Arts and Social Sciences, Irving K. Barber Faculty of (Okanagan)
DSpace
UBCO
Isch, Emilie
Master of Arts - MA
University of British Columbia
This thesis investigates how public libraries presently mitigate intersections of houselessness in two small cities in the southern interior region of British Columbia (B.C.). The research identifies on three main topics relating to intersections of houselessness, small cities, and the public library. The first topic seeks to understand the role of political economic systems (primarily, neoliberalism) as they exacerbate intersections ranging from the toxic opioid supply to housing and privatization, and anthropogenic climate change. The second topic outlines how these intersections and topics function in the small city landscape, broadening the research away from strictly urban environments. Lastly, the topic of the public library places an emphasis on infrastructure, both social and physical, and conceptualizes the public library as more than just a third space, but rather as a lived space. This centers a discussion around public libraries existing in opposition to privatized spaces within neoliberal society. This thesis follows an interdisciplinary research design, using two methodologies ‘content analysis’ and ‘semi structured interviews’ to deliberate five key findings. Content analysis reviewed sources from City Profiles and relevant Institutes, and highlighted key words within their respective discourse on the chosen topics. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with ten participants from the two sites of study for this thesis – Nelson and Vernon. Outcomes of this thesis position the state of small cities through the changing face of houselessness, urbanization and housing, and community efforts and actions. The findings also explore the function of public libraries as they service to promote inclusivity, safety, community, and harm mitigation. Moreover, this work addresses the role of librarians and library staff alongside challenges and barriers, with outcomes situating relational engagement, training, de-escalation, and skills equipping. Ultimately, these conclusions outline best practices to effectively achieve the overarching argument of the small city public library as a site of resistance. Through this investigation of the public library, we may be better equipped to understand intersections of houselessness in other small cities of B.C. and beyond.
THE PUBLIC LIBRARY AND INTERSECTIONS OF HOUSELESSNESS IN TWO SMALL CITIES OF INTERIOR BRITISH COLUMBIA by Emilie Isch Bachelor of Global and International Studies, Carleton University, 2020 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE COLLEGE OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Interdisciplinary Studies) (Urban and Regional Studies) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Okanagan) January 2025 © Emilie Isch, 2025 ii The following individuals certify that they have read, and recommend to The College of Graduate Studies for acceptance, the thesis entitled: The Public Library and Intersections of Houselessness in Two Small cities of Interior British Columbia submitted by Emilie Isch in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Examining Committee: Jon Corbett, Irving K. Barber Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences Supervisor John Graham, School of Social Work Co-Supervisor Jonathan Cinnamon, Irving K. Barber Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences Supervisory Committee Member Baharak Yousefi, Simon Fraser University Supervisory Committee Member Carols Teixeira, Irving K. Barber Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences University Examiner iii Abstract This thesis investigates how public libraries presently mitigate intersections of houselessness in two small cities in the southern interior region of British Columbia (B.C.). The research identifies on three main topics relating to intersections of houselessness, small cities, and the public library. The first topic seeks to understand the role of political economic systems (primarily, neoliberalism) as they exacerbate intersections ranging from the toxic opioid supply to housing and privatization, and anthropogenic climate change. The second topic outlines how these intersections and topics function in the small city landscape, broadening the research away from strictly urban environments. Lastly, the topic of the public library places an emphasis on infrastructure, both social and physical, and conceptualizes the public library as more than just a third space, but rather as a lived space. This centers a discussion around public libraries existing in opposition to privatized spaces within neoliberal society. This thesis follows an interdisciplinary research design, using two methodologies ‘content analysis’ and ‘semi structured interviews’ to deliberate five key findings. Content analysis reviewed sources from City Profiles and relevant Institutes, and highlighted key words within their respective discourse on the chosen topics. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with ten participants from the two sites of study for this thesis – Nelson and Vernon. Outcomes of this thesis position the state of small cities through the changing face of houselessness, urbanization and housing, and community efforts and actions. The findings also explore the function of public libraries as they service to promote inclusivity, safety, community, and harm mitigation. Moreover, this work addresses the role of librarians and library staff alongside challenges and barriers, with outcomes situating relational engagement, training, de-escalation, and skills equipping. Ultimately, these conclusions outline best practices to effectively achieve the overarching argument of the small iv city public library as a site of resistance. Through this investigation of the public library, we may be better equipped to understand intersections of houselessness in other small cities of B.C. and beyond. v Lay Summary The key goals of this thesis are to better understand how public libraries lessen the negative and harmful implications surrounding houselessness in two small cities (Nelson and Vernon) located in the southern interior region of British Columbia (B.C.). I focus on three intersections relating to ongoing states of emergencies in B.C., small cities, and the public library. There are several notable contributions from this research, the first argues for an approach to houselessness in small cities that emphasizes the growing role of the public library towards possible interventions. The second contribution showcases how unprecedented situations (like the housing crisis, climate crisis, the toxic drug crisis, and a lack of supports) merge alongside unhoused patrons and library staff. These raise questions around the best ways to navigate and operate the space and presents tangible best practices and suggestions for public librarians and library staff, as well as for the broader community. vi Preface This study has been granted ethics approval by the University of British Columbia Okanagan Behavioural Research Ethics Board (UBC BREB Number H23-00214). This thesis used ChatGTP for citation generation of online sources, locating specific quotations in sources, and sorting materials. Contributions from the student (Emilie Isch) pertained to identification of research, analysis of the research data, and all work involved in the thesis and in the writing of the thesis. There were notable contributions from the supervisors and supervisory committee around some elements of the research design, and other suggestions and edits which aided in the outcomes of this thesis. There are no publications or submissions arising from work presented in the thesis/dissertation. vii Table of Contents Abstract ......................................................................................................................................... iii Lay Summary .................................................................................................................................v Preface ........................................................................................................................................... vi Table of Contents ........................................................................................................................ vii List of Figures .............................................................................................................................. xii List of Abbreviations ................................................................................................................. xiii Glossary ...................................................................................................................................... xiv Notes on language ........................................................................................................................xv Acknowledgements ................................................................................................................... xvii Dedication ................................................................................................................................. xviii Chapter 1: Introduction ................................................................................................................1 1.1 Background ..................................................................................................................... 1 1.2 Sites of Study .................................................................................................................. 6 1.2.1 Classifications of the Public Library....................................................................... 9 1.3 Intersectionality............................................................................................................... 9 1.4 Scope and Layout .......................................................................................................... 10 Chapter 2: Literature Review .....................................................................................................13 2.1 An Overview of Houselessness .................................................................................... 13 2.1.1 A Class Analysis of Prevailing Bias and Stigma .................................................. 13 2.2 Intersections of Houselessness ...................................................................................... 15 2.2.1 Housing ................................................................................................................. 15 2.2.2 The Toxic Opioid Supply...................................................................................... 17 viii 2.2.3 Anthropogenic Climate Change ............................................................................ 17 2.3 The Small Canadian City .............................................................................................. 20 2.3.1 Privatization in the Small city ............................................................................... 20 2.3.2 Housing in the Small City ..................................................................................... 22 2.4 Public Libraries ............................................................................................................. 23 2.4.1 Mediating the Public Library as Social and Physical Infrastructure ..................... 23 2.4.2 The Public Library Through a Feminist Praxis..................................................... 24 2.4.3 The Contention Between Public and Private ........................................................ 25 2.4.4 Mediating the Public Library as Public Space ...................................................... 26 2.4.5 Is Public Space Also Third Space? ....................................................................... 27 2.4.6 Conceptualizing Public Spaces as Lived Spaces .................................................. 27 2.4.7 Other Spaces in Response ..................................................................................... 28 2.5 Bridging Public Libraries and Houselessness ............................................................... 29 2.5.1 Community, Social Cohesion, and Social Inclusion ............................................. 30 2.5.2 Towards Mitigating Harms ................................................................................... 32 2.5.3 Responding to Anthropogenic Climate Change ................................................... 34 2.5.4 The Public Library and Digital Access ................................................................. 35 2.6 Summary ....................................................................................................................... 37 Chapter 3: Research Design and Methodology .........................................................................38 3.1 Research Design............................................................................................................ 38 3.1.1 Interdisciplinarity .................................................................................................. 39 3.1.2 Statement on Positionality .................................................................................... 40 3.2 Methodology ................................................................................................................. 41 ix 3.2.1 Content Analysis ................................................................................................... 41 3.2.2 Participants ............................................................................................................ 42 3.2.3 Interview Reliability ............................................................................................. 43 3.2.4 Semi-Structured Interviews .................................................................................. 43 3.2.5 Ethical Considerations .......................................................................................... 44 3.2.6 Site Visits .............................................................................................................. 44 3.2.7 Data Analysis ........................................................................................................ 44 3.2.8 Member Checking ................................................................................................. 46 3.3 Limitations and Delimitations....................................................................................... 46 Chapter 4: Findings and Discussion ...........................................................................................48 4.1 The State of Small Cities .............................................................................................. 48 4.1.1 The Changing Face of Houselessness ................................................................... 48 4.1.2 Urbanization and Housing .................................................................................... 50 4.1.3 Community Efforts ............................................................................................... 52 4.1.4 Community Action................................................................................................ 54 4.2 The Role of Public Libraries as Social and Physical Infrastructure ............................. 56 4.2.1 For Fostering Safety and Inclusivity ..................................................................... 56 4.2.2 In Building Community ........................................................................................ 59 4.2.3 As a Place to ‘Be’ ................................................................................................. 61 4.2.4 Amidst Anthropogenic Climate Change ............................................................... 63 4.3 Meeting the Material and Social Needs of Unhoused Patrons ..................................... 66 4.3.1 Digital Access and Assistance from Technology ................................................. 67 4.3.2 Operations and Policies......................................................................................... 70 x 4.3.3 Modelling Programming ....................................................................................... 72 4.3.4 Introducing Aged Spaces ...................................................................................... 74 4.3.5 Responding to Mobility and Transportation Needs .............................................. 75 4.4 The Role of Librarians and Library Staff Alongside Challenges and Barriers ............. 76 4.4.1 Relationality and Engagement .............................................................................. 77 4.4.2 In Supporting Digital Access ................................................................................ 77 4.4.3 Supporting Librarians and Library Staff ............................................................... 78 4.4.4 Building Skills, and Connecting Social Workers ................................................. 80 4.4.5 De-escalation, and Increases in Security .............................................................. 85 4.4.6 Building Networks and Synergies ........................................................................ 87 4.5 Measures for The Public Library as a Site of Resistance ............................................. 89 4.5.1 The Public Library and Decolonization ................................................................ 89 4.5.2 The Public Library and Anti-Surveillance ............................................................ 92 4.6 Summary ....................................................................................................................... 93 Chapter 5: Conclusion .................................................................................................................94 5.1 Contributions................................................................................................................. 94 5.2 Future Research ............................................................................................................ 94 5.3 Conclusion .................................................................................................................... 97 Bibliography ...............................................................................................................................100 Appendices ..................................................................................................................................119 Appendix A: Interview Guide ................................................................................................. 119 Appendix B: List of Participants and Corresponding Information ......................................... 121 Appendix C: List of Emerging Themes from Coding ............................................................ 122 xi Appendix D: List of Documentation used in Content Analysis ............................................. 123 xii List of Figures Figure 1. Map of land loss from Indigenous peoples in Canada from 1655 to present day Accessed from CJMPE foundation (2023) …………………………………..…………………...3 Figure 2. Relaxing chairs, ORL-V Second Floor………………………………………………..58 Figure 3. Water Cups Dispenser, NPL Bathroom……………………………...…………….….64 Figure 4. “Tech Tutor Computer Literacy” Poster, ORL-V Main Floor…………………..……74 Figure 5. Tech Borrowing Station, NPL Main Floor……………………………………………74 Figure 6. Children’s Washroom Sign, ORL-V Main Floor ……………………………….……75 Figure 7. “Naloxone Kits Available Here” Poster, ORL-V Staircase…………………...…….88 Figure 8. “Substance Use First Aid” Workshop Poster, ORL-V Staircase………….…………89 xiii List of Abbreviations British Columbia Library Trustees Association (BCLTA) Canadian Urban Institute (CUI) Harm reduction vending machine (HRVM) Interior Health (IH) Living Positive Resource Centre (LPRC) Nelson Public Library (NPL) Okanagan Regional Library, Vernon Branch (ORL-V) Toronto Public Library (TPL) United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (DRIP) xiv Glossary Neo-liberalism Market-oriented reform policies accomplished through privatization and austerity, and characterized by strong private property rights, free markets, and free trade (Harvey, 2005, p. 2). Privatization Refers to property becoming owned by a private, non-government party and achieved through policies which prioritize government-owned business, and operation (Trotti, 2021). Tent cities Settlements and communities which are characterized by tents or other informal structures in lieu of conventional built homes. These are also known as encampments, either sanctioned or unsanctioned (Pitas et al., 2024, p. 2). Third Space Pro-social places which incorporate places of assembly, are accessible and facilitate lingering and meeting (Roe and McCay, 2021, p. 103, 109). This in context of the first place [home] and the second place [work] but refers to a separate social environment. xv Notes on language The use of Turtle Island is an attempt to describe the gap between traditional settler narrative of the creation of this country and the lived experience of Indigenous peoples whose land has been taken (Lindamood, 2023). This is part of ongoing efforts to decolonize geographical language. While I use the term ‘houseless’, or ‘unhoused’, note that ‘homeless’ is still widely used across disciplines and literature fields. I argue that as a society we are numb to the use of ‘homeless’ and note that the dialectics of this language shift does not assume language shaping thought and thought shaping language are not mutually exclusive. This research positions itself intentionally within a more fluid interpretation of being ‘home’less - inspired by many, but in particular from the work of Michele Lancione (2023). The emphasis on ‘a state of emergency’ is used in accordance with the undergoing significant gaps in affordability and housing stock, the current supply of toxic drugs and the implicit drug poisonings, coupled with the ever-increasing state of climate disasters. These tend to be underplayed (or over-played) for purposes beyond advocacy or awareness, and touch onto larger discussions of ‘crisis’ that this thesis attempts to situate itself within (Tranjan, 2023). Using ‘drug poisoning’ instead of ‘overdose’ follows suit with shifting blame away from the people who use drugs towards the state and policies which proliferate a toxic supply and are responsible for the materials conditions for which many use drugs in the first place. This adjustment in lexicon is not fully adopted however, many are pushing for it including the British Columbia Centre Disease Control and the British Columbia Centre on Substance Use. While I interchange terms to talk about anthropogenic climate change, each has a specific reason and present perspectives along an intersectional line. I use ‘climate crisis’ to reflect the broader scholarly discourse, and incorporate realities of chaos and sentiments of anthropogenic climate xvi change. I use ‘climate disasters’ and ‘extreme weather events’ as per language from a key participant whose work is centered on disaster management. The latter is in specific reference to the temporality of weather events, especially in the public library’s response. Note that neither of these terms place climate events as being isolated from the wider discourse of anthropogenic climate change. xvii Acknowledgements The ongoing process of learning and writing in the interior of B.C. took place on the stolen lands of the Sinixt, the Ktunaxa, and the Syilx peoples. As I write and now complete my thesis, I acknowledge this journey as being part of ongoing reflections of my positionality as a white settler. I continue to decolonize and unlearn systems and structures which maintain my own privilege and power. I also recognize that many of the ideas and insights I present in this work have come into fruition because of the extensive support and wisdom of my supervisors and committee members, and so many faculty, friends, and family. Thank you to each one of you for insightful conversations both big and small. I hope to never stop being curious, asking hard questions, and growing in community. xviii Dedication To everyone engaged and empowered through meaningful activism and community action. Thank you for reminding me to practice care and solidarity even when it feels hard. To folks I am inspired by and have had the chance to learn and grow with, to public librarians, social service workers, and everyone fighting tirelessly for others amidst oppression and pain. Thank you for keeping me grounded. This thesis is dedicated to readers who know the real work happens when the laptop is shut. Continue to be fierce, and never stop demanding change. 1 Chapter 1: Introduction 1.1 Background This thesis positions the public library and houselessness alongside intersections1 of housing, the toxic opioid supply, and anthropogenic climate change in two small cities in British Columbia (B.C.). The question guiding my research is “How do public libraries mitigate the intersections of houselessness in small cities?” Throughout my research, I explore houselessness in relation to the accompanying intersections and implications of being unhoused, or vulnerably housed (reflective of some models of unsafe or unstable living). Housing is linked to health determinants such as income and food security (Raphael et al., 2020), and is also known to be a key social determinant of health with individuals who are housing insecure often experience and are “patterned along axes of social inequality” (Swope and Hernandez, 2019, p. 1). Additionally, “unsafe or unsuitable living conditions” require categories and strategies to work towards meeting people’s basic needs (Buck-McFadyen 2022, p. 411). This further emphasizes an expanded definition of houselessness as it accounts for continuing and complex realities, and positions insights from this research within emerging literature on why housing inequities are an expression of the current society. Existing research has primarily focused on larger metropolitan areas, such as Vancouver and Victoria, resulting in a significant gap in the literature regarding the realities of houselessness in smaller cities (Buck-McFadyen, 2022; MacDonald and Gaulin, 2022). It is important to note 1 Here I am defining the term intersection as the varying crossovers between socio-political issues and houselessness. These function together to perpetuate cycles of poverty, discriminatory policies, and social norms, all of which leave unhoused people subject to vulnerabilities such as from the climate, the toxic drug supply, and the housing industry. Within these intersections it also important to underscore the “heightened complexity of their [unhoused peoples] health and social needs” (Cook and Hole, 2020, p. 817). This complexity therefore necessitates an understanding of how social and material conditions intersect with houselessness. 