Arts and Social Sciences, Irving K. Barber Faculty of (Okanagan)
DSpace
UBCO
Kumar, Manish
Master of Arts - MA
University of British Columbia
The Youth Buddhist Society of India (YBS) is an organization that was first started in 1986 in the Buddhist sacred site of Sankisa in Uttar Pradesh, India. Members of the group, which now reaches upwards of 25,000 people throughout India, are primarily from low-caste farming groups and are involved in various outreach activities from meditation retreats and regular courses in Buddhist philosophy and practice. Although the YBS are non-sectarian and draw Buddhist connections and inspiration from Theravada, Mahayana and Vajrayana traditions, they are also actively involved in reclaiming the Shakya identity and ancestry associated with the historical Buddha for their low caste-community. This research examines the creative ways in which Indian youth reclaim their “ancestral roots” and “heritage” that speak to emergent social, political and ethical self-engagement and how these differ from Dalit Buddhist conversion movements following the example of B.R. Ambedkar. By deploying a community-based research methodological approach, this study also speaks to the powerful use of religious memory and place in reconfiguring identity for Indian youth and the importance of reviving a Buddhist homeland in Sankisa.
Reclaiming the Shakya Lineage: Buddhist Youth and Memory at Sankisa in Uttar Pradesh by Manish Kumar B.A., P.W.S College, Nagpur University, 2012 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE COLLEGE OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Interdisciplinary Studies) (Community Engagement, Social Change and Equity) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Okanagan) January 2025 © Manish Kumar, 2025 ii The following individuals certify that they have read, and recommend to the College of Graduate Studies for acceptance, a thesis entitled: Reclaiming the Shakya Lineage: Buddhist Youth and Memory at Sankisa in Uttar Pradesh submitted by Manish Kumar in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Arts. Dr. David Geary, Irving K. Barber Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences ______________________________________________________________ Supervisor Dr. Neha Gupta, Irving K. Barber Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences __________________________________________________________________ Supervisory Committee Member Dr. Douglas Ober, Fort Lewis College ___________________________________________________________ Supervisory Committee Member Dr. Bonar Buffam, Irving K. Barber Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences __________________________________________________________________ University Examiner iii Abstract The Youth Buddhist Society of India (YBS) is an organization that was first started in 1986 in the Buddhist sacred site of Sankisa in Uttar Pradesh, India. Members of the group, which now reaches upwards of 25,000 people throughout India, are primarily from low-caste farming groups and are involved in various outreach activities from meditation retreats and regular courses in Buddhist philosophy and practice. Although the YBS are non-sectarian and draw Buddhist connections and inspiration from Theravada, Mahayana and Vajrayana traditions, they are also actively involved in reclaiming the Shakya identity and ancestry associated with the historical Buddha for their low caste-community. This research examines the creative ways in which Indian youth reclaim their “ancestral roots” and “heritage” that speak to emergent social, political and ethical self-engagement and how these differ from Dalit Buddhist conversion movements following the example of B.R. Ambedkar. By deploying a community-based research methodological approach, this study also speaks to the powerful use of religious memory and place in reconfiguring identity for Indian youth and the importance of reviving a Buddhist homeland in Sankisa. iv Lay summary This research focuses on the Youth Buddhist Society of India (YBS) founded near the Buddhist sacred site of Sankisa in the Northern Indian state of Uttar Pradesh (UP). It examines the creative and pragmatic ways in which Indian youth seek to reclaim the Shakya identity and ancestry associated with the historical Buddha for their low caste community. Central to these emergent forms of social and ethical self-engagement is the importance of Buddhist education and access to global and transnational religious networks as a source of cultural empowerment. By deploying a community-based research methodological approach, this study also speaks to the powerful use of religious memory and place in reconfiguring identity for Indian youth coming from lower castes. v Preface This thesis is the original intellectual product of the author, Manish Kumar. The research, which involved human participants, was conducted with the utmost respect for ethical considerations and was approved by the Behavioral Research Ethics Board of UBC Okanagan under certificate number H21-01119. The qualitative research was conducted as part of a Master’s thesis in the Interdisciplinary Graduate Studies (IGS) program under the theme of “Community Engagement, Social Change, and Equity” at the University of British Columbia, Okanagan campus. This research aims to contribute to the program by addressing a gap in the field of the modern Buddhist revival movement in India by examining the relationship between history, memory, and caste in shaping the aspirations of Buddhist youth in North India. Specifically, it investigates how memory and cultural heritage inform the identity of these Buddhist youth and how this provides an alternative reading of the modern Buddhist revival movement in India. In particular, it focuses on the Youth Buddhist Society of India (YBS) – an organization founded in 1986 in the district of Mainpuri, Uttar Pradesh (UP), approximately 30 kilometres away from the Buddhist sacred site of Sankisa. Youth members and the surrounding community claim to be descendants of the Shakyan clan, associated with the Buddha’s historical life some 2,500 years ago. This research aims to examine the history and motivations behind the establishment of the Youth Buddhist Society of India (YBS), the central role of youth in its organization, and how it intersects with both local and trans-local Buddhist movements in India. In terms of methodology, this research initially sought to combine ethnography and community-based research (CBR), but due to COVID-19 pandemic restrictions, it was limited to online interviews. CBR is described as a “post-positivism” research approach that “explicitly critiques the ontological and epistemological rigidity attributed to positivism while drawing on critical theory, feminism, anti-colonialism, and constructivism paradigms.” All interviews were semi-structured and open-ended, allowing Shakya community members the freedom to share their views and lived experiences, thereby building their own narratives. Although I am closely connected with several key members of the organization, I deployed a vi snowball technique to select additional respondents associated with YBS and the Shakya community for this project. This research uses the constant comparative method derived from Grounded Theory to refine the themes identified through thematic analysis. The constant comparative method allowed me to explore the interconnectedness of themes emerging from data analysis and the literature review, which informed the research conclusions and findings of this thesis. I would like to acknowledge that no generative artificial intelligence (AI) was used at any stage of this thesis. AI tools were not employed in conducting the research, analysing the data, drafting, or preparing the final document. The entirety of the work presented here is the result of traditional research methodologies and individual effort. I also would like to acknowledge that parts of this thesis have previously been published along with my supervisor Dr. David Geary: Geary, D., & Kumar, M. (2023). “We Are Descendants of the Buddha.” Social Sciences and Missions, 36(1-2), 17–42. vii Table of Contents Abstract ................................................................................................................................... iii Lay summary .......................................................................................................................... iv Preface ...................................................................................................................................... v Table of Contents……..……………………………………….……………………………vii List of Figures ......................................................................................................................... ix Acknowledgements ................................................................................................................. x 1. Chapter One: Locations and Departures ......................................................................... 1 1.1 Introduction ................................................................................................................... 1 1.2 Research Statement and Questions ........................................................................... 13 1.3 Background Literature, Key Concepts and Theoretical Approach ....................... 14 1.3.1 Memory and the Politics of Heritage: ................................................................ 16 1.3.2 Caste and Identity: ............................................................................................... 16 1.3.3 Youth and Young Buddhism: ............................................................................. 17 1.4 Research Design and Methodology ........................................................................... 18 1.5 Ethics and Limitations to Research .......................................................................... 22 1.6 Conclusion ................................................................................................................... 24 2. Chapter Two: Revival of Modern Buddhism in India .................................................. 25 2.1 Introduction ................................................................................................................. 25 2.2 The “Discovery” of Buddhism in Uttar Pradesh: Historical and Colonial Antecedents ........................................................................................................................ 26 2.3 Reviving Sankisa in the Colonial and Buddhist Imagination ................................. 34 2.3.1 Historical Significance ......................................................................................... 35 2.3.2 Religious Significance .......................................................................................... 35 2.3.3 Archaeological and Cultural Significance ......................................................... 37 2.4 Sankisa and the Confluence of Anti-Caste Movements and Modern Buddhist Revival ................................................................................................................................ 39 2.4.1 Ambedkar and the Dalit Buddhist Movement .................................................. 40 2.4.2 Venerable Pragyanand Mahathero (1927-2017) ............................................... 41 2.4.3 Venerable Vijayasoma Mahathero ( ? - 1978) ................................................. 45 2.4.4 Venerable Dhammaloko Mahathero ( ? – 2000) ............................................... 48 2.4.5 Dr. Bhikkhu Dhammapal Mahathero (Born 1972 - ) ....................................... 49 2.4.6 Dr. Bhikkhu Nandratna Mahathero (Born 1982 - ) ......................................... 51 2.4.7 Dr. Bhikkhu Upanand Mahathero (Born 1982 - ) ............................................ 53 2.4.8 Comrade Karamveer Shakya (Born 1944 - ) ..................................................... 54 2.5 Sankisa and the Role of Tibetan Buddhism ............................................................. 55 viii 2.6 Conclusion ................................................................................................................... 59 3. Chapter Three: “We are descendants of the Buddha”: the Youth Buddhist Society and Return Globalization in Sankisa .................................................................................. 60 3.1 Introduction ................................................................................................................. 60 3.2 The Genesis and Development of the Youth Buddhist Society ............................... 63 3.2.1 Demographic and Religious Background .......................................................... 63 3.3 The Origins of the Youth Buddhist Society of India ............................................... 65 3.4 Rebuilding Sankisa: The First Actions ..................................................................... 69 3.5 Educational Migration and Religious Returns ........................................................ 72 3.5.1 From Timepass to Timepast ............................................................................ 72 3.6 Return Globalization and Transposable Messages .................................................. 75 3.7 Conclusion ................................................................................................................... 80 4. Chapter 4: Conclusion ...................................................................................................... 83 Bibliography .......................................................................................................................... 91 Appendices ........................................................................................................................... 102 Appendix A. Map of Sankisa ......................................................................................... 102 Appendix B. Interview Guide for the Research ........................................................... 103 Appendix C. Letter of Introduction .............................................................................. 105 Appendix D. Letter of Informed Consent ..................................................................... 106 ix List of Figures Figure 1: The Ashokan Lion capital found near the site of Sankisa stupa (Source: UP Tourism website) .................................................................................................................... 38 Figure 2: Special memorial edition on Venerable Pragyanand (1927-2017) .......................... 45 Figure 3: The Buddhist shrine built by Venerable Vijaysom Mahathero near the historic site of Sankisa stupa (Source: UP Tourism website) .................................................................... 46 Figure 4: The cover page of the book “Kapilvasthu ke Shakya” by Dr. Netrapal Singh Bauddh who is also known as Dr. Ven. Dhammapal Mahathero ........................................... 50 Figure 5: A replica of Ashoka pillar built by Ven. Nanadaratna at the Sri Lankan monastery in Kushinagar (Photo shared by Ven. Nandaratna) ................................................................ 52 Figure 6: Venerable Upanand guiding the newly ordained Shakya youth at the YBS centre in Sankisa (Photo shared by YBS) ............................................................................................. 53 Figure 7: His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama addressing the YBS volunteers at Sankisa in 2018 (Photo shared by YBS) .................................................................................................. 56 Figure 8: YBS formal announcement of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama teaching at Sankisa from December 3rd to 6th, 2018 .............................................................................. 58 Figure 9: HHDL at Sankisa addressing YBS volunteers (Photo shared by YBS) .................. 60 Figure 10: The 80 ft. tall replica of Ashoka pillar built at YBS centre in Sankisa (Photo shared by YBS) ...................................................................................................................... 61 x Acknowledgements First and foremost, I would like to express my deepest gratitude and rejoice to my supervisor, Dr. David Geary, who provided unconditional support and kindness throughout my graduate studies and guided me to complete my thesis here at the UBC Okanagan. Without his kindness and unwavering support, I would not have made this far. Thank you so much Gurujee for believing in me with all your heart filled with boundless patience and compassion throughout the ups and downs of this project. You have taught some very important lessons to me which I am going to embrace and cherish throughout my personal, professional and spiritual life. I am equally grateful to my thesis committee members, Dr. Neha Gupta and Dr. Douglas Ober for their thoughtful suggestions and feedback throughout this research process. I truly value their gentle and kind support on this academic path. I also would like to acknowledge the support which I have received from Dr. John Wagner, Dr. Jon Corbett and Dr. Paul Shipley during my grad school journey including the Institute of Community Engaged Research (ICER) and CESCE theme community members and friends. I also would like to cherish the wonderful friendship which I received while studying and working at the UBC campus from Jenica Frisque, Kyle, Mike, Jessica, Spinoza, Mh Mahmud, Hammad and Michelle Tinling at the UBCO library. I would also like to extend my profound gratitude to Bob (Gurujee), Nima Janet Taylor, and the Inner Peace Society for their unwavering financial and moral support throughout these past years for my higher education in India, Thailand and Canada. Without their generosity, compassion, and friendship I would not have reached this milestone. I would also like to express my heartfelt gratitude to the Youth Buddhist Society of India (YBS) and the Shakya community members for their active participation in this research and therefore I acknowledge them as a co-producer of this research work. At this point, I also would like to acknowledge the profound inspiration which I have received from Dhammachari Lokamitra and Nagaloka Buddhist centre to work for the development of Buddhism in the “homeland”. In the last but not least, I am truly grateful to my parents and family members especially my elder brothers for all their unconditional love, support and encourgamnet throughout this journey in life. Thank you! 1 1. Chapter One: Locations and Departures 1.1 Introduction As an international graduate student from India, I arrived at University of British Columbia Okanagan (UBCO) in the Fall of 2019. In many ways this opportunity to join UBCO was a dream come true. I had never been to a North American or a European country and I was excited to join an internationally recognized university, make new friends, and meet other graduate students from India and across the world. Shortly after I arrived, I noticed a group of Indian students promoting a Diwali night cultural event and so I chose to inquire about the details of attending. One of the students provided some details about the event followed by a short introduction about other programs involving South Asian students at UBCO. To my surprise, this was followed by a question from one of the students who asked, “I am originally a thakur from North India, which caste are you from”? Although the student had (perhaps) not intended to discriminate against me, I was shocked to learn that casteism had followed me to UBCO. Having been born into a lower, agricultural caste in North-East India I have experienced various social barriers and stigmatization as a result of my caste throughout my life. This was particularly the case during my early educational life and later while working in the Indian Tourism industry at Bodh Gaya and Varanasi. To give one example, during my early career as a tour guide, I went to one of the local tour company offices at Bodh Gaya for an interview knowing that they were hiring for their local office jobs. To my surprise, the first question which the tour company office manager asked me was about my caste background while indicating that he was specifically looking for someone who belongs to his own caste revealing his own caste identity and background. Later, throughout my career while working as a tour guide for Buddhist pilgrimage sites in North India, I was often asked about my caste background by other fellow tour guides and tour escorts, including the tourist car and bus drivers. Although I could provide more examples, these encounters with everyday casteism illustrate how the Indian caste system is deeply ingrained in many parts of India and is also embedded in important government 2 institutions like the Indian Tourism industry. Studying the pervasive spread of caste in the Indian tourism industry could be a whole other research project on its own. Coming to Canada, I had hoped, perhaps naively, that I could leave this form of prejudice behind. I was disappointed and emotionally shaken by the event and chose not to join the South Asian student club and Diwali event. What surprised me the most from the instance, are the ways caste and identity travel with us whether as a student, employee or an immigrant in this globalized world. For me, the question of casteism brings to the foreground the varying ways Indian youth perceive, practice and negotiate identity and difference while challenging the “upper-lower signifiers” that continue to haunt us even as we physically travel outside the Indian subcontinent (Yengde 2019, pp.42-45). In recent decades, there have been growing movements to acknowledge the Indian caste system as a form of discrimination alongside other more prevalent forms of difference such as race, gender, colour, ethnicity and religion. At prominent universities like Harvard and the University of California, Davis in the United States, casteism is now firmly included in their anti-discrimination polices since 2022.1 As Harmeet Kaur noted in a recent CNN article published in 2022, “California State University added the word ‘caste’ along with ‘race and ethnicity’ in their anti-discrimination policy on January 1st, 2022 and thereby prohibiting caste-based discrimination, harassment or retaliation across CSU’s campuses in the US” (Kaur 2022). Therefore, it is important to discuss what is “caste” or “casteism” and why it matters? An important source for looking at these questions is the influential Dalit activist and public intellectual Suraj Yengde. In his landmark book, Caste Matters, Yengde (2019, p.7) writes: “Caste as a social construct is a deceptive substance, known for its elemental capacity to digress from its primary motive of existence that governs this oldest system of human oppression, subjugation and degradation. Originated in the Hindu social order, it has infiltrated all faiths on the Indian subcontinent”. In short, the term “Dalit” is a Marathi word which translates as broken, divided, or scattered. During the late 19th and early 20th century, this word gained significant socio-political currency as a key term used by many anti-caste leaders to 1 Kaur, Harmeet. “Colleges and universities across the US are moving to ban caste discrimination” CNN, January 30, 2022. Retrieved March, 2022, from https://www.cnn.com/2022/01/30/us/csu-caste-protections-universities-cec/index.html 3 represent the untouchables and the lower caste communities in India. Following Ambedkar’s mass conversion to Buddhism in 1956, the term “Dalit” has become an important social, political and cultural register for lower caste communities and former untouchables across India and globally (Omvedt 1994, 2006; Teltumbde 2016; Jangam 2017; Yengde 2019). The study of caste and how that has shaped Indian society and “permeates the whole of social relations” (Deliege 2011, p.45) has been one of the most debated and discussed phenomena in colonial and post-colonial India (Deliege 2011; Dirks 2001; Dumont 1966; Lynch 1969; Omvedt 2006; Srinivas 1962; Zelliot 1992; Jangam 2017; Yengde 2019). The notable Indian sociologist M.N. Srinivas (1962), for example, defined the Indian caste system as endogamous and hereditary infused with hierarchical notions of “purity and pollution.” As you will see in this thesis, the Indian lawyer and anti-caste activist Dr. Bhim Rao Ambedkar (1891-1956) has been a central figure in terms of Dalit activism and the modern critique of caste in the Indian subcontinent (and beyond). Throughout his life he published dozens of essays and books investigating the ancient history of caste and its sociological and religious dimensions. While it is important to acknowledge the significant contributions of Ambedkar towards dismantling caste hegemony in modern India he was certainly not alone. There have been several other anti-caste movements in different parts of India that certainly inspired Ambedkar’s social and moral orientation. These include Jyotirao Phule (1827-1890), Iyothee Thass (1845-1914), Periyar (1879-1973), and especially P. Laxmi Narasu (1861-1934) who profoundly inspired Ambedkar’s approach to social justice, equality and the importance of Buddhism (Ober 2023). However, with Ambedkar’s proclamation that “he was born as a Hindu but will not die as a Hindu” in 1935, this powerful statement indicated his vision and quest to counter casteism through religious conversion. Staying true to his word, on October 14th, 1956, Ambedkar embraced Buddhism along with half a million followers at Nagpur in central India. This event, which some have suggested is the largest mass conversion in the twentieth century was intended to break the shackles of caste and help initiate a new socio-religious movement for the Dalits in the Indian subcontinent. This historic conversion by Ambedkar has played a pivotal role in shaping a grassroots Buddhist revival movement in India with Buddhism as a framework to counter caste oppression. Moreover, through his anti-caste teachings and popular motto “Educate, Agitate 4 and Organise,” Ambedkar brought religion and social justice together in ways that have become an inspiration for millions of former “Untouchables”, Dalit and low/ backward castes2 in recent Indian history. To provide some further clarification around this terminology, both terms are used by the Government of India to label caste-groups (or jatis) from socially and economically deprived backgrounds. As a result, the literacy ratio among the neo-Buddhist communities has significantly improved in recent decades.3 Through new educational opportunities and social development this has opened up various avenues of cultural expression and activism involving art, music, films, academia and entrepreneurship where Dalit youths are striving to assert their distinct identity and creativity to tell their stories of caste-based exclusion and discrimination. Scholars such as Gail Omvedt argue that one of the central attributes of Dalit identity politics and anti-caste movements in India is to challenge the “hegemony and validity of Hinduism” in order to build a distinct Dalit identity (Omvedt, 2006, p.5). This identity is filled with aspirations and confidence to rebuild and reconstruct a more “just” society; a society beyond the notion of “othering”. In the next chapter I will discuss more closely how the politics of identity formation among the Dalits have given rise to a form of “dalitocentrism” or “dalit theology.” Furthermore, unpacking the centrality of these terms will help me address one of the central questions of this thesis which is to understand how the entwined notions of “identity” and “memory” play a vital role in reclaiming the past associated with the Shakya youth in Sankisa.4 Having experienced prejudice towards caste as a South Asian youth here at UBCO, I have been inspired to explore and examine the varied ways in which Indian youth are engaged with the politics of identity and how that is influenced by various socio-cultural, national and religious formations as well as the experience of globalization, where our everyday lives are 2 Backward Castes or Schedule Caste is a term used by the Government of India to represent communities which is socially and educationally backward and marginalised. See “Census of India 2011, Data highlights: Schedule Caste” December 12, 2019, http://censusindia.gov.in/Tables_Published/SCST/dh_sc_up.pdf. 3 See https://countercurrents.org/2023/04/neo-buddhists-have-progressed-more-than-hindu-dalits/ 4 There are a number of different spellings for Sankisa, including Sankisa, Sankasia, Sankassa, and Sankasya. As an ancient city in India it gained prominence during the time of the Buddha and is frequently cited in Buddhist sources, such as the Tipitaka. For the purpose of standardization I refer to Sankisa throughout the thesis unless otherwise specified by textual sources. 