Arts and Social Sciences, Irving K. Barber Faculty of (Okanagan)
DSpace
UBCO
Akter Anni, Zerrin
Master of Arts - MA
University of British Columbia
Media plays a crucial role in shaping narratives about gender-based violence through its portrayal, framing, and dissemination of information. Media depiction of intimate partner violence (IPV) cases reveals the pervasive patriarchal, social and cultural norms and values. Drawing on the case study of Rumana Monzur, a former UBC Fulbright scholar from Bangladesh who suffered a violent assault by her ex-husband, I use an ethnographic content analysis method to explore how the Bangladeshi news media portrays intimate partner violence and the victims of such violence. The findings of my data analysis are twofold: Firstly, news media employed sensationalized and victim-blaming narratives of Rumana Monzur’s case that perpetuate symbolic forms of violence by reinforcing the harmful social and cultural stereotypes in media. Second, as the discussion around the case continued, the news media shifted from victim-blaming to a victim-centred sympathetic narrative to represent Monzur as a survivor and advocate for women's rights. This reconstruction of the victim-centred approach reflects the significance of a broader transition in media representation of victims of violence shaped by the influence of global feminist movements and transnational solidarity for women's rights in Bangladesh.
PORTRAYAL OF GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE IN THE MEDIA OF BANGLADESH: THE CASE OF RUMANA MONZUR by Zerrin Akter Anni BSS, University of Dhaka, 2017 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE COLLEGE OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Interdisciplinary Studies) (Power, Conflict and Ideas) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Okanagan) August 2024 ©Zerrin Akter Anni, 2024ii The following individuals certify that they have read, and recommend to the College of Graduate Studies for acceptance, the thesis entitled: Portrayal of Gender-Based Violence in The Media of Bangladesh: The Case of Rumana Monzur submitted by Zerrin Akter Anni in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Dr. Deana Simonetto, Irving K. Barber Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences Supervisor Dr. Margaret Carlyle, Irving K. Barber Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences Supervisory Committee Member Dr. Ondine Park, Irving K. Barber Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences Supervisory Committee Member Dr. Jennifer Gustar, Faculty of Creative and Critical Studies University Examiner iii Abstract Media plays a crucial role in shaping narratives about gender-based violence through its portrayal, framing, and dissemination of information. Media depiction of intimate partner violence (IPV) cases reveals the pervasive patriarchal, social and cultural norms and values. Drawing on the case study of Rumana Monzur, a former UBC Fulbright scholar from Bangladesh who suffered a violent assault by her ex-husband, I use an ethnographic content analysis method to explore how the Bangladeshi news media portrays intimate partner violence and the victims of such violence. The findings of my data analysis are twofold: Firstly, news media employed sensationalized and victim-blaming narratives of Rumana Monzur’s case that perpetuate symbolic forms of violence by reinforcing the harmful social and cultural stereotypes in media. Second, as the discussion around the case continued, the news media shifted from victim-blaming to a victim-centred sympathetic narrative to represent Monzur as a survivor and advocate for women's rights. This reconstruction of the victim-centred approach reflects the significance of a broader transition in media representation of victims of violence shaped by the influence of global feminist movements and transnational solidarity for women's rights in Bangladesh. iv Lay Summary The case of Rumana Monzur is a crucial instance of how individual tragedies can catalyze broader social change and bring critical issues of gender-based violence to the forefront of public consciousness. The outcome of this research is to focus on how news media can sustain the existing social, cultural, and gender norms of Bangladesh or transform the biased narratives against victims of intimate partner violence in Bangladesh. v Preface This thesis is an original, unpublished, independent work by the author, Zerrin Akter Anni. I have identified the research problem and came up with the design after consulting with my supervisor, Dr. Deana Simonetto. I have selected, approached, and collected the data by myself. I have also solely performed the data analysis after receiving guidance from my supervisor. My supervisor and two committee members Dr. Margaret Carlyle and Dr. Ondine Park have given me detailed feedback and suggestions regarding the drafts I submitted to them. I have addressed their questions related to the study and also adhered to their suggestions regarding the writing process. Although I have received helpful instructions and guidance during each step of my research from my supervisor, I have been solely responsible for carrying out all the steps including literature review, data collection, data analysis and, writing. For translating Bengali newspaper articles from Prothom Alo, generative artificial intelligence tools, such as Google Translator was employed as part of the preparation for this thesis. vi Table of Contents Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iii Lay Summary ............................................................................................................................... Preface .......................................................................................................................................... iv v Table of Contents .......................................................................................................................... vi List of Abbreviations ..................................................................................................................... viii Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................ ix Chapter 1: Introduction ............................................................................................................... 1 The Importance of Analyzing Media Representations ............................................................. 3 Gender Norms, Relations and Violence in Bangladesh ............................................................ 5 Research Questions ................................................................................................................... 12 Summary of Following Chapters .............................................................................................. 15 Chapter 2: Theoretical Framework and Literature Review .................................................... 17Theories and Definitions of Violence ....................................................................................... 19 Structural and Symbolic Violence ............................................................................................. 22 Feminist Media Studies and Representations of Gender-based Violence ................................. 24 Media Representation of Gender and IPV ................................................................................ 27 Media Analysis Theories from a Sociological Perspective ..................................................... 28 Research on Media Representation of Victims in Bangladesh and South Asia ....................... 31 Chapter 3: Methodology.............................................................................................................. 34 Ethnographic Content Analysis (ECA) Research Method ....................................................... 35 Selection of Newspapers ........................................................................................................... 35 Data Sources ............................................................................................................................. 39 Sampling and Data Collection .................................................................................................. 40 Coding and Data Analysis .......................................................................................................... 42 vii Researcher Positionality ............................................................................................................ 44 Ethical Concerns ....................................................................................................................... 45 Summary of Findings Chapter ................................................................................................. 46 Chapter 4: Deconstructing Media Narratives ............................................................................ 48 Victim-blaming .......................................................................................................................... 50 Sensationalization of the Story ................................................................................................. 56 Normalization of Violence ........................................................................................................ 60 Discussion and Comparison....................................................................................................... 61 Chapter 5: Reconstructing Media Narratives ........................................................................... 68 Reframing Monzur: The Impact of International Media Representation ................................. 70 Transnational Solidarity and Feminist Social Movements in Reshaping Narratives ............... 76 Promoting Advocacy for Social Justice .................................................................................... 78 The Intersections of Violence and Class Privilege ................................................................... 82 Discussion and Comparison of Findings .................................................................................. 83 Chapter 6: Conclusion ................................................................................................................. 85 Practical Considerations .......................................................................................................... 86 Contributions of the Research ................................................................................................. 88 Future Directions of Research ................................................................................................. 89 References ..................................................................................................................................... Appendix ....................................................................................................................................... 91 105 viii List of Abbreviations GBV Gender-Based Violence IPV Intimate Partner Violence VAW Violence Against Women ECA Ethnographic Content Analysis UBC University of British Columbia ix Acknowledgements I wish to offer my enduring gratitude to the people who have supported and inspired me in the completion of this research. This academic journey has been marked by both challenges and accomplishments, and it would not have been possible without the invaluable assistance and encouragement of the following individuals. First, I am profoundly indebted to my supervisor, Dr. Deana Simonetto, for her exceptional guidance and unwavering support throughout the thesis. Her expert advice, insightful feedback, and constructive criticism have been instrumental in the development and refinement of this work. Additionally, I would like to extend my sincere appreciation to my committee members, Dr. Margaret Carlyle and Dr. Ondine Park for their helpful suggestions, scholarly input, dedication and continuous encouragement which have significantly motivated me to complete this research! I am indebted to the Central Library, University of Dhaka (DU), Shahbag, Bangladesh, and The Press Institute Bangladesh (PIB) Library, Kakrail, Dhaka, Bangladesh for providing me with access to essential data and resources which greatly facilitated this research process. Finally, I wish to express my profound appreciation to my family, especially my dad and my husband, for their immense support throughout this journey. Their belief in my abilities and constant emotional and moral support have been my anchor during this challenging yet rewarding process.1 Chapter 1: Introduction In June 2011, I was profoundly shocked and saddened by the brutal assault of Rumana Monzur, a former professor and a UBC Fulbright scholar from Bangladesh, suffered at the hands of her ex-husband. The perpetrator named Hasan Syeed Sumon, physically tortured and blinded Monzur when she was home in Bangladesh during her summer break from the University of British Columbia, Canada. This incident drew widespread and extensive coverage from the media. From an outside perspective, Monzur appeared to be an unlikely target of being a victim of abuse, given her academic success and freedom to marry a man of her choice (Chong, 2024). Most of the victims in Bangladesh, who experience domestic violence are typically from rural, uneducated, conservative and poor social backgrounds (Nazneen, 2017). South Asian scholars have suggested that higher levels of education, improved socioeconomic status, and living within extended family households are generally linked to a reduced risk of violence against women in Bangladesh (Koenig et.al., 2003). However, Monzur is the daughter of a retired army general, born and raised in Dhaka who excelled in academia from an early age. She graduated from International Relations, University of Dhaka earning her first Master’s degree in 2004. Then she started working as an Assistant Professor in the International Relations department at the same university from where she graduated. In late 2010, Monzur went to Canada to pursue her second Master’s degree in political science at the University of British Columbia in Canada as a Fulbright scholar. Monzur had been a victim of intimate partner violence for her entire marriage from the very beginning (Chong, 2024). Yet, she never dared to share her experience with anyone due to social stigma, shame and for the sake of her child, remaining in an abusive marriage for more 2 than 10 years (Chong, 2024). The incidents of severe physical and psychological abuse continued for Monzur until she finally decided to divorce Sumon, upon her returning home to Bangladesh. It is after asking for a divorce, Monzur’s ex-husband violently attacked her in front of their 5-year-old daughter. From the assault, Monzur experienced severe physical injuries including permanent eye damage and facial disfigurement. While her family was initially hesitant to report a complaint, due to the risk of an unfair and biased police response (Chong, 2024), Sumon eventually faced charges of attempted murder and torture for his attack. However, Sumon took advantage of the delay in filing the report by draining Monzur’s bank accounts and destroying her scholarly articles and paintings before getting arrested (Chong, 2024). In December 2011, he was found dead in prison due to a heart attack. The case continued to garner national and international headlines even after Sumon’s death, given Monzur’s international status as a Fulbright scholar in Canada. In September 2012, 15 months after surviving the attack, Monzur came back to Canada. Doctors overseas and in Vancouver attempted surgery multiple times to restore Monzur 's vision with little success. Despite being blind in one eye, she finished her studies and obtained a second Master’s degree from UBC in political science. In 2017, she also earned her second Bachelors of Law degree from UBC and was honoured by being the valedictorian. At present, Monzur works as an advocate at the National Litigation Centre in the British Columbia regional office under the Ministry of Justice, Canada (“Rumana Monzur Story: From Domestic Abuse Survivor to Legal Pioneer,” 2024). She is now an inspiring figure for all the women who suffer from gender-based or intimate partner violence around the world. The case study of Rumana Monzur provides a window into the media’s portrayal of intimate partner violence in Bangladesh over an extended period of time along with the influence of Western media. Media outlets in Bangladesh and Canada widely reported the story on their 3 news stations, TV channels and other platforms, opening the floor for a public discussion around gender-based violence (GBV) across geographical borders. In this research, I examined Monzur’s story to understand the emerging pattern of how intimate partner violence (IPV) transcends beyond any particular social, economic or educational status in contemporary Bangladesh, revealing the ways social, cultural and gender norms of the country shape the understandings of intimate partner violence and the victims. Although in the early years, the media portrayal of the case had predominantly focused on narratives that reinforced harmful power dynamics, as the discussion around the case continued over the years, I noticed that the later news reports on Monzur’s case also instigated a substantial transformation to form a sympathetic narrative focusing more on the victim’s voice. Overall, the major arguments of this research not only address the underlying social, structural and cultural contexts of gender-based violence but also emphasize the significance of creating a victim-centred approach, that might act as a possible solution to the complex and often problematic nature of the portrayal of IPV cases in Bangladeshi media. The Importance of Analyzing Media Representations of Intimate Partner Violence Media refers to a medium of communication that distributes information to the general public and shapes how people interact in society (Waisbord, 2016). Media can be in printed, electronic or digital versions such as newspapers, radio, television, or social media. Media is an important social institution, that reflects how our society works and what the society constitutes (Singh & Pandey, 2017). In addition, media has the power to exert its influence and shape people’s ideas, beliefs, thoughts and actions by covertly implanting messages in our minds (Wood, 1994). However, the study of media is not only restricted to the influence of media content on their audiences. Rather, the scope of the media extends within and beyond the larger 4 framework of the cultural, political, social, or economic power structures of society (Van Dijk, 1995). Media representations of intimate partner violence help us understand how certain narratives and ideologies are constructed and disseminated to the public. Although researchers argue that news coverage on cases of violence against women can play a fundamental role in contributing to the understanding of the problem of violence in society (Arnoso et. al., 2017), media can also reinforce harmful gender and patriarchal norms by promoting limited, stereotyped, and unrealistic perceptions in their portrayal of the issues (Benedict, 1992; Cuklanz, 2000; Wood 1994). Scholars who do feminist media studies critically examine feminist principles in the production, management, and distribution of media content, including the patterns of media representation and audience reception of such content (Press, 2011). Bullock (2007) and other feminist scholars contend that the news media frequently depict violence against women as isolated cases, rather than as manifestations of a larger problem rooted in dominance by men and gender inequality (Jewkes, 2002; Cerise and Dustin, 2011; Easteal et. al, 2015). This representation may promote preconceptions and misconceptions about “'real' and deserving' victims, as well as 'provoked' or 'tragic' offenders” which fails to capture the full extent of violence perpetuated against women or girls (Easteal et. al, 2015, p. 106; End violence against women, 2012). Similarly, cases of news portrayal of gender-based or intimate partner violence may lead people to conclude that violence is justified or normalized. This oversimplifies the complexities of violence by reducing it to a matter of an individual problem rather than addressing the broader social issues that contribute to it like patriarchy and misogyny. However, recent studies suggest that media exposure can also play a critical role in empowering women by equipping them with the right information (Seidu et. al., 2020). 