2 that consistent definitions of a small city remain contested in the literature. This inconsistency complicates our understanding of specific criteria and identifying factors that would objectively classify what makes a small city ‘small’ (Chong, 2021, p. 245; MacDonald and Gaulin, 2020, p. 169). In my thesis, the small city will be understood as the in-between of obviously rural or urban, operating as neither static nor uniform but rather as places which continue to change through their attitude and sense of community (Walmsley and Kading, 2018).2 It is important to understand the characteristics of small city houselessness as this knowledge is essential in guiding investment in programs and policies which directly address some of the intersections of houselessness (Buck-McFadyen, 2022; Swope and Hernandez, 2019). Between the two sites of study, Nelson is thought of by many as being more isolated and rural in comparison to Vernon. 3 This is especially the case as Vernon is situated in contrast to neighboring Kelowna (a medium sized city). In this thesis, I argue that understanding intersections between colonialism and capitalism is important to situating houselessness, and to identifying the dynamics and local histories that bridge wider topics of power, politics, and the financialization of housing (Lancione, 2023). The Canadian government is rooted in ongoing colonial exploitative structures, and governments have a decisive role in how housing is built, renovated, used, rented, bought, and sold (Tranjan, 2023). More specifically, “nothing just is when it comes to housing” (Tranjan, 2023, p. 13). If we assume that “estates have become key assets in circulation of financial monetary value” (Lancione, 2023, p. 132), we must then critically examine how colonialism and capitalism have 2 Obviously rural will be understood having a population less than 1,000. 3 The usage of rural is to acknowledge an existing social discourse which points to its small population and isolated geographic location (despite this thesis referring to Nelson as a small city). While I acknowledge this, more appropriately considering how a city is thought of as, rather than how it is officially defined and categorized, does not fit into the scope of this thesis. 3 functioned to expedite the financialization of housing. I present this narrative to better understand how the “unprecedented financialization of real estate market illuminates the speculative, predatory, and parasitic nature of late capitalism” (Safransky, 2023, p. 10). 4 Moreover, interpreting the financialization of land ownership through a colonial lens helps us understand that “for a colonial project [Canada] to exist, something and someone needs to be occupied…” (Lancione, 2023, p. 43). I argue that this occupied land (Canada) has turned housing into a key capital asset in the broader colonial project which essentially equates the occupation of land to [unaffordable] housing. In effect, what has been put in its place are systems of rules and laws which push out Indigenous peoples whose very land the housing is now situated on. This means, for housing, land back is the most effective solution. 5 Figure 1. Map of land loss from Indigenous peoples in Canada from 1655 to present day 4 Late-stage capitalism refers to the current era of consolidated production and flow of capital, amounting to the viewpoint of “homelessness being rooted in” capital circulation and accumulation (Mitchell, 2020, p. 93). 5 “Land Back is about reclaiming Indigenous spheres of influence and sovereignty and extending our values to result in better stewardship of ecological, political, and economic systems. Land Back also harmonizes well with the political discourse for reparations and land-centered issues for our Black relatives” (Tourish, 2021). 4 Additionally, in positioning current housing experiences with past and present manifestations of colonialism, I note how increased rates of Indigenous people evicted from housing corresponds to the years of constant and perpetual land loss (See Figure 1 to visualize this land loss from 1655 to present day; Rumbolt, 2022; CJMPE, 2023). 6 This loss of land is only one way to showcase the dismantling of a way of life by which Indigenous people existed prior to colonialism (Buhher and Barkaskos, 2023, p. 24). More specifically, emergent literature has asserted that Indigenous homelessness is a “product of a breakdown of healthy Indigenous relationships brought to bear by historic processes of colonization, such as land displacements, disconnection from identity, loss of cultures, linguicide, domicile, and a loss of Indigenous cosmology, among others” (Kidd et al., 2017, p. 164). This encompasses an alienation inherent within centuries of being removed from culture and community which further works to perpetuate cycles of trauma. In identifying these implications, it is notable to conclude that: “no Indigenous person was homeless prior to colonialization” (Rumbolt, 2022). This is especially important to note as they now make up a large percentage of unhoused people in B.C. (Kidd et al., 2019). To understand houselessness, I became interested in how the built environment and various infrastructure projects interact with and engage alongside conversations of wellbeing and narratives of innovation. Often absent in this discussion are transparent conversations concerning tensions related to housing, the toxic opioid supply, and anthropogenic climate change—all 6 Figure 1 does not accurately depict land loss since reservation land is a colonial concept that disconnects Indigenous people from their culture. 5 matters of key concern in B.C. Looking more closely at small-scale cities in the Interior Region of B.C. I focused on the cities of Vernon and Nelson and their respective public libraries. What draws together these two small cities is not only their population size and geographic proximity in the Southern Interior of B.C. but that both operate a similar public library system infrastructure. This is largely the reason for the selection of these cities, as they each offer insights into the subject matter from unique perspectives and maintain an understanding of houselessness in a context of small city public libraries. Existing research exists on the public library as valuable infrastructure across disciplines of disaster management, cultural analysis, and social work (Hoyer, 2013; Trotti, 2021; Wong, 2009; Dudley, 2013; Forrest, 2022; McLeod 2020). This thesis further examines the way public libraries can be part of the solution to addressing houselessness and issues of social justice. The role of public libraries in the small city context can be understood at varying levels, however little research has examined how they are constantly negotiating their role and relationship within prevailing social conditions, such as the changing desires and needs of its patrons, and how operations and process are taken (Leorke et al., 2018). These are important to explore as public libraries do not exist in a vacuum, nor are they isolated from the community they are part of. I am drawn to this research because of my experience as a community organizer, houselessness researcher, and front-line worker, recently in the Okanagan on stolen Syilx Okanagan territory, and previously in Ottawa, the stolen territory of the Anishinabe Algonquin peoples. In both spaces, I have become interested in how the built environment and infrastructures interact with and engage alongside conversations of wellbeing and narratives of innovation. Infrastructure here, being the physical form but also encompasses their social and material makeup. I argue experiences of our built environment help us to 6 understand how infrastructure like the public library can serve to mitigate negative experiences such as being unhoused. This thesis does not attempt to speak on behalf of unhoused patrons of the Vernon and Nelson public library, nor does it serve as an ethnographic study touching on the experiences of being unhoused and using (or not using) the public library. This thesis instead employs an interpretive lens to seek to better understand how the public library provides key critical infrastructure and as a lived space, and in doing so seeks to answer the principal research question “How do public libraries mitigate the intersections of houselessness in small cities?” 1.2 Sites of Study The first site of study for this research was Nelson, B.C., which is situated in the Selkirk Mountains on the West Arm of Kootenay Lake on the stolen and ancestral lands of the Ktunaxa and Sinixt First Nations. Nelson was incorporated as a settler community in 1897 and is known for their arts, tourism, and home-based businesses and industries (Discover Nelson, 2022). Despite Nelson having a population of approximately 11,000 people (Census data, 2021), its challenge with houselessness is like those of many other cities, small or large. This is in part because of the inability to provide adequate affordable housing and social services which have in turn directly contributed to the growing houseless population. According to a 2021 community-based report, the poverty rate in Nelson was at 18.6% (twice the provincial and national average) (Lesko, 2021). The report also identified a significant discrepancy between income and the cost of living for Nelson residents, which indicates a significant contribution to increasing houselessness in Nelson (Lesko, 2021). From Point-in-Time Service Enumeration and Point-in-Time Surveys data gathered in 2022, 88 individuals in Nelson were identified as being homeless with 60% experiencing chronic homelessness, and 16% living unsheltered (Canadian Observatory on Homelessness, 2022). However, as with most Time in Point counts, the exact 7 number is considered to be an undercount and does not account for experiences of hidden houselessness. Additionally, it is important to note that in Nelson many key services have closed due to a lack of funding, including a prominent houselessness coordinated access hub (Harper, 2024). 7 The closure of safe spaces further isolates unhoused people and emphasizes why the public library has assumed a growing role in mitigating experiences of social and health wellbeing. The second site of study is Vernon, B.C., located in the Northern Okanagan region on the stolen and ancestral lands of Syilx Okanagan people. The City of Vernon is the oldest incorporated city in the Okanagan Valley, and began as a service, agricultural and government center for the Okanagan Valley (Heritage Register, 2024, p. 6). According to the 2021 Census, the population is just over 44,500 people, which is significantly larger than Nelson (Profile Table, 2023). However, much like Nelson, it also experiences a failing social policy on housing and a lack of housing supply. 8 With these factors combined, the result has been a significant rise in houselessness as an emerging social issue that both cities are not adequately prepared to efficiently respond to. According to the Point in Time census data 224 individuals were identified as experiencing homelessness with 67% living outside, 13% in a makeshift shelter/ tent, and 11% living in a vehicle (B.C Housing, 2021). 9 Moreover, data from First Call Child and Youth Advocacy Society tells us that child poverty and by extension, family poverty 7 “The Coordinated Access Hub, located at 521 Vernon St., opened in July 2021 and offers a range of services including an episodic overdose prevention site, access to various health resources, an employment program and housing assistance. It also serves as a warm refuge where visitors can use a computer, make art, eat a snack and relax” (Harper, 2024). 8 I say failing social policy with the recognition that policies (namely, housing policies) are working just as intended, which is that they are designed to fail. Under neo-liberal policies, there is no intention to house everyone. 9As with data from Nelson, this number is not a fulsome representation of those missed in these counts. 8 increased from 2020 to 2021. The review found that 14.1% of children under the age of 17 in Vernon were in low-income families as compared to 2020 which was 13.2% (Verster, 2024). Exploring both Nelson and Vernon’s increases in poverty and houselessness require careful consideration to how single moms, Indigenous children, and new immigrants to Canada are most effected. Examining site specific responses will help us understand why the smallness of small cities might be an advantage for mitigating intersections of houselessness. I argue the advantages of small cities include the potential for grassroots citizen participation, and mobilization opportunities. However, small cities are often planning for, and dealing with the implications of social issues such as disproportionate per capita impacts of houselessness and its related issues. Additionally, “small cities have limited financial resources, and they often lack the planning expertise required to formulate and implement effective strategies” (Kading and Walmsley, 2018, p. 24). Furthermore, there is a notable increase in efforts for urbanization in many small cities and a growing “squeeze on urban space” (Kading and Walmsley, 2018, p. 92). A growing squeeze on urban space has left “rising prices for homes, disappearance of farms, transformation of the industrial environment, increasing qualification criteria for employment, rise of the working poor, fragmentation of families and transformation of the so-called nuclear family, lack of social housing” (MacDonald and Gaulin, 2020, p. 170). This points to some of the current challenges for small cities which I expand on in Chapter Two and Four. The phenomenon of urbanization and houselessness, in the context of Nelson and Vernon, is experienced differently than in larger urban areas. I discuss the state of houselessness in each respective city in more detail later in this thesis. 9 1.2.1 Classifications of the Public Library The library in Nelson operates as a municipal public library. According to the British Columbia Library Trustees Association (BCLTA), municipal libraries are established by a municipality and often enter a “service agreement with other local governments or service areas to provide services to neighbouring communities” (BCLTA, 2021). The Nelson Public Library (NPL) provides free library memberships to residents of the City of Nelson, and two other nearby areas, and operates through governments grants and receiving donations. The public library in Vernon is part of the Okanagan Regional Library (ORL) and referred to as the Okanagan Regional Library-Vernon (ORL-V) branch. According to the BCLTA, regional libraries are established in the following capacity, “when two or more municipalities and one or more regional districts each representing one or more electoral participating areas may, by bylaw, enter into an agreement to request the Lieutenant Governor in Council to establish a regional library district” (BCLTA, 2021). The Library Act goes on to say that “after receiving the agreement, the Lieutenant Governor in Council may establish a regional library district comprising: the area within each municipality that is a party to the agreement, and the electoral participating areas of each regional district that is a party to the agreement” (BCLTA, 2021). It is relevant to understand how regional and municipal libraries operate for local governments to establish cooperation and effective synergies with each other, and other existing groups or organizations. 1.3 Intersectionality I take an intersectional approach in this thesis to emphasize the connectivity between multiple issues prevalent to houselessness (Giannini, 2018; Nayak and Forrest, 2024). I use the term intersection to refer to the many implications of being unhoused (housing, toxic opioid supply, and anthropogenic climate change). Moreover, I consider how each issue, whether 10 housing, the drug supply, or the climate, is interlocked to systems of oppression and power (Cook and Hole, 2020). An important approach within intersectionality is how it “describes the specific and distinctive experience of those who are subjected to historical disadvantage because of society’s reaction to them” (Giannini, 2018, p. 13). It also refers to a “situated positionality” which exist along “complex configurations of power and privilege” (Nayak and Forrest, 2024, p. 4). The barriers surrounding houselessness are experienced differently, and this thesis recognizes the necessity for a nuanced approach to library best practices which allow for differing intersections. I do feel it is important to note however, that this does not dismiss the claim of overarching oppressions and power dynamics, rather intersectionality places an emphasis on varying experiences and complexities. 1.4 Scope and Layout This thesis ultimately explores why and how public libraries are crucial for unhoused patrons in increasingly privatized and financialized colonial economic systems. This is done by bridging houselessness in the small city to the public library through an understanding of its operations as social and physical infrastructure. This presents potential synergies and collaborations of the library towards addressing intersections of houselessness. Exploring the public library as social and physical infrastructure also centers a discussion around public space, third space, and lived space10. This thesis argues the public library is more suited to be discussed 10 Third space is defined as pro-social places which incorporate places of assembly, are accessible and facilitate lingering and meeting (Roe and McCay, 2021, p. 103, 109). This in context of the first place [home] and the second place [work] but refers to a separate social environment. Lived space refers to the social production of a space (Lefebvre, 1991). 11 and thought of through its embodiment and malleability, enriching more nuanced aspects of a patron’s experience in the space. Interdisciplinarity is significant for my research as I drew on scholarship from political economists, librarians, geographers, and social workers to produce new meanings and understandings of my work. In total, I interviewed ten participants with the goal of collecting data for synthesizing findings. Six were Nelson based and four were Vernon based. I visited both the NPL and ORL-V to take pictures which provided a visual medium to accompany some of the derived findings. The outline for this thesis is as follows. Chapter Two situates the research within the current literature and ongoing scholarship within (but not limited to) the fields of urban studies, critical theory, geography, library sciences and social work. Chapter Three presents my methodology and provides a brief examination into the conception and framework for the empirical findings and insights of the thesis. The findings are presented in Chapter Four. The five themes outlined in Chapter Four are the core findings in this research project. The first finding identifies and presents on the state of small cities, the changing face of houselessness, as well as insights from participants around urbanization and housing, and their community efforts and actions. The second finding positions the public library as both social and physical infrastructure, placing an emphasis on safety, equity, and community. This finding also recognizes the public library through notions of it as ‘a place to be’ and its role and importance amidst anthropogenic climate vulnerabilities. The public library also serves as a site of 12 resistance11. Resistance is presented in objection to a neo-liberal capitalist society, where most forms of existence, like climate refuge, is assumed to occur in the comfort of a home, or other private spaces. This ultimately puts an emphasis on the public library as a lived space and attempts to shift the discussion around third space, especially in relation to unhoused patrons. The third finding addresses operations, material, and social needs through positioning digital access as a fundamental service. This finding addresses librarians and library staff as cornerstones while asserting a growing need for additional resources to navigate various barriers and dynamics. The fourth finding situates the role of librarians and library staff alongside challenges and barriers, specifically in relational engagement, supporting the staff, de-escalation, training, and skills equipping. The fifth finding further centers measures for the public library as a site of resistance through a nuanced analysis of safety, anti-surveillance, and decolonization. Chapter Five concludes with contributions of this research, and avenues for future research. 11 I use ‘site’ and not ‘space’ to indicate an exact location, ie. the public library in its physical structure and form. Moreover, following language from bell hooks, a site of resistance is one which center lived experiences, serves as locales for radical possibility and marginality, and challenges systems of oppression (hooks, 1990). From work by Tania Cañas (2020), sites of resistance also necessitate creativity and unconventional responses, making them generative sites (p. 2). 13 Chapter 2: Literature Review This chapter explores existing and emerging research on the intersecting topics of houselessness, the small city, and public libraries. There is an emphasis on critical theorists guided by readings and materials which strengthen perspectives that prominent throughout this thesis and arguably necessary in lens examining the topics. 2.1 An Overview of Houselessness 2.1.1 A Class Analysis of Prevailing Bias and Stigma Depictions of houselessness in mainstream cultural media portrays unhoused individuals in an unfavorable and vulgar manner. Often, they are associated with being “filthy, violent, dangerous, and scary” (Wong, 2009, p. 399). Furthermore, they are assumed to have no job, no family, suffer from mental illness and/or addiction, and have chosen to be in this situation due to a series of bad choices or criminal behaviours. In scholarly literature, this is explained through the concepts of bias defined as “favoring of or against one person, group or thing compared with another, usually in a way considered to be unfair” (Brown University, 2021, np). While bias and stigma play a role in these prevailing depictions, associations, and assumptions, to better understand their role (i.e., to alienate and discriminate) and impact (i.e., on systems and policies) requires a class analysis. A class analysis draws from Marxist theories wherein processes of stratification and divisions are based along class lines and arguing that the houseless are an oppressed and an exploited class (Wilson, 2019). Broadly speaking this goes a step further than just stating that bias and stigma exist, but explicitly states those who are economically advantaged are favored based on this social and economic status (Berman, 2007; Wong, 2009). In alignment with existing literature, this thesis argues that any overall public “unease” of unhoused people is informed by class-rooted stereotypes and stigma (Trotti, 2021, p. 2). This 14 translates to specific policies and normalized rules of behaviors in the public library, tracing Erving Goffman’s social psychological research which looks at how stigma operates at the ‘micro-level’ (Clair, 2018). Stigma also operates through place, making a particular type of stigma against unhoused people in the library, a place not seemingly “for” them, more prone to this negative perspective (Wacquant, 2007). This further amplifies understandings of class and economic status within discourses of housing, as noted that by Lancione (2023) “the homeless poor are not a social fact but the cultural interpretation of how we make sense of and talk about the experience of housing precarity” (p. 135). Assumptions that unhoused people have addictions or are mentally ill “can be seen as a method of excusing the workings of an in-egalitarian social structure” and as “attempts to correlate homelessness with individual pathology” (Wilson, 2019, p. 301). Based on this, I argue that concentrating on individualistic behaviors rather than social structures also informs the common stereotype that unhoused people are ‘lazy’, ‘do not work’, and exist outside the economy. Even more, through a class analysis, being outside of these systems of economic production devalues their worth and perpetuates a response to this bias that unhoused people just need to work and that will ‘fix them’ (Trotti, 2021, p. 2). These accounts present many harmful societal responses that can also be understood through a critical neo-liberal lens. Neo-liberalism refers to state influence and policies, whereby the presence of unsheltered people in public spaces is deemed as a risk to other members of the public and assumes behaviors rooted in “disorder, illegality, and immorality and leads to processes of regulation, criminalization, and enforcement” (Amster, 2003 p. 197). Enforcement of rules is written into the B.C. Library Act (2024) and states “anyone who behaves in disruptive manner or damages property” can be excluded (Part 5, 47 section C). This exclusion to entry and existence is often based on vague or ambiguous reasoning, and leaves room for inconsistent and 15 unfair interpretations of the Library Act. Moreover, “some libraries have set stricter rules designed to ban activities and behaviours in which homeless individuals typically engage” (Dowdell and Liew, 2019, p. 2). As a result, these interpretations make it “hard to accept the fact that the homeless have the same right to be in libraries…” (Wong, 2009, p. 399). The way unhoused people continue to be excluded, subject’s individuals to increased surveillance and governance, which in turn presents an explanation for current policies that serve to target offensive odors and place a limit on bags (Trotti, 2021, p. 2). These policies tacitly target unhoused people and are interpreted as hostile responses informed by stereotypes that unhoused people do not smell good and carry a lot of bags. According to literature this is a result of bias and stigma which has trickled into all aspects how the public library managed itself. While these policies do not ignore efforts of the public library and those who are working there to destigmatize issues, it does point to the perspective that public spaces leave room for ‘chaos’ (as interpreted by those operating the space) and are often incoherently attempted to be managed and controlled. I examine the impact of bias and stigma in public spaces, and by extension public libraries, in further detail in later sections. 