62 Chapter 5: Conclusion .............................................................................................................................. 70 5.1 Key Findings ..................................................................................................................................... 70 5.2 Significance and Broader Implications ............................................................................................. 74 viii 5.3 Future Research Directions ............................................................................................................... 75 5.4 Final Thoughts .................................................................................................................................. 76 Works Cited ............................................................................................................................................... 78 Appendix .................................................................................................................................................... 88 A) Pre-Revolutionary Period (1969-1979).......................................................................................... 94 B) Post-Revolutionary Period (1979-1989) ...................................................................................... 117 ix List of Figures Figure 1: Bozī Ke Gom Shod, Pages 22 and 23............................................................................. 41 Figure 2: Gordafarīd, page 18 ...................................................................................................... 52 Figure 3: Āy Ibrahim, pages 10 and 11 ......................................................................................... 58 Figure 4: Khāneh-ye Hāj Rahīm Āghā Kojāst?, pages 10 and 11 ................................................ 64 Figure 5: Gol Ūmad Bahār Ūmad, pages 12-13 ........................................................................... 95 Figure 6: Khorshīd Khānom, pages 10-11 .................................................................................... 96 Figure 7: Ghahremān, np .............................................................................................................. 98 Figure 8: Rāz-e Kalameh-hā, page 12........................................................................................... 99 Figure 9: Shahr-e Mārān , page 23 ............................................................................................. 100 Figure 10: Sargozasht-e Keshvar-e Kūchak, pages 12-13 .......................................................... 101 Figure 11: Hefāīstos, np .............................................................................................................. 102 Figure 12: Zāl Va Sīmorgh, pages 22-23 .................................................................................... 103 Figure 13: Pesarak-e Cheshm-Ābī, np ........................................................................................ 105 Figure 14: Ghesse-ye Golhā-ye Ghālī, np................................................................................... 106 Figure 15: Vaghtī Ke Man Bacheh Būdam, np ........................................................................... 107 Figure 16: Mārmūlak-e Kūchak-e Otāgh-e Man, pages 12-13 ................................................... 108 Figure 17: Sībū Va Sār Kūchūlū, pages 14-15 ............................................................................ 110 Figure 18: Chūpān-e Daryāyī, page 4 ......................................................................................... 111 Figure 19: Haft-Khān-e Rostam, page 13 ................................................................................... 112 Figure 20: Ghesse-ye Dūstī, pages 14-15 ................................................................................... 113 Figure 21: Kazhāl, page 19 ......................................................................................................... 115 Figure 22: Ketāb-e Tūkā, np ....................................................................................................... 116 Figure 23: Ghānūn-e Avval, pages 8-9 ....................................................................................... 118 Figure 24: Tūtī, page 8 ................................................................................................................ 119 Figure 25: Shokūh-e Shahādat, np .............................................................................................. 120 Figure 26: Chīye Bābā Jūn Gom Shodī?, np............................................................................... 121 Figure 27: Bāzgasht, np .............................................................................................................. 122 Figure 28: Teshne-ye Dīdār, pages 10-11 ................................................................................... 123 Figure 29: Beshno Az Ney, np ..................................................................................................... 124 x Figure 30: Inak Sarzamin-e Hejr, np .......................................................................................... 125 Figure 31: Khāneh-ye Chūb Kebrītī, page 15 ............................................................................. 127 Figure 32: Mājarā-ye Ahmad va Nīnī Kūchūlū, pages 30-31 ..................................................... 128 Figure 33: Vāl’ādiyāt- pages 14-15 ............................................................................................ 129 Figure 34: Salām, np ................................................................................................................... 131 Figure 35: Mājarā-ye Ahmad va Sārā, pages 24-25 ................................................................... 132 Figure 36: Mājarā-ye Ahmad va Sā’at, pages 30-31 .................................................................. 133 Figure 37: Zībātarīn Āvāz, np ..................................................................................................... 134 Figure 38: Vaghtī Bahār Āmad, pages 22-23.............................................................................. 135 Figure 39: Yek Sobh-e Pāyīzī, pages 6-7 ..................................................................................... 136 Figure 40: Yūnes, pages 14-15 .................................................................................................... 137 xi Acknowledgement I would like to express my deepest gratitude to my co-supervisors, Dr. Theresa Rogers and Dr. Kathie Shoemaker, whose insightful guidance and thoughtful feedback helped me shape and deepen my ideas throughout this project. Their generosity, encouragement, and shared knowledge made every step of the process both intellectually rewarding and personally meaningful. I truly enjoyed the journey because I was fortunate to be supported by such generous and inspiring mentors. I am also thankful to the faculty and students of the MACL program at UBC for fostering such a welcoming and intellectually rich environment. In particular, I would like to thank my wonderful cohorts, whose generous friendship helped me feel at home in Vancouver and made the experience of studying abroad warmer and more joyful. My heartfelt thanks go to my family back home and to my husband, Sadegh, here, whose unwavering support sustained me from the very beginning of this journey. Their belief in me made it possible to pursue my studies far from my home country. I would also like to acknowledge the wonderful librarians at Kānoon’s central library in Tehran. During a brief research trip, they welcomed me with kindness and went out of their way to help me find valuable resources. Their support—offering time, space, and even refreshments—was a memorable and meaningful part of this project. To all those who supported me along the way, directly or indirectly, thank you. 1 Chapter 1: Foundations of the Study 1.1 Introduction This study investigates the visual representations within Iranian illustrated books from 1969 to 1989, published by Kānoon-e Parvaresh-e Fekri-e Koodakān va Nojavānān (the Institute for the Intellectual Development of Children and Young Adults – hereafter, Kānoon) a notable cultural institution for children and adolescents in Iran. The examination revolves around questions related to alterations in visual elements in Kānoon illustrated books before and after the 1979 Iranian revolution to explore how political and societal changes are reflected in children’s book illustrations. Kānoon, founded in the late 1960s by the Pahlavi monarchy, predates the 1979 revolution and has resiliently sustained its operations post-revolution amidst the closure of many Pahlavi-initiated cultural entities. Kānoon aimed to provide high-quality educational resources for Iranian children. Prior to Kānoon, children’s literature in Iran often lacked breadth and novelty, with children’s books mostly being didactic, lacking aesthetic appeal, or consisting of translations from other languages. In this context, Kānoon’s establishment marked a new era for Iranian children’s literature. Kānoon’s influence extends across Iran, with many libraries housing the country’s most popular children’s books, which Kānoon itself published. In addition to the books themselves, “through vibrant centers with specialized libraries and arts instruction, Kānoon created welcoming spaces for children to read books, watch movies, and engage in artistic and creative activities, significantly impacting on children’s education and cultural involvement in Iran” (Moezi Moghadam, np). This enduring legacy is characterized by the collaboration of distinguished writers and illustrators in Iranian children’s literature preceding and following the Revolution, all of whom played a pivotal role in transmitting children’s literature heritage in Iran. The 1979 revolution brought political and social change and ushered in a new set of cultural values, impacting institutions like Kānoon. One such transformation post-revolution in Iran is the increased visibility of Islamic values, such as the hijab, in public imagery. Post-revolution official documents regarding Kānoon highlight its mission after the 1979 revolution “to facilitate 2 children and adolescents’ intellectual and aesthetic development, nurturing their talents within Islamic education and values” (Iranian Parliament Website). An analysis of the revolution’s effects and ideological system is indispensable for a nuanced understanding of the landscape of cultural representations in Iranian children’s literature before and after the 1979 revolution. According to Lawrence R. Sipe (2011), any system of signs, such as language and visual representations, inherently carries ideology. Therefore, “one of the aspects of the art of the picturebook that we must address is how the modes of representation in picturebooks are necessarily freighted with sociocultural and political significance” (224). The study employs the theoretical framework of Antonio Gramsci’s (1891–1937) hegemony concept to analyze the visual elements of picturebooks, specifically their illustrations. In his view, hegemony is a set of ideas that helps political power shape and maintain power by making these ideas an "organic ideology" or "common world-view". "The common world-view includes ideological elements from various sources, unified by a principle provided by the hegemonic class," accepted by most people in society without military force but by consent (Mouffe 193). Picturebooks are crucial in shaping readers’ ideological orientations and immersing them in prevailing discourses (Sarland 71–72). Considering Kānoon was under the authorities’ supervision before and after the 1979 revolution, this study argues that the visual elements, specifically the illustrations of the picturebooks Kānoon published in Iran conveyed the views of the ruling class and reflected their hegemony. Analyzing the illustrations of Kānoon picturebooks from the 1970s and 1980s holds significant potential for illustrating how cultural and societal changes of that era were visually depicted within Iranian picturebooks. This study uses critical content analysis as a method to investigate cultural and societal atmosphere and the hegemony embedded within the illustrations during these decades. The first chapter contains three sections: Introduction, Theoretical Framework, and Socio-political Context of Study. The "Theoretical Framework" section discusses the significance of cultural studies in analyzing socio-political changes in Iranian picturebooks and explains Gramsci’s work on the theory of cultural hegemony and the last part is dedicated to “Socio-political Context of Study” which outlines Iran’s political and social landscape over the past century and two decades across four distinct periods: the Middle of The Qajar Period and The Constitutional Movement (1905-1925), Reza Shah Pahlavi (1925-1941), Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi (1941-1979), and the Islamic Republic of Iran (1979-1989). The context provided 3 enables the reader to understand the historical and social context in which the books are analyzed. The second chapter is "Literature Review," divided into “Intersections of Power,” “Kānoon Chronicle,” and “Visual Narratives of Change”. The first part introduces scholarly English language works focusing on children’s literature and cultural hegemony. It also discusses scholarly articles, theses, and books that investigate Iranian children’s literature regarding the socio-political context of Iran. The “Kānoon Chronicle” starts with a comprehensive introduction to the history of Kānoon and the hegemony that governs it, with various references, and then introduces the works dedicated to Kānoon and its published books. The last section of the literature review, "Visual Narratives of Change," explores Persian scholarly works that contributed to investigating changes in visual elements in Iranian picturebooks during different decades. The subsequent chapter, "Methodology," introduces critical content analysis and involves steps inspired by Short’s critical content analysis model used to uncover and analyze the meaning embedded within the visual elements of Iranian picturebooks. In the second part of this chapter, the process of selecting focal texts is explained. The first section of Chapter Four, "Guiding Research Questions," presents key questions organized into three analytical categories: "Ideological Narratives," "Cultural Identity and Heritage," and "Social Dynamics and Gender Roles". These questions guide the critical content analysis and systematically explore how cultural hegemony is represented in Iranian picturebooks from 1969 to 1989. The "Picturebooks’ Analysis" section follows, providing a detailed examination of the visual and narrative elements in four selected picturebooks—Bozī Ke Gom Shod, Gordafarīd, Āy Ibrahim, and Khāneh-ye Hāj Rahīm Āghā Kojāst. This section focuses on how themes such as ideology, cultural identity, and social dynamics are depicted and how they collectively reflect hegemonic discourse in Iranian society during this period. The final sections include the "Conclusion," where I summarize my findings, discuss the significance and broader implications of my research, and outline future research directions. The Appendix contains brief analyses of 36 images from 36 different books. Lastly, the "Resources" section lists the references used throughout the study. 4 1.2 Theoretical Framework This study employs the theoretical framework of Antonio Gramsci’s hegemony theory from cultural studies along with critical content analysis methodology to investigate the dynamic role of children’s literature, particularly picturebooks, in reflecting societal changes in Iran one decade before and one decade after the 1979 revolution. Cultural studies, broadly, provides a lens to delve into evolving societal changes and shifts in Iranian picturebooks. The concept that "plays a seminal role" in cultural studies is cultural hegemony, which is the central framework of this study (Hall 23). Cultural hegemony involves the construction of a collective experience through the development of values and worldviews. Hegemony, as quoted by Giardina (2012), encompasses varied techniques employed by ruling classes to secure the consent of their subordinates, fostering consensus and social stability within a society (2)—the concept of hegemony theorized by Gramsci. Gramsci was an Italian Marxist theoretician who gave up his studies in linguistics at the University of Turin to pursue his passion as a politician. He joined the Italian Socialist Party in 1913 and started his political journalism career in socialist magazines. He became a member of the Central Committee of the Italian Communist Party in 1921. In 1926, he was arrested because of his revolutionary activities against Fascism in Italy and spent the remainder of his life in prison. His famous work, the Prison Notebooks, encompasses various topics related to human sciences, including hegemony, which remains a core concept (Hoare and Sperber 2-23). Gramsci’s analysis reveals how societal hegemonies are established by the mainstream and privileged, shaping belief systems, values, and perceptions to become accepted cultural norms (Ong 53). The concept of cultural hegemony encompasses one group’s economic, social, and political dominance over another, a process that is often reflected in children’s literature (Boulard 25). When discussing the hegemonic influences on children’s literature, one cannot ignore the essence of children’s literature and the adult-dominated nature of its creation, distribution, and selection. Scholars like Jack Zipes (2002) question whether literature for children exists when adults control the whole creation, distribution, and advertising process. Jacqueline Rose (1994), another scholar who addresses the impossibility of children’s literature, argues that literature for children is inherently shaped by a world where adults consistently hold the primary roles as 5 authors, creators, or providers, while children come after them as readers and recipients. Consequently, children’s literature functions as a conduit through which adults convey their own conceptions, memories, and beliefs to children. Moreover, children’s literature, exemplified by picturebooks, serves as a conduit for cultural messages and values, offering young readers insights into their surroundings (Koss 32). Rudine S. Bishop (1990) employs the analogy of “mirrors, windows, and sliding glass doors” to elucidate how children’s books act as windows offering views of a real or imaginary world (np). Picturebooks are windows into societal constructs, beliefs, and traditions, actively engaging readers in portraying and often endorsing desirable behaviour patterns, interpersonal relationships, and social organization (Khosronejad 72). Recognizing their significance, researchers have explored picturebooks as narrative vehicles that depict cultural changes and form a unique strand within literary history (Belcher 30). This study, utilizing Gramsci’s concept of cultural hegemony, investigates how power dynamics and dominant socio-political ideologies influenced Iranian picturebooks in the decade before and after the 1979 revolution, exploring how children’s literature may function as a medium for propagating historical and contemporary socio-political ideologies. It delves into the embodiment of a form of cultural hegemony, where content and themes are selectively chosen for young readers. To guide this investigation, the study focuses on how visual elements in Iranian picturebooks published by Kānoon from 1969 to 1989 reflect cultural hegemony. This analysis is structured around three key analytic categories: 1. Ideological Narratives: Examining how political, religious, and national symbols reflect hegemonic messages before and after the 1979 Revolution. 2. Cultural Identity and Heritage: Exploring representations of myths, folklore, traditions, and nature to understand shifts in cultural identity. 3. Social Dynamics and Gender Roles: Analyzing depictions of family structures, gender roles, and portrayals of women to identify societal transformations. Each category is supported by targeted questions that facilitate a critical content analysis of the selected picturebooks. These questions are elaborated in Chapter 4 to provide a detailed framework for the study. 6 1.3 Socio-political Context of Study Despite variations in content, educational approaches, and cultural strategies, Iran’s policies regarding children over the past century share a common thread: they have consistently served the overarching agendas of the governing authorities, acting as tools for perpetuating the prevailing hegemony. To grasp the social and political landscape of 1969 to 1989, it is essential to trace Iran’s trajectory toward modernity in the 20th century. In this section, while primarily examining policies related to education and culture in the 1970s and 1980s, I delve into the period spanning the 1900s to the 1960s. This broader timeframe is crucial as it witnessed the formal recognition of childhood as an institution, the establishment of modern educational institutions, and the emergence of cultural artifacts exclusive to children, including literature. A) The Middle of The Qajar Period and The Constitutional Movement (1905-1925) During the late 19th and early 20th centuries, under the rule of the Qajar dynasty and its feudal system, Iran underwent significant political and social changes, moving towards modernity. These shifts were caused mainly by interactions with Western countries, which led to a generation of Iranian modernists embracing values such as liberalism and opposing royal dictatorship, shaped by exposure to modern education and studies abroad (Abrahamian 51). Within this period, "childhood" emerged as a distinct institution separate from adulthood, reflecting the evolving foundation of Iranian society. The attention to "childhood" was shaped by factors like advancements in the printing industry and influential figures like Mirza Hassan Rushdieh, who catalyzed reforms in Iran’s education system. Rushdieh advocated for modern pedagogy, proposing innovative educational strategies such as establishing modern schools, adopting new methods for teaching the Persian alphabet, and creating age-appropriate reading materials for children (Jamali 100). These developments, including the establishment of a modern education system, which caused a rise in literacy rates, urban expansion, and the growth of the traditional middle class, played pivotal roles in the success of the Constitutional Movement in 1910. The triumph of this movement within the Qajar dynasty marked the dawn of a new era in Iran. It led to the formation of a legislative parliament and the drafting of the nation’s inaugural constitution. However, the period was marked by political instability, characterized by the frequent turnover of cabinets. Amidst this chaos, Reza Pahlavi, a Cossack officer, emerged as a 7 figure who could restore order and stability to the country (Ettehadieh, 345). He staged a coup in 1921 with the support of the British, resulting in the fall of the government. B) Reza Shah Pahlavi (1925-1941) In 1921, Reza Pahlavi seized power in a coup and was appointed as minister of war and commander in chief. By 1925, he had established the Pahlavi monarchy, thus replacing the Qajars and ushering in the Pahlavi era. He adopted the official policy of racial nationalism, drawing heavily on the "glorious narratives of Iran’s distant past (Amant 439), and crafted an image of himself closely tied to ancient and mythological Iran. The nationalist and authoritarian Pahlavi monarchy paid attention to changing the education system. History occupied a prominent position in the curriculum, with textbooks emphasizing the glory of ancient Iran. Through the promotion of ‘national mythology,’ the regime underscored Iran’s pre-Islamic achievements before 633 BC while downplaying those of the Islamic era. This propagandistic approach to history became a significant part of public education (Holiday 56). In 1938, Reza Shah established the Sāzmān-e Parvaresh-e Afkār, in English known as the ‘Society of Public Guidance’ according to Abrahamian, with one of its key objectives being the enhancement of national pride. This organization was established at the suggestion and management of a pro-German Iranian politician in World War II and in imitation of the experience of the Germans (Abrahamian 143). The Society of Public Guidance’s mission was to cultivate nationalist sentiment through social, cultural, and educational initiatives, fostering a unified Iranian society aligned with the government’s policies and values. Among its efforts were the widespread establishment of schools across the country and the training of teachers in a curriculum that included themes such as "combatting superstitions, Iran’s contributions to world civilization, Iran’s progress in the Pahlavi era, and national aspirations, identity, and unity (Regulations of the Society of Public Guidance 6). Reza Shah’s authoritarian modernism and nationalist policies, which separated Islamic identity from Iranian identity, including the prohibition of women from wearing veils, sparked opposition from religious groups, leading to protests (Amant 488). Reza Shah pursued closer relations with Germany during World War II, which led the Allies—concerned about Axis influence in the region—to occupy Iran in 1941 and force his abdication. 8 C) Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi (1941-1979) After Reza Shah’s forced abdication, his son Mohammad Reza Shah succeeded him. While some radical policies of the first Pahlavi era, which led to a nationalist dictatorship, were moderated during the Pahlavi II era, elements of archaic nationalism persisted. Mohammad Reza Shah and his government sought to portray him as the creator of a great civilization and the survivor of Iran’s ancient legacy, invoking figures like Cyrus the Great (Mohammadi and Ghaeni 8:12). The propagation of the Iranian national myth, initiated during Reza Shah’s reign, persisted into Mohammad Reza Shah’s reign. This myth sought to diminish Islam’s influence in shaping Iranian identity, instead emphasizing the antiquity of Iranian civilization. Downplaying Islam’s role and accentuating Iran’s ancient heritage were central themes in constructing this national myth (Holiday 63). During Mohammad Reza Shah’s initial reign, the parliament and the prime minister had significant power. Mohammad Mosaddeq assumed the role of prime minister with a vision to challenge the Shah’s internal authoritarianism and combat foreign colonialism, mainly through nationalizing Iran’s oil industry. However, a coup in 1953 cut Mosaddeq’s tenure short, leading to a strengthening of the Shah’s authority (Matin‐Asgari 355-356). The literary works of the period expressed the disillusionment experienced by Iranian intellectuals and authors following Mosaddeq’s overthrow. Between 1963 and 1977, Iran underwent significant social and economic development driven by increasing oil revenues. During this period, substantial investments were made in infrastructure projects, including constructing dams and power plants and expanding railways nationwide. Additionally, efforts were directed towards human resource training, resulting in a rise in literacy rates and changes in women’s traditional roles, which defined them as mother and wife, and they began to participate more actively in society (Mohammadi and Ghaeni 8:9-10). An indication of these changes is evident in Iranian children’s literature during the same period. The translation and publication of children’s books from various languages into Persian and the efforts of Western-educated professionals, particularly in education, contributed to the diversification of reading materials available to Iranian children and adolescents. Consequently, children’s literature experienced a significant proliferation in Iran. Furthermore, the expansion of 9 kindergartens and schools based on new educational principles and the establishment of libraries, specifically catering to children, were in the same period (Mohammadi and Ghaeni 8:60-100). In 1963, Mohammad Reza Shah proposed the White Revolution through a referendum, which comprised six clauses addressing various issues such as land reform, women’s suffrage, and the establishment of the Literacy Corps (Sepāh-e Dānesh) to promote rural literacy (Rahmani 10). The rapid urbanization resulting from these policies led to a significant influx of villagers to the margin of urban areas due to poverty and inadequate access to essential services like healthcare and education in the rural areas. Consequently, the socioeconomic disparities between urban and rural populations became more pronounced, as reflected in the literature of the time, including books for children. Left-wing writers critiqued these policies and highlighted the struggles of working-class children and landless villagers in their books. During this period, the Pahlavi monarchy made concerted efforts to popularize culture. 1967, the Supreme Council of Culture and Art was formed, and its statutes were published in 1969. The general purpose of the second Pahlavi’s cultural policy was to elevate Iranian society by fostering a deep appreciation for its rich civilization and culture. This vision aimed to empower individuals to contribute to preserving and expanding Iranian culture while also embracing the knowledge of other world cultures to enhance the Iranian people’s collective well-being and spiritual fulfillment (Pahlevan 54). In contrast, Islamic groups critical of the government’s nationalistic policies and perceived marginalization of Islam in formal education responded by establishing schools prioritizing Islamic culture for their children (Mohammadi and Ghaeni 8:97). Institutions dedicated to children’s literature, such as the Children’s Book Council and Kānoon, were established in this period. The Children’s Book Council operated independently of the government, while Kānoon, managed under government supervision, expanded the government’s role in this area. For further details about Kānoon and its impact on Iranian families in the 1970s, please refer to the literature review section of this study. In the mid-1970s, mass media experienced significant growth, with "the number of cinema tickets sold rose from 20 million to 110 million (Abrahamian 428). Furthermore, increasing investment in education resulted in a surge in kindergarten and primary school enrollment (Abrahamian 431). 10 Concurrently, the propaganda of Pan-Iranism and Aryanism, which espoused beliefs in Aryan racial superiority and entitlement to rule, gained traction. Originating in the Pahlavi I era, this propaganda aimed to showcase Iranians of the Aryan race as the founders of one of the greatest human civilizations. This ideology culminated in the grandiose 2,500-year celebration of the Persian Empire held at Persepolis in 1971. State officials from various countries were invited to commemorate the historical legacy of Iranian monarchies, from Cyrus the Great to Mohammad Reza Shah. In 1975, Mohammad Reza Shah instigated a significant shift toward a one-party state by dissolving existing political entities and establishing the Rastākhiz (Resurgence) Party. This party expanded its interference across various sectors, including left-wing intellectuals. Also, the party targeted the religious establishment. Their measures included denouncing religious leaders and imposing strict regulations on women’s attire, such as prohibiting the chador on university campuses. Additionally, they exercised control over the publication of theology books by state-run organizations (Abrahamian 443-444). Despite these efforts, the Resurgence Party faced opposition, particularly from religious groups, eventually leading to its dissolution with the triumph of the Islamic Revolution of Iran. Throughout this era, governmental and cultural institutions for children adhered to official policies. These policies include nationalism rooted in "ancient, pre-Islamic Persian civilization" (Farsoun and Mashayekhi 5), emphasis on modernization and industrialization, attention to Western lifestyle and values, and prioritizing public education. The pervasive influence of these policies extended to nearly all textbooks and some of the children’s books published in government publications. D) Islamic Republic of Iran (1979-1989) The Iranian Revolution of 1979 marked the end of the Pahlavi monarchy and the establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran. This revolution inevitably ushered in significant political and social transformations aligned with the vision of Ayatollah Khomeini, the revolution’s leader. Khomeini’s perspective emphasized the central role of Islam in defining the Iranian national identity, framing the revolution as a means to safeguard the religion from the influence of foreign powers and their Iranian allies. Farsoun highlights critical elements of Khomeini’s Islamic populism, as quoted by Moghadam, which include aspirations for national 11 independence, a fairer distribution of wealth and resources, prioritization of the impoverished, and a pursuit of justice and grievance resolution, all integral to the Shi’i tradition (389). Ayatollah Khomeini advocated for societal reform through cultural transformation, asserting that Islamic culture represented the most progressive path forward. In contrast to the Pahlavi era, where Iranian identity was shaped by factors beyond Islam, Khomeini championed Islamic culture as the cornerstone of righteousness, aligning with the teachings of Shia Sharia (The Official Website for Propagating the Thoughts of the Founder of the Islamic Republic of Iran). This perception of culture emerged as the prevailing discourse of the Islamic Republic during the 1980s. According to this, among all the classes participating in the Iranian revolution, including the leftist groups, the Shia clerics were the group that was able to gain power and take over the government. A group that believed in "independence vis-à-vis superpowers and more anti-American policies" (Behrouz 370). This group’s gradual gaining of power led to the limitation of the power of the parliament and the president in favour of the leader of the Islamic republic and social changes like the loss of women’s rights, such as the freedom of clothing, due to the government’s insistence on the implementation of Islamic Sharia. Also, the academic centers were shut down under a plan known as the Cultural Revolution to revise university curricula and textbooks and investigate the adherence of university professors to Islam and the Islamic revolution (Behrouz 370-371). According to Soraya Qezel Ayagh, a scholar of children’s literature in Iran, this ideological influence extended to children’s literature, transforming it into a tool for direct political and ideological propaganda and education (Qezel Ayagh 14). This ideological shift also permeated Iran’s education system. Ayatollah Khomeini criticized the Pahlavi era education system as corrupt and overly Western-oriented, advocating for its reform to instill Islamic values in Muslim youth (Farsoun 112). Consequently, cultural and artistic products, including children’s books, were adapted to align with Islamic values during this period. Alongside the Islamization project during this decade, the outbreak of the eight-year war between Iran and Iraq in 1980 emerged as a pivotal event that bolstered Islamic discourse. The prominence of Islamic-Shia discourse in society draws inspiration from the historic uprising of Imam Hussein, the third Imam of the Shias, against the ruling authority of his time. 12 The commencement of the eight-year war between Iran and Iraq in 1980 underscored the ideological Islamization project in this decade. This pivotal event catalyzed the Islamic-Shia discourse as the predominant ideology within society. Inspired by the historic uprising of Imam Hussein, the third Imam of the Shias, against the ruling authority of his time, this discourse gained prominence, shaping societal narratives and values. The institutions established during this decade adhered to and promoted Islamic values through various means. As The Artistic Sect of the Islamic Republic exemplified, cultural institutions emerged from revolutionary individuals with a propagandistic view of art and literature. This institution focused on publishing magazines, books, and films, including content tailored for children. In addition to cultural endeavours, institutions like Jihad-e-Farhangi, primarily focused on rural development, also spread Islamic values among the young generation by publishing books and magazines for children, organizing plays and screening revolutionary films in schools and mosques in rural areas. These institutions collectively played a significant role in promoting Islamic values throughout society. Kānoon, like other cultural institutions of the time, adhered to the prevailing Islamic values. In 1982, a government decree brought the Kānoon under the affiliation of the Ministry of Education. This move signified a substantial step in aligning educational institutions with the ideological framework of the Islamic Republic. A document approved by the Ministry of Education in 1988, published on the Majlis of the Islamic Republic of Iran website, sheds light on the dominant cultural and social discourse of the decade regarding the upbringing of children. According to this document, education was not only tasked with imparting knowledge but also with reinforcing religious foundations and instilling moral virtues based on the principles of Islam. Moreover, the document emphasized the importance of perpetuating revolutionary culture by selecting teachers committed to Islamic education and without affiliation with the previous regime. Additionally, educational institutions were encouraged to incorporate religious and revolutionary propaganda into their curricula, further reinforcing the revolutionary values among the youth (Sepehr 47). Therefore, the most prominent elements of hegemony in this decade are Islamic culture emphasizing Twelver Shi’ism, the conflict with the archaic and king-oriented Pahlavi hegemony, and the conflict with the Western lifestyle, which contains elements such as capitalism. 