5 Research from South Asian literature has shown that media is a powerful instrument for advocating and mobilizing women's rights (Narayana & Ahamad, 2016). Jasmin and Amin (2017) argue that exposure to media has the capacity to change harmful cultural norms, behaviors, and practices as media may raise awareness about intimate partner violence and combat gender stereotypes by depicting independent and empowered women. In Bangladesh, although a growing body of literature addresses how media narratives depict gender stereotypes or the devaluation of women, further research is needed to understand media’s potential for challenging those stereotypes or empowering women. With that aim in mind, in this research, I aim to understand the two-pronged capacity of news media in either reinforcing or resisting harmful social, cultural and gender norms through media narratives. Gender Norms, Relations and Violence in Bangladesh Gender relations in a country like Bangladesh are shaped by social, traditional and cultural constructions of femininity and masculinity (Khair, 1999). Sex differentiates individuals biologically as male, or female based on their physiological attributes, while gender is constructed through cultural, social, and behavioral norms or roles that society considers appropriate for men and women (Giddens & Griffiths, 2006). Sultana and Khandaker (2016) highlight that the construction of gender forms distinct roles for males and females that divide gender relations in society based on assumptions masculinity and femininity. In Bangladesh, the social structures are strongly influenced by the dominant social force of patriarchy (Sultana & Khandaker, 2016). This patriarchal system, characterized by male dominance and control, distinguishes between men and women based on their behavioural differences and establishes traditional gender norms and stereotypes in Bangladeshi society. 6 Since the 1970s, feminist researchers have endeavoured to explain the connection between men, masculinity, and violence (Collier, 2020). Men and constructions of masculinity are primarily responsible for intimate partner violence, violence against women in general, and violence against other men (Gottzen et. al., 2020). Sociologist R. W Connell (1998) in her conceptual paper ‘Masculinities and globalization’, highlighted new patterns of masculinities that have emerged in transnational spaces. When a group of men form domination over women and other groups of men (Anwary, 2015) by using masculine relations of power, it constructs the hegemonic norm of gender for men. According to Connell (2000), ‘hegemonic masculinity’ refers to the ideal version of masculinity, that is characterized by dominance, toughness, and aggression. The concept of hegemonic masculinity is crucial for my research because it provides a framework for analyzing how dominant masculine norms shape societal attitudes toward violence against women and influence media representations of such incidents. The concept of hegemonic masculinity has been extensively adapted, contested, and revised over time (Connell and Messerschmidt, 2005). Jewkes and others (2015) argue that masculinities are multifaceted, dynamic, and fluid, as in each society, hegemonic positions are not the only form of masculinities available. Rather, the position, practices, and values of masculinities in one context of a society can differ from other contexts (Jewkes et.al., 2015). Connell and Messerschmidt (2005) also highlight that “masculinity is not just a fixed entity embedded in the body or personality traits of individuals”, rather, hegemonic masculinities are “configurations of practice that are accomplished” in social, structural, cultural, and other forces which might “differ according to the gender constructions in a particular social setting” (p. 836). For example, in South Asian societies like Bangladesh, the existence of distinct masculinities as social constructs can be influenced by ingrained gender stereotypes, cultural acceptance, practice 7 of traditional gender norms, religious ideologies and the socio-political context of a country (Anni, 2022; Choudhury & Clisby, 2018; Doneys et al., 2013; Hasan et al., 2018). After the first formulation of hegemonic masculinity, Connell and Messerschmidt (2005) reformulated the concept of hegemony arguing that hegemonic masculinity reaches a global level and can also be observed in international institutions and organizations of a society (Connell and Messerschmidt, 2005). Doneys and others (2013) argue that religion and cultural customs intersect with modern patriarchal institutions, to generate particular forms of masculinities and gender dynamics in Bangladesh, which contribute to the continuation of violence against women by men. In this research, I explore how hegemonic masculinity reinforces patriarchal structures and legitimizes aggression and dominance as ideal gender norms for men to understand how the underlying cultural values of Bangladeshi society can shape the portrayal and normalization of IPV in media narratives. In Bangladesh, the hegemonic version of the “real man” includes the following characteristics: being the sole breadwinner and provider within the family with regular paid work outside the home, being dominant and powerful, exercising complete authority over family matters, demonstrating strong physical and sexual competence, upholding family honour and limiting women’s mobility, having a strong physical appearance, and demonstrating courage and fearlessness etc. (Haque & Kusakabe, 2005; Anwary, 2015; Hasan et al., 2018; Imtiaz, 2013; Khan & Townsend, 2014; Khan et al., 2022). For instance, a man holds the authority in the family and has the power to implement his decision upon his family whereas women are in a subjugated position compared to men in the family as well as in society (Sultana & Khandaker, 2016). 8 For women, societal expectations are to fulfill the role of a supportive wife when married to a man and be submissive to their husbands in various aspects—such as socially, financially, and mentally (Doneys et al., 2013). Conventional gender norms for women as wives are looking after the household chores, cooking, cleaning, raising children, being economically dependent on husbands or intimate partners and providing care for in-law’s family members (Nazneen, 2017). When a woman fails to fulfill these traditional gender roles or rejects the norms by being financially dependent or pursuing career goals, the patriarchal society of Bangladesh often responds with judgment, discrimination, stigmatization and shaming of the victims. For example, women who fail to adequately care for their children are considered as ‘terrible mothers’ in the patriarchal society of Bangladesh which regards childcare as primarily a woman’s role (Anni, 2022). This harsh judgment stems from deeply ingrained societal and cultural norms that position childcare as an inherently women’s duty. Doneys and others (2013) identify that, hegemonic masculinities are shaped by the intersection of religion, cultural norms, and institutional power dynamics which reinforces gender-based violence against women by men. These hegemonic forms of masculinity are often reinforced by the supposition that “men who are afraid of losing their privileged positions,” due to women’s social or economic progress, may resort to different forms of violence and oppression against women (Khan et. al., 2021, p. 369; Anwary, 2015). In Bangladesh, religious ideas and practices play an important role in forming social attitudes and the construction of traditional gender norms for men and women. Conservative religious groups frequently oppose women's empowerment attempts and claim religious scripture to foster patriarchal norms of society (Adams, 2015). As a Muslim-dominant country, Islamic religious explanations, popularly known as ‘fatwa’ are commonly used by men and Islamic leaders to support the patriarchal power structure in Bangladesh (Rahman, 2017). Rahman (2017) contends that, in the 9 name of ‘fatwa’, Islamic religious leaders promote the use of coercion, violence, and slapping or beating by husbands to control and correct women. Furthermore, divorce brought on by wives is viewed as a serious insult to the husband’s manhood which may result in an increased threat of physical violence (Anni, 2022). This is a common scenario in Bangladesh and other South Asian countries like India, Pakistan, Nepal and Sri Lanka where male violence against women is often considered acceptable by both men and women (Kundu et. al., 2024). Muslim women have a higher chance of tolerating or approving intimate partner violence compared to women who practice Hinduism, Christianity and other religions practiced in Bangladesh (Krob and Steffen, 2015). Although some modern religious scholars argue that these Islamic interpretations do not reflect the real message of Islam, in Bangladesh, people often use religious justifications known as ‘fatwa’ to normalize male dominance over women, particularly in rural areas (Adams, 2015). In rural areas of Bangladesh, religion plays a significant role in daily life and village politics, with a focus on ‘dharma’ (religion) as a moral foundation for life (Devine and White, 2013). Traditional religious institutions known as ‘madrassas’ and ‘maktabs’ are increasing in rural regions where children learn the Islamic way of life (Naved et.al., 2017). Based on the socio-cultural background of the rural areas, the use of religious justifications by men for perpetuating violence against women is more prevalent in villages where lower-educated and poor people are easily influenced by religious customs (Naved et.al., 2017). With the rise of women-centred development efforts in urban areas, more rural women are migrating to cities and joining the workforce which has fueled an increase in religious fundamentalism, particularly in rural regions, resulting in more fatwas against women (Rahman, 2017). 10 Intimate partner violence in Bangladesh is a pervasive social problem that deprives women of equal opportunity, safety and dignity within the family and in society (Koenig et al., 2003). Although in the public sphere, the constitution of Bangladesh provides women with the same rights as men, their rights in marriage, divorce, custody, and inheritance are still restricted by religious laws (Pereira et. al., 2020). The legal age of marriage in Bangladesh according to the Indian Penal Code Act (1860) is 18 for women and 20 for men. Yet, according to a report of 2010 by the United Nations Children's Fund, among married women and girls, nearly one-third of women in Bangladesh got married before the age of 15, and roughly two-thirds of women were married before the age of 18 (UNICEF, 2010). The report also identifies that child marriage, a widespread practice in rural regions of Bangladesh, contributes to the high prevalence of violence against women (UNICEF, 2010). According to the World Health Organization (WHO, 2013) report, Bangladesh is identified as one of the top South Asian countries where the prevalence of intimate partner violence presents a significant threat to women and their social development. In 2014, the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS) carried out a national survey which indicated that 80% of women reported suffering from psychological abuse in their marriages, while 50% reported economic abuse and 36.5% reported experiencing sexual forms of violence from their spouses (Hossen, 2014). The consequences of IPV have severe impacts on the survivor, her family, community and society (Sultana & Khandaker, 2016). Ain o Salish Kendra (ASK), a legal aid and independent human rights organization in Bangladesh, conducts regular surveys on the victimization of women. According to their recent survey report, for the year 2023, a total of 507 women became victims of domestic violence, among which 207 women were murdered by their spouses and 142 women committed suicide due to extreme violence, torture and abuse (ASK, 2024). This high rate of suicide reflects the significance of the negative consequences of 11 violence; women not only experience a wide range of harmful physical repercussions, including acts that threaten their reproductive and sexual well-being, but also suffer from severe mental health problems that lead many women to suicide (WHO, 2013). However, obtaining accurate numbers on the victimization of IPV or any other gender-based violence in Bangladesh is particularly challenging given the deeply ingrained stigma and societal shame connected with these issues. Although these are some statistics to show the prevalence and severity of violence against women in Bangladesh, cultural norms and societal expectations play a significant role in the underreporting of gender-based violence in Bangladesh, as many victims of IPV and gender-based violence fear judgment, social stigma, and further victimization if they come forward and open up about their experiences. The practice of dowry is a social and cultural norm which is widely prevalent in not only Bangladesh but also in India, Pakistan and other South Asian countries regardless of a religion or caste. Dowry (the money, property or wealth given to the groom's family for the sake of marriage), contributes substantially to domestic violence against women in Bangladesh (Hossan & Suman, 2013). Bangladeshi people negotiate marriages through financial transactions, most notably with the religiously mandated “dower (mahr)”, and the increasingly popular cultural practice of “dowry (joutuk)” during marriage that reinforces the traditional patriarchal norms of society (Huda, 2006, p. 249). The inability to meet dowry demands by wives contributes to a combination of physical, sexual and economic forms of violence against women perpetrated by the husband and his family. It is frequently exercised as an incentive for husbands to abuse, divorce, or murder a wife for husbands to remarry and obtain further dowries (Narayan, 1993). The prevalence of dowry customs often exacerbates the vulnerability of women in marital relationships which can lead to severe consequences such as acid attacks or acid violence. Anwary (2015) highlights that the practice of dowry is more prevalent in rural areas 12 and of lower socio-economic classes of people where dowry payments influence the perceived worth of brides. In the name of dowry, the husband practices the power of asserting control and dominance over his wife (Anni, 2022). In Bangladeshi society, especially in rural areas, dowry determines the bride’s worth in her husband’s family (Nasrin, 2011). Acid attack is defined as the throwing, spraying, pouring or inserting of any corrosive acid such as sulfuric acid onto the body with the intention to kill, deface and permanently disfigure any part of body of the victim (Dubey, 2015, p. 82). Previous studies suggest that in South Asian countries, acid violence is prevalent due to major social, and cultural issues such as dowry-related issues, gender inequality and discrimination, lack of taking immediate legal steps against the perpetrators, economic or land disputes and so on (Dubey, 2015). The existent literature on violence against women in Bangladesh focuses widely on dowry-related violence, domestic violence or acid violence on victims who are predominantly from the lower socio-economic classes. However, in this research, I contend that gender-based violence in Bangladesh transcends all social, cultural or economic backgrounds. I use Rumana Monzur’s story, as the media portrayal of this case helps us understand how the societal structure, traditional gender norms, religious aspects, cultural dynamics and women’s economic independence can significantly influence the perpetuation of intimate partner violence in Bangladesh. Research Questions The violent incident against Rumana Monzur has been extensively reported by both Bangladeshi and foreign media. In Canada, news outlets, specifically The Toronto Star, Vancouver Sun, The Globe and Mail, CBC, Global News, and CTV News covered Monzur’s case shedding light on the pervasive issue of violence against women and the challenges faced by 13 victims around the world. A news article from Canada highlighted that Monzur 's case prompted rallies and petitions both in Canada and in her home country of Bangladesh (Keller, 2011). Additionally, other media outlets in America, Australia, India and Pakistan also covered the story highlighting human rights and women's issues to raise awareness about the global prevalence of domestic violence, and the need for action to address such violence. In Bangladesh, women's rights activists, university students, and general people expressed their support through protests, campaigns, and public discussions; however, there were many questions and criticisms raised by local media narratives against Monzur, particularly with the way news outlets in Bangladesh portrayed this case in 2011 and 2012. Despite enduring the suffering and trauma from the attack, Monzur had to deal with the constant media attention that focused on details of the physical assault, headlines on the perpetrator’s allegations of infidelity, images of her facial injuries and victim-blaming narratives presented in the newspaper articles of Bangladesh. In the social, cultural or political context of Bangladesh, intimate partner violence among higher social and economic classes of people is unusual (“The Rumana Monzur Story: From Domestic Abuse Survivor to Legal Pioneer,” 2024). Monzur’s incident uncovered how intimate partner violence is prevalent in Bangladesh, including among those from upper social class, highly educated, and financially independent individuals. The case also helps us understand how mainstream media often takes part in further victimizing the victims through their media narratives in portraying the cases. This situation mirrors the experience of many other women in Bangladesh and around the world who are experiencing violence not just by their intimate partners but also by the discriminatory media portrayal of the victims. Such complex dynamics of violence are rooted in the broader sociocultural and structural context of Bangladesh which contributed to the perpetuation of the violent attack against Monzur. 14 To elaborate on this discussion, I limit my research to the context of news media portrayals of Rumana Monzur’s case in three local Bangladeshi newspapers (Prothom Alo, The Daily Star, and Dhaka Tribune) and unpack the critical role of news media within the larger social, cultural and structural context of intimate partner violence in Bangladesh. I have employed an ethnographic content analysis of the news coverage of Rumana Monzur’s case from the selected three newspapers to explore how the popular news media of Bangladesh responds to cases of IPV and represents its victims. Three central questions serve as the foundation for this qualitative research: 1) How do the popular news media in Bangladesh portray the issue of intimate partner violence against women? 2) How are the female victims of violence represented in the media narratives? 