2.2 Intersections of Houselessness12 2.2.1 Housing In 2022, according to The Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation (CMHC), 1.4 million Canadians do not have access to quality housing or are living with a lack of essential housing needs (Buck-McFadyen, 2022, p. 407; Rana, 2023). This means their housing is 12 While the subsequent sections engage with discourses of these intersections as being a ‘crisis’, it’s important to have a balanced approach of the term. The work of Janet Roitman’s ‘Anti-Crisis’ is an attempt to flip crisis narratives and conjoin opposing notions of what a crisis is. In their work they tie together and bring an emphasis onto the object of crisis, risks, and question the possibility for a non-crisis narration (Roitman, 2014). 16 considered unaffordable, unsuitable, or inadequate. However, these estimates may be significantly inaccurate in a recent report from the Office of the Federal Housing Advocate (OFHA) who notes that an additional 4.4 million homes are needed to provide sufficient housing for the growing population (Rana, 2023). Regardless, news headlines and statistics from the past two years (2023 and 2024) point to B.C. as having the highest rate of unaffordable homes in Canada (Housing Indicators, 2021 Census, 2023). In B.C. there are a recorded 26,240 people who have experienced houselessness at some point in 2021 (Housing, 2023).13 This has resulted in what is now widely referred to as a state of emergency in housing, a housing crisis, and/or an epidemic of houselessness in B.C. (Tranjan, 2023; Manson and Fast, 2023). To contradict this language, I draw on critical political economist, Ricardo Tranjan, who explains we are not in a crisis, rather “a housing system that serves all, but one group is not in a state of crisis; it is one based on structure inequality and economic exploitation” (Tranjan, 2023, p. 3). These inequities in housing and patterns of exploitation increasingly seen as being explicitly a result of an increasingly privatized environment which has “created and exacerbated” houselessness (Trotti, 2021, p. 1). In this regard, I maintain that housing is seen as a capital investment and not a fundamental human right. Moreover, while a lack of essential housing needs is in part due to the surge in the cost of living and home prices, it is also coupled with subsequent insecurities and instabilities of housing which are on the rise across many Canadian cities (Khayyatkhoshnevis et al., 2020). 13 Note that data recording the exact number of individuals experiencing houselessness at a given time are never accurate as it fails to account for the nuanced or hidden forms of houselessness. 17 2.2.2 The Toxic Opioid Supply In April of 2016, British Columbia’s provincial health officer, Dr. Perry Kendall declared that the opioid crisis was a public health emergency after a dramatic rise in drug poisoning and increased access and supply to the synthetic opioid fentanyl (Government of Canada Actions on Opioid, 2022; Ministerial Order, n.d.). 14 According to statistics from the Government of Canada there have been a total of 38,514 apparent opioid toxicity deaths between January 2016 and March 2023 (The Canadian Drugs and Substances Strategy, 2023). The opioid crisis across Turtle Island has resulted in “the first time in history that libraries have had to confront drugs head on” (Wiggans, 2022, p. 9). This also identifies how public libraries are navigating this situation “as institutions that strive to serve vulnerable community members, including individuals suffering from addictions and drug dependencies” (Wiggans, 2022, p. 8). In later sections of this chapter, I will discuss this notion in more detail and understand how and to what effect the emerging roles of libraries and librarians have evolved during the opioid crisis. 2.2.3 Anthropogenic Climate Change Along with housing and the opioid crisis, anthropogenic climate change exacerbates effects on human health and the broader environmental systems (Watts et al., 2020, p. 129).15 Anthropogenic climate change occurs in conjunction to various socio-economic and environmental factors, not only by the manner of exposures and intensity of the effects, but 14 Fentanyl is a potent synthetic piperidine opioid drug commonly used as an analgesic (Ramos-Matos et al., 2023). The illegal production and illicit use have increased as it became more commonly laced in other drugs such as heroin (Stanley, 2014). 15 Anthropogenic climate change refers to human driven changes and puts no emphasis on natural cycles of changes to our planet and climate. The distinction is important as it lays blame on the various human, market, and industry factors which contribute to a changing climate, and to not tie in naturally occurring cycles and systems of regeneration for instance. 18 through an increase in individuals (especially unhoused individuals) who are considered climate vulnerable. According to a Lancet Report (2021), individuals most vulnerable are characterized as “not hav[ing] shelter” and “are exposed to an array of climate-related risks, including air pollution, extreme heat and cold…” (Lancet, p. 1693). 16 The Lancet Report identifies that “vulnerable and minoritized populations, who often contributed least to climate change, are disproportionately affected—a direct consequence of structural injustices, and harmful power dynamics” (Lancet, 2023, p. 2349). Overall, these perspectives stem from a foundational understanding that there are groups of people more impacted by the negative effects of climate change and are in turn harmed at proportionally higher rates than others (Tu-Keefner, 2016; Hawco, 2019). For example, “wildfires and subsequent community evacuations offer a highly visible example of climate change-induced dislocation” (Do et al., 2023, p. 2). In B.C., the Canadian Interagency Forest Fire Centre (CIFC) accounted for a total of 1,077 wildfires since the start of January 2023 until March of 2024 burning a total of 4,681,417.3 hectares (Canadian Interagency Forest Fire Centre, 2023). An increasing trend in wildfire activity promotes poor air quality from smoke and smog, with ensuing harmful effects to both physical and mental health (Parisen et al., 2020, p. 1, 8). Despite research on the long-term effects on human health still being in its early stages, we can assume that the impacts on unhoused people are even greater due to persistent exposure because of being outside. Forest fires are an illustration to how intersections of houselessness and the vulnerability of Indigenous communities have become exacerbated with 16 The Lancet is a weekly peer-reviewed general medical journal (which has received controversy for publishing ‘woke’ articles with content analyzed through critical or intersectional lenses). 19 an increasingly frequency and severity of wildfires. As we now observe destruction, displacement, and unaffordable housing, I argue this disproportionally impacts on communities who are at risk to be unhoused or are already experiencing houselessness. Much like wildfires, the exposure and impact of extreme temperatures are intensified for unhoused populations because of being in the outdoors. Recent heat-dome incidents (or ‘heat emergencies’) in B.C. have created many social and health impacts for the province (White et al., 2023). Both case study locations have faced record high temperatures in the past few three years, with Nelson hitting 35.9°C and Vernon hitting 44.2°C.17 Some of the impacts of these high heat temperatures on the unhoused population include severe dehydration, boils or sunburns, and most severe, heat stroke (Gabbe, et al., 2023). Public health research argues these negative effects could be mitigated with cooling centres or indoor spaces that have air conditioning, or fans, and access to clean water (Sampson et al., 2012). One example describes that “beyond ‘official’ cooling centers, if unhoused people shelter in accessible cooler spaces including churches, shopping malls, public restrooms, homeless shelters, and shady parks “… they risk being removed by security or law enforcement from air-conditioned businesses or from other public spaces” (Gabbe, et al., 2023, p. 2). This indicates that during a heatwave, loitering in the public library could be potentially lifesaving.18 During winter months, individuals who are experiencing houselessness also have higher risks of cold-related injuries including frostbite and hypothermia. The impacts on health [for unhoused 17 Note here that differences in temperatures between the two cities are in large part due to the geographic location of each, with Nelson situated in dense forest nestled amongst mountains, and Vernon part of the dry Okanagan valley. Regardless, these record high temperatures are in their own respect unusual and the impacts of which are significant. 18 Loitering as a positive connotation is revisited later in this thesis. 20 people] “are significantly elevated” (Zhang, et al., 2017, p. 87). Similar to cooling centres, heating centres are a valuable and lifesaving piece of infrastructure. In Toronto, “during the cold weather season, services available include 24-hr drop ins, outreach, relaxed shelter restrictions to reduce the likelihood of individuals being barred from shelters, an increased deployment of street outreach teams, distribution of transit tokens to help people reach shelters, and the opening of additional shelter beds” (Zhang, et al., 2017, p. 87). I maintain that a lack of reference to spaces not specifically designated as shelters (i.e., public spaces) creates the potential for confrontation in these spaces, a large portion of which informed by class, rooted in both bias and stigma. 2.3 The Small Canadian City 2.3.1 Privatization in the Small city In the 1980s Canadian federal and provincial governments introduced a series of neo-liberal policies, including lowering spending on social services and affordable housing, and the privatization of the public sector (Trotti, 2021). Privatization is largely the outcome and effect of this neo-liberal project.19 A shifting priority between public and private, and of privatized management and state policing grew from here and left the globalised neo-liberal capitalist ideology and the dominant force with substantial influence (Nafstad et al., 2007). 20 These changes are experienced widely in the city. Geographer, David Harvey says “…we see the right to the city falling into the hands of private or quasi-private interests” (2008, p. 13). Furthermore, Harvey notes how this is “oriented towards privatization of control over the surplus” (2008, p. 13), and why a changing nature of the city reflects a transition towards consumerism and market 19 Here, the assertion to ‘neo-liberalism’ as a project is intentional as it assumes it was a driven and targeted plan with activities (Harvey, 2005, 2007). 20 Note that the scope of this thesis does not intend to discuss the dynamics between police and citizens. 21 contributions such as for-profit private development.21 Evaluating such processes helps us to understand houselessness through increases in rent and the cost of living, and an outflow of vulnerable populations “from their places of residence” (Yavo-Ayalon, 2022, p. 287). Findings from my thesis also suggest how increasing migration trends from bigger cities to smaller ones have disrupted the housing market. Political economist Don Mitchell explains the privatization of the public sector by highlighting how city revenues have become dependent on “continually increasing exchange values in the built environment” (2020, p. 97). When spaces within our built environment that have originally been deemed “as ‘abstract’ are attempted to be made commensurable or exchangeable” this means “anything that threatens such increases in exchange value must be confronted and neutralized” (Mitchell, 2020, p. 98, p. 97). As a result, we can see how public spaces in the privatized city are at a great risk for extractive measures or patterns of strategic de-funding.22 Effectively, public spaces are becoming threatened (Low and Smith, 2006). Mitchell also notes that now, more than ever, class struggles are “inscribed in space” (2020, p. 98), with public space acting in direct response and opposition to those implications. Class struggles refer to the class divides and inequalities inherent in the capitalist structures of cities and governance. These inequities have a direct impact on one’s ability to purchase a home, and/ or to afford rent. This is a result of the lack of competent social safety nets and has led “to social displacement pressures such as a sense of loss of place, loss of friends and community” (Yavo-Ayalon, 2022, 21 Neo-liberalism has led to more opportunities for market housing (ie. for profit housing) (Tranjan, 2023). 22 This is already happening in public libraries across Turtle Island, although the conversation is directed mainly to ‘book bans’, and anti-drag Storytime reading. This thesis does not reference these specifically, however an overall trend which is attempting to manage and police offerings and behaviours is part of the growing ‘danger’ some are relegating that comes from public spaces. 22 p. 292). My thesis showcases how public libraries serve as opposition to the privatized city. In particular it addresses how this exists as form of resistance and establish themselves as key players in the movement towards more livable cities for everyone (including unhoused people). The context for privatization in the small city also comes from a lens of transforming the industrial environment of smaller cities (MacDonald and Gaulin, 2020). This transformation is pushing smaller cities to expand their commitments to innovation, with privatized urban infrastructures and services continuing to justify and push forward this trend toward privatization (Lopes and Oliveria, 2017; Rosol and Blue, 2022, p. 693). This movement solidifies the privatization of public space which has “led to increased surveillance and the exclusion of certain groups" (Low, 2006, p. 44). Surveillance is integral to understanding why and how society excludes unhoused people from public spaces, which connects to further discussions in later sections of this chapter. 2.3.2 Housing in the Small City Houselessness is often underreported in the small city (Buck-McFadyen, 2022; MacDonald and Gaulin, 2019; Schiff et al., 2016). Framing this understanding is imperative because as the growth of poverty and social problems collides with forms of housing insecurity typically associated with large urban or street houselessness, social work scholars MacDonald and Gaulin (2020) suggest it has led to an ‘invisibility of homelessness’ in a rural/ small city context. To put this into context for the two sites of study in this research, the average rent for a one-bedroom apartment in Nelson (2024) according to various internet searches is an average of 23 $1,600 per month in the city centre. 23 For Vernon (2024), the online home price website Zumper puts the average rent for a 1-bedroom apartment at around $1,600 per month, this is a 14% increase compared to the previous year. This high price in connection to housing shortages, challenges in finding accurate information, and an overall lack of affordability, even in small cities. 2.4 Public Libraries 2.4.1 Mediating the Public Library as Social and Physical Infrastructure The public library is an example of public infrastructure which serves communities through their offering of information, data, services, resources, and programs. But, as one scholar asks, “how far can we stretch the public library?” (Mattern, 2014). It’s a material building but it represents more than just a place to access books or other ‘typical’ information, rather, as the findings from Mattern’s suggest, the role of the public library as a key public space is increasingly vital in the wake of social and health inequity crises relating to houselessness in Turtle Island. The public library also provides an example of ‘social infrastructure’. This is a term used to describe infrastructure for maintaining quality of life, as well as encouraging and providing “critical community-level resources” (Kavanagh et al., 2022, p.1).24 The idea of social infrastructure became popularized against the “backdrop of austerity and the widespread defunding of public services” happening across Turtle Island (Armstrong, 2023, p. 1). Austerity is defined as “a policy of sizeable reduction of government deficits and stabilization of government debt achieved by means of spending cuts or tax increases, or both” (Alesina et al., 2019, p. 1). Its prominence also 23 These rental price numbers were added on June 14th, 2024. It is important to state that fluctuations in rental market housing in both cities may also impact the accuracy. 24 Quality of life is defined as "an individual's perception of their position in life in the context of the culture and value systems in which they live and in relation to their goals, expectations, standards, and concerns” (WHO, 1995). 24 connects climate and resiliency which will be highlighted in later sections of this chapter, and in the findings of my thesis. 2.4.2 The Public Library Through a Feminist Praxis In this next section, I reflect on the roles of public space and the library, particularly as a platform for social infrastructure, and how they function within broader contexts of the small city. To do this, I connect feminist thought, explored by Leslie Kern, a feminist urban scholar, who argues that conventionally, most cities were designed and built by and for the cis-white male with a stable job and lifestyle (2021). Her work primarily examines ways that the city perpetuates inequalities through unsafe and inaccessible public spaces and amenities such as public restrooms and bus stops. She also points out that many public spaces ignore the needs and experiences of women, and marginalized groups (Kern, 20201). Ultimately, Kern positions why public spaces must actively reject these norms of exclusion, and the importance of public spaces through the perspective of feminist praxis. Feminist praxis takes praxis which is defined as “the translation of knowledge into actions that produce beneficial social change” and applies a lens of feminist theory that advocates for a change from systems of oppression and inequality (Allen, 2023, p. 900). This connects to concepts put forward by Harvey around collective rights, inclusivity, and accessibility within urban spaces. He writes how “the right to the city is, therefore, far more than a right of individual access to the resources that the city embodies: it is a right to change ourselves by changing the city more after our heart’s desire” (Harvey, 2003, p.1). Feminist praxis and the right the city are ways in which to analyze the holistic narrative of my work. In doing so, the public library as public space must consider how these spaces “are essential for the exercise of democratic rights and the formation of a public sphere where diverse groups can come together" (Low, 2006, p. 46). This builds off the understanding that for the 25 public library to be truly inclusive, it must be situated within larger discussions of how these spaces must operate, for who, and for what purpose. 2.4.3 The Contention Between Public and Private An additional aspect to public space is the libraries’ position at the intersection of the public and private space (Dudley, 2013 p. 6). To explore this contention between public and private, Baugh (2014) argues that there tends to be a socialized understanding around which spaces are open and public, and which ones are private (p. 110). This divergence between the two is observed in tent cities increasingly found in many urban and rural areas, which actively work to redefine home (typically confined to the private) to now existing in public spaces. 25 I argue that often, public spaces are subject to being criminalized due to their ability to be controlled and managed. It is also important to note that these tent cities, occupied by unhoused people, is one example of criminalized spaces. The contention between public and private explains why bias and stigma function to perpetuate and co-opt exclusionary tactics. These exclusionary tactics lead to barriers. One barrier of public space is the bias that they can “be scary, seemingly out of control, and therefore dysfunctional” (Mitchell, 2020, p. 101). Amster (2008) argues the implications are that “if homeless people can only live in public, and if the things one must do to live are not allowed in public space, then homelessness is not just criminalized; life for homeless people is made impossible" (p. 201). Mitchell (2020) summarizes that “homeless people are not the only ones being warned out [of public spaces]” (p. 101). He goes on to ask: “What about the implications of the library beyond just for homelessness? And for other 25 Settlements and communities which are characterized by the use of tents or other informal structures in lieu of conventional built homes. These are also known as encampments, either sanctioned or unsanctioned (Pitas et al., 2024, p. 2). 26 vulnerable people groups and categories?” These are questions which attempt to situate my work around the public library within contention between public and private. To further complicate this issue, work from Popowich (2019) investigates the exclusionary history of public libraries in their origin and formation. The discourse of public libraries functioning as ‘truly’ inclusive becomes complicated as Popowich argues that their “political rhetoric and ideological narrative [are] designed to uphold and protect the status quo” (2019, p. 3). This makes it so that the public library as a concept of “perfect institutions of public spheres” can’t ever be challenged, nor can these spaces ever be complicit in imposing ideals or values onto its citizens (Popowich, 2019, p. 10). 2.4.4 Mediating the Public Library as Public Space For this thesis, public libraries manifest public space. Public space is a particular kind of space in the urban built environment, defined through a series of attributes including, but not limited to inclusivity, and accessibility whereby in the political economy they serve as a platform for social infrastructure (Mitchell, 2020). Social infrastructure is defined parallel to infrastructure, “the basic physical and organizational structures and facilities” (Kavangh et al., 2022, p. 7), but with an emphasis on the opportune pathways of sociability and interactions (Klinenberg, 2018; Armstrong, 2023). These interactions are also inherently regulated through the design of public space which “can either promote or hinder social integration and community building" (Low, 2000, p. 25). Other prominent work from Low (2023) expresses how public spaces are key to a better and more just city through their ability to function in enhancing creativity, health, resiliency, and environmental sustainability. Resiliency is understood as the capacity of cities and communities to withstand and recover from various shocks and stresses (Rodin, 2014). The term is also guided by work from Hawco (2019) who explored resiliency in connection to the climate 27 crisis, and environmental sustainability. Resiliency is important towards a recognition of the need for spaces to address anthropogenic climate change in practical, accessible, and tangible ways. Going from crisis to resilience and resistance involves an adaptability and learning capacity from librarians, and others involved in the operations of the public library which will be examined later in the findings as I argue the public library is a site of resistance. 2.4.5 Is Public Space Also Third Space? While some of the literature attempts to re-examine and configure third spaces, they do not explicitly acknowledge the varying degrees of experiences for those who are unhoused. I propose a critical look into this discourse, recognizing that for unhoused people, the public or third space may in fact serve as their first or second space too. Re-imagining third spaces, when one doesn’t have stable or adequate spaces that would be a first or second, means thinking beyond these spaces and into more nuanced ways of recognizing them.26 This re-imagination allows for a deeper acknowledgement that what is offered now is not enough. 2.4.6 Conceptualizing Public Spaces as Lived Spaces At the heart of public spaces is a re-examination for space to be deemed ‘public’, prompting questions like: Who is ‘public’ for? To what effect? How do we define ‘public’? and does ‘public’ space even matter anymore? The introduction of ‘lived space’ in lieu of public space is an attempt to encourage the embodiment of spaces and facilitate efforts to center people within the various uses of such spaces far beyond what they’re built, designed, or conceptualized 26 Furthermore, beyond third spaces, ‘fourth places’ are an attempt at further re-defining spatial concepts for designing space. This situates fourth places as optimistic, “public and semi-public spaces can be dynamically shaped by users, offering potential for new meanings and uses” (Aelbrecht, 2016 p. 126). It is also contextualized within the literature surrounding a paradigm transition that begins in an understanding that “our institutions, businesses, and democracies will be forced to innovate and adopt” (Dudley, 2018 p. 18). 