13 Chapter 2: Literature Review Numerous Persian articles, books, and theses have been published studying Iranian picturebooks. The establishment of specialized research magazines on children’s literature in Iran in the 1990s, such as the Research Quarterly of Children’s and Youth Literature and the Monthly Book of Children and Adolescent Literature, along with the founding of the Center for Children’s Literature Studies in 2005 at Shiraz University, have significantly expanded the body of scholarly works. However, in this review, I concentrate on relevant articles, books, and dissertations in three key areas: Intersections of Power (cultural hegemony and children’s literature); Kānoon Chronicles (the status and politics of the Kānoon from 1969 to 1989); and Visual Narratives of Change (exploring Iranian picturebooks published by Kānoon from 1969 to 1989). 2.1 Intersections of Power As mentioned above, some scholars, like Zipes and Rose, discuss the power imbalance in children’s literature. There exists a power disparity between the young people consuming literature and the adults involved in its creation, publication, review, or commentary—whether as parents, educators, librarians, or booksellers. However, beyond this disparity, the literature and societal norms surrounding it introduce ideological concerns. These concerns may encompass various debates within adult society, including those surrounding class, gender, sexuality, and ethnicity (Sarland 56). Therefore, children’s literature serves as a medium for conveying adult perspectives to children, favouring the dominant cultural hegemony. Among the researchers discussing children’s literature and cultural hegemony, Giardina’s doctoral thesis on “Cultural Hegemony and Ideology Transmission in English-language Children’s Fantasy Literature (1900–1997)” is a significant contribution. Due to its broad scope, it offers a comprehensive analysis of a substantial period in the history of children’s literature. Giardina’s thesis examines how children’s literature acts as a political text, transmitting adult ideologies to young readers. Giardina uses the metaphor of the ‘Trojan Horse’ to explore what she calls hailing devices. These devices serve as an external manifestation of the Trojan Horse, functioning as childhood symbols to evoke empathy and thereby convey ideological connections with the reader. According to Giardina, hailing devices carry adult-aligned ideological content and values. They are often paired with concealment strategies, such as ambiguity and 14 misdirection, which make adult beliefs and socialization appear harmless or desirable to implied readers. Through this process, Giardina argues that children’s texts socialize child readers within an adult-dominated hegemony. Giardina analyzes the power relations between adult authors and child readers reflected within fantasy novels. While situating each book within its social and historical context, Giardina primarily focuses on dissecting texts in dialogue with other scholars’ interpretations and criticisms to uncover the mechanism used by adult authors to convey dominant cultural norms, ideas, values, and beliefs to implied readers. Giardina’s use of the ‘Trojan Horse’ metaphor offers valuable insight into understanding adult-child hegemonic relations in children’s books. However, to fully explore this perspective, it may be necessary to move beyond discussions of ideology and examine the complex interplay between real-world social phenomena and political power relations as they are reflected in literature, including literary works written for children. This broader approach could deepen our understanding of cultural hegemony’s operations. Analyzing the social, cultural, political, and historical context of literary works helps us understand the disruptive ideological narratives embedded within all literature, including children’s literature. The May 2022 issue of the Waikato Journal of Education, themed “Disrupting Hegemonies Using Picturebooks,” explores how picturebooks can disrupt hegemonic narratives. This special issue highlights the educational potential of picturebooks, particularly in multilingual settings like New Zealand, where Indigenous languages coexist with English. In this publication’s collection of articles, there is one that stands out for its departure from the English-speaking world. The article by Ying Zou and Xudong Tan delves into contemporary Best Behaviour picturebooks, analyzing three series found in the Chinese market. This article argues that while elements like narrative stories, childlike illustrations, and child-friendly translations may partly disrupt hegemonic voices, they still coexist with the construction of hegemonic thinking. The authors assert that these picturebooks primarily convey an adult perspective, constraining children’s voices within the narratives. These books teach behaviours deemed desirable by adults for children, reflecting broader societal norms and power structures. However, it is worth noting that the article does not provide explicit information about China’s political and social systems, which undoubtedly play a significant role in shaping these hegemonic narratives. Considering the socio-political context of China would enrich the analysis 15 and provide a deeper understanding of how societal structures influence the portrayal of hegemony in these picturebooks. Additionally, some elements related to disrupting hegemony appear to require further explanation. For instance, the concept of ‘child-friendly translation’ remains ambiguous, and the article lacks criteria for identifying such translations. While English-language literature dominates discussions of children’s literature, there is a notable gap in analyzing the visual elements of picturebooks within other political and social contexts, particularly in countries that have undergone relatively recent revolutions. Examining approaches to children’s literature before and after such revolutions can provide valuable insights into hegemonic power dynamics applied through children’s books. For instance, the comparative analysis of the Iranian government’s approach to children’s literature in the 1970s and 1980s under different political regimes can offer intriguing perspectives on cultural hegemony, power structures, socio-historical changes, and their relations with children’s literature. In Iran, attempts have been made to compare children’s literature regarding the discourses of political power and to identify social and political changes before and after the revolution. A study conducted by Ghazanfari Moqaddam, Hashemi, and Qorban Sabbagh, titled “Investigating the Effects of Power Institutions on Iranian Children and Adolescents’ Literature: A Selection of Award-Winning Original and Translated Works Before and After the Islamic Revolution (1961-1988)” utilizes content analysis to explore how power institutions in Iran employed children’s literature for political and social purposes, conveying ideologies to young readers. The analysis delves into the influence of national and international institutions on Iranian children’s literature from 1961 to 1979 (pre-revolution, Pahlavi era) and from 1979 to 1988 (post-revolution, Iran-Iraq War era). The authors use quantitative analysis in their article, analyzing 169 awarded books spanning various genres, originally in Persian or translated, including picturebooks, YA novels, and nonfiction books, to make a comprehensive list of all the books which received awards from 1961 to 1988. The study reveals that power institutions in Iran during this period utilized children’s literature as a tool for political and social messaging to shape young readers’ beliefs. The study’s conclusions are drawn from two primary perspectives: the allocation of awards by different countries to Iranian children’s literature before and after the 1979 revolution; and the prevalent themes of the awarded books in each era. The authors highlight a notable shift in the distribution of literary awards, with national prizes outnumbering international awards after the revolution. This decline in international recognition is attributed to 16 political tensions between Iran and the United States, which led to the cessation of awards from American institutions. In comparison, most international awards came from Eastern Asian institutions like Japan. Additionally, the impact of the Iran-Iraq war conditions on international relations contributed to a reduction in international awards during this chaotic period. (Ghazanfari Moghaddam et al., 86). The study concludes that a content analysis of the awarded works reveals recurring themes reflecting each period’s significant political and social issues. While children’s relationships with others, including family and peers, and scientific themes were common across both periods, their presentation differed significantly. The first period emphasized power stratification, whereas the second period focused on themes of war, self-sacrifice, and patriotism. (Ghazanfari Moghaddam et al., 98). The article by Ghazanfari Moghaddam et al. demonstrates the challenges of comprehensively assessing the influence of power institutions on children’s literature. While qualitative and critical analyses offer valuable insights into the relationship between power and children’s books, the extensive range of books examined in this study makes such analysis difficult. To address these challenges, the authors prioritize quantitative content analysis as a more feasible approach for understanding the impact of political and social forces on the awarded books. However, they acknowledge that qualitative analysis could complement this approach by providing deeper insights into recurring themes and their nuanced implications. Ghazanfari Moghaddam et al.’s study is one of several that delve into the evolution of children’s literature in Iran before and after the revolution; considering shifts in power discourse and societal dynamics. The overall analysis of studies in this field highlights several limitations: 1. Most theoretical discussions surrounding Iranian children’s literature emerged post-revolution, primarily within Iran and in Persian. Since the 1990s, the publication of specialized research magazines in Iran has significantly expanded the body of theoretical works on children’s literature. However, any comparative analysis of children’s literature before and after the 1979 revolution faces obstacles, notably due to potential biases in scholarly research supported by government institutions post-revolution. Research conducted in these contexts often aims to present a desired image of the Islamic Republic of Iran, hindering comprehensive analysis of Iran’s social and political landscape. 17 2. Many articles focus on a few case studies of one or two works, failing to capture significant changes in the broader literary landscape. For instance, Seyedeh Maryam Hosseini Kisomi and Fatima Kasi, examining Narwal, Unicorn Whale and A Ladder to the Sky, two novels from Kānoon, concluded that overt ideologies outweighed hidden ones, promoting moral and religious values such as sacrifice, patriotism, parental respect, and resilience against oppression. 3. While some scholarly works have applied the theoretical framework of cultural hegemony to analyses of adult literature, there is a notable absence of similar examinations in children’s literature, particularly picturebooks, from the perspective outlined in the present thesis. By applying the theoretical framework of cultural hegemony to the comprehensive analysis of four picturebooks and the concise examination of 36 images from 36 works, this thesis aims to deepen our understanding of the sociopolitical dynamics reflected in children’s books and contribute to filling the gaps in existing scholarship. Conducted outside Iran and written in English, this study provides a unique perspective, free from institutional constraints that might influence research within Iran. 2.2 Kānoon Chronicles Kānoon and the Children’s Book Council emerged as pivotal institutions of children’s literature in Iran during the 1960s. These organizations played a significant role in fostering childhood education and culture within the country. While the Children’s Book Council operated as a non-governmental entity primarily focused on children’s literature critique and book evaluation, Kānoon, established under government supervision, implemented a top-down guidance policy, shaping the governmental influence on Iranian children’s literature (Mohammadi and Ghaeni 8: 116). Lily Amir-Arjamand was pivotal in establishing the first Kānoon library in 1964. As an acquaintance of the Queen of Iran, Farah Diba (Pahlavi), and having pursued MLIS studies at Rutgers University, Amir-Arjamand suggested to Farah the establishment of a children’s library and an institute for developing cultural materials tailored for young audiences. Farah Pahlavi endorsed Amir-Arjamand’s vision, which led to the establishment of the inaugural Kānoon library on land provided by Farah herself. This library featured facilities for film screenings, musical performances, and theatrical productions. 18 Following the library’s establishment, a board of trustees was formed, with Farah serving as its head. Notably, the board comprised government officials such as the minister of the imperial court, the minister of culture and art, and the minister of education, alongside figures from Iran’s economic landscape, including the CEO of the National Iranian Oil Company and the head of the National Bank of Iran (Shamsabadi and Dowlatabadi 144). This combination of highest-ranking government trustees underscores Kānoon’s elevated stature as a cultural institution, boasting ties to cultural and economic spheres of influence. Benefiting from such robust political and cultural backing, Kānoon experienced substantial growth under the leadership of Lily Amir-Arjamand. In an interview with the Iran International channel, Amir-Arjamand recounted how General Minbashian, Commander of the Imperial Iranian Ground Forces, provided twelve army buses at her request, which were repurposed into mobile libraries for remote areas of Iran. This anecdote sheds light on the extensive support Kānoon garnered from influential figures within the Pahlavi court, facilitating its evolution into a prominent cultural institution. One interesting point about the composition of the Kānoon board of trustees was the dominance of men. Although Farah chaired the board, only two women, Lily Amir-Arjamand and Homa Etehadieh, were present among its 12 members. In contrast, the 37-member founding board of the Children’s Book Council, whose names appeared in the first issue of its monthly publication, included 16 women. It is noteworthy that the foundation of the Children’s Book Council is based on voluntary work. Though it is beyond the focus of this study, future research might examine male hegemony in children’s literature institutions intertwined with money and ruling power, compared to the presence of women in institutions that operate on voluntary work. Kānoon libraries were spread throughout Iran, including remote areas. These libraries were established in regions where children lacked cultural facilities, providing them a place to explore a new world. Kānoon’s role in promoting books and reading in a society where 70% of the population was illiterate underscores its importance. Those who collaborated with Kānoon at that time, such as Ali Mirzaei, who served as the director of Kānoon libraries, consider it a 100% national institution that operated in the nation’s interest rather than promoting Pahlavi imperial ideology (Mohammadi and Ghaeni 8: 233). Nevertheless, it was crucial for the Pahlavi monarchy to project a modern and cultural image of Iran to the world. Farah notes in her memoirs that the establishment of Kānoon instilled the habit of reading in children, helping them 19 to accept new ideas more efficiently and preparing them for modernity (Diba 142). Shamsabadi (1970) cites an official Kānoon document: " Kānoon aims to replace old cultural values with new ones, enriching children’s literature by drawing on ancient, national, and global cultural treasures. The goal is to present elegant and beautiful works with correct, rich, and informed content that challenge conventional intellectual and moral patterns, transforming and preparing children’s minds for the growth of advanced thoughts and progressive human ethics" (15). Along with establishing the library, Kānoon’s work expanded to include cultural products for children. The first book published by Kānoon in 1967 was Daughter of the Sea (Dokhtar-e Daryā in Persian), written by Hans Christian Andersen and translated and illustrated by Farah Diba (Pahlavi). The publication of this book can be considered symbolic, showcasing the Queen of Iran’s concern for children; according to the book’s first page, she allocated the income from this book to developing children’s libraries in both urban and rural areas. In 1970, Kānoon began producing films for children, and by 1971, a center for providing audio products for children was established within Kānoon. Researchers such as Mohammadi and Ghaeni attribute Kānoon’s expansion to the Queen’s personal interest, stating that Kānoon would never have expanded to this extent without her attention (8: 117). The first sentence of Kānoon’s statute states: "For the intellectual development of children and adolescents, a center called the Institute for the Intellectual Development of Children and Young Adults—Kānoon—is established under the chairmanship of Her Highness Farah Pahlavi, the Empress of Iran." Jalal Sattari, one of the cultural directors of the Pahlavi period and a researcher of culture and mythology in Iran, discusses the role of individuals in the formation of events and cultural institutions in his book On the Statelessness of Culture. Based on his experiences, Sattari, who was the cultural director general of Iran’s Plan and Budget Organization for a long time, believes that many of the most important cultural events and institutions were not governmental programs and rejects the suspicion that the cultural events of the Pahlavi period were political (178-226). Although Farah considers the establishment of Kānoon as the gateway to modernity, it is interesting to note that many works published by Kānoon in the 1970s were picture books based on stories from ancient Iran. For example, recreations of The Book of Kings (Shāhnāmeh of Ferdowsi), the greatest epic work of Iranians, were published to tell its stories to children. 20 In addition to retelling the Shāhnāmeh stories, many books published in this decade originated from Iranian myths, folk tales, culture, and traditions, promoting concepts such as patriotism. For example, the book Arash the Archer (Ārash-e Kamāngir), published in 1971, tells the story of Ārash, who sacrificed himself to expand the borders of Iran (Kasraei 1–20). Despite the emphasis on ancient Iranian culture, Kānoon was not solely dependent on Iranian artists and welcomed foreign influences. For instance, the theatre department director was Don Roger Laffoon of the Iranian-American Association, which brought diverse experiences to Kānoon. This is why traces of different cultural influences can be found in Kānoon’s work. Eastern European cinema influences are evident in some children’s films, while the impact of the American education system and the training provided by American publishing managers to Iranian painters and artists can also be observed (Fakouhi 85). However, even though the friendship between Amir-Arjamand and Farah played a prominent role in the expansion of Kānoon, it managed to operate independently of the Pahlavi court. The first publishing director of Kānoon was Firoz Shirvanlu, who studied Sociology of Art in England. Shirvanlu’s father was a military man affiliated with the Pahlavi regime. In contrast, Shirvanlu himself embraced leftist ideas, and his involvement with a group with Maoist tendencies led to his imprisonment in 1965 on the charge of plotting to assassinate the Shah of Iran. This accusation was never proven, and after one of the group’s members was taken to meet the Shah and convince him of their innocence, they were granted a royal pardon at the Queen’s request. Shirvanlu’s education and previous experiences at Franklin Publishing House, one of Iran’s most important publishing houses, positioned him to become the first director of Kānoon publication a few years after his release from prison (Saba 226-238). Since the late 1960s, the ruling system became increasingly closed off, and any expressions of dissent or anti-Pahlavi sentiments were not tolerated. During this period, Shirvanlu left Kānoon, and Sirous Tahbaz, a writer and editor, became the director of Kānoon’s publications from 1970 to 1979. In this period, the influence of SAVAK, the Organization of National Security and Information, was felt in Kānoon. According to a document from 1975 compiled by The Center of Historical Documents of the Islamic Republic of Iran, SAVAK noted: "Kānoon, which is headed by Her Majesty the Queen of Iran, is managed by people, some of whom are not qualified to serve in this center because they were arrested and detained on charges of treason to the country" (163). 21 One of the issues that aroused SAVAK’s sensitivity was the publication of books by left-leaning writers within Kānoon who had activities against the Pahlavi regime. SAVAK worried that these groups would influence the young audience of Kānoon and turn against the regime. Criticizing Lily Amir-Arjamand’s policies and accusing her of not paying attention to the background of people employed at Kānoon, SAVAK requested that she refrain from hiring individuals with leftist leanings. Another document from 1973 in the same compilation shows efforts to address SAVAK’s concerns, stating that the purpose of Kānoon, in addition to raising children’s cultural awareness and teaching them proper conduct, was to keep young people away from political, social, and moral corruption and to control their violent and unruly emotions (135). These documents refute the opinion of some individuals close to Iran’s current government, the Islamic Republic, who argue that the Pahlavi regime deliberately gathered leftist artists in cultural institutions like Kānoon to neutralize and exploit them for its own benefit. They suggest that the regime’s purpose was to monitor the activities of these leftist artists closely by concentrating them within institutions such as Kānoon (Keshani 305). While SAVAK believed in repression and censorship, some dependents of the Queen advocated for unrestricted artistic expression. Ali Mirzaei believes that the relatively free atmosphere of Kānoon, due to the support of Farah and Amir-Arjamand, allowed its artists to convey their thoughts and concerns through books and other artistic works to children, adolescents, and even adults (Mirzaei 114-115). So, on one side, SAVAK sought to repress and censor leftist influences, pressuring Kānoon to align with the regime’s agenda by limiting the involvement of politically active artists. On the other hand, Farah Pahlavi and Lily Amir-Arjamand advocated for greater artistic freedom, fostering a relatively open environment where Kānoon’s artists could express their concerns and perspectives. At a time when opinions opposing Pahlavi policies were not tolerated in Iran’s socio-political and cultural atmosphere, Amir-Arjamand, as the director of Kānoon, tried to keep it away from restricted politics. Although the ruling system and the opposition, mainly left-wing artists, each used Kānoon to advance their goals, the general structure of Kānoon did not allow any of them to prevail. Ebrahim Forouzesh, the director of the cinema department of Kānoon in those years, said that those attracted to Kānoon were people who had social dissatisfaction and wanted to say something new (Forouzesh 43-44). However, Lily Amir-Arjamand said in a 22 documentary by Khatereh Khodaei that no propagandistic books were published in the fifteen years of activity before the Revolution, neither advocating for the leftists nor Pahlavi policies. She stated that no one was asked about their opinion when they were hired. She did not consider even a picturebook like Little Black Fish (Mahi Siyah Kuchulu in Persian) published in 1968, to be political, and she thought that the interpretations based on it were unrealistic. Farshid Mesghali, the illustrator of Little Black Fish, who won the Hans Christian Andersen Award, emphasized the support of Lily Amir-Arjamand in the same documentary. The Little Black Fish is an allegorical-political story published in many editions and read throughout Iran. This story is about a small fish who does not like life in the pond, wants to discover the world, and fights all the adversities in its way, including the heron, which can be considered a symbol of tyranny. The book’s author, Samad Behrangi, was a highly influential figure in Iran, known for his radical leftist ideas. During the 1970s, Behrangi became a hero for anti-Pahlavi groups (Encyclopaedia Iranica). Much has been said and written about this book and its metaphorical meaning since its publication, most of which situates it within the context of the revolution. Many speeches and articles consider the story’s meaning to be metaphorical and revolutionary (Norouzi et al. 152). Researchers in children’s literature in Iran commonly agree with the symbolic political interpretation of The Little Black Fish. However, based on Kadivar’s thesis, only 12 of Kānoon’s books published before the revolution contained political and social content that reflected the concerns of intellectuals and artists of the time (Jafari 74). The majority of Kānoon’s publications focused on non-political themes, with relatively few books in the 1970s directly supporting the Pahlavi regime or being interpreted as oppositional. Jafari, quoting Kadivar, states that of the 161 books published by Kānoon before the revolution, 12 had a political atmosphere, with three of these being translations from other languages. Additionally, four books directly reflected the values of the Pahlavi monarchy (Jafari 75). This suggests that the majority of Kānoon’s publications focused on non-political themes, with relatively few works directly supporting the Pahlavi regime or being interpreted as oppositional. However, if we consider topics such as the ancient myths of Iran, these books effectively consolidated Iranian identity based on kingship. Consequently, most of Kānoon’s productions can be described within the ruling hegemony, promoting ancient Iran from a nationalist and centrist perspective (Mohammadi and Ghaeni 8: 151). In response to one of the letters that suggested a project to publish books in local languages in Kānoon, SAVAK 23 replied that the primary language of the imperial country was Persian, and it was not advisable to publish the book in a local language (The Center of Historical Documents Website). This document from 1973 confirms Kānoon’s centralism. The political groups that were active against the Pahlavi regime in Iran were formed based on the negation of nationalism: a group of guerillas related to the Soviet Union and China operated under left internationalism, and another group operated under Islamic internationalism (Ummat) and distributed religious books in mosque libraries among young people (Mohammadi and Ghaeni 8: 149). Out of 146 books published by Kānoon before the Revolution, only six had Islamic theme (Shamsabadi et al. 62), and the production of books with this theme was not a priority for Kānoon. According to one of Lily Amir-Arjamand’s letters to the Queen’s office, which was published in the book Pahlavi Women According to SAVAK Documents, she refused to publish a book about the life of Prophet Muhammad because it did not align with Kānoon’s “routine” (285). However, this letter does not specify the exact reason for not accepting the book, and the reason for not publishing it may not be related to the subject but rather to its failure to meet the necessary standards for publication. She likely referred to Kānoon’s established priorities and standards, which excluded books that lacked specific qualities. In August 1978, protests against the Pahlavi regime increased, with protesters taking to the streets. They were met with violence and military attacks, which greatly destabilized the Pahlavi regime and increased the protesters’ anger. Some supporters of the Pahlavi regime who met the Shah after this incident said that this repression was the last blow, leading the Shah to leave Iran (Nahavandi 184-185). This event also affected Kānoon, and Lily Amir-Arjamand resigned as CEO in protest against the repression (Mirzaei 1992). When Farah Pahlavi left Iran with the Shah in January 1979, Kānoon lost its primary support. Iran was on the brink of a great revolution, and the revolutionary atmosphere affected the whole society, including cultural institutions like Kānoon. Although the number of books published by Kānoon increased yearly throughout the 1970s, statistics show that 1979 had the fewest publications, with only seven books. In contrast, 1978 was the most productive year, with 22 books published (Shamsabadi et al., 59). A month after the king and queen left Iran, the army announced neutrality in the face of the protests, and the revolutionary provisional government took power. During this revolutionary period, Farshid Mesghali managed Kānoon. Despite being a well-known illustrator respected by 24 many at Kānoon, the revolutionary situation led to chaos within the organization. Kānoon experienced fewer changes than other institutions, but it still changed due to the politicization that often happens after socio-political revolutions. After the 1979 Revolution, the Islamic Republic mainly had problems with two groups: leftist groups like communists and royalists connected to the Pahlavi regime. In the first months after the Revolution, many Kānoon staff were fired from libraries across Iran on charges of being communists (Esbati 156-157). Also, anyone who had worked at managerial levels or in the production team before the Revolution was accused of being linked to the Pahlavi court. Opponents of the Pahlavi monarchy claimed that Kānoon was created to corrupt young minds, so it should be destroyed like other cultural institutions under the former queen’s supervision. However, with efforts from artists and moderate people, it was decided to preserve Kānoon and adapt it to the new revolutionary Islamic conditions. A vital goal of the Islamic Revolution’s cultural theorists was to Islamize humanities, art, and literature. From this perspective, books were deemed acceptable if they aligned with Islamic principles and promoted the ruling ideology (Sidabadi 7). Even briefly, they added the “Islamic” suffix to Kānoon’s name in the headlines, then removed it (Gharibpour 79–80). In 1979, Kamal Kharazi, who later became Iran’s Foreign Minister in 1997, was appointed as the temporary CEO of Kānoon due to his background in education. While trusted by the revolutionaries, he aimed to preserve Kānoon rather than dissolve it (Moezi Moghadam). However, the initial board of directors after the 1979 Revolution were all men with an Islamic and revolutionary approach, lacking experience or familiarity with children’s literature. They were top cultural managers of the Revolution, striving to Islamize literature and art. In the early years after the Revolution, Kānoon’s activities were conducted through trial and error. Some authors and illustrators who worked at Kānoon before the Revolution returned, leading to a mix of experienced staff and new revolutionary figures working together. This collaboration allowed the older generation of illustrators and writers to pass their knowledge to the younger generation. As a result, children’s books and other cultural products quickly found their place after the Revolution, and successful works were produced in the first decade of the new era (Seidabadi 8). A year and a half after the victory of the Islamic Revolution, the Council of the Islamic Revolution approved the new statute of Kānoon in April 1980. Based on this statute, Kānoon’s 25 position in the administrative hierarchy was lowered. Before the Revolution, Kānoon was an independent institution affiliated with the country’s highest authorities, namely the Shah and the Queen’s court. According to the new statute, Kānoon was a state company affiliated with the Ministry of Culture and Higher Education (Iranian Parliament Website). Then, in February 1983, it was transferred from the Ministry of Culture and Higher Education to the Ministry of Education (Iranian Parliament Website). As noted in the introduction, the seventh article of the statute approved in 1980 marked a pivotal shift in Kānoon’s history, emphasizing its aims "to facilitate children and adolescents’ intellectual and aesthetic development, nurturing their talents within Islamic education and values" (Iranian Parliament Website). Based on the documents available on the Iranian Parliament’s website, this statute determined the general duties of Kānoon as follows: establishing book supply centers and providing cultural and artistic training for children and adolescents across the country; developing libraries in mosques, schools, public libraries, and other institutions to create special sections for children and adolescents; producing and distributing educational and audio-visual materials for children; organizing mobile libraries for rural areas; promoting children’s and adolescents’ literature by supporting writers, artists, and publishers; producing theatre performances; holding festivals and art exhibitions; and cooperating with both Iranian and international institutions that share similar goals (Iranian Parliament Website). This statute is largely in line with the goals defined for Kānoon before the Revolution (Mohammadi and Ghaeni 8:189); with its most notable change being the addition of mosque libraries and an emphasis on the Islamic education system. Another significant change is restructuring of the board of directors. According to the ninth article of the statute (Iranian Parliament Website), the heads of the National Iranian Oil Company and the Central Bank, which were the centers providing financial resources, were excluded from the structure of Kānoon and replaced with the Ministry of Economic Affairs and Finance and the head of the Plan and Budget Organization, who, despite having the authority to make policies, did not directly have financial resources. Despite all these changes, cultural managers and artists who collaborated with Kānoon believe the first decade after the Revolution was the most successful among all post-Revolution decades for Kānoon (Tanhaei et al. 239-7). In 1981, Alireza Zarin became Kānoon’s CEO and 26 tried to preserve Kānoon’s foundational goals, perspectives, and methods in the politically tense environment after the Revolution. Zarin prioritized maintaining artistic continuity by retaining former artists and allowing them to continue their creative practices. However, due to factional approaches, Kānoon’s budget was not easily secured. Most revolutionaries did not accept Zarin since he tried to work with individuals from diverse political backgrounds (Abbasi 96-97). Although Zarin prioritized collaborating with artists from the pre-Revolution period and was committed to adhering to Kānoon’s original goals, he was not the sole decision-maker, and there were restrictions imposed by the revolutionary atmosphere. As a result, some books from the pre-Revolution period were banned. Lily Golestan, a translator, mentioned that the book How Babies Are Made by Andrew C. Andry and Steven Schepp, which explained sexual issues for children, was banned and ceased publication after the Revolution, even though it had been introduced on TV and was set to be included in elementary school curricula before the Revolution. Also, the book Tistou of the Green Thumbs by Maurice Druon, a peaceful book with an anti-war theme, was banned in the first year of the Iran-Iraq war because of the sentence "war belongs to stupid people" (Golestan 36-37). 