3) Why are those women represented in this certain way? The first question explores the portrayal of intimate partner violence against women in the mainstream news media of Bangladesh. With this inquiry, I investigate how selected newspapers address the issue of IPV through language, framing, and narratives in their reports. The second question is about the representation of victims in news media to uncover the narratives through which they are presented. Finally, in the third research question, I ask how and why women, in a broader social context, are represented in a particular way within the news media platform. These three research questions collectively provide a nuanced understanding of the media's role in shaping narratives around intimate partner violence in Bangladesh. My central argument emphasizes how news media can play a critical role in either reinforcing harmful social, cultural and gender norms or challenging those norms to reshape societal attitudes toward women. The outcome of this research is to shed light on how media depictions of cases of 15 intimate partner violence and its victims can significantly contribute to creating a more empathetic and informed society for women in Bangladesh and South Asia. Summary of Following Chapters In the second chapter, I provide a review of scholarly literature and theoretical framework of gender-based violence against women, with a specific focus on feminist media studies and the representation of IPV in media narratives of Bangladesh. This qualitative research is firmly rooted in feminist philosophical inquiry, emphasizing the need for an ethical and empathetic approach when studying sensitive topics such as violence against women. The primary objective is to establish a theoretical foundation to comprehend the media portrayals of violence, particularly against women, from intersectional and transnational feminism, sociological theories of violence and media studies frameworks. Throughout this chapter, I explain important concepts and theories and identify research gaps in the existing literature. In chapter three, I describe the ethnographic content analysis method, used for the research. To explain this method, I outline the research design, data sources, data collection and data analysis strategies. I also address the researcher’s positionality, and ethical considerations involved in the research process. In chapter four, I present my findings of the data, focusing on the portrayal of Rumana Monzur as a victim of IPV in Bangladeshi news media. The primary themes included victim-blaming and sensational reporting of the case illustrated through sensational headlines, emotional language, and graphic images of the news reports. In this findings chapter, I explain how the victim-blaming narratives and sensationalized reporting normalize intimate partner violence. This is identified through the ingrained patriarchal cultural norms and values of Bangladeshi 16 society that dismiss women’s experience of abuse. The central argument made here is that media coverage often prioritizes emotional aspects of the case, leading to the potential exploitation of victims' trauma which can perpetuate a covert and often unnoticed form of symbolic violence through a symbolic power of news media. In chapter five, I discuss how the portrayal of Monzur shifted to a victim-centred feminist narrative focusing on her strength, resilience and contribution to social justice over the years. Based on the continued media attention on the story in Bangladeshi and Canadian media, I highlight the ways narratives of the case changed from victim-blaming to emphasizing Monzur’s international recognition, efforts in social activism and her advocacy work towards promoting the ideologies of feminist movements. Through these descriptions, news media reconstructs an empowered victim-centred approach that challenges the existing patriarchal, cultural norms and values surrounding intimate partner violence in Bangladesh. In the Conclusion chapter, I summarize the research findings and interpretations from my data analysis in connection to the research questions. The key takeaway from the findings is that Bangladeshi news media with its symbolic power, often perpetuates victim-blaming and sensationalized narratives in their coverage of intimate partner violence cases, contributing to the normalization of IPV and perpetuating symbolic forms of violence in media. However, media can also reconstruct victim-centred narratives to challenge these harmful portrayals by fostering sympathetic representations of victims and highlighting their voices more. Overall, this research not only contributes to feminist media studies and the discourse on gender-based violence in Bangladesh but also calls for solidarity and advocacy against IPV on both national and global scales. 17 Chapter Two: Theoretical Framework and Literature Review My research approach is firmly rooted in feminist epistemology that investigates the role of gender in knowledge production. Code (1991) offers insights into defining what qualifies as knowledge and how it should be evaluated, referring to the fact that knowledge is not neutral but constructed and shaped by social, cultural, and historical contexts. Feminist epistemologists have focused on the interconnectedness of gender with other social dimensions like race, ethnicity, class, sexuality, status, and global context, exploring the implications of these intersections in the understanding of knowledge (Grasswick, 2018). Feminist epistemology provides a critical lens to examine issues related to gender-based violence against women. Doucet and Mauthner (2006) look into the integration of feminist methodologies and epistemologies into the field of feminist research and identify some key elements of current and emerging research in this field. They explore how feminist inquiry acknowledges the gendered power dynamics and structural inequalities and emphasizes the importance of hearing and valuing women's voices, which are often marginalized in conventional research paradigms (Doucet & Mauthner, 2006). The feminist epistemological framework is a guiding principle that helps me navigate this research as I draw upon feminist epistemologies to analyze Rumana Monzur’s case through an intersectional lens, which encompasses how intimate partner violence intersects with gender, class, society and culture. I also draw on transnational feminist approach in my research to understand the feminist solidarity that emerges across borders through social movements in response to gender-based violence, gender inequality, and social injustice. I incorporate these feminist philosophical principles as a lens to critically understand the news media representation of intimate partner violence in Bangladesh. 18 In this chapter, I explain a theoretical framework of various forms of gendered violence, including symbolic and structural violence. Johan Galtung’s theory of structural violence refers to the connection of patriarchy and violence based on structural inequalities. Pierre Bourdieu’s symbolic violence framework is the often an unnoticed, non-physical form of violence, perpetuated through symbols, language or words and has the power to reinforce traditional or patriarchal gender norms (Bourdieu, 2001). By adopting the concepts of symbolic and structural violence in my theoretical analysis, I aim to contribute to the existing scholarship on the intersection of media representations and gender-based violence, particularly within the context of South Asia. Theories of feminist media studies and media representations of IPV are crucial to understand the larger implications of gender-based violence against women in Bangladesh. I also focus on how media perpetuates victim-blaming, sensationalism, and other harmful stereotypes in Bangladesh and other South Asian societies. Additionally, I demonstrate how feminist media scholars investigate the role of media in reinforcing harmful gender norms and perpetuating violence through media content. Intersectional feminist perspectives add another dimension to the emerging feminist media scholarship focusing on how violence normalized by media is interconnected and influenced by the diverse cultural, social, political, and economic contexts. I also discuss how media portrayals contribute to broader contexts of gender-based violence and how nuanced media practices can challenge existing patriarchal norms. Harvey (2020) highlights the importance of transnational perspectives in building cross-border alliances such as Western and South Asian feminist activism to challenge global patriarchal structures. Throughout the chapter, I draw on South Asian perspectives of intimate partner violence and identify the gaps in the literature that I address in this research. 19 Theories and Definitions of Violence Feminist perspectives have been the prominent theoretical foundation in understanding the domain of violence against women since the early 1970s (McPhail et. al., 2007). Disch and Hawkesworth (2016) inform us that different feminist theories explaining the reasons why women are subjected to violence by their intimate partners can range from individual-level explanations to socio-cultural and political explanations. Yadav and Horn (2021) argue that violence is not just an isolated incident, rather it is a continuous process that emerges from social interactions and is shaped by hierarchical power relations of a society. A feminist viewpoint looks at how these power dynamics are often tied to gender and patriarchy (Yadav & Horn, 2021), meaning that men and women, or different gender identities, may experience violence differently due to societal norms and patriarchal structures that favor certain groups over others. When second-wave feminism emerged during the 1960s, the definitions of violence developed by feminist researchers became increasingly popular in literature (Qureshi, 2013). Before the term ‘domestic violence’ was widely used, violence inside the home was often referred to as wife beating or spousal abuse (Qureshi, 2013). However, these terms did not fully capture the complexity and systemic nature of the issue. Scholars and activists began to recognize that domestic violence was not limited to physical abuse but also included emotional, psychological, sexual, and economic abuse (Qureshi, 2013). This broader definition helped to incorporate the diverse ways in which abusers exerted control and power over their victims. Feminists initially began discussing sexual violence and the conceptualization of patriarchy in the 1960s and 1970s as an attempt to characterize violence against women as a political issue connected to their gender identity (Vega Montiel, 2014). Activists highlighted how patriarchal structures perpetuated violence against women, both in public and private 20 spheres. In the 1980s, scholars incorporated the concept of domestic violence to underscore how gender-based violence was institutionalized and deeply rooted in societal structures and patriarchal norms (Vega Montiel, 2014). This adoption marked a significant shift in understanding and addressing violence within homes, extending beyond individual incidents including the study of how various social institutions such as the legal system, policies, legislations and cultural norms support and perpetuate violence against women. Gender-based violence has its origins in the patriarchal structure manifested historically in the unequal power dynamics between men and women, which lead to discrimination against and dominance of women in society (Vega Montiel, 2014). Feminist activists and scholars are now increasingly using the term 'gender justice' because they believe that the terms 'gender inequality' and 'gender discrimination' are insufficient in capturing or addressing the continuous injustices women face based on their gender (Goetz et. al., 2008). While I acknowledge that all violence is gendered, meaning violence can be experienced by men, boys, or other gender groups (Yadav & Horn, 2021), in this project I make the distinction of gender-based violence, as violence specifically directed toward women based on their gender identity. The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), adopted in 1979 by the UN General Assembly is “the first international instrument to define violence against women and to set an agenda for national action to end such discrimination” (Vega Montiel, 2014, p. 18). According to the United Nations General Assembly Resolution in 1993, the definition of violence against women (VAW) encompasses “any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life” (United Nations, 1993, p. 715). This broad definition highlights the multifaceted nature of VAWand its impacts across all spheres of life. In 21 1994, the Organization of American States (OAS) advanced efforts to combat VAW by adopting the Belem do Pará Convention (Vega Montiel, 2014). This treaty, formally known as the Inter-American Convention on the prevention, punishment, and abolishment of VAW, represents a significant regional commitment to addressing and eradicating violence (Vega Montiel, 2014). All kinds of violence against women are acknowledged by this regional organization as violations of the human rights of women (Vega Montiel, 2014). According to the UNICEF report of 1999, the term violence against women refers to the acts that are perpetrated by husbands, intimate partners or other family members, resulting in, harmful physical, sexual, psychological and economic consequences for women (UNICEF, 1999). Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a deliberate act widely used by an intimate partner as a tactic to assert supremacy or control over the other (Khatun & Rahman, 2012). Regardless of class, sexuality, education, cultural, social, or other political status, the victims of intimate partner violence are highly prevalent among Bangladeshi women living in both urban and rural areas (Khatun & Rahman, 2012). I acknowledge the prevalence of intimate partner violence across diverse socio-cultural contexts to understand the universality of this issue. Overall, the definitions of violence play a crucial role in framing the research within the frequent use of violence against women, gender-based violence, and intimate partner violence throughout this research. Lisa Price (2005) offers a wide range of feminist thinking to explain men’s violence against women, using radical feminism as a focal point. Her work draws on the definition and origin of violence, the role of sex and sexuality in violence, the intersection between racism and sexism, the accountability of perpetrators, and the significance of feminist intervention and jurisprudence to understand the extensive nature of violence against women (Price, 2005). Cynthia Cockburn (2004) focuses on the importance of feminist perspectives in exploring the 22 ways interpersonal violence is connected to or embedded in patriarchal structures of power through gender norms. To deeply grasp the causes of violence, it is crucial to understand the social or political contexts of violence and the complex, interconnected nature of power dynamics, cultural norms, and systemic inequalities that perpetuate such violence (Yadav & Horn, 2021). The development of feminist theories incorporated an intersectional approach to violence that examines the particular circumstances in which gender-based violence takes place (Barnett et. al, 2018). Drawing upon the feminist insights on power and gender, I review scholarly discourses that interrogate how gender, as a social and cultural construct, intersects with intimate partner violence. Systemic inequalities and gendered power dynamics are always present in a violent act (Yadav and Horn, 2021; Braithwaite and D’Costa, 2018). Bruckert and Law (2018) in their book Women and Gendered Violence in Canada: An Intersectional Approach argue that a narrow focus on gender-based violence simply as ‘interpersonal violence’ overlooks the broad spectrum of women’s experiences, disregards the role of social institutions, and excludes conversations regarding violence in the workplace, cultural violence, or state violence. Feminists have addressed the perpetuation of violence caused by complex roles of states (Disch and Hawkesworth, 2016). Multiple sorts of violence stem from the interaction of patriarchy with structural factors (Montesanti, 2015). Sociological theories take this discussion further and explore the structural, cultural and political dynamics that allow for the perpetuation of indirect forms of gender-based violence – for instance, structural violence and symbolic violence. Structural and Symbolic Violence Johan Galtung introduced a characterization of violence that is imposed on people by social structures or institutions, known as ‘structural violence’ (Galtung, 1969). Galtung (1969) 23 makes a fundamental distinction between personal and structural violence referring to structural violence as a form of violence that persists without a specific origin and does not have a visible ‘actor’ who committed it. Therefore, there is not an identifiable perpetrator in cases of structural violence. This form of violence is crucial to understanding how deeply ingrained inequalities continue to impact vulnerable populations, even in the absence of explicit acts of aggression or abuse. Institutional practices, laws, and social or economic policies which reinforce unequal power relations and marginalize specific groups, are the foundation of structural violence (Farmer, 2004). Structural violence results in unequal access to resources, information, voice, agency, and representation (Jones, 2000; Jones & Lyneham, 2001). The difference between structural violence and interpersonal (physical, sexual or psychological) forms of violence is that structural violence is indirect and the forces perpetuating structural violence operate in subtle ways. For example, in the context of Bangladesh, structural violence can occur when the cultural forces justify gender-based violence by unequal distribution of power among men and women or normalize intimate partner violence by reinforcing norms of hegemonic masculinities. Domestic violence is intricately woven into a complicated network of institutionalized social interactions is deeply entwined with domestic violence, which requires an in-depth understanding of the structural and contextual aspects, contributing to the production of such violence (Ashrafun, 2018). I propose that structural violence is an appropriate framework for my research as there is systematic exploitation and discrimination against women in the cultural, political and organizational structures of Bangladesh. The designation of symbolic violence refers to a form of structural violence that captures how people who experience such violence are more likely to internalize social norms and structural hierarchies, which makes them accept and adhere to their status as inferiors (Bourdieu, 2001). According to Bourdieu (2001), symbolic violence is a non-physical kind of violence that 24 works with a symbolic power and refers to the unconscious ways in which dominance is exercised, through symbols, language, words, habitus, and the like. Symbolic violence manifests in power differentials between social groups which misrecognize violent experiences as simply natural and unavoidable parts of life (Jiwani, 2020). Symbolic power, according to Bourdieu and Thompson (1991), can shape people's perceptions, beliefs, and actions through language and symbols which can influence or transform the construction of reality. As a powerful social institution, the media, journalists can create narratives, frame issues, and legitimize norms and values that may either challenge or strengthen existing patriarchal structures and inequalities through symbolic power. Thus, understanding the symbolic power of media is critical for identifying how media contributes to both symbolic and structural violence. Feminist Media Studies and Representations of Gender-based Violence The depiction of gender-based violence issues in media has the potential to perpetuate gender stereotypes and misconceptions through biased narratives. Feminist media studies highlight that media can contribute to the construction of gender identity, reinforce traditional gender roles, and thus, contribute to a culture of violence against women (Rahman, 2018). Feminist scholars, like Betty Friedan, have always argued that media acts as a tool of misogyny, perpetuating the idea that a fulfilling life for women revolves around accepting their 'natural' role as homemakers. Friedan (1963) exposes how various entities, including advertisers and newspapers, engage in the patronization, exploitation, and manipulation of women. Through these mechanisms, media establishes unattainable standards for women that promote the dual expectations of being homemakers while adhering to stereotypical beauty norms (Friedan, 1963). She proposes that media should actively challenge gender stereotypes by minimizing the over-sexualization and objectification of women in media portrayals (Friedan, 1963). 