28 for. Henri Lefebvre connects lived space to the overarching meaning of space, which can also be conceptualized within uses of public space as free space, both as being social and intimate spaces (Lefebvre, 1991). Additionally, lived spaces may be sometimes experienced as an ‘in-between space’. These spaces (also referred to as ‘liminal spaces’) are characterized by their transitional nature, ambiguity, and potential for transformation (Turner, 1969). For unhoused patrons, the public library is somewhere to go between destinations to cool off or use the washroom, and functionally allows for new possibilities of use and engagement based on changing needs. This reaffirms the public library as helping us reimagine our built environment. I propose it even situates the library through the lens of it as a claimed space- but ‘claimed’ for who? 2.4.7 Other Spaces in Response Beyond the public library, it is also important to examine the role of other sheltering and outreach spaces, such as churches, and religious institutions. While these spaces are not necessarily deemed as true public spaces, many churches are responding to the implications of houselessness through food programs, operating emergency shelters, and providing other services and programs for unhoused people (Bowes, 2021). However, using church spaces remains largely controversial given the religious (and/or conversion) undertones, and this present many further challenges (ie. religious trauma especially for Indigenous people) when thinking about neutrality, intention, and justification. On the other hand, public parks, and community or recreational centers also service as a similar functionality however with varying levels of physical and social affordances (Pitas et al., 2024). A public park leaves exposure to the natural elements, including extreme weather, it also limits internet access, and device charging. Many public parks also have no stable seating or tables options beyond the availability of benches or picnic tables which often are designed using hostile 29 architecture to discourage sleeping and permanency. Even more, considering the physical locale of the public park, existence in that space attracts unwanted attention and perception due to the increased vulnerability, and the noticeable level of surveillance to curb open alcohol or drug consumption. However, usage is often excused as ‘tolerable’ behavior for some, but not for others (Pitas et al., 2024). Community or recreational spaces, they present optimal spaces for sheltering against weather, offering infrastructure for washrooms, charging ports, and usually a form of wireless connection. These spaces may also afford programming for connection and belonging through queer focused events for example, as well as necessity-based services like access to food, or the opportunity to gather around shared interests or groupings. These spaces however, like public libraries, require funding, and staffing, as well as intentional direction around how community can be respectfully and effectively maintained. (I argue this further seeks to ask how public libraries might mitigate these intersections of houselessness in small cities). 2.5 Bridging Public Libraries and Houselessness Prevailing colonial and capitalist systems and structures not only produce an environment for which houselessness can exist, but one where it can thrive. This section is significant to the analysis of this thesis and is occurring in parallel to contemporary budget cuts to social service programs, which in turn impacts the importance and usage of public spaces such as the public library. The effects of which include vulnerable populations experiencing homelessness and unemployment, having fewer places to go, and accounts for how a space is used, for what reason, and with what effect. The observed response of the public library to houselessness serves to model possibilities, with the prospect of the space highlighted by its many (emerging) functions and roles (Dowdell and Liew, 2019; Hoyer, 2013; Forrest, 2022; Trotti, 2021; Wong, 2009). Bridging houselessness and public libraries makes it important to understand how operations, activities and 30 interactions engage with digital literacy and digital access (Jaeger, 2007; Riso et al., 2020). Two concepts which I examine in later sections of this thesis. I explore the shifting nature of the public library, once delegated with specific objectives around material infrastructure and resources. Many library and information scholars will argue this positions itself as a community leader for responding to climate emergencies as a necessary climate refuge (Hawco, 2019; Tu-Keefner, 2016; Patin, 2020). In addition, the public library offers harm reduction amidst the growing realities of the toxic opioid crisis, the implications of which presented from interviews with my participants (Feuerstein-Simon, 2022; Wong et al., 2021). I note in my thesis that outlining essential roles asserts how public libraries remain well positioned towards addressing the growing impacts of these intersections in the present and beyond. 2.5.1 Community, Social Cohesion, and Social Inclusion The public library is well positioned to support both social cohesion and inclusion (Dalmer et al., 2022). I consider how the public library acts as a space to cultivate social capital (Velji, 2020), as well as relieve isolation and develop relationship amongst a wide range of individuals (Aabø and Audunson, 2012, p. 138; Velji, 2020). The American Library Association (ALA) features a distinct policy around an unsheltered person’s right to inhabit public libraries, noting they create a “sense of belonging within their community” (Giesler, 2019 and Trotti, 2021 p. 10). The public library then possesses a ‘social dimension’ in its ability to contribute to community empowerment and connectedness (Aabø and Audunson, 2012, p. 138), along with being necessary to achieving social cohesion and inclusion. This is significant given that a stronger sense of community is an asset for both housed and unhoused patrons. Social inclusion is reflected through hierarchies and processes of inclusion and exclusion while social cohesion is defined through the strength of relations and the level of solidarity held 31 between members of a community (Kawachi and Berkman, 2000). Social exclusion “threatens social cohesion within communities” (Hoyer, 2013 p. 57) and often results in “the inability to participate in social activities, a lack of access to services, and educational and cultural poverty” (Hoyer, 2013 p. 57). Additionally, within the literature on social inclusion and cohesion is the introduction of ‘resiliency’. Resiliency can be understood in two-fold: 1. To be resilient to the climate crisis and 2. To be help build resilient communities. In reference to the climate crisis, resilience is “a strategic concern for any community wishing to meet the challenges posed by climate change…” (Grace and Sen, 2013 p. 514). Public libraries work to establish supports for communities in providing key emergency information, equipping shelters, arranging physical aid, and working with relief organizations (Jaeger et al., 2007; Patin, 2020). In reference to the latter on building community, “if communities are to become more resilient, then they must find ways to adapt to the needs of socially excluded populations, by setting up measures that can proactively prepare for the needs of marginalized groups as well as prevent exclusion in the first place” (Hoyer, 2013, p. 58). This perspective goes on to assume that in order “to remain healthy and resilient, a community must be flexible and adaptive to constantly changing demographics and emerging needs” (Hoyer, 2013, p. 58). In my research work, emerging needs refer to the scope of which small cities and their public libraries are having to accommodate and adapt to the rise in houseless patrons. By mitigating social exclusion, I assert how public libraries are both places of community building, and climate resiliency. Approaching public libraries as places for community building aligns with other literature on the roles of public libraries for various aspects of social wellbeing. Libraries have a significant role to play in “providing the homeless community with equitable access to the services offered by public libraries can therefore be seen to be contributing to social cohesion through shared 32 community services and the building of a sense of identity” (Dowdell and Liew, 2019, p. 2). However, Hawco (2019) notes “it seems that public libraries are not valued enough for what they truly are: a space where all aspects of a community are being played out” (p. 3). They go on to say that the public library “can be seen as mirrors that mimic all the dynamics of a community, or society, in one place” (Hawco, 2019, p. 3). Public libraries also function as sites of connections, offering spaces to go un-noticed for unhoused people, whereby their existence in the space validates their presence rather than just having to exist in marginal spaces (Velji, 2020). The capability therefore of public libraries is to be spaces which work towards adapting programs and services so that “no one needs to slip through the cracks” (Hoyer, 2013, p. 64). 2.5.2 Towards Mitigating Harms The public library is also having to expand its transformed role due to the ongoing toxic opioid crisis in B.C. (and across Turtle Island). Interventions in response to the crisis are commonly thought to be centralized to social work spheres and dealt with by front-line workers. However, we are now seeing a radical shift in what once siloed roles being assumed by public libraries because of the turbulent realities of drug usage within the library walls. Public libraries serve as a community resource for health information and in turn are suited to support and guide people who use drugs, especially in efforts to improve linkages around treatment and services. Other strategies for mitigating harm include “routine monitoring of restrooms in order to intervene rapidly in the event of an overdose” (Simon et al., 2022, p. 348). While this type of policy could be perceived as “unwanted surveillance”, it may also serve as situating a level of control and safety (Simon et al. 2022, p. 348). Nonetheless, literature maintains that further research is needed to effectively position this practice for those experiencing routine monitoring. 33 In addition, public libraries have an important role to play within the harm reduction realm through solutions like the harm reduction vending machine (HRVM). HRVM’s are vending machines stocked with various harm reduction supplies like syringes, naloxone, and other drug use related materials. However, many machines are still in pilot stage, with current monitoring looking into how “HRVM implementation best practices” which include “maximizing accessibility up to 24 hours, 7 days a week, offering syringe disposal options, ensuring capability of data collection, and allowing for anonymity of use” (Russel et al., 2023, p. 1). It was also noted that organizations or institutions, like public libraries, who implement HRVM’s should “establish strong feedback loops between them and the broader community upfront” (Russel et al., 2023, p. 1). Surging popularity in HRVM will likely result in the consideration and potential for their installation in public libraries. I expand on these in my interview with the founder of that builds HRVM’s.27 While the public library is not designed as a space to use drugs, it does happen, and librarians are often out of necessity having to perform duties like those of front-line workers. These duties may include anything from having to administer naloxone, to navigating the implications and outcomes of patrons who use substances.28 The level of knowledge and training of staff varies, and I explore how this may have consequences on the effectiveness of mitigating harms. While there is not an expectation for public libraries to become safe injection sites, the reality of these spaces serving patrons who do use drugs must be considered. I argue increased drug usage has led to the necessity in communication between frontline workers, and library staff to work towards 27 Smart vending solutions start-up business based out of Nelson. 28 Substances in the scope of this thesis will primarily focus on the use of opioids. 34 advocating for changes to the hiring and training process to be better equipped and serve in their roles. One scholar echoes this and claims there is a growing need for evidence-based trainings, and increased resources for library professionals (Simon et al., 2022, p. 348). My thesis suggests that widely available resources for community education and engagement can connect people to addiction treatment and services, “though with substantial variations in practice, revealing opportunities for training, resources, and public health partnerships” (Wong et al., 2021, p. 970). Increasing naloxone availability in public libraries along with other “thoughtful policies” does work to respond to on-site drug use and overdoses, I maintain throughout this thesis that “these strategies do not address the drivers of public drug use/ overdose” (Simon et al., 2022, p. 348). 29 2.5.3 Responding to Anthropogenic Climate Change As noted earlier, some practices in response to anthropogenic climate change may include cooling centres, which are viewed as an effective method for “incorporating the needs of homeless populations in the disaster response” (Lancet, 2021 p. 1694). At the Toronto Public Library (TPL), Hawco (2016) connects accelerating climate disasters to identify the role of public libraries in “bear[ing] the brunt of providing shelter and resources for their communities” (p. 10). Besides the TPL and other public libraries being set up to be a cooling center during extreme heat, they can also be used as warming spaces during extreme cold. In addition, scholars note how climate shelters are critical urban infrastructures to support adaptation to extreme weather events, and further solidify what constitutes as resiliency to climate disasters. The discussion of public libraries having “the potential and obligation to transform their roles and become a true place of refuge and 29 I have not changed ‘overdose’ here to keep authenticity of the participant’s words. Refer to notes on language to contextualize the shift in language to drug poisoning. 35 resiliency for their communities” (Hawco, 2019, p. 1) will be contextualized in how the NPL and the ORL-V operate as climate ‘refuge’ spaces. I assert then how the public library is a space to access resources, ‘hang out’ during such extreme weather events, and stay up to date on information and receive material support (ie. water, blankets, etc.). All of this is imperative to the public library’s ability to be resilient. Resiliency will be explored later in the findings, along with the varying experiences and implications of anthropogenic climate change in each of the respective sites of study. 2.5.4 The Public Library and Digital Access A function of the library includes the ability to provide access to technology as a useful method to tackle issues surrounding digital inequalities (Whitacre, 2019; Leorke et al., 2018). Technology has been incorporated in library programming, services, and resources, all designed to aid in leveraging digital access. It also pertains to the digital divide which refers to the “limited digital literacy in low/middle income communities”, with overarching characteristics being a lack of understanding in the skills of technology, and a lack of access to information and communication technology for unhoused people (Riso et al., 2020, p. 31; Whitacre, 2019). The implications of the digital divide on those experiencing houselessness lends itself to a broader discussion around digital autonomy. Digital autonomy addresses how digital tools can be empowering for people who use them (Shirky, 2008). Some urban geographers assert a focus on “how marginalized groups are negatively affected by uneven technology access and how lower levels of access and fewer skills equate with and reinforce lower economic participation and status, less education, and fewer options for navigating opportunities” (Masucci et al., 2019, p. 478). This notion extends towards access to employment, and other functions such as platforms to seek housing and health services, which are vital assets for unhoused people. The emerging role of the 36 library in a larger paradigm transition of cities is explored through “the impact of digital technologies nudges us to work toward and advocate for smart spaces and places that serve the public and actively redress long-standing urban inequities” (Masucci et al., 2019, p. 483). Social inclusion for the purposes of this thesis will also be examined in relation to the digital divide, with a look at understanding how access to information and technology may further a sense of belonging and community. Additionally, exploring offerings from public libraries during other climate disasters such as floods, we see more specifically how digital resources may work to enhance health and disaster preparedness in small communities (Tu-Keefner, 2016). The impacts of flooding across counties in South Carolina were identified as sites of study in examining how librarians use technology to “provide situation-specific information and services” (Tu-Keefner, 2016, p. 14). Insights from this research express the crucial role of technology and access. For instance, they note there is value in being able to obtain “credible information and disseminating resources and services to the community” (Tu-Keefner, 2016, p. 14). They also say that “the internet [and social media] was predominantly used by librarians to gather and distribute resources to community members…” (Tu-Keefner, 2016, p. 14). Despite public librarians being skilled in helping users find local information and resources, their results also show that the public libraries and librarians “were not well prepared in identifying, gathering, distributing, and promoting the use of disaster and health information” (Tu-Keefner, 2016, p. 14). This may raise concerns however over the process in which such events are handled, and the increasing need to balance this with technology skills, training, and other necessary resources. 37 2.6 Summary In this chapter I situate three main topics of this thesis: houselessness, the small city, and the public library. Houselessness is addressed using a class analysis of prevailing bias and stigma, wherein processes of stratification and divisions are based along class lines, and the houseless are an oppressed and an exploited class (Wilson, 2019, p. 298). Literature reviewed on the small city addressed privatization and housing, which connect to the state of small cities. This chapter also presented the public library, through an understanding of public space, the contention between public and private, and ultimately how it is a platform for social infrastructure (Mitchell, 2020). To situate the public library within these theories I argue that public libraries were never designed or regulated to be private. Rather, they exist without the interest of the private nor center themselves as being ‘just for men’ or just for one ‘type of person’ and are spaces which can (and should) be accessed, utilized, and enjoyed by all. This positions public libraries as being spaces to embrace a feminist praxis which argues for inclusive public space situated within larger discussions of how these spaces must operate, for who, and for what purpose. Feminist praxis ultimately offers a more balanced perspective for mitigating intersections of houselessness. The public library is also integral as physical infrastructure towards mitigating harms and responding to anthropogenic climate change. Lastly, I note the importance of a connection to digital access and understanding the needs for technology and services. All of which positions the public library as one potential site to resist forms of profit, and capital oriented functions. 38 Chapter 3: Research Design and Methodology 3.1 Research Design Research design is the system of steps required to undergo coherent research (Krippendorff, 2018). It refers to a plan which researchers initiate to answer or investigate a certain research question grounded in theory, methodology or methods (Tie et al., 2019, p. 1). In this research I ask, ‘How do public libraries mitigate the intersections of houselessness in small cities?’ To best answer this question, I have situated my relevant research within literature and corresponding discourse and perspectives (Chapter One). I employed a qualitative research approach in both Nelson and Vernon as key sites of study. Qualitative research refers broadly to the workings and understandings of human (and non-human) experiences, behaviors, and social issues using various methodological approaches and inquires. I take a critical theory approach to perspectives of qualitative research to underpin interpretive frameworks while also revealing the ways in which power and power relations are embedded in socio-cultural contexts (Lapan et al., 2011). Some key theorists within this space include contemporary Marxist thinkers David Harvey, Don Mitchell, and Ricardo Tranjan whose work takes a critical interpretation of capital and the exploitation of the working class. These act as a strong basis for the connections between capitalism, privatization, and the state of houselessness. Other key theorists used in this thesis include Leslie Kern, and Setha Low whose critiques shape conversations I have on inclusivity, and public space. Kern and Harvey’s work in particular acts as the grounding to further identify the basis for manifesting a public library for all through a feminist praxis and the right to the city. These intersecting topics of inquiry within these scholarly discussions ultimately inform the direction of my research by presenting key questions of insight, sparking new ideas, forking old ones, and offering up queries around gaps and missing links. 39 3.1.1 Interdisciplinarity Interdisciplinarity has played a significant role throughout the conception and process for my research. I draw on a several of disciplines to produce new meanings and understandings. Key theorists arguing for the value in interdisciplinarity include Choi and Pak (2006) who define interdisciplinarity as the process which harmonizes the relationships between various disciplines into a coordinated whole. I put disciplines in conversation with each other during the literature review in Chapter One. Many of the theorists within these fields are also interdisciplinary scholars, which further solidifies my work as having an interdisciplinary approach. Some of the disciplines used include Social Work and Health Sciences, Urban Studies, Human Geography, Library Sciences, and Political Economic Theory. Social work and Health Sciences were helpful in situating information, information on the state of houselessness on Turtle Island and the social and health implications (theorists include Christopher Walmsley, Ellen Buck-McFayden, and Terry Kading). Urban Studies and Human Geography position the engagements of people, the city, and infrastructure, which was useful in analyzing systems and structures (theorists include Don Mitchell, David Harvey, Leslie Kern, and Setha Low). Theories stemming from these disciplines include those surrounding inclusivity, public space, and third space. Library Sciences were valuable in connecting libraries with social issues such as houselessness, the climate and digital access (scholars and practitioners include Chantelle Hawco, Bailey Trotti, Jennifer Hoyer, and Michael Dudley). Lastly, to bring together intersections of houselessness and its root causes, political economic theory (including contemporary Marxist theorist Ricardo Tranjan) was used to “question the framework that problem-solving research conceals and legitimizes” while also “paint[ing] the big picture and situate[ing] the issue at hand” (Tranjan, 2023, p. 7-8). 40 3.1.2 Statement on Positionality A significant component of ethical research design is to outline my positionality as the researcher and to present an overview of the corresponding biases and inherent perspective situated within this. Being transparent about positionality in relation to the study is a means by which researcher bias is addressed. I identify as a white settler with certain biases towards western centric ways of thinking and understanding due to my academic background and exposure. I have previous experience as an ethnographer and researcher in the field of anthropology which situates a western way of knowing. I have never identified as being houseless, nor have I ever been in a precarious housing situation that negatively affected my health or wellbeing or put me into any harm or danger. I have never resided in Nelson or Vernon prior to conducing this research, which means any insights presented in this thesis are not based on any previous lived experience and only from visits made to each city. I have only visited Nelson once, and Vernon a few times. My positionality within this research is therefore impacted by all these factors and will reflect the overarching tone of the research. However, I do live and study in so-called B.C. and am exposed to the realities of housing in the province through the local mutual aid work that I do in the city of Kelowna. 30 With support and contacts from my supervisors I developed further relationships within the Kelowna Homelessness Research Centre (KHRC) where I worked during the completion of this thesis as graduate research assistant. With the help of these connections, this thesis will contribute to a larger body of research with existing connections that intend to become part of policy recommendations and suggestions for operations for small city public libraries. 30 Mutual aid according to Dean Spade (2020) is about creating/ maintaining relationships, organizations, and projects which work to assist people’s ability to survive in times of crises. This extends to direct actions, whereby food, clothing, and harm reduction is distributed directly to folks who are unhoused. 41 3.2 Methodology 3.2.1 Content Analysis I use content analysis, which is “a research technique for making replicable and valid inferences from texts (or other meaningful matter) to the contexts of their use” (Krippendorff, 2019, p. 24). The strength of content analysis is that it allows “researchers to analyze relatively unstructured data in view of the meanings, symbolic qualities, and expressive contents they have and of the communicative roles they play in the lives of the data’s sources” (Krippendorff, 2019, p. 51). For this thesis I investigated and examined twenty content materials including Annual City Reports, Housing Needs Reports, and Community profile documents (full list see Appendix D). All the content is publicly available online through the official websites of each city, or from websites of the corresponding organization or institute. The structure for analyzing each piece of content involved pulling out five key terms which I identified as being more pertinent to explore. The five terms were: “public library”; “housing”; “affordability”; “climate”; “drugs”. Upon making note of the surrounding discourse of the term in its use, I could begin to connect how this contrasted or connected to the literature, and later to the key findings from semi-structured interviews. The value of this methodology is to think beyond academic literature, and to build context of these topics by those who are shaping policy and public discourses. This assisted in identifying relationships between different themes or ideas, as well as understanding the power relations, ideologies, and social practices that shape narratives, concepts, and insights. 