1980 was the year Saddam Hussein, the former President of Iraq, started a war against Iran, which involved Iran and Iraq in an eight-year war. The effect of the Iran-Iraq war is seen in Kānoon’s books and hardware resources; for example, Kānoon’s Land Rovers used for the mobile theatre were repurposed and sent to the fronts during the war (Mirzai np). Despite the shadow of the Revolution and the war on Iran in the 1980s, Kānoon was one of the cultural organizations that could transfer the legacy before the Revolution to the post-revolution period. Although the changes in the country were inevitably observable in Kānoon, such as changes most visible in women’s clothing. The hijab became mandatory for all women living in Iran in 1980 (Ahmadi Khorasani 201), and all female employees and librarians of Kānoon, like other Iranian women, even if they did not believe in the Islamic hijab, were forced to comply. This issue also appeared in picture books depicting women and girls wearing hijab. The vast network of Kānoon libraries throughout Iran continued to operate even after the Revolution. The expansion of Kānoon libraries and the government budget for publishing books prevented private publishers from competing with them. Kānoon has been the most extensive children’s cultural institution in Iran for all these years, from its establishment until today. 27 Considering the Kānoon’s significance in Iran, numerous works have delved into its history, position, and impact on Iranian children’s culture. These include documentary films, essays, books, dissertations, and articles. The scholarly works in this section can be categorized as follows: 1. Articles focusing on book analysis emphasize the aesthetics of the books themselves rather than the social and historical context in which they were created. For instance, Qarib Garkani’s master’s thesis, titled “Critical Analysis of Illustration in Children’s Books in the 1970s and 1980s,” primarily investigates the impact of Kānoon’s artists on Iranian children’s book illustration. It aims to analyze how illustrators endeavoured to develop a unique and innovative style, particularly during the 1970s and 1980s. The thesis introduces readers to various creators of children’s book illustrations, offering insights into their distinct styles and techniques. It examines their work’s expressive, visual, and aesthetic elements, acknowledging the significant role of the printing and photography industries’ expansion and the establishment of institutions dedicated to children’s literature in shaping children’s imaginative visual world. Garakani points out in her thesis that the early 1970s emerged as a pivotal period marked by the introduction of graphics to illustration and a growing inclination towards modernism, influenced by European art movements such as impressionism, expressionism, surrealism, and cubism. During this time, there was a creative amalgamation of native Iranian artistic traditions with European modernist influences, leading to innovative approaches to children’s book illustration. The thesis adopts a descriptive methodology, utilizing library sources, interviews, and observation. This work was completed in 2015 at the University of the Arts in Tehran, contributing valuable insights into Iranian children’s book illustration during the specified period. However, it focuses specifically on the aesthetic aspects of children’s books and does not delve deeply into the effects of social and political changes or powering rulers of institutions like Kānoon. 2. Articles often focus on political and social perspectives, mostly written after the Revolution, and analyze Kānoon’s history and its role before and after the Revolution. Many of these works criticize Kānoon’s situation during the Pahlavi era based on their assumptions and highlight Kānoon’s contribution to fostering loyalty to the values of the Islamic revolution. These articles, often authored by cultural politicians close to the Islamic government, do not 28 originate from children’s literature. For example, one article, “Evaluating the Role of the Kānoon in Preserving and Strengthening the Cultural Identity of Children and Adolescents,” by Salehi Amiri and Habibi in 2009, suggested ways to highlight Kānoon’s role in creating an Iranian-Islamic identity. However, some studies examine post-revolution Kānoon books with a more neutral political and social perspective, providing descriptions of the discourses within the books based on the socio-political context. Behrouz Geranpayeh’s research is noteworthy among these studies, as it was commissioned by an official institution, namely the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance, and avoids favoring either the pre-Revolution or post-Revolution periods. In 1994, Geranpayeh researched patterns representing cultural, social, and political discourse in children’s books. His focal texts were Kānoon’s books published from 1989 to 1993, and he concluded that these books promote a conservative approach, particularly in relation to development (31). This research shows that after the 1979 Revolution, books with mythological themes significantly decreased, and most books were realistic from a didactic perspective (Geranpayeh 4). In this research, 32 general topics have been identified in the stories, the most commonly used of which are kindness and cooperation. Nationalism, the history of Iran, patriotism, and similar themes, prominent among the books of the Kānoon pre-Revolution, are not seen in the post-Revolution period. It is worth pointing out that although the books studied in this research were published close to the Iran-Iraq war, books promoting patriotism were rare. The only related theme is sacrifice from a religious point of view in the stories of prominent figures of Islam, like Imams. This shows that religious ideas and love for religious figures became more prominent images in children’s books after the Revolution. Another prominent theme was attention to the purity of rural life, which is evident in these books (Geranpayeh 18). Associating villagers with adjectives such as sincerity is one of the dominant cultural discourses after the Revolution. Geranpayeh concluded that although the books published after the Revolution in Kānoon were not directly anti-development, they resisted modernity, treated it conservatively, and tried to strengthen tradition (Geranpayeh 31). 3. Articles written after the Iranian revolution discussing Kānoon’s role during the Pahlavi era. These include “Sociological research on institutional cultural development; Institute for Intellectual Development of Children and Young Adults in Pahlavi Era,” written by Shafie in 29 2021. The research concludes that Kānoon has significantly contributed to the development of democratic culture in Iranian society during the mentioned era and across multiple generations. Drawing from interviews and quantitative research, the author mentioned it is mainly because Kānoon offered equal access to cultural capital opportunities all over Iran, irrespective of class, ethnicity, age, gender, or religion, thereby ensuring quality education for all (Shafie 185). Another study from this category, “An Analysis of the Books Published by Kānoon (1966-1979)” by Shamsabadi and his colleagues, examines Kānoon’s publications during the pre-revolution era. The study highlights a wide range of topics covered in these books, including archaicism, patriotism, and monarchism. The books published by Kānoon from 1966 to 1979 primarily focus on the culture and traditions of ancient Iran. They introduce readers to Iranian culture through various mediums such as storybooks, poetry collections, and painting and coloring books centered around Iranian mythological themes and legends. Some of these books also suggest that Kānoon supported the values of the Pahlavi monarchy, including archaicism, patriotism, and monarchism. Overall, these studies indicate that the Kānoon significantly enriched children’s literature and fostered an interest in reading among children and adolescents. However, no articles were found analyzing Kānoon’s evolution in the 1970s and 1980s, one decade before and one after the revolution, from the perspective of cultural hegemony. Given the Kānoon’s dependence on the government during both periods, analyzing picturebooks in these contexts can reveal whether and how each government aimed to impose cultural hegemony through children’s books. 2.3 Visual Narratives of Change The most important figure in creating literature about the history and evolution of picturebooks in Iran, from the beginnings to the time of his studies published in the 1990s and 2000s is Jamal Akrami. In a series of articles published in the Monthly Book of Children and Adolescent Literature in the early 2000s, Jamal Akrami examines the history of children’s book illustration in Iran from the 1960s to the 2000s, exploring the defining characteristics of each decade and profiling influential illustrators. Akrami is a noteworthy scholar in the history of Iranian children’s picturebooks, with a specific focus on visual elements. His studies provide a comparative perspective on the illustrations of picturebooks in Iran during the 1970s and 1980s, offering a broad overview of illustration trends. In some of Akrami’s articles, he evaluates Iranian children’s book illustrations 30 based on publishers and examines the picturebooks of several significant publishers, including Kānoon. He suggests that the 1980s marked a transitional phase for children’s and youth literature, noting a decline in Kānoon’s publishing activity during this time. He observes that the quality of production and illustration in Kānoon’s post-revolution books is not the same as previous standards (Akrami 25). For example, he claims that political and social themes dominated the literary works for children, and the aesthetic elements of picturebooks such as book design, illustration, and language were all influenced by the need to deliver revolutionary messages and excite the audience” (Akrami 25). However, Akrami’s definition of quality criteria and aesthetic elements remains vague. Furthermore, his work does not include concrete examples or visuals from the books he critiques, which could make his observations more comprehensible. Overall, while Akrami’s articles provide valuable insights and raise important questions for further research, they lack a structured theoretical framework and methodological approach. Another article in this category is by Shafei and Barkat, published in 2019. It delves into the evolution of visual elements over time, focusing on the 1970s and 1980s, and examines the social semiotics of women’s presence in images within children’s non-textbooks. The authors demonstrate that in books from the 1960s and 1970s, text dominates over images, with a notable emphasis on motifs from Iranian folklore including rural setting and traditional clothing, and themes emphasizing hospitality, kindness, and communal values, all representing key elements aimed at preserving and promoting Iranian cultural identity. They show that women play prominent roles as heroes and fictional characters, and humanitarian values such as helping others, hospitality, and empathy are depicted. According to their article, books from the 1980s are characterized by poetic content prevailing over prose, which influenced illustrations to became more conceptual rather than descriptive. Although their research effectively uses social semiotics to analyze Iranian picturebooks, it does not address how these visual elements relate to broader sociopolitical contexts or how power dynamics and ideologies are embedded within them. This gap highlights the need for a more nuanced exploration of how picturebooks reflect and reinforce cultural hegemony, particularly in relation to political and social structures. After the social movements in Iran in recent years that have challenged the ruling hegemony, Iran now finds itself in a unique social situation. Examining the influence of power institutions on children’s literature across decades, particularly in the context of the Revolution 31 and social movements, is crucial to understanding how ideologies have shaped cultural narratives. In this thesis, I draw on a framework of cultural hegemony to examine the visual representation of social and cultural ideologies and how they changed over time in picturebooks published by Kānoon from 1969 to 1989. Crafting questions across three analytical dimensions—gender and women’s representation, Iranian identity, and political and social shifts pre- and post-1979 revolution—to scrutinize visual elements in picturebooks could yield valuable insights into representations of hegemonic structures. This proposition highlights the broader applicability of children’s literature studies in analyzing societies undergoing political and social transformations. Therefore, critically evaluating children’s literature within such contexts is imperative. Existing research highlights a significant gap in the discussion of Iranian children’s literature in languages other than Persian, particularly in academic contexts that move beyond advocating for pre- or post-revolution ideologies. This study addresses this gap by analyzing Iranian picturebooks to uncover the ways hegemonic ideologies and cultural shifts are visually represented. Building on the analytical dimensions of gender representation, Iranian identity, and socio-political shifts, this study employs a critical content analysis framework to examine how Kānoon picturebooks reflect these transformations. The next section outlines the methodology employed in this study. 32 Chapter 3: Methodology 3.1 Critical Content Analysis This study employs critical content analysis as its primary methodological approach to examine the visual representations within Iranian picturebooks through the lens of cultural hegemony. The qualitative aspect of this research centers on how visual signs—particularly images—reflect and reinforce socio-political power dynamics in the context of both pre- and post-revolutionary Iran. Critical content analysis involves an in-depth interpretation of texts within their broader social, cultural, and political frameworks (Short et al., 130). As Short (2016) highlights, this method is particularly effective for revealing underlying messages of power and ideology embedded within visual and textual elements (9). Therefore, critical content analysis effectively explains power dynamics and reveals the contextual significance of literary works. This makes it a suitable methodology for examining hegemonic relationships shaped by governing powers in picturebooks. In this study, the content is visual elements of Iranian picturebooks published by Kānoon from 1969 to 1989. This analysis allows for a nuanced exploration of how visual elements contribute to and reflect the dynamics of cultural hegemony as represented in children’s picturebooks. To achieve this goal, it is imperative to undertake a series of steps to uncover the underlying meaning embedded within these visual elements and analyze them within the context of cultural hegemony. Drawing inspiration from Short’s (2016) critical content analysis model, the following sequence of steps is employed: 1. Deciding on a research purpose and initial questions. As noted, the purpose of this study is to investigate how political and societal changes surrounding the 1979 revolution are reflected in the visual representation of hegemony of Iranian picturebooks published by Kānoon. The initial research question guiding this investigation is: How are political and societal changes before and after the 1979 revolution reflected in picturebook illustrations? 2. Selecting texts for analysis. For this study, I selected forty picturebooks published by Kānoon—twenty from the period between 1969 and 1979 (pre-revolution) and twenty from 1979 to 1989 (post-revolution). This selection enables a comparative analysis of visual representations before and after the 1979 revolution, highlighting shifts in cultural narratives and hegemonic discourse. Four books were then selected – two from each time period—to analyze in depth. The 33 details of the selection criteria and the rationale behind choosing these specific works are provided in the subsequent section, "Selected Works and Rationale." 3. Exploring the sociohistorical and cultural contexts of texts. To understand the broader social environment in Iran during these two decades, this research delves into the societal and political changes from 1969 to 1989. This exploration is crucial for identifying the ideologies and social discourses unique to that sociohistorical era, as depicted in the analyzed picturebooks. Contextualizing the texts within their historical and cultural frameworks enhances the depth and accuracy of the critical content analysis. 4. Close observation. Through careful examination, I analyze the visual elements of Iranian picturebooks from the revolutionary period, focusing on how societal and political changes are reflected across the two decades. To facilitate this analysis, I organized the books into a table to identify key visual representations related to cultural hegemony. This preliminary step helped establish three distinct analytic categories: • Ideological Narratives: Exploring how religious and political ideologies are intertwined and visually represented, reflecting the state’s hegemonic messages. • Cultural Identity and Heritage: Examining how myths, folklore, traditions, and national symbols contribute to constructing a shared cultural identity. • Social Dynamics and Gender Roles: Analyzing depictions of social relationships, family structures, and gender roles, and how they reflect or challenge societal norms. These categories provide a structured framework for systematically observing visual elements before and after the revolution. By using them to guide my observations, I explored how illustrations contribute to and reflect the socio-political landscape of the time. The guiding research questions, discussed in the next section, are designed to delve deeper into these themes and illuminate the manifestations of cultural hegemony in Iranian children’s literature during the selected decades. 5. Revisiting theory and texts and writing theoretical memos. In this phase, I delve deeper into the theories of cultural hegemony and the methodologies of critical content analysis, establishing a solid theoretical and methodological foundation for the study. This framework enables an in-depth examination of the intricate interplay between children’s literature, ruling power, and social transformations represented within Iranian picturebooks during the revolutionary period. Recognizing the production and presentation of images as complex social 34 acts intricately tied to cultural, political, and social contexts enhances our understanding of the material. Through writing theoretical memos, I reflect on the interactions between theory and visual imagery, thereby deepening my comprehension of the complexities inherent in the representation of power within Iranian picturebooks. This reflective process also aids in refining my analytical approach and ensuring that interpretations remain grounded in the theoretical framework. 3.2 Selected Works and Rationale Initially, I compiled a list of picturebooks published by Kānoon between 1969 and 1989 using the "Books’ Home Institute" database, which archives publications in Iran. Following this, I conducted an in-depth examination of each book on the list at Kānoon’s central library in Tehran. The selection process placed greater emphasis on fictional works rather than non-fiction, to focus on narratives rich in symbolic and thematic content, which are particularly suitable for analyzing underlying hegemonic messages. Even in books that lean toward non-fiction, such as those dealing with religious stories, the element of narrative storytelling remains prominent. To gain a comprehensive understanding of Kānoon’s picturebooks during this period and to facilitate a critical content analysis, I considered several key factors: diversity in genre (encompassing both realistic and fantastical or surreal narratives), diversity in topics (such as retellings of myths and legends, folklore, religious beliefs, and family dynamics), and diversity in settings (including both urban and rural environments). Additionally, I aimed to select at least one book from each year between 1969 and 1989. However, in some years, due to an increase in the number of publications, I had multiple choices, while in other years—particularly around 1979, when there was a decrease in publications—my options were more limited. In terms of topics, I selected works whose images and narratives were directly relevant to my research questions, particularly those reflecting the hegemonic ideologies of each era within their socio-political contexts. The analytic categories were refined to align with broader thematic motifs, which are: ‘Ideological Narratives’: Exploring the intertwining of religious and political themes and how they reflect state ideologies, particularly the depiction of Shia Islam and revolutionary messages in the books; ‘Cultural Identity and Heritage’: Examining aspects such as Iranian ancient history, national identity, myths, and folklore that contribute to constructing a shared cultural identity; ‘Social Dynamics and Gender Roles’: Analyzing depictions of family 35 roles, gender dynamics, social hierarchies, and especially the portrayal of women and the hijab as key indicators of dominant hegemony across each decade. Guided by these categories, I analyzed how the visual elements in the selected picturebooks contributed to and reflected the socio-political landscape of the time. The research questions, which will be discussed in the next section, are designed to further explore these themes and illuminate the manifestations of cultural hegemony in Iranian children’s literature during the selected decades. 36 Chapter 4: Visual Analysis 4.1 Guiding Research Questions This section presents a set of focused research questions that serve as a guiding framework for this study. Organized into three analytic categories—Ideological Narratives, Cultural Identity and Heritage, and Social Dynamics and Gender Roles—these questions are designed to facilitate effective critical content analysis and systematically explore the cultural hegemony represented in Iranian picturebooks from 1969 to 1989. Each question is crafted to be specific and directly observable within the visual content of the books, enabling a thorough examination of how societal and political changes are reflected in children’s literature during this pivotal period. Ideological Narratives 1) How are political and revolutionary elements—such as representations of resistance movements, social activism, symbols of the 1979 Revolution, depictions of political leaders, and imagery related to the Iran-Iraq War—visually depicted in picturebooks from 1969 to 1989, and how do these depictions reflect the state’s hegemonic messages? 2) How are religious symbols (e.g., mosques, Islamic motifs, religious figures) visually represented in the picturebooks from 1969 to 1989, and how do they convey the state’s ideological messages? 3) What national symbols (such as the Iranian flag or iconic landmarks) are depicted in the illustrations, and how do these visual elements contribute to reinforcing state-promoted ideological narratives and constructing a sense of national identity during 1969 to 1989? Cultural Identity and Heritage 1) How are traditional Iranian myths and folklore characters visually represented in the picturebooks, and how do these representations differ between the decades before and after the 1979 Revolution? 2) How do visual depictions of nature in Iranian picturebooks from 1969 to 1989 reflect aspects of cultural identity and heritage, such as traditional relationships with the environment, portrayals of rural life versus urbanization, and attitudes toward modernization? 3) How are Iranian cultural traditions and customs (e.g., festivals, traditional clothing styles) portrayed within the picturebooks from 1969 to 1989, and what do these portrayals reveal about cultural narratives and the preservation or transformation of heritage? 37 Social Dynamics and Gender Roles 1) How are family structures depicted in the illustrations—specifically the roles of parents and children—and do these depictions reflect traditional or evolving societal norms between 1969 and 1989? 2) In what ways are female characters portrayed in terms of clothing (particularly the depiction of the Islamic hijab), physical features, and facial expressions before and after the 1979 Revolution, and how do these portrayals reflect shifts in societal expectations and gender roles? 3) How do visual representations of women’s activities, professions, or behaviors change between 1969 and 1989, and what do these changes reveal about evolving gender roles and social dynamics in Iranian society? 4.2 Picturebooks’ Analysis In the earlier chapters of this study, I explored how children’s literature serves as a lens for understanding a nation’s cultural, social, and political transformations. This section presents an in-depth visual content analysis of four selected picturebooks—two from the pre-revolutionary period and two from the post-revolutionary period. To ensure a structured and comprehensive examination, these books are analyzed within three overarching thematic categories: 1. Ideological Narratives 2. Cultural Identity and Heritage 3. Social Dynamics and Gender Roles These books were selected based on two key criteria: each visually represents at least two of the three thematic categories framing this study—Ideological Narratives, Cultural Identity and Heritage, and Social Dynamics and Gender Roles—and each offers rich ideological perspectives, as revealed through critical visual content analysis, which demonstrates how their illustrations are embedded with the socio-political context of their era, providing nuanced insights into the cultural hegemony of their respective decades. The analysis of each book is structured into three sections: first, “Plot,” providing a brief synopsis of the narrative; second, “Visual Analysis,” a detailed examination of illustrations and visual elements; and finally, an “Analytical Summary,” offering a rationale explaining why the book was chosen, synthesizing key insights from the visual analysis, and explicitly linking these insights to the hegemonic ideologies and socio-political contexts of their respective periods. 38 These four books are selected from a larger corpus of 40 picturebooks analyzed in this study (see Appendix for the remaining 36 picturebooks). While this section provides detailed analyses of the four chosen texts, a single representative image from each of the remaining 36 books is analyzed concisely in the appendix. Each of the 36 images was selected as the one that best encapsulates the book’s hegemonic essence. The reasoning behind each book’s categorization is explained, demonstrating how its visual content elements align with the broader ideological structures of its time. This broader selection allows for a comparative understanding of visual trends and cultural shifts across the two decades. The 40 picturebooks examined in this study are not merely stories; they are visual artifacts that encapsulate the evolving ideological landscape of Iranian society between 1969 and 1989. Their illustrations provide valuable insights into how Iranian identity, religious ideologies, and social structures were visually communicated to young readers, shaping their worldview through imagery rather than textual narration. The appendix also includes a table summarizing the visual thematic distribution of these 40 books. This categorization establishes a framework for critically analyzing how dominant religious and political ideologies were visually embedded within these culturally significant works. It is important to note that some books fall into multiple categories. For instance, a picturebook may prominently feature political themes while also depicting gender roles. In such cases, the book is classified based on its dominant visual representation of hegemonic ideologies while acknowledging its relevance to multiple themes. The following table provides an overview of the thematic distribution of the 40 analyzed picturebooks across the pre-revolutionary and post-revolutionary periods, based on their visual content: Period Total Books Ideological Narratives Cultural Identity and Heritage Social Dynamics and Gender Roles Pre-Revolution (1969-1979) 20 2 (10%) 11 (55%) 7 (35%) Post-Revolution (1980-1989) 20 10 (50%) 5 (25%) 5 (25%) Overall 40 12 (30%) 16 (40%) 12 (30%) Table 1 39 This table highlights notable visual thematic trends between the pre- and post-revolution periods, reflecting the socio-political contexts and dominant hegemonies of each era. The subsequent analysis will explore these subtle yet noteworthy shifts in greater detail by conducting a full visual analysis of four selected books, while examining one key illustration from each of the remaining 36 books in the appendix. 40 A) Bozī Ke Gom Shod The Plot The book Bozī Ke Gom Shod (The Lost Goat) was published in the early 1970s. It narrates the story of a village man with a special goat that has golden wool. The man hides his goat from everyone, and no one knows about the goat’s existence. He picks the golden wool from his goat every day and keeps it in the barn. One day, the goat is left loose in the house, goes out, and gets lost. The man’s journey to find his goat begins. On the one hand, he is afraid to give the goat’s description to the villagers because then everyone will know about the precious golden goat; on the other hand, he can only find it with their help. After a long and fruitless search, he promises a young man a large amount of gold if he finds the goat. This promise spreads everywhere, and everyone learns how valuable the golden goat is, leading others to claim that the lost goat is theirs. Now, in every village, some claim to have lost a goat. At the end of the man’s story, during his search, he meets a young girl who does not know about the lost goat. When the old man tells her the story, the girl says that if he had shown the goat to others from the beginning and not hidden it, everyone would have known it was his, and no one could make a false claim. She suggests that things would have been different if the man had shared the goat and used its golden wool to benefit the entire village. The story ends with this moral advice without stating whether the goat was found. The book narrates the life story of a person who hides his resources and does not share them with others In symbolic readings, the golden goat can be interpreted a resource that has the potential to benefit all. However, the moral of the story is that individualism and preferring individual interests over public interests cause its loss and, as a result, public poverty. So, if we consider the village to represent Iran, then the goat might, for instance, represent the national wealth like oil which belongs to every Iranian, but its benefits do not reach the public when a group monopolizes it. Visual Analysis Yuta Azargin created illustrations using paper and fabric collage techniques against simple environmental designs. The visual elements resemble ancient Iranian patterns rather than an accurate depiction of rural life in the 1970s. For instance, on pages 22 and 23, architectural motifs reminiscent of Persepolis, the ancient capital of the Achaemenid Empire, are present, reinforcing a sense of historical grandeur. This imagery aligns with the Pahlavi regime’s 41 emphasis on cultural nationalism and the glorification of Iran’s pre-Islamic past, which I discussed in the “Socio-political Context” chapter of this study. Figure 1: Bozī Ke Gom Shod, Pages 22 and 23 A notable aspect of Bozī Ke Gom Shod is its idealized portrayal of rural life, which may reflect a romanticized or external viewpoint rather than a fully realistic depiction of Iranian villages during that period. While the story suggests a harmonious and self-sustaining rural community, historical accounts indicate that, following the land reforms, many peasants did not receive land, and most villages lacked access to electricity, schools, piped water, roads, and other essential infrastructure. These conditions, along with limited arable land, contributed to widespread rural migration, as many villagers moved to the outskirts of urban centers in search of work as factory workers or laborers (Abrahamian, A History of Modern Iran, 252–255). The illustrations integrate ancient Iranian aesthetics, particularly Persepolis-like columns and decorative patterns, rather than focusing on realistic architectural and environmental details. This artistic choice may stem from the tourist gaze of Yuta Azargin, the European illustrator, who, despite residing in Iran, interpreted and depicted its culture through an external lens. The seamless integration of nature, traditional motifs, and aristocratic aesthetics in the village further transforms the rural setting into a symbolic rather than a documentary representation. This approach aligns with Kanoon’s broader cultural strategy of presenting Iran as both visually appealing and aligned with its nationalist identity-building efforts. From the beginning to the end of the book, all human and animal characters appear smiling. However, the text narrates the man’s struggle and anxiety about losing his goat, yet this anxiety 42 is not visually represented in any of the illustrations. The lack of visible distress in the old man’s face, even as he searches for his lost goat, creates a disconnect between text and image. Given the political and cultural climate of the 1970s, illustrations that were too expressive of hardship might have been seen as socially or politically provocative. Thus, the ever-present smiles function as a mechanism to soften the book’s potentially critical themes, aligning its visual message with the state’s broader narrative of prosperity and stability. One of the features of this book’s illustrations is the use of uncluttered compositions, with details that immediately stand out. Now, I intend to examine the illustrations of the book page by page and provide general insights according to the guide questions of this study. On the book’s cover, we see a colorful golden goat that shines against a simple blue background; the bright colors effectively emphasize the goat’s goldenness. In the first image, we enter a rural barn with chests filled with golden goat wool. Although the depicted elements in the warehouse are minimal, the overall storage space and the design of the boxes do not suggest poverty—often a stereotypical characteristic of rural life in Iran. Furthermore, nothing in this image specifically indicates that this warehouse belongs to an Iranian village. The arrangement of the chests and the pristine condition of the setting create an idealized image rather than an authentic depiction of rural hardship. The combination of objects and the manner of storing the goods is more reminiscent of Western village life than Iranian rural settings. In the next image, we see a black-and-white illustration of a smiling village man feeding his goat. The old man’s clothing reflects a stereotypical image of rural attire: a vest with a border of traditional patterns, a hat, and Giwa (traditional footwear). The thick beard of the old man is also consistent with conventional depictions of elderly villagers. The goat and the village landscape, visible through a small window frame, are the only colored elements of the illustration. While the text describes the loss of the goat, the image does not visually reflect this loss. In the next illustration, a village man is standing on the threshold of a village. The man is the only human in this illustration, and the rest of the images depict a landscape of a mountainside village in color. Nature is the most colorful element in this picture. The next illustration features the anthropomorphism of the goat; regardless of the text, we see the goat sitting in the interior of a house with a smile on its face. The only household items in this illustration are a large samovar and teapot used to brew tea in Iran, a dish with traditional Iranian motifs on the windowsill, and two Persian floor cushions, known as ‘Poshti,’ on which a goat is leaning. 