25 Harvey (2020) addresses the importance of feminist media studies by incorporating contemporary intersectional frameworks and includes a global consideration of violence against women across media platforms. Harvey’s analysis of intersectional and transnational framework within the context of South Asian perspectives of violence against women is significant for my research, as it provides a global perspective on the gendered dynamics embedded within and around media landscapes across borders (Harvey, 2020). Researchers of feminist media studies, using an intersectional perspective contend that race, class, gender, and sexual orientation cannot be reduced to discrete characteristics that can be evaluated for their particular significance in understanding certain outcomes in society (Zinn and Dill, 1996). The categories are mutually dependent as “race is ‘gendered’ and gender is ‘racialized’” (Browne and Misra, 2003, p. 488). To analyze the intersectional feminist framework in her work, Harvey (2020) addresses the Western-centric gender dynamics and the complexities of feminist research problems in different locations across the globe. Sharp (2023) argues that the foundation of feminist studies is shaped by the scholarly contributions of historically marginalized communities where women of color and those from the Global South play pivotal roles as contributors. Black feminists, postcolonial feminists, and South Asian feminists have critically argued that mainstream feminism exclusively mirrors the perspectives of the ‘West’ which neglects the experiences of women from diverse racial, cultural, or socioeconomic backgrounds (Mills, 1998). South Asian feminist Mojab (2001) highlights that feminist literature investigating gender-specific violence tends to remain within the limitations of a Western-centred approach and despite its progress, it is in a state of crisis because it is challenged by the continuation of patriarchal dominance situated in the West. In response to the intersectional feminist debates between Western and South Asian feminism, an 26 important discussion highlighted by Harvey (2020) in her book Feminist Media Analysis is the transnational framework which I incorporate in this research. The concept of a transnational perspective offers a nuanced understanding of how cultures, practices, ideologies, and migrating bodies can intersect and interact across national boundaries, highlighting the asymmetries and complexities inherent in these processes (Harvey, 2020). According to Harvey (2020), a transnational perspective acknowledges that movements of people, ideas, and values are not confined by geopolitical borders but instead flow in dynamic and often gendered ways. At its core, transnational feminism challenges the notion of fixed and static identities or practices, recognizing that they are shaped and reshaped through constant interaction and negotiation across diverse contexts (Harvey, 2020). In the context of gender-based violence, the transnational feminist framework looks at how power dynamics, cultural norms, and socio-economic factors intersect in shaping individuals' experiences and opportunities (Cunningham, 2011). Transnational feminism recognizes unity among women by highlighting the importance of feminist solidarity. The purpose of using a transnational feminist lens in this research is crucial to understand how feminism possibly offers solutions to confront and eradicate oppressive systems and structures within the globe. This approach emphasizes the interconnectedness of various forms of oppression fostering an inclusive framework for addressing gender-based injustices, advocating for systemic change, and building alliances across diverse contexts to advance social justice globally. The media portrayal of Monzur in Canadian news media underscores the importance of incorporating transnational feminism in this project as Monzur gained extensive international recognition and significant support from Canadian feminists given her status as an international student of UBC who survived the violent attack and continued higher education despite her blindness. 27 Media Representation of Gender and IPV In media, symbolic violence is enacted in many ways, such as through media stereotypes that reinforce dominant gender norms against women (Jiwani, 2020). Sociologist Gaye Tuchman argued that the underrepresentation of women in the media can constitute symbolic violence by sustaining the patriarchal power structures between men and women (Jiwani, 2020). This underrepresentation can normalize the marginalization of women and the dominance of men, making gender inequality an accepted phenomenon. According to Bruckert and Law (2018), symbolic violence recognizes that gendered, racial, and class-based portrayals infiltrate our social world to a significant extent, shaping our understanding and perception not only of the ‘other’ but also of ourselves. My research in this project will advance scholarly knowledge and new ways of thinking about structural and symbolic violence in media representations of violence to understand how they are interconnected and manifested in the lives of men and women in Bangladesh. I explore the concept of hegemonic masculinity, coined by R.W Connell to understand how violence is shaped by the connection between deep-rooted power dynamics with the social and cultural constructions of gender and how media narratives can reinforce gender-based violence in Bangladesh by promoting norms of hegemonic masculinity. Within the patriarchal dynamics of society, men in Bangladesh often feel a sense of entitlement upon marriage, regarding their partner’s actions, movements and body that promote hegemonic forms of masculinities (Fahmida and Doneys, 2013). Chowdhury (2010) argues that when women challenge existing gender norms, such as through achievements in higher education and employment, and striving for social and economic equality, traditional forms of social control by men become ineffective and this incites men to use violence against women. However, Fahmida and Doneys (2013) acknowledge that while patriarchy benefits the majority of men, many men 28 in Bangladesh are nevertheless subjugated by hegemonic male norms and societal institutions. This comprises men whose actions defy hegemonic conceptions of masculinity, such as non-violent men, men who identify as members of sexual minority (gay or transgender), and men who practice alternative (non-hegemonic) ideals of masculinity (Fahmida and Doneys, 2013). Men who defy hegemonic notions of masculinity and belong to disadvantaged and subjugated masculinities, are suppressed in this setting, being labelled as ‘weak men’ (Fahmida and Doneys, 2013). My arguments in this context, focus on how the news media narratives favor men and may further empower abusive husbands to consider their behavior as socially and culturally acceptable in accordance with traditional gender roles in Bangladesh. Media Analysis Theories from a Sociological Perspective Media sociology is inspired by the idea that a sociological investigation of media allows us to concentrate on fundamental questions regarding the functioning of media as well as its impact on various aspects of social life (Waisboard, 2016). The study of media is therefore crucial to understanding the significant trends and transformations in contemporary social structures. According to Little (2023), communication is not always direct, but mediated through the intervention of an agency or sender that produces messages in the form of symbolic content and distributes them through different media platforms. The major significance of media in society is connecting mass audiences and shaping collective experiences through television, radio, newspapers and online sources such as social media (Singh & Pandey, 2017). While I acknowledge media's significant role and its influence on the dissemination of information in society, I also address that within the South Asian context of patriarchal culture, when media selectively publishes content that reflects traditional gender norms or facilitates cultural justifications of gender-based violence, it manipulates the societal perception of violence. To 29 discuss this further, I critically review the concepts of media framing, media sensationalism and media representation of victims which are essential frameworks for understanding the media dynamics of intimate partner violence in Bangladesh. Terkildsen and Schnell (1997) have employed the concept of framing to examine how news media contributes to shaping public opinions and policies across a range of socio-political issues. The importance of information in a narrative and its visibility among audiences stems from factors such as its prominence, repetition, or connection to culturally familiar language and symbols (Gitlin, 1980). According to RM Entman (1993), ‘framing’ involves the selective emphasis on certain aspects of perceived reality to guide audiences in viewing issues, actions, and events in a specific manner, excluding alternative perspectives. Various elements impact how journalists present an issue, encompassing ‘social norms and values, organizational pressures and constraints, and pressures from interest groups’ (Scheufele, 2000, p. 307), that contribute to the social construction of news in media narratives. Loseke (2003) suggests that the portrayal of violent incidents in news media can play a pivotal role in either framing the stories as accidents or downplaying the role of the perpetrator by presenting their motivations as either having a "good reason" or "for no good reason". Through such framing, news media representations play a key role in shaping public discourse by constructing a coherent 'narrative' that highlights certain actors and their motivations while marginalizing or overlooking others (Street, 2005). Collectively, the process of selecting, framing, and presenting information is influenced by a complex interplay of societal norms, organizational dynamics, and external pressures that contribute to the construction of news. The significance of framing in news media analysis lies in its ability to shape public perceptions through a selective emphasis on certain aspects of reality. Recognizing these influences is crucial 30 for understanding how media shapes narratives and contributes to reconstructing the social reality. Sensationalism operates as a powerful tactic to enforce sensational culture in the media in which realities are overstated in order to make them appear more compelling and entertaining (Frye, 2005). Sensationalism can also substantially impact public perception by altering how individuals perceive events and issues (Bosede & Toju, 2024). Those who are often exposed to sensationalized news may get habituated and become more likely to look for ‘extreme and sensational content’ leading to a ‘cycle’ whereby media agencies are compelled to publish more dramatic narratives in order to captivate audiences and sustain their attention (Bosede & Toju, 2024, p. 29). Today, sensationalism in media is used for multiple reasons- to gain readership, for commercial purposes or to shape public perceptions. Frye (2005) contends that sensationalism can be used in the media for positive purposes and could be injected into stories to motivate the community toward a meaningful cause by challenging gender norms or emphasizing victims’ voices in narratives. Although sensational practice is frequently utilized in media for multiple purposes, I use the concept of sensationalism in this project to understand the critical role of media narratives in either facilitating or challenging ingrained traditional norms and gender stereotypes. Due to the lower number of female reporters working in media outlets, the majority of the news reports of intimate partner violence practice dominant gender narratives. According to a gender equality and media regulation study of Bangladesh, most media outlets have no gender policy; men greatly outnumber women as less than 10% of journalists in Bangladesh are women, and participation from the non-binary and LGBTQ community is almost zero (Tahmina, 2022). Bangladeshi scholars Salam and Rahman (2021) explore the organizational culture of media and their study uncovers that women are still far from the decision-making levels as the media 31 institutions of Bangladesh remain predominantly male. In this research, I draw attention to the significance of fostering a media reform that accurately represents and advocates for all members of society and ensures equal participation for journalists of news media from all genders. Research on Media Representation of Victims in Bangladesh and South Asia Representations of victims in media shed light on how the voices, experiences, and perspectives of individuals who have experienced trauma or victimization are suppressed, marginalized, or distorted in the media (Alat, 2006). Previous research on media representations of violence has identified that when victim’s perspectives on violence are silenced in media reports, it can significantly influence the patriarchal ideologies of society. Alat's (2006) research on Turkish press coverage of violence against women revealed a tendency to deliberately avoid mentioning victims. Drawing on scholar Clark’s earlier findings on newspaper coverage of sexual assault cases, Alat (2006) highlighted the ideological agenda evident in the news representation that constituted a purposeful suppression of women by not including the victim’s narratives. According to Alat (2006), this suppression contributes to the ‘deliberate silence of the victim's story’ (p. 302). In the book The Dark Side of the Nation, South Asian scholar Bannerji (2000) also elucidates the understanding of silencing the victims and discusses public silence around gender-based violence in non-Western communities. Bannerji (2000) delves deeper into the dilemma faced by marginalized South Asian victims in deciding whether to remain silent or speak out about their experiences. She acknowledges the complexity of this decision by pointing out that each option presents its own set of challenges. Individuals who opt for silence, often carry the weight of internalized trauma and feelings of isolation as their suffering remains 32 unnoticed due to a lack of conversation (Bannerji, 2000). Conversely, those who decide to voice their experiences encounter hurdles, such as shaming of victimhood, societal judgement, victim blaming and threats of personal safety. Bangladeshi scholars Islam and Siddique (2022) investigate the depiction of victim-blaming culture in Bangladeshi newspapers analyzing a case study of victim Munia who committed suicide due to intimate partner abuse. Employing content analysis to explore the portrayal of the particular case, the researchers focus on the representation of the victim in five popular Bangladeshi newspapers and attempt to understand the blaming culture prevalent in the country through the textual analysis of news reports (Islam and Siddique, 2022). The findings revealed that the newspapers attempted to conceal the involvement of the abuser who was a high-profile businessman by focusing on the victim's lifestyle, identity, and occupation all of which resulted in negative public reaction toward Munia. Islam and Siddique (2022) conclude that, despite pressures from politically powerful perpetrators who commit intimate partner violence, the media should not distort the actual story of the case or blame the victims of violence. Mowri and Bailey (2023) explore how printed versions of news media in Bangladesh frame incidents of sexual harassment in public transport, highlighting the systemic and institutionalized nature of gender-based violence. They use a discourse analysis method of 71 articles from major Bangladeshi newspapers. The findings of this study highlight that media often collaborate with the established law enforcement sector of the country to facilitate a blame game and avoid accountability for biased narratives (Mowri and Bailey, 2023). This way, news media tend to shift blame away from powerful societal actors and fail to reflect issues of women’s safety and rights more accurately (Mowri and Bailey, 2023). Literature on media representation of violence suggests that it is a common scenario for victims of gender-based 33 violence to be blamed for their experience of abuse or victimization given the societal and cultural context of Bangladesh. To contribute to the prevailing South Asian scholarship of gender-based violence, in this research, I elaborate on the issue of victim blaming in Bangladesh as a structural problem and analyze the role of news media in reinforcing or shifting harmful narratives. Although past scholarly works in South Asia have addressed the prevalence of IPV and its connection to victim blaming in Bangladesh, there is still a need for extensive research on the present media narratives of the victims of intimate partner violence. One of the contributions of this thesis is to bridge this literature gap and explore the media representation of Monzur Monzur’s case from 2011 to 2019 in popular Bangladeshi newspapers. I also aim to understand the broader dynamics of gender and power relations, structural inequalities, cultural norms, and their intersection with news media in portraying the cases of intimate partner violence within Bangladesh. 34 Chapter 3: Methodology In this chapter, I provide a detailed description of the ethnographic content analysis (ECA) method, the research questions, the data collection, specifically focusing on the selected three newspapers (The Daily Star, Prothom Alo and Dhaka Tribune) and data analysis. Although the story of Monzur received widespread media attention both nationally and internationally, I particularly focus on the media portrayal of the case in Bangladeshi newspapers for two reasons – firstly, to comprehend the larger social, cultural and political structures of Bangladesh in contributing to the perpetuation of violence against Monzur and shaping the experience of the victim; secondly, how the news media reinforced or challenged traditional gender norms and patriarchal culture of Bangladesh through language, symbols, and narratives of the news reports. I use the method ECA for this research to understand the underlying meaning of the information (content) in the textual data such as news reports and understand the social, cultural and contextual interpretation of the data. The chapter is divided into six sections. In the first section, I discuss the rationale behind employing the ECA method for data collection. In the second section, I discuss the data sources, including the rationale for the selection of newspapers. The third section offers insight into the sampling procedure, the time frame, and the unit of analysis setting the temporal and conceptual boundaries of this research. The fourth section describes data collection and analysis procedures including coding, protocol analysis and constant comparison for the ECA methodology. I conclude by addressing my positionality as a researcher which shapes my approach, perspectives and interpretations of the study. 