42 3.2.2 Participants In total, I interviewed ten participants with the overall goal to collect data based on the inclusion criteria outlined later in this section (for a full list of participants and their corresponding information see Appendix C.) Of the ten participants, six were Nelson based and four were Vernon based. Please note that the identity of participants is anonymized using letters, beginning with the letter ‘A’ to denote the first participant (also note that I replace the letter ‘I with ‘J’). To anonymize the interviewees, I use the pronouns ‘they/them’ to refer to each participant. All participants were English-speaking and based in the city of their expertise (Nelson or Vernon). Any further demographic information (ie. education levels) was either not collected as it was deemed irrelevant to the scope of this thesis or was kept private to respect ethical agreements made with participants. I conducted semi-structured interviews utilizing convenience and purposive snowball sampling methods. The initial participants were identified through their expertise on the subject matter/ involvement in the public library, availability during the timeframe, and willingness to participate in the research. I then asked participants who were aware of other experts who may be suitable for participation to pass along an invitation to their contacts as a means of snowball sampling. Participants in each of the study sites were selected to be interviewed based on a series of inclusionary criteria which fit the overarching scope. The inclusion criteria included the following: • Expertise on subject matter including but not limited to housing, houselessness, public libraries, climate management, community planning, and social service provisions/ experiences. • Participants with strong professional ties and or links which connect them to either city. 43 3.2.3 Interview Reliability Possible biases within the interview process are addressed in the statement of positionality, however, there remains possible risks and disadvantages to the method. While the flexibility to explore “in-depth the experiences or views of individuals” (Petty et al., 2012) is a helpful aspect to the method, interview distortion may still be present in my analysis of such subjective data (Gail, 2009). I aspire to mitigate possible risks with careful analysis of the data, transparency of any influences, or inconsistencies. I also took measures to spread out interviews over the course of the data collection period to avoid fatigue and unneeded stress on myself. Moreover, my previous and ongoing roles as an ethnographer and researcher meant I have experience in interviewing, both virtually and in person. This too served as a strength towards organizing and facilitating the ten interviews. 3.2.4 Semi-Structured Interviews I used semi-structured interviews as a method of qualitative data collection. Following Petty et al. (2012), this method involved using “pre-determined areas [of] interest with possible prompts to help guide the conversation” (Petty et al., 2021, p. 380). Possible prompts were documented using an interview guide which consisted of approximately six questions (see interview guide in Appendix A). Interviews also follow each participant’s desired direction of conversation placing a strong emphasis on insights to my chosen topics. For my research, a series of ten 60-minute interviews were conducted (six Nelson-based and four Vernon based). I conducted three of the six interviews in person in the region of Nelson, with the other half done virtually upon my return to Kelowna. The entirety of Vernon based interviews (four participants) were done virtually. 44 3.2.5 Ethical Considerations Given that a large portion of data was collected through interviews, this research went through the necessary Research Ethics Board approval. This was done in accordance with the ethical guidelines of conducting fair and ethically mindful research (Monday, 2020). It is also worth noting that questions about interviewee’s housing situation were not asked during the interview process. I respected the privacy of participants by anonymizing key characterizing factors. All personal data is stored for the recommended period as per UBC-O guidelines and shared with only immediate research team (my supervisor and co-supervisor). Besides transparency around ethics for those who participated in the data gathering for this research, I also take into consideration the feelings of the reader. While it is not my intention to trigger or cause distress for the reader, I acknowledge the heaviness of the subject matter and recognize it would be a disservice to the severity of the issues covered. 3.2.6 Site Visits I conducted site visits to both the NPL and ORL-V libraries. I did not undertake any participant observation but did take photographs of relevant features in the library spaces to accompany the written component of this thesis. The site visit to the NPL was done in May 2023, and to ORL-V in November of 2023. 3.2.7 Data Analysis I transcribed qualitative interview data using the AI driven transcription tool, MacWhispher. I also manually checked each interview to ensure accuracy, and account for nuances and details in conversation that would otherwise be lost in automated transcription. I used quotations from transcriptions in the findings chapter, with the selective use of quotes and examples intended to support claim as “fair representation of the phenomena of concern” 45 (Krippendorff, 2018, p. 89). Upon transcribing the interviews, I developed an initial round of topical coding to lay the groundwork for further deeper coding. Topical coding refers to coding to identify a set of topics. Additionally, I manually coded each of the ten transcriptions using a combination of deductive and inductive approaches. Deductive coding involves using pre-existing categories or themes and tended to focus on theory testing, while inductive coding involves identifying new categories or themes that emerged from the interview data. In other words, inductive is from the ‘bottom-up’, and deductive is from the ‘top down’ (Lapan et al., 2011, p. 177). Deductive and inductive coding works to validate findings as well as identify new ones. This approach helped synthesize findings into a coherent narrative which explained the complex interplay between the themes. In the first round of coding, I analyzed each transcript to inductively draw out patterns of commentary, thoughts, and insights by a relating topic. I identified each topic with a colour and highlighted sections. Topical coding identified sixteen topics (see full list of topics in Appendix B) including the housing stock, impacts of urbanization, the role of stigma and biases, and dynamics to authority. After grouping these sixteen topics, I revisited the transcripts completing a second round of deeper coding. Here, I sought to split topics into more nuanced interpretations and isolated some ideas while also letting the data ‘speak for itself’ in an inductive manner. This process followed what is known as a thematic narrative approach. This approach seeks to find commonalities and themes among multiple data sets (Braun & Clarke, 2006). Findings were then supported and connected through “weaving quotes from the analyzed texts and literature about the contexts of these texts into their conclusions, by constructing parallelisms, by engaging in triangulations, and by elaborating on any metaphors…” (Krippendorff, 2018, p. 92). This ultimately yielded five key findings. 46 3.2.8 Member Checking To ensure accuracy and validity in my findings, I sent follow up emails to each participant identifying the five key findings for their review. Member checking is part of a growing practice in ethical and holistic research and provides opportunity for the respondents to validate the findings and assume a greater role in the research endeavor. This process also included the chance to review transcripts, which some participants had already requested as per the interview consent form. 3.3 Limitations and Delimitations The limitations and delimitations of this methodology and research design are important to underscore as they provide opportunity for future researchers to take note of the constraints and setbacks which may have had a varying degree of impact on the findings of my research. One limitation was the practical constraint of not having equal participants between the two sites of study. This limitation was not intentional but occurred due to time constraints of completing interviews before the writing stage of the thesis. A second limitation was the restraint around time and scale which did not allow for a deep level of analysis. For me, a critical challenge is that this research could be a lifetime’s work. It doesn’t end here. In the same regard, the process of doing research on a topic of this magnitude, coupled with the reality of a need for radical social and economic change in how we live, is not going to be solved in one thesis. This itself may be the most profound limitation. One delimitation of this research was the decision to not incorporate ethnographic driven fieldwork. Not doing so meant I chose to not have interviewed patrons of the library, and enlisted deeper immersion in the library structures and workings through participant observation. This delimitation hindered the extent to which my research could have been more inclusive, and justice focused. However, my thesis presents an opportunity for further research that specifically 47 evaluates and monitors service provisions of the library staff to the houseless patrons and examines their role in mitigation intersections of houselessness. 48 Chapter 4: Findings and Discussion In the following section, I position the findings of this research with the necessary supports and synergies to better assist public libraries in their ability to mitigate intersections of houselessness. 4.1 The State of Small Cities The first finding focuses on the state of small cities as they undergo emerging and unprecedented situations, related to the changing face of houselessness and urbanization. Both of which have an impact on how the public library functions to provide its core services as well as respond to the growing social issues. 4.1.1 The Changing Face of Houselessness For many participants, the changing face of houselessness is shaped by their housing policies. The discussion around the ‘changing face of houselessness’ highlights the various factors at work which have altered who is unhoused. This is now trending in opposition to previous ‘conventional’ or normalized factors. Note that this section does not account for all factors which go into an individual experiencing houselessness. They all noted how housing affordability trends have acted as barriers to accessing resources. A member of the Vernon Social Planning Council, Participant H, claimed, “Homelessness really started to come onto the scene in Vernon around […] the late 1990s, early 2000s”. They added that twenty years ago, the city needed “extreme policy changes […] to really focus on investing in housing.” This participant implied that loosing housing is in part due to a lack of supports in place. They also identified that a legacy of changing policies (or lack thereof), has contributed to the observed housing shortages in Nelson and Vernon. One Vernon city council member, Participant G, contended that the situation of houselessness is “not what it was five years ago […] it’s families, it’s the working poor.” Likewise, 49 from the perspective of Participant H, “what we found too, just in the last five years […] is families being homeless”. These participants indicated this is something new facing the community. In Nelson, the Housing Needs Report contains a section outlining characteristics of houselessness and observed that more unhoused (and unsheltered) individuals are identifying in older age demographics (Regional District of Central Kootenay Housing Needs Report, 2020, p. 43-44). I argue that focusing on age highlights the gaps in support and understanding of the lived experiences of individuals with diverse needs. This connects to what Vernon participants note in terms of families identifying as houselessness, and the ‘working poor.’ Both contribute to an understanding that the characteristics of who is confronted by houselessness may be changing, but the material conditions have not. Rather, the implications relating to colonialism, capitalism, and privatization exacerbate these conditions. Participant H explained this more. We’re now seeing it’s not necessarily those other barriers, substance use, mental health, that are preventing people from tenancy or having a home [it’s] truly just a lack of availability and a lack of affordability… it’s not because there’s some challenge for them as a tenant for why they might not maintain tenancy, it’s just that they can’t afford it or it’s just not available. So, we’ve definitely seen that picture shift as well in our community. (Participant H) The mention of a ‘shift’ in the community points to the potency of affordability, access, and availability of housing. I argue this suggests that people are not unhoused for any other reason. For small cities this contributes to the evolving landscape of houselessness, and reveals broader implications and challenges faced by public libraries. 50 4.1.2 Urbanization and Housing Participant G explained the situation of urbanization in Vernon using a class analysis to examine housing, whereby some newcomers to Vernon “…have homes, some of them are rich, some are poor, some don’t have homes. And this isn’t something that should be a shock to people.” The inflection on this ‘not being a shock’ assumes a sense of normalcy as intersections of housing shift into rural spaces and undergo similar urbanization. One Nelson city planner, Participant E, noted that this is occurring as Nelson becomes a desirable place to live, and that comparable cities often out of budget for families or individuals. Akin to this, Participant E said they “do think that we’re becoming more attractive, and it has been a challenge for housing affordability. And we’re building more housing than we ever have […] I don’t think it’s keeping up necessarily.” This clarifies why Nelson has “inadequate housing” or lots of “shared housing” as Participant E described. Effectively, these accounts provide the groundwork to better understand the larger issue of housing and its implications for both Nelson and Vernon. A lack in access to housing is clearly addressed in the municipal documentation of the Nelson and Vernon. The Nelson Housing Needs Report indicates trends of urbanization and states the population of Nelson has grown and will continue to do so (Regional District of Central Kootenay Housing Needs Report, 2020). The report calls for Nelson to build more housing that is affordable and will meet the growing needs of the city. This connects to insights from Participant E which need repeating. The second document is the Council Strategic Plan for Vernon 2023–2026. The plan begins with a message from the current mayor, who states in his message that “having a safe and affordable place to call ‘home’ is paramount” (Council Strategic Plan, 2023). Yet, there is no mention of houselessness, or implications for those without a home, despite using the term ‘housing’ six times in the plan. Like in another report, the 2020 Vernon Community 51 Profile, housing is used to explain the City’s efforts to create diverse housing options however the term ‘affordable’ is only once in reference to these options. Moreover, Participant H indicated current supportive housing is not enough in Vernon, and added that when “there’s supported housing, 50 units, it’s gone right away, like almost immediately filled with more people homeless coming behind. So, yeah, it can be an overwhelming sector, I think.” They noted this emergence was indicative of other areas too, “…our small town is experiencing the same problems that every other community in B.C. is experiencing.” Participant G implied “They don’t understand that this is a natural progression of any community as it grows. It's just what’s go[ing to] happen. So, it’s a natural thing.” The growth of a community extends to earlier notions of normalcy in the usage of ‘natural’. These insights point to an idea of growth as ‘natural’ and serves to outline the process and direction for building of certain types of infrastructures in the name of urbanization (also known as gentrification). I note that evaluating such processes of urbanization leads to exclusionary displacement through rent increases and the cost of living seen as the “involuntary outflow of low-income populations from their places of residence” (Yavo-Ayalon, 2022, p. 287). One housing innovation enthusiast (Participant B) in the Nelson region summarized that “We are living on existing infrastructure that is failing fast.” Participant B explains how failing infrastructure has led to more innovations (born out of crisis and challenges) and, “Our biggest opportunity.” Nevertheless, these innovations (such as alternative forms of housing) often serve only as band-aid solutions. I implore that tackling systemic and structural roots require a mass dismantling of the very order of society that we currently live in (achieved only through lank back.) Amongst issues of urbanization are insights from Participant C who spoke to some of the general barriers and challenges from their perspective in Nelson. They observed that Nelson lacked a crisis helpline and that there was no public transit connecting the neighboring cities of Trail and 52 Castlegar. The lack of a helpline is important given the number of services accessed using a phone in each of the three cities. Participant E said that “In rural communities, that’s more challenging because a lot of places that you want to access, you need a car to be able to do that. And transit isn’t usually a great option.” I contend that barriers to mobility connect to larger themes around health and wellbeing. This evidently has obvious impacts on how people can move to and from critical infrastructure, like the public library, but also reflects general patterns of car centric planning which inherently targets unhoused people. These accounts are illuminating in terms of what sorts of environment the small city is facing, and like many more urbanized ‘larger’ cities, has meant there remains an opportunity for action and practice. 4.1.3 Community Efforts As Nelson and Vernon face pressures related to houselessness, participants also illustrate community responses, and positive efforts. These are important to explore as public libraries do not exist in a vacuum, nor are they isolated from the community they are part of. A Community Safety Coordinator in Vernon, Participant K, said “We’re a small city. We’ve done very well in connecting. In this community, at least most of the time, it’s odd if you’re not part of [things], you’re not at the table”. I argue that an emphasis on connection and collaboration amongst other service providers are integral parts of community efforts and responses. Participant E further highlighted the positive nature of smaller cities and explained “Nelson’s a really good example of compact, connected, complete communities.” This was echoed by Participant G who said, “You’re still small enough that you have personal connections when everybody has the different agencies.” The element of connection was also conveyed by Participant F, a city of Nelson worker in the climate emergency management space. Commenting on the characteristics and culture inherent in Nelson, they noted that “people do look out for their neighbors, people do step up and a lot of the 53 community organizations that we’ve worked with again, to support the unhoused during the cold and heat response stuff…” This rhetoric of care in small communities is also shared by another Nelson based participant, Participant E who said, “I do think it’s because it’s a small community and […] you have some anonymity but its small enough that people still really care about each other and know somebody through at least one or two connections”. The findings from my thesis highlight the role of the public library as fostering connection and community. As this Nelson community response is carried out, Participant F says that “Everyone’s really trying to explore and use all the resources that they have. So, I think we really are working in the right direction.” Despite the willingness this can be complicated in practice. In Vernon, Participant H recognized the depth of issues, and the imminent need for resources in the wake of houselessness as a “new emerging social issue”. They also said that the city has “a lot of services in place, a lot of capacity building, but sadly the situation is getting more severe, and we are in more of a crisis now than we were 20 years ago.” A quote from Participant J overlaid how “… [we have] a major housing crisis and the opioid epidemic is crazy here. It’s totally nuts here.” Based on these two accounts, I argue that community efforts in Nelson and Vernon also require a discussion of capacity. Capacity functions as a barrier, both for frontline individuals and services, this is expressed by Participant C, who claimed that the “Collaborative nature is there but again, [it] comes down to capacity.” 31 Participant F also noted human resources (ie. staffing) and infrastructure as some of the bigger barriers. 31 I use capacity to refer to the amount of output, labor, and effort possible to be achieved. This thesis addresses how capacity can be stretched and overstretched in relation to individual’s capacities. 54 The Council Strategic Plan for Vernon 2023–2026 does not mention public libraries in its vision of a “prosperous and sustainable” future with “neighbourhoods that are strong and vibrant” (Council Strategic Plan, 2023). Additionally, one of the city’s strategic priorities emphasizes how “vibrancy” has given this priority a focus towards building a community where “arts and culture thrive”, and where “residents and visitors can gather” yet it does not frame how public libraries are already fundamentally a part of this (Council Strategic Plan, 2023). This clearly reflects a lack of attention on the public library as a space for gathering and vibrancy in the community. Returning to the issue of capacity in the context of community efforts, Participant F alluded to the need for more intentional care and support in statement below. It’s just, we’re all doing this, some of us, for the first time. And some people in organizations just aren’t aware of the supports that are out there. So, we’re all trying to just figure out what we can do to really support the community as a whole […] and sometimes that takes a little bit of time. (Participant F) Participant F notes here that responding to the needs of the unhoused can be arduous, and time consuming. The nature of this response inherently situates the notion of capacity within community efforts serves as an important reminder going forward. This finding ultimately acknowledges the ability of libraries to engage with these challenges in ways that centre expertise, care, and humility for both themselves, and those they work with. 4.1.4 Community Action In a small city community people establish friendships, and relationship which makes tangible actions and directed movement easier. Building community in a small city is more conducive as the intimate environment fosters stronger personal connection, and frequent 55 interactions. Coherence and consensus remain critical, highlighting the advantages of a smaller city. This recommendation therefore implores community members of the small city to undergo and emphasize ‘collective action’, and ultimately requires actions to be “based upon solidarity, communal values, social equality and social responsibility” (Nafstad et al., 2007 p. 324). One possible action I recommend is to work towards reinvigorating public libraries through consistent use by community members and attendance through forms various of involvement and engagement, either in programs, volunteering, or occupying space. Doing so, emphasizes tangible ways for the public library to become an integral and valuable space. This is especially important in the wake of public spaces becoming threatened (Low and Smith, 2006). Taking direct action to preserve public spaces, by using them more, is simple yet restorative. One method I suggest is to go to the public library in critical masses with the intention to take part in programming, engage with the services, ask for expanded services, or offer up support in a peer-to-peer manner (if capacity, safety, and expertise allows).32 A critical mass could also mean being in community and fostering relationships, which many social justice scholars advocate for (Roe and McCay, 2021). It is vital however to mention that any actions which provide unhoused patrons with critical resources or supports in or around the public library space should be carried out in a way that does not put the unhoused individual at risk. This suggestion would require future research on how direct action would relate specifically to the provisions of creating positive outcomes. 32 Critical mass refers to a committed group of often minority people groups who reach a critical size, and work to infiltrate social norms and represent political or activist movements (Locopini et al., 2022). 56 4.2 The Role of Public Libraries as Social and Physical Infrastructure The statement below from Participant E, in Nelson, summarized the public library as a critical piece of infrastructure both socially and physically for mitigating the impacts of houselessness in the small city and positions it as a site of resistance for its patrons. I think it’s [the public library] a super important infrastructure. It serves as one of the few truly public spaces that you don’t have to pay any money to go into. It’s indoors, it’s heated, and I think libraries in general across North America are really seeing they’re not just like for books, they’re more like a public space for people to go into… like our public library here, they realize that, and they want to make it as inclusive and as accepting as possible. So yeah, I think it’s critically important because there is no fee or requirement to purchase something to be in there. You’re just allowed as a right. Obviously, we are seeing like an increase in unhoused folks and so having places for people who don’t have a home to go during the day is super important. (Participant E) 4.2.1 For Fostering Safety and Inclusivity Participant J expresses the notion of public libraries as being safe spaces for “everyone”.33 The notion of safety encompasses elements of inclusivity which converge safety for trans and senior individuals who encounter difficulties amidst structural barriers. Participant H argued that public libraries are “a safe space [and] not just for people who are unhoused, but for seniors or families…” Participant J also echoes this position in the following statement. 33 Note that to imply that anything can be safe for everyone is not realistic. Rather this illuminate’s points made around safety and inclusivity. No participant, or I, would ever claim that the public library can be safe for everyone. 