43 The next illustration is the only fully colored illustration in the book, with a sparse background. This illustration includes native elements, especially in the fabrics and clothing design of the characters. This page depicts the imagination of three village women and three men, each dreaming of having a golden goat. Although all the women in the picture wear a traditional hijab, the diversity in women’s clothing is remarkable; one is wearing a scarf (chārghad), and the other two are wearing a traditional headscarf. Another point is that only women have a role in the images; one of the women imagines herself milking a goat, a task which is joint work between men and women in rural communities. Also, this illustration subtly reinforces traditional family roles by depicting a woman carrying a child on her back. The next illustration portrays two elderly village men eating watermelon, followed by an image of a young man playing the reed flute while tending to the herd. The role of a shepherd has long been depicted as a masculine profession. The color palette of this illustration is pleasant and aesthetically balanced, creating a sense of tranquility for both the character and the reader. The subsequent illustration shows a young girl with bare feet, wearing a necklace, earrings on her shoulder, and a headscarf with her black hair visible underneath, taking water from a small river. This image is distinctive in the book as it portrays the character without detailed facial features such as eyes, presenting only her outline. In books from the first decade after the 1979 Revolution, depicting women in colorful clothes with loose hair and visible body forms is rare. The girl is barefoot, and the lines of her body are visible. Notably, the book’s core message—criticizing individualism and advocating for community benefit—is conveyed through this young girl, adding depth, agency, and wisdom to her character. However, this depiction serves a hegemonic purpose, reinforcing the Pahlavi regime’s narrative of granting women more agency, rather than reflecting the actual realities of gender roles in society. This central message is reinforced in the following illustration, where men and women are depicted working side by side, emphasizing the importance of cooperation in social life. The illustration, rendered in black-and-white with the only hint of color being the pillar on which a goat stands, reminiscent of Persepolis, portrays women without traditional hijab attire. Ancient Iranian influences are evident in the clothing and carpet patterns, highlighting gender-balanced roles in rural activities like spinning, agriculture, and carpet weaving. This scene captures the entirety of village life leading up to carpet weaving, a prestigious Iranian export during that era. While women’s braided hair is visible, the clothing style evokes 44 an aristocratic class rather than rural society, with waist shawls and traditional Qaba embroidery. Thus, this illustration presents a wishful hegemonic image of its time: men and women collaborating to elevate Iran, depicting smiling villagers amid favorable economic conditions. The final illustration of the book depicts a golden goat among plants. With a hegemonic reading, this goat symbolizes Iran’s ancient identity, reflecting the collective efforts of all to preserve Iranian heritage. However, the final illustration, with the golden goat nestled among plants, suggests an ambiguous resolution. While the goat has returned to nature, its role within the community remains unresolved, suggesting a lingering ambiguity about national wealth and heritage. Analytical Summary The selection of Bozī Ke Gom Shod (The Lost Goat) is grounded in its unique ability to encapsulate the socio-political and cultural dynamics of pre-revolutionary Iran, particularly within the framework of visual cultural hegemony as promoted by the Pahlavi monarchy. By analyzing this book’s illustrations, we can assess whether this hegemonic narrative—combining rural transformation with historical glorification—is reflected in its visual elements. Published in the early 1970s, the book presents a rich visual narrative that aligns with the research questions guiding this study. As a work that embodies the cultural and social themes of its time through visual representation, it serves as a valuable subject for critical analysis. This book was chosen primarily for its interwoven visual thematic categories, contributing to a nuanced depiction of Iranian society within the context of cultural hegemony. It represents at least two of the three overarching themes of this study: cultural identity and heritage and social dynamics and gender roles. This book serves as a valuable example for analyzing cultural heritage, particularly in relation to the Pahlavi-era transformations of rural life. The vivid depiction of rural settings makes it a useful case for examining how the White Revolution and its impact on villages were reflected in children’s literature of this period. Since the White Revolution was closely tied to rural life, with land reform as one of its key components, it is important to observe how these structural changes in rural communities and occupations are represented visually. The book incorporates motifs from Iran’s ancient past, such as Persepolis-like architectural elements and traditional Persian decorative patterns, which align with the Pahlavi regime’s emphasis on cultural nationalism. This visual emphasis reinforces the broader Pahlavi-era project of cultural 45 nationalism, which sought to modernize Iranian villages through land reform while simultaneously reinforcing a national identity rooted in Iran’s pre-Islamic heritage. The idealized depiction of rural life, interwoven with elements from ancient Iranian history, enhances aesthetic appeal while contributing to a constructed image of national identity consistent with hegemonic state narratives. By visually intertwining gender roles and heritage, the book provides a layered reflection on the complexities and contradictions of modernization, traditionalism, and cultural hegemony in pre-revolutionary Iran. The book also offers a nuanced glimpse into gender roles in rural life, portraying men and women engaged in separate but cooperative activities, thereby reflecting traditional social structures. It vividly depicts the structured division of labor between men and women, providing insight into how these roles were visually reinforced within state-led modernization efforts. Additionally, the presence of a young female character in a central role raises important questions about how cultural narratives balance tradition with shifting social norms. Rather than entirely rejecting traditional roles, the narrative subtly reshapes them, granting the young female character agency and influence within familiar cultural structures. This aspect allows for a deeper exploration of whether children’s literature of this period maintained rigid gender roles or introduced gradual changes. As mentioned earlier, the period in which this book was published coincided with Iran’s efforts to nationalize the oil industry and increase oil revenues for economic development. The Pahlavi government also carried out land reforms, claiming to "eliminate the regime of peasant slavery" and "prevent the monopoly of national wealth in the hands of a few" (Ahmadi 7). If we accept the symbolic meaning of this book as stated and consider the goat as a symbol of oil, the book can be read as a reflection of the larger national context—where reforms were unsuccessful, and national wealth was lost. This reading introduces a critical perspective on the Pahlavi regime’s modernization efforts. Marzieh Broumand, one of the artists who collaborated with the Kānoon theatre group, indicates that Kānoon officials opposed the display of symbolic books that presented social criticism, such as The Lost Goat. According to her, disagreements between artists and the Kānoon theatre head led some members to leave the group (Mohammadi and Ghaeni 10:1085). She also describes the tension that arose in 1971 between Kānoon’s theatre artists and its leadership, as the group resisted performing at official events such as the crown prince’s birthday celebration at the royal court. 46 This tension highlights the contradictory role of Kānoon—as both a state-supported institution and a platform for artists experimenting with socially critical themes. The Lost Goat serves as an example of this dynamic: on one hand, it reflects themes promoted by the state, such as rural development and modernization, aligning with Pahlavi-era narratives of progress. On the other hand, its potential symbolic reading—where the goat represents lost national wealth—suggests a critique of state policies, making it more subversive than it may initially appear. The fact that Kānoon officials opposed works like The Lost Goat suggests that even within the institution dedicated to artistic production, certain narratives remained contested and politically sensitive. The images in The Lost Goat can be interpreted within the values of the period. The golden goat may symbolize Iran’s glorious and ancient past, something the man in the story is searching for, reflecting the Pahlavi regime’s efforts to connect national identity to pre-Islamic heritage. However, this interpretation also raises a critical question: is the book simply reaffirming the state’s nationalist rhetoric, or is it subtly commenting on contemporary politics by presenting a lost, unattainable past? If the golden goat represents not only Iran’s heritage but also something lost or exploited, this reading could position the book as a subtle critique of modernization and resource control under the Pahlavi regime. The book presents an idealized and aestheticized version of rural life, reinforcing the Pahlavi-era vision of an orderly, prosperous countryside. Rather than depicting poverty or hardship, it emphasizes a clean, structured rural existence, incorporating elements of ancient Iranian heritage in its visual motifs. The presence of Persepolis-like architectural elements strengthens its ties to Iran’s pre-Islamic history, aligning with the cultural nationalism promoted by the Pahlavi regime (Abrahamian, A History of Modern Iran 239-254). During this period, the Pahlavi government leveraged rising oil revenues to fund ambitious modernization programs, known as the Great Civilization initiative. These programs aimed to transform Iran into a global economic power, with social reforms such as land redistribution intended to modernize rural life while reinforcing the regime’s nationalist image. However, rather than closing class gaps, the oil-funded development strategy deepened social divisions by concentrating wealth among the court-affiliated elite, while rural populations remained economically vulnerable (Abrahamian, A History of Modern Iran 239-254). If we analyze the illustrations alongside the text, we see that both work together within the dominant hegemonic framework—suggesting an official state-sanctioned cultural narrative. 47 However, the book’s symbolic ambiguity creates space for multiple interpretations. By closely examining the illustrations, I aim to identify visual elements that either reinforce or complicate this dominant narrative, revealing whether The Lost Goat is simply a reflection of state ideology or if it holds contradictions and tensions within its imagery. Furthermore, Yuta Azargin, an Austrian illustrator, came to Iran after marrying Ali Azargin, an Iranian artist and painter. While this background information is external to the book’s illustrations, it is essential in interpreting the pictures, as the illustrator does not come from the culture she depicts. The book reflects a European perspective on Iranian rural life, resembling a touristic gaze. This depiction aligns with Kānoon’s broader efforts to bridge Iranian culture with Western aesthetics. 48 B) Gordafarīd The Plot The book narrates the legendary story of Gordafarīd’s battle against Sohrab, one of the most well-known episodes from Shāhnāmeh. When Sohrab, a powerful warrior leading an invading army, approaches the Dezh-e Sepid (The White Fortress, a strategically significant stronghold of Iran in Shāhnāmeh), Gordafarīd disguises herself as a male warrior to defend her people. She fights skillfully, demonstrating both physical prowess and strategic intelligence. However, Sohrab ultimately overpowers her, forcing her to retreat. At this turning point, Sohrab removes Gordafarīd’s helmet, revealing that she is a woman. This unexpected discovery momentarily stuns Sohrab, disrupting the gendered dynamics of battle. In a society where martial prowess is a domain of men, Sohrab’s confrontation with a female warrior unsettles the hegemonic expectations of power and dominance both in the epic’s historical context and in the era in which the picturebook was produced. Gordafarīd uses this moment of hesitation to her advantage. She persuades him to let her go, arguing that if he spares her, she will help him enter the fortress. This is no ordinary stronghold—it is a key strategic border fortress of Iran, and Sohrab’s entire campaign to invade the country depends on conquering it. Tempted by the possibility of an easy victory, Sohrab follows Gordafarīd, believing she will lead him inside. However, once she has gained enough distance, she quickly outruns him and secures herself behind the fortress walls, leaving Sohrab locked outside and preventing his attack. The narrative is significant because it challenges traditional expectations of women’s roles. Unlike many female characters in classic Persian literature, who are often relegated to passive roles, Gordafarīd actively shapes the course of events through her actions and intelligence. After Sohrab captures the fortress’s guard, Hojir, she is the only one among all the men in the castle who dares to step forward and volunteer for hand-to-hand combat with Sohrab and takes agency in a male-dominated space. The revelation of her identity is pivotal, momentarily stunning Sohrab while affirming that her strength coexists with her femininity. Rather than portraying her as an anomaly, the story frames her as both powerful and graceful, reflecting the Pahlavi-era discourse on women’s empowerment within an aestheticized framework. However, this portrayal also reinforces the notion that beauty is an essential trait for women, thereby contributing to a self-perpetuated stereotype. 49 Visual Analysis The illustrations of Gordafarīd, created by Aliakbar Sadeghi, play a crucial role in shaping its narrative and reinforcing its central themes. Sadeghi’s artistic style draws heavily from Persian miniature painting, incorporating intricate patterns, decorative elements, and highly stylized figures. His illustrations transform Shāhnāmeh’s classical themes into a vivid, dynamic visual experience, making the book both a literary and artistic homage to Iran’s cultural heritage. On the title page, the sun illustration appears next to the name Gordafarīd, suggesting that it serves as a symbolic representation of her. From the very first page, the depiction of the sun evokes traditional Iranian art, resembling elements of Persian miniature painting and Qahveh Khāneh (coffeehouse) painting. Femininity is attributed to the sun, reinforcing the idea that Gordafarīd is metaphorically likened to this radiant and powerful celestial body. In the next illustration, symmetry plays a dominant role, particularly in the depiction of the Turanian soldiers in the background. Their identical faces, helmets, and expressions create a repetitive, almost pattern-like effect, reinforcing the idea of a unified and homogenous enemy force. Despite being the leader of the opposing army, Sohrab does not evoke a sense of hostility or villainy. His facial features, stylized in Aliakbar Sadeghi’s signature manner, convey both determination and dignity rather than aggression. His elaborate armor, adorned with intricate motifs, aligns him more with the heroic figures of Shāhnāmeh than with a conventional antagonist. This nuanced portrayal reflects the complexity of Sohrab’s character—he is not merely an invader but a tragic hero whose true identity remains hidden. Sohrab is the son of Rostam, the greatest Iranian hero, yet Rostam fails to recognize his own son, and this ignorance ultimately leads to Sohrab’s downfall in one of the most tragic episodes of Shāhnāmeh. The illustration subtly reinforces this duality: he stands among the Turanians, yet his distinct design sets him apart. Unlike the uniform and almost faceless warriors behind him, Sohrab is individualized, suggesting that he does not entirely belong to the enemy ranks. His depiction highlights the irony of his fate—an Iranian by blood, but a foreigner by allegiance. The visual arrangement not only maintains historical and artistic continuity but also functions as a medium for ideological and cultural narratives. In the pre-revolutionary context, figures from Shāhnāmeh were often reinterpreted beyond their literary origins, serving as representations of national identity. Figures from Shāhnāmeh were reinterpreted in the Pahlavi 50 era to reinforce Iran’s pre-Islamic heritage and national identity. The monarchy promoted Shāhnāmeh as a cultural pillar, positioning its heroes as symbols of strength and legitimacy. In this illustration, Sohrab embodies this national identity paradox—though he fights for the enemy, his dignified expression and elaborate armor align him with Shāhnāmeh’s heroic figures, emphasizing his dual role as both an outsider and an heir to Iran’s legacy. The next illustration shows the battle between Hojir and Sohrab with a well-organized composition and detailed elements, highlighting the power balance between the two warriors. Movement is conveyed through the flowing manes of the horses, the sharp angles of the spears, and the swirling dust, creating a dynamic battlefield scene. The positioning of the warriors establishes a clear hierarchy—Hojir appears defensive, while Sohrab’s placement emphasizes his dominance, foreshadowing his victory. Although part of the opposing army, Sohrab is not portrayed as a villain but as a tragic figure, reinforcing his lineage as Rostam’s son. The warm, saturated hues—reds, oranges, and golds—enhance the dramatic intensity of the battle, symbolizing bravery and the tension of impending fate. The intricate patterns on the warriors’ armor connect the scene to Persian artistic traditions, situating it within the illuminated manuscript tradition of Shāhnāmeh. Sadeghi’s approach, characterized by symmetry, repetition, and bold contouring, preserves the grandeur of the epic while making it visually engaging for younger audiences. The next illustration introduces Gordafarīd into the narrative in a visually striking manner, immediately revealing her gender through both text and imagery. Unlike post-revolutionary depictions, where female characters are often less physically emphasized, her body here is deliberately accentuated with strong outlines and intricate details, making her femininity evident through bodily features. Her large scale within the composition highlights her significance and agency in the scene. Her extended arm, drawing the bow, commands attention, while subtle details such as her long nails add a layer of femininity to her otherwise martial posture. This representation underscores the artistic freedom of pre-revolutionary Iranian illustration, where female characters could embody both strength and distinct femininity without compromise. In contrast, Sohrab’s reaction to Gordafarīd’s attack is depicted with a calm, almost expressionless face. Despite the intensity of the arrows striking his shield, his calm expression gives the impression of strength and confidence. This portrayal reinforces the power dynamic between the two while foreshadowing the emotional depth of their confrontation. 51 As the battle intensifies, the confrontation between Sohrab and Gordafarīd is depicted in a highly detailed and dynamic composition. The image is dense with movement, ornamentation, and overlapping figures, creating a visually rich battlefield scene. Gordafarīd’s armor is adorned with intricate feminine motifs, such as flowers, and features a more colorful palette with pinkish hues compared to Sohrab’s, blending traditional war attire with explicitly decorative elements. This duality reinforces her identity as both a warrior and a woman. The elaborate detailing of her outfit, particularly in contrast to Sohrab’s more utilitarian armor, highlights her distinctiveness in the battle and within the broader narrative of Shāhnāmeh. The pivotal moment in the narrative occurs when Sohrab removes Gordafarīd’s helmet, exposing her flowing hair and revealing her true identity as a woman. Gordafarīd’s expression, poised between defiance and vulnerability, reinforces her dual role as a warrior and a symbol of feminine strength. As Akrami notes, national heroes are central to Sadeghi’s works, and Gordafarīd’s role as a fearless defender of Persia aligns with the era’s nationalist discourse (Akrami 294). While her armor and stance signify martial prowess, the delicate features of her face and the softness of her hair create a striking contrast, reinforcing the interplay of strength and grace. The Pahlavi regime used such illustrations to reconnect Iranian children with their pre-Islamic heritage, fostering national pride through mythological figures like Gordafarīd, who embodied both resilience and beauty. Notably, she is depicted with blonde hair, an uncommon choice in Iranian cultural and aesthetic traditions, where black hair is more prevalent. This artistic decision aligns her appearance more closely with Western imagery, potentially reflecting broader ideological influences. 52 Figure 2: Gordafarīd, page 18 The next image portrays Gordafarīd embraced by her father, the commander of the White Fortress. His tall stature and composed expression convey authority and the duty of protecting Iran, reinforcing ideals of guardianship and national pride. The embrace itself is both tender and resolute, underscoring the dual themes of familial protection and military responsibility. The intricate patterns on their armor visually connect them to Iran’s artistic heritage, while the flowing, harmonious composition evokes a sense of order and stability. This combination presents Iran as a nation both powerful in battle and deeply rooted in its cultural identity. In the final depiction, Sohrab is shown riding his horse away with slumped shoulders, embodying exhaustion and defeat. However, the fortress remains standing tall—its towering walls contrast with Sohrab’s hunched posture, evoking a sense of national pride and the perceived invulnerability of Iran’s borders. His posture and downward gaze signify the emotional and physical toll of the battle. His horse, once depicted as a powerful war steed, now appears subdued, further emphasizing the moment of loss. The muted energy of the composition contrasts sharply with the earlier dynamic battle scenes, visually concluding Sohrab’s confrontation with Gordafarīd in a way that highlights his tragic fate and foreshadows his ultimate downfall in Shāhnāmeh. 53 Analytical Summary The selection of Gordafarīd is based on its unique representation of a female warrior, a figure that holds a special place in Iranian epics and legends. Across the two decades analyzed in this study, both before and after the 1979 Revolution, female warriors were rarely portrayed in Iranian children’s literature. Even within Shāhnāmeh (The Persian Book of Kings), Iran’s national epic, female warriors are uncommon, making Gordafarīd an exception not only in children’s literature but in classic Persian literature as well. As discussed earlier, Shāhnāmeh played a significant cultural and ideological role in the Pahlavi period, and the Gordafarīd picturebook reflects the regime’s cultural nationalism, which was deeply rooted in glorifying Iran’s ancient past and reinforcing the idea of Iran as a great historical kingdom. However, the book also stands out as an uncommon example of gender representation in children’s literature of the time. Cultural Identity and Heritage: The book reinforces the Pahlavi-era emphasis on Iran’s pre-Islamic past by reviving Gordafarīd as a heroic figure from Persian mythology. During this period, the monarchy actively promoted national pride through historical and literary icons, situating Gordafarīd within a broader discourse of cultural revival and identity-building. In this sense, the book aligns with state narratives that glorified Iran’s ancient heritage as part of nationalist ideology. Social Dynamics and Gender Roles: At the same time, Gordafarīd is one of the few female warriors in Shāhnāmeh, and her selection as a protagonist in Iranian children’s literature during this period carries a hegemonic significance. While her heroic identity fits within the Pahlavi-era celebration of pre-Islamic history, her defiance of gender norms makes her distinct from most female characters in Persian literary traditions and visual culture. Unlike conventional portrayals of women, she actively engages in battle, exhibits full agency, and assumes a leadership role traditionally reserved for men. This makes Gordafarīd an exception in children’s books of the period, demonstrating how Pahlavi-era nationalism selectively incorporated strong female figures while such portrayals remained rare overall. Beyond its narrative significance, Gordafarīd is also important for its artistic and stylistic contributions. The book is illustrated by Aliakbar Sadeghi, a renowned Iranian artist whose distinct visual style is deeply rooted in traditional Persian miniature painting (Negārgarī). His work in Gordafarīd reflects the intricate detailing and compositional complexity characteristic of this tradition while also aligning with 54 Kānoon’s aesthetic vision for children’s books in the pre-revolution period. As Akrami notes, national heroes are a recurring theme in Sadeghi’s works, and Gordafarīd’s depiction as a fearless defender of Persia—who bravely confronts Sohrab—resonates with Iran’s national pride and identity (Akrami 294). Through its visual storytelling and narrative themes, the book serves as a valuable case study for examining how national identity and gender roles were constructed in Iranian illustrated books before the Revolution. Overall, through both its narrative and visual elements, Gordafarīd serves as a vehicle for hegemonic discourse, reinforcing themes of national pride, gender roles, and historical continuity. The pre-revolutionary period under the Pahlavi monarchy actively employed mythological figures from Shāhnāmeh to construct a national identity that linked contemporary Iran to its ancient past. Gordafarīd’s depiction as a female warrior both challenges and conforms to hegemonic expectations—she exhibits strength, and intelligence yet remains firmly within the framework of aestheticized femininity. Aliakbar Sadeghi embeds this narrative within the broader discourse of Iranian nationalism, using artistic heritage as a tool for ideological reinforcement. By presenting its characters through a lens of heroism, sacrifice, and divine fate, Gordafarīd functions as both an artistic picturebook and a reflection of the socio-political currents that shaped Iranian children’s literature before the 1979 Revolution. 55 C) Āy Ibrahim The Plot The book tells the story of Ibrahim, a shoemaker living in Ahvaz, a city close to the war front. Ibrahim insists on going to war, but he is old and is not accepted as a soldier. Instead, he expresses his love for his homeland by working as a shoemaker for the warriors and their families, repairing their boots and assisting them. The narrator introduces Ibrahim in a personal conversation, unfolding the story in a way that allows the audience to discover his fate gradually. The readers learn that Ibrahim lost his life when a bomb hit his workshop, and the narrator is now speaking to a dead man. Even after his death, Ibrahim’s sacrifice continues; he appears in the narrator’s dream and instructs him on how to help the families of the martyrs. By structuring the story as a direct conversation between the narrator and Ibrahim, the book evokes a sense of intimacy and familiarity. His fate is not framed as a tragedy but as an extension of his devotion to his homeland. The act of remembering and addressing the deceased is significant, as it aligns with the ideological framing of martyrdom as an ongoing, ever-present force in Iranian society. Ibrahim does not simply vanish after his death; he lingers in the narrator’s consciousness, reinforcing the idea that true sacrifice ensures eternal remembrance. This concept of an ever-present martyr also aligns with broader revolutionary narratives that positioned war casualties as sacred figures who continued to "live" within the collective memory of the nation. This positioning of an elderly shoemaker as a heroic figure expands the definition of war participation, suggesting that even those who are physically unable to fight can achieve martyrdom through their service. At the end of the book, the narrator addresses Ibrahim directly to emphasize this point. This message is not subtle; rather, it is explicitly stated that martyrs are multiplied, continuing their existence in the hearts of others and inspiring others to find the courage to fight. "Our children always remember you. You lost your legs, but firmer steps move forward. Your eyes remained closed, but more vigilant and watchful eyes now see. You were bent over your anvil, and now millions stand tall. You held a needle in your hand, and now thousands hold rifles. Now, fists are clenched around weapons. Oh, Ibrahim, in the waves of Karun, in the crimson dawn and dusk, in the green palms standing tall and unwavering, in the stars of the sky, 56 in the red tulips of the plains, in the beating hearts of all those who resist oppression—you and the other Ibrahims always remain. Always." —Emami and Khāef, 16 The collective aspect of martyrdom is emphasized by the text on the last page—martyrs are not just personal losses but communal figures whose sacrifice strengthens the national and religious identity. The transition from an intimate focus on Ibrahim to a broader communal setting mirrors the real-life ceremonial practices of war remembrance in Iran, where mourning was not just personal but a national act. Visual Analysis Bahram Khāef’s illustrations play a significant role in reinforcing the mentioned ideological themes. The color palette consists primarily of muted, earthy tones—shades of gray, brown, and blue dominate the images, evoking the bleakness of war. This visual approach aligns with a style commonly seen in post-revolutionary war children’s literature, where depictions of conflict were rendered in a subdued, almost poetic manner rather than through explicit graphic violence. This restrained color scheme also serves to emphasize moments of destruction and loss, which are selectively marked by warmer tones. For example, in the illustration depicting the bombing of Ibrahim’s workshop, deep reds and oranges appear for the first time, drawing attention to the moment of his death and heightening its emotional weight. Khāef’s use of abstraction further reinforces the book’s ideological messages. Backgrounds often dissolve into washes of color, giving the images a dreamlike quality that suggests memory and loss rather than immediate action. The opening illustration immediately establishes Ibrahim as a significant figure. His face is stylized in a high-contrast, almost ghostly manner, with one side darkened as if consumed by shadows. This dual-lighting effect suggests both his past presence and his continued spiritual existence. The background is abstract, blending washes of earth tones and faded landscapes of the south by portraying a palm tree, which is a regional tree of southern Iran, reinforcing a memory-like quality. Also, there are two birds flying in his head, not over it, which carries an important message conveying the sense of Ibrahim’s innocence. This portrayal aligns with the ideological emphasis on martyrs as ever-present figures in the collective consciousness—even after death. The large portrayal of Ibrahim here recalls posters and murals of martyrs commonly 57 seen in Iran during the 1980s, where fallen soldiers’ faces were memorialized in large-scale imagery to reinforce their significance in the nation’s memory. The next page introduces Ibrahim in his everyday role as a shoemaker. He is portrayed in muted tones, reinforcing his humble working-class identity. His hands are engaged in repairing and waxing soldiers’ shoes, symbolizing service to the nation, even if not through direct combat. The scattered boots around him allude to the soldiers he serves, positioning him as part of the war effort despite his physical limitations. The emphasis on his profession reflects the expansion of “sacrifice” and “war” beyond the battlefield, a key theme in post-revolutionary ideology. The Iranian government at the time framed the war as an all-encompassing struggle, where even civilians who contributed indirectly were part of the "sacred defense." Ibrahim’s portrayal suggests that sacrifice can be enacted through labor, not just through direct fighting. Ibrahim’s physical depiction aligns with the visual tropes of revolutionary-era figures. His face is rugged yet kind, portraying him as both a laborer and a paternal figure to the soldiers he serves. His clothing is simple and traditional, emphasizing his connection to the working class and placing him in contrast to the wealthy people that the revolution sought to dismantle. The next illustration contains a critical Islamic symbol: the act of passing under the Qur’an before leaving for war. This tradition is deeply embedded in Iranian culture and reinforces the religious sanctification of battle. The meaning of this gesture is seeking refuge in the Qur’an, signifying that the Qur’an and its sacredness will guide and support a person on their path. The blurred, fragmented depiction of the soldiers and their weapons creates a fusion of reality and dreamlike abstraction. The transition between the material and the immaterial world is visually suggested, reinforcing the idea that those who enter war through faith will transcend earthly existence and attain martyrdom. This page exemplifies how Islamic ritual practices were embedded into wartime narratives to present the war as not just a national duty but a divinely sanctioned