35 Ethnographic Content Analysis (ECA) Research Method According to Altheide and Schneider (2013), ECA focuses on capturing and understanding the meaning behind communication and the theoretical connections that emerge within the research study. The methodology involves sampling, collecting, coding, analyzing, and interpreting data. Ethnographic content analysis aims to be systematic and analytic while maintaining flexibility to guide the study (Altheide & Schneider, 2013). Researchers use this method to reduce extensive data and text into sensitizing concepts that explain the research phenomenon (Elo et al., 2014). Throughout the research process, additional themes, codes, or categories are expected to emerge (Altheide & Schneider, 2013). One of the crucial reasons for employing ECA for my research is its capacity to delve into the meaning and interpretations embedded within news reports, looking into the headlines, narratives, images, and language used in news articles. Within the ECA methodological framework, I focused on qualitative analysis of both printed and online news articles, which included identifying and analyzing the themes, patterns, and concepts of the news media coverage of Rumana Monzur’s case in three publicly popular Bangladeshi newspapers. Selection of Newspapers In making newspaper selections for this research, I considered the popularity and circulation for identifying the three newspapers in Bangladesh based on their consistency in printing, distribution and significance. Since Bangla is the official language of Bangladesh, I decided to select one leading Bengali newspaper Prothom Alo along with two prominent English dailies The Daily Star and the Dhaka Tribune from the most widely read newspapers in Bangladesh to analyze news coverage of Rumana Monzur's case. Among the selected newspapers, Prothom Alo holds the top position among Bengali dailies according to the national 36 media survey, 2018 conducted by a UK-based research organisation Kantar, MRB (“6.6m readership makes Prothom Alo highest read Bangladesh daily”, 2018). The Daily Star and the Dhaka Tribune are also identified as the two most famous English newspapers in the country (“6.6m readership makes Prothom Alo highest read Bangladesh daily”, 2018). For the purpose of data analysis and coding, I translated all the collected Bengali news articles of Prothom Alo into English. Carvin (2012) emphasizes that newspaper selection decisions should consider the long-standing popularity of a newspaper in the publishing history of a country. The popularity of Prothom Alo, The Daily Star and Dhaka Tribune aided me in identifying and selecting the three most widely read newspapers in Bangladesh for this project. The newspaper landscape in Bangladesh is diverse, comprising 1,277 daily publications including 218 national Bangla dailies, 293 regional Bangla dailies, and 40 English dailies (Hossain, 2020). Bengali newspapers collectively have an estimated circulation of around 1.5 million copies, with ten major national newspapers constituting over 90% of this figure. Printed English newspapers have a limited circulation, of approximately 70,000 copies (Hossain, 2020). However, during the past two decades, Bangladeshi newspapers written in English have been increasing in terms of popularity and significance (Genilo et. al, 2016). Despite smaller circulation figures, English dailies are considerably influential (Genilo et. al, 2016). While coverage of news in Bangla language is more directly engaging for the local population and reflects the sentiments and issues pertinent to the everyday lives of specifically Bangladeshi citizens, English newspapers cater to a diverse audience that includes students, educated elites, policymakers, business professionals, academics, expatriates, and the international community as well (Hossain, 2020). 37 In the present-day context of globalization, English newspapers are gaining much popularity not only in urban regions but also in other parts of Bangladesh for their wide readership, detailed coverage of global issues, and critical perspectives on both local and international events. According to Reza and Haque (2011), The Daily Star focuses on advocacy concerns such as environmental conservation, campaigns against hartals or countrywide strikes as a form of protest, and artistic endeavours such as art exhibitions. Similarly, the Dhaka Tribune has regularly reported on issues like the declining standard of education in public universities, the necessity of female empowerment in the nation, and national and international cultural events like concerts, visual exhibits, and foreign films (Genilo et al., 2016). Despite the official language of Bangladesh in Bangla, I selected two English-language newspapers for this research: because newspapers written in English are more accessible and easily readable than a Bangla language newspaper, especially for international audiences including researchers, academics, international organizations, and foreign media. Due to their popularity, The Daily Star and Dhaka Tribune newspapers are extensively read by people not only in Bangladesh but also from around the world. In urban areas of Bangladesh, women are more likely to be proficient in English due to the opportunity of receiving better education from English medium institutions which enable them to engage directly with the news content. In rural areas, access to these English news stories is generally facilitated through Bangla translation as well as reporting the same news in local Bengali newspapers and electronic media. Community radio stations and local TV channels play a critical role in disseminating the current news and information in Bengali which makes the news content of English newspapers accessible to rural people including rural women. Therefore, the impact of English newspapers reaches the people at the grassroots level of Bangladesh in multiple ways. The incorporation of 38 English newspapers along with one Bengali newspaper ensures that my research findings can be widely disseminated and understood. Prothom Alo, recognized as the leading Bengali newspaper in Bangladesh, has achieved remarkable circulation milestones in the print news media industry of Bangladesh (“6.6m readership makes Prothom Alo highest read Bangladesh daily”, 2018). Published both from press facilities and in online versions in Bangladesh, with a daily readership of 6.6 million, according to the national media survey, 2018 (“6.6m readership makes Prothom Alo highest read Bangladesh daily”, 2018). According to the digital archive, the online portal of Prothom Alo ranks as the number one Bangladeshi and Bangla language website globally, attracting 13 million visitors from around 200 countries and territories. Prothom Alo is owned by the Transcom Group Limited, a corporate conglomerate from Bangladesh and this group is the regional distributor of many global brands (Khan & Shnaider, 2021). Among the English dailies, The Daily Star holds the most extensive circulation share, accounting for 77 percent of the overall English newspapers' circulation in Bangladesh (Harry, 2023). According to a study conducted by Genilo and others (2016), among 5 mostly read English newspapers, The Daily Star had the largest circulation (41,150 copies). Its official website had 4.4 million visitors as of December 2022 (Harry, 2023). Mahfuz Anam is the present editor and publisher of the newspaper. In addition to its weekly 24-page main part, the newspaper produces various weekly pieces that cater to a diverse readership (Harry, 2023). Transcom Group Limited is the main financier of the publication. The Dhaka Tribune, similar in circulation, length, and layout characteristics to The Daily Star, maintains its position in the topmost circulated English daily newspaper in Bangladesh. According to Similarweb’s monthly visit data, dhakatribune.com is the main competitor to 39 thedailystar.net, with 1.5 million visitors in December 2022. Kazi Anis Ahmed is the newspaper's publisher, with Zafar Sobhan serving as editor (Genilo et al, 2016). The publication is owned by two large corporate groups, Gemcon Group and Kazi Farm Group (Genilo et. al, 2016). Political interference in the operations of media outlets is a common practice in Bangladesh. Nabi (2023) indicates that the owners have a combination of indirect and direct support from the political parties. Due to strong political leanings, the owners of media are given more authority by the government to pursue their corporate, political, and individual objectives in content production or publication (Nabi, 2023). Politicians and business leaders also exert pressure on editors and individuals involved in news production, to alter or remove a story, and may also seek to replace journalists who are critical of a specific political party with more favorable ones (Nabi, 2023). The political interference in news production helps understand how media ownership combined with political influence can impede the rigorous pursuit of accountability and ethical journalism in media portrayal of intimate partner violence cases or the representation of victims of IPV. Data Sources I collected data on the news coverage of the Rumana Monzur case from both the printed and online versions of Prothom Alo, The Daily Star and Dhaka Tribune for the following dates published from June 2011 to June 2019. For data collection, I went to Bangladesh and visited two primary sources, 1) Central Library, University of Dhaka (DU), Shahbag, Bangladesh, and 2) The Press Institute Bangladesh (PIB) library, Kakrail, Dhaka, Bangladesh from December 20, 2022, to January 15, 2023. For the news coverage of the case in 2011 and 2012, I collected data from the printed version of the selected newspapers during the field trip to Bangladesh. I also 40 collected reports from 2013 to 2019 from electronic sources using the PIB library’s newspaper database, online news archives and websites of the selected newspapers as part of the research, which was between March, 2023 to May, 2023. I noticed that the case gained popularity over time and was covered in the newspapers regularly, both in print and online news media, even after the termination of the case in 2011 (due to the death of the accused). Therefore, I included articles published till 2019 to gather rich data and in total, collected 133 reports on the news coverage of Monzur’s case. Sampling and Data Collection I used a purposive sampling method to collect research data. The purposive sampling approach is extensively employed in qualitative research to detect and select information-rich materials linked to the topics of interest (Patton, 2015). For this research, the purposive sampling process helped identify news articles that met specific criteria for inclusion in the study and narrow down the sampling frame. Data collection followed two timeframes: 1) reports published from June 2011 to December 2012 based on the news coverage from the beginning of the case till the end of it; 2) reports on the follow-up of the case published from January 2013 to June 2019. First, I collected the printed news reports from the two selected primary sources of Bangladesh, and later, used online sources and digital archives to collect reports, published from 2013 to 2019. I used the following keywords to filter articles: ‘Rumana Monzur,’ ‘case of Rumana Monzur,’ ‘violence against Rumana Monzur in Bangladesh,’ ‘domestic violence of Rumana Monzur’, ‘intimate partner violence against Rumana Monzur’, and 'victim Rumana.' In total, I gathered 133 articles from both printed and online sources. To be selected for analysis, each identified newspaper article needed to follow the inclusion criteria– articles published from 2011 to 2019, mention the 41 keywords used in the search and provide substantial coverage of Rumana Monzur's case in the reports. I looked at the headlines, words, and phrases of the articles to identify overarching themes. I also looked at the visual elements, including images accompanying news articles, to understand the types of images employed (e.g., photographs, illustrations), their captions and representation. Next, I examined the language by analyzing the type of words and tone (sensational, victim-blaming, empathetic) of the narrative and dissected the language and rhetorical strategies used to convey the information. I used the narratives and quotations to identify the media representation of the victim Rumana Monzur, perpetrator Sumon and the journalists who wrote the news reports. I conducted a comparative analysis across three selected newspapers to analyze the similarities and differences in the portrayal of the case. The construction of a timeline (from 2011 to 2019) allowed for a chronological understanding of the case's development from 2011 onwards to identify the key events or turning points. To understand how the media narratives evolved over time, I considered the societal, political or cultural shifts within the context of Bangladesh. The online version of newspapers was not very interactive in 2011. Therefore, I had to combine both printed and online versions of news reports on Monzur’s case to collect data from 2011 to 2019. Prothom Alo started publishing its two editions - midday and evening – to the online version in 2006, and in 2009, the online site introduced engagement of the audience by allowing readers to comment (Haq, 2014). Images accompanying news stories were also included first in 2009. The online versions of printed newspapers used to be a paid news service on internet during the first few years of online publication and people had to pay for access to the news via PayPal system (Haq, 2014). Due to these burdens, people were not very interested in engaging with online news and sharing their opinions in comments during 2011 or 2012. As the 42 online version of newspapers was not very popular or accessible back in 2011, I was not able to look at the examples of audience reaction, such as comments sections for online news stories or opinion pieces, from the collected news reports. I consider this a limitation of this research. Coding and Data Analysis I created a protocol as part of the qualitative ECA research method to collect and analyze the data. To do that, I used Altheide and Schneider’s (2013) ethnographic content analysis technique, allowing codes to emerge from data based on careful reading and re-reading of the data text. Later, I engaged with the material by reading each news report several times to obtain a broad comprehension of the contents. I used the ECA protocol as part of the ethnographic content analysis method to analyze my collected data. Developing an ECA protocol is similar to coding schema that is used mostly in qualitative content analysis. This procedure must be carefully crafted, tested, and then re-tested to uncover the underlying implicit meanings within the text's content (Altheide & Schneider, 2013). This approach ensures that the data is examined rigorously, allowing for the identification of nuanced insights from explicit and implicit meanings of the collected data (Altheide & Schneider, 2013). Previously gathered data may need to be recoded while considering modifications, and newly collected data can proceed under a revised protocol (Altheide & Schneider, 2013). Although the protocol included pre-defined coding categories (e.g., citation, date, length of text, headlines, images), most of these conceptual categories were open-ended. The protocol sheet accompanied each article selected for covering the case of Rumana Monzur. During my protocol development, new conceptual classifications emerged; as a result, I modified the original categories and incorporated new categories into the protocol for data analysis. 43 Throughout the data analysis process, I made notes on emerging themes and observations about the connections between the sample pieces. I then named and labelled (coded) these memos to categorize them thematically. Following these procedures enabled a more thorough analysis of each of the selected news stories to identify the significance and meanings present within the text. Following the initial coding phase, I used the ‘constant comparison’ technique originated by Glaser and Strauss (1967). According to Altheide and Schneider (2013), constant comparison may be employed to categorize actors, situations, events, and actions into an abstractly defined set of sections that can be specified or emerge through coding and written notes. This allows one to determine which categories of data sets ought to address specific research questions (Altheide & Schneider, 2013). The ECA protocol in this project enabled me to constantly compare different elements of the data and allowed me to navigate through complex narratives and codes, leading to a deeper interpretation of the emerged themes. I used the constant comparison across the three selected newspapers (Prothom Alo, The Daily Star and Dhaka Tribune) as part of the analysis process by revisiting the articles collected, making more detailed notes, and identifying themes that emerged from the coding. After the process of data analysis, 7 key themes emerged, which I discuss in the findings chapters. Throughout the data analysis, the reflexive approach of the ECA method, as emphasized by Altheide and Schneider (2013), played a crucial role in my exploration of the portrayal of intimate partner violence in Bangladeshi news media. This method facilitated deep engagement with the data, allowing for comparisons and a keen attentiveness to conceptual and theoretical nuances as they emerged throughout the research process. 44 Researcher Positionality As a qualitative researcher examining the media coverage of intimate partner violence in Bangladeshi newspapers, it is imperative to acknowledge and embrace the subjectivity inherent in my positionality. Who we are matters to the research, and I find it imperative to articulate my own positionality in this research. Born and raised in Bangladesh, I share a South Asian social, cultural and educational background which is similar to Rumana Monzur. I also recognize my experience of being an international student in Canada, coming from a South Asian country to pursue higher education at the University of British Columbia (UBC). Navigating the intersections of my own identity as a woman from South Asian background who is continuing education in Canada as well as acknowledging my political interests in feminist thought is crucial, as these impacted the research issues and questions I ask in this project. I reflect on these intersections critical for incorporating a feminist analysis in understanding gender-based violence issues, particularly focusing on women who are from diverse cultural and social backgrounds such as from South Asia and deserve to be better served by research. Throughout the research, I cite South Asian scholars in understanding the challenges of women and issues of IPV from a cultural perspective. I also compare and connect Western feminist ideas with South Asian frameworks as part of this research to invite critical dialogue and discussions around gender-based violence beyond national borders. Being transparent about my positionality, I aim to enhance my reflexivity of engaging as a qualitative researcher, recognizing that my standpoint inevitably impacts the knowledge I produce. My researcher positionality emerges as an analytical necessity to navigate the ethical concerns in guiding my approach to this sensitive research topic. I view my position as a valuable lens inspired by feminist perspectives to navigate the complexities of the landscape of media research around gender-based violence in the broader societal context of Bangladesh. This 45 acknowledgment forms the foundation for my commitment to producing research that is academically rigorous and reflective of the lived experiences and perspectives of those affected by gender-based violence in Bangladesh. Overall, this research has been an intellectual pursuit and a personal exploration for me. As I reflect on the insights gained from the research process, I hope that this study will make a significant contribution to the ongoing discussion on media portrayal and promote a more profound understanding of the nuances surrounding the problems of intimate partner violence in Bangladesh. In this research, I will refer to Rumana Monzur as a "victim" rather than a "survivor," despite the fact that Monzur herself identifies as a survivor, which I much admire. The decision to use "victim" is supported by an argument made by Paige Sweet (2021), who investigates the transition from "victim" to "survivor" within the framework of trauma discourse. According to Sweet (2021), the transition is more than just a change in vocabulary; it is inextricably related to the influence of therapeutic state, where mental health professionals and trauma discourse serve to connect feminist politics with anti-violence works. By labeling someone as a "survivor," the focus often shifts toward the individual's resilience and strength, potentially obscuring the systemic nature of violence and the ongoing victimization that continues within oppressive structures (Sweet, 2021). Therefore, by using "victim", I aim to highlight the power dynamics and structural violence in the case of Rumana Monzur to address not only individual healing but also the broader socio-political forces that perpetuate gender-based violence. Ethical Concerns To ensure that the study had the flexibility required in qualitative research, I stayed open to routinely reviewing ethical agreements and negotiating them as needed. I received permission from the location of my data sources to conduct this research after I presented an introductory 46 letter outlining my interests in this research project. It is crucial to approach this research with empathy and respect for the privacy and dignity of the individuals involved. Analyzing media reports on Rumana Monzur’s case had the potential to perpetuate the trauma experienced by the victim inadvertently, and it is paramount to strike a balance between shedding light on the issue and avoiding further victimization through research. For this ethical purpose, I have not used any direct images of the individuals involved in this case to avoid the risk of re-victimization. I also remain mindful of the potential risk of traumatizing the readers of this thesis as well as other victims of violence by considering sensitive news content and the responsible presentation of distressing information. My primary goal as a researcher is to contribute to addressing important societal problems and not inadvertently perpetuate any harm. Summary of Findings Chapters In the first analysis chapter, I identify how the portrayal of IPV by Bangladeshi news media can perpetuate harmful stereotypes and power imbalances. In considering each theme within the context of responding to the research questions, the major themes of the first findings chapter address how the mainstream news media of Bangladesh enact sensational reporting by emphasizing the act of violence without adequate context of the case, the representation of the victims of violence in a gendered way by questioning the victim’s decision, actions or lifestyle and perpetuating a culture of victim-blaming that ultimately normalizes the issues of intimate partner violence in Bangladesh. Drawing upon Bourdieu’s symbolic violence theory, I argue that the victim-blaming and sensational portrayal of gender-based violence in news media can reinforce existing power dynamics and perpetuate a hidden/non-physical form of violence embedded in social structures or cultural norms. 