57 In making it an equitable […] we try and make it a safe space for everyone. You’re trans, you need a safe space, we’re here for you. You’re homeless, you need a safe space, we’re here for you. You’re a senior looking for housing. Same thing. (Participant J) These sentiments were also observed at the NPL (Participant A). They note “...that is a core value for us…So it is a public space, and I think we demonstrate, or I hope we demonstrate that we’re inclusive and our values are what we make our decisions on.” How they describe the basis of inclusivity relates to the overall finding of the NPL’s commitment to fostering inclusivity, and previous statements from Participant H and Participant J connect inclusivity in more detail to how the ORL-V functions. Participant K claimed that “libraries are the one place where anybody can go at any time, no matter who you are, no matter what you look like, your economic background...” I position the public library as a place to go to no matter your class or how you look. 34 Participant E discussed that the public library “would function more like a public space than the library.” This brings an observation from Participant K that coming across different sorts of people is a part of the overall experience of the space, which is often what the ideal third or public space relies on. Participant E further expanded on this notion to say that library patrons “feel comfortable in that space. It’s not like a government or city hall, forms, and all that, like it’s a lot more inclusive and inviting than some of our other spaces.” Here, the public library is described as not being overtly 34 I analyze ‘economic background’ from the quote given by Participant K to allude to class, which is a notion not touched on by many other participants yet holds significant weight in the inquiry of these topics. This is in line with common Marxist thinking that presumes economic background as being one of the highest pre-determined factors for class (Marx and Engels, 1848). 58 political but a comfortable space that fosters safety and inclusivity. 35 I also maintain that feeling comfortable can be taken literally and shifts into the material makeup of the space. The NPL and the ORL-V have various types of seating options, and as seen in Figure 2, chairs in the ORL-V also contribute to making it an ‘inviting space’. This is apparent from Participant K, H, and E who all described the public library as a space to welcome patrons without bias or judgement. Figure 2. Relaxing chairs, ORL-V Second Floor Regardless of intention there are some varying perspectives of safety (or supposed safety). The Canadian Urban Institute (CUI) touch on disruption and violence from unhoused patrons who are seeking shelter in the following statement. More people are taking shelter in public libraries, putting additional pressure on remaining staff to manage the increasing social disruption and violence that affects everyone’s sense of safety. Community members with greater financial 35 This is of course not to discount the reality of which every space is inherently political, the public library being one, but to honor the sentiment which this participant shared of public library in comparison to government buildings. 59 resources stop visiting the local library as often. (Canadian Urban Institute, 2023, p. 33) I argue in this statement that an emphasis on the supposed losses and negative implications from those who feel unsafe in the library is removed of the bigger picture. Rather the CUI empathizes an account which lacks the perspectives of librarians or staff, and instead attempts to assert a feeling of the community at large who is ‘at risk’. In further analysis of the Council Strategic Plan for 2023-2026 for Vernon there is mention of the word, “safety” in the context of community safety this describes “collaboratively addressing street entrenchment issues” (Council Strategic Plan, 2023, p. 7). This further solidifies the assumption that behaviors and characteristics of those who are street entrenched must also require an analysis of safety. Similar research asserts some “frustration and difficulty regarding community perceptions” in relation to unhoused persons in the library’s physical space (Dalmer et al., 2022, p. 23). Taking a nuanced approach towards safety and inclusivity does not discredit previous statements made by participants; rather it reflects a notion whereby the public library is not void from narratives rooted in stigma and bias against unhoused people persist. To conclude, this section of my thesis encourages efforts to dismantle harmful narratives, and prompt voices of those on the frontlines. 4.2.2 In Building Community The notion of building community is accounted by three participants at the ORL-V and NPL. Participant J remarked that “We’re really looking at being that kind of community hub and that community space.” Participant K also called the ORL-V a “community hub”, and Participant H referred to the library’s specific comfort and use as a hub. My findings present how the public library actively aims to be a hub. The public library as a hub reflects intentions and establishes a sense of collective ideals at the core of a specific community. Additionally, the ORL-V offers 60 activities which emphasize community building. Participant J listed a selection of their various offerings which included a markers space, digital resources, programming, and event evenings like one to play Dungeons and Dragons, learn about solar panels and take part in crafting alongside Baha’i members. I argue activities which are free of charge are crucial to later findings which suggest the public library successfully embodies low barriers to access and engagement. The B.C. Library Act Chapter 262 specifically states that “free basic public library service must not charge for an admission to any part of the library, nor should using library materials on library premise” (Library Act, Part 5, 46: 1-2). Participant A added that dependable and materially permanent offerings, like technology stations and studio spaces, are a necessary part of building the library as a hub. The library as a relational space also shapes community building according to Participant A who highlighted that they see themselves “as an organization that can support community relationships.” As a result, community relationships make the NPL an optimal space for intentional strategies. At the ORL-V, participants describe community building through space and skill sharing. Additionally, in analyzing insights on the building community it’s important to recognize ongoing efforts of libraries to build community with 2SLGBTQ+ patrons. During pride week 2023, the ORL-V hosted a panel, craft building and a resource sharing night which was open to queer youth and their families. I argue this is significant for many housed and unhoused queer patrons, especially given the intersection of queer and trans youth and houselessness (Keuroghlian, Shtasel, and Bassuk, 2014). It also allows for a way to modulate unhoused people’s sense of belonging in the library. In doing so, the public library moves towards networks and relations that stretch the broader community and connects to a feminist praxis of public space whereby all patrons benefit from its uses. 61 The CUI explicitly express how “libraries, by their nature and because they are located at the centre of communities, serve multiple needs in a way that no other public institution in Canada can” (Canadian Urban Institute, 2023). The CUI document goes on to illustrate a scene of the public library in a single day in the following quote. A place to access culture and information; a refuge from domestic violence; an Election information or polling centre; a job search centre; a health clinic; a place to warm up or cool down; a language learning centre for newcomers; a place to attend free university classes or concerts; and a space for babies, children, caregivers and youth to make friends and form a community (Canadian Urban Institute, 2023, p. 16). While no participant used this specific terminology, the prominence of the public library as key lived space also connects to many aspects of community building. The value and significance of building community in public libraries ultimately articulate why they are “catalysts for connection” (Canadian Urban Institute, 2023 p. 16), especially in fostering strong neighborhoods, and spaces in the realm of the small city. 4.2.3 As a Place to ‘Be’ This finding explores the public library as a place to ‘be’, with specific connection to how unhoused people experience a place to ‘be’. According to Participant A, at the NPL “There’s nothing stopping [unhoused] folks from coming in and accessing the [library] space, staying here all day if they need to, using the WiFi, or public computers, accessing materials off the shelf, using the washrooms, talking to people.” Each of the listed benefits and uses to the library space establishes the role of the NPL for unhoused patrons. In particular, the mention to low barrier and 62 access solidifies why it has become a place to ‘be’. At the ORL-V, Participant J also asserted that “...you can come in, you can bring your bags, you can eat food. You can come be comfortable inside and use the WiFi.” In both these statements, Participant A and Participant J described behaviours that are discouraged or made difficult through regular and systematic stigmatization. Whether that be eating food, sitting down in a chair, or using a clean and accessible washroom. Having the space to perform such behaviours and to do them as Participant A expressed “all day” is vital when compared to spaces which require payment or other forms of barrier to access. The ability to exist and use the space was also noted in many of the interview questions around access and engagement of houseless patrons in public library. Participant H explained that “…you could sit in the library for a few hours and be comfortable and have something to do […] access to books, to magazines to whatever it is […] the library is a comfortable hub…” This indicates how the ORL-V is fostering a sense of belonging through its offerings and much like at the NPL, is allowing patrons the option to pick how they want to engage in the space, and what they want to use it for. Without an expectation for how it should be used, the public library promotes a sense of security in a space. Participants described the NPL and the ORL-V as spaces for patrons to come and go without specific reason or precedent. Participant J even noted that “loitering is encouraged”, which signals that the reasons for going to the library is neither preconceived nor is it expected. The library as a place to ‘be’ is expanded on by Participant H who said “…like, if you’re unhoused, those public spaces become your home as well and so in parks, what do you have access to in that park?” The distinction between public space and home is significant, as it highlights what makes a home and why it becomes a place to be, a crucial aspect of reimagining third space. The availability of accessible public washrooms and reliable internet in public libraires, as compared 63 to public parks, is also an important consideration. The value for unhoused patrons is that they are both able to enter the library space and allowed to stay, without needing to pay or assume a certain role or precedent. Often, going the public library is assumed to accompany a specific reason or goal, however this finding demonstrates that more attention should be placed on how to encourage loitering. By doing so, I focus on belonging, connections to people in a physical place, along with connections to the space itself through the creation of social participation over time (Roe and McCay, 2021). Belonging is especially important to recognize in the small city where less options and alternatives are available and finding places to ‘be’ is discouraged or made difficult through stigma. 4.2.4 Amidst Anthropogenic Climate Change Many of the participants indicated the role of the public library as a space to provide the temporary relief and shelter during extreme weather events. Two participants expressed how public libraries are adapting/ transforming their existing resources, and infrastructure towards an ongoing response to anthropogenic climate change. My next finding asserts how the public library mitigates negative experiences unhoused patrons face from climate disasters and extreme weather events. Insights from Participant F revealed that during climate disasters Nelson is “utilizing the library.” This is in reference to the library as a centralized temporary shelter, and notes how services and resources are situated throughout the NPL to “host people during, so they have an opportunity to go in and cool down or go in and warm up, temporarily...” The use of the word ‘host’ maintains a positive connotation of these spaces and according to Participant J at ORL-V “libraries are better equipped…we have entertainment, we have more comfortable furnishings…we have massive HVAC systems that make our buildings safer.” Even simple 64 measures such as having easy access to drinkable water at the NPL, as seen in Figure 3, are important as an active way to ensure all patrons stay hydrated. Figure 3. Water Cups Dispenser, NPL Bathroom Despite Participant F implying the public library is just a ‘temporary relief’, having somewhere to go during an extreme weather is especially vital considering the disproportionate impact on unhoused patrons. Participant H argued the ORL-V is “…not just for people who are unhoused, but for seniors or families who don’t have air conditioning during a heat emergency, it’s a place to come and cool down.” Participant J further supported this. [W]e’ve been using things like our air conditioning as a way to promote the library because it’s so miserable outside sometimes we’re a safe space that you can bring your kids or as a senior you can come and hang out, it’s smoky out, it’s really hot, come in. (Participant J) 65 Both participants reflect discourses around what it means to promote infrastructure for everyone amidst climate disasters not just those of a certain class or housing status. This pertains to measures which benefit all patrons who come to the NPL and the ORL-V. It also cements earlier findings around inclusivity, and the library as a place to ‘be’. As highlighted in the interview with Participant J, “The city has come to us [and] said, can you open longer hours or days that you would normally be closed to be either a cooling station or a warming station for the public?” The city implementing these important measures during the recent heat dome and cold spells indicates how much the ORL-V is relied on during climate emergencies. Participant J also noted that “the city had to pay for the staffing and stuff.” In the 2021 Annual Report for the city of Nelson the word ‘climate’ was used 28 times with the first few being in relation to the acknowledgment of the realities of climate change, the implementation of the climate and energy team at the city, and what it means to create an energy-efficient community. In particular, the following statement outlines responses in line with connection and sustainability (2021 Annual Report, 2021). As the Library continued to adjust and respond to a pandemic, a heat dome and smoky skies during 2021, we kept true to our priorities of community connections, spaces to connect and sustainability. Collaboration is an important Library value, and it guided our board governance and staff to deliver amazing services (2021 Annual Report, 2021). In the 2020 Vernon Community Profile the word ‘climate’ is used 7 times, but in the context of describing the climate and temperature of the area, rather than expanding on the climate crisis and its associated implications. In the 2023-2026 Council Strategic Plan, the word ‘climate’ is only 66 brought up in reference to the Climate Action Plan (2023). The Climate Action Plan (2023) which also references the Climate Action Plan (2020) each lack a mention of the connections between the public library and resilient infrastructure, nor do they refer of the need for more public spaces to mitigate the impacts of climate emergencies. Instead, the 2023 plan makes multiple mentions of actions “you” can take a resident, or business owner, and how home outfitting, buying local produce, and driving electrical vehicles will help mitigate the climate crisis. I argue these examples lack recognition or accountability for how those of varying vulnerabilities will be affected. To conclude, the public library should remain vigilant in their commitments as critical infrastructure within times of climate emergency and should continue efforts to steward the space and ensure such measures progress accordingly. This includes ensuring access to facilities and resources, providing information, and offering place specific climate knowledge which situates the locale and better serves the small city community. 4.3 Meeting the Material and Social Needs of Unhoused Patrons The third finding argues that the public library plays an important role in meeting the material and social needs of its patrons. This argument effectively builds off previous insights from participants that unhoused patrons benefit from the offerings of the public library both socially, and materially (and sometimes, physically). Therefore, this finding presents recommendations for operations, policies, programs, and other ways to continue benefiting unhoused patrons. 67 4.3.1 Digital Access and Assistance from Technology36 In meeting the material and social needs of unhoused patrons, digital access and technology are important factors to understand. Both participants from the NPL and the ORL-V are clear in stating that reliable and free WiFi is available to all who come to the library. This was also reiterated in interviews with Participants A and J. An emphasis is placed on how this is especially valuable for patrons without regular or consistent access to online resources, tele-communications, websites, and more. Likewise, in exploring why WiFi is necessary, findings suggested that the skills and knowledge of how to use the internet are vital. Digital literacy amongst unhoused patrons is something Participant J identified saying “A larger number of people than we know are way low on that [digital literacy].” They go on to say, “it puts them way far behind with employment and housing.” For patrons accessing the ORL-V, Participant J’s comment revealed the connection of digital literacy to employment and housing needs. Many job and housing applications are available strictly through the digital realm which makes access to these opportunities and services difficult. Several participants presented their perspectives around how digital autonomy, inclusion, and accessibility fits into the discussion around the public library. Participant H added “There’s going to be a range of needs within the homeless population.” The indication of differing needs is something a few participants expressed as they add layers to the discussion. Yes, absolutely, public spaces can provide a solution to that […] So, if you’re able to get free internet at the library, or in parks, you know… Those are ways municipalities absolutely can help and support and even just places to plug in 36 An initial objective of this research had concentrated on digital pathways as a response to address and mitigate houselessness, however as the interviews and my research focus progressed, findings surfaced around the nuances of digital access, and ultimately the purpose they have for aiding efforts and innovations through the public library. 68 your cell phone to charge it. And that’s part of the accessibility is making sure that people have access to all the technology, don’t have any barriers to that. (Participant H) According to Participant F, assistance from applications (apps) can be helpful, especially regarding information during climate emergencies in Nelson with the use of an app called “Voyent Alert!” 37 However, a more complete idea of how this app works was not part of the scope of my research, and more data is needed on whether this application is effective in reaching vulnerable community members. An additional perspective on the emergence of apps comes from Participant H who connects age to the context of digital literacy and digital access as an increasing challenge. They go on to say there is an over reliance on creating applications (apps). There is an interest from people who are unhoused to have an app…to make that be easier…to know where to go and who to access. But we also got feedback that some people don’t want or aren’t interested in an app, they want a paper copy.38 (Participant H) Nevertheless, Participant C, a Nelson based technology stakeholder spoke to the reality of digital strategies. Its “on the cusp” they say in our interview, but more is needed “to focus on solving the mental health crisis.” More specifically this participant is addressing how digital strategies are carried out, and why digital access should focus more on providing supports. Returning to the sentiment around the varying needs of unhoused patrons, Participant J implied that not everything 37 “Voyent Alert!” is a communication solution and alerting app that rapidly disseminates targeted and enriched information. 38 This in reference to physical paper copies of resources, or forms/ applications, etc. 69 has to be done digitally. This sentiment is shared by Participant H who expressed their view of technology with some reservations. There will be some people who have cell phones, very savvy, able to you know as you say do something online. And so yeah, the then there’s the affordability, can they afford a plan? Where are they going to get access to free WiFi all of those pieces? (Participant H) Based on these accounts it is evident that perspectives and opinions of digital access vary. Specifically, Participant G discussed that “[in reference to themselves] love tech” and while they do also articulate some of its flaws, they go on to say “There’s no going back. The door has been kicked open. I think for the homeless sector, there’s advantages when it comes to the health care system and accessing doctors.” This perspective, along with the others from participants, is important to keep in mind and consider for further suggestions pertaining to digital access. Another aspect to digital access and technology comes from Participant D, a representative of the SMRT1 technology. This Nelson based smart vending (or, as they prefer, ‘dispensing’) machine technology intersects with a unique domain of harm reduction and innovation. 39 While these HRVM’s are still in the pilot phase, they present an important step towards increasing autonomy to supply access, and require less reliance on physical staff, which mitigates gaps between service provision and user. Additionally, each machine can be tailored to information on resources for the specific community it resides in, with most according to Participant D carrying syringes, naloxone, and sexual health products. The potential for HRMV’s in the public library is 39 ‘Smart’ in this context refers to “interactive, cloud-connected, smart dispensing solutions that provide engaging, frictionless, convenient, customer experiences” (SMRT1, 2024). 70 yet to be explored, however in asking Participant D they are hopeful for machines in many useful public spaces, the library being one. In conclusion, the multifaceted perspectives on digital access and assistance from technology, as highlighted by participants from this sub-finding have underscored there is a nuanced nature of positioning so-called advancements to mitigate intersections of houselessness. This is especially the case when exploring how public libraries mee the material and social needs of its unhoused patrons. It works to situate later insights in this section around effective operations, policies, and programming. 4.3.2 Operations and Policies As of current operations (February 2024) the NPL is closed on Sundays, and the ORL-V has reduced hours on the weekend.40 Alternatives to these varying opening hours should be solidified as an integral piece of the public library’s offering. The first operational action I suggest is to increase WiFi bandwidth beyond the walls of the library. This is so patrons don’t have to rely on other spaces like nearby cafes that require payments. To further discuss this suggestion, Participant A noted how access to a consistent and strong WiFi connection was crucial for patrons of the NPL during the initial stages of the COVID-19 pandemic. Yeah, I think it did have an impact for folks that needed access to the Internet as well. Right. We strengthened our WiFi signal at that time so folks could access it more easily outside. And we don’t turn our WiFi off. (Participant A) 40 As a precedent to this section, I would like to highlight the importance of policies for library staff to have days off and operational breaks for capacity and to reduce burnout, resources, and materials. The first operational recommendation, therefore, does not suggest public libraries should be open every day or extend their hours, rather, it acknowledges and plans for the effects of reduced hours for unhoused patrons. 71 The impact of this remains significant, and to elaborate more, Participant A added the following observation of people accessing WiFi from the exterior area of the NPL. “So, we would see folks outside the library, our families outside the library in their cars, everybody was expected to just turn to online for everything. And for some folks that was difficult to do.” The significance of having ongoing connection to WiFi is also an important offering from the ORL-V. So, we have all our WiFi stays on 24 hours a day […] sometimes during the day we’ll go outside, and we’ll see folks sitting outside using the WiFi and maybe they’re eating, or they’ve got a ton of bags and stuff (Participant H). Both Participant A and H presented insights for why it’s vital for patrons to have access to WiFi, especially outside of the physical space of the public library. Operations and policies draw attention to the necessity of prevailing the services of the public library outside the limits of its material structure and represents an emergence of connection for individuals without the means to exist in paywalled or private spaces (where WiFi is readily available). I argue this is especially important to consider as the public library situates itself not as a means for profit generation, but as a site of resistance in our privatized cityscape. An additional action in response to public library’s opening hours is to increase accessible and legible signage with details on how to access alternative spaces. This is especially necessary for patrons without access to a phone or laptop, and need ways to acquire information that may have otherwise been provided by a librarian or social worker in the library. The reliance, and possible over reliance on the public library needs to be addressed, and ways then to navigate resources and services beyond the public library is something to account for, especially regarding the possibility of funding cuts, burn out and resource depletion in smaller city public libraries. 