struggle. Although on the previous page we have a full picture of Ibrahim, on this page the characters are like shadows and elements of the environment—shadows, smoke, and debris—seem to merge with human forms, symbolizing the omnipresence of war and its inescapable reach. Furthermore, the page emphasizes the origins of these warriors, as their clothing includes head 58 coverings traditionally worn by men in southern Iran. This visual detail reinforces the likelihood that these fighters are local. The next picture is perhaps the most visually striking and abstract spread in the book. The image is fragmented—one side features a close-up of an eye, while the other side dissolves into a pinkish haze resembling blood and smoke. This illustration method departs from strict realism and instead conveys the emotional and psychological weight of war. The eyes may symbolize the watchfulness of the fallen, a recurring revolutionary theme in which the dead remain spiritually present, overseeing the living. The text on this page reinforces this idea and aligns with the notion that Ibrahim is alive, although his body is gone. Figure 3: Āy Ibrahim, pages 10 and 11 In the next illustration, the narrative moves beyond Ibrahim as an individual and shifts toward a collective portrayal of war’s impact on society. The scene shows a gathering of men in Ibrahim’s store, potentially discussing the war effort. A palm tree in the center acts as a visual representation of the place where the story occurred, and there are two men in traditional attire from southern Iran. The following frame narrates the moment of Ibrahim’s death when he was bombed while working. Ibrahim is shown hunched over, his head resting on his arm. The posture conveys a sense of death, but the illustration also conveys a sense of peace. His connection to the land is emphasized through the blending of colors, as though he is merging with the environment and palm trees—symbolic of how martyrs are eternally linked to their homeland. A horizontal red 59 streak at the bottom of the image visually suggests blood but is stylized rather than explicit, reinforcing the book’s attempt to present war in a way that is poetic rather than graphically violent. Analytical Summary Āy Ibrahim, written by Gholamreza Emami and illustrated by Bahram Khāef, represents the literary atmosphere of Iranian children’s books during the years when the Iran-Iraq war impacted the country. During the eight-year war between Iran and Iraq, which started in 1980, many books were published not only by Kānoon but also by other publications that promoted the values emerging from the war. Values like Martyrdom, sacrifice, and unwavering service to the homeland became central themes in Iranian society, which had just undergone a major revolution and was immediately drawn into war. As a result, “literature was not permitted to encourage or stimulate objections to the war. Instead, “engaged” literature was meant to employ those meanings of war and martyrdom that the established Islamic ideological discourse had assigned to them” (Sheykh Rezaee et al., 66). Among the 20 focal texts I selected from the post-revolutionary period, two books directly address the Iran-Iraq war. I chose Āy Ibrahim as it vividly represents the first thematic category, Ideological Narratives, through its explicit promotion of revolutionary values like martyrdom, sacrifice, and national duty. At the same time, it aligns closely with the second category, Cultural Identity and Heritage, by visually representing traditional Iranian cultural elements—particularly regional clothing, religious practices, and symbolic imagery, such as southern Iranian palm trees and rural landscapes. This representation allows for an analysis of how Iranian cultural heritage was both portrayed and mobilized within the revolutionary narratives of the 1980s. Additionally, the Qur’an’s role as a cultural symbol, particularly in the context of going to war, was a crucial aspect of revolutionary discourse during this period. The book is deeply embedded within the hegemonic ideological narratives of the post-revolutionary period. It aligns with the broader revolutionary discourse that sought to portray war not as a temporary crisis but as a defining struggle requiring the collective effort of all citizens. The text reinforces the idea that Iran’s soldiers are the followers of Ibrahim, the prophet from whom all Abrahamic religions originate. The book quotes the Qur’an, stating that Ibrahim himself was an "ommat." In this context, "ommat" (meaning "a nation" or "a community of 60 believers") signifies that Ibrahim embodied the qualities of an entire righteous community, serving as a moral and spiritual guide. From a broader perspective, the book not only promotes a political idea but also connects the Iranian people to the history of religion, and by quoting the Qur’an, it elevates its message to a sacred level. It was Islam and the Islamic ideology that bestowed meaning on war and martyrdom. Martyrdom became more sacred, the ultimate goal in people’s lives. Through achieving this goal, the martyr, like a bird, could free himself from the cage of earthly fetters (Sheykh Rezaee et al., 65). Ibrahim, as a character, embodies the revolutionary ideal of a selfless citizen who, even when unable to fight, dedicates himself to the war effort in a meaningful way. His story reinforces the idea that all contributions, whether on the battlefield or in civilian life—carry the same moral weight in the defense of the nation. The book’s structure also aligns with this ideological framework by presenting Ibrahim’s presence as enduring beyond death. The narrator’s ongoing conversation with him blurs the boundary between the living and the dead, reinforcing the revolutionary discourse that martyrs are never truly gone but continue to exist within the collective consciousness. Overall, Āy Ibrahim presents war and sacrifice from an adult-centered perspective. Unlike some picturebooks that frame war through a child’s lens, this book narrates the lived experience of an older man, omitting elements of playfulness or childhood imagination. However, certain visual and narrative choices attempt to soften the harsh realities for a younger audience. The personal and conversational tone of the narration invites the reader into the story as an active participant, mitigating the finality of Ibrahim’s death. His portrayal as a protective and nurturing figure provides a sense of stability amidst the chaos of war. Despite these efforts, the book remains firmly embedded in a broader ideological framework that prioritizes revolutionary messaging over a child-centered perspective. In the context of post-revolutionary Iranian picture books, Āy Ibrahim exemplifies how war literature for children was used as a tool for ideological reinforcement. Through both textual and visual elements, the book constructs a narrative in which patriotism, sacrifice, and martyrdom are presented as the highest virtues. Notably, no women are depicted in the book; it is entirely male-centered. By choosing an elderly shoemaker as its protagonist, the book expands the definition of national duty beyond the battlefield, reinforcing the idea that service to the homeland is not limited to soldiers but extends to all aspects of life. Operating within a broader framework that 61 naturalizes the necessity of sacrifice in times of war, Āy Ibrahim contributes to the construction of a hegemonic narrative that shaped the wartime consciousness of Iranian children during the 1980s. 62 D) Khāneh-ye Hāj Rahīm Āghā Kojāst? The Plot The story follows Ahmad, a child from a small village, who arrives in the city with his mother to celebrate Nowruz, the Iranian New Year. Nowruz, a festival marking the arrival of spring, is an essential part of Persian culture and serves as the backdrop for Ahmad’s experience. The family stays with Ahmad’s aunt and her husband, Haj Rahim Agha, reflecting the strong familial ties that shape Iranian society. During a visit to the bazaar, Ahmad becomes distracted by a street performer and gets separated from his mother. His journey to reunite with her takes him through different parts of the city, where he encounters various people, including shopkeepers, porters, and other townspeople, each representing different aspects of urban life. Ahmad repeatedly asks strangers for directions to Haj Rahim Agha’s house, illustrating the city’s unfamiliarity and the overwhelming experience of a young village boy navigating an urban environment. The book’s tension lies in Ahmad’s growing distress and homesickness. As he wanders through the bazaar, the sights, sounds, and interactions he experiences contrast sharply with the comfort and familiarity of his village. He nostalgically recalls Nowruz celebrations back home, where the air was filled with the scent of flowers, clover, and freshly baked bread—a sensory contrast to the crowded, fast-paced, and impersonal environment of the city. His longing to return home underscores a common theme in Iranian literature: the tension between modernization and cultural preservation. Ahmad’s eventual reunion with his mother, facilitated by the collective efforts of the townspeople, reinforces a communal ethos. The book does not simply focus on Ahmad’s individual struggle but highlights the role of community support and social networks in resolving crises. This emphasis on empathy and companionship aligns with traditional Iranian values, where interdependence and mutual care are seen as essential aspects of society. The book’s conclusion, where Ahmad returns home with his mother, underscores a preference for rural simplicity over urban complexity. His invitation to his cousin to visit his village reinforces the nostalgic, almost utopian view of rural life as pure, safe, and intimate contrast to the overwhelming, disorienting experience of the city. This rural-urban dichotomy is a recurring theme in Iranian literature and can be interpreted as part of a broader cultural 63 discourse on the importance of heritage, simplicity, and familial bonds in a rapidly modernizing world. Visual Analysis Kalantari’s illustrations play a crucial role in cultural and historical documentation in children’s literature. As previously mentioned, his meticulous attention to architectural details, clothing styles, and market scenes provides readers with a visual archive of Iranian urban life in the 1980s. Unlike illustrations that rely on abstraction or stylization, Kalantari’s work leans toward realism, anchoring the story in a specific time and place. His color palette is dominated by earthy tones and natural hues, reinforcing the illustrations’ organic, historical quality. Architectural elements such as mud-brick walls, domed rooftops, and narrow alleyways further situate the book within a distinctly Iranian visual heritage. The contrast between the soft landscapes of Ahmad’s village and the structured spaces of the city visually underscores the thematic conflict between rural simplicity and urban complexity. The opening illustration immediately establishes the contrast between rural and urban clothing. Ahmad’s mother, dressed in a vibrant, patterned outfit with a decorative headscarf, visually contrasts with the urban woman, who wears a chador. A common feature of both women’s attire is its loose-fitting design, which prevents the vivid depiction of body shape. Ahmad himself is portrayed in a traditional blue outfit with a sash and giveh (traditional shoes), whereas his city cousin wears overalls, a jacket, and boots. Their hats further emphasize the distinction between rural and urban boys. The contrast in attire visually reinforces Ahmad and his mother’s status as outsiders in the city, even though Ahmad’s aunt’s family also wears traditional urban clothing rather than the suits and ties that symbolized Western fashion in the post-revolutionary period. The next illustration emphasizes childhood play as a universal activity while still maintaining a visual contrast between rural and urban children. The kite and whirligig, classic symbols of childhood freedom, visually connect them, suggesting a bridge between their different backgrounds. The minimal background details keep the focus on their interaction, reinforcing the theme of cultural exchange and adaptation in the city. In the following illustration, the characters are placed in a public space, capturing the bustling atmosphere of the bazaar—a central hub of commerce and social interaction in Iranian 64 urban life. Architectural elements such as arched ceilings, traditional storefronts, and intricate window designs firmly situate the setting within Iran’s historical marketplaces. A key contrast in this scene is the visual differentiation between rural and urban women through their clothing. Ahmad’s mother, representing a rural background, wears a colorful regional hijab with a decorative band, while the urban women in the background wear the more standardized black chador, which became increasingly common in post-revolutionary Iran. Although the background figures are not clearly detailed, the black chador distinctly separates female characters from male ones. This visual contrast highlights the cultural distinctions between rural and urban dress codes, reinforcing the overarching theme of transition and adaptation. The diversity of figures—shoppers, merchants, and even a beggar sitting on the ground—adds social depth, illustrating a range of economic statuses within the urban environment. The next illustration, like the previous one, continues to depict elements of the Iranian bazaar. However, it further highlights social diversity and gender roles within this space while introducing a street performer and a monkey, a traditional form of public entertainment in Iranian markets. Figure 4: Khāneh-ye Hāj Rahīm Āghā Kojāst?, pages 10 and 11 Women in the scene are dressed in a variety of traditional garments, ranging from black chadors to a white floral hijab. The presence of a woman carrying a baby reinforces the maternal 65 role commonly emphasized in Iranian visual culture. Meanwhile, the men exhibit greater occupational diversity—the street performer, wearing a red headband and vest, signifies a working-class status, while another man in the background, dressed in a suit and hat, likely represents a wealthier social class. This contrast suggests that men’s roles are more varied, spanning entertainment, commerce, and professional life, whereas women are more centered on family and caregiving. The diversity in clothing styles seen throughout the city reflects the socio-economic and cultural shifts brought about by urbanization. This visual attention to attire serves as a marker of identity, illustrating regional and class-based differences. Ahmad’s placement on the page, slightly apart from others, visually reinforces his status as an outsider in the city, reminding the viewer of his rural background and his unfamiliarity with the urban environment. On the next page, the bazaar remains a central setting, with illustrations capturing the diverse occupations and trades found in traditional Iranian markets, from fruit vendors and porters to carpet sellers. These depictions serve a dual function: they educate younger readers about traditional economic structures while also reflecting the widening divide between rural and urban experiences in Iran. The bazaar is portrayed as a lively, chaotic, and colorful space—an ecosystem where commerce, culture, and community intersect. Unlike war literature, where women often occupy passive or background roles, here, they are actively engaged in shopping, conversing, and participating in the life of the bazaar, offering a more dynamic representation of female presence in everyday urban life. This provides insight into how gender roles in Iranian picturebooks of the 1980s varied depending on the subject matter—while war-themed books often emphasized maternal sacrifice and mourning, cultural narratives like this one positioned women as central figures in family and community life. However, women in these illustrations are primarily depicted as shoppers and caregivers, reinforcing traditional gender roles within Iranian society. In the next illustration, Ahmad’s interaction with city boys highlights the contrast between rural and urban forms of play. While Ahmad previously enjoyed kite-flying in open spaces, the city boys engage in pretend war games, brandishing toy guns. This shift in play may reflect the influence of post-revolutionary militarization on children’s recreation, where war and resistance were central themes in national discourse. In this interaction, Ahmad’s homesickness intensifies, 66 and he wishes he had never come to the city. Notably, no girls appear in these play scenes, reinforcing the gender division of boys and girls in social spaces. Over the next ten pages, Ahmad becomes lost in the crowded streets, and the illustrations effectively convey his growing distress. His small, isolated figure is frequently placed within dense, overwhelming urban compositions, visually emphasizing his sense of displacement and vulnerability. In one of these illustrations, Ahmad mistakes a chadori woman for his aunt, highlighting how the hijab, particularly the chador, creates a sense of uniformity. The only visible features of the woman are her eyes and eyebrows, reinforcing the anonymous and indistinct nature of veiled figures in Ahmad’s perception. An interesting Iranian aesthetic feature emerges in this depiction: the women’s eyebrows are drawn thick and connected—a traditional marker of beauty and modesty. This small but significant detail aligns the book’s visual language with Persian artistic traditions, reinforcing an idealized image of Iranian womanhood. In the last illustration depicting Ahmad’s search for his mother in the bazaar, he is accompanied by a group of helpful adults who guide him to an elderly man named Rahim, whose name resembles that of his aunt’s husband. The old man, with a cane, white beard, and glasses, represents wisdom and guidance, evoking the traditional patriarchal figure in Iranian society. His long brown robe and white skullcap suggest piety, aligning him with Islamic values and cultural reverence for elders. His outstretched hand toward Ahmad conveys reassurance and protection, offering a stark contrast to the impersonal and chaotic experiences Ahmad previously faced in the city. Ater ten pages following Ahmad’s search through the bazaar, we finally encounter his family at the police station. The inclusion of police officers in military-style uniforms introduces a contrast between institutional authority and communal problem-solving. While Ahmad’s mother turns to the state apparatus for help, it is ultimately informal networks—shopkeepers, merchants, and street performers—who guide Ahmad back home. The illustrations juxtapose these two forms of intervention: the police officers, dressed in blue uniforms with gold detailing, represent state authority, depicted in a formal, structured manner. The officer at the desk appears somewhat indifferent, casually gesturing while listening to Ahmad’s mother, suggesting a bureaucratic, impersonal approach to problem-solving. Meanwhile, the saluting officer reinforces hierarchy, order, The next illustration depicts the boys, including one with a bicycle, who were 67 previously engaged in play, now participating in problem-solving, marking a shift from childhood games to social responsibility. This integration of informal community networks with official authorities reflects the Iranian cultural emphasis on collective responsibility. However, gender norms are also reinforced in this illustration, as men and boys are portrayed as the decisive figures in resolving the situation, while women take on more passive roles. Ahmad’s mother is shown crying, and her sister is depicted as a comforting figure rather than actively engaging in the search for Ahmad. This visual representation aligns with traditional gender roles, where men are positioned as problem-solvers and women as emotional caregivers. The most emotionally charged illustration follows, depicting Ahmad and his mother’s tearful reunion. Unlike the earlier urban scenes filled with strangers and movements, this composition is intimate, warm, and centered on their embrace. In the background, bazaar workers, police, and a woman observe from a distance, reinforcing the idea that Ahmad’s journey was a communal experience rather than an individual one. The next illustration captures a sense of warmth, hospitality, and social harmony. Ahmad’s mother and aunt sit by a samovar, engaging in conversation, symbolizing tea culture’s role in Iranian social life. Ahmad and his cousin share a golden balloon. On the left, men, including Haj Rahim Agha, engage in conversation, highlighting male social networks and class diversity. The balanced composition of men conversing, women socializing, and children playing reinforces traditional Iranian values of kinship, hospitality, and community bonds. The final illustration presents a striking contrast to the earlier urban chaos. Ahmad and his mother ride a donkey back to their rural home, depicted in warm, earthy tones. The village architecture, blooming trees, and welcoming figures create a sense of harmony and belonging that was absent in the city. Ahmad’s raised hand, waving a cloth, symbolizes triumph and joy, a clear indication that his journey was not about adaptation but reaffirmation of rural values. The empty space on the right side of the composition enhances the feeling of openness and peace. Thus, through a carefully constructed visual language, Where Is the House of Haj Rahim Agha? reinforces a hegemonic preference for rural life over urban modernity. By portraying urban life as overwhelming and alienating, the book promotes a nostalgic view of Iranian heritage, emphasizing the importance of community, family, and cultural traditions in the face of modernization. 68 By centering the story around a child’s journey through the bustling, overwhelming cityscape, the book captures both the anxieties and wonders of modernization, reflecting larger societal shifts occurring in post-revolutionary Iran. At the same time, its emphasis on collective responsibility, empathy, and family cohesion aligns with the state’s broader ideological messages about social unity. While it does not engage with direct political symbols or revolutionary themes, it contributes to the construction of national identity through the preservation of cultural memory. By depicting Iranian traditions, Nowruz celebrations, and the daily workings of the bazaar, the book reinforces a sense of cultural continuity, which was particularly significant during a time of rapid social and political change. Analytical Summary Khāneh-ye Hāj Rahīm Āghā Kojāst? )Where Is the House of Haj Rahim Agha?( written and illustrated by Parviz Kalantari, one of the most prominent figures in Iranian illustration, was first published in 1985 and stands out as a significant work in Iranian children’s literature. In Kalantari’s work, we see vivid depictions of the daily life of Iranian children, the dynamics of Iranian families, architecture, and cultural traditions. His illustrations uniquely capture traditional Iranian bazaars, streets, and the attire of various Iranian tribes—elements rarely represented with such depth and frequency in the works of other artists. His works often depict scenes of rural Iranian life, nomadic communities, and traditional architecture. Kalantari not only focused on these themes in his illustrations but also explored national and cultural identity in his independent paintings. Some of his stylistic characteristics include the use of earthy tones, dynamic compositions, and unique techniques to create texture and evoke traditional landscapes (Akrami, 318). Thus, this book serves as a strong example of the thematic category of Cultural Identity and Heritage, vividly depicting traditional Iranian customs, clothing styles, rural versus urban cultural contrasts, and community-based social interactions. Simultaneously, it provides a significant example of Social Dynamics and Gender Roles through its clear portrayal of Iranian men and women engaged in gender-specific activities within both rural and urban public spaces, particularly the bazaar, thus reflecting evolving social structures and gender norms in post-revolutionary Iranian society. Where Is the House of Haj Rahim Agha? offers an insightful lens into Iranian cultural identity, social structures, and urban-rural contrasts. Through Ahmad’s journey in the city, the story constructs a visual and textual representation of Iranian society in 69 the 1980s, highlighting traditional customs, community values, and the dynamic role of the bazaar as both an economic and social hub. Kalantari’s deep investment in Iranian folk culture is evident in this book, as he frequently explores Iran’s rural and historical landscapes, making this picturebook a valuable document of pre-modern Iranian social life before the rapid urbanization of the post-revolutionary era. The book’s narrative structure and imagery emphasize cultural continuity. Although it was first published during the Iran-Iraq War, it notably lacks any reference to the ongoing conflict, setting it apart from the dominant wartime literature of the period. Unlike books that centered around nationalistic sacrifice and militarized themes, this book instead focuses on the collective social fabric and the persistence of cultural heritage, making it an important source for analyzing how Iranian picturebooks preserved and transmitted national identity beyond war-related narratives. In addition, since the book portrays traditions and occupations that were slowly fading due to modernization, it is also a relevant text for exploring Social Dynamics and Gender Roles. Throughout the book, we observe a clear division of social roles between men and women. The contrast between the attire of urban and rural women is another key visual element that invites discussion on changing gender norms and social expectations in post-revolutionary Iran. 70 Chapter 5: Conclusion 5.1 Key Findings Iran underwent tremendous change between 1969 and 1989, transitioning from the Pahlavi monarchy’s secular modernization agenda to the Islamic Republic’s religious-revolutionary framework. Between 1963 and 1977, economic growth and modernization efforts led to progress in various fields, including education and cultural production, contributing to the rise of children’s literature in Iran during the Pahlavi era. Cultural institutions such as Kānoon were established, and the government used mass media, art, literature, and education to promote nationalist ideology, glorify Iran’s pre-Islamic heritage, advance modernization efforts, and foster loyalty to the Pahlavi monarchy, while downplaying Islamic influences in shaping Iranian identity. Following the 1979 revolution, the post-revolutionary Iranian state established its hegemony by promoting Islamic identity, religious authority, anti-Western sentiment, and a tightly controlled cultural and educational environment. The government replaced the nationalist framework of the Pahlavi era with a religious one, suppressing secular and Western influences while fostering a society deeply rooted in Shi’a Islamic ideology. Considering that this shift occurred in 1979, this study investigated the visual representation of hegemony in Iranian illustrated books published by Kānoon from 1969 to 1989, examining how political and societal transformations before and after the 1979 Iranian Revolution were reflected in children’s book illustrations. Kānoon, founded in the late 1960s under the Pahlavi monarchy, continued its operations after the revolution despite the closure of many other cultural institutions. However, the revolution brought significant political and social change, introducing new cultural values that influenced institutions like Kānoon and the visual content of its books. Since Kānoon was under government supervision before and after the revolution, this study argued that its illustrated books reflected the ruling class’s ideology. Through critical visual content analysis guided by Antonio Gramsci’s theory of cultural hegemony, this research demonstrated how children’s literature served as a powerful vehicle for transmitting ideological narratives of power, cultural identity, and social norms across different political regimes. I examined picturebooks from the 1970s and 1980s to understand how hegemony was visually represented across different social and political periods. The findings show that 71 illustrations in Kānoon picturebooks were not merely artistic choices but also tools for shaping ideological and cultural narratives while reinforcing dominant ideologies. This study highlights how the ruling class shaped collective experiences through shared values and worldviews. By applying critical visual content analysis, the study interpreted the visual elements of children’s books within their socio-political contexts, demonstrating how illustrations in Kānoon picturebooks reinforced power dynamics in both pre- and post-revolutionary Iran. Short’s critical content analysis model (2016) was adapted to identify the underlying messages of power and ideology. The analysis is structured around three key categories: ideological narratives, cultural identity and heritage, and social dynamics and gender roles. These categories provide a systematic framework for examining visual elements and exploring how illustrations contribute to the socio-political landscape. To provide historical context, the thesis outlines Iran’s political and social landscape across four key periods: the Qajar period and the Constitutional Movement (1905-1925), Reza Shah Pahlavi (1925-1941), Mohammad Reza Shah (1941-1979), and the Islamic Republic of Iran (1979-1989). The study includes a detailed analysis of four selected picturebooks—two from the pre-revolutionary period and two from the post-revolutionary period—chosen for their ability to encapsulate the socio-political and cultural dynamics of their respective eras. Additionally, a concise analysis of a single representative image from each of the 36 books is included in the appendix. This approach strengthens the thesis by incorporating a broader selection of texts to trace socio-political shifts over the two decades. The analysis of four key picturebooks—Bozī Ke Gom Shod and Gordafarīd from the pre-revolutionary period, and Āy Ibrahim and Khāneh-ye Hāj Rahīm Āghā Kojāst from the post-revolutionary period—alongside 36 additional texts analyzed in the appendix, yielded several significant findings in the thesis’s thematic categories. Ideological Narratives Pre-revolution picturebooks reflected the Pahlavi regime’s emphasis on Persian nationalism and the glorification of Iran’s pre-Islamic heritage. While religious symbols were notably absent in pre-revolutionary books, the state’s emphasis on pre-Islamic symbolism served as an alternative reference that reinforced the regime’s secular modernization project. The mythological warrior Gordafarīd reinforced national identity through ancient Persian civilization, 72 while Persepolis-inspired architectural motifs in Bozī Ke Gom Shod visually echoed the monarchy’s link to Persian emperors. Although these books largely aligned with the Pahlavi regime’s agenda, Bozī Ke Gom Shod subtly critiques socio-economic realities. The golden goat symbolizes Iran’s national wealth, suggesting that monopolization leads to collective loss. This ambiguity exemplifies Kānoon’s dual role as both a tool of state ideology and a space where artists navigated the boundaries of critique. Post-revolution picturebooks demonstrated a clear ideological shift toward Islamic values and revolutionary principles. Political and revolutionary elements became explicit in visual narratives—for instance, in Āy Ibrahim, which illustrates the Iran-Iraq War through highly symbolic imagery of sacrifice and martyrdom. Revolutionary symbols, such as red tulips (representing martyrs’ blood), appeared frequently in post-revolutionary books, creating visual anchors for the new state ideology. Religious symbols became central visual elements after 1979, with prayer scenes, Qur’anic references, and Islamic features like the hijab prominently featured in illustrations. Āy Ibrahim exemplifies this transformation through its visual glorification of martyrdom, equating national sacrifice with religious duty by visually linking Ibrahim to the Prophet Ibrahim’s willingness to sacrifice his son. The book positions martyrdom as both a spiritual and national obligation through explicit religious imagery. Even in books not centered on war, such as Khāneh-ye Hāj Rahīm Āghā Kojāst? Islamic visual codes—such as women’s veiling—permeate the illustrations, reflecting the new hegemonic framework in which religious identity became inseparable from state ideology after 1979. Cultural Identity and Heritage The visual representation of Iranian cultural identity underwent a profound transformation between these periods, particularly in how traditional myths were depicted. Pre-revolutionary books such as Gordafarīd portrayed mythological figures from Shāhnāmeh with visual elements reminiscent of Persian miniature paintings but modernized through contemporary artistic techniques. These illustrations featured vibrant colors, heroic postures, and elaborate traditional costumes that emphasized the grandeur of Iran’s mythic past. As one of the few female warriors in Shāhnāmeh, Gordafarīd was visually represented with both martial attributes (armor, weapons) and feminine aesthetics, reflecting the Pahlavi regime’s selective approach to gender representation within cultural heritage. The book Bozī Ke Gom Shod depicts the Pahlavi-era transformations of rural life by showcasing village settings influenced by the White Revolution, 73 offering insight into how land reforms and socio-economic changes were visually represented in children’s literature. It reinforces nationalism and modernization through an idealized vision of rural life. The visual aesthetics of the 1970s often drew from both traditional Persian art forms and Western artistic influences, creating a hybrid visual language that aligned with the monarchy’s modernization agenda. Post-revolutionary picturebooks like Āy Ibrahim repositioned cultural identity within an Islamic framework, emphasizing religious morality and revolutionary values, as they were recontextualized within an Islamic worldview. Post-revolutionary picturebooks like Āy Ibrahim repositioned cultural identity within an Islamic framework, emphasizing religious morality and revolutionary values, as they were recontextualized within an Islamic worldview. Additionally, another dominant cultural hegemony of this era is reflected in the book Khāneh-ye Hāj Rahīm Āghā Kojāst?, which romanticizes rural life to construct national identity, reinforcing a broader cultural tendency to idealize traditional lifestyles despite shifting political ideologies. Unlike the dominant war literature of the 1980s, it focuses on everyday life, emphasizing the persistence of Iranian traditions amidst modernization. Through Ahmad’s journey in the city, the story contrasts rural simplicity with urban complexity, reinforcing a hegemonic nostalgic preference for traditional values. The book’s resolution, with Ahmad returning to his village, reaffirms a hegemonic preference for rural life over urban modernity, portraying the countryside as a space of harmony and belonging. Social Dynamics and Gender Roles Perhaps the most dramatic visual transformation occurred in the representation of gender. Pre-revolutionary illustrations depicted women without veils, occasionally in positions of agency and strength, as seen in Gordafarīd. The book challenges gender norms by portraying a female protagonist with agency, intelligence, and martial prowess—traits traditionally reserved for men. However, these representations were still constrained within aestheticized frameworks that emphasized feminine beauty as essential to female identity, revealing the limitations of the Pahlavi regime’s gender reforms. The illustrations reinforce both her strength and broader themes of heroism and sacrifice central to the monarchy’s vision of Iranian identity. This selective portrayal of female empowerment reflects the Pahlavi regime’s attempt to balance progressivism with tradition, embodying the contradictions of modernization and controlled gender representation. In Bozī Ke Gom Shod, the young girl’s role as the voice of wisdom 74 disrupts conventional power structures, reflecting contradictions in the regime’s approach to gender and reform. Post-revolutionary picturebooks enforced strict visual codes regarding gender representation, mandating the veiling of female characters and reinforcing more rigid gender roles. Women were primarily depicted as caregivers and nurturers, while men occupied a wider range of social positions, as seen in Khāneh-ye Hāj Rahīm Āghā Kojāst?. The depiction of rural and urban attire, particularly in women’s clothing, highlights shifting gender norms. While men appear in diverse occupational roles, women are primarily portrayed as caregivers and shoppers, reinforcing traditional gender divisions. Āy Ibrahim, with its exclusively male characters, exemplifies the masculinization of national duty during the war, constructing a wholly male-centered vision of patriotism and sacrifice, reinforcing the state’s ideological messaging. The transition from historical grandeur to a revolutionary ethos in visual storytelling suggests that children’s books served as ideological tools. While pre-revolutionary books largely aligned with the Pahlavi regime’s agenda—emphasizing nationalism, modernization, and the glorification of Persian heritage—some also reflected societal tensions and contained subtle critiques. Post-revolutionary books embedded Islamic themes, gender norms, and revolutionary ideals, mirroring the new government’s ideological stance. These visual and narrative transformations illustrate how power structures shape children’s literature to perpetuate hegemonic worldviews, providing a nuanced understanding of how picturebooks function as ideological artifacts within their socio-political context. 