5 shaped by growing global interconnections. It is for these reasons I decided to dive deeper into these underlying themes to use my higher education as an opportunity to reflect on my own life experience and journey, especially the role of Buddhism and identity in contemporary India. I was born and raised in a small village nearby Gaya and the satellite town of Bodh Gaya, which is one of the most important Buddhist pilgrimage places in the North Indian state of Bihar. The Mahabodhi Temple Complex in Bodh Gaya commemorates the Buddha’s enlightenment and is also a UNESCO World Heritage Site. In fact, both towns/cities are widely recognized as important pilgrimage centers for Hindus and Buddhists. In particular, it was my time living in Bodh Gaya, that had a significant impact in shaping my life course. While growing up at Bodh Gaya, I was always inspired by the Buddhist monks, pilgrims, and tourists who would gather around the Bodhi tree and Mahabodhi temple with such devotion to the teachings. I consider myself very fortunate to have grown up in a holy place that attracts people from all over the world and holds such an important place in Buddhist history and memory. I had never thought that the history, memory and culture of a place could shape and influence someone’s identity so profoundly. For me, the place played a critical role in shaping my own identity as a young Buddhist, as well as fostering certain social and economic opportunities that may not have been readily available to other youth. My close affinity with the teachings of the Buddha grew early in my life due to my elder brother’s close collaboration with members of the Youth Buddhist Society of India5 (YBS) and a South Korean Buddhist organization named Join Together Society (JTS).6 In 2001 I also volunteered with the YBS and JTS and went to teach English and Math at one of their schools where my elder brother was volunteering. This school was called the Sujata Academy and is located on the outskirts of Bodh Gaya near Prak-Bodhi hill locally known as Dhungeshwari mountain (Join Together Society America, 2020). This was my first time working with South Korean Buddhist monks and I was impressed by their level of social engagement with the surrounding community members, especially the Dalits. That early experience encountering Buddhism and its tenants through JTS left a profound impression on 5 See https://ybsindia.org 6 See https://www.jtsamerica.org/sujata-academy/ 6 me and that is how and when my journey with Buddhism started. Little did I know, that these early encounters with forms of engaged Buddhism would transform my life, aspirations and identity forever. Despite these unique opportunities, including my efforts to leave behind the (Hindu) caste system as a young Indian Buddhist, the question of caste remained central and prevalent within my own community and education. These formative experiences led me to pursue a yearlong residential Buddhist training program entitled “Buddhism and Social work” at the Nagaloka or the Nagarjuna Training Institute (NTI) in Nagpur, Maharashtra in 2004. Nagaloka is a Buddhist training centre located at Nagpur in Maharashtra and run by the members of the Triratna Buddhist community.7 The centre offers a residential program where youth from all over India come to study and practice Dr. Bhim Rao Ambedkar’s (1891-1956) teachings in relation to Buddhism and Social work. The centre is now also affiliated with Nagpur University in Maharashtra. As part of my training at Nagaloka, I learned more about Ambedkar’s critical work on anti-caste movements in India and his approach to Buddhism. Prior to going to Nagaloka, I must confess, I had very little knowledge of Ambedkar and his anti-caste teachings. The only thing I was aware of was his role as the chief architect of the Indian Constitution which was implemented on January 26th, 1950. Thereafter, India became a republic. This yearlong training course helped me understand some of the core teachings of the Buddha, the place of Ambedkar in translating the Buddha dharma to Indian youth, and the wider connections to Buddhist movements happening in India and abroad. Personally, I consider my education at Nagaloka as a life changing moment given the fact that it challenged my whole perception of caste, identity and belonging. While at Nagaloka I also had the opportunity to meet youths from all over India and learn about their life, aspirations and thoughts on related issues of caste and identity. Many of these students were coming from Dalit and lower caste backgrounds. During this time, for 7 Triratna Buddhist community, formerly known as the Friends of Western Buddhist Order (FWBO) was founded by Sangharakshita in England in 1967. Later, in 1978, one of his disciples Lokamitra came to India and laid the foundation of Triratna Buddhist movement in India. Nagaloka is one of their main centres located at Nagpur which offers courses on Buddhism, meditation, Ambedkar thought, Pali language and literature, and Social work. To learn more about Lokamitra, Triratna movement in India and Nagaloka see; http://www.fwbo-news.org/features/Lokamitra%20-%2030%20Years%20in%20India.pdf ; https://www.nagaloka.org and (Vishwapani 2001; King 2009; Gleig 2021; Hennigar 2023). 7 example, I came in contact with some youth from Uttar Pradesh (UP) who used to greet everyone by “Namo Buddhaya” (Hail to the Buddha) along with “Jai Bhim” (Hail to Ambedkar) which was quite interesting to me as I was new to both of these greetings. Moreover, I came to know that some of these youths from UP also use the term Shakya to identify their cultural and ancestral links with the historical Shakyamuni Buddha,8 the founder of Buddhism, as well as prominent Buddhist leaders such as Emperor Ashoka9 (304 – 232 BCE) of the Mauryan dynasty. Most of them had surnames such as Shakya, Bauddha, Gautam and Maurya which were also quite different than the common surnames in Maharashtra or in other parts of India that signify aspects of the Indian caste system and hierarchy. Most of the members of the Youth Buddhist Society of India (YBS) that I describe here derive from Other Backward Castes (OBCs) and Scheduled Castes (SCs) backgrounds, with some referring to themselves as Dalits—a Marathi term that connotes being broken and/or scattered which widely came in use during the late 19th and early 20th century with the growth of anti-caste movement in India. For centuries, these former “untouchable” communities in Indian society have been recognized as some of the poorest and most “backward” in terms of socio-economic development. As I explain in more detail in chapter three, many of these youth were connected to an organization called the Youth Buddhist Society of India (YBS) founded in 1986 at Mainpuri, Uttar Pradesh. This organization works among the Other Backward Castes (OBCs) community especially at the sacred site of Sankisa which is regarded as the place where the Buddha preached Abhidhamma.10 According to Buddhist legends and textual sources recorded in the 8 The term Buddha, Gautama Buddha, Siddhartha Gautama, and Shakyamuni Buddha are often used interchangeably within the Buddhist tradition. Given the importance of the Buddha’s association with the Shakya clan of present-day India and Nepal, I refer to the standardized terms Shakyamuni Buddha or the Buddha. 9 Ashoka is the grandson of the founder of the Mauryan dynasty Chandragupta Maurya and ruled much of the Indian subcontinent from c. 268 to c. 232. BCE. He is widely known in the Buddhist world for his extensive contributions to the propagation of Buddhism in South Asia and across much of Asia. He is also referred to as the great Chakravartin or idealized universal monarch (Tambiah 1976). 10 Abhidhamma or Abhidharma (Sanskrit)) is made of two Pali words (Abhi + Dhamma) which translates as the higher + Buddha’s teaching. The Buddha’s teachings are compiled into three different categories (pitaka) namely Vinaya Pitaka which is a collection of Buddhist monastic code of conduct, Sutta Pitaka which is a collection of all his minor and major discourses and Abhidhamma Pitaka which is the collection of his “higher teachings” that mostly deal with human mind and psychology which is also the genesis of what the modern Buddhist scholars refer as – Buddhist Psychology. The Abhidhamma pitaka is divided into seven subsections namely Dhammasangani, Vibhanga, Dhatukatha, Puggalapannatti, Kathavatthu, Yamaka and Patthana. According to one of the most notable Sri Lankan Buddhist scholars Venerable Narada Maha Thera, who wrote 8 Tipitaka, it was at this location the Buddha descended from Trayastrimsa (“the heaven of the thirty-three gods” in Buddhist cosmology) and preached the Abhidhamma Pitaka following the performance of the Twin Miracle under the Gandamba tree. Although frequently cited as one of the eight major Buddhist sacred sites in the Indian subcontinent, due to its miraculous associations and limited tourism-based infrastructure, it has remained on the periphery of the wider Buddhist pilgrimage circuit in North India and Nepal. What makes YBS unique is its association with youth and the importance of education and training with the goal of creating a network of Buddhist teachers, educators and leaders for the growth and development of Buddhism in India. YBS members are also closely tied with the practice and philosophy of Engaged Buddhism and therefore share a common ground with Nagaloka, Join Together Society (JTS), Deer Park Institute and various other local and global Buddhist organization s affiliated with the International Network of Engaged Buddhism (INEB).11 All these networks and connections have helped YBS to come in contact with many leading Buddhist teachers, scholars and monastics across various Buddhist traditions and organizations. Many of these eminent Buddhist teachers have also been invited to give teachings to the local Shakya community in Sankisa, such as the Late Vietnamese Zen Master Thich Naht Hanh in 2008 and the 14th Dalai Lama in 2015 and 2018.12 To provide a bit more context, in recent years, YBS founders along with several of their members and volunteers have participated in Buddhist leadership training and workshops organized by INEB in South and South East Asia, especially working as interns at their main office located in Bangkok, Thailand. As I discuss further in this thesis, such networking and connections have immensely helped YBS to expand their outreach with both local and international Buddhist organization s bringing varied opportunities in the field of Buddhist education and employment training. “A manual of Abhidhamma ” published in 1956, he states Abhidhamma is the “higher teachings” of the Buddha which is also known as “the ultimate teaching (paramattha desana)”. For more information see (Narada 1956; Swearer 1992; Hazra 1994; Bodhi 2012) 11 International Network of Engaged Buddhist (INEB) is a non-profit based in Bangkok, Thailand and was co-founded in 1968 by Ajahn Sulak Sivaraksa. INEB promotes socially engaged Buddhism and provides Buddhist leadership programs and training for youth from all over world and now have spread in more than 25 countries across Asia, Australia, Europe and North America. YBS is also one of its partners in India along with Nagaloka and others. To learn more about Socially Engaged Buddhism and INEB, see https://inebnetwork.org 12 As requested by the YBS interlocutors, I have included the honorific His Holiness when referring to the Dalai Lama or have used the abbreviation HHDL. For more on the visit by Dalai Lama, see: “Dalai Lama Visits Sankisa, Uttar Pradesh” May 12, 2020, https://www.buddhistdoor.net/news/dalai-lama-visits-sankisa-uttar-pradesh 9 One such important connection was with the senior Thai Bhikkhuni Venerable Dhammananda who plays an active role in the accreditation of Bhikkhuni ordination and Sangha in Thailand and has been quite instrumental in the formation of Sakyadhita International Association of Buddhist Women.13 Thus, in the modern history of Sankisa, it was the very first time that such prominent Buddhist figures visited the Buddhist heritage site of Sankisa and have helped to garner local and international attention to this Buddhist pilgrimage site on the periphery of the Buddhist Circuit in North India and Nepal. These connections, in turn, are also drawing attention from the Uttar Pradesh State Tourism Department which has decided to invest rupees 30 crores ($300 Million US) in various projects to develop the site of Sankisa and promote tourism infrastructure.14 During this time at Nagaloka in Nagpur it was also fascinating for me to learn how these youth groups approached Buddhism differently when it came to the question of caste and identity. For instance, youth coming from Maharashtra and other southern Indian states were more inclined towards Ambedkar’s approach to Buddhism and the importance of religious conversion for the re-construction of identity whereas the Shakya youth from UP aspired to re-claim their identity by reinforcing their cultural and ancestral ties to the Shakya lineage and Buddha himself. During my time at Nagaloka, I made some wonderful friends or better known as kalyan mitra15 (spiritual friends) which is a widely recognized practice within the Triratna Buddhist community and Nagaloka itself. The nurturing and cultivation of spiritual kinship helps students from different parts of India build a sense of belonging, safety and most importantly community, in ways that transcend the prevalence of caste. 13 The term Sakyadhita translates as “the daughters of the Buddha” and it was founded in 1987 by a group of Buddhist female monastics and lay women at Bodh Gaya with a vision to empower Buddhist women as well as to revive Bhikkhuni ordination and Sangha. For more details, see https://sakyadhita.org 14 See http://www.traveltrendstoday.in/up-tourism-to-develop-sankisa-into-world-class-buddhist-tourist-destination-jaiveer-singh/ 15 Spiritual friendship or Kalyan Mitta (pali) is a common practice within the larger Buddhist community as it is directly derived from one of the Buddha’s discourse entitled “Upaddha sutta”. It is also one of the highly valued practice within the Triratna Buddhist community. For more details see: https://thebuddhistcentre.com/text/spiritual-friendship 10 Moving forward, I chose to study Buddhism in more depth. I did my undergraduate degree in Buddhist studies at a local community college named P.W.S Arts and Commerce college in Nagpur, which helped me to deepen my research and understanding of Buddhist language and literature. Throughout this study period, I was staying at Nagpur while closely associated with Nagaloka, the National Network of Buddhist Youth16 (NNBY) based in Nagpur, and the Youth Buddhist Society (YBS) in Uttar Pradesh. Building on this experience, in 2012, I had an opportunity to go to Thailand to continue my graduate studies of Buddhism at Mahachulalongkornrajavidyalaya University (MCU), a monastic university located on the outskirts of Bangkok nearby Ayutthaya, the ancient capital city of Siam (Thailand). MCU is one of two public Buddhist universities in Thailand which was founded in 1887 by King Chulalongkorn, also known as King Rama V. MCU aims to promote Buddhist studies and education among monestics and lay communities. It was quite an amazing experience for me to study Buddhism in a cultural setting that involved everyday discussions around the Buddha’s teachings with traditional monks from Mahayana and especially Theravada backgrounds. I even decided to become a Buddhist monk myself through temporary ordination (which is not uncommon in the Theravada tradition, especially in Thailand) for a few months to deepen my understanding of the dhamma and its socio-cultural and spiritual dimensions. One of my monk teachers at the university helped me to understand the significance of ordination and helped me to find a Thai Buddhist temple (Wat) and a monk teacher (Phra Ajahn) in Bangkok where I was ordained and versed in Buddhist rituals and monastic code. During this time I was supported by a local Thai family who sponsored the event and looked after all the basic expenses such as lunch meals to resident monks, providing my robes, and all other necessities to pursue a monk’s life. In Thai culture, supporting a monk’s ordination, even if it is temporary, is considered a very meritorious and noble act, and people generously take the lead in supporting such events. 16 National Network of Buddhist Youth (NNBY) was founded in 2007 at Nagpur by a group of young members of Triratna Buddhist community inspired by Ambedkar’s approach to Buddhism. According to NNBY vision statement, it reads, “We are a network of ‘Buddhist’ youth because we see “Buddhist” as an identity that unites us beyond all caste identities.” NNBY organises leadership training, programs and workshops for Indian youth. For more details and information see: https://www.nnby.org 11 In Thailand, lay Buddhist people and families often provide support to the local temple (Wat) and monks with offerings of food, medicine and basic supplies nearly every day. I learned that Buddhism has a profound impact on the socio-cultural and religious fabric of Thai society and therefore the Buddhist temple (Wat) does not only serve as a religious centre, but also as a cultural and primary educational centre for the local children that is integral to the wider Thai community. I also observed that Buddhist monks are highly respected, are always given priority in public spaces and have a reserved seat in every public transit system. It is important to highlight that these spaces are also highly gendered and the same respect afforded to monks is not always granted to women or mae-chee (female lay renunciates) or the Bhikkhuni (female monastics) in Thailand (Cook 2010; McDaniel 2006; Seeger 2006). However, in recent years, two popular Thai female monastics Mae Chee Sansanee Sthirasuta (1953-2021) and Bhikkhuni Dhammananda (born 1944) have had a significant impact on Thai society that is reconfiguring popular Buddhist culture through their wider community engagement work and support among temples in Bangkok. Moving forward, I will also be discussing and highlighting how Bhikkhuni Dhammananda has played an important role in helping YBS female and male community members for their temporary Buddhist monastic ordination in Thailand as well as her visit to the YBS centre in Sankisa. As mentioned above, temporary Buddhist ordination is a common religious practice in Thailand. It allows Thai and foreign laity to experience monastic training for a designated period of time to accumulate merits (punya) and moral education. Such practices have gained significant momentum in recent years. For example, I have personally witnessed and worked with a group of Thai diplomats during 2017-18 who travelled to Bodh Gaya and resided in the Royal Wat Thai Buddha Gaya temple for several weeks undertaking temporary ordination and then going on a special Buddhist pilgrimage tour in India and Nepal accompanied by a group of senior Thai Missionary monks known as Dhammaduta monks. Having lived in Thailand between 2012-2017, what impressed me during this time -for the first time in my life - was that no one bothered to ask what caste background I derived from. It was quite a liberating experience to not be judged by my caste association except as a foreign Buddhist student and monk from India. My experience with traditional Theravadin monastic culture in Thailand also helped me experience and understand some of the traditional 12 monastic roles of Buddhism and how it gives rise to different ritual expressions in Bodh Gaya and other sacred sites in India that I have visited as a tour guide during my early carrer. During my MA coursework and temporary ordination in Thailand, I also studied various Buddhist meditation practices and was told by my Thai teacher (Luang Phor) that meditation and mind training is the essence of the Buddha’s teaching. Following this advice and guidance, I used to meditate for several hours each day as per the given instructions by my Thai monk teacher and I have personally found these techniques powerful and instructive for deepening my knowledge and practice of Buddha’s teaching (dhamma). Overall, my graduate study and monastic experience in Thailand have helped me immensely to broaden my understanding of Buddhist culture and the importance of moral traditions based on lineage, hierarchy and gendered relations, which was not the same as my experience at Nagaloka. In some ways, I may argue that the training module at Nagaloka is quite radical in comparison because it is grounded in the experience and teachings of anti-caste leaders especially Ambedkar, including his modern reorientation of the Buddha Dhamma. This is why, I suppose, most of the Nagaloka students remain quite indifferent towards other Buddhist traditions and believe in Ambedkar’s approach to Buddhism, which is also referred to as New Buddhism or Navayana in various parts of South Asia. Personally, I am so grateful for the opportunity to be born and raised in the place of Buddha’s enlightenment, and to have had the opportunity to study and practice Buddhism in Bodh Gaya, Nagpur and later in Bangkok (Thailand). This has enabled me to understand and appreciate the great diversity of Buddhist expression across cultural and geographical boundaries and plays an important role in this research project. Furthermore, I must acknowledge that my intrinsic connection with Bodh Gaya as one of the most important places of Buddhist memory has served me in a unique way for shaping my own identity and aspirations over the years in both my personal and professional life, including connections that have helped foster this opportunity to pursue higher education in Canada. Given my background and understanding of Buddhist movements in India and abroad and my past experiences working with these organizations, I believe that I am in a unique 13 position to undertake this community-based research on YBS and the Shakya youth and to learn more about their approach towards Buddhism and social engagement. 1.2 Research Statement and Questions The purpose of this research is to examine the relationship between history, memory and caste in shaping the aspirations of Buddhist youth in North India. In particular, it focuses on the Youth Buddhist Society of India (YBS) – an organization founded in 1986 in the district of Mainpuri, Uttar Pradesh (UP) around 30 kilometres away from the Buddhist sacred site of Sankisa where youth members and the surrounding community claim to be descendants of the Shakyan17 clan that is associated with the Buddha’s historical life some 2,500 years ago (Yo, Upanand, Bauddh 2015). After 2005, YBS established their main office and centre near the site of Sankisa. What makes this research significant and important is that the Shakya community and the YBS organization do not consider themselves Dalit, nor do they identify with the wider neo-Buddhist or Navayana Buddhist movement under the influence of Ambedkar (1891-1956). Rather, they have a strong conviction that their cultural background derives from the ancestral lines of the ancient Shakyan clan. Most of the local community members who consider themselves Shakyan are registered under the Indian government as Other Backward Classes (OBCs)18 such as Kachi, Kushwaha, Koeri, Maurya and others in UP.19 Furthermore, as noted earlier, the majority of community members have also adopted surnames such as Bauddh, Gautam, Shakya and Maurya to re-affirm their ancestral claims to the Buddha and other royal Buddhist patrons such as Emperor Ashoka from the Maurya dynasty (322-185 BCE). This research therefore aims to understand how memory and cultural heritage informs the identity of these Buddhist youth and how this provides an alternative reading of modern 17 See “The Shakya Clan in India: A Rediscovered Heritage” Buddhistdoor global, December 12, 2019, https://www.buddhistdoor.net/features/the-shakya-clan-in-india-a-rediscovered-heritage 18 Other Backward Classes/Castes (OBCs) is a term used by the Government of India to address the caste from socially and economically deprived background along with Schedule Castes (SCs) and Schedule Tribes (STs). 19 “Central list of OBCs for the state of Uttar Pradesh” October 15, 2020, http://www.bcmbcmw.tn.gov.in/obc/faq/uttarpradesh.pdf 14 Buddhist revival in India while also countering dominant Hindu religious representations of the caste system in North India (Jaffrelot 1999; 2010). The questions that are central to this research project are as follows: 1. How are caste and identity reconfigured through claims to India’s Buddhist past and what role do religion and heritage play in shaping new horizons of social and political empowerment for Buddhist youth? 2. How does the YBS organization differ from other new Buddhist movements in India, and how do claims of lineage and caste fracture wider pan-Indo conversion movements among Dalits and OBCs? 3. How do members of the YBS engage with wider Asian Buddhist revival efforts in India and abroad, such as the Tibetan Buddhist refugee community? In summary, this research aims to look at the history and motivations behind the establishment of the Youth Buddhist Society of India (YBS), the central role of youth in its organization, and how they intersect with both local and trans-local Buddhist movements in India. 1.3 Background Literature, Key Concepts and Theoretical Approach There has been very little scholarship on Buddhist youth in India, despite a growing literature on the modern revival of Buddhism in India, especially the influence of Ambedkar following his mass conversion to Buddhism in 1956 at Nagpur (Omvedt 1994; Zelliot 2011; Queen 2018; Queen & King 1996). In terms of the scholarship on the various ways Buddhism is articulating within caste and politics in North India, there are a growing number of South Asian and Western scholars working on the Indian Buddhist revival movement in the modern era, especially following the post-Ambedkar conversion period that contributed significantly to understanding various nuances and intersections between caste, identity politics and religion (Queen & King 1996; Omvedt 1994, 2006; Deliege 2011; Ilaiah 2009; Jaoul 2016; Ober 2023; Geary 2017). These studies have also revealed the importance of earlier social movements and influences, such as the Bhakti and Adi-Hindu movement which provides an important context 15 for understanding my own research project on the Youth Buddhist Society (Jaffrelot 2003; Lorezen 1995; Kshirasagara 1994; Jangam 2017; Ober 2023). Related to these developments is the growing literature on the wider role of caste and Dalit identity politics in Uttar Pradesh (UP), such as the rise of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) under the leadership of Kanshi Ram (1936 – 2006) and Mayawati (born 1956). Through their mobilizing efforts, the Bahujan Samaj Party has been successful in building a common socio-political consciousness among oppressed castes and classes in the state of UP. Throughout the mid-1990s. and early 2000s the Bahujan Samaj Party emerged as the leading political party in one of the most populous states in India (Jaoul 2016; Ciotti 2011; Kumar 2018). Of notable interest is that the BSP has been instrumental in publicly asserting a Dalit Buddhist presence through many of their educational and cultural projects such as erecting statues of Ambedkar, building viharas and parks using popular Dalit and Buddhist iconography, establishing universities and research institutes, libraries and so forth (Narayan 2003; Jaoul 2006; Sinha & Kant 2015). Although there is a growing literature on Indian youth in relation to politics, education, work, mobility, caste, and neoliberalism (Shastri 2009; Jeffrey 2010; Bhatia 2017; Desouza, Ronald, Kumar, Kumar 2019) there has been very little research done on the role of Indian youth, especially Dalit and OBC youth, in the context of Buddhist revival movements in India. One exception is the importance of the Nagarjuna Training Institute or Nagaloka (Zelliot 2011; Blundell & Dahiwale 2015; Rinker 2018; Queen 2018; Hennigar 2020). Nagaloka, as noted above, provides (primarily Dalit) students from all over India with a yearlong residential training with an educational emphasis on Ambedkar’s approaches to Buddhism and social work. For example, Hennigar’s (2020) recent PhD dissertation focuses on the experiences of Ambedkarite Buddhist youth at Nagaloka and the way Nagaloka training shapes their aspirations and attitudes towards Buddhism, Ambedkar, and the Dalit Buddhist movement in India. Another important ethnographic study is the PhD dissertation done by Elizabeth Oerberg (2017) entitled Young Buddhism: Analysing Transnational Currents of Religion Among Ladakhi Buddhist Youth in India which explores how Ladakhi Buddhist youth living in the Indian capital city of New Delhi negotiate their religious identity, aspirations and attitudes in their everyday life. To augment this literature and research gap, this project draws on 16 anthropological, sociological and historiographic approaches to examine the Youth Buddhist Society in Sankisa with an emphasis on three main conceptual categories that inform my theoretical perspective: 1.3.1 Memory and the Politics of Heritage: Drawing on the work of Hervieu-Legér (2000), Dacia Viejo-Rose (2015), Wilson (2009), Apaydin (2020), Macdonald (2013), Harrison (2013) I approach “memory” as a form of social production and a set of social relations that is a critical means by which people and communities understand and embody their past and sense of identity (Crooke 2007). Importantly, I also adopt the concept “chain of memory” to show how the past, present and future are interwoven by the threads of cultural tradition and religion (Hervieu-Legér 2000). The academic discourses on memory and heritage have gained considerable traction in the last few decades, especially in response to wider decolonizing efforts in historiography and critical social theory including debates around “official” and subaltern modes of remembering (and forgetting) the past (Lipsitz 1997). Although the linkages between memory and heritage are still very much debated today, I approach memory and heritage as a cultural resource and a site of critical intervention that foregrounds the social processes that are always embedded in projects of history-making. These claims to the past are also inseparable from claims to the present and future. It is here where the relationship between politics and heritage is deeply interconnected. Heritage—encompassing cultural, historical, and natural legacies—reflects a society’s shared memory and values, while politics involves decisions and actions that influence how such legacies are preserved, represented, and utilized (Harrison 2013). Political authorities frequently use heritage to foster national unity, reinforce ideological narratives, or legitimize their power. However, heritage can also be used by marginalized communities as a source of social empowerment that may conflict with state interests and hegemonic narratives. Ultimately, the politics of heritage shapes how societies remember the past and envision the future, reflecting broader power dynamics, priorities, and values. 