72 A second operational recommendation pertains to current policies around sleeping in the NPL and ORL-V. 41 Possible recommendations to mitigate these anti-sleep policies range from designated nap rooms in public libraries to accommodating more seating, lounge type chairs, or couches to allow patrons the option to physically recline and feel more comfortable than just sitting in a chair (see reclined chair in Figure 2). 42 While this recommendation does not attempt ‘fix’ the problem of sleep deprivation, which many unhoused patrons face, it allows patrons the ability to be more comfortable than in alternative spaces and attempts to meets their physical and social needs. 4.3.3 Modelling Programming This next recommendation presents examples of successful programs at the public libraries in Toronto and Las Vegas. It is important to highlight that neither of these examples are from small city public libraries, however replicating these programs may be notable for addressing the material and social needs of unhoused patrons. At the TPL, a program called “Coffee and Conversation” acts as a way for unhoused patrons to learn more about offered social services in the area and provides an opportunity for them to connect with others (Veliji, 2020; Bolton, 2023). Modelling this for other public libraries, especially those in small cities, is significant given a stronger sense of community is an asset for both housed and unhoused patrons. I argue a strong sense of community works to meet some of the missing social needs and fills the gap for material needs around service information. 41 Here, I argue that policies which discourage certain behaviors reveal a broader insight into missing spaces for unhoused individuals and is a nod to the many functions and roles of the public library which serve to fill gaps, or at least try to. 42 Nap rooms, like the ones built in some airports and universities, have not yet been explored substantially in the public library realm. 73 At the Las Vegas Clark County Library District (LVCCLD), patrons can access a smartphone with a free 18 month calling and data plan (Enis, 2022). According to the LVCCLD director, “These devices are a lifeline, reconnecting [recipients] with family, social resources, educational and employment assistance, and so much more” (Enis, 2022). The program works to meet their social and material needs, giving patrons the opportunity to use to the phone to connect with loved ones, gain access to the workforce, and maintain a sense of consistent communication in their lives. A program called “Tech Tutor Computer Literacy” is one example at the ORL-V mitigating this barrier (see poster for the program in Figure 4). The program offers support for patrons who require assistance with using technology. Sustained digital literacy offerings are key to alleviating some of the burdens placed on individuals in unhoused communities with varying levels of digital access and autonomy. At the NPL borrowing devices like a Chromebook or a smart phone are a valuable feature for bridging technology access gaps (see this technology borrowing display in Figure 5). Coupled with programming on how to effectively use these devices, these offerings are a means for which individuals can stay connected, even outside of the library walls. 74 Figure 4. “Tech Tutor Computer Literacy” Poster, ORL-V Main Floor Figure 5. Tech Borrowing Station, NPL Main Floor 4.3.4 Introducing Aged Spaces An additional recommendation for the small city public library is to foster more intentional spaces that directly respond to the social and material needs of its younger patrons. Introducing aged spaces includes establishing spaces within the library that showcase materials, resources, and infrastructures suitable for younger individuals, housed or unhoused. I am not implying that libraries should only carry conventional ‘age specific’ books (as this is often used to argue against queer, and other critical literature which should be available for younger audiences), but rather I 75 suggest ways to interact with unhoused youth who are among some of those patrons who would benefit from having more age specific offerings. In the NPL and ORL-V, kids and teen spaces include play areas, shorter seating, and tables, and include interactive forms of engagement. At the NPL, backpacks with items to use in outdoor adventures can be borrowed, along with games, puzzles, and other forms of active learning. More specifically, at the ORL-V a kid’s washroom is one example of altering the space to be more inclusive (see washroom in Figure 6). This extends beyond just suggestions specifically for unhoused patrons, but also benefits all patrons, and does not assume one specific (often biased) characteristic of who is unhoused. Figure 6. Children’s Washroom Sign, ORL-V Main Floor 4.3.5 Responding to Mobility and Transportation Needs A fourth recommendation for the public library is to meet the material and social needs of unhoused patrons. Meeting these needs effectively alleviates some of the barriers relating to transportation (ie. active or public) and is especially important in the small city context where car centric lifestyles are more common. Participant C noted explicitly that transportation is a growing 76 concern for community members in the Nelson area, with some of its biggest impact on unhoused people. The public library’s ability to addresses challenges around mobility is crucial as this often dictates the social needs and material conditions for many unhoused individuals. One meaningful measure to respond to these barriers is to boost space for good quality bike racks, offer places to pump tires, basic tune ups, and ample areas to dismount, and ride to and from the entrance safely. Additionally, I suggest increasing signage for public transportation, including information on where to purchase bus tickets, accurate time scheduling, and seating nearby the bus stop. There is also the need for adequate storage space options, such lockers, or cubbies for individuals with carts, buggies, or larger bags. I maintain that this allows for ease of use and access in the public library and elevates a material burden for unhouses patrons with nowhere else to safely store items. While some of these suggestions may fall outside of the jurisdiction of public library, staff and board members can play a role in advocating for these as beneficial measures to mitigate intersections of houselessness for its patrons. 4.4 The Role of Librarians and Library Staff Alongside Challenges and Barriers This section positions librarians and library staff as having a vital role in the functioning of the public library and outlines how capacity building and the lack of impediment of resources and skills act as barriers to reaching the institution’s full potential. 43 Participant K expressed that the public library “is at the epicenter whether they expected or wanted that.” This is in reference to the significant importance of the physical space, but also to everyone working in the space. It is essential to investigate the functioning of the public library through the perspectives of those who 43 Library staff refers to others who work in the proximity to the functioning of the library, ie. security guards. These individuals however were not directly interviewed for the scope of this thesis. 77 work there. Understanding how to navigate the dynamic between the existing skills, advantages and barriers helps to survey these implications and explore how the public library persists in their ability to mitigate intersections of houselessness. 4.4.1 Relationality and Engagement A pivotal role of librarians and library staff is their engagement to, and with patrons. Specifically, this finding looks at how staff engage relationally, with the notion of engagement examined loosely as it pertains to the social, emotional, and material engagement. Participant A portrayed an example of this sort of interaction at the NPL in the following quotation. So, when we see somebody that’s having a difficult time here in the library, lots of times we’ll talk to them and talk to them in more like, hey, how’s it going today? It seems like you’re having some problems being in the library. (Participant A) From this account, Participant A emphasised how simple, yet effective engagement can be. They note, “That’s what librarians do, right? They help find answers.” While this was not directly made in reference to any patron or group of patrons, it accentuates a commitment towards generous communication and cooperation, benefiting all who visit and spend time at the NPL. Although, and as some of the findings demonstrate, librarians can’t sustain this alone. There remains a growing need to merge critical resources and services and in doing so to find synergies amongst existing sources of support. 4.4.2 In Supporting Digital Access Librarians at the ORL-V are crucial in assisting patrons with digital literacy needs, and Participant J conveyed that, “When my staff has time, they’ll sit down with folks and do stuff like 78 help them figure out email and how to look for things.” Supporting digital access connects back to earlier findings surrounding the imperative role of librarians. At the NPL, Participant A identified a similar rhetoric to Participant J, and added that “We can certainly assist folks with filling out forms and how to access them on the public computers, filling them out if they’re need of certain assistance” (Participant A). The ability for librarians to help with tasks relating to digital tools is key to consider as it implores the need for guidance and cooperation. Participant H further elaborated on digital access and added to perspectives shared from Participant A and Participant J on the role of librarians in providing the necessary assistance. Especially there’s kind of a growing population of seniors who are homeless, who may have zero comfort with the digital world and that’s the barrier […] they actually need someone to help them to if everything is digitalized if there’s nothing in paper if there’s nothing where you get to sit down with someone who works you through that process then that’s going to be the barrier… (Participant A) I argue that understanding the role of librarians is crucial for emphasizing the necessity of librarians as experts on using technology and digital access, especially in meeting the material and social needs of unhoused patrons. 4.4.3 Supporting Librarians and Library Staff In this next finding I follow two questions posed by Wong (2009) to advise recommendations for supporting librarians and library staff. The first question asks, “How can library staff handle specific problems while interacting with [house]less users”. The second asks “How can libraries become involved in the community effort to cope with the problem of 79 [house]lessness in general?” (Wong, 2009, p. 403). In response to the first question, I recommend prioritizing specific training materials, zines, or pamphlets that lend to dialogue and discussion. In doing so, this offers skills and use-case scenarios that support the work of librarians and their staff amidst challenges and barriers beyond the conventional realms of their job description and expectations. This aligns with many community librarians who are champions for librarians requiring supports (Cardenas, n.d). Examples of published work includes written guides for librarians to solve problems and prevent conflict in an empathetic manner. A set of PDFs, magazines, webinars, and other resources are also available on a webpage from the American Library Association’s division titled ‘Public Library Association specifically addressing the topic of serving unhoused people’. These include notable critical information on trauma-informed care and setting boundaries, as well as other sources on the value of public libraries, improvements to services, and ways to empower these spaces and their staff. The BCLA has four featured articles and resource listings with notable sources which cover access, inclusion, as well as a “Community-Led Libraries Toolkit” (2008) published in connection to learnings from four partner public libraries.44 I encourage the production of more publications and toolkits, and resources with specific focus on small city public libraries. I also argue this amplifies the voices of those already doing the work through storytelling and sharing, written or oral, while awarding tangible resources for collective autonomy and solidarity amongst librarians and library staff. The second question posed by Wong (2009) carries forward what it means to engage in small city community efforts. In doing so, these resources, or versions of them, should also be made available for the broader 44 These four libraries were, however, in the major urban centers of so-called Vancouver, Regina, Toronto, and Halifax. 80 public to reproduce discourses not based in bias or stigma. Moreover, this recommendation is aligned with findings from the literature that point to barriers within intersecting experiences of unhoused patrons in the public library as being the attitudes of librarians and staff. In conclusion, having a combination of sensitivity training, and education may help to reduce feelings of fear and confusion which prevail in tangent to bias and stigma, and educate both patrons and staff (Mars, 2013). 4.4.4 Building Skills, and Connecting Social Workers This finding positions the value in social workers and outreach workers on site at the NPL and the ORL-V. It also emphasizes the growing need for skills building and establishes the public library as having an integral opportunity for mitigation and action. Participants argued the necessity of these workers as an effective measure to reducing the burden on librarians and library staff who are not equipped with the same tools and trainings. One participant explained some of the specific benefits of contracting outreach staff for the ORL-V in the statement below. I wanted to get them to contract us for a period for whatever, however many hours it looked like to provide an outreach staff in the library so that they could respond to the de-escalation pieces, sit down, do the one-on-one pseudo-social work, respond to overdoses, but actually be able to do direct referrals right into the shelter or right into addictions recovery programs. (Participant G) The ability of these workers to ensure unhoused patrons receive information such as referrals to shelters and programs is highlighted from this quote. According to Participant A, the NPL also significantly benefits from having outreach workers on site. 81 …one of their workers [social service worker] comes and sits in the library for a couple of hours every Tuesday. And she’s just there if folks need her to help with filling out forms or making connections about different services that are available to them. And she doesn’t actively go to people sitting in different areas, but she’s there. I think she might have a little tent card up and regulars probably recognize her too, if they need some support. (Participant A) The account from Participant A solidifies how crucial social workers are in assisting tasks and activities that may not be possible for librarians and staff to achieved on their own. It also establishes the need to triage support, skills, and resources of social workers and outreach workers. One way to triage supports is through pop-up clinics space run by social/ outreach workers and operated directly in the library. These clinics offer a chance for patrons to more request specific supports, such as filling out housing forms or accessing information on their case workers. The suggestion for a pop-up clinic is in line with interview findings from Participant A who shared successes on their on-site social worker at the NPL. The intended outcome of this recommendation is to lighten the burden of librarians and library staff currently having to be a librarian and a social worker. For these clinics to be more effective however, attention should also be placed on the services and offerings most needed in each small city public library context. In further reference to training and skills building, Participant J shared their perspective on the need for specific workers in the realms of expertise and knowledge. At the ORL-V, this perspective might extend to a housing supporter, expressing how they “…would love to have one of the housing folks come and work out of the library one day a week.” The need for workers is especially insightful when thinking about tangible actions or next steps for unhoused patrons. Additionally, at the ORL-V, Participant H shared how libraries should “really start to have social 82 workers on staff or accessing the space, assisting librarians to better support and better help people who are unhoused coming into the space”. I argue that opportunities for housing workers to make referrals to addiction recovery centers and shelters are valuable processes not currently in place. To better articulate these challenges and synergies, Participant J, said that “Public libraries across Canada have found funding for social workers that have paid for social workers, but what they find from what I understand is that there’s never enough. It’s never enough.” This is a challenge faced by both the NPL and the ORL-V. Based on this, I note that when it comes to unhoused or vulnerably housed patrons, not all librarians may be equipped to handle unforeseen challenges. In the interview with Participant A, discussions arose around how staff at the NPL are facing these situations. Like if it’s sleeping or being kind of disruptive at the public computer stations, like people getting really upset at the computer or the opposite, dancing and having their headphones on and disturbing other people.” (Participant A) The implications of these statements are also observed in what they say as: “Yeah, of course it can be difficult. Folks dealing with folks with mental health issues or vulnerable populations, folks with, you know, substance misuse” (Participant A). The indication of mental health and substance use in some patrons, notably those patrons who may also be experiencing houselessness, may stir up feelings of uncertainty or fear from staff according to Participant A who note are trying to respond appropriately. Similar sentiments on these topics are recorded from Participant H. There’s just no way to get around it and so having staff who are trained and who understand what’s happening and that if they are a public space and they’re open 83 to all like they there will be these medical emergencies […] this is the world that we’re living in right now in the toxic drug supply that we have right now… it’s been incredibly stressful, especially for say like you know the recreation center where they don’t necessarily know that population or trained with mental health. (Participant H) What is meaningful from Participant H, and previous participants, is this discussion on the role of librarians in addressing stresses on their staff. Ultimately the emergence of new, and often challenging aspects of houselessness must be accounted for in the formation of policies, trainings, and synergies. The focus on training is something that was evident from my interview with Participant J who illustrated what sorts of improvements are needed in the account below. We added homelessness training for every single staff member. So it’s a digital training, but it’s a whole training unit on kind of like understanding where folks might be coming from, who are struggling with being street entrenched…so everybody that works at the ORL [-V] has to do that. We all get de-escalation training. [H]ere in Vernon I try and get as much free training as I can for staff […] we try and send as many people as possible to mental health first aid training. We are constantly with our occupational health and safety committee, talking to staff… (Participant J) Participant J also described the context of mental health, and the increase of critical incidents. We’re constantly having to remind people that their mental health is exactly the same as like cutting your finger off. If you respond to an overdose and you’re feeling really upset afterwards, that is exactly the same as cutting your finger 84 off. You have to take care of yourself […] training we’re pushing for right now for all the supervisors is critical incident debriefing because we’re having more and more critical incidents, and we don’t have the training to help our staff through it. (Participant J) Two factors are emphasized from these statements, the first is an increase in critical incidents, which have taken a toll on the mental health of staff, and the second is how decisive it is in having occupational health and safety committee members to debrief with and provide training for. Participant J indicates how some supports are available in the community. They added “There’s a provincial team…they’ll talk to you on the phone.” But this doesn’t seem to be enough. In a statement from Participant J, they said that “libraries had to deal with some extraordinarily tragic issues in the last little bit…” (Participant J). The ‘extraordinarily tragic issue’ Participant J referred to is a frequent patron of the library who passed away near the ORL-V building. They argued how extreme situations present challenges both for other patrons and for themselves which may in turn result in the introduction of certain more restrictive policies. At the NPL the success of trainings, and in particular the need for barrier free policies is emphasised in the following statement from Participant A. Our staff are awesome, training is helpful, and policies are helpful […] a board that understands that the library is a public space and what that means, and those policies are helpful for staff to be able to use. And I’m not talking so much about punitive policies, more the opposite, like barrier free policies. (Participant A) While barrier free policies are important, they may be difficult to put in practice. Especially regarding a lack of resources and know-how around how to implement them. Despite some steps 85 being taken to fill in those gaps, changes and effective actions are happening slower than they wanted. I suggest that this is due to a lack of funding to hire social workers, a rise in critical incidents, and limited skills training to cope. Lastly, the increasing general burn-out from librarians and staff show undoubtedly, changes are needed fast. 4.4.5 De-escalation, and Increases in Security Handling de-escalation and overdoses are increasingly necessary to skills for staff. However, and as Participant J explained, situations deemed as ‘challenging’ are expected to be handled by security. This is particularly the case when violence is involved and when “There were people getting threatened with violence all the time […] but now we have security guards” (Participant J). Violence introduces a layer to the discussion around de-escalation. From their perspective, behaviors deemed as violent result in more security and policing, such bathroom rules described in this quote. We have strict bathroom rules […] we try and be really open to all members of the public, but our hard and fast rule is you got to be respectful, and you have to be awake, and you cannot use drugs on site. (Participant J) I argue the introduction of rules reveal a disconnect, on the one side there appears to be desire for library to be ‘open’ and ‘respectful’, yet in navigating challenges, the solution is simply to implement more security and policies. These policies often include an increase in monitoring the bathrooms, and discouraging patrons sleeping in the library. Participant J carried on saying the following. Their [security guards] main task is to patrol the building all the time and to check for people sleeping, not because sleeping is bad, but because the OD rate 86 is so high that nobody’s allowed to sleep because we don’t want somebody to OD onsite […] So the security’s role is mostly to keep an eye on this situation. If there’s a problem in the bathroom, they normally come and get me or one of the supervisors that are just under me, and we go talk to people. (Participant J) The NPL also shares a ‘no sleeping’ policy, with similar reasonings around overdoses and safety for both the patrons and the staff amidst the toxic drug crisis. Additionally, Participant J discussed security staff at the ORL-V saying “the security guards only get paid like 19 bucks an hour […] two of our security guards are new immigrants from India who are getting stuck with the job, right? So, they don’t have the level of training.” 45 There are layers to this notion and given that security staff tend to be hired as a tactic to discourage behaviors, they are not typically well equipped to handle more delicate or complex situations. This was explained with more context in the following account regarding staff trainings and administering naloxone in response to an overdose. We [librarians] have a lot more like de-escalation trainings […] trainings on how to work with homeless populations and all that. So, we go in, we chat with people. We’re the ones who most of the time will do the Narcan if we need to. Nobody on my staff at the ORL has to deliver Naloxone or Narcan. (Participant J) Evidently, Participant J opened a discussion around the evolving role of librarians and library staff responding to challenges and barriers. It is important to note these accounts do not discredit 45 In an article by Suhasini (2011), the author writes how immigrants new to Turtle Island face barriers to employment and are unable to find something suitable within their field of study in the country they are immigrating from. This makes security jobs easy to pursue with a higher wage than alternatives. 87 important harm reduction work already being done, nor does it make light of this very complicated situation. Primarily, these efforts serve to highlight the necessity of having outreach staff equip their library staff with the proper training to ensure the appropriate measures are in place to address de-escalation and harm reduction. This may not be needed if there was more skills and trainings, however for now, security is used as the pragmatic response. 