5.2 Significance and Broader Implications This study demonstrates the enduring relevance of Gramsci’s theory of cultural hegemony for understanding how children’s literature functions as a site for ideological reproduction. In both pre- and post-revolutionary Iran, picturebooks reinforced a “common world-view,” making dominant ideologies appear natural and inevitable through visual narratives aimed at young readers. The analysis reveals that picturebooks are not merely artistic creations but powerful ideological artifacts that reflect and reinforce the political and social values of their time. The persistence of Kānoon across different political regimes demonstrates how cultural production adapts to changing hegemonic frameworks while continuing to socialize children into prevailing ideological systems. 75 By examining visual elements—such as color palettes, composition, clothing, architecture, and gender roles—this study illustrates how artistic choices function as vehicles for ideological messaging. The analysis of Iranian picturebooks from 1969 to 1989 offers insights into how state ideology shapes visual storytelling and transmits values to younger generations. This case study of Iran’s revolutionary transition provides a model for understanding similar ideological shifts in other societies, showcasing how political authority permeates cultural narratives and influences on identity formation during childhood. The findings also contribute to our understanding of children’s literature as inherently embedded in adult-dominated power structures. As Jack Zipes (2002) and Jacqueline Rose (1994) have argued, children’s literature is fundamentally shaped by adult conceptions and agendas. This study confirms that picturebooks function as "windows" (to use Rudine S. Bishop’s metaphor) not into objective reality but into adult-constructed ideological narratives about society, culture, and identity. Moreover, this research helps bridge a significant gap in English-language scholarship on Persian picturebooks, offering Western readers access to cultural materials that have been largely overlooked in international children’s literature studies. By examining texts outside the Western canon, this study contributes to a more globally inclusive understanding of how children’s literature functions across diverse cultural and political contexts. 5.3 Future Research Directions This study opens several promising avenues for future research. Comparative studies on children’s literature from other nations that have undergone ideological transitions could provide valuable cross-cultural perspectives on how political changes influence visual narratives for children. The methodology developed in this research—combining Gramsci’s theory of cultural hegemony with critical visual content analysis—could be effectively applied to children’s literature from other revolutionary contexts, such as Eastern Europe before and after the fall of communism. Additionally, while this study focused on fictional picturebooks, the research process revealed a significant corpus of non-fiction children’s books published by Kānoon that warrants further investigation. Books like From the Leader’s Language (1987), which presents animals alongside sayings from Shia Imams, and Far, Near, Even Nearer – Jungle (1987), which encourages children to reflect on divine creation with religious exclamations, demonstrate how 76 non-fiction works also served as vehicles for ideological messaging. These texts provide rich material for exploring how educational content for children was shaped by political imperatives. War-themed literature published by Kānoon during the Iran-Iraq War represents another promising area for future research. Publications authored by members of Kānoon centers across Iran during this period reflected dominant ideological perspectives that promoted the war rather than questioning it, highlighting the institution’s role in mobilizing popular support for the conflict. Investigating these works could offer deeper insights into the mechanisms of wartime propaganda aimed at children and the role of cultural institutions in national mobilization efforts. Finally, this research underscores the need for more studies examining how children received and interpreted these picturebooks. How did children in pre- and post-revolutionary Iran internalize the visual messages embedded in these texts? While historical reception studies present methodological challenges, oral histories and retrospective accounts from adults who grew up reading these books could offer valuable insights into their lasting impact. 5.4 Final Thoughts This study demonstrates that the visual elements of Iranian picturebooks published between 1969 and 1989 reflect profound ideological shifts while reaffirming the consistent role of children’s literature as a vehicle for cultural hegemony across different political regimes. By critically examining these visual narratives, we gain insight not only into Iran’s revolutionary transition but also into the broader functions of children’s literature in shaping dominant worldviews. The picturebooks analyzed in this study serve as cultural documents that visually encode political transformations, social values, and ideological imperatives, making them invaluable resources for understanding how societies transmit core beliefs to future generations through the seemingly innocent medium of illustrated children’s books. This research highlights how these ideological shifts were embedded in picturebooks published by Kānoon, an institution that uniquely survived the revolutionary transition while adapting to new ideological imperatives. Ultimately, this study underscores the importance of critically engaging with visual media to understand broader socio-political dynamics and the mechanisms of cultural influence in shaping young minds. Children’s literature should not be viewed merely as entertainment or educational material but as a cultural artifact that embodies the ideological landscapes of its creation. Picturebooks, with their interplay of text and image, warrant a critical reading that acknowledges 77 their role in constructing and disseminating worldviews that shape young readers’ understanding of society, identity, and values. The visual elements of picturebooks—often consumed uncritically as beautiful illustrations—deserve particular attention, as they frequently communicate ideological messages more subtly and effectively than text alone. Through color, composition, symbolism, and characterization, illustrations can naturalize certain social arrangements while marginalizing others, making dominant ideologies appear self-evident rather than constructed. For scholars, educators, parents, and readers, developing critical visual literacy is essential to recognizing how picturebooks function as vehicles for cultural hegemony. Understanding the ideological dimensions of children’s literature enables us to engage more thoughtfully with these texts, appreciating their artistic merits while remaining aware of their role in reinforcing or challenging power structures. This critical approach does not diminish the value of children’s literature but rather enriches our understanding of its cultural significance. By recognizing picturebooks as both artistic creations and ideological artifacts, we gain deeper insight into how societies transmit values across generations and how visual culture contributes to the construction of national, cultural, and gender identities. 78 Works Cited Web Sources “Encyclopaedia Iranica Foundation.” Encyclopaedia Iranica, https://iranicaonline.org/articles/behrangi-samad-teacher. “University of Mashhad Press.” University of Mashhad, https://press.um.ac.ir/index.php?lang=en. “Iranian Parliament Website.” Majlis of the Islamic Republic of Iran, https://rc.majlis.ir/fa/law/show/99575. “The Center of Historical Documents Survey.” Center for Historical Documents, https://historydocuments.ir/. “The Official Website for Propagating the Thoughts of the Founder of the Islamic Republic of Iran.” Imam Khomeini’s Official Website, http://en.imam-khomeini.ir/. “The Official Website of the Office for the Preservation and Publication of the Works of the Grand Ayatollah Sayyid Ali Khamenei.” Khamenei.ir, https://farsi.khamenei.ir/newspart-index?id=2128&nt=2&year=1368. “Iran International’s Interview with Leili Amir-Arjmand.” YouTube, September 2021, www.youtube.com/watch?v=cXwa89u0nO8. Khodaei, Khatereh, director and writer. Kānoon. 2015. Vimeo, https://vimeo.com/390103590. Moezi Moghadam, Fereydoun. “KĀNUN-E PARVAREŠ-E FEKRI-E KUDAKĀN VA NOWJAVĀNĀN I. Establishment of Kanun.” EncyclopæDia Iranica, 15 Dec. 2010, www.iranicaonline.org/articles/kanun-e-parvares-e-fekri-e-kudakan-va-nowjavanan-establishment-of-kanun. Books and Books’ Chapters Abrahamian, Ervand. A History of Modern Iran. Cambridge University Press, 2008. ———. Iran Between Two Revolutions. Princeton University Press, 1982, https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb00853.0001.001. Amanat, Abbas. Iran: A Modern History. Yale University Press, 2017. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv19prrqm. Chelkowski, Peter, and Hamid Dabashi. Staging a Revolution: The Art of Persuasion in the Islamic Republic of Iran. NYU Press, 1999. 79 Daryaee, Touraj. “The Oxford Handbook of Iranian History.” Oxford University Press eBooks, 2012, https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199732159.001.0001. Foran, John. Century of Revolution: Social Movements in Iran. University of Minnesota Press, 1994, http://muse.jhu.edu/book/31697. ———. Fragile Resistance: Social Transformation in Iran from 1500 to the Revolution. Routledge, 2018, https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429041433. Hoare, George, and Nathan Sperber. An Introduction to Antonio Gramsci: His Life, Thought, and Legacy. Bloomsbury Academic, 2015. Keddie, Nikki R. Iran: Religion, Politics, and Society: Collected Essays. Frank Cass, 1980, https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203043349. Katouzian, Homa. Iranian History and Politics: The Dialectic of State and Society. Routledge, 2003, https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203222553. Ramazani, Rouhollah K. Iran’s “White Revolution”: A Study in Political Development. International Journal of Middle East Studies, vol. 5, no. 2, 1974, pp. 124–39. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/162585. Rose, Jacqueline. The Case of Peter Pan, or, The Impossibility of Children’s Fiction. Macmillan, 1994. Zipes, Jack. Sticks and Stones: The Troublesome Success of Children’s Literature from Slovenly Peter to Harry Potter. Routledge, 2002. Hall, Stuart. “Cultural Studies and the Centre: some problematics and problems.” Culture, media, language. Routledge eBooks, 2003, https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203381182. Halliday, Fred. Iran, Dictatorship and Development. Harmondsworth; New York [etc.] : Penguin, 1978. Hoare, George; Sperber, Nathan. An Introduction to Antonio Gramsci: His Life, Thought and Legacy. Bloomsbury Academic, 2015. Johnson, Holly, et al., editors. Critical Content Analysis of Visual Images in Books for Young People. Routledge, 2019. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429426469 Katouzian, Homa. Iranian History and Politics: The Dialectic of State and Society. Routledge, 2003. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203222553 Keddie, Nikki R. Iran: religion, politics, and society: collected essays. Frank Cass, 1980, https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203043349 Krippendorff, Klaus. Content analysis: An introduction to its methodology. SAGE. 2018 80 Matin‐Asgari, Afshin. “The Pahlavi Era Iranian Modernity in Global Context.” in Touraj Daryaee (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Iranian History, Oxford University Press eBooks, 2012, https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199732159.013.0016. Mashayekhi, A. “Tehran, the Scene of Modernity in the Pahlavi Dynasty: Modernisation and Urbanisation Processes 1925–1979.” Urban Change in Iran, edited by F. Arefian and S. Moeini, Springer, 2016, pp. 143–160. The Urban Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-26115-7_9. Mouffe, Chantal. “Hegemony and ideology in Gramsci”. in Chantal Mouffe (ed.), Gramsci and Marxist Theory. Routledge, 1979. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315794396 Rose, Jacqueline. The Case of Peter Pan, or The Impossibility of Children’s Fiction. Macmillan, 1994. Sarland, Charles. “Critical tradition and ideological positioning.” International Companion Encyclopedia of Children’s Literature, edited by Peter Hunt, Routledge, 2004, pp. 56-75 Short, Kathy G. “Critical Content Analysis of Visual Images.” Critical Content Analysis of Visual Images in Books for Young People Routledge, 2002, pp. 39-61. Short, Kathy G., et al., editors. Critical Content Analysis of Children’s and Young Adult Literature. Routledge, 2016, https://doi:10.4324/9781315651927. Sipe, Lawrence R. “The Art of the Picturebook.” Handbook of Research on Children’s and Young Adult Literature, edited by Shelby A. Wolf et al., Routledge, 2011, pp. 238-252. Varzi, Roxanne. “Mystic States.” Warring Souls: Youth, Media, and Martyrdom in Post-Revolution Iran, Duke University Press eBooks, 2006, pp. 44–75, https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv11317cq.7 Zipes, Jack. “Why Children’s Literature Does Not Exist.” Sticks and Stones, The Troublesome Success of Children’s Literature from Slovenly Peter to Harry Potter, Routledge, 2002, pp. 39-61. Theses Giardina, Natasha Anne. “To Steal Past Watchful Dragons: Cultural Hegemony and Ideology Transmission in Children’s Fantasy Literature 1900-1997.” Doctoral dissertation, James Cook University, 2011. https://doi.org/10.25903/hbx7-4244 Journal Articles Behrouz, Maziar. “Iran After Revolution (1979–2009).” Oxford University Press eBooks, 2012, https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199732159.013.0017. 81 Belcher, Christina. “Culture through Children’s Picture Books: A New Kind of Reading or a New Kind of Child?” IAFOR Journal of Cultural Studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 12 Nov. 2018, pp. 29–41, https://doi.org/10.22492/ijcs.3.2.03. Bishop, Rudine Sims. “Mirrors, Windows, and Sliding Glass Doors.” Perspectives: Choosing and Using Books for the Classroom, vol. 6, no. 3, 1990, https://scenicregional.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/Mirrors-Windows-and-Sliding-Glass-Doors.pdf. Boulard, Florence. “Picturebooks in New Caledonia: Challenging Cultural Hegemony for ‘Une École Calédonienne.’” Waikato Journal of Education, vol. 27, no. 1, 5 May 2022, pp. 21–34, https://doi.org/10.15663/wje.v26i1.903. Daly, Nicola, and Janette Kelly-Ware. “Striving for Social Justice: The Power that Picturebooks Have to Counter Inequitable Cultural Hegemony.” Waikato Journal of Education, vol. 27, no. 1, 5 May 2022, pp. 1-4, https://doi.org/10.15663/wje.v26i1.970. Daryaee, Touraj. “The Oxford Handbook of Iranian History.” Oxford University Press eBooks, 2012, https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199732159.001.0001. Ettehadieh, Mansoureh. “Qajar Iran (1795–1921).” Oxford University Press eBooks, 2012, https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199732159.013.0015. Farsoun, Samih K, et al., editors. Iran: political culture in the Islamic republic. Routledge, 1992, https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203993514 Foran, John. Century Of Revolution: Social Movements in Iran. University of Minnesota Press, 1994. http://muse.jhu.edu/book/31697. _________. Fragile resistance: social transformation in Iran from 1500 to the revolution. Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2018. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429041433 Koss, Melanie D. “Diversity in Contemporary Picturebooks: A Content Analysis.” Journal of Children’s Literature, vol. 41, no. 1, 2015, pp. 32-42. Ong, Patricia. A. L “Critical Multiculturalism and Countering Cultural Hegemony with Children’s Literature.” Waikato Journal of Education, vol. 27, no. 1, May 2022, pp. 51–65. https://doi.org/10.15663/wje.v26i1.884. International Journal of Middle East Studies, vol. 5, no. 2, 1974, pp. 124–39. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/162585. Accessed 9 Oct. 2024. Serafini, Frank, and Stephanie F Reid. “Analyzing picturebooks: Semiotic, literary, and artistic frameworks.” Visual Communication, Jan. 2022, https://doi.org/10.1177/14703572211069623. 82 Short, Kathy G., et al. “Theorizing Visual Representation in Children’s Literature.” in 58th Yearbook of the National Reading Council National Reading Conference, 2009 https://old.coe.arizona.edu/sites/coe/files/critical_content_analysis-nrc.pdf Persian Sources Abbasi, Esmaeil, “Azam Ye Aks Begīr (Take A Photo of Me.)” Interview by Behnam Sedighi, Angah Magaziene, Vol. 2, March 2017, pp 94-101. Ahmadi Khorasani, Noushin. Hejā Va Rowshanfekrān (Hijab and The Intellectuals in Iran.) Self-publish, 2011. Akrami, Jamāl. “Negāhī be Chahār Dahah Tasvīrgarī-ye Ketāb-e Kudak dar Īrān (A Look at Four Decades of Children’s Book Illustration in Iran. ( “ Monthly Book of Children and Adolescent Literature, vol. 69, 2003, pp. 24-38. Atashi, Manouchehr. Sargozasht-e Keshvar-e Kūchak (The Story of the Small Country). Illustrated by Zhen Ramazani. Kānoon, 1972. Azad, M. (Mahmoud Moshref Azad Tehrani). Zāl Va Sīmorgh (Zal and Simorgh). Illustrated by Nooroddin Zarrinkelk. Kānoon, 1973. Azad, M.. Haft-Khān-e Rostam (The Seven Labors of Rostam). Illustrated by Nafiseh Riyahi. Kānoon, 1976. Azhand, Yaghoub. Ghiyām-e Tanbāku (Tobacco Uprising.) Amirkabir Publications, 1988. Barekat, Mahya; Shafiei, Somaye Sadat. “Neshāneh-Shenāsī-ye Ejtemāʿī-ye Hozūr-e Zanān dar Tasāvīr-e Ketābhā-ye Gheyr-e Darsī-ye Kudakān (Social Semiotic Analysis of women in the pictures of kid’s Story Book/Hobby)”. Journal of Culture-Communication Studies, vol. 20, no. 80, 2019, pp. 61-86, https://doi.org/10.22083/JCCS.2019.161672.2660. Bayash, Alen. Chūpān-e Daryāyī (Sea Shepherd). Kānoon, 1976. Be-Āzin, M. A. (Mahmoud Etemadzadeh). Khorshīd Khānom (Mrs. Sun). Illustrated by Zhen Ramazani. Kānoon, 1969. Bozari, Ali. “Negāhī be Shāhnāmeh-hā-ye Mosavvar-e Kudakān )A Look at Illustrated Children’s Shahnamehs)” The Monthly Journal of Children’s and Young Adult Literature, no. 170, 2011, pp. 104-120. Diba, Farah. Kohan Diara, Farah Diba’s Memories. Farzad, 2003. Doostdar, Fereydoon. Ghānūn-e Avval (The First Law). Illustrated by Parviz Kalantari. Kānoon, 1980. Ebrahimi, Nader. Bozī Ke Gom Shod (The Lost Goat). Illustrated by Youta Azargin. Kānoon, 1973. 83 Ebrahimi, Nader. Ghesse-ye Golhā-ye Ghālī (The Story of the Carpet Flowers). Illustrated by Nooroddin Zarrinkelk. Kānoon, 1974. Esbati, Amir. “Tahasson (Strike)” Angah Magaziene, Vol. 2, March 2017, pp 156-159. Ettehadieh, Mansoureh. “Zanān dar Jāmeʿeh-ye Qājār (Women in Qajar Society, The Social Status of Women at the Beginning of the 14th Century)” Kelk, 1994, pp. 55-56. https://ensani.ir/file/download/article/20120426150347-5209-673.pdf Fakouhi, Nasser. “Kānoon-e Parvaresh-e Fikrī va Kajfahmī-ye Pāyeh’ī dar Amr-e Farhang (Kānoon and Basic Misunderstanding of Culture)” Angah Magaziene, Vol. 2, March 2017. pp 32-35. Fatemi, Mansoureh. Mārmūlak-e Kūchak-e Otāgh-e Man (The Little Lizard in My Room). Illustrated by Farshid Mesghali. Kānoon, 1975. Forouzesh, Ebrahim. “Ruyā-ye Kudakān-e Dīrūz, Emrūz, Farda (Dreams of Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow’s Children)” Interview by Marzieh Vafamehr, Angah Magaziene, Vol. 2, March 2017, pp 38-51. Forsi, Bahman. Hefāīstos (Hephaestus). Illustrated by Bahman Dadkhah. Kānoon, 1972. Geranpayeh, Behrouz. “Tahlīl-e Goftemān-e Olgūhā-ye Farhangī dar Ketābhā-ye Kānūn (Discourse Analysis of Cultural Patterns in Kānoon’s Books)” Research Quarterly of Children’s and Youth Literature, no.20, 2000, pp 3-18. _________. “Tahlīl-e Goftemān-e Olgūhā-ye Farhangī dar Ketābhā-ye Kudak (Discourse Analysis of Cultural Patterns in Children’s Books)” Monthly Book of Children and Adolescent Literature, no.17, 1998, p 31. Gharib Garakani, Parvaneh. “Naghd va Tahlīl-e Tasvīrgarī-ye Ketāb-e Kudak dar Dahe-ye 50 va 60 (Critical Analysis of Illustration in Children’s Books in the 1950s and 1960s, Regarding Structure and Aesthetics)” University of Art- Tehran, 2015. Gharibpour, Behrouz. “Padīdeh’ī Tekrār Nashodanī (An Unrepeatable Phenomenon)” Interview by Zeinab Lak, Angah Magaziene, Vol. 2, March 2017. pp 74-81 Ghazanfari Moghaddam, Nadia; Hashemi, Mohammad Reza; Ghrban Sabbagh, Mahmoodreza. “Barrasī-ye Ta’sīr-e Nahādhā-ye Ghodrat bar Āsār-e Kudak va Nowjavān-e Īrān (Investigating the Effects of Power Institutions on Iranian Children and Adolescents’ Literature: A Selection of Award-winner Original and Translated Works Before and After the Islamic Revolution (1961-1988).” Iranian Children’s Literature Studies, vol. 11, Mar. 2021, pp. 72–100, https://doi.org/10.22099/JCLS.2019.30352.1627 84 Ghezelayaagh, Soraya. “Nazarḵhāī Darbāreh-ye Honar va Adabīyāt baʿd az Enqelāb-e Eslāmī (Investigation of art and literature after the Islamic revolution)” Adabestan-e Farhang Va Honar, vol. 39, 1993, pp. 14–18. Golestan, Lili. “Revāyatī az Kānūn (Lili Golestan’s Story From Kānoon)”. Angah Magaziene, Vol. 2, March 2017. pp 36-37. Gorgān, Hamid. Chīye Bābā Jūn Gom Shodī? (What’s Wrong, Dad, Are You Lost?). Illustrated by Mohammad Ali Keshavarz. Kānoon, 1981. Hedayatpour, Fereydoon. Shahr-e Mārān (City of Snakes). Illustrated by Farshid Mesghali. Kānoon, 1971. Jafari, Parvin. “Content Analysis of Kānoon’s Story Books Before and After the Islamic Revolution of Iran.” Research Quarterly of Children’s and Youth Literature, no 5. Summer 1996, pp 74-76. Jamali, Atefeh. “Pazhuheshi-ye Jensiyat-gerayāneh dar Adabīyāt-e Dāstānī-ye Kudak va Nowjavān (Gender Perspectives in Children and Young Adult Literature through the Analysis of Fantasy Works after the Islamic Revolution)” Doctoral dissertation, University of Tehran, 2010. K.-Taleghani. Salām (Hello). Kānoon, 1985. Kalantari, Parviz. Khāneh-ye Hāj Rahīm Āghā Kojāst? (Where is Haj Rahim Agha’s House?). Kānoon, 1985. Karimzadeh, Minoo. Yek Sobh-e Pāyīzī (An Autumn Morning). Illustrated by Hadi Jamali. Kānoon, 1988. Kasrai, Siavash. Ārash-e Kamāngir. Illustrated by Farshid Mesghali, Kānoon, 1971. Keshani, Aliasghar. Farāyand-e Taʿāmol-e Cīnemā-ye Īrān va Ḥokūmat-e Pahlavī) Interaction Between Iranian Cinema and the Pahlavi. Islamic Revolution Documents Center), 2007. Khodajo, Forouzande. Khāneh-ye Chūb Kebrītī (The Matchstick House). Illustrated by Houshang Mohammadian. Kānoon, 1984. Khosronejad, Morteza, et al. “Dīgar-khānī-hāye Nāgozīr (Inevitable Rereadings: Approaches to Criticism and Theory of Children’s Literature.) Kānoon, 2008. Kiarostami, Taghi. Ghahremān (The Hero). Illustrated by Farshid Mesghali. Kānoon, 1970. Kousari, Masoud, et al. “Bāznamāī-ye Zanān dar Tablīghāt-e Televīzīonī (The Representation of Women in the Advertisement of Persil Washing Powder.)”Journal of Iranian Cultural Research, vol. 7, Mar. 2015, pp. 189–212, https://doi.org/10.7508/ijcr.2014.28.007. 85 Mirzaei, Ali. “Goftofo (An Interview.)” Interview by Neda Salamian, Tajrobeh Magazine, no. 2, June 2011, https://oral-history.ir/?page=post&id=2493. Mirzaei, Ali. Yek Shākhe dar Sīyāhī-ye Jangal (Light in the Dark Forest.) Negare-ye Aftab, 2020. Mohammadi, Mohammad et al. “Sānsūr dar Adabīyāt-e Kudakān (Censorship in Children’s Books.)” The Research Quarterly of Children’s and Youth Literature, No. 15. Autumn 1998, pp 54-76 Mohammadi, Mohammad H., and Zohreh Ghaeni. Tārīkh-e Adabīyāt-e Kudakān-e Īrān (The History of Children’s Literature in Iran) 10 Vols. Cheesta Publishing, 2001-2007 Mojabi, Javad. Pesarak-e Cheshm-Ābī (The Blue-eyed Boy). Illustrated by Farshid Mesghali. Kānoon, 1973. Mojabi, Javad. Sībū Va Sār Kūchūlū (Sibu and Little Sar). Illustrated by Bahman Dadkhah. Kānoon, 1975. Mokhtari, Razieh. “Tahlīl-e Chegūnegī-ye Tasvīrsāzī-ye Adabīyāt-e Ostūreh’ī (Analysis of the Methods of Visualizing Mythological Literature in Kānoon’s Books.)” Monthly Book of Children and Adolescent Literature e, no 172. Winter 2012, pp 85-94. Mousavi Germaroudi, Ali. Yūnes (Jonah). Illustrated by Minoo Karimzadeh and Neyreh Taghavi. Kānoon, 1989. Mousavi Germaroudi, Sadegh. Inak Sarzamin-e Hejr (Now, the Land of Hijr). Illustrated by K.-Taleghani. Kānoon, 1983. Nafisi, Majid. Rāz-e Kalameh-hā (The Secret of Words). Illustrated by Youta Azargin. Kānoon, 1970. Nahavandi, Houchang. The Last Shah of Iran. Ketab.com, 2004. Neystani, Manouchehr. Gol Ūmad Bahār Ūmad (The Flower Came, Spring Came). Illustrated by Parviz Kalantari. Kānoon, 1969. Norouzi, Asadollah , et al. "A Different Meaning of Black" Studies in Children’s Literature, vol. 10, no. 2, 2020, pp. 151–168. doi:10.22099/jcls.2019.25809.1523. Pahlevan, Changiz. “Cultural Planning in Iran.” Culture and Life, vol. 15, 1974. Peydar, Parvin. “Women in the Era of Civilization.” Goftegoo Magazine, no. 32, Summer 2001, pp. 91-135. Rahgozar, Reza. Teshne-ye Dīdār (Thirsty for Meeting). Illustrated by Bahram Khāef. Kānoon, 1982. Rahmandoust, Mostafa. Bāzgasht (The Return). Illustrated by Hossein Sadri. Kānoon, 1981. Emami, Gholamreza. Āy Ibrahim (Oh Ibrahim). Illustrated by Bahram Khāef. Kānoon, 1982. Rahmani, Abolghasam. White revolution in the shadow of the motherland. Kānoon-e ketab, 1971. 86 Rezvan, Morteza. Kazhāl (Kezhal). Illustrated by Mohammad Ali Sajjadi. Kānoon, 1977. Saba, Fateh. “Terror Na, Troā (Not Terror, Troy.)” Angah Magaziene, Vol. 2, March 2017. pp 226-237. Sadeghi, Ali-Akbar. Gordāfarīd (Gordafarid). Kānoon, 1973. Sadri, Hossein. Shokūh-e Shahādat (The Glory of Martyrdom). Kānoon, 1981. Saraami, Ghadamali. Ghesse-ye Dūstī (The Story of Friendship). Illustrated by Nasrin Khosravi. Kānoon, 1976. Sattarie, Jalal. Dar Bī-Dowlatī-ye Farhang (The Unfortunateness of Culture.) Nashr-e Markaz, 2000. Seidabadi, Aliasghar. “Nasl-e Sevvom-e Tasvīrgarān-e Maḥṣūr dar Sharāyet-e Ejtemāʿī (Social Constraints on Third-Generation Illustrators.)” Monthly Book of Children and Adolescent Literature, no. 29 and 30, 2000, pp 7-8. Sepehr, Mehdi, et al. “Tahavvol dar Āmuzesh va Parvaresh (Transformation in education: A discourse analysis of policy actions in the first decade after the Islamic Revolution.)” Journal of Iranian Cultural Research, 2021, pp 33-68. https://doi.org/10.22035/jicr.2022.2849.3214. Shafiei, Somaye. “Kankāshī-ye Jāmeʿeh-Shenākhtī dar Tosīʿeh-Zā’ī-ye Farhangī-ye Nahādī (Sociological research on institutional cultural development; Institute for Intellectual Development of Children and Young Adults in Pahlavi Era.)” Cultural Studies & Communication, 2021, pp 177-202. https://www.jcsc.ir/article_243952.html?lang=en Shahriari, Khosrow. Tūtī (The Parrot). Illustrated by Reza Derakhshani. Kānoon, 1980. Shamsabadi, Hasan., et al., “Tahlīl-e Ketābhā-ye Kānoon (An Analysis of the Books Published by Kānoon 1966-1979).” Iran History, vol 15, no 1, Spring and Summer 2022, pp 49-72. Shamsabadi, Hasan; Amir Aazimii Dovlatabadi. “Tahlīl va Barrasī-ye Kārkardhā-ye Kānūn-e Parvaresh-e Fikrī-ye Kudakān va Nowjavānān dar Doreh-ye Pahlavī-ye Dovvom (Analyzing and Investigating the Functions of the Center for Intellectual Development of Children and Teenagers in the Second Pahlavi Period.)” Historical Studies, Vol. 14, No. 1, 2023, pp. 135–159. https://doi.org/10.30465/hcs.2023.43751.2724 Shojaei, Seyyed Mahdi. Vāl’ādiyāt (The Charging Steeds). Illustrated by Bahram Khāef. Kānoon, 1984. Taerpour, Fereshtheh. Mājarā-ye Ahmad va Sā’at (The Adventure of Ahmad and the Clock). Illustrated by Mehrnoush Masoumian. Kānoon, 1986. Taghi, Shokoofeh. Zībātarīn Āvāz (The Most Beautiful Song). Illustrated by Neyreh Taghavi. Kānoon, 1986. 87 Taerpour, Fereshtheh. Mājarā-ye Ahmad va Sārā (The Adventure of Ahmad and Sara). Illustrated by Mehrnoush Masoumian. Kānoon, 1986. Taghi, Shokoofeh. Vaghtī Bahār Āmad (When Spring Came). Illustrated by Ali Khorshidpour. Kānoon, 1987. Tanhaei, Arash, et al. Angah Magaziene, Vol. 2, March 2017. Tavakkoli, Neyreh. Mājarā-ye Ahmad va Nīnī Kūchūlū (The Adventure of Ahmad and Little Nini). Illustrated by Mehrnoush Masoumian. Kānoon, 1984. Tehrani, Hassan. Beshno Az Ney (Listen to the Reed). Illustrated by Parviz Kalantari. Kānoon, 1983. Unknown. Zanān-e Darbār be Revāyat-e Asnād-e SĀVĀK (Pahlavi Women According to SAVAK Documents: Lily Amir-Arjmand.) The Center of Historical Documents, 2005. Yamini Sharif, Abbas. Ketāb-e Tūkā (Tuka’s Book). Illustrated by Bahram Khāef. Kānoon, 1978. Zarrinkelk, Nooroddin. Vaghtī Ke Man Bacheh Būdam (When I Was a Child). Illustrated by Farhang Zarrinkelk. Kānoon, 1974. 88 Appendix This study examines how children’s literature serves as a lens for understanding a nation’s cultural, social, and political transformations. The books are categorized into three themes: • Ideological Narratives • Cultural Identity and Heritage • Social Dynamics and Gender Roles To support my conclusions, the appendix includes images from 36 books (18 pre-revolution and 18 post-revolution). The table below outlines these categories, illustrating how dominant religious and political ideologies are embedded in these works. Some books span multiple themes but are categorized based on their most visually dominant ideological representation. Titles Authors and Illustrators Ideological Narratives Cultural Identity and Heritage Social Dynamics and Gender Roles Gol Ūmad Bahār Ūmad – The Flower Came, Spring Came Manouchehr Neystani and Parviz Kalantari (1969) • Khorshīd Khānom – Mrs. Sun M. A. Be-Āzin (Mahmoud Etemadzadeh) and Zhen Ramazani (1969) • Ghahremān – The Hero Taghi Kiarostami and Farshid Mesghali (1970) • Rāz-e Kalameh-hā – The Secret of Words Majid Nafisi and Youta Azargin (1970) • Shahr-e Mārān – City of Snakes Fereydoon Hedayatpour and Farshid Mesghali (1971) • 89 Sargozasht-e Keshvar-e Kūchak – The Story of the Small Country Manouchehr Atashi and Zhen Ramazani (1972) • Hefāīstos – Hephaestus Bahman Forsi and Bahman Dadkhah (1972) • Bozī Ke Gom Shod – The Lost Goat Nader Ebrahimi and Youta Azargin (1973) • Zāl Va Sīmorgh – Zal and Simorgh Mahmoud Moshref Azad Tehrani (M. Azad) and Nooroddin Zarrinkelk ) 1973) • Pesarak-e Cheshm-Ābī – The Blue-eyed Boy Javad Mojabi and Farshid Mesghali (1973) • Gordāfarīd – Gordafarid Ali-Akbar Sadeghi (1973) • Ghesse-ye Golhā-ye Ghālī – The Story of the Carpet Flowers Nader Ebrahimi and Nooroddin Zarrinkelk (1974) • Vaghtī Ke Man Bacheh Būdam – When I Was a Child Nooroddin Zarrinkelk and Farhang Zarrinkelk (1974) • Mārmūlak-e Kūchak-e Otāgh-e Mansoureh Fatemi and Farshid Mesghali (1975) • 90 Man – The Little Lizard in My Room Sībū Va Sār Kūchūlū – Sibu and Little Sar Javad Mojabi and Bahman Dadkhah (1975) • Chūpān-e Daryāyī- Sea Shepherd Alen Bayash (1976) • Haft-Khān-e Rostam – The Seven Labors of Rostam M. Azad and Nafiseh Riyahi (1976) • Ghesse-ye Dūstī – The Story of Friendship Ghadamali Saraami and Nasrin Khosravi (1976) • Kazhāl – Kezhal Morteza Rezvan and Mohammad Ali Sajjadi (1977) • Ketāb-e Tūkā – Tuka’s Book Abbas Yamini Sharif and Bahram Khāef (1978) • Ghānūn-e Avval – The First Law Fereydoon Doostdar and Parviz Kalantari (1980) • Tūtī – The Parrot Khosrow Shahriari and Reza Derakhshani (1980) • Shokūh-e Shahādat – The Glory of Martyrdom Hossein Sadri (1981) • 91 Chīye Bābā Jūn Gom Shodī? – What’s Wrong, Dad, Are You Lost? Hamid Gorgān and Mohammad Ali Keshavarz (1981) • Bāzgasht – The Return Mostafa Rahmandoust and Hossein Sadri (1981) • Āy Ibrahim – Oh Ibrahim Gholamreza Emami and Bahram Khāef (1982) • Teshne-ye Dīdār – Thirsty for Meeting Reza Rahgozar and Bahram Khāef (1982) • Beshno Az Ney – Listen to the Reed Hassan Tehrani and Parviz Kalantari (1983) • Inak Sarzamin-e Hejr – Now, the Land of Hijr Sadegh Mousavi Germaroudi and K.-Taleghani (1983) • Khāneh-ye Chūb Kebrītī – The Matchstick House Forouzande Khodajo and Houshang Mohammadian (1984) • Mājarā-ye Ahmad va Nīnī Kūchūlū – The Adventure of Ahmad and Little Nini Neyreh Tavakkoli and Mehrnoush Masoumian (1984) • 92 Vāl’ādiyāt – The Charging Steeds Seyyed Mahdi Shojaei and Bahram Khāef (1984) • Khāneh-ye Hāj Rahīm Āghā Kojāst? – Where is Haj Rahim Agha’s House? Parviz Kalantari (1985) • Salām – Hello K.-Taleghani (1985) • Mājarā-ye Ahmad va Sārā – The Adventure of Ahmad and Sara Fereshtheh Taerpour and Mehrnoush Masoumian (1986) • Mājarā-ye Ahmad va Sā’at – The Adventure of Ahmad and the Clock Fereshtheh Taerpour and Mehrnoush Masoumian (1986) • Zībātarīn Āvāz – The Most Beautiful Song Shokoofeh Taghi and Neyreh Taghavi (1986) • Vaghtī Bahār Āmad – When Spring Came Shokoofeh Taghi and Ali Khorshidpour (1987) • Yek Sobh-e Pāyīzī – An Autumn Morning Minoo Karimzadeh and Hadi Jamali (1988) • 93 Yūnes- Jonah Ali Mousavi Germaroudi / Minoo Karimzadeh and Neyreh Taghavi (1989) • Table 2 In this section an analysis of at least one image from each book provided that captures its hegemonic essence and explains the reasoning behind its categorization. At the end of each entry, I will include the image itself. A critical content analysis will accompany each image, providing insights into the themes and visual elements that reflect the book’s alignment with the chosen category. 94 A) Pre-Revolutionary Period (1969-1979) 1) Gol Ūmad Bahār Ūmad This book tells the story of Nokhodi, a girl who lives alone with no one around her during a long, severe winter. A fortune-teller tells her that a black demon has cast a spell on her, which is the reason for both her loneliness and the absence of spring. Nokhodi then decides to take action, going to war with the black demon to break the spell and restore spring to the village. On the book’s cover, we see Nokhodi centered in the image, combing her black hair and wearing a blouse and pants. Parts of her hands and feet are visible, adding to the sense of her as an independent and active figure. Her most striking features are her large eyes and open lips, forming a smile. Rather than gazing at her reflection in the mirror, she seems to be looking directly at the reader, inviting them into her story. Nokhodi’s loneliness takes center stage. She is a girl who has no one, but instead of remaining passive in her isolation, she chooses to act and decides to fight the demon who casts a spell on her. In the image above depicting this battle, we see Nokhodi’s sword drawn, her body in motion, leaning forward on the horse, creating a dynamic and energetic scene. Her red dress is provocative, not only reminiscent of the battlefield but also symbolizing passion, defiance, and determination. Her hair flows, and her lips remain open in a smile, showing her bravery and defiance in the face of danger. The image moves with Nokhodi, showing her in full action, ready to break the spell that binds not just her, but the village too. Her action brings about a collective effect in the story, making spring return to the village and winter retreat. This depiction of Nokhodi engaging in battle highlights the book’s critical feminine activism and self-empowerment themes. Unlike traditional passive female characters, Nokhodi is an active agent, deciding to face the demon herself rather than waiting for someone else to save her. The image of a girl in a red dress, in full motion on a horse, challenging the demon, challenges the societal norms that typically reserve such roles for male heroes. The image also visually emphasizes key symbolic contrasts: Nokhodi, dressed in red, represents action, passion, and change, while the demon, green-skinned and monstrous, embodies oppression and fear. The dynamic composition of the scene further reinforces Nokhodi’s role as the active challenger, while the demon is portrayed in a more static, defensive posture. This visual contrast aligns with the theme of feminine empowerment as Nokhodi overcomes both her personal isolation and the greater external threat symbolized by the demon. 