47 In the second findings chapter, the themes highlight how the three selected Bangladeshi newspapers gradually shifted the portrayal of Monzur’s case from 2013 onwards by highlighting her international recognition, activism, and advocacy for social justice. News reports of Bangladesh frequently referred to international media in their coverage, especially Canadian newspapers which manifested a new victim-centred and sympathetic approach in the narratives of the case and representation of Monzur. However, by using the constant comparison method, I also identified that not all three newspapers had similar language or sympathetic representations of Monzur as a strong, resilient individual or survivor of intimate partner violence. This dynamic change in news coverage across the newspapers reflects the influence of feminist ideologies in transitioning the media narrative from sensationalization and victim-blaming to a more sympathetic and empowering portrayal of the victim. Analyzing the transitions in media narrative from 2013 to 2019, I argue that news media, as an important social institution, has an opportunity to contribute to the shift of power dynamics and reshape the narratives around cases of intimate partner violence. 48 Chapter 4: Deconstructing Media Narratives: Symbolic Violence, Victim Blaming, Sensationalization of the Story and Normalization of Violence In this chapter, I discuss the findings and make analytic insights into the research data. Based on the early news coverage of Monzur’s case from 2011 and 2012, my coding analysis identified three key themes- victim blaming, sensationalization of the story and normalization of violence. From the constant comparison technique of the ECA method, I found out that, The Daily Star and Prothom Alo reports used victim-blaming narratives that highlighted sensational elements (through symbols, meanings, and language) of the case and exaggerated the physical act of violence against Monzur. On the other hand, Dhaka Tribune focused more on sharing the victim’s perspectives and experiences in their media narratives of the case. I argue that, when news media prioritizes sensationalization of the story to divert readers’ attention away from the seriousness of the crime and practices victim-blaming narratives without considering the sufferings inflicted upon the victim, they contribute to reinforcing the harmful social or cultural norms and constitute ‘symbolic violence.’ Symbolic violence offers perspectives on the complexities of violence in abusive relationships, shedding light on the dynamics of power and control (Thapar-Björkert et. al., 2016). Symbolic violence provides an analytical framework to understand how violence is reproduced in sensationalized media narratives, victim-blaming practices and normalization processes. Drawing upon Bourdieu and Thompson’s (1991) theory of symbolic violence, I look at how the symbolic power of media contributes to inadvertently legitimizing gender-based violence against women in Bangladesh. My findings suggest that the sensational and victim-blaming portrayal of IPV in news media can perpetuate a hidden and non-physical form of symbolic violence, embedded in social and gender stereotypes as well as in cultural norms. 49 According to Thapar-Björkert and others (2016), understanding symbolic violence in addition to conventional discourses of violence is critical, as it offers a deeper understanding of the ‘workings’ of violence and introduces unique perspectives to conceptualize intimate partner violence. The concept of victim-blaming has a significant connection with symbolic violence when discussing intimate partner violence. Sociologists define 'victim-blaming' broadly as the inclination to consider victims partially or fully accountable for the suffering or injustice they have encountered (Martin & Powell, 1994). Martin and Powell (1994) explore victim blaming as a practice that tends to question the actions of victims and place the burden on them to prevent or escape abusive situations, rather than addressing the root causes of violence. Juli and others (2023) refer to the process of victim-blaming as a ‘reversal of reality’ that misrepresents how a social issue or phenomenon is collectively understood and, more importantly, affects the victim’s perceptions of reality which can ultimately lead to self-blame. In this chapter, I suggest that victim-blaming practice is reflected in the headlines, language and narratives of Monzur’s case when news reports emphasize Monzur as a bad wife and mother, who because of challenging the traditional gender norms, is deserving of the violence. The second and third theme revealed a pattern of sensationalism and normalization of the violence, with a focus on exaggerated headlines, graphic details, intentional use of language and narratives based on the perpetrator’s justifications. News outlets often use provocative and dramatic headlines to grab readers' attention, which can oversimplify complex social issues like violence against women (Kaplan, 2008). The use of graphic images, emphasis on the perpetrator’s justifications and sensationalized narratives on the physical injuries can further normalize the act of violence and blame the victim by questioning her behavior, lifestyle, decisions and/or actions (Kaplan, 2008). These practices, as highlighted by Kaplan (2008), underscore how media sensationalism and normalization contribute to a distorted understanding 50 of violence against women by reinforcing harmful stereotypes and perpetuating symbolic violence rather than addressing the root causes of such violence. Victim-Blaming Bruckert and Law (2018) argue that the process of victim-blaming obscures the reality of power relations, such as in cases of sexual assault or rape, society often makes the victim responsible for the assault by claiming that she was sending out the ‘wrong signals’ or behaving provocatively. This draws attention away from the perpetrator's action and strengthens existing power disparities. Additionally, victim blaming functions in another way that addresses symbolic violence (Bruckert and Law, 2018). For example, women experiencing intimate partner violence (IPV) in relationships may internalize the cultural belief that there is something wrong with women who remain in abusive relationships (Bruckert and Law, 2018). Expected responses for those women are- feelings of guilt, shame and insecurity, with isolation and silence being the predictable outcomes (Johnson and Dawson, 2011; Bruckert and Law, 2018). The concept of victim-blaming for this project would be considering the act as a deeply ingrained societal response, often fueled by gender discrimination and preconceived notions that unfairly consider victims responsible for the harm endured. In Bangladesh, victim-blaming is a widespread problem in many other forms of gender-based violence such as rape, sexual abuse or assault (Islam and Siddique, 2022). Bangladeshi news media often reinforces this victim-blaming culture by representing the victim in a negative light and focusing on the victim's behaviour or clothing rather than on the perpetrator's actions (Islam and Siddique, 2023). With the advancement of media in print, electronic and digital space, it has become even easier to spread stereotypes and provide biased opinions against the victims (Kabir and Alkaff, 2018). Media contributes to a broader societal acceptance of violence 51 and hinders efforts to address the root causes of violence (Kabir and Alkaff, 2018). Additionally, media can promote and legitimize sexual aggression (Gravelin et. al., 2024). Collectively, the symbolic power of the media contributes to symbolic forms of violence in the invisible reinforcement of harmful stereotypes and the normalization of gender-based violence. My analysis suggests that victim-blaming contributes to the harmful social prejudices against women that continue to normalize the act of violence against women. In this research, narratives of ‘victim blaming’ emerged in the news reports on Rumana Monzur’s case between 2011 and 2012. These narratives focused on questioning Monzur as a good wife and accused her of infidelity and thus her husband was justified in his violent actions towards her. The language and narrative of the headline suggest that Monzur provoked the violence by engaging in a socially unacceptable practice within the traditional gender norms which often dictate women's subservience and obedience within marriage. Such reporting diverts attention away from the actual crime and focuses on the perpetrator’s justifications. One clear manifestation of victim-blaming in media narratives is to highlight the perpetrator's side of the story while erasing the victim's voice. For example, in Prothom Alo newspaper, an article published on June 24, 2011, reported: “For a long time, Hasan had doubts about Rumana being unfaithful to him.” (Source: Prothom Alo, June 24, 2011) The statement highlights an emphasis on the perpetrator’s justification of violence by quoting Sumon’s accusation of infidelity against Monzur. This narrative justifies the perpetrator's actions based on his suspicions of infidelity. The use of words like ‘unfaithful’ implies moral wrongdoing in Monzur s character that contributes to reinforcing a societal expectation of women that women are supposed to remain devoted to their husbands and are not allowed to cheat or be unfaithful in any condition, if otherwise, violence by men is a justified 52 response. In a report published in the Prothom Alo newspaper on Jun 22, 2011, the news journalist questioned Monzur about Sumon’s allegation of her romantic relationship with an Iranian man in Canada. Asking this kind of question to the victim as a reporter not only shifts the focus away from the main concern of the violent attack, but also indirectly employs the dominant gender narrative that Monzur 's actions or choices may have contributed to the violent attack on her. Similar to Prothom Alo, narratives in The Daily Star newspaper also reproduce the victim-blaming attitude deeply ingrained in its language by using phrases that imply the victim's decisions, actions or behavior may have provoked the violence, thus reinforcing societal stereotypes and traditional cultural norms. However, The Daily Star employs a different but equally problematic narrative by highlighting Monzur’s academic pursuits as the underlying cause of the violence. After Sumon was arrested by police, he justified his violent actions not only by accusing Monzur of infidelity but also for her failing to fulfill the traditional gender expectations – one of which was prioritizing educational and professional pursuits over domestic responsibilities. The headline of The Daily Star report says, “It was all because of Scholarship” (Source: The Daily Star, June 14, 2011) The language in the headline uses a narrative that implicitly holds Monzur responsible for the violent attack she experienced. This narrative deliberately shifts attention from the perpetrator's actions and perpetuates a gendered judgement that implicitly blames Monzur for her academic achievements, ambitious nature, and the decision to pursue a scholarship for higher education in Canada. In the socio-cultural context of Bangladesh, the rationalization of violence is a systemic problem which often questions and doubts the credibility of victims by further marginalizing them in the process (Chowdhury, 2015). 53 The justification of violence is deeply rooted in the patriarchal norms and structural inequalities of South Asian society that normalize the acts of violence against women when a woman goes against the traditional gender roles (Schuler et al., 2012). The common assumption around the world around violence against women in a developing country like Bangladesh is that gender-based violence is prevalent in ‘traditional cultures’ where misogyny is linked with traditional and cultural norms, and limited to the kinship of the family in the lower class of people (Chowdhury, 2010). However, when women challenge existing gender norms such as through higher education and employment striving for social and economic mobility, traditional forms of social control by men become ineffective and this incites violence against them in Bangladesh (Chowdhury, 2015). Karim and others (2018) discuss that men, fearful of losing their privileged positions due to women’s socioeconomic advancement, might resort to violence and justify other types of oppressive behavior towards women. The Daily Star and Prothom Alo both frame the story in a way that shifts the blame on the victim, which contributes to normalizing violence against women. Prothom Alo's emphasis on infidelity and The Daily Star's focus on Monzur's scholarship, both narratives serve to justify the perpetrator's violent actions by suggesting that Monzur's behavior—whether personal or professional—caused the violence. Violent men in Bangladesh perform acts of violence to reinforce their masculinity within a cultural framework that promotes male dominance and aggression (Anwary, 2015). Monzur’s case underscores that, in a patriarchal culture, women who seek to improve their financial situation, may be more susceptible to violent assaults from husbands, who desire to maintain masculine values or hegemonic gender norms (Anwary, 2015). Monzur’s decision to pursue higher education in Canada, despite her husband's objections, exemplifies the denial of her traditional gender roles and aspirations for social and economic progress. It is particularly evident through the way media narratives directly or indirectly emphasize the justification of the 54 perpetrator's actions and normalize intimate partner violence. When the news media focuses on Sumon’s allegation of cheating by Monzur, it portrays Monzur as a ‘bad wife’ or a ‘wife with an evil character’ who deserved such violence for being unfaithful to her husband. Religious regulation of societal and cultural gender expectations in marriage is also embedded in the narratives of victim-blaming. Islam allows the practice of polygamy for men: Muslim men are permitted to have more than one wife (up to four) at the same time, although it is strictly forbidden for a woman to have more than one husband (Zarean & Barzegar, 2016). Some common expectations for a wife are – that she should be submissive to her husband, take care of the family and children, always cover her body, should not engage in any personal meetings or have a private conversation with any man other than her husband. When women violate the norms, society considers it normal for husbands to respond with violence or blame the victim for her wrongdoing within the patriarchal culture of Bangladesh (Adams, 2015). These dominant religious norms also constitute cultural and societal perceptions of people that position men in power to practice control over women. I argue that by highlighting Sumon’s quotes, news media indirectly legitimizes men’s patriarchal position in power for being the dominant gender group and justifies the subordination of women as a marginalized group. Sumon’s statement below published in Prothom Alo newspaper is as follows: “When Rumana decided to end her marriage due to the abuse, my aggression escalated, and I swiftly formulated a plan to end Rumana's life.” (Source: Prothom Alo, June 24, 2011) This narrative frames Rumana Monzur's decision to end the marriage as a trigger for the violent attack against her which indirectly justifies the violence rather than placing responsibility on Sumon for his actions. The mention of “when Rumana decided to end her marriage due to abuse” suggests that she took a courageous step to free herself from an abusive relationship, 55 which breaks with a socially unacceptable gender norm for a Bangladeshi or South Asian woman. Monzur’s decision challenges the traditional expectations that women endure abuse silently and should tolerate mistreatment in the name of protecting the family or marital harmony. The perpetrator’s words emphasize the societal expectations of women to adhere to traditional gender roles, obey their husbands, and not pursue independence or freedom, especially by leaving their husbands for higher studies or ending the marriage. When news media highlights these aspects in a report, it reproduces the stereotypes that Monzur’s deviation from traditional gender norms somehow contributed to the violence she experienced. Cultural norms, and religious sentiments, further complicate the conversation in Bangladesh which forces guilt and shame onto victims and hinders meaningful discussions about victims’ experiences (Kundu and Sing, 2024). The analysis of my research findings suggests that when newspapers produce victim-blaming narratives through news reports as a common practice, they contribute to perpetuating symbolic forms of violence – because the gendered narratives, sensationalized headlines and language of news reports not only normalize the act of violence but also recreate vulnerabilities for victims by reinforcing harmful social, cultural and gender norms. I find this tendency of victim-blaming in news media similar to Islam and Siddique’s (2022) analysis of the pervasiveness of victim-blaming culture depicted in Bangladeshi newspapers. The case study of Munia who committed suicide due to intimate partner abuse by a powerful businessman (Islam and Siddique, 2022) and the incident of Monzur who was brutally attacked by her ex-husband, reveal the same pattern: it is the character, identity, occupation, lifestyle, actions