4.4.6 Building Networks and Synergies The first recommendation for building synergies comes from Participant J who spoke to the necessity around continued efforts for connecting services. They said “what has worked for the best here in Vernon is that we try network different community service providers together because none of us have enough money for staff alone...” The potential to bridge resources and services is also expressed by Participant A who highlighted the success of hosting social workers at the NPL. I argue that continuing to produce street cards (with knowledge on food, health, shelter, legal aid, welfare, and employment) in the small city context is more conducive to sharing information on where key services and infrastructures are located. Producing these allows for an increase in uptake of these services from recipients of the cards (Mars, 2013). An increased uptake allows for effective and seamless processing of community referrals and ensures there is accurate information and awareness around hidden programming, and other missing links to services in the small city realm. Another initiative that the public library and other connected services can take is to champion themselves for public health and wellbeing. I suggest this should extend to offering sexual health products, and other safe supplies for drug use. Both of which can be supplied from 88 local centres like LPRC (Living Positive Resource Centre) and IH. 46According to Participant H, at the ORL-V building synergies around harm reduction strategies have been a “big turning point”. Building synergies inevitably connects the strength of community services and providers in Vernon, and in Nelson. Building networks such as those at the ORL-V is an effective measure. On-site naloxone kits are available through LPRC a local harm reduction and sexual health facility and Interior Health (IH), along with a no cost “substance use first aid” workshop also provided through IH (see posters in Figure 7 and 8). The advancement of HRVM’s opens discussion around safe usage, harm reduction, convenience, and the autonomy that these devices afford for all patrons of the public library. This is especially vital in the small city context where a lack of safe injection sites, abortion clinics, and other harm reduction hubs are not common or accessible to get too. To conclude, building networks and synergies between municipal and provincial service providers serve as a strong recommendation for other small city public libraries to follow similar practices towards mitigating the intersections of houselessness. Figure 7. “Naloxone Kits Available Here” Poster, ORL-V Staircase 46 Note that LPRC had to unexpectedly close in June 2024 due to funding cuts. 89 Figure 8. “Substance Use First Aid” Workshop Poster, ORL-V Staircase 4.5 Measures for The Public Library as a Site of Resistance The final finding presents recommendations for inclusivity, and accessibility, and specifically what it would mean to establish the public library as a site of resistance. These recommendations suggest how the public library might progress forward and allow for more nuanced ways to address experiences of houselessness. It also reminds us that the public library as a site of resistance must be in solidarity with calls for public institutions to decolonize. Note that decolonizing the public library ultimately goes beyond this work. Decolonization is a part of land back. The suggestions in this chapter are merely a step toward mitigating implications of colonialism. 4.5.1 The Public Library and Decolonization It is necessary to highlight Indigenous paradigms to position findings that pertain to valuable efforts to decolonize and deepen the perspectives on indigeneity. The necessity of positioning public libraries as a site of resistance, is imperative to the ongoing struggle for decolonization. I argue it is fundamental to continue the process of decolonializing as it explores 90 houselessness and other topics prevalent in settler colonial structure.47 According to the BCLA, one of the key characteristics of the public library is its position as “being embedded in communities” (BCLA, 2021). The public library as a public entity also requires the space to be accessible and expand in its reach and visibility. Expanding its reach serves as an opportune space for Indigenous people (housed or unhoused) who want to acquire knowledge which may be otherwise not accessible. It also allows people to interact with others in a neutral space or engage with available events or programming. In continual efforts to decolonize the space, the BCLA notes there should be an increasing effort to better represent Indigenous voices, and encourage more showcasing of Indigenous ways of doing, being, and knowing. These increasing efforts are crucial as public libraries offer their space as much more than just knowledge acquisition, they can also be a space to gather and form intentional community. My research advocates for close collaboration with Indigenous partners and emphasizes the specific needs and desire of those accessing the public library in a manner that is more valuable to the specific Indigenous nation. This connects to co-creation (discussed in Chapter 5) in research which appropriately establishes unhoused patrons into the dialogue for action and best practices. Participant E indicated insights around what it could mean to decolonialize the public library. From their perspective, it is important to prioritize pursuing synergies and opportunities to connect and build community. The library I think is going to inevitably come up through that discussion and there’ll be some policy in there and more recently I’ve been working with 47 This is especially important because a large percentage of unhoused people in B.C. are Indigenous (Kidd et al., 2019). 91 [name] on other projects like we have an Indigenous working group. The city is just trying to better understand the Truth and Reconciliation and UNDRIP and their calls for action and I think we also just want to integrate that from a staff perspective as well as work on some council policies and so I think. I think there is some bridging between the planning department, sort of the people who work at City Hall with the library... So, I think there is some synergies. (Participant E) From this perspective, they note how crucial it is to focus on the concept of Indigenous working groups, and acknowledges the need for a Truth and Reconciliation, UNDRIP (United Nations Declaration on the Rights for Indigenous Peoples) and other calls to action. Calls to action is expanded upon by the following statement from Participant H who noted. The peer, the investment in peers, even just from funding and from funders, I’ve seen a real switch compared to even five years ago. So really trying to center the strategies and the solutions around the people who understand it best. And if you provide that space and support, listening to those voices, I think has been. So, I see that as a positive. I see the efforts to decolonize. (Participant H) The explicit mention of ‘listening to voices’ centers solutions and strategies in support of efforts to decolonize, which Participant H further expressed going beyond just decolonizing the library. But to me, if you make a public space amenable and approachable for someone who’s unhoused, hopefully you’re then making it just for practically anybody, right? If you’re someone who’s unhoused is comfortable in that space and has all the amenities that they need, then anybody in the community really should be able to also have that as well. (Participant H) 92 These are important strides to making the public library ‘approachable’ for all, unhoused, housed, Indigenous, or non-Indigenous. While my thesis has not adequately prioritized Indigenous paradigms, nor does it include findings from Indigenous knowledge keepers, the emphasis on decolonizing remains a part of the broader context by which this work and further research can and should be focused on. By making the small city public library welcoming and accessible for people experiencing houselessness, I argue this helps everyone feel included to use the amenities comfortably. 4.5.2 The Public Library and Anti-Surveillance This sub-finding extends to police abolitionist scholars who advocate against a heavy form of security and police presence. According to Participants from the NPL and ORL-V security in is often justified as the ‘pragmatic’ approach to maintain a level of protection for patrons and staff. However, these measures disproportionally impact many Indigenous, bi-racial, and people of colour experiencing mental health crisis, as well as other groups of vulnerable and equity deserving groups (Robinson, 2019). The impact of these measures is significant given the vulnerability of many patrons using these libraries. Ultimately, an emphasis to manage such spaces reflects the changing nature of public space which adversely affects population groups in different ways. Addressing how and for what purposes security and surveillance persist in the public library sphere also reflects a desire to respond to and reflect barrier free policies. Barrier free policies is a key finding from interviews, and as I argue, they work to actively dismantles notions around a “feeling of legitimacy for a homeless person who is not welcome in many other public arenas” (Kelleher, 2013, p. 23). At the Thunder Bay Public Library, concerns about safety in their libraries have been responded to with the development of a Community Action Panel, Youth Advisory Council and Indigenous Advisory Council who provide guidance on safety matters (Selman et al., 2019, p. 19). 93 This example serves as a reminder of the ongoing efforts to decolonize taking place at the public library level. It also presents a recommendation for the NPL, ORL-V and other public libraries to do the same. 4.6 Summary This chapter summarizes the state of houselessness in small cities and the impact on, and response by the public libraries. I introduced finding on urbanization in the small city, and community action efforts. I then analyzed public libraries as social and physical infrastructure with an emphasis on the duality of its material makeup and social environment in which it fosters. This includes the public library’s role in sustaining community building and responses to extreme weather events. Based on these, I assert how the public library is a tool for outreach and should be organized along the lines of conscious effort to better assist, serve, and function all patrons with solidarity, inclusivity, and care. Next, I considered the ongoing challenges and barriers which continue to hinder the role of librarians and library staff. As a result, I propose suggestions for building skills, de-escalation strategies, and connecting social service workers as an important step towards supporting librarians and library staff. This chapter also discussed community action efforts and decolonizing efforts, which points to the public library as a site of resistance as it addresses or responds to intersections of houselessness in the small city. Moreover, this chapter emphasizes that public libraries should continue efforts to support engagement and recreation of houseless patrons, and become more active in advocacy and awareness, specifically within anti-racism and decolonial solidarity and efforts. This is especially important in small cities, where opportunities to build and foster community may be more limited and siloed. 94 Chapter 5: Conclusion 5.1 Contributions Better understanding the transforming role of the public library is the first notable contribution from this thesis. Specifically, the preceding chapters argue for the affordances of public spaces through a focus on the role of the public library in two small cities in the interior of B.C. I argue this strengthens literature on smaller cities, which are left out of the discourse as larger urban cities are prioritized in research and discussion. Insights from ten interviews also point to how unprecedented challenges—such as urbanization, the toxic opioid supply, and human-caused climate change—intersect with the experiences of unhoused patrons, librarians, and library staff. This finding discusses how public libraries serve to mitigate intersections of houselessness. A second contribution of this research is examining the public library beyond third space, but as a lived space, which exists for folks in multiple uses and ways. I identify the uses of the public library as having its own unique interplay of community and belonging. The public library as lived space shifts the binary between first, second, and third space and highlights the usage and necessity of the public library. I present this as a broader reflection not only for the public library, but for all public spaces. Moreover, this contribution raises questions around the best ways to operate the public library. The public library as a lived space also shapes the discourse around equitable small city community spaces and explores how the public library operates. 5.2 Future Research Future research should remain consistent in language around houselessness as an experience that is dynamic, unique, and everchanging. I argue this allows for a nuanced underpinning of the situation of housing as it intersects with key issues of public space, their use, and ultimately, their perceived value. All research must be committed to calling out power 95 struggles as they intersect with ongoing emergencies across small cities in B.C. and beyond. The findings of this thesis only explored two small cities, and with this in mind, research surrounding small cities in other parts of B.C. should be considered to further insights. To align efforts for direct action, and movements of solidarity and synergy research from my thesis must also apply ways to increase public awareness and community advocacy. Other avenues of research my thesis could have taken would be to shift the scope and process to more effectively centre lived experiences of being unhoused and using the public library. The same should be done to explore and understand reasons for unhoused folks who do not use the public library. This would inevitably examine the perspectives of houseless individuals who do not use public libraries. Doing so might lead to deeper insights around the needs of unhoused people, their barriers to access, the use of public library services, and reasons these individuals chose to not use public libraries. Future research should also tie together the history of public libraries as exclusionary spaces, especially on Turtle Island. Furthermore, future research should explore how, and to what effect, public libraries operate and function within capitalist structures. The impact of which is not to overshadow the history of power and imperial legacies within the formation of the public library but rather to understand the library as a lived space, and through its changing relationship, and commitment to indigenous ways of sharing and community belonging. This presents a way to see the public library outside of colonial binaries, and solidifies its existence and persistence as a site of resistance. Findings from my thesis should also aim to encourage the patronage of unhoused people and services to meet specific needs and take into consideration socio-cultural contexts, while at the same time, “remain vigilant that they are not unnecessarily segregated as a client group” (Dowdell and Liew, 2019, p. 8). Moreover, “while Canadian libraries are developing partnerships 96 to provide services to this population, individuals experiencing homelessness are not being systematically consulted about their needs” (Forrest, 2022, p. 65). The lack of consultation is also evident when examining how library services are often designed for people experiencing houselessness rather than with them (Provence, 2018, p. 1060). To connect this to my research, a lack of consultation solidifies the need for more incorporated insights beyond the research level, and into the domain of action and practice. As a result, future research should focus on co-creation. The function of co-creation is to underscore participatory place making and better engage with the community to leverage social change (Roe and McCay, 2021, p. 201). Co-creation entails community driven fieldwork and explores the perspectives of unhoused (or housed) patrons who use their local small city public library on a frequent basis. Doing so has the potential to present intricate findings from their perspective and encompass more directed solutions, including a proper needs-based consultation. Another path for potential research is around examining the barriers to public library usage from patrons experiencing houselessness. In accordance with existing research on the subject, barriers include “a distrust of the institutions and the perceived inability to access services through a library card because of the need for a permanent residential address in order to qualify for a card” (Dowdell and Liew, 2019 p. 2). Existing barriers in the public library was something evident from my interviews with participants. However, according to Participant A there are efforts underway at the NPL to remove the requirement to show a piece of ID. This said, more research should be done on how these barriers and its implications impact usage and experiences of small city public libraries and provide more accurate and useful suggestions and recommendations. Lastly, future research should focus on better exploring labor issues amongst public librarians. Their increasing responsibility and workload related to new, and often intense 97 situations was evident from conversations with participants, but my findings lacked enough depth to truly address these issues with care and intention. 5.3 Conclusion This thesis seeks to address the following research question: How do public libraries mitigate the intersections of houselessness in small cities? I assert the two selected sites of study, Nelson, and Vernon, as a corrective to understand the public library’s ability as social and physical infrastructure in mitigating the implications of houselessness in small cities. In doing so, my thesis effectively situates Nelson and Vernon into a larger dialogue on public libraries in an increasingly privatized realm. I analyzed the ongoing unaffordability of housing, the toxic opioid supply, and extreme weather events. These three intersections of houselessness do not discount the many nuances and contextualities of being unhoused, nor do they ignore the reality of having proximity to the conditions which promote them. Rather my work provides an example of some of the ways in which public libraries hold potential for mitigating elements of houselessness within the interior of B.C. To establish the theoretical grounding for this thesis, I presented a critical undertaking of houselessness, the small city, and the public library. A strength of the chosen literature review was the interdisciplinary approach, and deliberate emphasis on works and scholars from different fields of study and subjects of interest. These included: Social work and Health Sciences, Urban Studies, Human Geography, Library Sciences, and Political Economic Theory. Each of these disciplines approach the small city public library through a multifaceted lens of public space, and infrastructure, and ultimately where this thesis has attempted to interject, with the importance of such space to mitigate experiences of houselessness. This notion was further deployed to understand the role of the small city in addressing houselessness, whereby threats to key public 98 spaces have become more prominent. My work argues that the uses of the public library are not profit driven or capital oriented. I also reiterate critical theories towards the implications of capitalism and colonialism towards the junction of houselessness and privatization policing (Mitchell, 2020). Through prevailing colonial and capitalist systems, my thesis presents how these systems are not only committed to producing an environment for which houselessness can exist, but one where it can thrive. Findings arose from my interviews with ten participants based in Nelson and Vernon. The expertise of these participants ranged from their close work in the city, social services, and the two libraries. A key strength of the multiple perspectives each participant was able to take allowed for a more nuanced look into the problem space. The first finding observes the state of small cities, the changing face of houselessness, as well as insights from participants around urbanization and housing, and their community efforts and actions. A second finding pertains to the public library as critical social and physical infrastructure with an emphasis on its ability to foster safety and equity and build community. This refers to an approach that strengthens small city community connection. This finding also recognizes the public library through notions of it as ‘a place to be’ and its importance amidst climate emergencies. The third finding addresses operations, material, and social needs through positioning digital access as a nuanced discussion. While librarians and library staff are the cornerstone of the operations and offerings, there is also a growing need for additional resources to support them navigating the various associated barriers and dynamics. The fourth finding situates the role of librarians and library staff alongside challenges and barriers, specifically supporting the staff with de-escalation, training, and skills equipping. The fifth and final finding centers the public library as a site of resistance. 99 My thesis pertains to the public library in the nexus of houselessness and recognizes the necessary steps to mitigate its intersections. Ultimately, I argue that the public library promotes accessibility, inclusivity, and resistance connecting to what it means to build public libraries in the small city for belonging. Imagining the future of the public library advocates that for ideals that benefit all patrons, not just one who are vulnerable. This follows closely with a feminist praxis of the public space, wherein a public library which mitigates intersections of houselessness, is a public library which benefits everyone. It is unquestionable that public library has evolved as community outreach hubs, especially in the small city, and because of this, my work helps us imagine how infrastructures “materialize visions for how social worlds should be organized” (Bolton, 2023; Safransky, 2023, p. 198). 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On the ‘Nelson/ Vernon context’ Where/ how do you see urbanization and its associated trends within the framework of your community? o Where does Nelson/ Vernon fit into this? o What kinds of implications are already being experienced? 2. On rural houselessness, and implications of each intersection Tell me about the current state of houselessness. o What are some of the immediate needs that you have observed? 3. On capacity and barriers Can you identify some of the current capacity challenges or barriers? How do rural service providers and users interconnect with governmentalities and mobilities of homelessness? o What are some the community-based prevention programs? o How do you envision a balance towards existing support and solutions? 4. On the use of the public library and public spaces What do you think is some of the uses of public space to kind of help alleviate barriers? 120 o From your perspective, besides the public library, what other kind of key public spaces would you say is occupied in your community? What has some element that kind of function like the library? o What about climate resiliency? What is the role of the public library? (Ask about programming, current efforts, the role of staff, the role of infrastructures…) o Where does the library fit in sort of with your work or again within like the narrative of {X}. Note: Not all questions were relevant to ask each participant, some had more specific questions that came up. Each interview was very conversation driven and tailored to the experiences and insights of the participant. 121 Appendix B: List of Participants and Corresponding Information Participant A: Nelson Public Library Staff Member Participant B: Housing Innovation Enthusiast (Kootenay-based) Participant C: Technology Stakeholder (Nelson-based) Participant D: SMRT1 Technology Representative (Nelson-based) Participant E: City of Nelson Planner Participant F: City of Nelson Worker Participant G: Vernon City Council Member Participant H: Vernon Social Planning Council Member Participant J: Vernon Public Library Staff Member Participant K: Vernon Community Safety Coordinator 122 Appendix C: List of Emerging Themes from Coding 1. Context about the participant, details about their position 2. Nelson 3. The digital 4. Rurality 5. Urbanization trends (housing and the community) 6. Housing stock and its implications 7. The public library (and public spaces generally) 8. Public library operations 9. State of houselessness: perspectives, insights, bringing in the context 10. Climate, emergency management 11. Harm reduction/ toxic drug crisis 12. Resources and services 13. Vernon 14. RCMP, Police, other authority dynamics 15. Efforts to de-colonize 16. Stigma/ biases 123 Appendix D: List of Documentation used in Content Analysis 1. 2020 Community Profile Report, City of Nelson 2. 2020 Community Profile Report, City of Vernon 3. 2021 Annual Report, City of Nelson 4. 2021 Annual Report, City of Nelson 5. 2022 Annual Report, Okanagan Regional Library 6. 2023 – 2026 Council Strategic Plan, City of Vernon 7. 2023 Annual Report, City of Nelson 8. B.C.’S STRATEGIC PLAN FOR PUBLIC LIBRARY SERVICE 2020, BC Ministry of Education 9. Climate Action Plan 2021, City of Vernon 10. Climate Action Plan 2023, City of Vernon 11. Greater Nelson and West Arm Kootenay Lake Sub Regional Report 2020, Regional District of the Central Kootenay Housing Needs Report 12. Housing Action Plan 2023, City of Vernon 13. Nelson Library Board Application Package 2023 14. North Okanagan Regional Housing Strategy 2021, Regional District North Okanagan 15. Strategic Plan 2019-2022, City of Nelson 16. Canadian Urban Institute, The Case for Canada’s Public Libraries 17. Together Nelson: A Community Action Strategy Toto Reduce Poverty in Nelson & Area, Nelson at its best
Thesis/Dissertation
eng
Interdisciplinary Studies
Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library
Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International
Graduate
Corbett, Jon
Graham, John R. (John Russell), 1964-
The public library and intersections of houselessness in two small cities of interior British Columbia
Text