95 Feminine activism and the depiction of a solitary woman choosing to act against a powerful force are some of the distinctive aspects of this book’s visual narrative. The portrayal of Nokhodi’s journey to break the spell and bring spring back to her world reflects broader themes of independence, resistance, and transformation, making this book a strong example of the Social Dynamics and Gender Roles category. Figure 5: Gol Ūmad Bahār Ūmad, pages 12-13 2) Khorshīd Khānom This book tells the story of the Sun, who is trapped in a well of a small village where a family—a mother, her daughter, and her son—each secretly wants to control the Sun for their purposes. The mother wants to use the Sun’s light to brighten her home so she can read the holy book, the Qur’an. The daughter desires to frame the Sun in silver, symbolizing beauty, while the son hopes to use the Sun to gain power and control over the other villagers. Each family member keeps their plans hidden from the others, but in the end, their selfishness causes the Sun to get the chance to escape, returning to the sky and making the whole world bright again. In the chosen image, the mother is bent over with a walking stick, symbolizing frailty and age, which traditionally aligns with women’s more passive roles in cultural hegemony. Her association with religion is emphasized visually through her hijab, reinforcing a more conventional, pious representation of older women. In contrast, the daughter’s clothing, which does not appear to include a hijab, is visually striking for its incongruity with the rural setting. Her face is depicted with vague details, which diminishes her individual presence in the image. 96 These visual elements collectively emphasize their marginal roles within the family, suggesting diminished power and involvement compared to the son, whose central position and posture reinforce his dominance. The visual elements emphasize contrasts: the boy’s central position and strong stance represent power and dominance, while the old woman and young girl are placed on the sides, reflecting their less active roles in the family’s plans. The dark sky and the trapped Sun in the background symbolize the family’s failure to unite, reinforcing the story’s theme of individualism versus community. This portrayal of a family divided by greed reflects broader themes of power, gender roles, and selfish desires. Figure 6: Khorshīd Khānom, pages 10-11 3) Ghahremān The story of Ghahremān revolves around the people of a prosperous village ruined by a giant, living dry branch that consumes everything in its path—crops, livestock, and more. The villagers are helpless, waiting for someone to rescue them from this destructive force. Eventually, a young boy steps forward and declares that the giant is nothing more than an imagined threat, and if the villagers unite, they can push back this fearsome but unreal hazard. In the surreal illustration (Akrami 274), the giant dominates the center of the image, both visually and symbolically. Its large, abstract form represents not only a physical threat but also a creation of collective imagination. The abstract nature of the giant—with its undefined, fading 97 details—reinforces the theme that this figure is a product of fear, one that will disappear as the villagers stand together. The villagers in the corner of the picture and their movement show their agency. The surrealistic style, which lacks a clear sense of time or place, further highlights the abstract nature of the threat, emphasizing that this is not a literal monster but a metaphor for something more significant. This image takes on a deeper meaning when contextualized within the historical period. The book, published in early 1970s Iran, aligns with the consequences of Pahlavi’s land reforms. These reforms sought to modernize rural communities and redistribute land to peasants (Ramezani 131). The giant can be seen as a symbol of the perceived oppression or difficulties the rural population faces—perhaps their fears of change or the challenges posed by modernization. However, as the boy leads the villagers to unite, the giant’s colors and details begin to fade, symbolizing how these fears can be dispelled through collective effort. At the same time, the villagers’ clothing—including elements that suggest urban or intellectual influences (such as the man with glasses and a neck scarf)—indicates the blending of rural and urban identities, a possible reference to the modernization efforts under the second Pahlavi regime. Although the villagers in this picture are primarily men, girls without scarves in city-looking clothes are observable in the images on the following pages. The overall atmosphere creates a dual interpretation of the image: Hegemonic Interpretation: The image can be seen as supporting the ruling regime’s hegemony by reinforcing the idea that modernization and collective unity, backed by the state’s land reforms, will overcome the challenges of rural life. Hegemony Interrupt: Alternatively, the giant could represent the oppressive structures of the state itself, and the villagers uniting against it can be seen as a symbol of resistance. The boy leading the villagers could symbolize a revolutionary figure, suggesting the people can stand against oppression through solidarity. The symbolic use of the giant and the villagers’ unification resonates with the political tensions of the time, particularly between the state’s efforts to promote modernization and the emerging opposition movements that criticized the regime’s methods. The image reflects the ideological battle between state-promoted hegemony and forces of resistance, making this book a significant example of the Ideological Narrative category, where political and social themes are expressed visually. 98 Figure 7: Ghahremān, np 4) Rāz-e Kalameh-hā Rāz-e Kalameh-hā tells the story of the first child, who opens his eyes to the world and begins interacting with natural elements like wind, soil, and fire. Through these explorations, language forms reflect the child’s primal connection with the world. The illustration reinforces this by depicting the child standing naked in a lush environment, surrounded by plants and a bird. The child’s nakedness, not framed as either primitive or modern, symbolizes purity and innocence. The visibility of the child’s body shape is a significant visual choice that was not commonly seen in books after the revolution, where there was no freedom at all to portray nudity. Before the revolution, such depictions were not considered to conflict with Iranian culture or identity. The naturalistic portrayal of the environment emphasizes nature’s role in shaping the child’s understanding of the world. The trees, plants, and a bird are depicted with organic, flowing shapes, highlighting the idea that language and culture emerge from a fundamental connection to nature. While the image does not feature mythological figures, the child’s role as the first human to encounter and understand the natural world evokes creation stories, linking the scene to broader cultural origins, especially the bird reminds of some mythical creatures. Although the act of naming is not visually depicted, the image captures the essence of discovery, underscoring nature’s importance in shaping identity. In conclusion, the illustration in Rāz-e Kalameh-hā reflects the deep relationship between humanity, nature, and the origins of language. The child’s interaction with the natural world 99 highlights the role of nature in shaping cultural identity, and the pre-revolutionary freedom to depict nudity underscores a more open cultural expression. This depiction of a world untouched by modernity reinforces the preservation of Iranian cultural heritage through its connection to nature. Figure 8: Rāz-e Kalameh-hā, page 12 5) Shahr-e Mārān The story of Shahr-e Mārān revolves around a local, rural folktale in which a young thorn gatherer encounters a beautiful snake in the desert. The snake, a girl under a curse, asks the boy to break a spell that has trapped the people of their small town. The townspeople, once simple farmers and artisans were deceived by evil snakes, who took over and transformed them into snakes. Together, the boy and the girl break the spell, defeat the evil snakes, free the people, and eventually marry. Despite the traditional, folkloric narrative, the final illustration contrasts the story with its modern and urban visual style. The groom wears a Western-style suit and tie—attire uncommon in traditional Iranian settings- and the bride wears a wedding dress that is not traditional and has uncovered hair, further emphasizing the shift from rural tradition. These modern elements, along with the abstract floral shapes in the woman’s hand, reinforce the idea of modernization and 100 change in concept and artistic style. The surrealistic touches in Mesghali’s illustration, particularly the abstract flowers, contribute to this sense of transformation. This visual contrast reflects the influence of modernization and Westernization during the Pahlavi regime when efforts were made to bridge traditional Iranian values with a more Western-oriented vision. The final image can be interpreted as a commentary on the cultural shifts occurring at the time, where elements of tradition were blended with modern influences (Foran 338). Moreover, when interpreted in light of the story, the illustration could symbolize that breaking the spell on the town leads to the emergence of modernity and town people release from the shadow of traditions. In conclusion, while the story of Shahr-e Mārān is rooted in local, rural folklore, the final image reflects a distinctly modern, urban representation, highlighting the cultural transformations of the Pahlavi era. The contrast between the modern couple and the traditional narrative reinforces broader themes of modernization, particularly in wedding customs. Figure 9: Shahr-e Mārān , page 23 6) Sargozasht-e Keshvar-e Kūchak This image shows a group of villagers standing together in a unified stance, with two central figures leading the way. The villagers are gesturing, with one pointing off-page while others seem to be calling out or chanting. The background of brick homes depicts their small village. The visual elements suggest a moment of collective action, showing these figures rising up 101 against an oppressive force. This illustration reflects themes of resistance and social activism, portraying the villagers as defenders of their land and rights. In the text, the story describes young villagers coming together to save a village girl from monsters who took her. This is particularly connected to the Land Reform during the Second Pahlavi Era, which aimed to redistribute land to peasants. However, the reforms didn’t fulfill their promises. By 1972, 65% of peasant households had less than five hectares, which wasn’t enough to make a living (Abrahamian, 429-430). The visual representation of the villagers shows them as agents of resistance, fighting to protect or rebuild their community, linking their struggle to revolutionary ideals. The Land Reform was supposed to reduce the power of large landowners, but many absentee landlords kept large estates through loopholes in the law, which added to the tensions between peasants and the state (Abrahamian, 429). Although there aren’t any national symbols like the Iranian flag in this image, the theme of collective resistance and the unified stance of the villagers creates a strong sense of national identity. Their unity reflects the growing national sentiment at the time, where people wanted to reclaim Iranian identity. At the same time, left-wing ideas were becoming more popular among intellectuals and were strongly against Pahlavi hegemony. This image aligns with those ideas, showing that unity among common people—whether villagers, workers, or revolutionaries—was seen as the real path to national liberation, opposing the path the Pahlavi regime promoted. Figure 10: Sargozasht-e Keshvar-e Kūchak, pages 12-13 7) Hefāīstos 102 Hefāīstos is a book that tells the Greek myth story about the rejected son of Hera and Zeus. The book’s selected image seems to be the image of Yakus, the Greek god of wine. According to Mokhtari (88), the illustrator Bahman Dadkhah uses oil painting techniques and borrows design elements from ancient Roman and Greek art. The olive leaves on Yakus’ head, and the folds in his Greek robes clearly reference antiquity. The artist also emphasizes emotional depth in the facial expressions, making Yakus’ inner feelings more visible in the image. This choice of Western art and mythology fits into the Pahlavi regime’s strategy of modernizing Iran by introducing Western ideas. Showing children stories from Greek mythology was a subtle way to encourage them to embrace Western cultural values. The oil painting style and focus on Western aesthetics align with the regime’s efforts to cultivate a modern Iranian identity that was more open to Western ideals. As Diba (142) points out, organizations like Kānoon played a central role in preparing children for modernity, exposing them to new ideas and helping shift cultural identity toward Westernization. Also, illustrating characters with a wine cup is significant in Iran and its Islamic context since alcohol is prohibited in Islam. By using a figure associated with wine and pairing it with Greek-inspired art, the image reflects the regime’s desire to create a globalized vision of Iranian culture that blends traditional values with Western modernity. The golden details and references to Renaissance painting techniques, as Mokhtari notes, further highlight the Western influence in the artwork. By introducing children to these visual elements, the regime aimed to shape a more receptive generation to Westernization, using art and literature as tools for cultural change. Figure 11: Hefāīstos, np 103 8) Zāl Va Sīmorgh The story of Zal and Simorgh is one of the most famous stories from Ferdowsi’s Shāhnāmeh. It tells the tale of Zal, the son of Sam, a great Iranian hero. Born with white hair, Zal was thought to be demonic by his father, leading Sam to abandon him at the foot of the Alborz mountains. Simorgh, the legendary Iranian bird, found Zal and raised him as her own child. In the end, Sam realizes his mistake and goes to bring Zal back. The selected frame shows Zal’s grand return to his homeland. He rides a white elephant, seated on an ornate throne, with soldiers escorting him. The image portrays Zal as almost divine, sitting really on an elaborate chair atop the elephant. The soldiers, with their distinct hair and beards, strongly resemble Achaemenid soldiers seen in the carvings on the walls of Persepolis. Their beards and clothing, as noted by Mokhtari (90), clearly refer to Iran’s pre-Islamic history, emphasizing a link to the Achaemenid era. Colorful flags in green, pink, and orange, decorated with floral designs, add a festive feel to the scene. The soldiers play drums and horns, creating a sense of celebration and importance. These instruments, typically used in formal ceremonies, enhance the grandeur of Zal’s return, making it feel like a national event. The image draws heavily from Iran’s ancient past, linking the story of Shāhnāmeh to the country’s cultural heritage. The references to Achaemenid soldiers and the overall grandeur mirror Mohammad Reza Shah’s efforts to reduce the role of Islam in Iranian identity, instead focusing on Iran’s ancient civilization (Holiday 63). Figure 12: Zāl Va Sīmorgh, pages 22-23 104 9) Pesarak-e Cheshm-Ābī This book is written by a renowned author who wrote primarily for adults, not children. The surreal atmosphere of the book is evident not only in the story, which follows the tale of a boy who perceives the world as entirely blue, but also in its visual surrealist art style. The surrealism in the images highlights the movement toward modernism in Iranian children’s literature, transforming what could be a simple exchange into a profound visual experience (Akrami 285). The watercolour technique, with its soft colour blends and abstract shapes, enhances the surreal tone, encouraging the viewer to reflect on the characters’ narrative and emotional depth. This artistic choice introduces a modern visual language into children’s books, departing from traditional realism and inviting interpretation, symbolizing the evolving social dynamics of the time. The scene illustrates an interaction between a woman and a man, with the surreal exaggeration of their facial features lending a dreamlike quality to the narrative. The close-up of the man’s large eyes—one of the most prominent features in this frame—adds an element of mystery. His oversized glasses and wide, bulging eyes reinforce the surrealism. His face extends to the edges of the page, with no white margin, visually dominating the scene. In contrast, the much smaller image of the woman appears on the opposite side, emphasizing a sense of patriarchy and the hierarchy within family structures. The depiction of the woman is particularly striking. Though not as large as the man, her detailed facial features are rendered with care. Her body shape is soft and fluid, modestly clothed, but still revealing her figure. It remains unclear whether she is fully covering her hair, marking a notable contrast with post-revolutionary depictions of women, where the body and dress are more rigidly controlled to meet societal expectations around modesty. 105 Figure 13: Pesarak-e Cheshm-Ābī, np 10) Ghesse-ye Golhā-ye Ghālī The book combines a story with beautiful illustrations to introduce children to Persian carpets’ significance and cultural heritage. During Pahlavi’s first and second reigns, the Persian carpet symbolized Iran’s cultural heritage and its production was influenced by the country’s economic modernization. In the 1960s and 1970s, efforts were made to industrialize and expand carpet production to meet increasing global demand. As noted by Abrahamian, small industrial plants were set up in rural areas during the late 1960s to produce goods like carpets, contributing to their export and solidifying the carpet’s role in Iran’s economy (Abrahamian, 433). The intricately designed Persian carpet takes center stage in the following image, symbolizing a rich artistic tradition deeply tied to Iran’s identity. The two children, dressed in simple, modest clothing, sit on the elaborate rug. The children’s presence on the carpet reflects an intergenerational connection, linking Iran’s modernity to its deep historical traditions. In this illustration, the Persian carpet is more than just a decorative object; it serves as a symbol of national pride and cultural continuity, embodying the legacy of Persian craftsmanship that transcends time. The intricate patterns of the carpet are representative of the detailed artistry associated with Persian rugs, a craft that has gained global recognition. Thus, this image captures the aesthetic beauty of Persian carpets and reflects the broader narrative of Iran’s national identity during Mohammad Reza Shah’s era—a time when traditional art forms like carpet weaving were preserved while also being integrated into the country’s modernization efforts. 106 Figure 14: Ghesse-ye Golhā-ye Ghālī, np 11) Vaghtī Ke Man Bacheh Būdam The artistic style of this book’s illustration, which mimics a child’s drawing, aligns with the book’s narrative of a child trying to make sense of the world. In this image, a woman is shown giving birth while a man, holding a large key, stands beside her. This childlike depiction of childbirth brings several elements of social dynamics and gender roles into focus, mainly how family structures, women’s roles, and gender expectations were represented in pre-revolutionary Iranian children’s literature. The family structure portrayed here reflects traditional norms, which are simplified to align with the child’s perspective. The mother, central to the image, is shown smiling, highlighting the importance of motherhood as a joyful and celebrated societal role. Her depiction as the dominant figure in the scene suggests that the maternal role is essential to family dynamics. The man standing beside her, likely a doctor, holds a key, a powerful symbol of authority and control. This imagery evokes patriarchal notions that men, even in the intimate act of childbirth, hold authority, guiding the process and controlling the outcome. The man’s traditional attire, particularly his long robe and severe expression, contrasts with the more modern, informal depiction of the mother, juxtaposing traditional gender roles and evolving societal expectations in pre-revolutionary Iran. The depiction of the woman is notable for the absence of the Islamic hijab, with her loose, flowing hair and short-sleeved dress indicating a more liberal and modern view of female representation. Before the 1979 Revolution, women’s public image was not as restricted, and this visual aligns with a period when women were often depicted in more relaxed attire. After the 107 revolution, such depictions of women became increasingly restricted, with dress codes enforced more strictly Islamic. The depiction of childbirth in such an open manner is significant, as it addresses a subject that became taboo in Iranian children’s literature after the revolution. Lily Golestan’s mention of the book How Babies Are Made, which was banned after the revolution, highlights how post-revolutionary censorship significantly altered discussions around childbirth and sexual education. In this pre-revolutionary image, however, the subject of childbirth is addressed openly, reflecting a period when these topics were more accessible to children, aligning with a broader, more liberal social atmosphere regarding discussions of family life. Figure 15: Vaghtī Ke Man Bacheh Būdam, np 12) Mārmūlak-e Kūchak-e Otāgh-e Man The story’s protagonist is a little girl named Maryam. She sees a small lizard staring into her eyes and talks to it. Her family believes she has lost her mind, but Maryam continues secretly communicating with the lizard, even though no one believes her. One day, a little boy who is different from others comes to their home, and he believes in Maryam. 108 The image depicting them features a distinctly modernist style, drawing clear inspiration from Western art movements such as surrealism. The dreamy, floating figures, reminiscent of Marc Chagall’s The Promenade, reflect a surrealist touch that conveys a sense of emotional freedom and innocence. The soft watercolors and abstract forms further enhance the sense of imagination and detachment from rigid societal norms. Introducing Iranian children to Western art aligns with the cultural aims of the Second Pahlavi era, which encouraged children’s exposure to new ideas, opening doors to a new world for them (Diba 142). Maryam’s absence of a hijab and her free-flowing hair reflect the more relaxed social expectations for women during the pre-revolution period. Her connection with the boy, captured through their outstretched hands, symbolizes emotional openness and shared belief, which was encouraged in the modernizing, Western-facing society of the time. This visual representation of youthful affection would soon become rare, as post-revolutionary norms imposed stricter codes on gender interaction and dress. In this scene, the boy’s belief in Maryam emphasizes the possibility of connection and validation outside traditional family structures, suggesting a more progressive view of social dynamics in pre-revolutionary Iran. Through its surreal visual elements and modernist style, this image captures the tension between tradition and modernity, reflecting the evolving gender roles and social expectations of the time. Figure 16: Mārmūlak-e Kūchak-e Otāgh-e Man, pages 12-13 13) Sībū Va Sār Kūchūlū 109 In Sībū Va Sār Kūchūlū, the protagonist, Popuk, embarks on an adventure her father narrates. The story’s hero, Sibu, is depicted as resembling Popuk, suggesting that Popuk and Sibu might be the same, a connection that gradually unfolds throughout the narrative. Through this adventurous tale, the father appears to be encouraging his daughter to embrace bravery and bring about change, subtly empowering her through storytelling. In the cover image, Popuk confidently engages with the audience while holding a doll, establishing a direct connection with readers. Popuk is the prominent female character in the story, depicted with short hair and no hijab, a visual marker of her modern and contemporary appearance, which contrasts with traditional depictions of Iranian girls or women during the same period. In this particular image, we see the convergence of tradition and modernity. The character of an old man, resembling a "darwish", signifies tradition and spirituality. The darwish, a symbol of Sufism, represents asceticism and spiritual devotion, bringing in a deeply rooted aspect of Iranian cultural identity. The contrast with the girl’s modern, contemporary appearance—whose outfit represents urban middle-class girls without any clear markers of traditional Iranian clothes—highlights the visual tension between the past and the present. The growing presence of this class aligns with the Pahlavi regime’s goals for modernization and urbanization. As Mashayekhi mentions, the middle-class population growth in Tehran was the fastest among social groups in the 1960s, shaping the city’s modernization and accommodating a ‘modern lifestyle’ for this emerging class (Mashayekhi np.). The absence of distinguishing symbols of Iranian cultural heritage on the girl suggests an openness to modernity and global influences, in line with the second Pahlavi era’s push toward Westernization. However, the presence of the dervish shows that tradition still holds a place in the narrative, creating a coexistence between the old and the new, the spiritual and the modern, within the story’s structure. 110 Figure 17: Sībū Va Sār Kūchūlū, pages 14-15 14) Chūpān-e Daryāyī This image vividly portrays the contrasting elements of tradition and modernity central to Iranian society during the second Pahlavi era. The shepherd is shown in traditional clothing, with a long coat and a tall black cap, which evokes a sense of continuity with Iran’s ancient cultural heritage. The geometric shapes and lines on the shepherd’s clothing resemble motifs seen in the carvings of Persepolis, creating a visual link to Iran’s historical past. The shepherd’s face, too, recalls the stylized facial features found in ancient Persian art, emphasizing the continuity of Iran’s cultural identity amidst the changes brought by modernization. The image’s predominance of brown and earthy tones underscores the antiquated and decrepit aspects of rural life, which, under the Pahlavi regime, were seen as needing transformation. The rich browns convey a sense of age and tradition, reinforcing the connection to Iran’s agricultural past. However, this palette contrasts with the sharp colors of the modern car in the background, representing the encroachment of modernity and the state’s push for technological advancement in rural areas. Mohammad Reza Shah’s White Revolution sought to overhaul Iran’s agrarian structure through land redistribution, mechanization, and infrastructure improvements. As symbolized by the car, the introduction of modern machinery was part of the broader agenda to modernize Iranian agriculture, improve productivity, and increase Iran’s self-sufficiency in food production (Abrahamian 162). 111 By juxtaposing the shepherd, whose clothing and appearance evoke Iran’s historical legacy, with the modern car, the image reflects the hegemonic discourse of the era, where the state’s modernization efforts challenged tradition. Figure 18: Chūpān-e Daryāyī, page 4 15) Haft-Khān-e Rostam "Haft-Khān" is one of the most celebrated stories from Ferdowsi’s Shāhnāmeh. It centers around the seven heroic trials faced by Rostam, the legendary Iranian hero. Each "Khān" represents a challenging task that Rostam must overcome, including battles with mythical creatures, dangerous natural elements, and devious witches. Nafiseh Riahi’s illustrations for Haft-Khān draw deeply from Iran’s artistic heritage, particularly Sassanian-the last dynasty of pre-Islam Iran- motifs to connect young readers to their cultural roots through visual storytelling. In this particular image from the book, Riahi integrates elements from Sassanian art, a deliberate artistic choice that ties Rostam’s mythological heroism to Iran’s imperial past. As Bozari points out, Riahi organizes her compositions "based on Sassanian symbols," using imagery reminiscent of ancient Persian metalwork and bas-reliefs (Bozari 110). Rostam’s portrayal on horseback, along with the circular composition of the image, echoes the grandeur of ancient Persian kingship, reinforcing the image of Rostam as both a protector of Iran and a figure connected to the historical legacy of Persian rulers. 112 The hegemonic discourse within this image is evident through the depiction of Rostam as an almost divine figure. His commanding posture and the angelic figures above him draw parallels to the ancient Iranian kings, often portrayed with a divine mandate. Much like this illustration, the Pahlavi regime sought to evoke a sense of historical continuity by emphasizing Iran’s pre-Islamic imperial past. Mohammad Reza Shah’s cultural policies during the 20th century heavily relied on such imagery to construct a national identity that glorified Iran’s ancient civilization, a point discussed earlier. By anchoring the story in pre-Islamic imagery, the image reflects the broader cultural policy of the time. This policy sought to redefine Iranian identity in terms of its imperial past, downplaying Islamic influences favouring ancient Persian traditions. Figure 19: Haft-Khān-e Rostam, page 13 16) Ghesse-ye Dūstī The story follows a lonely rural woman who searches for companionship after losing her husband. Eventually, she finds a cat, but the cat repeatedly drinks the bowl of milk she leaves out each day, which is her only food. Frustrated, the old woman punishes the cat. To make amends, the cat embarks on a journey to gather fresh grass and leaves for the woman’s goat. Along the way, the cat encounters several creatures and people, including a musician who helps the cat by using her music to refresh nature. 113 The old woman, shown repeatedly throughout the book, wears a scarf tied beneath her chin, a typical style among elderly women in rural areas. However, the close relationship between the woman and her pet cat—a rare theme in children’s literature after the revolution—reflects the more relaxed attitudes toward animal companionship during the pre-revolution period. The selected illustration introduces the character of a musician, depicted with braided hair and a long skirt featuring the "boteh jegheh"(paisley) motif, a prominent pattern in Iranian art. The musician wears jewelry, including a necklace and large earrings, and holds a musical instrument, signaling her role as a performer. Her detailed clothing reflects both artistic expression and cultural heritage. The musician’s presence, with her ornate attire and festive role, reflects the hegemonic discourse of the Pahlavi era, which promoted diversity in clothing and cultural expression as part of its modernization efforts. During this period, showcasing different dress styles and cultural roles for women aligned with the regime’s narrative of cultural openness and progress. While the musician’s vibrant clothing and role as a performer evoke artistic freedom and individuality, the rural setting anchors the scene in tradition. Although the story takes place in a rural area with traditional clothing, this particular image stands out, emphasizing the woman’s distinctive style and role as a musical performer. Similar portrayals became rare in children’s books after the revolution, reflecting the cultural shift toward stricter norms regarding women’s public roles and appearance. Figure 20: Ghesse-ye Dūstī, pages 14-15 17) Kazhāl 114 This illustration from Kajal emphasizes key themes of social dynamics and emotional expression. The story revolves around the collective efforts of children to help their drought-stricken village. In this image, the children gather under swirling clouds, waiting for rain, reflecting their shared hope and responsibility to bring relief to the village. The body language and placement of the characters convey important social messages. Kajal, seated with her head resting on her hands, appears sorrowful and disconnected from the group, reflecting the emotional burden of her loss, the last member of her family-her grandmother- lost because of the drought. Meanwhile, the other children stand together, looking toward the sky. The positioning of both boys and girls in the group reinforces the narrative of collaboration across genders—a concept aligned with the Pahlavi regime’s efforts to promote gender inclusivity and modern social values. The story positions both boys and girls as active participants in solving a community-wide problem, moving away from more traditional, passive roles assigned to children, especially girls, in earlier literature. This portrayal aligns with the Pahlavi state’s discourse, promoting collaboration and unity across social groups, including gender roles, as part of the regime’s modernization agenda. As Farah, the queen of Iran, emphasized, books and cultural activities were seen as tools for shaping responsible citizens and fostering a sense of individual and collective responsibility from a young age to help them to be modern citizen of the world (Diba, 142) Including children as key agents in the story reflects Kanoon’s broader mission to empower children and foster independent thinking. This narrative of children’s agency is deeply embedded in Kanoon’s philosophy. It aligns with the state’s vision for modernization, where young citizens were encouraged to think critically, collaborate, and take initiative within their communities. 