1.3.2 Caste and Identity: Caste is a complex social construct and one of the oldest forms of social stratification. Much has been written on the caste system in the Indian subcontinent as a unique social institution 17 that practices a “graded inequality” within the fourfold Varna system of Hindu religion (Srinivas 1957; Appadurai 1986, 1988; Natrajan 2011; Jangam 2017). According to various social-historical approaches, it has been argued that caste has its origins in the Indo-Aryan migration and Hindu Vedic period, which lasted from 1750-500 BCE. Although there are many debates around the origins of caste, broadly speaking, the caste system is a hierarchical social order that classifies people into groups where lifestyle, occupation, ritual status, and social status are passed down through generations. Due to its hereditary and endogamous nature, the caste system has played an important role in dividing Indian society based primarily on occupation standing. Importantly, expressions of casteism can also be found within all the major religions in the Indian subcontinent including Islam, Christianity and Sikhism. In this research I am interested in more of the fluid dimensions of caste and how it articulates with forms of group and personal subjectivity, especially among the OBCs community of Uttar Pradesh (UP). Influenced by the work of Dirks (2001), Khare (1984), Lynch (1969), Rao (2009) and Jangam (2015, 2017) and several other scholars, I will focus on the public life of caste within the context of religious and political identity claims in Uttar Pradesh. This work builds on the study of caste in relation to “identity politics” which has emerged as a critical field of research, especially among growing Dalit assertions against the Hindu caste system in North India. Dalit identity politics developed as a response to caste oppression and the need for equality and recognition. It brings attention to the historical injustices and present-day struggles of Dalits, challenging the biases in how knowledge and power are shaped in India (Jangam 2015). This movement calls for a more inclusive history that values everyone’s experiences and perspectives. The rise of Dalit identity politics and the reclaiming of Dalit history represent a powerful resistance to caste oppression. 1.3.3 Youth and Young Buddhism: India is one of the youngest countries in the world with almost half of its population under the age of twenty-five years (Kumar 2019). According to a report published by the Government of India, 34.33% of India’s population is between 15-29 years and are categorically identified as “youth” in India (CSO report on youth in India 2017, p.3). However, the definition of youth has its limitations in the Indian socio-political setting as a kind of moving target given that people within the age range of thirty to forty may also consider themselves as “youth” (Jeffrey 18 2011, p.63). It is for these reasons Jeffrey (2011, p.2) approaches the idea of youth as “fluid and variable” given that it widely differs according to its social and political implications in India. Although there have been very few studies on youth in the decades following independence, in recent years it has become a more prominent topic, especially in relation to urban and rural dynamics, the post-liberalization economy and both globalization and consumption. In this research, I draw upon the work of Jeffrey (2011, 2014), Kumar (2019), and Batia (2017). In reviewing this literature, I discuss and analyze some of the varying ways these authors frame the experiences of youth in India with respect to their subjectivity and wider aspirations. Through the use of these concepts and theoretical framings, I will show how the use of memory and place play a critical role in shaping certain identities for young Indian people coming from lower castes. This approach offers certain social and material opportunities through Buddhism's global reach that are the focus of this study. 1.4 Research Design and Methodology As an international graduate student at UBCO, I am situated in an Interdisciplinary Graduate Study (IGS) program under the theme of “Community Engagement, Social Change and Equity” (CESCE). This theme has been designed to encourage graduate students to work in collaboration with community partners while drawing on various community-based research (CBR) strategies in order to further the goals of the community in their knowledge production and experience sharing (Caine and Mill 2016). CBR has been described as a “post-positivism” research approach that “explicitly critiques the ontological and epistemological rigidity attributed to positivism while drawing on critical theory, feminism, anti-colonialism, and constructivism paradigms” (Caine and Mill 2016, p.13). In terms of methodology, this research had originally sought to combine ethnography and community-based research (CBR), but given Covid-19 pandemic restrictions, this research was limited to interviews (through Zoom, Skype, Phone calls and other virtual platforms) and some primary and secondary sources. Therefore, I have prepared my research design to respond to these barriers and have used online communications throughout the research project. Despite these limitations, as a community-engaged scholar, I have nearly two decades 19 of connection with the YBS network and Shakyan community members, and these relationships were instrumental in furthering my research goals. Since I knew the organization and the founding members, in the initial phases of research design, I shared a draft of the research proposal with them to solicit feedback and direction. Following this period of consultation, I submitted my application through the Behavioural Research Ethics Board (BREB) at the University of British Columbia, Okanagan in the summer of 2021. In total I interviewed eight youth and community members associated with YBS and Shakya community. These included founders of the organization and volunteers, one professor, two Buddhist monks and two female Shakya members. However, it is important to acknowledge that the founder of YBS, Suresh Chandra Bauddha (born 1969) is above the age of fifty years old and has handed over much of his leadership roles and responsibilities to his family members which includes his youngest brother Kailash Chandra Bauddha (born 1986), his nephew Venerable Upanand Mahathero (born 1982) and Pravin Bauddha (born 1986) whom I interviewed for this project. Another notable Shakya community member is Gyanaditya Shakya (born 1981), a professor of Buddhist studies at Gautam Buddha University (GBU) located in Noida near the Indian capital city of New Delhi. In 2023, he published his book on Sankisa entitled Sankisa’s Past, Present and the Future. As far as I am aware, this is the first scholarly study on the historical and cultural significance of Sankisa (and nearby areas) including more recent developments in relation to Shakya community members since the 1940s. Personally, I found this book very insightful during my research as it weaves through the modern history of the Shakya community in and around Sankisa. It also provides some details and information on the Shakya youth who went to Shravasthi in the early 1990s for their Buddhist education and training under the mentorship of Ven. Pragyanand. I also interviewd Subash Chandra Bauddh (born 1968) who is also one of the notable Shakya community members and have worked along with Suresh Chandra Bauddh in the past and currently working with the Korean Zen Master Pumyun Sunim at Bodh Gaya and Sankisa along with JTS. In 2023, they have laid the foundation for Sankisa Dhamma centre to work for the development of Buddhism in Sankisa. In terms of the female Shakya members, both of them had similar trajectories to my own. Both of them had spent time at Nagaloka getting Buddhist education and training and 20 then moved to Thailand where they received temporary ordination as a Bhikkhuni in Thailand at two of the key centres. Both of these centres, Songdhammakalyani Temple and Buddha Chatuparisa Institute have important connections with the YBS and International Network of Engaged Buddhist.20 Sangeeta Bauddh (born 1990), was one of the female Shakya community members I interviewed and is currently working as the Director/Manager at the Vivatta Thai Bhikkhuni Temple run by “Buddha Catuparisa Foundation International” in Vaishali.21 The other female Sakya member is Sujata Bauddh who is pursuing her Law degree near Mainpuri in Sankisa and aspires to become a lawyer to help the Shakya community members in their fight against social injustice and atrocities. I provide this background here because it was the very first time in the modern history of Shakya community that two of the Shakyan daughters went through such formal monastic training in Thailand and have inspired several other Shakya community members to send their daughters for such education and monastic training. Moving in a different direction, during this research, I also learned that three Shakya female members were also pursuing Tibetan monastic training at Jamyang Choling Institute22 in Dharamshala. While I was unable to interview them for this project, they are being supported and mentored by one of the founding YBS members, Kailash, who resides in Dharamshala and is pursuing his Geshe degree (equivalent to Ph.D.) at the Institute of Buddhist Dialectics (IBD) while also working with His Holiness Dalai Lama Office as a Hindi translator. It is also important to note here that Kailash is the younger brother of Suresh Chandra Bauddh. While it is important to acknowledge the pioneering role of these women in the Shakya movement, Indian socio-cultural norms and societal pressure towards marriage and family life can be a significant barrier for Shakya families when it comes to supporting female members in their pursuit of Buddhist monasticism and celibacy. There are only a few who have managed 20 See https://inebnetwork.org/about-ineb/; See https://kjnewswire.com/3950/buddha-catuparisa-foundation-international-fulfills-buddhist-roles-accelerating-completion and https://americanbuddhism.pages.wm.edu/buddha-catu-parisa-maha-vihara/ 21 Vaishali is one of the eight major Buddhist pilgrimage sites located in Northern Indian state of Bihar. The Buddha gave several important teachings here including the famous Metta Sutta. What makes Vaishali so special is the fact that the Bhikkhuni Sangha was founded here during the time of the Buddha which is considered one of the most historic and radical moments in Buddhist history, memory and culture as this episode allowed the women to have equal opportunities to peruse their spiritual quest towards enlightenment. 22 See https://www.jamchoe.org 21 to convince their family members to allow them to commit their lives to the Buddha-sasana. Despite socio-cultural constraints and peer pressure, female leadership and representation are steadily rising within the Shakya community as acknowledged by the female members during their interviews. This progress, I would argue, is largely attributed to YBS, which has sought to create opportunities and a safe space for female Shakya members. All of the interviews were semi-structured and open-ended which allowed the Shakya community members to have the utmost freedom to share their views and lived experiences in order to build their own narratives. Although I am closely connected with several key members of the organization , I deployed a snowball technique for the selection of additional respondents associated with YBS and Shakya community for this project. After approaching them and informing potential respondents about the project, I shared the Letter of Introduction along with the Letter of Informed Consent. They were given two weeks to provide their consent for participation. It took me approximately four to six months to complete all the online interviews because of certain challenges such as poor electricity and internet connection, time differences, family constraints and other social factors. There were a few occasions where a sudden exhaustion of mobile internet data in the middle of the interview led to rescheduling the meeting. Despite these limitations, throughout this process, I remained in regular contact with all my respondents as well as other Shakya community members whom I was introduced to. This allowed me to connect with various members of the Shakya community in different leadership roles and levels of involvement that have helped me to dive deeper into the subject matter and its analysis. Following the principles of Community-based research, throughout the project, I was in regular contact with YBS community members, especially Suresh Chandra Bauddh, Kailash Chandra Bauddh, Venerable Upanand Thero and other members. To augment some of these interviews, I also explored a number of academic and non-academic materials on the subject, along with local sources and pamphlets provided by the YBS and other local Shakya members and organizations. Most of these sources were written in the Hindi language and required translation. As Hindi is also my native language, I had no issue working with the materials and resources provided by the community members. 22 In terms of analysis, this research uses the constant comparative method derived from Grounded theory23 to refine the themes identified through thematic analysis. The reason behind using the constant comparative method is that it allows me to look into the interconnectedness of themes which emerges through the data analysis and literature review. I believe this iterative approach allowed me to go deeper into the existing literature and interview data, which I reviewed throughout the project. As noted earlier, this research draws upon the framework of community-based research methods and for these reasons, I feel the Shakya community and YBS members should be considered co-producers of knowledge production and have at different points acknowledged particular themes that were central to my analysis. I argue that these connections are an important asset in shaping this project and were very much in line with broader community-based research methods. By emphasizing my positionality at the outset of the thesis I also feel it is important to situate my research aims and objectives more clearly in relation to the Shakya community and their broader goals and commitments. 1.5 Ethics and Limitations to Research I consider this research to be low risk in accordance with the university-mandated BREB application. However, in writing this thesis it has been brought to my attention that one has to be sensitive to how my research findings and engagement with certain community members might be perceived by the YBS network, especially if any tensions or disagreements arise between the research and organizations. For example, I have known that YBS is an organization that gives priority to family members in privileged positions within the administrative body. As a result of this practice, some disagreements have developed within the organization in the past, including between some early members who then chose to leave the YBS and establish their own organizations that work in the same area. As a community-based researcher, I have been careful in approaching such internal and personal matters within the YBS organization and have done my best to acknowledge these concerns throughout the research work. For instance, I have been careful about how I engage with certain topics and discussions that may potentially create friction among community 23 Drawing on inductive reasoning, Grounded Theory is a qualitative research method that is widely used to generate theories and hypotheses of a particular phenomenon from the ground-up rather than a deductive approach. 23 members such as finances and leadership roles. To counter these issues and limitations, I had to set some clear boundaries with the YBS community members and made clear that I would not be discussing matters such as internal politics that could jeopardize my relationship with them in the future. This was also expressed by the community members themselves when writing and sharing my work with them. In terms of limitations, it is important to acknowledge that there have been some linguistic challenges when it comes to translating interviews as community members used both English as well as Hindi at different times. There were also several local vernacular Hindi terms and phrases that do not have direct English translation. To account for this ambiguity, in such situations, I have used the literal or figurative meanings of such terms which are italicized throughout. In addition to language barriers, it is also important to acknowledge some of the gender discrepancies in this research. Although the YBS organization are composed of both young men and women, men do play a more significant role in terms of leadership in the movement. Although I interviewed two female identifying members, as noted above, I acknowledge that a more robust research project would seek to generate multiple interviews across a broad range of the gender and sexuality spectrum. Therefore, during this research, I explored various online resources such as social media posts, blogs and interviews of Shakya female leaders and community members to integrate their voices. Another major limitation in this study is that the COVID pandemic severely impacted my original goals of undertaking ethnographic research in Sankisa. My hope was to spend several months undertaking fieldwork, travelling, and connecting with community members and interlocuters, which would have provided invaluable insights. To rectify this situation, I have remained closely connected with YBS community members and partners throughout this research and have used many online virtual platforms such as Zoom, Skype, Google and WhatsApp to keep them informed on the developments. However, related to these online communication formats was the struggle to find a common time to speak with my interlocutors given the time zone differences (twelve hours between Kelowna and Sankisa). To show my commitment to the project and community I adjusted my expectations according to their availability and ease which mostly ended up in the middle of the night or very early morning. Personally, I do not consider this a significant limitation or barrier to research although it is 24 important to acknowledge how these online formats often fall short of nurturing a genuine human connection and a sense of belonging with the community members which can be seen as contradicting the aims of community-based research in the first place. During my study and time here at the UBC Okanagan, I have learned that community is not merely a source of knowledge production but also a place of inspiration, hope and friendship which enriches our human experiences to strive for the greater good of all. Therefore, I made sure that I remain in regular contact with the community members in India through text messages, emails and phone calls throughout the research work and beyond. 1.6 Conclusion In this opening chapter I have provided an overview of the research program and my personal ties to the project. In the next chapter I provide a more extensive background literature on the history of anti-caste movements among Dalit and marginalized communities in Northern India, especially in Uttar Pradesh. I will also explore and examine the confluence of anti-caste movements and Buddhist revival efforts that have mutually shaped one another in colonial and post-colonial India. This is particularly evident among various Indian leaders such as Phule, Periyar, Ambedkar, Kanshiram, Mayawati and some of the notable Indian and Sri Lankan Buddhist monks and organizations which were founded during the late 19th and early 20th century in North India. Most importantly, the next chapter will provide an important historical background to these developments that will be important for understanding the place of the Shakya Buddhist movement in Uttar Pradesh and the genesis and development of the Youth Buddhist Society of India (YBS) that I examine in chapter three. 25 2. Chapter Two: Revival of Modern Buddhism in India 2.1 Introduction The revival of modern Buddhism in India is a complex and multifaceted phenomenon that marks a significant episode in the country’s spiritual and social history. This revival, which evolved during the 19th and 20th centuries, has much of its roots in the so-called “rediscovery” of India’s rich Buddhist heritage and sacred sites, many of which had been left to ruin since the 12th century. Despite Buddhism’s decline in certain areas due to a combination of social, political, economic, and religious factors, it had remained active in the periphery of the Indian subcontinent, especially in the Himalayan and Bengali hill-tract region. There are also a growing number of studies showing that certain pilgrimage places like Bodh Gaya remained active sites of worship and visitation despite the so-called narrative of “disappearance” (Ober 2023; McKeown 2018). As I explore in this chapter, the revival process is not just a return to religious practices but also a socio-political movement influenced by various factors, including colonialism, anti-caste movements, and various global Buddhist developments. In this chapter I also explore how the reinvention of Buddhist memory in modern India was tied to certain missionary endeavours and emerging transnational networks led by Sri Lankan, Burmese and Bengali Buddhist monks. Such collaborations of shared Buddhist culture and memory paved the way for the birth of two key Buddhist organizations during the late 19th century: the Mahabodhi Society of India in 1891 and the Bengal Buddhist Association in 1892. These two organizations played key roles in the spread and influence of Indian Buddhist revival in colonial and post-colonial India through forms of education, networking, activism and renewed pilgrimage to places of Buddhist significance. The reason why I highlight these organizations is that several local and international Buddhist monks affiliated with these early Buddhist institutions contributed tremendously in setting up new Buddhist centres across India that created spaces for Dalit and lower caste communities to engage with Buddhist culture, education, and various religious events. It is also important to take into consideration that some of the early Bengali, Sri Lankan and Burmese monks played a significant role during the historic mass Buddhist conversion led by Ambedkar at Nagpur in 1956 and later for the development of the Dalit Buddhist movement 26 in India, especially in Northern India. More specifically, in this chapter, I look at the importance of Buddhist revival in Uttar Pradesh and how that merges with important anti-caste movements that set the stage for the Shakya Buddhist movement in the late twentieth-century. The confluence of these movements has not only revitalized Buddhist traditions but has also played a crucial role in shaping contemporary social and political dynamics in the state, including those in Sankisa. 2.2 The “Discovery” of Buddhism in Uttar Pradesh: Historical and Colonial Antecedents What we know as “Buddhism” today originated in India during the 6th century BCE with Siddhartha Gautama, the Buddha or “awakened one”. It is believed that the Buddha lived and taught in North India, in the present-day states of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, a region which is also known as Majjima Desa (Middle Country) in Buddhist history and memory. As a religious movement, Buddhism flourished for over a millennium, spreading throughout the Indian subcontinent and beyond. The state of Uttar Pradesh (UP), in particular, holds a pivotal place in the history and resurgence of Buddhism in India as the Buddha spent more than one-third of his life in this region. This region, rich in archaeological and historical significance, has been central to the Buddhist revival movements, particularly those associated with the revival of Buddhist pilgrimage and anti-caste struggles as will be discussed. For example, Uttar Pradesh is home to six major sites of pilgrimage that are key places of religious interest along the Buddhist Circuit.24 These include: • Sarnath: The site where the Buddha delivered his first sermon after attaining enlightenment at Bodh Gaya. • Kushinagar: The place of the Buddha’s parinirvana (death), where he passed into final nirvana. • Sankisa: The place associated with the Buddha’s descent from Tavatimsa Heaven. • Shravasthi : This was the capital of the ancient Indian kingdom of Kosala and the place where the Buddha lived most of his life after his enlightenment. 24 See https://uptourism.gov.in/en/page/buddhist-circuit 27 • Kapilvasthu: The republic of Shakyan and the place where the Siddhartha Gautam spent his early life and childhood prior to setting forth for on the quest of enlightenment at the age of twenty-nine. • Kosambi: An ancient Buddhist city located in the important trade route between ancient Magadha and Kosala where the Buddha frequently visited during his life. These major sites, along with other notable Buddhist centers such as Saket, Mathura, and Pava which holds a significance place in the history of Buddhism in Uttar Pradesh. Given this extensive ancient history over several centuries, it is no surprise that the landscape is dotted with ruins and monuments that narrate the rich tapestry of Buddhist memory, from ancient monastic universities to various stupas and inscriptions. Although it is beyond the scope of this research, it is important to acknowledge that the decline of Buddhism in India is a subject of extensive scholarly debate, that encompasses a range of historical, social, and political factors (Ober 2023). While the reasons for Buddhism’s decline from its place of prominence in ancient India by the end of the 12th century are multifaceted, several key arguments and perspectives dominate the discourse, such as the rise of Brahmanism, especially devotional (bhakti) traditions that absorbed many Buddhist practices and ideas, the intensification of Islamic invasions, and the decline in monastic support from royal kings and wealthy patrons (Joshi 2007; Bronkhorst 2011; Sarao 2012). The decline, it is often argued, was so pronounced that by the time European explorers, scholars and missionaries arrived in India in the 17th and 18th centuries, they found only remnants of Buddhism in the country. Although scholars have challenged this thesis of the complete disappearance of Buddhism in the Indian subcontinent (Singh 2010; Ober 2016, 2023), there is no denying that many prominent sites in contemporary Majjima Desa (Middle Country) were damaged and largely abandoned. A significant turning point in the revival of Buddhism in India can be traced back to the 18th and 19th century when various Western scholars, colonial officials and missionaries began to recover and study ancient Buddhist texts and monuments taking an interest in the history and culture of the region. This academic interest, combined with the work of Indian social reformers, would help shape the groundwork for a Buddhist resurgence. This period, which is frequently described as the “British discovery of Buddhism,” was part of a broader intellectual movement known as Orientalism, which sought to study and document (and dominate) the 28 cultures, religions, and histories of Asia (Almond 1988; Harris 2004; Franklin 2011; Leoshko 2017). While Orientalist scholarship has been critiqued for its colonial and sometimes Eurocentric perspectives, it also played a crucial role in preserving and disseminating knowledge about Buddhism. For example, a pivotal moment in the British discovery of Buddhism came with the establishment of the Asiatic Society of Bengal in 1784 by Sir William Jones. His scholarship helped link Sanskrit—the language of Vedas and source text for Brahmanical study—to European languages, along with the study of other ancient Indian languages such as Pali, Prakrit and Brahmi, which became the primary sources to learn about early Buddhism and history. The Society aimed to study the history, languages, and cultures of Asia, providing an important platform for British, Indian and European scholars to delve into Indian antiquities. For example, Jones and his colleagues began to collect manuscripts, inscriptions, and artifacts, that helped lay the groundwork for many future discoveries associated with the revival of Buddhism in the Indian subcontinent. Another important breakthrough in understanding ancient Buddhism came from James Prinsep (1799-1840), an English scholar and antiquarian. In the 1830s, Prinsep succeeded in deciphering the Brahmi script, which was used in many ancient Indian inscriptions especially those associated with the Mauryan Emperor Ashoka on his rocks and pillar edicts. This achievement unlocked a wealth of information about India’s past, including numerous inscriptions describing the spread and importance of Buddhist teachings in the subcontinent. For example, Prinsep’s work revealed that Ashoka, who ruled in the 3rd century BCE, had played a crucial role in promoting the Buddha-dhamma. The inscriptions, known as Ashokan edicts, were found across India, including Sankisa, and provided insights into the ethical and administrative policies of the Mauryan Empire, underscoring Ashoka’s commitment to Buddhist principles. Alongside the growing textual rediscovery led by Prinsep and others, this period saw the unearthing of significant archaeological findings, such as the Ashokan pillars, Buddhist stupas and relics which provided tangible evidence of Buddhism’s ancient presence in India. Central to these developments was the influence of Sir Alexander Cunningham, often referred to as the “Father of Indian Archaeology,” who was instrumental in the systematic exploration of India’s ancient Buddhist heritage sites. Appointed as the first Director-General of the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) in 1861, Cunningham conducted extensive surveys and excavations at various Buddhist sites alongside other Indian archaeologists that led to the 29 discovery and restoration of several key Buddhist sites, including Sanchi, Sarnath, and Bodh Gaya. At Sanchi, for example, Cunningham helped uncover and rebuild the Great Stupa, one of the oldest stone structures in India, adorned with intricately carved gateways depicting scenes from the Buddha’s life. The travels of the great Chinese Buddhist monk-scholar Faxian (337 – 422 AD) and Xuanzang (602 – 664 AD) resulted in extensive travel accounts that played a pivotal role in helping scholars rediscover many key Buddhist sites in India. Xuanzang was born in 602 CE in Henan Province, China. From a young age, he was deeply interested in Buddhism and became a monk at the age of 13. Dissatisfied with the incomplete and sometimes inaccurate translations of Buddhist texts available in China, Xuanzang resolved to travel to India, the birthplace of Buddhism, to obtain original scriptures and deepen his understanding of Buddhist teachings. His journey was motivated by a profound sense of spiritual and scholarly duty. In 629 CE, Xuanzang embarked on his perilous journey to India, travelling through the treacherous deserts of Central Asia and the high passes of the Himalayas. His route took him through present-day Afghanistan, Uzbekistan, and Pakistan before finally reaching India. Along the way, he faced numerous hardships, including harsh weather conditions, bandits, and political instability. During the seventeen years Xuanzang spent in India, he visited many of the major Buddhist sites and even resided at the famous Nalanda Mahavihara - a Buddhist university that was central to the spread of Buddhism — before returning back to China (Beal 1884; San 2018; Deeg 2021). Xuanzang’s important records of his travels, compiled in his work Great Tang Records on the Western Regions was instrumental for British scholars and archaeologists in identifying and rediscovering many Buddhist sites in India. Xuanzang’s detailed descriptions of the locations, structures, and histories of these sites guided modern archaeologists in their efforts to locate and excavate ancient Buddhist remains. In his description of Sankisa more specifically, Xuanzang describes ten Sangharams (temple or monastery) being attended by over one thousand Buddhist monks of different Nikayas (schools), making clear it was an active centre of Buddhism. Later, Faxian and Xuanzang’s accounts were crucial in the identification and excavation of Sankisa in 1842 which was aptly reflected in Sir Alexander Cunningham’s letter to Colonel William Henry Sykes (1790 - 1872) entitled “An Account of 30 the Discovery of the Ruins of the Buddhist City of Samkassa.”25 Due to the importance of this dialogue and the themes discussed above, it is worth highlighting the entire conversation that took place between Cunningham and Colonel Sykes, for in this passage they describe and discuss the different names associated with Sankisa, which were used by famous Chinese Buddhist monk especially Faxian who visited the site prior to Xuanzang. Quoting at length, here is the correspondence between Cunningham and Sykes. Cunningham writes: “My dear sir, Though personally and not to you, I am aware, from many of your articles in different publications, of the great interest which you take in the subject of the Buddhhistical antiquities. I believe therefore that what I am about to communicate will be my best apology for the liberty I now take in addressing you. I have read your last Essay on the Social, Moral and Political state of Ancient India several times over with the greatest interest, and I have traced Fa Hian’s route upon the map with unfortunately more zeal than success. Some points, however, I have been able to clear up, which have escaped the researchers of all the critics, including Wilson and yourself. It is regarding these that I now venture to address you. I will begin with the Kingdom of Seng-Kia-chi, or in English spelling Seng-Kia-shi. On leaving Mathura Fa Hian proceeded S.E. eighteen yeu-yan of the Kingdom of Seng-Kia-shi, which has been recognised as the Samkassam and Samkassa of Pali books, and as the Sankasya of the Ramayana. Remusat suggests that it is the same as the district of Farokhabad, and Wilson locates it in the neighbourhood of Mainpuri. The position of the kingdom was, of course, somewhere Farokhabad and Mainpuri but the actual locality of the capital where a Fa Hian saw the ladder by which Buddha descended from heaven, has not been identified by any of the critics, French or English. This capital however still exist in the village of Samkassa, situated on the north or left bank of the Kali Nadi, three quarters of a kos from Aghat Serai, twelve kos from Farokhabad, and twenty five kos from Kanouj. The village consist of only fifty or sixty houses, on a high mound, which was once been a fort: but all around it for a circuit of six miles there is a succession of high ruined mounds of bricks and earth, which are said to be the walls of the old city. My Munshi’s expression of wonder, after having visited these ruins, “Kanouj se bara hy.” “it is even larger than Kanouj” will convey some notion of their great extent. Amongst them is one mound about eighty feet in height, on which there is a Brahmanical temple dedicated to Shiva, erected some 200 years ago by a Gosain, whose descendant now resides there. In this temple there is a four armed figure of Siva in white marble, and a figure of his wife Parvati in yellowish stone. North of the temple 25 See, Cunningham, A. (1843). Art. XXVII.