or decisions of the victim that are deemed to transgress gender norms and thereby make them more ‘likely’ to become the victims of violence as a result of failure to abide by the traditional gender, cultural or religious norms. The academic progress and career pursuits of women further challenge the conventional and hegemonic gender norms, 56 posing a threat of insecurity to men to which they often respond with violence and then justify with social, cultural norms or religious (mis)interpretations, saying they were ‘correcting’ their immoral wives. In the next section, I describe how sensationalizing the story contributes to further to the victim-blaming narrative. I identify the process of sensationalism, by which news media contribute to the continued victimization of intimate partner violence and constitute symbolic violence through sensationalized headlines, language, and symbols. Sensationalization of the Story News media reporters often use sensational language in their reporting of violent crime that prioritizes emotional elements of the story (Sloan and Parcell, 2002). Sloan and Parcell (2002) suggest how news media uses sensationalism to captivate audiences by appealing to emotions like excitement and fear. Sensational language can be found in news headlines, images, and narratives used for the media coverage of the case (Cui and Worrell, 2019). Kaplan (2008) discusses sensational journalism, often referred to as a style of reporting news that emphasizes exaggerated claims, shocking headlines, and provocative language to capture the audience's attention. Some news producers rely more on sensational stories as a way of earning money swiftly regardless of how that story affects its subject or readers (Grabe et. al., 2001). Slattery (1994) emphasizes that sensationalized reporting is essential to bring attention to the issues of violence against women by reaching a larger audience who do not have the resources; however, news headlines of violence against women often feature over-exaggerated descriptions of the physical injuries which shift the public’s attention away from the gravity of the crime and portray victims as ‘deserving’ of violence (Vanacore, 2021). My analysis in this chapter suggests that the news media of Bangladesh often rely on sensationalized reporting, 57 particularly in portraying the cases of violence against women and victims of such violence in a manner, that, in the broader social context contributes to promoting harmful social stereotypes, blaming the victims and rationalizing violence experienced by women. I argue that news media has a symbolic power that can promote sexist ideologies through sensational language, images and narratives reinforcing the normalization of existing structural, social and cultural stereotypes and creating a non-physical form of violence. This technique of perpetuating an indirect, subtle and often unnoticed form of violence through the symbolic power of news media aligns with Bourdieu and Thompson’s (1991) work on symbolic violence. The news coverage of Rumana Monzur’s case employs sensational elements in its use of provocative headlines, emotional language and graphic images. For example, the headlines from 2011 news reports of The Daily Star newspaper highlight the severity of Monzur’s physical injuries and the brutality of the attack with dramatic headlines, words, phrases and sensationalized narratives. Some of the headlines are: “One eye blinded, other in danger” (Source: The Daily Star, June 17, 2011) “Rumana Returns, Sees Nothing” (Source: The Daily Star, June 21, 2011) “It was all because of Scholarship” (Source: The Daily Star, June 14, 2011) “Syeed planned to murder Rumana, after knowing her decision to divorce” (Source: Prothom Alo, June 24, 2011) The headlines from The Daily Star reports of June 2011 captivate the reader’s attention immediately through its strategically chosen phrases such as ‘Rumana Returns’ ‘one eye blinded’ or ‘in danger’, ‘because of scholarship’, and ‘after knowing her decision to divorce.’ This sort of language and phrases in news headlines can evoke curiosity, concern or emotional responses which are some of the key tactics in sensational journalism to increase readership. According to Sloan and Parcell (2002), news reporters can manipulate audience emotions through layout, illustrations, and writing style to create sensationalism in their coverage. By 58 providing excessive details of the case and the severity of Monzur’s physical injury, The Daily Star report of June 17 continues, “The husband allegedly pushed his fingers into Rumana's eyes, and then dragged her by the hair and threw her on the floor in Rumana's parents' house in the capital.” (Source: The Daily Star, June 17, 2011) In this article, the report uses graphic language to depict the brutality of the assault with phrases “pushing his fingers into Rumana's eyes”, “dragging her by the hair”, and “throwing her.” The words and exaggerated descriptions used in this narrative contribute to a culture that sensationalizes Monzur’s story and her experience of the violent incident. The choice of language, selective phrasing and narrative style in the reports mentioned above fits within the sensationalization of the story by exaggerating detailed descriptions. Grabe and others (2001) argue that the presence of ‘sensationalism’ in stories provokes more sensory and emotional reactions among the public. Media framing around sensational images includes highlighting certain aspects of a perceived reality to make them more prominent in order to elicit a response from the audience by presenting issues, actions, and events in a specific manner (Entman & Gross, 2008). The Daily Star report published on Jun 21, 2011, featured a graphic image of Monzur: Image: “Rumana with visible injuries on her face crying in front of reporters.” (Source: The Daily Star, June 21, 2011) Including graphic images is a prominent way to capture readers' attention for sensationalization (Entman & Gross, 2008). The image shows Monzur's facial injuries and disfigurement, which presents the victim in a vulnerable state and contributes to framing her in a particular light that emphasizes her victimhood and lack of agency. In Gilligan’s (2003) terms, victims are considered as ‘diminished agents’ when they are portrayed as passive objects who have been 59 acted upon rather than being active participants in their own stories. If I draw from Arowolo (2017), who identified techniques of reporting selective information with images or visual illustrations, it is plausible that the Bangladeshi news media selectively highlighted Monzur’s injuries and emotional state to portray Monzur as a weak, helpless woman who is incapacitated by her trauma, blindness, and facial disfigurement. Additionally, the use of selective images or photographs of the victims of violence risks exploiting victims’ suffering for a sensational appeal or ‘commercial gain’ which Kaplan (2008) identifies as the outcome of ‘sensational journalism.’ I argue that when news media uses images of the victims of IPV to make a profit from increased readership and for sensationalization purposes, such exploitation raises ethical concerns regarding the media's role in further traumatizing individuals who have already suffered from violence. In the larger social context of intimate partner violence, when media uses sensational images to depict a victim, those images constitute sensationalization in reporting which questions the role of news media in shaping the construction of gender norms among the public (Alat, 2006). Parameswaran (2004) highlights that sensationalized reporting with the use of graphic images, can overshadow the pursuit of justice, transforming tragic incidents into spectacles for entertainment. One of The Daily Star reports published on June 23, 2011, used the image of ‘injured Rumana and her daughter crying near the hospital bed, holding each other’s hands’, with a sensationalized caption that states, “Rumana Monzur, blinded by her husband’s brutal assault, grabs her daughter Anusheh’s hand and rubs it as this is the only way she can feel her presence, in Labaid Hospital yesterday.” (Source: Photo caption, The Daily Star, June 23, 2011) Arguably, while the intent of the image might be to evoke empathy and draw attention to a pressing issue, the unintended fallout is the potential harm inflicted upon the victim, her family, 60 relatives and the general public. On one hand, using victim’s images of physical injuries may generate empathy and raise awareness; however, as unintended consequences, distress, embarrassment, or social stigma might be experienced by the families or relatives of the victim, due to the inappropriate use and misrepresentation of those images. Sensationalized images can amplify trauma, and deprive individuals of their dignity, reducing them to symbols of tragedy (Naylor, 2001). When news media use sensitive images to highlight the physical injury or disfigurement of Monzur, it contributes to objectifying women and inadvertently ignores the sufferings of the victim. Such sensationalist practices in news media reinforce symbolic violence and may potentially affect the way the issue is perceived and discussed by the public. Normalization of Violence The normalization of violence is evident and interconnected with the media’s use of sensational reporting that emphasizes a victim-blaming narrative in multiple ways. News media often justifies violence as an acceptable response to certain situations. The news reports on Monzur’s case often used language that downplayed the gravity of the crime committed by perpetrator Sumon. For example, The Daily Star and Prothom Alo newspapers frequently used words such as "domestic dispute" or "family problem" to emphasize the incident as a private matter instead of explicitly labelling the attack as a serious act of gender-based or intimate partner violence. This use of euphemisms and vague language contributes to normalizing the act of violence and reduces the seriousness of the crime. Findings of this chapter indicate that news coverage of Monzur’s case often frames the violent attack as an isolated incident rather than part of a larger pattern of violence against women while ignoring the fact that Monzur had been enduring physical abuse from Sumon since their wedding night in 2000. The use of victim-blaming narratives, headlines, and images in 61 2011 and 2012 news reports contributed to distorting the actual story of the case and objectifying the victim for sensationalization purposes. News media also employed narratives which blamed the victim and reinforced the cultural stereotype that considers violence an acceptable social response by husbands or intimate partners against women. For example, one of The Daily Star reports highlights Sumon’s justification stating. “Sumon said, I took care of our daughter when she was in Canada. I did not have the slightest idea that she had been cheating on me all this time.” (Source: The Daily Star, June 16, 2011) The victim-blaming narratives emphasized Sumon’s violent response as an accepted and justified cultural norm while blaming Monzur’s decisions to leave their daughter with Hasan for pursuing higher studies in Canada that provoked the violence. The narrative also highlighted on Hasan’s suspicions of Monzur’s infidelity as a justification of the violent act. When news media represents the victim as somehow responsible for the abuse, such framing techniques might create vulnerabilities for other victims, such as internalizing the shame and guilt of being abused and experiencing the violence. This way, victim blaming, sensationalization of the story, and normalization of violence collectively reinforce existing social, cultural and power structures of the society through the symbolic power of media which perpetuates symbolic violence. Discussion and Comparison Monzur’s pursuit of higher education and career advancement appears to have threatened her husband's sense of control and authority within their marriage, leading to jealousy and ultimately violence. Bruckert and Law (2018) explore how violence experienced by women cannot be solely attributed to patriarchy but is deeply entrenched within a complex interplay of social, political, and economic systems. In present Bangladesh, violence against women is not limited to “men's psychosocial (pre)disposition” within “low socio-economic groups” only; it 62 transcends class and urban-rural divides that require a structural understanding rather than individual (Chowdhury, 2015, p. 4). In Rumana Monzur’s case, it is evident that the perpetrator brutally attacked and blinded the victim to cause a certain kind of damage that is disfiguring and disabling. While the intention behind the violence against Monzur is undeniably patriarchal through establishing a hierarchical connection of dominance and aggressive actions, it encompasses broader societal issues such as undermining the victim’s economic and social position. To explain this, it is important to discuss other types of extreme and disfiguring violence against women in Bangladesh such as acid attack. In Bangladesh, acid attack occurs mostly when a woman exercises decision-making power by rejecting traditional gender roles. The attackers aim for the attempt to destroy the woman’s face and traumatize her physically, psychologically, economically and socially so that the victim experiences a lifetime of discrimination from society, feels ashamed or insecure and becomes unable to find jobs or earn a living as a normal human being (Dubey, 2015). I find these motivations of acid attackers strongly connected with Sumon, although he did not use acid, he intentionally damaged Monzur’s eyes, and face to cause her to have a permanent disability. He even threatened Monzur of an acid attack if she would take any legal action against him. One of The Daily Star reports is as follows: “Before fleeing, Sumon had threatened Rumana with throwing acid or shooting her if she takes legal action, she said.” (Source: The Daily Star, June 14, 2011) Along with individual aggressions such as jealousy, suspicion of infidelity and revenge, for Sumon, the intent of the brutal assault as portrayed in the media, was ultimately to stop Monzur from continuing her higher education and pursuing further career goals to weaken her social and economic position. My interpretations suggest the underlying reasons leading to the attack against Monzur included issues such as her acceptance of the scholarship, leaving for 63 higher study in Canada, the determination to advance her career and professional success, all of which challenged the societal expectations surrounding gender roles of a women and economic independence of wives which may have fuelled the act of IPV against Monzur. As Monzur was not adhering to the traditional gender roles as a Muslim Bangladeshi wife and was financially more independent than Sumon, this might have triggered Sumon to destroy her face, especially her eyes, to impede her completion of her education. Sumon's inability to secure employment and issues of visual impairment adds another layer of complexity to the gender dynamics leading to the normalization of Rumana Monzur's attack. In Bangladesh, women’s financial independence and men’s economic dependence on their wives is considered as a threat to the hegemonic norms of manhood. A Prothom Alo report emphasized on Sumon’s claim that his business failure made him depressed which motivated him to make a plan of killing Monzur. The report is as follows: “Hasan Sayeed admitted that consecutive business failures and eventual unemployment led him to become severely depressed. When Rumana returned from Canada, he began to harbor baseless suspicions and spoke ill of her. This ultimately culminated in his premeditated attack on his wife, with the intention of killing her.” (Source: Prothom Alo, June 18, 2011) In a broader social context, the case of Rumana Monzur underscores the complexities of gender violence, intertwining with women's progress, traditional gender norms and economic development of women. Rumana Monzur’s economic independence might have heightened the perceived disparity between them. Sumon’s lack of employment and Monzur’s successful career might have been considered by Sumon as a challenge to his perceived authority or status as a husband that exacerbated his feelings of inadequacy and frustration. The Daily Star report also sheds light on this matter focusing on Sumon’s unemployment: 64 “Sumon, former student of Faujdarhat Cadet College, has never engaged himself in any kind of job or business, the teacher added.” (Source: The Daily Star, June 14, 2011) For Sumon, the combination of his lack of financial insecurity and Monzur’s economic independence might have triggered feelings of jealousy, resentment, and a sense of loss of control. These emotions, coupled with his existing inferiorities of visual impairment, could have contributed to a psychological state where he felt incapable of handling his perceived inadequacies. The Prothom Alo report also focused on Sumon’s visual impairment as a reason of justification of his violence stating: “He was frustrated with his life due to losses in the stock market, family failures, and his own visual impairment. Overwhelmed by his uncertain future, he assaulted his wife out of desperation.” (Source: Prothom Alo, June 18, 2011) In such a context, Sumon viewed violence as a way to regain his sense of control or to assert his dominance, which he felt was undermined by Monzur’s success. Therefore, his decision to kill Monzur due to his economic and physical insecurities reflects how deeply entrenched cultural and gender norms coupled with individual’s inferiority complex can influence a man’s violent behavior in Bangladesh. Monzur also shared her experience of being psychologically abused by Sumon due to his inferiorities and not speaking up to anyone about her sufferings for 10 years of marriage thinking about her child’s future. A Prothom Alo report highlights, “For the past ten years, I endured countless hardships. Hasan’s inferiority complex due to his eye problems led him to constantly inflict psychological abuse on me. For the sake of our child’s future, I never revealed these issues to anyone in the family.” (Source: Prothom Alo, June 14, 2011) Monzur’s concern for her child's future demonstrates the internal conflict faced by many victims of IPV. She prioritized protecting her child’s well-being over her own, which reflects the 65 sacrifices often made by mothers in abusive relationships. This fear of disrupting child’s future or being judged as a ‘terrible mother’ in the eyes of others, can force victims into silence. Compared to Prothom Alo, The Daily Star reports focused on the social stigma and stereotypes against women who marry of their own choice, as a reason for Monzur’s silence. In one of the reports, it is stated, “But Rumana did not tell her parents about her torment as she married him without their consent.” (Source: The Daily Star, June 14, 2011) This emphasis on societal stigma demonstrates how cultural norms and expectations around marriage and family honour can further isolate victims. The Daily Star's portrayal indicates that Monzur's hesitation to reveal her suffering was driven in part, by a fear of being blamed or judged for marrying without her parents' consent. It shows how social attitudes on women's autonomy in marriage may aggravate the difficulties experienced by victims of gender-based violence, reinforcing their silence and hindering their efforts to seek help. Despite the presence of victim-blaming and sensationalizing elements in the coverage by Prothom Alo and The Daily Star, there were also critical aspects in the reporting of these newspapers that sometimes addressed the brutality of Rumana Monzur’s attack by using terms like ‘torture,’ to describe the sufferings she endured or using ‘torturer’ to label Sumon. In one of The Daily Star reports, the headline, ‘Torturer Sumon caught’ (Source: The Daily Star, June 16, 2011) was used. In another The Daily Star report, the word ‘torturer’ was used twice (Source: The Daily Star, June 17, 2011). Moreover, some reports highlighted the support Monzur received from her colleagues, friends, and family in response to the violent incident. For example, The Daily Star report is as follows, 66 “Different human rights bodies, including the National Human Rights Commission, and Dhaka University teachers expressed their concern over the brutality on the DU teacher.” (Source: The Daily Star, June 16, 2011) Similarly, Prothom Alo reports often emphasized the public protests and demands for justice against Sumon’s violent attack on Monzur. One of the reports includes, “In response to this abuse, the Dhaka University Teachers’ Association has organized a human chain and protest meeting at Aparajeyo Bangla today, demanding justice for Rumana and the arrest of Hasan Sayeed.” (Source: Prothom Alo, June 14, 2011) Such coverage emphasized the significant roles of Monzur’s supporters in providing a safety net for her that helped her to navigate the aftermath of the violence and cope with the trauma. Overall, these kinds of narratives provide a more comprehensive view of Monzur’s case, highlighting not only the challenges she faced but also the sympathy and support she gained in her journey of survival from Bangladeshi people. It underscores the prevalence of community and familial support in addressing the complexities of intimate partner violence and the broader societal response for survivors like Monzur. After the death of the perpetrator Sumon in 2011, gradually a significant transition was noticed in the media narratives of Monzur’s case from 2013 onwards. With the perpetrator no longer being a part of the narrative, the media began to refocus on the victim, Rumana Monzur, and her survival journey. This shift allowed for a more nuanced exploration of her experiences and resilience, rather than the sensationalism surrounding the perpetrator’s actions. Findings from 2013 to 2019 news reports reveal that the case received continued media coverage in Bangladesh and around the world. The focus of the case shifted from sensationalization and victim-blaming to sympathetic and victim-centred narratives portraying Monzur as a strong, resilient individual and survivor of intimate partner violence. In the next findings chapter, I discuss how the media narratives of Rumana Monzur’s case in Bangladesh started to shift over 67 the years shaped by the influence of feminist movements in Bangladesh over the last decade and the Canadian media representation of Monzur. 