115 Figure 21: Kazhāl, page 19 18) Ketāb-e Tūkā This book portrays the Kānoon’s importance in Iranian children’s lives. In the following image, one of Kānoon’s centers is seen, where children gather to read, underscoring the importance of books in expanding their horizons. While the reference to Kānoon is indirect, the narrative emphasizes how reading fosters intellectual curiosity and creative thinking. The illustration features a colorful, dreamlike building that resembles a castle, blending fantasy with urban architectural elements. Its towers, arches, and playful motifs—such as rainbows, flowers, and the sun—reflect Kānoon’s goal to inspire creativity and connect literacy with joy and wonder. The children’s outfits suggest they come from urban settings, highlighting that reading is valued in city life and serves as a mark of modern intellectual engagement. This portrayal aligns with Kanoon’s mission to integrate literacy into cultural identity and personal growth. The castle-like structure symbolizes the transformative power of books, inviting children into a space where imagination and real-life experiences merge. Through this combination of fantasy and reality, the book reflects Kānoon’s efforts to make reading an educational tool and a joyful, essential part of everyday life. By cultivating 116 intellectual development and creative storytelling, Kānoon aimed to foster responsible, thoughtful individuals capable of contributing to society—an approach the Pahlavi state sought to embed in Iranian cultural heritage and align with its modernization goals (Diba 142). Figure 22: Ketāb-e Tūkā, np 117 B) Post-Revolutionary Period (1979-1989) 1) Ghānūn-e Avval This book follows a young boy left alone at home in charge of his baby cousin. When he fears the baby has accidentally consumed medicine, he frantically searches for help. The people who come to his aid are not middle-class citizens but poor neighbors, reflecting the narrative that poverty and simplicity are associated with virtue and spirituality—a central discourse of the 1979 Revolution. The image visually reinforces these themes, presenting a traditional street scene closely tied to the neighbourhood culture and the local marketplace associated with simplicity, community, and authentic Iranian life. Elements such as clay-walled buildings, the mosque, and the mullah (a religious cleric) emphasize the connection to faith, spirituality, and modest living. The sellers resemble traveling tradesmen, further symbolizing the importance of informal, close-knit economies in shaping Iranian cultural identity. In the revolutionary narrative, distancing children from the luxurious lifestyle of kings and the grandeur of Iran’s monarchic past was a key goal. This imagery reflects that agenda by celebrating the everyday life of ordinary people who embody humility and moral values. The use of vibrant yet earthy colors captures the liveliness of the streets while maintaining a modest aesthetic, emphasizing that identity is shaped through shared community experiences rather than wealth or luxury. Through this image, the book constructs an idealized view of Iranian identity—rooted in the simplicity and spirituality of ordinary people, represented by everyday life. This aligns with the post-revolutionary discourse, which sought to redefine Iranian identity by moving away from monarchic history and embracing the culture of the common people. 118 Figure 23: Ghānūn-e Avval, pages 8-9 2) Tūtī This book is based on the story of “The Merchant and the Parrot” from Rumi’s Masnavi. It tells the story of a merchant preparing for a journey to India. Before leaving, he asks his household, including his beloved parrot, what they would like as souvenirs from India. The narrative revolves around the parrot’s request, who, having been brought from India on one of the merchant’s previous trips, is weary of life in a cage. The parrot asks the merchant to send its regards to the free parrots in India. In the original story, the parrot’s cage symbolizes the body that imprisons the soul. However, this book does not explore that symbolic layer and instead focuses on visually straightforwardly depicting the story. This realistic image shows the merchant’s farewell to his family. Standing slightly apart from the others, the merchant embraces one of his daughters. This distance between the merchant and the rest of the family reflects his role as the head of the household and the authority figure. At the same time, the embrace shows a more intimate father-daughter connection, suggesting a protective role. The daughters, wearing sleeveless dresses with uncovered hair, reflect the remnants of pre-revolutionary values, symbolizing feminine freedom and expression. In contrast, the mother, who wears a headscarf, is placed more traditionally alongside the family members. This difference shows the tension between the past and the shifting roles of women in society. The mother’s more conventional appearance contrasts with the daughters, who represent a blend of tradition and modernity. This image was produced during the early post-revolutionary years, 119 when pre-revolutionary values had faded but the new ones had yet to be fully established. A few years later, such a portrayal—especially the girls’ uncovered hair and sleeveless clothing—would likely not have been allowed in children’s books. In the 1988 meeting of the Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution, a special committee called the "Supervisory Board for the Publication of Children’s Books" was established to ensure that all children’s books adhered to Islamic culture. This board was responsible for reviewing the content before publication to guarantee compliance with new regulations. (The website of University of Mashhad Press, np) Figure 24: Tūtī, page 8 3) Shokūh-e Shahādat This image from the book portrays the Battle of Uhud, an event crucial to early Islamic history. It was a battle between Muslims and the "kofār" (infidels), a term often used in early Islamic texts to describe those who opposed Islam during its formative years. The story centers on a Muslim fighter, despite his disability, seeking martyrdom to achieve eternal happiness in the defense of Islam. In the image, his body lies on the battlefield, pierced by a spear, symbolizing his fulfillment of that goal—martyrdom for his faith. While the scene depicts violence, it does not glorify bloodshed. Instead, it reflects martyrdom as a noble sacrifice, a longstanding concept in Islamic teachings. This notion took on heightened significance in post-revolutionary Iran, particularly during the Iran-Iraq War, when the promotion of martyrdom rooted in Shi’i Islam became a central theme in mobilizing the population (Varzi 47). Thus, the image visually embodies both historical events and post-revolutionary ideals about sacrifice and devotion to Islam. 120 In post-revolutionary Iran, martyrdom became a cornerstone of cultural narratives, especially in children’s literature, where stories promoted values of bravery and self-sacrifice. The image shows the aftermath of the battle, with a barren landscape and fallen bodies scattered across the ground, capturing the chaos of war. The use of earthy tones and muted colors creates a bleak atmosphere, different from the more idealized portrayals of martyrdom in other post-revolutionary art. The martyr is the focal point, his body pierced by a spear. The sky, painted in muted grays and browns, enhances the sense of loss and mourning, suggesting a transition between life and death. The subdued color palette aligns with the image’s message of martyrdom as a solemn yet noble act of faith, rather than a glorification of violence. Figure 25: Shokūh-e Shahādat, np 4) Chīye Bābā Jūn Gom Shodī? This image shows a young boy walking among adults in the city before the Iranian Revolution. The people in the image are not protesters but ordinary citizens engaged in their daily routines. However, the storyline reveals that the boy goes missing from the pedestrian crowd and is eventually taken to the police office. During his time there, the boy remains silent, refusing to speak until the officers leave the room. Once alone, he begins chanting slogans against the Shah, demonstrating the critical role that children played in resisting the regime and supporting the revolutionary cause. The graffiti on the wall—"Marg bar Shāh" (Down with the King) and "Dorud bar Khomeini" (Hail Khomeini)—adds an essential layer to the image. Even though the revolution had not yet occurred, these slogans reflect the growing opposition to the Shah’s regime and the 121 rising support for Khomeini. The presence of such graffiti in public spaces reveals the ideological struggles in society, as citizens began openly expressing their defiance. The boy’s bold act of resistance, combined with the revolutionary slogans on the wall, illustrates how deeply these revolutionary ideologies had penetrated the minds of even the youngest in society. Despite his age, the boy’s actions and the surrounding graffiti show how children were influenced by the ideological and political shifts leading up to the revolution. Figure 26: Chīye Bābā Jūn Gom Shodī?, np 5) Bāzgasht This image, drawn from a book depicting the early years of Islam, captures a significant moment of reflection and regret. The three Muslims depicted are waiting in the desert around Medina, deeply upset and remorseful for having refused to join the Prophet Mohammad in jihad, which in Islamic teachings is an obligatory act in defense of the faith. Jihad, meaning "struggle in the way of truth and Islam," was a critical element in the early Islamic era. The story emphasizes that when the Prophet returns safely from battle, the people of Medina rejoice—except for these three, who are rejected by both the Prophet and their fellow Muslims for not fulfilling their duty. This depiction of clothing and the atmosphere, including the distant palm trees, is a common motif in Iranian children’s books when illustrating cities from the time of Islam’s emergence. In the image, the three Muslims pray in isolation, begging God for forgiveness. The barren desert setting reflects their spiritual and social separation from the community. Their physical postures—one prostrate in “sujood” (Islamic prostration) and two standing with hands raised in supplication—illustrate their profound guilt and hope for redemption. This act of prayer and 122 supplication, central to Islamic practice, serves as their means of seeking reentry into the community from which they have been distanced. The visual composition mirrors their emotional and spiritual desolation, with its muted earth tones and vast, empty landscape. The desolate desert emphasizes how their refusal to partake in “jihad” has left them in a state of regret and isolation, both physically and spiritually. This image, while reflecting an early Islamic story, resonates deeply with the post-revolutionary period in Iran. After the 1979 Islamic Revolution, the concept of “jihad” and martyrdom took on renewed significance, becoming central to the ideology of the Islamic Republic. Just as in the early days of Islam, defending the faith and fighting for its survival were viewed as religious obligations. This image parallels both the early Islamic period and the post-revolutionary years in Iran, where participation in war and struggle was again seen as a defining act of devotion. The connection between early Islamic teachings and post-revolutionary values in Iran reinforces the idea that Islamic history and revolutionary ideals are deeply intertwined. The scene of prayer and repentance in the desert echoes the post-revolutionary emphasis on duty, sacrifice, and the religious obligation to support Islamic causes, making this image both a reflection of past religious obligations and a commentary on contemporary post-revolutionary expectations. Figure 27: Bāzgasht, np 6) Teshne-ye Dīdār The book Teshne-ye Dīdār is set during the final summer days in Medina, describing the intense heat and the surrounding date palm groves. The story begins when a messenger arrives from the Roman borders with urgent news that the Roman emperor has mobilized a large army to 123 attack the Muslims. Upon hearing this, Prophet Mohammad orders a public mobilization, stressing the importance of fighting in God’s path. He recites verses about jihad and instructs those who can fight to gather provisions, arm themselves, and prepare for war. In this image, we see the Prophet’s army marching forward, but Prophet Mohammad himself is not depicted, following Islamic traditions that prohibit visual representations of holy figures, including the Prophet and the Imams, to preserve their sanctity. Instead, the illustration emphasizes the collective strength and unity of the Muslim community. The soldiers, dressed similarly and riding camels, stretch across the vast desert, their individual identities intentionally blurred. The absence of distinct facial features highlights the Islamic principle of Ummah (communal unity), where the group works together toward a shared religious goal—in this case, defending Islam. The desert, painted in warm tones of yellow and brown, enhances the sense of an endless, unified march, with the large army advancing as a single, purposeful force devoted to its cause. This visual approach, omitting individual identity, underscores the collective duty of jihad, portraying the army not as separate individuals but as a united force devoted to its cause. Figure 28: Teshne-ye Dīdār, pages 10-11 7) Beshno Az Ney The book Beshno Az Ney tells the story of resistance against tyranny in an allegorical atmosphere. In the story, Bahram Shah is depicted as a cruel, bloodthirsty king who claims everything as his own, to the extent that people fear even his image on the wall and dare not speak against him. However, Ali, the central character, fearlessly walks past the image of 124 Bahram Shah, looking into the king’s eyes with defiance and speaking his mind. His boldness inspires the people, and each night, they eagerly await hearing his stories of injustice and the struggles endured by their ancestors, all accompanied by the sound of his reed. This image shows a stark contrast between the people and the tyrant king. On the left side, a group of ordinary people is portrayed as humble, accompanied by animals that help them in their daily tasks. Their colorful clothing reflects the resilience of the human spirit. In sharp contrast, the terrifying image of Bahram Shah is carved into the wall on the right side. His figure is large and sinister, with glowing, fiery eyes that immediately capture attention. The monstrous appearance of Bahram Shah represents the overwhelming presence of tyranny—a force so pervasive that even his image strikes fear into the people. People’s calm manners starkly oppose the looming, supernatural figure of the tyrant, whose fiery eyes symbolize the cruelty and dominance of his authority. The image is without color, reminiscent of ancient carvings once considered sacred during the Pahlavi era. After the 1979 Revolution, this royal legacy was condemned and rejected. The integration of this image with the text highlights the contrast between pre-revolutionary hegemony and the revolutionary spirit of resistance. In this way, the image contrasts the ordinary people with the tyrant’s oppressive power, emphasizing the ongoing struggle between justice and oppression. The combination of visual and verbal elements reinforces the anti-monarchical message, making this image central to the narrative’s broader theme of ideological resistance to tyranny. Figure 29: Beshno Az Ney, np 125 8) Inak Sarzamin-e Hejr This image from the book visually represents the final scene of the story of Prophet Salih and the destruction of the land of Hijr. The people of Hijr, after defying Salih’s warnings and killing the miraculous camel, face the consequences of their actions following the three-day grace period. On the left side, Prophet Salih, surrounded by a glowing aura, leads his followers away from the doomed city. The bright sun and yellow background symbolize divine mercy for those who obeyed God’s commands. The simplicity of their journey underscores their faith and submission to divine rules, reflecting safety and salvation through obedience. In contrast, the right side of the image shows the ruined city of Hijr, enveloped in dark shades of blue and black. The broken buildings and lifeless figures emphasize the destruction brought upon the disbelievers for rejecting divine guidance. A demonic figure, which is an idol in the ruins, symbolizes the moral corruption that led to their downfall. This image aligns with the post-revolutionary narrative in Iran, where obedience to divine authority is seen as the path to justice and survival. The post-revolutionary era promoted the idea that societal salvation is dependent on strict adherence to Islamic teachings. The contrast between the saved followers of Salih and the destroyed city mirrors the ideological message promoted after the revolution: following religious teachings leads to salvation. At the same time, rebellion against God’s laws results in destruction. The image serves as a visual reminder of the consequences of defiance, reinforcing the revolutionary message of faith and resistance against tyranny. Figure 30: Inak Sarzamin-e Hejr, np 9) Khāneh-ye Chūb Kebrītī 126 The book follows the story of Reza, an eleven-year-old boy who, due to the Iran-Iraq war, moved with his mother from his town in southern Iran to Tehran. Reza has experienced significant loss—his best friend and home were destroyed in bombings, and he has also lost one of his arms. He feels hopeless and alone, burdened by the impact of war. The image shows the day Reza returns home from school and finds a pair of military boots at the door, signaling that his brother Abbas has returned from the frontlines. The large boots carry significant meaning, symbolizing Abbas’s role in the war and the sacred duty of defending the homeland. Their oversized appearance emphasizes reverence for those who go to war. The boots, placed prominently in the foreground, highlight their almost sacred presence. In Iranian society during the war, military symbols like these were revered, representing not just clothing but sacrifice, duty, and a higher moral calling. Reza’s longing gaze at the boots reflects how children were taught to view the conflict—not just as a necessity but as an honorable and spiritual duty. This image also reflects the broader ideological messaging in post-revolutionary Iran, where defending the homeland and martyrdom were glorified in children’s literature. The boots serve as a symbol not only of war but also of the cultural expectation of self-sacrifice, showing that even children were part of the national struggle. Reza’s unspoken desire to fight, despite his young age, mirrors the societal message that everyone, regardless of age, could contribute to the war effort. In this way, the image blends hope, heroism, and the emotional burden of war, while reinforcing the cultural and ideological significance of defending the homeland. 127 Figure 31: Khāneh-ye Chūb Kebrītī, page 15 10) Mājarā-ye Ahmad va Nīnī Kūchūlū This book’s story delves into Ahmad’s jealousy toward his new baby sister. The image shows a pivotal family scene that captures the dynamics between Ahmad, his baby sister, and their parents. Ahmad’s need for his mother’s attention is subtly depicted in the left image, with his body language as he holds on to his mother while his father stands beside her with a bag of groceries. The mother, dressed in a floral apron and headscarf in the right image, represents the traditional role of the nurturing caregiver. Even within her own home, she is depicted wearing a hijab, reflecting the hegemonic expectations of women in post-revolutionary Iran. Her attire obscures her body shape completely, following the fact that women’s figures should not be visible, even in private spaces. This visual representation reinforces the idea that women’s roles were closely tied to caregiving and modesty. Meanwhile, men are often depicted in more public, external roles, as seen with the father holding the groceries, indicating his return from outside. The visual arrangement thus emphasizes the traditional gender roles. Ahmad’s physical closeness to his mother in the left image reveals his emotional dependence and need for attention as he navigates his new role as the older sibling. The father’s role in the scene is more distant, emphasizing the traditional division of responsibilities within the family. He provides for the family by bringing groceries but remains physically and emotionally detached from the nurturing aspect, which is the mother’s domain. His neutral 128 clothing contrasts with the mother’s floral apron, further underscoring the gendered expectations of the time. The color palette, with its soft pastel tones and white background, keeps the focus on the family and the interactions between its members. The minimal details in the characters’ faces and the absence of a background setting allow the emotional and relational aspects to come to the forefront. This illustration reflects the broader cultural and social expectations of family life in 1980s Iran. The mother’s modest dress, the father’s role as provider, and Ahmad’s emotional struggle highlight the traditional family roles and the emotional complexities that arise with the arrival of a new sibling. Figure 32: Mājarā-ye Ahmad va Nīnī Kūchūlū, pages 30-31 11) Vāl’ādiyāt The book recounts a significant moment in early Islamic history, focusing on a pivotal battle in Medina. After two defeats, the Muslim forces are frustrated, but their faith remains strong. The story reaches a turning point when the Prophet appoints Ali, the first Imam of Shia Islam, as the commander of the Muslim forces for the third and final attempt at victory. The book emphasizes faith, sacrifice, and leadership, showing how the Muslim community reunites around their leaders, not just for victory, but for the spiritual significance of martyrdom and devotion to Allah. The image shows Muslim men gathered for the early morning prayer before heading into battle for the third time. They are kneeling in rows, gazing toward the unseen figure of Prophet 129 Muhammad, awaiting his guidance. Although not shown in the illustrations because it is prohibited to depict him, Prophet Muhammad is still the central figure guiding the community. The congregational prayer is central in this scene, highlighting the unity and discipline of the Muslim community. Their kneeling posture shows their commitment to both prayer and the coming battle. The men reflect a sense of seriousness and purpose with their simple expressions and muted colors. Their body language—kneeling in unison—underscores their collective identity, bound by their faith and readiness to sacrifice for their beliefs. The cool tones of blue and white create a calm but intense atmosphere. The simplicity of the background focuses the viewer’s attention on the men, showing their unity and shared purpose. Their prayer before the battle reminds us that this is not just a physical conflict but a spiritual one. The rows of men, stretching into the background, suggest that this battle involves the whole community, united by faith. The emphasis on congregational prayer shows how Islam’s core practices strengthen community solidarity, even in hardship. This is especially relevant in the post-revolutionary context, where faith and prayer were promoted as tools of hegemony, strengthening social unity and justifying both physical and ideological struggles. The image reflects how post-revolutionary Iran often used religious rituals like congregational prayer to encourage holiness and the willingness to sacrifice for the greater good of the Islamic state, blending spiritual devotion with political and military goals, especially during the Iran-Iraq war. Figure 33: Vāl’ādiyāt- pages 14-15 12) Salām 130 The following image from the wordless picturebook indicates a family. The mother and daughter, wearing hijab in their own home, including the mother’s chador, clearly represent post-revolutionary gender expectations. The mother’s proximity to the samovar, a symbol of domestic life, emphasizes her role within the household, particularly as the nurturer and caregiver. Feeding the infant further reinforces this maternal role. Meanwhile, the daughter, sitting with her doll, appears to mirror the mother’s role, subtly indicating the expectation that she will adopt these traditional responsibilities in the future. The doll symbolizes this projection, representing the daughter’s future role as a mother or caregiver, as if she is practicing or being prepared for that identity. The father, positioned separately and reading the newspaper, embodies a more distant, authoritative presence. His role is one of control and power yet detached from the domestic tasks that occupy the mother. This placement reinforces traditional patriarchal structures, where men are often portrayed as having intellectual or external duties (e.g., being informed about current events or the outside world), while women manage the home. The distance between the father and the rest of the family highlights the divide between his role and the mother’s and children’s roles, suggesting that his authority is unquestioned and somewhat removed from the nurturing environment. As for the son, standing at the door, his posture hints at the potential for transition. Positioned between the outside world and the domestic sphere, he could represent the father’s future. His stance suggests that he may eventually step into the father’s role, embodying the same authoritative presence. His position in the doorway also indicates the possibility of movement, as if he is on the way to taking on new responsibilities or roles, just as the father holds his own domain. In this way, the image carefully crafts a narrative about the continuity of traditional gender roles. The father’s position suggests authority and distance, the mother’s presence by the samovar and her chador emphasizes her nurturing role, and the children symbolize the perpetuation of these roles into the future. 131 Figure 34: Salām, np 13) Mājarā-ye Ahmad va Sārā The book Mājarā-ye Ahmad va Sārā centers around the mother’s absence and the grandmother’s sleep. While the mother is out shopping, Ahmad, left alone and bored, gives his little sister Sara some tea. He accidentally spills tea on Sara and wakes her up. The selected image captures the moment after this incident when the grandmother wakes up to Sara’s crying and the mother returns home from shopping. The image emphasizes the enforcement of traditional gender roles, primarily through the mandatory wearing of the hijab, which became compulsory for all women in Iran in 1980 (Ahmadi Khorasani 201). In Islam, women are not required to cover themselves around first-degree relatives, such as children, husbands, and fathers. Therefore, the depiction of women with hijab at home is not consistent with Islamic teachings. This suggests that showing women without hijab, even in children’s books from this decade of the Islamic Republic, was considered unacceptable, even in private spaces. In this domestic setting, the women remain fully covered. The mother has just returned from buying vegetables, reinforcing her role within the domestic sphere, where women’s primary responsibilities are managing household tasks rather than engaging in professional work outside the home. The baby’s crying highlights the boy’s inability to manage caregiving responsibilities, subtly reinforcing the notion that such tasks are traditionally assigned to women. This dynamic reflects the gender expectations that caregiving and household management are female duties, while the boy, as a future man, is expected to grow out of these roles. 132 The grandmother, who has just woken up and sits passively, adds to the portrayal of multigenerational domestic roles. Her presence reinforces the idea that these gendered expectations have been passed down through generations, showing women as primarily active in their roles as mothers and wives. This image illustrates the continuation of traditional gender roles, where women are the primary caregivers and homemakers, while men (symbolized by the boy) are distanced from these responsibilities. The mandatory hijab serves as a visual reminder of the state’s control over women’s appearance and behavior, both in public and private spaces. Figure 35: Mājarā-ye Ahmad va Sārā, pages 24-25 14) Mājarā-ye Ahmad va Sā’at This image presents a scene where the mother and grandmother are seated with a young child, reflecting traditional gender roles in a domestic setting. Both women are depicted in full hijab despite being in their own homes, reinforcing the post-revolutionary mandate that women must remain fully always covered. The floral-patterned chador worn by the grandmother is a visual cliché often used to depict older Iranian women, suggesting that these traditional roles and expectations are passed down through generations. The mother, holding the baby, signifies her active role in nurturing and caregiving. The child sitting on her lap reinforces that women’s primary responsibilities revolve around childcare and domestic work. 133 While the warm, pastel colors in the illustration create a calm and serene atmosphere, the underlying message emphasizes strict adherence to gender roles. This is evident in the continued presence of the hijab, even in a private family setting. The image also highlights the post-revolutionary emphasis on the hijab, not only as a symbol of modesty but also as an instrument of control and regulation over women’s appearances, even within their homes. This reflects the broader societal expectation that women must remain fully covered at all times following the 1980 enforcement of the mandatory hijab in Iran. Figure 36: Mājarā-ye Ahmad va Sā’at, pages 30-31 15) Zībātarīn Āvāz In Zībātarīn Āvāz, a young boy wakes up and hears the most beautiful sound in the world. He sets out to find its source in the heart of nature. The book follows his journey, revealing the deep emotional connection between humans and the natural world. The book’s cover emphasizes nature with rolling hills, flowers, and a large sun, highlighting rural life’s simplicity and purity. This reflects the post-revolutionary Iranian values that idealized rural life, aligning with the broader cultural narrative of returning to traditional values and distancing from urbanization and modernization, which were seen as Western influences. The rural landscape represents an idealized life, considered more authentic and morally grounded than city life. This idealization of rural life aligns with the views expressed by Ayatollah Khamenei, Iran’s leader, in 1989, emphasizing the importance of villages in the future of Iran and Islam. He noted 134 that "the general policy of the Islamic Republic is to strengthen and develop villages and for farmers to take their production work seriously, as it is crucial for the future of this country and the fate of Islam." He believed focusing on agriculture was vital for Iran to confront global powers and meet its basic needs (The Official Website of Ali Khamenei np). This vision reinforces the portrayal of nature in the book, where rural life is seen not just as a cultural ideal but also as fundamental to the nation’s strength and self-reliance. In post-revolutionary Iran, children’s books often celebrated rural environments as central to cultural heritage. The boy’s placement in nature conveys harmony with the environment, emphasizing that cultural identity and purity were closely tied to rural life. The absence of modern elements like buildings or technology in the image further underscores the idea that modernization was viewed as separate from or harmful to traditional values. Figure 37: Zībātarīn Āvāz, np 16) Vaghtī Bahār Āmad In this story, Ali nurtures a peach tree in his yard, watching it grows until he can finally harvest a ripe peach. While the verbal narrative suggests that the setting is a city, the absence of any urban elements in the illustrations creates a dreamy atmosphere centered on nature. This artistic choice reflects the broader post-revolutionary trend in Iranian children’s literature, where 135 nature is idealized as a symbol of purity, growth, and self-reliance, even in a modern or urban context. The tree and its fruit symbolize not only Ali’s personal growth but also the connection to traditional values tied to the land. In the post-revolutionary era, nature often represented cultural identity and moral clarity, distancing itself from city life’s complexities and potential moral degradation. Here, even though the story takes place in a city, the visuals focus entirely on the natural world, highlighting the importance of staying connected to nature. Despite the urban setting, this focus on nature suggests that cultural and emotional fulfillment comes from the natural environment. Ali’s care for the tree and his sense of accomplishment, when it bears fruit further, emphasizes the importance of self-sufficiency and nurturing in post-revolutionary cultural narratives. The absence of city imagery reinforces the idea that nature, not urbanization, is central to Iranian cultural identity. Figure 38: Vaghtī Bahār Āmad, pages 22-23 17) Yek Sobh-e Pāyīzī This story focuses on educating villagers, teaching them various responsibilities, and introducing them to livestock management, particularly in dealing with issues like parasites. The educational nature of the story aligns with the post-revolutionary emphasis on empowering rural communities through practical knowledge. The story’s portrayal of villagers working together reflects a broader narrative about the importance of self-sufficiency in Iran’s post-revolutionary period. In his 1968 speech to villagers, Ali Khamenei emphasized the importance of investing in villages and rural communities for the country to achieve self-sufficiency. He believed that the 136 foundation of a nation’s independence begins with self-sufficiency in food production and that villages play a crucial role in this process. The villagers in the story, with their active participation in their community’s well-being, represent this ideal, showing how the efforts of farmers and rural workers contribute to the greater goal of national self-reliance. In post-revolutionary Iran, rural communities were often seen as the nation’s backbone, providing food and supporting broader economic stability. The process of teaching villagers about wool production and parasite management emphasizes the state’s focus on practical education to enhance agricultural and rural development, reflecting the belief that rural work is fundamental to Iran’s progress. This analysis ties the story’s message with Khamenei’s emphasis on rural self-sufficiency and the broader post-revolutionary cultural narrative that elevates the role of villages in the nation’s future. Figure 39: Yek Sobh-e Pāyīzī, pages 6-7 18) Yūnes In the broader post-revolutionary Iranian context, Qur’anic stories like that of Yunus hold significant cultural weight. They are not limited to the teachings of the Prophet of Islam but encompass the entire lineage of prophets as told in the Qur’an. These narratives are deeply woven into the cultural and religious hegemony, reflecting the importance of divine guidance throughout history. The focus on these stories in children’s literature reinforces the idea that 137 religious values, particularly those derived from the Qur’an and its prophets, serve as a moral compass for society. They provide a foundation for shaping not only individual behavior but also the nation’s collective identity, underlining the central role of religion in personal and societal growth. The story of Prophet Yunus (Jonah) teaches the importance of repentance and divine forgiveness. Yunus, frustrated by the people of Nineveh’s refusal to believe, left them without God’s permission. The people of Nineveh, realizing their mistake, returned to God and sought forgiveness. In this image, the people are shown in a moment of collective repentance after Yunus’s departure. Their raised hands and bowed heads convey their regret for not believing in Yunus earlier. This scene reflects the post-revolutionary Iranian focus on community unity and the importance of returning to religious values. The Islamic Republic consistently promoted the idea that unity and faith in God were the solutions to societal and spiritual challenges. The collective plea for forgiveness aligns with this, as it shows the power of shared religious devotion in times of crisis. The clothing in the image is simple and traditional, resembling ancient attires, evoking a sense of antiquity. The illustrator’s choice of dress reflects an intention to place the narrative in a distant, timeless past. The long robes and wraps suggest a historical era far removed from the modern world, reinforcing the idea that the story of Yunus is not just a historical lesson but also a moral and spiritual one that transcends time. This visual portrayal connects the audience to a period when faith and devotion were paramount, emphasizing the timeless relevance of the story. Figure 40: Yūnes, pages 14-15
Thesis/Dissertation
eng
Children's Literature
Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library
Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International
Graduate
Rogers, Theresa
Shoemaker, Kathryn E.
Revolution in imagery : visual representation of hegemony in Iranian illustrated books before and after the 1979 revolution
Text