—An Account of the Discovery of the Ruins of the Buddhist City of Samkassa. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 7(14), 241-249. 31 there is a stone elephant nearly four feet in height, on the pedestal, of which only one foot and half now appears above the ground. It is a small mound of ruined bricks, dedicated to the worship of the Nága. Nothing whatever is erected there; but whenever rain is desired the people proceed to the spot and pray for it. The period of annual worship, however, is the month of Bysákh, just before the usual commencement of the seasonal rains, when the village women go there in procession and make offerings of milk, which they pour upon the spot. This is, no doubt, the identical dragon (Nága), which Fa Hian mentions as appearing once a year, from whose favour the people of Sang-kia-shi obtained propitious rains and an abundant harvest. It is most interesting to trace back with certainty this local worship for nearly fourteen centuries and a half, to A.D. 400, which, though most probably not the period of its origin, yet must undoubtedly be close to the time of its engrafture upon Buddhism. It is said that Raja Jayachandra of Kanouj, in Samvat 1240 (A.D. 1183), marched an army against Samkassa, and razed it to the ground; and afterwards, at the instigation of the envious Brahmans of Kanouj, he ploughed it up into fields. The ruins are now completely ploughed up, and the large old bricks are piled along the borders along the fields. In these fields also many old coins are found every year, most of which are carried to Kanouj; and lastly; there are no vestiges whatever of the Mahomedan buildings; no ruined musjids, idgahs, or tombs. We may, therefore, conclude with certainty that this great city, which was once the most flourishing in India about A.D. 409, when Fa Hian saw it, and also about A.D 640, when Hwan Thsang visited it, had much declined, if indeed it had not been completely ruined before the period of the Mahomedan conquest by Moaz ad din Sám in A.D. 1188. I incline, therefore, to give credit to the tradition of its destruction in A.D. 1183 by Jayachandra of Kanouj, at the instigation of the Brahmans, who at that period were violently hostile to the Buddhists. I was unable to procure any coins, as no rain had fallen up to the period of my Munshi’s visit on the 3rd of September, 1842; but I will endeavour to obtain some of them hereafter; and, if possible, I will contrive to visit the place, as I feel convinced that many of the mounds are ruined stupas which would probably yield relics of historical value. It will be a point of much interest to obtain some of these coins, which must undoubtedly be those of the Buddhist sovereigns of Samkassam. I suspect that the old square copper coins with an elephant and swastika on one side, and with the chaitya and sacred bo-tree on the other, belong to this kingdom. This identification of the Seng-kis-shi with the modern Samkassa to Samkissa will enable us to determine with certainty the length of the ancient yen-yan or yojan. Fa Hian says that Seng-kia-shi was 7 yen-yan from Kanouj, which was equivalent to 28 bros or kos. Now the distance of the village of Samkassa from Kanouj is always called 25 kos kurri (or long), and 28 kos narm (or short) equal to 50 miles English; which must be very nearly correct, as the direct distance on the map is 43 miles…., At present the Ganges is fully 2 miles from the most northerly part of Kanouj; while the Kali Nadi runs immediately below the mounds of ruins…, On a high mound there is a square cloistered building called Sita-ka-Rasoin, Sita’s kitchen. It is said to been built by one 32 of the Jaunpoor kings; but it can only have been altered by the Jaunpoor King, for the building is certainly not Mohomedan…, The building may possibly be Brahmanical, but I should think that it was more likely be have been originally a Buddhist monastery…, In the same building there are two other heads not Brahmanical; and a small figure seated with crossed palms, and with a standing figure on each side of him, without doubt, a Buddha seated, and attended by two standing Bodhisatwas, and therefore not Brahmanical. The most celebrated figure at Kanouj are called Ráma and Lakshmana; but as they have each six arms, they cannot, of course, represent the conquerors of the ten-headed Ráwan. These observations are not, perhaps, of much importance; but if you think them of any value, you are perfectly welcome to do with them as you please; either to publish them as they are, or to make use of them yourself in some future essay on Buddhistical antiquities. These few points, which have been ascertained by me on a march upon duty in the rainy season, and without a single halt, will show you what might be done if one had the opportunity of marching leisurely, with time to halt at all places which seemed to offer any object of interest. The cave temples of Ajanta and Ellora possess invaluable treasures hidden in the small stupas which most of them have in the interior. To open these, and to search out all the Buddhistical ruins in India, would be works of the greatest interest and importance. With what joy and zeal would not one trace Fa Hian’s route from Mathura, his first Indian station, to his embarkation for Ceylon. To begin at Mathura, and to follow in his footsteps through Samkassam and Kanouj, through Sha-Chi, and through Benaras and the numerous sacred spots north of Patna (opening the Mozufferpore stupa by the way), through Gaya and its numerous caves, through Rajgriha, and through Orissa would be an undertaking of vast importance to the Indian government politically, and to the British public religiously. To the first body it would show that India had generally been divided into numerous petty chiefships, which had invariably been the case upon every successful invasion; while, when she had been under one ruler, she had always repelled foreign conquest with determined resolution. To the other body it would show that Brahmanism, instead of being an un-changed and unchangeable religion which had subsisted for ages, was of comparatively modern origin, and had been constantly receiving additions and alterations; facts which prove that the establishments of the Christian religion in India must ultimately succeed. This is a long letter, but I trust the subject is of sufficient interest to gain pardon for my troubling you. Believing me, with much respect, Most sincerely yours, ALEX. CUNNINGHAM, Aligarh, 15th Sept.1842 Lt. Bengal Engineers. 33 NOTE BY COLONEL SYRES “In the discovery of the ruins of the city, lost most probably for at least six or seven hundred years since its destruction before the Mahomedan Conquest, we have not only a few proof of the honesty and good-faith of the Chinese traveller, Fa Hian; but we have one proof more added to the multitudinous existing evidences of celebrated and even holy cities claimed by the Brahmans as Brahmanical, from being mentioned in their heroic poems, or the Puranas; - Mathura, Benaras, Delhi (Hastinapur), Kanouj, and Samkasya; in their antiquities yielding only fragments appertaining to Buddhism, and nothing antique of unquestionable Brahmanical origin. I venture to express a hope that the example of Lieut. Cunningham may be followed throughout India, wherever mounds or ruins are to be met with (and they are sufficiently numerous), and I have little doubt the investigators would be amply rewarded by discoveries, auxiliary to the fixing of historic truths. The travel of Fa Hian are so little known to the English reader, the book being only procurable in Paris, that extracts from Fa Hian’s account of Samkassa may be acceptable, and I therefore annex them to this note…, When Fa Hian was at Samkassa (about A.D. 400 to 409), only seven steps of the legionary ladder remained visible, a chapel had been built over them by the King Asoko, and upon the middle step a statue of Buddha has been erected, and outside the chapel a square stone column had been erected, and outside the chapel a square stone column had been erected, about forty-five feet high, with figures of Buddha on the four sides, and a lion on the summit. Already some of these Buddhist column mentioned by Fa Hian have been found in Buddhist localities, and it is very probable that this identical column might be brought to light by a careful examination of the ruins of Samkassa….., Another circumstance connected with Samkassa was the veneration of the hooded snake, called a dragon by Fa Hian, but appearing once a year to the people in the form of coluber naga. I will give the passage entire as it relates to a worship which Buddhist works say was the religion of the inhabitants of Ceylon, Thibet, and other places in Asia, previously to the introduction to either Buddhism or Brahmanism. Fa Hian also mentions that at Samkassa, In the time of Sakya Buddha himself, a tower (stupa?) was raised to honour of Sakya’s predecessors, Karkoutchanda, Kanaka, Mouni, and Kasyapa, which was in existence in Fa Hian’s time. He saw similar monuments elsewhere; and the fact is of great importance to correct a mistaken opinion which generally prevails, that Sakya Buddha, was flourished in the Seventh century before Christ, was the Founder of the Buddhist religion.” In this fascinating communication between Cunningham and Sykes we see a number of interesting themes emerge, such as concerns around the history and chronology of Buddhism in the subcontinent, the disentangling of religious practices and identities, and the importance of locating the ancient Buddhist site of Sankisa. Thus, ever since the translation of his Records of Western Regions were published, these detailed accounts by Chinese pilgrims have provided an invaluable source of information to historians, archaeologists, and scholars in 34 reconstructing the history and geography of Buddhism. Xuanzang’s pilgrimage, driven by a desire to acquire the original and “authentic” Buddhist scriptures and visit sacred sites, not only enriched the religious and cultural ties between India and China but also left a lasting legacy that continues to influence the study of Buddhism today. Before concluding this section on the revival of Buddhism under colonial India, it is important to highlight some important critiques of this Euro-centric colonial history and narrative. An important critique of the “British Discovery of Buddhism” can be found in historian Douglas Ober’s recent book Dust on the Throne: The Search for Buddhism in Modern India (2023). In this important book, Ober argues that despite the prevalence of colonial education systems and various Orientalist enterprises that helped spark the tracing of India’s Buddhist past, much of this interest “gained its impetus from local interests shaped by long-standing historical debates regarding caste, inequality, morality, social order, and belonging. Colonial rule brought new ways of thinking about these problems and a new language to describe them, but the recourse to Buddhism stemmed from a profound sense of connection with the traces of the past” (Ober 2023: 291). Having looked at some of these early discoveries, debates and critiques around the place of Buddhism in the Indian subcontinent it is important to now look at their confluence in shaping the revival of Sankisa in Uttar Pradesh. 2.3 Reviving Sankisa in the Colonial and Buddhist Imagination Sankisa, also known as Sankassa or Sankasya, is a relatively lesser-known but highly significant Buddhist pilgrimage place in India. It is one of the eight primary sacred sites in Buddhism, known collectively as Ashtamahasthana and believed to be the site where the Buddha gave Abhidhamma teachings to the gods in Tavatimsa heaven and his mother. Located in the Farrukhabad district of Uttar Pradesh, Sankisa holds a unique place in Buddhist tradition due to its direct association with this important event in the life of the Buddha as well as its historical and archaeological value. Later, the Mauryan emperor Ashoka built a stupa and erected an elephant capital pillar to mark this important site. Still later, as noted by the Chinese pilgrims described above, this was an important monastic settlement and important center for Buddhist learning during the Gupta period (320 - 550 C.E) and later under Harshavardhana (590 - 647 C.E), the king of Kannauj, who is described as a devout Buddhist by the Chinese monk Xuanzang. Xuanzang visited the Kannauj court and deeply admired the King’s affection 35 towards Buddhism and his moral and ethical values. In this next section, I provide a brief overview of the historical, religious, and cultural significance of Sankisa, shedding light on why it remains an important center for Buddhist pilgrims, scholars and the wider Indian community. 2.3.1 Historical Significance In terms of the history of Sankisa, it could be argued there are three main factors that underlie its historical and religious importance. These include: • Buddha’s Descent from Tavatimsa Heaven: According to all the major Buddhist traditions, Sankisa is the site where the Buddha descended from the Tavatimsa (“the heaven of the thirty-three gods” in Buddhist cosmology) and preached the Abhidhamma (higher teachings) to his mother, Mahamaya, who had been reborn there. This event is one of the most celebrated in Buddhist lore and is depicted in various forms of Buddhist art across Asia in all Buddhist traditions. • Ashokan Inscriptions: The Mauryan Emperor Ashoka, a devout follower of Buddhism, erected one of his famous pillars in Sankisa –the elephant capital. Although the original pillar did not survive in its entirety, some remnants of the elephant capital can be seen at a nearby stupa. This material presence attests to Sankisa’s importance during Ashoka’s reign in the 3rd century BCE and helps connect Sankisa to the broader narrative of Ashoka’s patronage of Buddhism. • Gupta and Harsha Period Developments: During the Gupta period (4th - 7th centuries CE), Sankisa saw significant developments, including the construction of monasteries and stupas. This era, often referred to by the Indian nationalists as the Golden Age of Indian history, was marked by a flourishing of art, culture, and religion, and Sankisa was a notable part of this cultural renaissance. The travelogue of the Chinese Buddhist monks who visited India during this period provides first-hand information of the flourishing Buddhist culture and sites in Sankisa. 2.3.2 Religious Significance In terms of the religious and cosmological significance of Sankisa, this can also be divided into three main domains. 36 • Pilgrimage and Devotion: As Sankisa is one of the eight major pilgrimage sites mentioned in the Pali Canon and other Buddhist texts, pilgrims visit Sankisa to commemorate the Buddha’s miraculous descent. More specifically, the memory of the Buddha’s descent is celebrated annually on the full moon day of the month of Ashvin (September-October) upon the completion of the rain retreat when the lay Buddhist community come together to celebrate this auspicious event. Pilgrimage in the past and present helps to reinforce the spiritual connection between Buddhist followers and the historical Buddha. Each year, thousands of local Shakya Buddhist community members as well as pilgrims from across the Buddhist world gather in Sankisa to celebrate this historic day. • Symbolic Representations: The descent from Tavatimsa is a powerful symbol of the Buddha’s compassion and his efforts to enlighten all beings, including those in celestial realms. Visiting Sankisa allows pilgrims to reflect on these qualities and aspire to embody them in their own lives. Also, Sankisa is one of the key site which has a direct connection with Buddhist cosmology. Through the teaching of Abhidhamma it was in Sankisa that the Buddha brings together the human realm (earth) with the celestial realm (heaven). More specifically in Theravada, Tibetan and Chinese Buddhist traditions, the study and practice of Abhidhamma is highly cherished and valued as it is considered one of the direct paths towards the realization of truth in Buddhism. One of the best depictions of Buddhist cosmology can be found in the Tibetan Wheel of Life image which is widely circulated in Tibetan art-works such as Thangka or any of the Tibetan Buddhist monastery walls. • Rituals and Festivals: Various rituals and festivals are conducted at Sankisa, attracting devotees from different parts of the world. These events not only provide an opportunity for religious practice but also foster a sense of community and shared faith among Buddhists. With the growing modern Buddhist revival movement in India, especially after the 2500th Buddha Jayanti event celebrated in 1956, there has been some effort to celebrate major Buddhist festivals in Sankisa such as the Mahapavarna day which marks the end of rain retreat and also the day when the Buddha descended from the Tavtimsa heaven. According to one of the document shared by the community members, it was in the 1940s, when the first “Sankisa Buddha Jayanti” was held in 37 Sankisa. Since then, the Buddha Jayanti has become an important part of the ritual calendar. For example, as part of the nationwide 2500th Buddha Jayanti celebrations in 1956, Ishwardatt Medharthi (1900-1971) of Kanpur and Dr. Kamal Singh of Agra visited Sankisa between May 23-25th (Shakya 2023, p.117). In later years, the Shakya community began to celebrate nearly all of the major Buddhist festivals and events in Sankisa, especially the day of Buddha’s descendance from the Tavtimsa heaven which also marks the end of Buddhist lent period. Some of the more prominent Buddhist festivals and events include the Sankisa Buddha Jayanti, Kaumudi Purnima Mahotsav, Savargarohan Samaroh, Sankisa Mela and Buddha Mahotsav. These annual religious festivals and celebrations speak to the growing devotion around the historical and religious importance of Sankisa in the Buddhist imagination. 2.3.3 Archaeological and Cultural Significance Although there is considerable overlap between the historical and religious significance at Sankisa, it is worth highlighting some important archaeological and cultural aspects that have helped shape and reinforce the identity of the place. These include the following: • Excavations and Discoveries: Archaeological excavations at Sankisa have unearthed numerous artifacts, including stupas, statues, and relics. These discoveries have provided valuable insights into the historical development of Buddhism in the region and its interactions with other cultures and religions over several centuries. As noted above, many of these discoveries were made under the British archaeologist Sir Alexander Cunningham in 1842. Although the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) has been a significant actor in the preservation of numerous Buddhist heritage sites in India, the archeological site of Sankisa has not received much attention in terms of further excavation and exploration since the time of Cunningham. As a result, much of the remains and material structures have given rise to contestation between local Hindu and Shakya Buddhist community members who claim ownership over the land. Although I have not been able to find more information about this, I was informed by my interlocutors at the YBS that there are ongoing land disputes between the local 38 Buddhist and Hindu community who claim ownership over the site and this has led to a court case in Allahabad High court with decisions still pending.26 • Art and Architecture: The artistic and architectural remains at Sankisa, such as the ruins of ancient monasteries and the remnants of the Ashokan pillar, offer a glimpse into the craftsmanship and aesthetic sensibilities of the time. Figure 1: The Ashokan Lion capital found near the site of Sankisa stupa (Source: UP Tourism website) These artifacts shed important light on the evolution of Buddhist art and architecture in India. Additionally, the iconic image where the Buddha is descending from the 26 See https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/lucknow/tension-at-sankisa-buddhist-pilgrimage-site-in-up-after-saffron-flag-pulled-down-from-temple-7582243/ 39 Tavtimsa heaven along with the God Sakka and Indra is widely circulated and celebrated in many Buddhist traditions especially in Theravada Buddhist tradition. • Cultural Exchange: Sankisa’s significance extends beyond its religious importance; it also serves as a site of cultural exchange. The influx of Buddhist pilgrims from various parts of the world have also contributed to a vibrant cultural milieu, where ideas and traditions are shared and celebrated. More specifically, like other major Buddhist pilgrimage centers in India and Nepal, in recent decades, the site of Sankisa has witnessed a considerable influx of Sri Lankan and Burmese Buddhist pilgrims that has resulted in the building of Sri Lankan, Burmese, Cambodian, Tibetan, and South Korean Buddhist centers alongside various Indian Buddhist monasteries and centers working for the development of Buddhism in Sankisa. 2.4 Sankisa and the Confluence of Anti-Caste Movements and Modern Buddhist Revival As we have seen in this chapter, the British and Indian discovery of Buddhism had profound implications for Indian society and the global Buddhist community. In India, the rediscovery of Buddhist heritage inspired a renewed interest in the country’s ancient history and various cultural achievements. It also provided a historical foundation for important social reformers and leaders like Anagarika Dharmapala and Ambedkar, who sought to revive Buddhism as a form of socio-political and spiritual liberation. To appreciate the modern history and revival of Sankisa during the 20th century, in this section, I look at the life and work of some notable Indian and Sri Lankan reformers, Buddhist monks and local Shakya Buddhist community members who made immense contributions to the development of the Shakya community and the revival of Sankisa. Importantly, several of these Buddhist monks and pilgrims visited Sankisa throughout the twentieth century, especially from Sri Lanka and Myanmar (Burma), given the proximity of these countries under the British Raj, as well as their close affinity with the study and practice of Abhidhamma teachings. Inspired by the events taking place in North India following India’s independence in 1947, many of them chose to settle here and/or pursue higher education in India which further cemented their interest in the Shakya Buddhist community. 40 Before discussing key figures and their significant contributions to the spread of Buddhism in Uttar Pradesh and the revival of Sankisa, it is important to acknowledge certain limitations in accessing reliable historical sources on this subject, particularly those from the 1940s and 1950s. While valuable secondary literature has provided helpful context on the broader Indian Buddhist revival (Ahir 1991; Ober 2023), much of the information I rely on comes from old pamphlets and printed Hindi materials shared by members of the Shakya community. 2.4.1 Ambedkar and the Dalit Buddhist Movement Arguably, the most significant and transformative figure in the modern revival of Buddhism in India is Dr. B.R. Ambedkar. Born into a Dalit (formerly “untouchable”) family, Ambedkar faced severe discrimination and dedicated his life to fighting for the rights of marginalized communities. His efforts culminated in the drafting of the Indian Constitution, which enshrined principles of equality and social justice. Ambedkar also viewed Buddhism as a means to counter the oppressive caste system entrenched in Hindu society. As a result, in 1956, he converted to Buddhism along with half a million of his followers in a historic ceremony at the Deekshbhoomi in Nagpur. This mass conversion that gave rise to a Dalit Buddhist movement, also known as Navayana Buddhism, was a radical act of social and religious transformation. Ambedkar’s interpretation of Buddhism emphasized rationality, social equality, and activism against social injustices. As an expression of his turn towards Buddhism he wrote The Buddha and His Dhamma, which involved a reinterpretation of Buddhist teachings to suit the needs of contemporary society and the struggles of the oppressed. The Dalit Buddhist movement initiated by Ambedkar has had profound socio-political implications that go well beyond this thesis. Most importantly, Ambedkar’s conversion and teachings have offered a new identity and a path of liberation for millions of Dalits who had faced centuries of discrimination and oppression under the caste system. Navayana Buddhism, as it is sometimes referred to, has become a symbol of resistance and empowerment, leading to the establishment of various Buddhist organizations, educational institutions, and social welfare programs aimed at uplifting the marginalized. The movement has also inspired the 41 construction of numerous Buddhist Viharas (monasteries), statues, and memorials, particularly in Maharashtra, where Ambedkar’s influence was strongest. The grand memorial at Deekshabhoomi in Nagpur, for example, where Ambedkar’s conversion took place, has become a major pilgrimage site for Indian Buddhists. Ambedkar’s influence has also spread beyond Maharashtra to the state of Uttar Pradesh, where Sankisa is located (Fitzgerald 1999; Jaoul 2006). Although several important anti-caste movements preceded Ambedkar, there is no denying that his conversion to Buddhism inspired new horizons of possibility for the Dalit and low-caste communities, who saw Buddhism as an important means of social, political and spiritual liberation. In UP, Ambedkar’s conversion movement initially gained particular traction among significant Dalit populations in urban settings such as Kanpur, Agra, Lucknow and Western Uttar Pradesh. His advocacy for Buddhism as a means of social reform resonated deeply with the Dalit community, who sought a new identity free from the stigma of untouchability. As a result, the mass conversion of Dalits to Buddhism has also led to the establishment of several Buddhist institutions and communities in UP, fostering a new wave of Buddhist thought and practice. This movement not only helped revitalize Buddhism in Uttar Pradesh, but also became closely aligned with the Dalit struggle for social justice and human dignity more widely. 2.4.2 Venerable Pragyanand Mahathero (1927-2017)27 In order to appreciate the birth and genesis of the Youth Buddhist Society and its activities today (see chapter three), it is important to see the influence of some early Buddhist figures that helped shape the aspirations of various Shakya youth. First and foremost is the role of Ven. Pragyanand Mahathero who was born on 18th December 1927 in a small village in central Sri Lanka named Galagedara. His parents were devout Sri Lankan Buddhists and came across 27 The Mahabodhi society of India, Lucknow branch, published a special tribute edition highlighting the life and work of Venerable Pragyanand Mahathero in 2019. This special edition was entitled “Bhadant Pragyanand Journal” which is a collection of essays from various Indian Buddhist scholars and activists who have known Ven. Pragyanand over the years and witnessed his lifelong aspirations and work for the development of Buddhism in India. What makes this special edition unique and important is the range of personal stories and reflections around the life of Ven. Pragyanand and how his words and actions transformed the lives of people around him. 42 an appeal published by an influential Bengali Buddhist monk associated with the Mahabodhi Society looking for families who could send their children to get Buddhist monastic training and education to take forward the work for the development of Buddhism in India (Shakya, 2023, p. 119). This marked the time when his parents decided to send him to India under the guidance of Venerable Bodhanand Mahasthvir. Venerable Bodhanand Mahasthvir (1874 - 1952) was a prominent Bengali Buddhist monk closely associated with the Mahabodhi Society of India as well as involved with the local Barua Buddhist community serving at the British cantonment in Lucknow (Ober 2023). He was also quite vocal against the Indian caste system, supporting the growing anti-caste movement in North India and propounded the theory that the untouchables and lower caste communities were the original inhabitants of India (Bellwinkel-Schempp 2007). In 1925, Bodhanand established a Buddhist Vihara near Risaldar park in Lucknow which became an important centre of Buddhist education and a prominent space for the assembly of anti-caste leaders. In the following years Bodhanand influenced several local anti-caste leaders towards Buddhism such as Chandrika Prasad Jigyasu (1885-1974), the founder of the Bahujan Kalyan Prakashan, as well as others such as Rai Bahadur Ram Charan, Shiv Dayal Singh Chaurasia, Gauri Shanker Pal, and Chedi Lal Sathi. The latter played a prominent role in mobilising the anti-caste movement in North India along with Bodhanand. Later, in 1948 and 1951, when Ambedkar visited Lucknow, he also visited his close friend Venerable Bodhanand at the Risaldar Park Buddha Vihara as they both shared a common and profound interest and passion towards the eradication of casteism and the future of Buddhism in India. This is how the young Pragyanand came into contact with Ambedkar, his teachings and most importantly his vision of Prabuddha Bharat, which subsequently inspired and shaped his own life and activism for Buddhism. Pragyanand referred to Lucknow as Ambedkar’s “Snehabhoomi” (a place close to his heart) given his affinity with his close friend Bodhanand, who he met on various occasions and shared a close bond over socio-spiritual matters related to Buddhism.28 28 In an interview held in 2016 at Lucknow, Pragyanand stated, “If Mhow in MP is the janmabhoomi (place of birth) of Babasaheb, and Nagpur is his Deekshabhoomi (land of initiation), then Lucknow was certainly the snehbhoomi (a place close to his heart).” See https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/lucknow/the-monk-who-converted-babasaheb-to-buddhism/articleshow/51818687.cms 43 Through the spiritual mentorship of Bodhanand threaded with influences by Ambedkar, this would profoundly shape his lifelong vision and pursuit to work for the revival and development of Buddhism in India. It would not be wrong to say that Ambedkar’s vision of “Prabuddha Bharat” and bringing Buddha-dharma home deeply moved young Pragyanand, especially when he became one of the youngest member of the Buddhist monastic sangha who facilitated the historic Buddhist mass conversion ceremony led by Ambedkar at Nagpur in 1956. Returning to Lucknow, Pragyanand began to connect with the local Dalit leaders and community members in many urban centres of North India such as Agra, Kanpur, Lucknow, Delhi and also in Punjab, helping to facilitate formal and informal Buddhist initiation and conversion ceremonies inspired by Ambedkar. For example, in 1957, Pragyanand organised one of the largest mass conversion ceremonies in Lucknow for 15,000 lay persons drawing huge public attention and helping establish him as an important leader and spiritual successor to Ambedkar. His continued work among the Dalit and new converts provided him with significant socio-cultural clout and credibility which further helped establish him as one of the most influential Buddhist monk figures in Northern India throughout the twentieth and twenty-first century. Embracing Ambedkar’s vision towards a new kind of Buddhist monk, Pragyanad was inspired to go beyond some of the more traditional and conservative aspects of Thereavada Buddhist monasticism and take an active role in the “fight to spread dhamma” (Hancock 2003, 19). In essence, Pragyanand exemplified and embodied the role of a “model monk” which Ambedkar had described in his famous article “The Buddha and the Future of his Religion,” published in 1950 in the Mahabodhi Society Journal. Ambedkar had imagined that Buddhist monks would be “highly educated” and could serve as a “model” to the laymen and society. He wrote, “They must realize that the duty of a Buddhist is not merely to be a good Buddhist, his duty is to spread Buddhism. They must believe that to spread Buddhism is to serve mankind.” 29 29 See https://www.clearviewproject.org/2015/05/buddha-and-the-future-of-his-religion-ambedkar/ 44 In the 1970s, Pragyanand came in contact with the local Shakya monk leader Venerable Dhammaloko Mahastavir (? – 2000) who used to work and reside in and around Sankisa and had close contact with the Shakya community. As a result, Pragyanand was invited to give initiations and teachings to the local community members at Sankisa especially during the annual Buddha Jayanti events and Kaumudini Purnima Mahaotsava as part of the Sarad Purnima to celebrate the day of Buddha’s descent from Tavtimsa heaven (Shakya 2023, 117-118). These connections helped build trust within the Shakya community as Pragyanand began engaging with the local Buddhist monks and helping them with their Buddhist education and training at places like Lucknow, Shravasthi, and Kushinagar given his wider outreach with the local Buddhist monasteries and community across Northern India. Gradually, the Shakya community members in and around Sankisa began to send their young family members for Buddhist education and monastic training under his mentorship at Shravasthi. It was in Shravasthi where he ran a Buddhist education centre at the local Chinese Buddhist monastery founded by the Chinese monk Rev. Ren Chen who was closely associated with the Mahabodhi Society of India and later bequeathed the temple to the society.30 I highlight the importance of this centre because many of those who attended these schools are now notable Buddhist monks and are running major Buddhist centres and organizations in places such as Sarnath, Lucknow, Kushinagar, Sankisa, Shravasthi and other places in UP. It would not be wrong to say that his inspiration to propagate the Buddha-Dhamma through education directly followed his own teachers and mentors such as Ven. Bodhanand and Ambedkar. There is no denying that Pragyanand immensely shaped the trajectory of Buddhist education and training in Northern India helping to educate and train several generations of Indian Buddhist monks to take forward the work which he had started in places such as Sarnath, Kushinagar, Sankisa and Lucknow. And, importantly, the majority of these monks are coming from the Shakya community. Overall, Pragyanand dedicated his whole life to elevate the importance of Buddhism in India through education and efforts to preserve Buddhist sites and rare 30 See https://mbsiindia.org/Shravasthi -center/ 45 manuscripts which he tirelessly sought to reproduce and distribute among Buddhist demographics and communities throughout India. Figure 2: Special memorial edition on Venerable Pragyanand (1927-2017) Later, at the age of 90, on November 30th 2017, he passed away in Lucknow and his final cremation took place at the Chinese Buddhist Vihara in Shravasthi given his close relation with the place and his efforts to nurture the very next generations of “model monks” and Buddhist activists there (Shakya, 2023). 2.4.3 Venerable Vijayasoma Mahathero ( ? - 1978) Due to the lack of primary sources on Venerable Vijayasoma Mahathero, his early life and work is difficult to contextualize. What we do know is that he was born in Sri Lanka and following his monastic training made his journey to India where he became a strong advocate for the development of Buddhism in Sankisa. In 1972, a small booklet was published on his life which does provide a brief account of his life and aspirations in visiting Sankisa. In his words, he wrote: 46 In 1927 Shree Anagarika Dhammapala visited Sankisa and the Zamindar of Sankisa Pandit Mukta Prasad Dixit gifted two acres of land to build a pilgrims rest house but due to his continued bad health, he could not manage to do so. Shree Mukta Prasad Dixit requested every Buddhist monk who came to worship at Sankisa to send some Bhikkhu to reside and develop this sacred place. When I came to know about this, I wrote to Mr. Devender Nath Dixit advocate S/o Shree Mukta Prasad Dixit, at once our correspondence resulted in my coming to Sankisa in 1957 (Vijaysom, 1972). In 1959, he established the first Buddhist shrine at the Sankisa stupa, installing a prominent image of the Buddha’s descent from Tushita Heaven. This image depicts the Buddha returning after teaching the Abhidhamma to his mother and the devas, accompanied by the deities Brahma and Indra. The inception of this relatively small yet important Buddhist shrine played a crucial role in early “place-making” efforts in Sankisa and helped establish its historical and religious significance as “the land of Abhidhamma”. Figure 3: The Buddhist shrine built by Venerable Vijaysom Mahathero near the historic site of Sankisa stupa (Source: UP Tourism website) 47 In July 1960, Vijayasoma Mahathero also started a public school for the local children under the name of “Sarwajanik Vidya Mandir” which helped him to connect and built his trust with the local community members in and around Sankisa. It was during this time that he began to engage with the local Shakya community, especially during the annual Buddha Jayanti celebration that was celebrated during the Vesak Purnima. Soon, he realized that most of the local Shakya community members lacked the knowledge of not only the fundamental Buddha’s teachings but also involved in various Hindu rituals and believing Buddha as a Hindu god (Shakya 2023, pp.117-118). As a result of this, Vijayasoma Mahathero started to raise awareness about the Buddha and his teachings and the significance of Sankisa as a land of Abhidhamma. He encouraged the Shakya community to celebrate the Sarad Purnima (the full moon in the month of October) as the annual “Devorohana Puja festival” with equal zeal and faith as this is the day marking the Buddha’s descent from Tushita heaven following the Buddha’s teaching of Abhidhamma to his mother. It was through these efforts that the local community began to celebrate the auspicious day of Sarad Purnima at Sankisa each year since 1967. On this annual occasion community members gather from the neighboring districts and areas such as Mainpuri, Frauukhabad, Etah and also from New Delhi to celebrate Sarad Purnima. Later, Vijayasoma Mahathero also founded “Sankisa Abhidhamma Sangh”31 during the 1970s to help the local community learn about Buddha’s Abhidhamma teaching. Earlier, the school which he had started had grown significantly. Over time it became affiliated with the UP state education department and was eventually turned into a local college in 1984. Reflecting the legacy of Vijasoma, in 1978, the college was renamed as the “Bhadant Vijaysom Inter College, Sankisa” which became one of the primary sites for the pilgrims to stay overnight during the annual Sarad Purnima and/or other Buddhist events. Overall, Vijayasoma Mahathero dedicated more than two decades of his life in Sankisa and made a significant socio-cultural and educational impact for the development of Sankisa, the local Shakya Buddhist community and Buddhism in UP, more broadly. In his book published in 31 This organization was founded by Vijaysom Thero to raise awareness among the local community about the site of Sankisa and promote various social, educational and cultural events at Sankisa especially events such as the annual Sankisa mela. 48 1972, he wrote, “There are large number of Sakyas around Sankisa. They are the descendants of Kapilawasthu race. The assistance of the world Buddhists is needed to develop Sankisa and also to give Buddhist education to the noble Sakyas”.32 Such statements provide important insight and evidence towards the growing public consciousness around the notion of a “Shakya identity” which had become well established among the community members in and around Sankisa. This whole process was further strengthened by the time Pragyanand came in close contact with the Shakya community members and helped the community to connect with the wider Buddhist community through education and networking. Venerable Vijayasom Mahathero passed away on August 16th, 1978 (Shakya 2023, pp. 114-15). 2.4.4 Venerable Dhammaloko Mahathero ( ? – 2000) Venerable Dhammaloko Mahathero was born in a small village named Sothara in the district of Mainpuri, Uttar Pradesh. Like other monks who were active in Sankisa, it is difficult to find much information about his early life and upbringing. What is evident, however, is that while growing up he was profoundly influenced by the teachings of the mystic poet and saint Kabir (1398 – 1518)which inspired him to embrace a path of renunciation and homelessness as a Kabirpathi Sadhu. While pursuing his spiritual quest, he came in contact with some Buddhist monks during the 1960-70s and later in 1972, he decided to get ordained as a Buddhist monk at Bodh Gaya in Bihar. After that initiation, he returned to Sankisa, where he spent the remainder of his life working for the development of Buddhism alongwith Pragyanand. In 1976, he laid the foundation to build the first Indian Buddha Vihara in modern-day Sankisa, which provided a much-needed platform to deepen his dhamma work and community outreach. Over the years, it has remained one of the main centres for Indian Buddhist monks and the local Shakya community, especially during the annual Sankisa events. In light of these efforts, the vihar was renamed the Dhammaloko Buddha Vihara, Sankisa. His presence and religious propagation, however, was met with considerable hostilities and often received death threats. On the one hand, the local Shakya community were generously supporting these endeavours, but on the other hand, the non-Buddhist community in the surroundings were somewhat agitated by his critical approach towards Hindu caste system and beliefs. 32 Thero Vijaysom (1972), Tathagat Buddha Ke Devarohan Katha, Sankisa Abhidhamma Sangha, Sankisa 49 Later, when he came into contact with Venerable Pragyanand and Bhadant Gyaneshwar, the president of the Kushinagar Bhikkhu Sangha and the abbot of Burmese Vihara at Kushinagar in UP, they helped support him with his dhamma activities among the Shakya community in Sankisa. In the following years, his simple yet critical teachings and guidance on Buddhism were well received among the Shakya community and inspired several of the community members to get ordained as Buddhist monks under his guidance. This also inspired a new trend among the Shakya community to organise and receive a formal public initiation into Buddhism called the Dhammadiksha during the annual Buddhist festivals at Sankisa such as the auspicious day of Buddha Purnima, Sarad Purnima and Kartik Purnima. Since the 1980s, for example, Dhammaloko Mahathero along with Ven. Pragyanand had given Dhammadiksha to thousands of Shakya community members into Buddhism adding a whole new chapter for the revival of Buddhism in North India, especially in the post-Ambedkar conversion era. Dhammaloko and Pragyanand remained close friends throughout their life exemplifying Ambedkar’s vision of a “model monk” given their activism and tireless efforts to spread Buddhism in the homeland. He passed away on February 29th, 2000 at Sarnath, UP. The confluence of these emerging connections and networks helped create a foundation for new opportunities among the Shakya community especially for youth to study and practice Buddhism and learn about their own heritage and lineage. Venerable Dhammaloko is considered one of the most influential and important figures in the modern history of Sankisa (Shakya 2023, pp. 103-114). 2.4.5 Dr. Bhikkhu Dhammapal Mahathero (Born 1972 - ) Venerable Dhammapal Mahathero also known as Dr. Netrapal Singh Bauddh is the current abbot of Shakyamuni Buddha Vihara and the president of Sankisa Bhikkhu Sangha located at Rajghat in Sankisa. He was born and raised in the nearby district of Mainpuri, a few kilometers away from Sankisa. Having been born in a Shakya family surrounded by the growing Buddhist movement in UP, his parents chose to send him for Buddhist education and training under the mentorship of Ven. Pragyanand at the nearby Chinese Buddhist Temples that was later gifted to the Mahabodhi Society of India by its founder Rev. Ren Chen in Shravasthi. In Shravasthi, Dhammpal Mahathero was ordained as a novice in 1993 and did his early education and Buddhist training under the mentorship of Ven. Pragyanand which inspired him to deepen his 50 knowledge of Pali language and literature and Buddhism. In 1999, he went to Bangkok, Thailand for further monastic training and received his full ordination as a Bhikkhu. When Dhammapal Mahathero returned to India, he attended various Indian universities to continue his studies in Pali language and literature such as Nava Nalanda Mahavihara, Darbhanga Sanskrit University, Magadh University and then finally at Sampurnanand Sanskrit University to pursue his PhD in Varanasi. All these years of education and experience helped him to deepen his understanding of Buddhism and Pali language as a reputed scholar of Buddhism. For example, he wrote his first book entitled Bhagwan Buddha aur Uttar Pradesh (Lord Buddha and Uttar Pradesh) which mainly discusses the Buddhist sites located in the state of UP. His most notable work is entitled Kapilvasthu Ke Shakya: Ek Aethehasik Adhayan (Shakya of Kapilvasthu: A Historical Study) which was first published in the year 2011 which is one of the first complete work tracing the history of Shakya community through Pali and Buddhist literature from a notable Shakya community members himself. Figure 4: The cover page of the book “Kapilvasthu ke Shakya” by Dr. Netrapal Singh Bauddh who is also known as Dr. Ven. Dhammapal Mahathero 51 This book gained a substantial audience in UP especially given its subject matter addressing the history and genealogy of Shakya community. In this book he traces the current Shakya community back to the time of the Buddha and details connections between current Other Backward Castes (OBCs) community members such as Shakya, Kachi, Kushwaha, Saini, Koeri that have spread across North India and Nepal.33 At present, Dhammpal Mahathero resides at the Shakyamuni Buddha Vihara at Sankisa and serves the local community through various educational and social projects (Shakya 2023, pp. 140-144). 2.4.6 Dr. Bhikkhu Nandratna Mahathero (Born 1982 - ) Venerable Nandaratna was born in 1982 at Mainpuri in a Shakya family, just a few kilometres away from Sankisa. In 1993, when he was only eleven years old, his parents sent him to get ordained as a novice Buddhist monk and continue his study at the centre established by Ven. Pragyanand in Shravasthi. He was ordained by Dr. Ven. D. Somaratna Mahathero who was one of the main mentors and teachers for Shakya youth who went to study at this centre throughout the 1990s. Ven. D. Somaratna was a well-known Pali and Buddhist studies scholar who received his monastic education and training in Sri Lanka and then taught at the Sampurnanand Sanskrit University in Varanasi. He was also closely associated with Ven. Pragyanand and his vision to spread Buddhism through education. Having finished his early education and training at Sharvasthi, Nanadaratna moved to Kushinagar where he received his Bhikkhu ordination in 2000 by the senior Burmese monk Bhadant Gyaneshwar Mahathero and completed his Bachelor’s and Master’s degree before going for his PhD at the Sampurnanand Sanskrit University in Varanasi. The focus of his research was on the contribution of Shakya monks in the propagation of Buddhism. Upon completion of his PhD in 2019, he returned to Kushinagar and became the head Bhikkhu-in-charge of the local Sri Lankan Buddhist monastery. As part of his efforts to revive the Buddhist sites like Sankisa, he helped fund the construction of a thirty-two foot tall replica of the Ashokan Pillar with a Lion capital on top in Kushinagar at the Sri Lankan Temple. It is important to note that there has been a surge in building Ashoka pillar replicas among the Shakya community in UP in recent years. 33 See https://www.newar.com.np/shakya-caste-of-nepal.html 52 Figure 5: A replica of Ashoka pillar built by Ven. Nanadaratna at the Sri Lankan monastery in Kushinagar (Photo shared by Ven. Nandaratna) Like other monks we have discussed in this section, Nanadaratna is also active in various educational and academic domains as one of the founding members and secretary of the Sarnath based Pali Society of India and the Buddhist Journal named “Nibban Bodhi” which promotes the publication and circulation of independent Buddhist research works and articles. Also, he regularly organises events to raise awareness about the importance and value of Pali language and literature in order to preserve Buddha’s teaching and he invites notable Pali scholars and researchers to discuss such topics. Over the past few years, as a Buddhist monk Nanadaratna has also spearheaded many temporary ordinations for the Shakya youth and community members at the Sri Lankan Buddha Vihara in Kushinagar, especially during the 53 Vassa (the rain season). This is becoming a growing trend among the Shakya community to gain firsthand experience of the monastic life through temporary ordinations, like the kind I experienced in Thailand. This practice also speaks to the growing awareness and openness towards the Buddhist monastic life within the Indian Buddhist community which is probably a positive sign for the future of Buddhism in India (Shakya 2023, pp.145-151). 2.4.7 Dr. Bhikkhu Upanand Mahathero (Born 1982 - ) Venerable Upanand is a notable disciple of Venerable Pragyanand given his work and engagement with the Shakya youth community in Sankisa through the Youth Buddhist Society of India (YBS). Although I will discuss the YBS in greater detail in the next chapter, Upanand was ordained in 1991 at Sharasvati under the mentorship of Ven. Pragyanand and did his early education and training there before moving to the Risaldar Park Buddha Vihar in Lucknow where he lived and served Ven. Pragyanand during the final years of his life. Figure 6: Venerable Upanand guiding the newly ordained Shakya youth at the YBS centre in Sankisa (Photo shared by YBS) Upanand holds a PhD in Buddhist Studies and currently serves as an Assistant Professor at the International Research Institute of Buddhist Studies at Lucknow. In 2016, he published his PhD thesis as a book entitled Trajectories of Buddhism in United Provinces 54 (1858-1947). It is also important to note here that he is also the nephew of Suresh Chandra Bauddha – the founder of the Youth Buddhist Society of India (YBS) and is currently serving as the secretary of the organization and helps look after the annual Shakya youth novice monk training during the rainy season. He spends most of his time between Sankisa and Lucknow teaching Buddhism to the local communities (Shakya 2023, pp. 144-145). 2.4.8 Comrade Karamveer Shakya (Born 1944 - ) Karamveer Shakya is one of the senior-most living community members who has dedicated his life to the development of Buddhism in Sankisa and the Shakya community through various social, political, cultural and educational events. He was born in 1944 and recalls his first visit to Sankisa at the age of twelve during the historic 2500th Buddha Jayanti celebration in 1956.34 During this event, he met the local Shakya community leaders who deeply inspired him and shaped his aspiration to be a future leader and activist for the upliftment of his community and work for Buddhism. Later, as a teenager, he came in contact with the larger anti-caste movement in UP inspired by Ambedkar having read his book The Buddha and his Dhamma. This significantly changed his life and inspired him to work for the development of Buddhism especially in and around Sankisa. While growing up, he also became engaged with growing caste and class movements in North India and that brought him into contact with all sorts of political ideologues and leaders from various Socialist, Marxist and Communist backings. Throughout his early life, he was an active member of a subaltern political movement known as the Shoshit Samaj Party and Arjak Sangh which brought him in close contact with leaders such as Jagdeo Prasad Mahto (1922-1974) and others with whom he also went to Tihar jail in New Delhi in 1966. Despite the influence of these varied political ideologies, the Buddha and Ambedkar’s idea of creating a just society remained at the core of his personal and socio-political aspirations. Furthermore, the growing anti-caste sentiments along with the Ambedkarite Buddhist movement in Western UP during the 1970-80s brought him into close contact with Buddhist monks such as Venerable Somratna Mahathero, Venerable Dhammaloko and later 34 I had a phone call with Karamveer Shakya when he shared his early life and memory associated with Sankisa. 55 Venerable Pragyanand Mahathero, which inspired him to work for the preservation and development of the site of Sankisa. From the late 1980s onwards, Karamveer Shakya started to play an active role along with other Shakya community members and Buddhist monks, especially when it came to organizing annual Buddhist events at Sankisa such as the Buddha’s descent ceremony which was earlier introduced by Venerable Somratna Mahathero of Sri Lanka. In 1993, he also started to publish a weekly Hindi newspaper entitled “Bhim Laher” (Bhim wave) which gained considerable popularity within the Shakya community and remained a major source of Sankisa and Shakya-related community news and events until recently. This weekly magazine served the local community for nearly two decades and regularly covered the historical, archaeological and cultural events associated with Sankisa. In recent years, he also stood against the growing land encroachment of the archaeological site at Sankisa and its nearby lands by a local Hindu Brahmin community who worship the Bisari Devi temple that was built in the vicinity of the Sankisa stupa. This led to a local court case at the Allahabad High Court between the local Hindu Brahmins and Shakya Buddhist community members and Buddhist monks. As noted earlier, this is also one of the major causes of growing tension and contestation among community members in the Sankisa area at the moment. Overall, Karamveer Shakya is one of the senior Shakya community members who has significantly contributed towards the development of Sankisa as well as Buddhism within the Shakya community. Now, at the age 80, he is serving as the president of Dhammaloko Buddha Vihara in Sankisa (Shakya 2023, pp.120-122). 2.5 Sankisa and the Role of Tibetan Buddhism Another significant aspect of the modern Buddhist revival in India is the growing connections and presence of Tibetan Buddhism. With the Chinese invasion of Tibet between 1950-1959, the 14th Dalai Lama and thousands of Tibetans were forced into exile in India. The Government of India provided them with all the basic support for resettlement in Dharamshala, Himachal Pradesh as well as in various other locations across India. There is no doubt that the Tibetan presence in India has had a considerable impact on the revival of Buddhism in modern India and global spread of Buddhism. 56 The Dalai Lama, as the spiritual leader of Tibetan Buddhism, has in many ways become a global ambassador for Buddhist teachings and values, promoting non-violence, compassion, and interfaith dialogue. Tibetan monasteries and cultural institutions in India have become centers of learning and pilgrimage, attracting not only Tibetan refugees but also Indian Buddhists and international followers. As I describe in the next chapter, in 2015 and 2018, the Dalai Lama was also invited by the Youth Buddhist Society of India (YBS) to give teachings to the local Shakya community members which was attended by more than one hundred thousand people.35 This was a historic moment for Sankisa and the local community as it was the first time the Indian Buddhist community had gathered in such large numbers to attend the Dalai Lama’s teaching. Figure 7: His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama addressing the YBS volunteers at Sankisa in 2018 (Photo shared by YBS) This historic event also marked an important new chapter in the modern history of Sankisa and Buddhism in UP as it laid an important foundation and relationship between the 35 See https://tibet.net/his-holiness-the-dalai-lama-arrives-in-sankisa-uttar-pradesh/ 57 Indian and Tibetan exile community that continues to grow. Resulting from these ties, in recent years, YBS has sent several Shakya youth to study Buddhism in places such as Dharamshala, Bodh Gaya and Kathmandu where these Shakyan youth are getting formal training in Tibetan language and Buddhist Philosophy. Sankisa, with its historical and religious significance, has become a focal point for development of these Buddhist networks and revival efforts. The site’s association with the Buddha’s descent from Tavatimsa Heaven has also made it a symbol of spiritual and social ascent for the Dalit and low caste community as well as efforts to draw connections with the Shakya lineage as I discuss further in next chapter. 58 Figure 8: YBS formal announcement of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama teaching at Sankisa from December 3rd to 6th, 2018 YOUTH BUDDHIST SOCIETY OF INDIA (YBS) H.O- RZ A-3/108, Durga Park, street-1, Palam , New Delhi-110045, India Office ʹ Vivek Vihar Colony, Manipuri, UP. India, E-mail- ybsindia@gmail.com ,Cont.- Mob. +91 8057060023, www.ybsindia.org Dear Ven / Friends in the Dhamma, Youth Buddhist Society of India, based in Mainpuri and Sankisa, Uttar Pradesh, has been inviting authentic teachers of Buddha Dhamma from time to time in order to introduce people to the liberating path of Lord Buddha. To further this process and also in order to increase the enthusiasm and development of the local Shakya people, His Holiness the Dalai Lama has been requested second time to visit us and teach and we are delighted to inform all of you that He has accepted to do so from 3-6 December 2018 at Sankisa. Sankisa is steeped in Buddhist history. This is where Buddha descended to earth having given teachings to his mother in the Tushita heaven. The King Asoka in approx. 223 BC built a stupa with an elephant that nowadays, albeit in iƚƐ decƌeƉiƚ condiƚion͕ iƐ Ɛƚill a ǁiƚneƐƐ ƚo SankiƐa͛Ɛ gloƌioƵƐ ƉaƐƚ͘ HolineƐƐ͛Ɛ ǀiƐiƚ ǁill be a boon in ƚhe aƌeaƐ of cƵlƚƵƌal͕ Ɛocial͕ ƐƉiƌiƚƵal͕ edƵcaƚional and regional progress. Also renowned Chinese pilgrim-scholar Huien Tsang spoke of an Ashokan pillar and a mahavihara with a thousand monks when he visited. Nowadays, even without the benefit of a functioning Buddhist Institution or an educated Sangha in the area, local Shakyas and Buddhists for decades have been trying to understand and bring the teachings into their daily lives. YBS India has been broadcasting the significance etc of Sankisa since 1986, boosting awareness of Buddha Dharma as well as history of the holy place. HiƐ HolineƐƐ͛Ɛ ǀiƐiƚ ǁill acceleƌaƚe SankiƐa͛Ɛ ƌecenƚ aƉƉƌeciaƚion of iƚƐ ƉƌoƵd ƉaƐƚ and ƉƌeƐenƚ significance, boost the morale of the Shakya people who are still in a majority in the area and lead to unity amongst the people of Sankisa and the surrounding areas, as well as open up more possibilities for tourism. Buddha has said that the gift of the Dhamma excels all other gifts. We are making preparations for the 10,0000 people who are expected to attend H. H. Teaching for four days, and to cover their board and lodging will require a large amount of financial resources. Therefore, in order for us to successfully accomplish this meritorious event involving the blessings of His Holiness and the receiving of Holy Dharma of Boddhichariyavatar (The way of Bodhisattvas) in Sankisa, we have great need of your kind financial support and dhamma generosity. We offer our heartfelt thanks to you for helping to make this extraordinary gathering possible. With respectful good wishes in Dhamma Organizer: Youth Buddhist Society of India (YBS) 59 2.6 Conclusion The Buddhist revival movement in Uttar Pradesh is a testament to the enduring legacy of Buddhism and its transformative power in addressing social inequalities, especially towards casteism. The integration of Buddhist teachings with anti-caste movements has not only revitalized the spiritual and cultural heritage of the region but also strengthened the fight for social justice and human dignity. As Uttar Pradesh continues to be a center of Buddhist pilgrimage and social change, its journey exemplifies the potential of Buddhism to inspire and empower marginalized communities, promoting a vision of a just and compassionate society. The efforts to preserve, promote, and innovate within the Buddhist tradition in Uttar Pradesh, in my opinion, are essential for sustaining this rich heritage and ensuring its relevance in the modern world. The synergy between the Buddhist revival and the anti-caste movements in Uttar Pradesh is profound and multifaceted which can be examined in the way Buddhism continues to influence anti-caste movements, but also wider politics in UP. Ambedkar’s advocacy has extended to the establishment of educational and political platforms for many vocal Dalit communities. Institutions like the Babasaheb Bhim Rao Ambedkar University (Estd. 1996) in Lucknow and various Buddhist societies have also played crucial roles in promoting education, self-respect, and political empowerment among Dalits and other low caste groups. Visible throughout many parts of UP today, Buddhist symbols, art and architecture are widely being disseminated and revived among the Dalit and low caste communities to assert their Buddhist identity. For example, within the Shakya community, it is a growing trend to install Mauryan arch symbols and erect replicas of Ashoka pillars in their community along with the installation of the Buddha and Ambedkar statues at the local Buddha Vihara and public spaces. This shift is not just an expression of religious values but also social, challenging the entrenched caste hierarchies and promoting a vision of a “just” society based on Buddha’s principles. In the next chapter, I am going to focus on the origin, development and impact of the Youth Buddhist Society of India (YBS) within this broader socio-cultural milieu, showing how this organization has significantly shaped the local Buddhist movement in North India with their creative approach towards Shakya youth empowerment through Buddhist education and training. 60 3. Chapter Three: “We are descendants of the Buddha”: the Youth Buddhist Society and Return Globalization in Sankisa 3.1 Introduction Upon the invitation of the Youth Buddhist Society of India (YBS), in 2015 and 2018, His Holiness, the 14th Dalai Lama Tenzin Gyatso (HHDL), visited Sankisa for a special teaching program on Buddhism. There were two main reasons for the Dalai Lama’s visit and teachings at Sankisa. Firstly, His Holiness came at the invitation of the YBS members to provide teachings over three days to the surrounding Shakya community. Figure 9: HHDL at Sankisa addressing YBS volunteers (Photo shared by YBS) Secondly, the His Holiness was invited to help inaugurate the unveiling of an 80 ft. high replica of the ancient Ashoka Pillar that was first built in the 3rd century BCE by the Mauryan emperor Ashoka. This reproduction of the original pillar with its elephant capital is the highest Ashoka pillar in the world, and in the words of Suresh Chandra Bauddha, one of the founders of the YBS, it is “helping to put Sankisa on the world map. We are the great-grandchildren of Ashoka and Chandragupta Maurya, and therefore, it is our responsibility to preserve and build such pillars. Ashoka had built some 84,000 pillars. This is going to set a new example for the future.”36 36 The pillars of Ashoka are a series of monolithic columns dispersed throughout the Indian subcontinent. According to some legends Ashoka had built 84,000 stupas commemorating the events and relics of Buddha’s 61 Figure 10: The 80 ft. tall replica of Ashoka pillar built at YBS centre in Sankisa (Photo shared by YBS) For members of the YBS, what makes the unveiling of Ashoka pillar so significant was that it provides an empowering symbol of reclamation for a marginalized community who are increasingly turning to religion for a global future deriving from an ancient past. As professor and community member Gyanaditya Shakya highlighted in his interview, “The Ashoka pillar also reminds us about the great work done by our great grandfathers who once ruled the Indian subcontinent and helped Buddhism to become international. It also helps inspire our youth to become leaders such as Emperor Ashoka and work for Buddhism and these symbols reminds us of our Buddhist past and heritage which we must preserve” he mentioned. This event is just one of several important grassroots initiatives by the YBS in recent years aimed at the spiritual and cultural development of Shakya youth and its wider community. life, with many of them containing pillars erected or at least inscribed with edicts by the Emperor during his reign. All the pillars of Ashoka were built at sites of prominent Buddhist monastic settlements. Many of these sites, like Sankisa, also remain important sites associated with the hagiography and biographic life of the Buddha. 62 In this chapter I build on the previous background information by providing a detailed overview of the Youth Buddhist Society of India (YBS) and explore how the role of Buddhist memory and place shape certain youth subjectivities and aspirations in the Sankisa region. As noted by Lam (2021, p.263) in a recent Special Issue on Buddhist youth, the perspectives of young people and youthful ‘allies’ have been largely overlooked in extant theorizations of Buddhism and the entwined processes of religious change in global, national and local contexts.37 Given the importance of young people at the forefront of socio-economic, political and cultural change, there is a concomitant need for more diverse perspectives on young people’s lives and how they navigate the contours of lived religion, especially in the Global South. As central agents of social change and innovation, how do young people understand and negotiate their Buddhist engagements in public and private life, and what are the important transnational networks and cross-border mobilities that flow from it? Drawing on interviews with Shakya community members, in this chapter, I argue that Buddhism not only provides a form of ethical self-fashioning that finds inspiration in the soteriological teachings of the Buddha, but it is also about how young people situate themselves in a post-liberalization climate that involves deteriorating social, political and economic conditions. Shedding light on these issues I am drawn to the theoretical work of sociologist Hervieu-Léger (2000) and her notion of a “chain of memory”. In response to a number of debates in the sociology of religion, Hervieu-Léger argues that modernity itself fosters demand for imaginative references to tradition and belonging that are frequently associated with the reinvention or transformation of religious forms (Hervieu-Léger, 2000). The emergence of these “elective fraternities,” involving Buddhist collectives, networks, and associations helps to support new chains of memory in ways that produce a meaningful relationship to the heritage of belief. As I illustrate below, for the YBS members, these invocations of tradition and the various acts of remembrance in Sankisa are also ways of strengthening the Shakya identity and their emotional connection to India’s Buddhist past. In the first section of the chapter, I provide further background on the genesis and development of the Youth Buddhist Society of India (YBS) in North India, with special 37 See the Special Issue ‘Buddhism and Young People.’ Journal of Global Buddhism. (Lam 2021). 63 attention to the founding members of the organization and the importance of education. Following this, I discuss how these Buddhist youth engage in a process of return globalization, which can be defined as the re-rooting of a “transplanted religious practice finding its way back to its country of origin” (Frøystad, 2009, p.279). In doing so, I explore how Indian youth are creatively reclaiming their heritage by reimagining ancient kinship ties and asserting cultural authenticity, while also embracing global Buddhist ideas and practices to shape new social and ethical identities. 3.2 The Genesis and Development of the Youth Buddhist Society 3.2.1 Demographic and Religious Background India has one of the youngest demographics in the world today with almost half of its population under the age of twenty-five (Kumar, 2019). According to a recent report published by the Government of India, 34.33% of India’s population is between the age of 15-29 years and is categorically identified as “youth” in India (CSO Report 2017, p.3). However, as a polysemous term, the category of youth has its limitations as an analytical concept, especially in the Indian context. For example, people within the age range of 35-40 years old may also consider themselves as “youth” especially within the context of wider political campaigns where parties use the term yuva neta (“youth leader”) for a candidate who is in their early or mid-forties (Jeffery 2011, p.63). In other words, it is important to note that the category of youth is “fluid and variable” and differs widely according to its social and political registers in both urban and rural Indian contexts (Jeffery 2011, p.63). For this thesis, I use the term “youth” to refer to those persons who self-identify as youth and as members of the Youth Buddhist Society of India (YBS). Although there are no specific membership criteria in terms of what constitutes age range or life phase in the YBS organization, the emphasis on youth suggests both “social being” and “social becoming”—a “position in movement” that indexes important life changes marked by wider socio-historical processes (Christiansen et. al. 2006, p.11; Williams-Oerbeg 2021, p.326). As Williams-Oerberg writes, youth are often central to negotiating continuity and change, and it is important to pay attention to the topology of their social landscape, especially their mediations of power and agency (Williams-Oerbeg 2021, p.326). 64 This is particularly important in the post-liberalization context (1990s onwards) according to geographer Craig Jeffreys, whereby “[t]he slow erosion of prior certainties about the structure of families, careers, and residential patterns has imbued ‘youth’ in India with a significance that it arguably did not possess 30 years ago” (Jeffery 2011, p.63). As a result of changing political and economic configurations, there has been an abundance of unemployed youth who have completed secondary school education and university matriculation but have struggled to find a secure salaried position. As Jeffreys (2011) shows in his scholarly work, this experience of joblessness has impacted young men most acutely, especially in the state of Uttar Pradesh (UP) where Sankisa is located. As the most populous state in the country with upwards of 240 million people, it is also one of the poorest. Many of the young men coming of age in the early 2000s in UP faced what Jeffreys calls a “perfect storm” of unsettling socioeconomic changes that included a demographic bulge in youth population, a decline in the standard and funding of secondary and higher education that diminished the values of their degrees, and economic reforms that led to a diminution in opportunities for employment (Jeffery 2011, pp.64-65). This experience of socioeconomic malaise and frustration was encapsulated in the term timepass, a mode of self-expression and cultural style whereby educated unemployed young men would spend unstructured time among peers expressing a feeling of being “left behind,” but also possessing the time and skills to become politically active (Jeffrey 2011, pp.66-68). This expression of timepass and the lack of opportunities in Uttar Pradesh has been particularly acute among the large demographic of Schedule Castes/Tribes (SC/T) that form 20.1% population and the Other Backward Classes (OBCs) which form approximately 40% of the population. Most of the members of the Youth Buddhist Society of India (YBS) that I describe here derive from OBC and Scheduled Caste backgrounds. For centuries, these former “untouchable” communities in Indian society have been recognized as some of the poorest and most “backward” in terms of socio-economic development. While Dalit members are present in the organization, by far the largest membership group are primarily from OBC agrarian communities that claim to have cultural and ethnic ties to the ancient Shakya clan, decentring caste as the primary signifier for group membership and 65 identity. While there is certainly some overlap among members who previously identified with Dalit and other low caste jatis such as Kachi, Kushwaha, Koeri, Maurya, as I have noted earlier, the majority of YBS community members have also adopted surnames such as Bauddha, Shakya, Gautam and Maurya as a way of re-affirming these ancestral ties to the Buddha and other royal Buddhist patrons such as Emperor Ashoka from the Maurya dynasty. Although I am reluctant to use the term ‘conversion’ in this context, those who have taken refuge in the Three Jewels –the Buddha, the Dhamma, and the Sangha—are the ones who primarily adopt the surname Bauddha.38 Having provided some background to the youth demographic I now turn to the Youth Buddhist Society of India (YBS) itself and provide a brief history of the organization. 3.3 The Origins of the Youth Buddhist Society of India It is important to acknowledge that Youth Buddhist movements have a long history in South Asia and other parts of Asia, especially around the turn of the twentieth century. This includes a number of Young Men’s Buddhist Associations (YMBA) that were modelled off of the YMCA (Young Men’s Christian Associations) and through a process of “mimesis” were seen as important vehicles for resisting Christian missionization by co-opting its institutional practices and moral campaigns (Stein 2021). In colonial India, these include the YMBA branches in Kalimpong and Darjeeling between the 1930s-1960s; colonial Myanmar in the 1920s and 1930s; Japan in the 1920s, and Nepal among Newar Buddhists in the 1950s. In this context, it is also worth noting that the founder of the Triratna Buddhist community, an international Buddhist organization founded in 1967 in England by Sangharakshita, formed the Young Men’s Buddhist Association in Kalimpong near Darjeeling in the Indian state of West Bengal during 1950s.39 38 Conversion implies the adoption of a set of beliefs identified with one particular religious group to the exclusion of others. In the South Asian context, it could be argued that religious practices and beliefs (especially among Indic religions) belie clear cut differences and have been traditionally more fluid despite the influence of colonial and modern categories that have reinforced certain boundaries. 39 See Sangharakshita’s memoir Facing Mount Kanchenjunga (1991) in which he writes about his time in Kalimpong during 1950s and his personal exposure and connection with the Tibetan and Himalayan Buddhist communities including famous Tibetan Lamas, Rinpoches and teachers from across Nepal, Bhutan, Tibet, and Sikkim. 66 According to the Youth Buddhist Society of India website, the organization defines itself as a volunteer based, non-governmental, non-sectarian, non-profit, non-political people’s development movement.40 It was established in 1986 by Suresh Chandra Bauddha (hereafter Suresh Bauddha). His motivation for starting the organization and focusing on youth was partly inspired by wider youth-based student movements that had emerged in response to Indira Gandhi’s Emergency in the mid-1970s. During this time, an entire generation of young student activists heeded the call of politician and social reformer Jayaprakash Narayan’s (JP) ‘sampurna kranti’ (total revolution), which was successful in undermining the influence of the Gandhi-led Congress government at the time. Although these youth-led movements morphed into various post-Emergency organizations and networks that cross-fertilized with various subaltern political movements such as All India Backward and Minority Communities Employees Federation, known as BAMCEF, Dalit Panthers and Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), as well even more militant cadres such as the Maoist party of India, there were others like the founders of the YBS that aimed to take up the concerns and grievances of youth in the Sankisa region.41 As noted above, many of these youth were feeling sombre and pessimistic about their future life chances, especially amidst heightened casteism in the aftermath of the Mandal Commission Report in the early 1980s, rising unemployment, and the demise of various post-secondary educational institutions.42 During his education at Agra University in the late 1980s, Suresh Bauddha had taken an active interest in the history and development of Buddhism in the Indian subcontinent and some of the recent pathways of modern revival. For example, during his time in Western Uttar Pradesh, Suresh Bauddha gained exposure to the growing Dalit Buddhist movement that had gained prominence among the Jatav community in Agra, Kanpur, Western UP (and elsewhere 40See Youth Buddhist Society of India website for more details. https://ybsindia.org/ybsindia/ 41 It also important to note that there is a much older genealogy of anti-caste movements in Uttar Pradesh going back to the 19th and 20th centuries following the liberation theology and leadership of Kabirdas, Ravidas, and Swami Achuttanand. 42 The Mandal Commission - the Socially and Educationally Backward Classes Commission - was established in 1979 by the Janata Party government under Prime Minister Morarji Desai with a mandate to ‘identify the socially or educationally backward classes’ of India. Although the report was completed in 1980 it was not until 1989 that the Indian government tried to implement its recommendation leading to numerous protests and self-immolations, especially among college youth whose hopes of getting a government job were now seen as threatened. Despite its intentions, it could be argued that the Commission and its reservation system has played a role in further entrenching caste divisions and differences among many SC/ST and OBC groups. 67 in the country, especially Maharashtra). He also read books written by Ambedkar on the Indian caste system and Buddhism which deeply inspired him on personal level. However, he also found that members of the Shakya youth were uncomfortable with the politicization of the Buddha-dhamma by some Indian Buddhist monks who had been influenced by Ambedkar’s conversion to Buddhism. Ambedkarite Buddhists were also very antagonistic in their criticism of Hinduism. In my interview with Kailash Chandra Bauddha (hereafter Kailash), he noted, “The Shakya community believes that the Buddha has given so many good and positive teachings to us, why shall one focus on criticizing others or negative things?”. Further, he added, “the Dalit community has given more importance to Ambedkar than the Buddha arguing that they came to know about Buddha through Ambedkar.” For these reasons, the early founders of the YBS felt it was important to take a more inclusive stance towards Buddhism and not criticize others, including those associated with Ambedkar. One of the immediate challenges Suresh Bauddha and other founding members faced was that there were very few Buddhist monks in the surrounding area of Sankisa that they could draw upon for support and direction. This began to change in 1990 when Suresh Bauddha graduated from Agra University and fortuitously met Ven. Pragyanand Mahathero at the Risaldar Park Buddha Vihar in Lucknow, the capital city of Uttar Pradesh. It was here that Ven. Pragyanand advised Suresh Bauddha to work closely with the Shakya youth population and offered his support with training and guidance, especially for those who wished to pursue temporary or higher ordination as novice monks in the nearby Buddhist site of Shravasthi, the place where the Buddha spent twenty-five rain retreats after his enlightenment. Accepting the offer, this would include Suresh’s younger brother Uttam Bauddha, nephew Upanand Thero (now professor of Buddhist Studies at Lucknow University), as well as several other family and community members who were sent to various centres for the study and training of Buddhism since the 1990s. At the time, Pragyananda had also advised Suresh Bauddha to pursue higher post-graduate education in Buddhist studies at Nava Nalanda Mahavihara in the nearby state of Bihar, which allowed him to meet many monks from neighbouring Buddhist countries and Buddhist scholars. Two connections in particular were formative in the life of Suresh Bauddha and in expanding the reach of the youth-led organization. The first of these encounters was with a 68 South Korean Buddhist monk and Zen Master named Ven. Pomnyun Sunim during a visit to the Buddhist site of Vaishali in 1993. Ven. Pomnyun Sunim is one of the most famous Korean Buddhist masters and the founder of the volunteer-based organization the Jungto Society (JTS) in South Korea.43 After this chance meeting, the two of them developed a close friendship and Ven. Pomnyun promised to work closely with the YBS organization for the revival of Buddhism among the youth in India. With the support of other Korean monks under the umbrella organization – the Join Together Society (JTS) – Suresh Bauddha and Ven. Pomnyun worked together at the Sujata Academy located at the base of Dungheswari hill near Bodh Gaya in Bihar. The Sujata Academy aims to provide early education and technical training to destitute children in South Bihar and has been active since 1994. The organization also runs a Youth Shramadana School for young people to undertake social work in the community.44 These close collaborations also afforded Suresh Bauddha with the opportunity to undertake further academic studies of Buddhism in Korea between 2000 and 2002. Thus, during this time, several youths from Bodh Gaya, including my elder brother and myself, worked closely with Suresh Bauddha and volunteered at the Sujata Academy. The second encounter that played a critical role in shaping the YBS vision for social reform was the opportunity to meet Dr. A.T. Ariyaratne, the founder of Sarvodaya Shramadana Society in Sri Lanka, in 1997. 45 This movement was founded in 1958 in order to build a program of self-reliance, community participation, and a holistic approach to development based on Buddhist moral values and Gandhian principles. The concept shramadana means “gift of labor” and derives from the Buddhist term dana which means cultivating generosity and virtue. Preceding his time in South Korea, this was also Suresh Bauddha’s first trip abroad. Not only did he has the opportunity to participate in various international Buddhist activities but he also learned a great deal about the application of Buddhist teachings for community-based development and volunteer efforts which has become a central plank of the YBS social and civic outreach programs in different parts of India. For example, when a heavy cyclone struck the Eastern Indian state Odisha in 1999, he helped galvanize upwards of 70 youth 43 See https://www.jungto.org/; https://pomnyun.com/ 44 See https://www.jtsamerica.org/sujata-academy/ 45 See https://www.sarvodaya.org/ 69 Buddhist members from UP and Bihar to volunteer and lend support to the reconstruction efforts alongside Ven. Pomnyun and the South Korean organization Jungto Society. 3.4 Rebuilding Sankisa: The First Actions Building off these Buddhist connections and transnational networks, since 2002, Suresh Bauddha and other youth members have been active in establishing an education program for the local people and community in Sankisa. Through their volunteer efforts and financial support from other prominent local and international Buddhist organizations, like the Khyentse Foundation, International Network of Engaged Buddhism (INEB), and Korean Jungto Society, the YBS have built schools, created a volunteer training centre, computer literacy programs, charitable medical clinics, an organic farming and agricultural centre, and sponsored Buddhist statues to the local Buddha viharas (temples) in the surrounding areas. Modelled after the Sarvodaya philosophy of engaged Buddhism, most of the staff contribute as volunteers and rely on the support and generosity of villagers in the surroundings, most of whom are farmers and some businessmen. One of the more popular forums for revitalizing Buddhism among a younger audience is through Kathavachak (storytelling) about the life and teachings of the Buddha. In recent years, several Shakya youth have gained praise and popularity for their poetry, songs, and storytelling drawing on the local Hindi vernacular. This public forum helps to generate interest in the Buddha and his teachings as well as attract young people from different caste and class communities in the surrounding area. One of the most famous books which these storytellers draw upon as their primary source is the Buddha-Carita Candrodaya written by Vinita Vikram Bauddha in Hindi language. In addition to popular storytelling and the dissemination of books on Buddhism in the Hindi vernacular, the YBS have also been inviting various high-ranking monks and nuns for dhamma talks in the community. Some of the more prominent Buddhist teachers who have taught at YBS programs include: Ven. Samdhong Rinpoche, Ven. Mingyur Rinpoche, Ven. Summati (Kabir Saxena), Ven. Aggacitta, Ven. Tenzin Palmo, Ven. Dhammananda, Ven. Suddhamacara, Ven. Pomyun Sunim and the late Vietnamese Zen monk Thich Nhat Hanh. As one of the YBS members Kailash Bauddha noted, “if we are to learn about Bodhicitta or 70 Sunyata then we have to bring teachers and scholars who know the subject well. Many Tibetan monk-scholars are known for such subjects and that is why we like to invite scholars and teachers to learn specific Buddhist themes and subjects. We want to learn no matter which sect of Buddhism it is coming from” [emphasis added]. Alongside these dhamma talks, the YBS organize weekly dhyan diwas (meditation gatherings) and periodically 3 to 10-day meditation retreats throughout the year. As Baumann (2001) and McMahan (2008) have suggested, the emphasis on meditation practice is important, because it is seen as a quintessential part of modernist/reformist “revival Buddhism” in South Asia that is open to a much wider public, including youth, who may not be interested in pursuing full ordination as a monk or nun. While meditation remains a focal point for embodying the Buddha-dhamma, YBS have also begun to organize a special three-month-long Buddhist lent (vassa) retreat for local community members. Undertaking temporary ordination as a Buddhist novice allows youth members to dedicate their time to the study and practice of Buddhism, meditation, and Pali language under the guidance of secretary, Ven. Upanand Thero. As discussed in the previous chapter, it is important to highlight that the practice of temporary ordination has resonance in many parts of the Theravada world, but especially in the Thai Buddhist tradition, where it is not uncommon for young people to get ordained for a short period for the purpose of religious-moral education and merit-making that supports wider family and social obligations. However, within the Shakya community, temporary ordination is considered more of an opportunity to deepen their spiritual connection with Buddhism through study and meditation that helps to reinforce their own socio-cultural and ancestral ties to Buddhism. In the early 2000s, Suresh Bauddha also had the opportunity to meet the former Prime Minister of the Tibetan government-in-exile Ven. Samdhong Rinpoche and His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama in Dharamshala. As discussed at the outset of the paper, these meetings have been a catalyst for strengthening Shakya-Tibetan ties with Sankisa and the YBS movement. Another significant turning point was when Suresh Bauddha was selected to join the Youth Buddhist Leadership Training program as part of the International Network of Engaged Buddhism (INEB) in 2005 in Thailand. Like his earlier encounters with Korean and Sri Lankan Buddhists, this opened up a number of opportunities to build international contacts and send 71 Indian youth to various parts of Asia for community-based education and monk training through the INEB network such as Cambodia, Vietnam, Sri Lanka, and Thailand. Taking inspiration from the training program, from July 8-10, 2006, the YBS organized the “Buddha and World Peace” conference in Manipuri, Uttar Pradesh, where upwards of 4,000 people attended. Reflecting on the event, Suresh Bauddha said in his report, “It was the first historical Buddha’s teaching among the Shakya family, 95% of the Shakya family attended the teaching. People have learned real Buddhism without any criticism. It was big news in newspapers continuously for 8 days. We hope it was a foundation of Buddhism in the twenty-first century among the Shakya family.”46 Following the success of the event, the YBS, in conjunction with JTS have been organizing a Universal Peace March each year, bringing together students and international youth volunteers from different national and religious backgrounds. Later in 2011, YBS members were also invited to co-organise an international conference at Bodh Gaya along with the Deer Park Institute and Jambudvipa Trust also known as Manuski Centre located in Pune, Maharashtra (a sister organization of Nagaloka) affiliated with the International Network of Engaged Buddhism (INEB) entitled “The Future of Buddhism: From Personal Awakening to Global Transformation” where the founder of Khyentse Foundation, Dzongsar Jamyang Khyentse Rinpoche gave the keynote speech.47 Such international events and networking has helped to establish the YBS as a leading youth Buddhist organization both locally as well as globally. Evident in this brief history of the YBS provided above, the religious organization is involved in various educational and community development projects based on the modern diffusion of engaged Buddhist principles to empower youth and make the study of Buddhism from the Theravada, Mahayana and Vajrayana traditions accessible to the Shakya community. Today the YBS programs reaches an estimated 25,000 people (and likely more), most of whom are Buddhist youth, although Hindus and Muslims are also welcome and encouraged to join in the activities. Although the focus on the Buddha-dhamma remains central to the organization 46 See https://www.inebnetwork.org/ineb-young-bodhisattvas/ 47 See https://issuu.com/surapongman/docs/ineb_conference_2012 72 and its membership, there are times in which youth as a social category transcends other dominant forms of social identification like caste, gender and even religion. As these different activities illustrate, since its establishment, the YBS has become a grassroots initiative aimed at the development and education of mind among youth and villagers throughout India, but especially in the area of Sankisa. Despite the considerable barriers many of the Shakya youth face as a result of the wider socio-economic trends, the Buddha-dhamma has helped cement and ground these aspirations for social change by cultivating an identity re-rooted in the land, seeking knowledge and education wedded to a liberative soteriology, and in terms of seeding transnational ties with other organizations that were not readily available. Much of the continuing success of the organization, I would argue, is due to its ability to provide an alternative education based on Buddhist foundations which I now turn too. 3.5 Educational Migration and Religious Returns 3.5.1 From Timepass to Timepast As described in the previous section, education plays an important role in understanding the genesis of the YBS and its aspirations in the re-rooting of Buddhism in India. It is worth recalling the Pali etymology for the term Buddha, is to be ‘awake, know, perceive,’ which is related to the Sanskrit bodhi, ‘is awakening’ ‘perfect knowledge or wisdom.’ Although the YBS members aspire to embody an ethical system to attain liberation (nirvana), more importantly for my analysis here, Buddhism provides an important node of interconnection and a recognized source link for training and study opportunities for Buddhist youth. According to the YBS membership framework, there are four main reasons for this: 1) To train their Buddhist teachers, scholars, and translators for the future; 2) To connect with the wider global Buddhist community and network; 3) To study Buddhist history, culture and art, for the Buddhist revival movement in India, 4) To fill the gap of not having Buddhist teachers to teach the Indian Buddhist communities in the place of “origins.” As Gyanaditya Shakya mentioned during an interview, “among the Shakya youth, awareness towards Buddhism and Buddhist studies has grown significantly from the 1990s onwards and there are now several youth members who have received higher qualifications 73 such as MA, M.Phil. and Ph.D. in Pali, Buddhist Studies as well as in Tibetan language.” For example, one of the members, Kailash Bauddha, the younger brother of Suresh, is now the official Hindi translator for His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama and resides in Dharamshala permanently. Kailash Bauddha is also one of very few Indians, and the very first from the Shakya community, who is pursuing his higher education at the Institute of Buddhist Dialectics in McLeod Ganj while working with the office of His Holiness. He is also helping translate some of the famous Tibetan Buddhist texts and books into Hindi for Indian audiences. Another Shakya youth named Mahendra Shakya is pursuing his higher education at Terger Osel Ling Monastery48 near Swayambunath in Nepal. There are also other Shakya youths taking their Tibetan Buddhist education and training at the Terger Bodh Gaya centre whom I have personally met at Bodh Gaya. As part of this strategy of diversification for reconstruction, many YBS youth have also become volunteers at various Buddhist centers and venues throughout India where prominent teachers and Rinpoches49 reside such as the Deer Park Institute, Nagaloka Training Institute, Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, and Terger Sangha Monastery at Bodh Gaya and Kathmandu to study and deepen their knowledge of Buddhist philosophy, practice, as well as proficiency in Tibetan, Sanskrit and Pali languages. As a result of this educational work, in the past two decades, YBS has been quite successful in attracting Buddhist youths and volunteers from other Indian states such as Himachal Pradesh, Rajasthan, Bihar, Delhi, Odisha and Karnataka. In other words, families outside Uttar Pradesh are now sending their children to learn about Buddhism at YBS centres in Sankisa and they are also helping to sponsor youth to attend other Buddhist monasteries and schools where YBS have contacts, such as the Taiwanese sponsored Fo Guang Shan Cultural and Educational Centre50 in New Delhi, Thailand and Taiwan, as well as the Karma-Kargu sect of Tibetan Buddhism in Kathmandu and Bodh Gaya. 48 See https://www.tergarsangha.org/en/dharma/tergar-osel-ling-monastery 49 A Rinpoche is an honorific title (‘precious one’) for a high-ranking religious teacher among Tibetan Buddhists. 50 See https://fo-guang-shan-new-delhi-culture-and.business.site 74 While the organization is certainly gendered in terms of favouring more young men over women as I noted at the outset of this thesis, it is important to recall that there are several active Shakya female members, some of whom have gone to Thailand and were ordained at the Songdhammakalyani Monastery—one of the major Bhikkhuni centres on the outskirts of Bangkok—under the guidance of famous Thai Bhikkhuni Dhammananda.51 In India, several of these young Shakya women have also started to work with various Buddhist organizations such as the Vivatta Pathma Bhikkhuni Mahaprajapati Thai Temple in Vaishali,52 the place where the Buddha delivered his last teaching. During my interview, they acknowledged the role of YBS as an important catalyst to help them connect with the wider Buddhist world and educational opportunities which “created the spark” in their life to work for the Shakya community, especially for the women in the community given certain socio-cultural limitations. There is also a growing number of young women taking training at the Tibetan nunnery centre near Dharamsala where Kailash’s contact with the wider Tibetan community, teachers and diaspora in India and Nepal provides a pivotal role in transitioning these Shakya youth within these settings. During the interview, Kailash also mentioned that he is taking care of all their financial needs during this training besides providing them the mentorship and guidance. As one YBS founding community member noted, “YBS was just a small spark in 1986 when we started. Later, it has become a light for the people. Buddhism brought the light to us and made us aware of our social, economic, and educational needs.” Evident in this statement, the embodiment of Buddhist teachings and the pursuit of higher education in the field of Buddhist studies has played a significant role in shaping the mindset and attitude of Shakya youths towards their own history and understanding of Buddhism as part of their cultural heritage.53 As Dr. Gyanaditya Shakya noted, “Earlier, it was mainly the upper caste community who were studying Buddhism and Pali language, but now it has changed. Many students from the backward caste and Dalit community have started to join and have become faculty 51See https://www.thaibhikkhunis.com/en/ 52 See https://vivattamahavihar.wordpress.com/contact/ 53 While Buddhist education provides an essential foundation to their aspirations as youth leaders, they have also be greatly influenced by the role of Dalit and low caste social reformers, some which derive from the Shakya community and have had an important mark on society in Uttar Pradesh and throughout the country, such as Jyotiba Phule, B.R. Ambedkar, Kanshi Ram, among others. 75 members, scholars and teachers. They have published and translated Buddhist texts and are also writing books on Buddhism and the Buddhist movement in India.” Further, he adds, “such works have motivated and inspired lots of youth from our community to pursue higher education and work for the redevelopment of Indian Buddhism.” Earlier, the trend of pursuing higher education in the field of Buddhist studies and Pali language were mainly situated in Maharashtra and major urban centers like Kolkata, Delhi, and Mumbai, but these days the Buddhist revival has spread to various corners of India, including UP, where the New Buddhist movement intersects with the rise of the BSP political party bringing opportunities for teaching positions in Buddhist studies and Pali language.54 Thus, unlike Jeffrey’s study of timepass and the ambivalence and confusion deriving from young students who face unemployment and limited opportunities despite having access to modern education, the YBS has been active in cultivating a form of timepast where youth learn about the history of Indian Buddhism and its spread throughout various parts of Asia to seed its resurgence back in India, especially among the Shakya community. Once these youth finish their basic schooling here in India, Buddhism helps leverage these students with opportunities to pursue higher education in other Asian countries such as Thailand, Sri Lanka, Taiwan, and China. The intention, according to Kailash Bauddha, is that once these students finish their studies abroad, they will return with the experience and knowledge to serve the community to which they belong. “Our purpose is to bring all this knowledge back into our own native language (Hindi) for our own people and community to learn,” says Kailash. “All these are available in other languages such as Pali, Chinese, Tibetan, Sanskrit and even in English but it is not easily accessible to us. For these reasons, we needed to learn from different Buddhist teachers and schools. Hame sikhna hai – We have to learn. No matter which [Buddhist] tradition it comes from” says Kailash Bauddha. 3.6 Return Globalization and Transposable Messages As the above section illustrates, educational migration that mobilizes religious networks remains an important strategy for self-cultivation married to cultural resurgence, especially as 54 The Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) was founded in 1984 by political leader Kanshi Ram to represent the lower caste communities or Bahujans, which consist of Schedule Castes (SC), Scheduled Tribes (ST) and Other Backward Castes (OBC), and other religious minorities. 76 a catalyst for Buddhist training combined with new opportunities and mobilities. Unlike the unfilled promises of modern education that Jeffrey associates with youth struggles and timepass, here we see how educational striving is reformulated in ways that provide value in the cultural, spiritual, and social realms that are not necessarily equated with direct economic benefits. In a recent study of Ladakhi youth by Williams-Oerberg (2017), she focuses on how young people negotiate these tensions and changes, especially in urban, cosmopolitan environments like New Delhi, where students pursue educational and labour opportunities that is some distance from their families and home environment in Ladakh. Through their encounter with processes of “westernization” and “Indianization,” far from eroding a sense of tradition and cultural identity, these engagements have helped spur on a greater interest in learning about their culture and history, especially Buddhism. In her words, “many of these Buddhist youth gain an increased access to a wide variety of images, ideas and lifestyles, including globally circulating ideas about Buddhism that students can tap into while away from their homes and families” (Williams-Oerberg 2017, pp.256-257). Thus, through these forms of educational migration, Shakya youth, like those in Ladakh, gain access to diverse pathways of Buddhist literacy and knowledge that complement their social networks across different living Buddhist communities. As Suresh Bauddha says, “The idea of sending these Shakya youth for study and training to other traditions and teachers is a “long term investment”. Imagine how big the impact they will have once they return after some 20 years of study, training and networking with the global Buddhist communities across the world. We are planning to open schools and training centre for Buddhist monks. We want to build a centre like Nalanda here in Sankisa. It may not be possible to do all of this in one generation, it may take ten generations of time.” Given the eclectic and ecumenical bricolage of Buddhist resources that Shakya youth draw upon to rebuild their community, it raises the question: do members feel a sense of disorientation or confusion over the varied sources of spiritual knowledge and different schools of Buddhist tradition, not to mention the diverse cultural-linguistic communities of practice? How do individuals negotiate the demands of these different traditions and lineages that 77 intersect with the organizations vision? Lastly, how is the coherence around Buddhism for the Shakya sustained? One of the challenges Suresh Bauddha and other founding members have faced when they first began the organization was the scepticism and doubt regarding their genealogical claims to the Shakya clan and their purported “reinvention” of a Buddhist kinship going back to the time of the Buddha. As Suresh explained “Shakya is not something which can be proven through blood or having a birth mark which signifies that someone is Shakya. It is also not a caste”. However, he does believe in the historical mobilisation and spread of the Shakya community all across the Northern Indian region over the millennia for varied reasons especially in and around the sacred Buddhist heritage sites including Sankisa. In this context, it is worth acknowledging the book published on the history and genealogy of Shakya community entitled “Kapilvasthu Ke Shakya: A Historical Study” by Dr. Netrapal Singh Bauddh alas Dr. Bhikkhu Dhammapal Thero, a notable Buddhist monk from the Shakya community living in Sankisa. This book was published in 2011 and has gained significance currency within the community as it provides a study on the past and present of Shakya community based on Pali canon and Buddhist literature. Countering this scepticism, what is important in line with the chain of memory thesis are the elective fraternities and important networks across the different Buddhist traditions that provide access to the varied sources of the Buddha-dhamma. Since 2005, when they started to invite the Tibetan teachers and monks to Sankisa, according to Kailash Bauddha, “we started to face agitation (virodh) from community members saying ‘that they have started to promote the Mahayana darshan and that I was learning Tibetan Buddhism’. I replied to them ‘We do not care how someone looks, what they are wearing, and what their tradition is. We need the knowledge.’” He further clarified, “Tibetan language is only a medium to pass the ancient Nalanda wisdom tradition which originated in India and therefore I do not call it Tibetan Buddhism.” While Buddhism and the Buddha’s teaching are central to the Shakya community, as I have indicated, there is no claim to exclusivity or purity of lineage. In Kailash’s words, “For me, Buddhism is Buddhism, the language may be different but the teachings of the Buddha remain the same. We have also learned that during the Buddha’s time, his teaching and 78 community were open to all whether they were rich, poor, a businessman, or cleaner. And if we are from his lineage and follow his teachings then we must be open to all as well.” With the endorsement of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama where I began this chapter, this has also had a huge impact on the perception of the YBS in the surrounding area of Sankisa. For example, during the teachings that took place alongside the inauguration of the Ashoka pillar, Kailash Bauddha noted, “local people and Indian Government officials were surprised to learn that His Holiness did not use a single word which criticized or looked down upon any other religion. The people who attended the event said, ‘the Indian Bhantes [referring to Ambedkar inspired Buddhist monks] abuse other religions and that is why we don’t feel like going to attend their programs.’” It is worth noting here that the majority of the Buddhist monks staying in and around Sankisa at the local Buddha vihara are mainly from the Shakya community who respect and draw inspiration from Ambedkar as a key Buddhist figure and teacher, but not to the same extent of more politicized Ambedkar Buddhist networks and groups. As a result of the teachings by His Holiness and other high-ranking monks, for the last five years, this has drawn people from other religious communities together and many have asked the YBS to organize the teachings of His Holiness each year in Sankisa. Although common nomenclature around globalization states that global processes have ‘weakened’ the relationship between culture and place, this does not mean they lose their significance (Inda and Rosaldo 2008). As Bestor (2009) writes with respect to the global spread of the Japanese cuisine Sushi “… globalization doesn’t necessarily homogenize cultural differences nor erase the salience of cultural labels. Quite the contrary, it grows the franchise”. In other words, questions about source, practice, and authenticity rarely arose among the Shakya Buddhist youth that I interviewed and many were excited about how the acts of translation and circulation generated new possibilities for cross-fertilization and growth. Similar to the experience of Ladkahi youth noted by Williams-Oerberg, having access to multiple sources and traditions stressed the need to know and understand in ways that precede the formalization of practice (Williams-Oerberg 2021, pp.333-334). What stood out more 79 acutely was their spiritual and moral aspirations to become “a good human being” and how that was tethered to the importance of reclaiming an Indian Buddhist cultural identity. This re-rooting and re-sedimentation of the Buddha-dhamma among the Shakya youth in Sankisa is akin to what Frøystad describes as “return globalization.” This is a case of a “transplanted religious practice finding its way back to its country of origin” under new conditions and with somewhat new consequences (Frøystad, 2009, p.279). As Frøystad writes, “while much has been written about unidirectional religious influences, the study of spiritual beliefs and practices that return home is still in its formative stage. [These] Religious returns are gaining ground rapidly …”(Frøystad, 2009, p.297). Importantly, these are religious flows and transmissions that are largely unhindered by notions of ownership, inalienability and authenticity. As Frøystad suggests, within Hinduism (and the same could be said about Buddhism) “concerns of authenticity that hamper dissemination and reappropriation are rare” (Frøystad, 2009, p.285). Following the work of Frøystad (2009) and Csordas (2009), among others, it is this “plasticity” that makes it possible for a religious tradition and practice to thrive and to undertake viable long-distance travel, including religious returns. Where this research differs from Frøystad and her ethnographic study of Anand Kriya’s Yoga is that genealogical integrity and recognition of lineage legitimacy based on an unbroken line of masters and teachers was not nearly as important for its reception among Indian youth. Instead, the discontinuity and return globalization of Buddhism among the Youth Buddhist Society of India (YBS) has involved multiple mutations and influences drawing together a diverse pool of teachers, lineages and schools. What is important are the affective claims of Shakya youth to their own heritage of belief and culture as the homeland of Buddhism and the role they are playing in this chain of memory for its revival. While the conceptualization of Buddhism that derives from the Youth Buddhist Society of India is still unfolding it is unclear whether or not it will require the formalization of some practice or lineage over time, or whether it will continue to embrace this spirit of plasticity. Many of the original founders of the YBS are also in their late thirties and forties, so it remains to be seen how the category of youth continues to resonate within the organizational structure and leadership itself. 80 3.7 Conclusion In this conclusion I want to return to the theme of youth, religion and globalization, and how they mutually shape one another in the case of the Youth Buddhist Society of India. As Halperin and Scheld write in a Special Issue of City & Society, youth are “architects of culture and practice,” they are “active participants in global economies of late capitalism, and as resilient and creative citizens in the face, often, of dire and rapidly deteriorating conditions” (Halperin and Scheld, 2007, p.169). As a social category, youth can take on important localized meanings as we have shown here, but it is also “not bounded, conceptually or geographically by class, culture, or community (although these are very important)” (Halperin and Scheld, 2007, p.169). Building on this tension, I agree with Halperin and Scheld regarding the “dual emphasis on youth as simultaneously active transformers and oppressed victims of globalization” (Halperin and Scheld, 2007, p.172). They are victims of globalization in how various state governments, like in India, have opened their borders to global markets that have further entrenched inequities across class and caste, rural and urban, especially for many disadvantaged and marginalized youth groups who face dire circumstances, discrimination, and few opportunities to transcend these social barriers.55 At the same time, youth, like those I have highlighted here are agents of social change as result of their thirst for knowledge, innovation, and moral self-cultivation. As Jeffreys points out, “The liberalization of the economy has profoundly altered the lives of young people in India (Jeffreys 2011, p.75). For a small elite, and those living in the most prosperous parts of the country, new opportunities for economic aggrandizement have emerged (Fuller and Narasimhan 2007). But for the poor and lower middle classes in places such as Uttar Pradesh (UP), economic reforms have more commonly generated uncertainties” (Jeffreys 2011, p.75). Young people in contemporary India, especially those coming from disadvantaged backgrounds like the Shakya, are bearers of some of the most intense social insecurities. While Jeffrey’s focuses on youth politics as a way of understanding the vicissitudes of liberalization and the subjective and affective dimensions of socioeconomic transformation, religion also provides an important lens on ethical self-formation and the aspiration for coherence in the face of growing temporal and spatial disorientation. Far from 55 For a more comprehensive view on these changes in India, see Shah et al. (2017) Grounded Down by Growth 81 embodying the trope of “disinterested modern youth” when it comes to religious matters,56 these youth are key conduits of revitalization and transmission in ways that seek to improve the conditions of their community and society while tempering the negative affect of timepass. How are these developments among the YBS reflective of wider theorizing around religion, globalization and modernity? For David McMahan (2008), contemporary Buddhism and its postmodern inflections are increasingly characterized by “a high level of splintering, hybridity, appropriation, global diffusion and radical re-traditionalization/detraditionalization” (cited in Lam, 2021, p.265). While arguably sharing some tenets of the larger Buddhist modernism thesis such as the emphasis on meditation, equality, and social reform, there are also important departures among the Youth Buddhist Society of India. These include a heightened self-reflexivity that mobilizes ancestral ties and territorial place-based affinities towards an Indian Buddhist past in ways that also help foster conditions of cosmopolitanism within a wider global Buddhist ecumene. As evidenced by many of the YBS members cited here, this negotiation of Buddhist identity involves considerable creativity, resourcefulness, and pragmatism that has not gone unnoticed.57 Through their collaborative connections with other global Buddhist organizations and teachers, including the 14th Dalai Lama, these transnational ties and educational networks have become a crucial part of the vital trajectories that are laying the groundwork for a new generation of Shakya Buddhists, especially in Sankisa. Although this was never clearly stated, one also wonders whether or not these developments can also be seen as an important critique of the wider Hindu nationalist public culture that has grown in stature in recent decades. In conclusion, the turn to Buddhism exemplified by the YBS can be read as part of a wider “resurgence of religious sensibility” (Csordas 2009) that also provides youth with important pathways for engaging with communities and traditions that would not have been accessible in the recent past. The innovation and socially engaged framework adopted by the YBS shows how their movement emerges out the confluence of different socio-economic and political forces, as well as certain transnational Buddhist flows, especially in relation to pilgrimage. This is what Thomas Csordas describes as a transposable message, whereby the 56 See added discussion by Lam and Williams-Oerberg (2021) 57 See also Yip and Page (2017) 82 “plasticity (transformability) and generalizability (universality)” of Buddhism speaks to its capacity to cross borders and “find footing across diverse linguistic and cultural settings” (Csordas, 2009, p.5). While one could criticize the case of the Youth Buddhist Society of India (YBS) as another exemplar of the “spiritual marketplace” metaphor, whereby various people buy into a system of beliefs or “shop for” a religious identity, I think there is more at play here (Csordas, 2009, p.2). Far from a “reaction to global economics” or a consumer sampling of diffuse religious beliefs, for several decades now, the Youth Buddhist Society of India have been active in mobilizing youth and educating young Shakya about India’s Buddhist heritage. By actively drawing upon these diverse global Buddhist networks and transnational encounters they are able to adopt certain aspects of a globalized religion to assert its place in the past that empowers youth and helps to create new horizons of possibility. In doing so, these Shakya youth give shape to a new moral sensibility and sense of pride in place and history, while also positioning themselves as future leaders in the revival of Buddhism in the land of origins. 83 4. Chapter 4: Conclusion When I arrived at UBC Okanagan, I did not expect that a discomforting interaction with a fellow Indian student around the upcoming Diwali night event would lead to a deeper inquiry of themes of youth, Buddhism and caste-based identity. In doing this research it has inspired me to examine more closely my own lived experience and to trace my own personal and socio-cultural connections with Buddhism and how that has profoundly shaped my identity, aspirations and goals in life. The question of caste also laid an important foundation for this research as it compelled me to reflect on my own experience with discrimination at home and abroad, as well as how “identity” and “memory” influence and shape the socio-political, cultural and religious aspirations of Indian youth, especially those coming from low caste and Dalit backgrounds in North India. From my time as a young volunteer at the Join Together Society (JTS) in Bodh Gaya to my temporary ordination as a Buddhist monk in Thailand, all these past connections and engagements have immensely shaped my understanding of Buddhism and how it is being perceived and practiced across diverse communities today. Through this journey, including my time here at UBCO, I have become more curious about my Indian Buddhist past and most importantly, the modern Buddhist revival movement in India during colonial and post-colonial India. Growing up in Bodh Gaya, I knew very little about the connection between Ambedkar and Buddhism. As previously shared, when I first went to Nagaloka in 2004 and came across this radical “New Buddhism” inspired by Ambedkar, I was profoundly shaken. For me, this radical approach to Buddhism was quite different from anything I had experienced or witnessed at Bodh Gaya under the Bodhi tree. For me, it took a while to understand that Nagaloka’s approach to Buddhist education and training is to create conditions for Indian youth to learn about the fundamentals of Buddhism, such as meditation, philosophy, and Ambedkar’s social engagement that could be applied to their everyday lives as a tool to counter the trauma and tyranny of caste. To supplement these objectives, two of the key Buddhist meditation practices we learned included Anapanasati and Metta Bhavana. These two practices are held at the core of Nagaloka Buddhist education and training and are believed to hold the power to transform the human mind and heart. From my perspective, meditation has a special place in Nagaloka training and education, and among Buddhist youth more broadly. Over the years, it 84 has played a crucial role in bridging regional and linguistic boundaries among Dalit and low-caste youths across India while helping them to connect and cultivate a profound sense of belonging to India’s Buddhist heritage. Soon, Nagaloka will be celebrating its 25th anniversary and this will be an important moment to reflect upon its achievement and contribution towards shaping the future of modern Buddhism in India. For a quarter of a century, Nagaloka has been dedicated to training youth from across India, striving to revive Buddhism and create the ideal society envisioned by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar. Over these years, Nagaloka has positively impacted the lives of hundreds of young people, transforming their own lives and their families and communities—whether through spreading the Dhamma or engaging in meaningful social work. Furthermore, this exposure to the Buddha dhamma also brings opportunities to the local Indian Dalit youth that connect them with international Buddhist community members from the UK, the USA, Singapore, China, Thailand, Taiwan, Sri Lanka, Bhutan, Nepal and others through events and international conferences. In recent years, several Nagaloka alumni went to study Buddhism and learn Chinese language in China, Taiwan and Thailand, while others focused on pursuing their higher education such as Masters degree, M.Phil. and Ph.D. in India and abroad. It is worth noting that the majority of Nagaloka alumni are first-generation learners coming from Dalit and lower caste backgrounds from across India including myslef. More than 1500 Nagaloka alumni are spread across India from more than twenty-five Indian states. Several of them are involved in varied activities and projects to spread the Dhamma, social activism, or have undergone remarkable personal transformations, achieving significant academic or personal success especially from the Indian states of Uttar Pradesh, Odisha, Tamilnadu, Kerala, Chattishgarh, Bihar, Arunachal Pradesh and other Indian states. The vision of Nagaloka could not have materialized without the leadership of Dhammachari Lokamitra and several other Triratna Buddhist community Order members who dedicated their life to the development and spread of Buddhism in India. Despite the important work that Nagaloka is doing, it also faces certain constraints when it comes to its approach to Buddhism and Buddhist education. In comparison, the YBS is one such Buddhist organization that differs in its approach to Buddhism and Buddhist education despite sharing a common vision to work for the development and upliftment of youth. These slight differences are also evident in the two common greetings “Jai Bhim” and “Namo Buddhaya,” yet both serve the purpose of Buddhist 85 community building across individual differences. For me, both of these greetings are equally important. As a youth practitioner, they help show that we are not alone in our striving for a common vision and identity in the Buddhist world. What is evident in writing this thesis is the fact that India’s Buddhist revival is complex and multifaceted. At the same time, it is also important in terms of shaping new horizons of political and social movement for Buddhist youth in the Indian subcontinent. The Youth Buddhist Society in Sankisa, in my opinion, is exemplary in this regard, bringing a creative approach to Buddhist education while nurturing significant claims to India’s Buddhist heritage and historical memory through the process. The Dalit conversion movement and the Shakya Buddhist reclamation are both integral to the modern Buddhist revival in India. However, they differ in their historical motivations, methods of engagement with Buddhism, and the political and social implications of their respective paths. While Dalit Buddhists focus on creating a new identity free from caste oppression, Shakya Buddhists are working to re-establish an identity linked to their ancestral heritage and lineage within Buddhism. Although the YBS members appeared to be sympathetic and supportive of the anti-caste views of Ambedkar Buddhists, they were also reluctant to denounce Hinduism. Instead, we see a decentering of caste as the main vehicle of identity formation towards a broader cultural claim to India’s Buddhist past through a “chain of memory.” The Shakya Buddhist approach, which focuses on reclaiming ancestral ties to Buddhism, is mirrored by several other Buddhist communities in India, particularly those in the Himalayan regions. These groups including the Newar Buddhists, Ladakhi Buddhists, Himalayan Buddhists (Tibetan), Bhotiya Buddhists, and Monpa Buddhists share a common thread of cultural and spiritual continuity, seeking to preserve and maintain their Buddhist traditions that have deep historical roots. Unlike the Dalit Buddhist movement, which is politically charged and focused on social justice, these communities engage with Buddhism in a way that emphasizes cultural heritage, spiritual lineage, and the continuity of their practices and identities. For them, Buddhism is not a new path, but a vital part of their ancestral legacy that they seek to uphold and reclaim in the modern context. As I discussed in the opening of this thesis, my own lived experiences and exposure to various Buddhist traditions and approaches have dramatically shaped my own identity in terms of personal, professional and 86 spiritual life. Coming from a historical and sacred place such as Bodh Gaya has been a tremendous asset in connecting with a broader global Buddhist public who cherish the place of enlightenment. In writing this thesis, this has allowed me to reflect on how certain “sites” and “places” of religious and cultural significance can shape an individual identity and their life trajectory. In chapter two I discussed the revival of modern Buddhism in India during the 19th and 20th centuries and how this is not just a return to religious practice but also a socio-political movement influenced by various factors, including colonialism, anti-caste movements, and global Buddhist developments. I also highlighted the fact that Buddhism had been greatly shaped by Bengali and Sri Lankan Buddhist monks, especially in North India, such as the role of Venerable Bodhanand Mahastavir and his disciple Bhikkhu Pragyanand who actively worked with Ambedkar and various other anti-caste leaders. I also showed how Bhikkhu Pragyanand and Dhammaloko played a critical role at the nexus of anti-caste movements and Buddhist revival in North India during the mid-20th and early 21st century. In many ways, they laid the nucleus of modern Buddhist revival in Uttar Pradesh through their vision and activism as a living embodiment of the “model monk” as envisioned by Ambedkar in his essay, “Buddha and the Future of his Religion”. Throughout his life, Pragyanand kept striving on setting up schools and institutions to serve Buddhist education and monastic training knowing that without such educational spaces and centres it would be nearly impossible to spread Buddhism to the masses. It was due to his efforts and support that helped launch the YBS movement under Suresh Bauddh. In this chapter, I also highlighted the life and work of other notable Buddhist monks and community members who also contributed to the development of Buddhism in and around Sankisa and Uttar Pradesh especially Dhammaloko. It was through these networks and encounters in UP that a vision for the development of Buddhism among the Shakya community was born. The confluence of these social, political and religious factors have also greatly contributed to reviving the sacred Buddhist site of Sankisa as an important pilgrimage site. As a result, Buddhism has rapidly spread across the Shakya community and has helped foster a common identity that helps to counter the overdetermination of casteism in Indian society. Finally, I concluded the chapter by mentioning the growing connections and collaboration between YBS 87 and the Tibetan Buddhist communities in recent years, which also resulted in two important visits by His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama (HHDL) in Sankisa along with other key Tibetan and non-Tibetan Buddhist teachers and monks. These historic visits by HHDL to Sankisa have added a whole new dimension to the modern history of Buddhism in Sankisa that I discussed in chapter three. I would argue that there is a growing sense of solidarity and alliance between these Indian Shakya youth and Tibetan Buddhist communities linked through a “chain of memory” and heritage of belief. This has also fostered a material interest in replicating historical Buddhist and Mauryan arts and symbols such as the Ashoka pillar, Buddha images and Ambedkar statues that have been installed at local Buddha Vihara’s and community centers throughout Sankisa and Western UP. Such engagements involving the confluence of Indian and Tibetan Buddhist communities have strengthened the revival of modern Buddhism in India and are very much in line with the 14th Dalai Lama’s commitment to bringing the dharma to the homeland “by creating greater awareness and interest to the value of ancient Indian knowledge among young Indians today” which is one of the four main principal commitments made by HHDL in recent years.58 With the endeavour of YBS, Shakya youth are also now pursuing education in several Tibetan educational settings and monasteries in places such as Dharamshala, Bodh Gaya and Kathmandu, where they are studying Buddhist philosophy, Classic languages such as Sanskrit, Tibetan and Pali as well as Buddhist meditations. These developments will likely grow in the future. In chapter three, I also discussed the genesis, development and impact of YBS on the local Shakya youth community in Sankisa. This chapter provides the key insights and understanding of YBS and its various attributes, which make it unique and different from other Buddhist organizations in India. The YBS has emerged as a locally grounded Buddhist organization with an emphasis on place identity while also nurturing international outreach and networking across various global Buddhist organizations, leaders and monks. As a result, 58 HHDL Four principal commitments are as follows; 1) the promotion of Human values, 2) the promotion of Religious harmony, 3) the preservation of Tibetan culture, 4) the revival of India’s civilizational heritage. For more see https://www.dalailama.com/the-dalai-lama/biography-and-daily-life/three-main-commitments https://savetibet.org/the-dalai-lamas-four-commitments-a-tibet-talks-special-series/#:~:text=Human%20values.,revival%20of%20India%27s%20ancient%20wisdom. 88 YBS has been able to tap into various local and international Buddhist leadership and training programs which has brought a whole new wave of exposure and connection to the organization and its members. With the emphasis on education and learning, this has inspired Shakya youth to pursue formal Buddhist education and training in various centers and contexts within India and abroad to better serve their community needs. As in the past, one of the most challenging tasks was to find qualified local Buddhist teachers and therefore YBS has had to rely on predominantly foreign Buddhist monks and teachers who come with their limitations and challenges, such as language and cultural barriers. However, through the training of their community members, a new generation of Buddhist scholars, teachers, and translators is fast emerging that are helping to overcome their dependency on foreign Buddhist teachers and empower the Shakya identity and its historical and cultural affiliation with Buddhist heritage. The Shakya youth I have described in this thesis are getting their Buddhist education and training across Buddhist traditions, and this has immensely boosted their morale and strengthened their connection to bring Buddha-dharma home. While Dalit conversion to Buddhism is largely motivated by a rejection of the caste hierarchy and a quest for social equality, non-Dalit communities, such as Shakyan community, are often driven by an effort to reclaim their Buddhist ancestry, framing it within a broader cultural and historical identity. These communities tend to focus more on the spiritual and cultural aspects of Buddhism, often avoiding the radical socio-political stance seen among Dalit Buddhist movements. While both Dalits and Shakya Buddhists use the idea of “returning” to their ancestral faith, the underlying motivations and implications of this return are quite distinct. For Dalits, guided by Ambedkar’s teachings, the return to Buddhism is a tool for social revolution, seeking liberation from caste oppression. In contrast, for Shakya Buddhists, the return is about reclaiming a lost cultural and religious heritage, focusing on continuity with the past rather than radical transformation. Both movements, however, reflect a common desire to reconnect with a Buddhist identity that predates their communities’ integration into the Hindu caste system. This is particularly important in the state of Uttar Pradesh which is not only home to some of the most important Buddhist pilgrimage sites in the world but is also the most populated state in India with a staggering number of 240 million, including the highest 89 percentage of youth in India.59 As a result, there is a true struggle when it comes to jobs and quality education for the local Indian youth coming from agrarian and marginalized backgrounds. In such a situation, the Buddhist educational opportunities introduced by YBS have inspired several of the families to send their sons and daughters knowing that it will lay an important foundation for their moral and ethical life while also strengthening educational opportunities. By no means does this research encapsulate a complete picture of the growing modern Buddhist revival movement in North India or Uttar Pradesh for that matter. I hope that this study complicates the current revival movement in a helpful way that brings to the foreground the multiplicity of approaches and pathways of Buddhist connection and rediscovery in India. Furthermore, I hope to have shown how these regional Buddhist movements, like the YBS, are playing an important role in shaping the future of Buddhism in the homeland through Buddhist education and training. Importantly, the YBS is not the only organization that is extending its influence to Dalit and low-caste communities in contemporary India. For example, there are several other OBC-led Buddhist organizations and communities, such as the Nagvanshis60 in Maharashtra, that would require a separate study. This multiplicity can help us to understand how modern Buddhist revival in India is going through an important phase of growth as the OBC and SC communities claim their Buddhist roots and connection through historical narratives and religious memory while connecting to historic Indian figures such as the great Mauryan emperor Ashoka. The Shakyas approach is largely about cultural and religious reclamation, focusing on their identity as descendants of the Buddha’s clan and engaging with Buddhism as a means of reviving their ancestral heritage. In concluding this thesis, I also want to acknowledge some of the limitations of my study. First and foremost, due to COVID and my own financial limitations, I could not travel to Sankisa and meet the YBS and Shakya community members in person which would have greatly strengthened this project. However, given my past two-decade long connection with YBS and other Shakya community members, I feel I was able to do much of the work through 59 See https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/lucknow/up-has-highest-youth-population-will-steer-indias-economic-growth-cm-yogi-adityanath/articleshow/106795052.cms 60 See https://www.indiatoday.in/india/west/story/ghar-wapsi-obcs-in-maharashtra-buddhism-nagvanshis-satyashodhak-obc-parishad-hanumant-upare-233507-2014-12-30 90 online communication. Nonetheless, this did impact my ability to connect with many senior members of the community as well as access certain older documents and reports possessed by community members which could be a great resource for future endeavours. Secondly, it is also important to acknowledge the gender bias in this research and the lack of representation by Shakya women. While I did have the chance to interview two women, I feel like much more is needed across a gender spectrum to get a better appreciation for the Shakya movement in all its manifestations. Many of these women are important storytellers and keepers of folklore traditions, such as the celebration of Buddha parables that are being shared through public events during religious holidays such as the full moon gatherings in Sankisa. I strongly believe that the role and contribution of Shakya Buddhist women is going to be critical not only towards the future of Shakya community but also for the larger Buddhist movment in India. Thirdly, in terms of the politics of heritage more broadly, it is important to see how India’s Buddhist revival challenges the broader Hindu nationalist movement in contemporary India, especially when it comes to competing claims over religious spaces. 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Retrieved September 2024, from https://www.buddhistdoor.net/features/the-shakya-clan-in-india-a-rediscovered-heritage/ Youth in India - Central Statistics Office Report. (2022, March). Retrieved September 2024, from https://mospi.gov.in/sites/default/files/publication_reports/Youth_in_India_2022.pdf 102 Appendices Appendix A. Map of Sankisa Source:https://www.google.com/maps/place/Sankisa+Basantpur,+Uttar+Pradesh,+India/@27.3342335,79.2702597,3298m/data=!3m1!1e3!4m6!3m5!1s0x397585f29fb6a815:0x368b644a2fcbbcb1!8m2!3d27.3318453!4d79.2704854!16s%2Fg%2F1223q9k3?entry=ttu&g_ep=EgoyMDI0MTExMC4wIKXMDSoASAFQAw%3D%3D 103 Appendix B. Interview Guide for the Research The line of questioning during these semi-structured interviews included, but due to the semi-structured format of interviewing, was not limited to: • Can you tell me a bit about your background? (age, caste, family, village) • How did you come to learn and know about the Youth Buddhist Society (YBS) and their work in Sankisa and beyond? [more on the background of YBS] • Would you consider yourself a Buddhist? Have you taken any initiation into Buddhism under any teacher or tradition/lineage? What does Buddhism mean to you? • Do you follow any specific Buddhist traditions and/or teachers? • What impact do you feel the movement to identify with the Shakya tradition has had for the community around here? • What kinds of Buddhist rituals/ activities are common among the YBS? • Are there any prominent Buddhist festivals that you celebrate as a Shakyan Buddhist here in Sankisa? • How does the sacred site of Sankisa differ from other Buddhist pilgrimage places? How has it changed over the years? • Youth play an important role in the YBS organization. Why is that the case? In your opinion, how does Buddhism play an important role in shaping the identity and aspirations of Shakya youth? • Can you tell me more about the different members and leaders within the YBS organization, such as Samrat Ashoka, Samrat Chandragupta Maurya and other such figures? • Can you tell me more about why the Ashoka pillar was built and erected by the YBS in Sankisa? What does this mean for the organization? • In the state of UP and elsewhere there are a growing number of Dalits and OBCs [such as the Jatavs] who are following the path of Ambedkar and New Buddhism? What role does YBS have with these groups? • To what extent does the YBS have involvement with other local or international Buddhist groups in India and beyond, such as the Tibetan. Could you elaborate on these connections. [Recent visits and teachings by Dalai Lama] 104 • What are your hopes for Shakya youth and the place of Buddhism in India in the future? [especially in the context of growing Hindu nationalist influence]. • Are there are any questions that were not asked that you feel would be helpful in me understanding the important of YBS and Shakya youth? 105 Appendix C. Letter of Introduction LETTER OF INTRODUCTION Research Project: Reclaiming the Shakya Lineage: Buddhist Youth and Memory at Sankisa in Uttar Pradesh My name is Manish Kumar, and I am a Master’s student in the Interdisciplinary Graduate Studies program (IGS) at the University of British Columbia (Okanagan), Canada. I am working under the supervision of Dr. David Geary and my research focuses on the role of history, memory and caste lineage in shaping the aspirations of Buddhist youth in North India. In particular, it focuses on the Youth Buddhist Society (YBS) - an organization founded in 1986 in the district of Mainpuri, near the sacred Buddhist site of Sankisa in Uttar Pradesh. My research objectives are to investigate the creative ways in which Indian youth are reclaiming their “ancestral roots” and “heritage” that speak to emergent social, political and ethical self-engagement in the subcontinent. My goal is to collect interviews with members of YBS and the surrounding Shakya community to shed light on how Buddhism informs the identity of youth in the region in relation to the politics of memory and heritage in North India. I would be grateful for your participation in this research endeavor. Your participation is entirely voluntary. If you decide to participate in this research, please contact the researcher. After hearing from you, I will arrange for a 60-90 minutes UBC licensed Zoom or phone interview and provide more information surrounding consent. Thank you for your consideration, Sincerely, Manish Kumar Master’s Student, Interdisciplinary Graduate Studies (IGS) University of British Columbia, Okanagan Irving K. Barbers School of Arts and Sciences Community, Culture and Global Studies 1147 Research Road, Kelowna, B.C, Canada V1V 1V7 Phone: 250-878-8991 manish.kumar@ubc.ca 106 Appendix D. Letter of Informed Consent LETTER OF INFORMED CONSENT Research Project: Reclaiming the Shakya Lineage: Buddhist Youth and Memory at Sankisa in Uttar Pradesh Principal Investigator: Dr. David Geary, Associate Professor of Anthropology in Community, Culture, and Global Studies, the University of British Columbia’s Okanagan Campus, david.geary@ubc.ca, 250.807.8165 Master’s Student: Manish Kumar, (email: manish.kumar@ubc.ca), Interdisciplinary Graduate Studies, the University of British Columbia, Okanagan Campus. The purpose of this research is analytical and descriptive. Introduction: This research focuses on the role of history, memory and caste lineage in shaping the aspirations of Buddhist youth in North India. In particular, it focuses on the Youth Buddhist Society (YBS) - an organization founded in 1986 in the district of Mainpuri, near the sacred Buddhist site of Sankisa in Uttar Pradesh. My research objectives are to investigate the creative ways in which Indian youth are reclaiming their “ancestral roots” and “heritage” that speak to emergent social, political and ethical self-engagement in the subcontinent. This study will engage with 8-10 participants in semi-structured interviews over the UBC licenced Zoom or phone. Purpose of the Study: The purpose of this study is to investigate that how Indian youth situate themselves in a changing social, political and economic climate and the role religion plays in shaping their identity. This study is for a graduate thesis as part of a Master’s Degree under the supervision of Dr. David Geary and is considered a public document and will be publicly available on the Internet via cIRcle. Study Procedures: The research participants will be asked to participate in an individual interview in which they will be asked to share their background and connection with YBS and Shakya community. The interview will last between 60-90 minutes and will take place over the UBC licenced Zoom or phone (due to the current COVID-19 situation). The interview will be recorded after the participants provide their permission. If participants do not consent to recording then notes will be taken during the interview. The recordings and interview data will be stored in secure computers and servers located inside Canada. The participants may opt out before the interview begins or at any point during the interview. Potential Risks and benefits: There is minimal risk to the participant as all data collected will remain confidential to ensure privacy. The participant has the right to withdraw at any time. The risks associated with participating in this research project are no greater than those ordinarily encountered in daily life. However, some of the questions may require that the participants provide personal information about their background and engagement with the Shakya community. If the participants choose to participate they still retain the right, for any reasons, to not answer any individual questions they might be asked. Participating in the study 107 may not benefit them directly; however, we might learn information that may benefit the community in general. Confidentiality: All the information which the participants provide will be treated as confidential. The interview will be recorded and will be kept on a computer protected under a password only the researcher and PI will have access and stored in the servers located inside Canada. Each participant interviewed will be aware of the purpose of the research and have the right to withdrawal at any time. Throughout the research anonymity and confidentiality will be ensured and all research informants go by pseudonyms in the interviews and publications. If there are any extensive quotes or stories that emerge from the interviews that may draw attention to a participant’s identity, participants will be notified to ensure that further changes are made to protect their anonymity and confidentiality. Only the Principal Investigator and Research Assistant will have access to this data and will be retained for a minimum of five years after publication and the data will be securely stored on UBC Okanagan Campus. Contact for Information or Concerns about the Study: If you have any questions, please contact Manish Kumar, either by email at manish.kumar@ubc.ca, or by phone at 250-878-8991. If you have any concerns or complaints about your rights as a research participant and/or your experiences while participating in this study, contact the Research Participant Complaint Line in the UBC Office of Research Services toll free at 1-877-822-8598 or the UBC Okanagan Research Services Office at 250-807-8832. It is also possible to contact the Research Complaint Line by email (RSIL@ors.ubc.ca). Please reference the study number (H21-01119) when contacting the Complaint Line so the staff can better assist you. Consent: You must be at least 18 years old to be legally able to give informed consent. By signing this letter, you are assumed to have provided your consent for your participation in this research project. Do you give explicit consent for the research to record this interview? Yes or No -Video ___ or Audio only ___ [please check one] Would you allow the researcher to use the data for future publication purposes? -Yes ____________ No ____________ (please check one) Would you like to be contacted by the researcher for future studies and research works? -Yes _____________ No ______________ (please check one) Name of interview participant (please print): Participant’s signature: Principal Investigator signature:
Thesis/Dissertation
eng
Interdisciplinary Studies
Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library
Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International
Graduate
Geary, David, 1976-
Reclaiming the Shakya lineage : Buddhist youth and memory at Sankisa in Uttar Pradesh
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