68 Chapter 5: Reconstructing Narratives: Transnational Feminism and The Victim-Centred Approach Monzur 's story reveals broader power dynamics, gender ideologies, and transnational nuances through media narratives of gender-based violence in Bangladesh. The findings presented in this chapter identify the fact that the selected three Bangladeshi newspapers gradually shifted the portrayal of Monzur’s case from 2013 onwards by highlighting a victim-centred approach. Among the three newspapers, the narratives of Dhaka Tribune were more empathetic and empowering as it focused on Monzur’s voice, her academic achievements, contribution to women’s rights and the feminist solidarity within and across borders that emerged as a response to Monzur’s incidence. The media narratives of Monzur from 2013 to 2019 highlighted her personal narratives of the case, international recognition and support from Canada, advocacy efforts in promoting feminist ideologies and participation in social movements, such as #me too or those against gender-based violence. For this project, I conceptualize the victim-centred feminist narrative as an approach that prioritizes the experiences, opinion, and agency of victims of gender-based violence or intimate partner violence in writing media reports. My analysis suggests that news media can function as an important social institution, by focusing on victim-centred narratives of the case to challenge the existing power dynamics and heteronormative gender norms in Bangladeshi society. The previous findings chapter revealed that in the beginning phase of reporting the case, Bangladeshi new media circulated narratives around allegations of Monzur’s personal life decisions, such as leaving for higher study or accusations of infidelity, which her ex-husband used to justify his violence. From 2011 to early 2013, there was a trend when media narratives highlighted Monzur’s character or physical injuries and used victim-blaming narratives instead 69 of focusing solely on the crime. However, there was a noticeable change in narrating the case from late 2013 to 2019 in Bangladeshi newspapers. The later news reports focused more on Monzur’s resilience, her contribution to fighting for women’s rights, her academic excellence and how she survived the brutal attack. In this chapter, I critically explore how news media narratives around Rumana Monzur’s case took shape in Bangladesh and continued to evolve from 2011 to 2019. I selected this time frame because the case drew extensive media attention over these 8 years. From a transnational feminist point of view, it is critical to understand how the portrayal of intimate partner violence in both the national and international media context and how these images and narratives illustrate the complex interplay of gender, class, and nationality that reframes the identity and experiences of the victim. The research findings of this chapter illuminate that, in local Bangladeshi newspapers, such interconnectedness of positive representation of Monzur in Canadian news media contributed to constructing a victim-centred narrative of the case by employing empathetic language, headlines and images of her. The international media portrayal of victim Monzur underscores the power of transnational feminism as Monzur's experiences in Canada, where she completed her higher education after the violent attack, and received support from international feminist networks, transformed the narratives of the case in Bangladesh. The themes presented in this chapter reveal that the victim-centred approach of Monzur’s case in Bangladeshi news media that is influenced by international media attention and transnational feminist networks, which focus on collective solidarity as well as common agendas of feminist social movements across borders. 70 Reframing Monzur: The Impact of International Media Representation Feminists often emphasize the importance of reframing narratives around victims of violent attacks (Gill, 2007). Feminist media studies also emphasize the power dynamics within media narratives and their implications for gender equality by drawing attention to how media frames the case, represents women, and influences public perception (McRobbie, 2009). McRobbie (2009) discusses how the adaptation of narratives through a feminist lens can provide media as a platform for marginalized voices to challenge the status quo. Transnational feminists extend this debate and incorporate the context of geographical location/space as well. Transnational feminism looks at gender equality through a global lens, considering how it varies across different geographic locations and cultural contexts, but it can also be thought of as an approach that builds feminist communities of resistance across borders and analyzes shifts and changes in gender relations globally (Mason, 2017). Transnational feminism recognizes that gender-based violence is not confined to a single country or region but is influenced by diverse cultural, social, and political contexts globally (Mason, 2017). It is also attentive to how gender equality is expressed or experienced unequally in various locations around the world (Mason, 2017). Mason (2017) emphasizes that transnational feminism seeks to build networks among feminists from different countries and cultures to address common challenges and work towards common goals such as establishing gender equality or protecting victim’s rights which can be achieved through sharing knowledge and resources or by creating strategies for feminist activism collectively (Mason, 2017). Transnational feminism plays a crucial role in feminist media studies as it provides a lens to see how narratives of women extend beyond national borders. The development of transnational feminism in interdisciplinary feminist studies is fueled by growing concerns about 71 globalization, neo-liberalism, and social justice (Nagar and Swarr, 2010). However, since the 1980s, debates on voice, power, representation, and identity have divided feminists between those attempting to implement practical solidarities across many national, institutional, sociopolitical, and economic borders and those focused on theoretical aspects of cross-border knowledge production (Nagar and Swarr, 2010). This dual approach bridges the gap between actionable feminist activism and the critical examination of how media constructs and shapes my analysis on global understandings of power and identity. While Western feminist ideas can offer valuable frameworks for addressing gender inequality, South Asian feminists also recognize that these ideas should not be uncritically adopted in ways that may overlook or undermine the unique cultural contexts and needs of Bangladeshi women as the societal and cultural structures vary in West and global south (Sajjad, 2021). Being a South Asian researcher, I acknowledge these challenges and, therefore, in my previous findings chapter of this research, I focused on the structural and cultural contexts of Bangladesh that contribute to the prevalence of intimate partner violence in Bangladesh. In this chapter, I offer an intersectional and transnational feminist approach to examine how the feminist perspectives promoted by Canadian news media in representing Monzur’s story shaped a victim-centred feminist narrative in the news media of Bangladesh. My interpretation suggests that global feminist principles promoted by Canadian media functioned as an effective mechanism to reframe Monzur’s identity as an inspirational figure, which later influenced the feminist narrative of the case in Bangladeshi news media. Monzur’s international recognition helped alter the victim-blaming narrative to a victim-centred narrative in Bangladesh. It is crucial to understand how the representation of intimate partner violence and its victims transcends borders through media and brings dynamic transformation in reframing victim-centred narratives. Fileborn and Loney-Howes (2019) 72 highlight that feminist movements like #me too created solidarity with and between survivors of sexual violence through the subsequent use of social media, which played a significant role in the success of the movement as well as in advancing the discussion around violence in new and nuanced ways. My analysis underscores that by drawing on narratives presented in Canadian newspapers, Bangladeshi news media often referred to the international recognition of Monzur in their coverage, mostly from 2013 to 2019, which played a crucial role in shaping a victim-centred feminist narrative of this case. Harvey (2020) investigates the gendered migratory bodies, practices, ideologies, and asymmetries of cultural and geographical movement across national boundaries. Similarly in this chapter, I shed light on how media can create a discursive space to spread and share global feminist ideologies between Bangladeshi and Canadian feminists to offer a more nuanced and culturally sensitive feminist discourse in promoting gender equality for women from diverse social, cultural and political backgrounds. The quotation below is sourced from a 2014 Daily Star article that refers to the news coverage of Monzur in The Vancouver Sun, a Canadian-based daily, “Struggling with a set of challenges -- accepting the fact of being blind, relearning of study procedure, communicating with her only daughter, and facing difficulties of mobility -- to fit in her everyday routine, Rumana is working hard to remain in her game, Canadian daily The Vancouver Sun reports after interviewing her.” (Source: How is Rumana Manzur doing?, The Daily Star, May 6, 2014) This reportage highlights that Monzur's journey of survival not only garnered international media attention but also shifted the media narrative evident in the news coverage of the case in Bangladesh. Through careful selection of language and framing, this report in The Daily Star newspaper portrays Monzur as a survivor who navigates the complex physical and mental daily life challenges after enduring the violent attack. The use of phrases such as 73 "struggling with a set of challenges" addresses the multiplicity and magnitude of her obstacles, while her efforts to "fit in her everyday routine" or “remain in her game” highlights the determination to integrate these challenges and confront the hurdles in her everyday life. The reference to the Canadian daily, The Vancouver Sun by The Daily Star newspaper can be interpreted as an act of the transnational feminist solidarity through media platforms to emphasize the victim’s voice and fighting against violence against women on a global level, as the report adds, “She will speak at a fundraising event, organized by Equal Play, an organization that hopes to encourage opportunities for women in sports both on and off the field, on May 10 at Vogue Theatre of Canada, according to the Canadian daily” (Source: How is Rumana Manzur doing?, The Daily Star, May 6, 2014). This quotation suggests that Monzur and her story transcended local boundaries, became a subject of global interest and potentially influenced broader discussions around women’s rights support and issues of gender-based violence in media. Monzur became an inspirational figure in the feminist discourse of women's rights and raised awareness for women’s empowerment in different sectors such as sports. By referring to the Canadian media, The Daily Star report demonstrates that Monzur’s experiences are not just interests of local or national media, but the case of Rumana Monzur is now recognized by international communities. This recognition adds significance to her story and contributes to reframing Monzur’s identity within the context of Bangladesh. The narrative highlights Monzur’s contribution to fight for violence against gendered violence and recognizes the achievements of Monzur by honouring her with the ‘Daughter of the Year’ award. An article from Dhaka Tribune reports, “Canada’s Citizens for a Civil Society and Indo-Canadian Women’s Association jointly organized the first ever Daughter’s Day in Edmonton. And guess what? It was Rumana who won the Daughter of the Year award. The day is observed to honour achievements of women in various fields and to take initiatives to stop all sorts of violence against women”- (Source: I am Rumana, Dhaka Tribune, December 14, 2013). 74 This example reveals that despite the geographical distance from where the incident occurred, Monzur's story had a significant impact beyond its local context, contributing to larger conversations and initiatives aimed at addressing issues of gender-based violence as well as supporting women's rights worldwide. Sharing this kind of information in local media inspired by Canadian media, The Daily Star contributes to the development of feminist consciousness in Bangladesh. This way, the international support Monzur received from Canada, helped reshape her portrayal in Bangladeshi news media. Some news articles, especially those narrated by female reporters pointed out the social and cultural stigma that surrounds the victims of intimate partner violence in Bangladesh, while referring to Monzur’s case in 2014. For example, a Dhaka Tribune article titled ‘Grace under fire’ reported by a female journalist, Syeda Samira Sadeque, highlighted Monzur’s opinion on how society has a role to play in helping those who stay in abusive relationships due to the fear of social stigma. The report quoted Monzur, “The society’s attitude must change. If they were supportive of those trying to leave abusive systems, it would be a lot easier for girls to do so.” (Source: Grace under fire, Dhaka Tribune, February 1, 2014) Here, the narrative focuses on Monzur’s voice and how society could support the victim of violence to leave their abusive partners. This report by the female journalist also emphasizes how Monzur’s character, decisions and actions were constantly being questioned by the Bangladeshi people as well as by the local (Bangladeshi) media reporters. For example, in paragraph 18, the report states, “After the incident, her husband justified his attack by accusing her of having an affair with an Iranian man. Some local media agencies also capitalized on the controversy, falsely reporting or validating rumours - mostly triggered by her husband’s family” (Source: Grace under fire, Dhaka Tribune, February 1, 2014) In this narrative, the Dhaka Tribune reporter explicitly addresses the role of some local media in focusing on Sumon’s justifications and spreading controversial statements or rumours 75 against Monzur by using the phrases ‘capitalized on the controversy’, ‘validating rumours’, ‘triggered by her husband’s family’. I interpret that with the use of such language and narrative style, the reporter here is taking a feminist standpoint to narrate the story of Monzur as she highlights how reports from local Bangladeshi media often reinforce the patriarchal power dynamics of the society in their narratives by emphasizing the perpetrator’s justification of the violent attack. With the use of active voice as in the phrase ‘media agencies also capitalized,’ the reporter assigns clear responsibility to the media and challenges the dominant media narratives that often use a victim-blaming approach to portray cases of IPV. Further media narrative started to include first-person narratives of Monzur’s experiences of gendered violence. The headline, “I am Rumana” captures the attention of the readers by shedding light on Monzur’s experience. With a powerful statement and the use of the first-person pronoun "I", the headline suggests the intention to give a voice and identity to Monzur. The same report uses direct quotes from Monzur as “I want to tell women who are experiencing it [IPV] and keeping silent” which gives her a voice as well as highlights her thoughts and personal experience as a victim of violence. The report concludes with a strong supporting narrative, “It was all about getting up and moving forward after being turned upside down by myriad tribulations.” Such reports foregrounding Monzur’s point of view plays a crucial and supportive role in adopting the feminist narrative by the Bangladeshi news media to portray the cases of intimate partner violence and victims of such violence. Overall, the narrative, headline and language in these examples reflect a victim-centred approach with an empathetic and positive tone in reframing the victim. This kind of report also sets an example for other Bangladeshi media outlets to promote a victim centred narrative, instead of gender-biased and victim blaming narratives in their coverage of intimate partner violence cases. 76 Transnational Solidarity and Feminist Social Movements in Reshaping Narratives As transnational feminists investigate how activism and solidarity may lead to revolutionary transformation in society, it is crucial to analyze the impact of feminist social movements on reshaping the media narrative in Bangladesh. South Asian scholars Banerjee and Kankaria (2022) critically examine the intersection of activism, gender, and technology to critically analyze the complex nature of feminist movements and transnational relationships in digital space. Xiong and others (2019) discuss the recent emergence of ‘hashtag activism’ on social media as a platform for increasing awareness about societal issues. These recent feminist movements became a part of the changing media landscape in Bangladesh over the last decade as well. Women harness the power of shared experiences to amplify their voices in advocacy movements in social media, bridging the gap between personal and political spheres (Banerjee and Kankaria, 2022). Fourth Wave feminist discourses have been ignited globally by a number of hashtag movements, including #MeToo, #EverydaySexism, #UrgentAction4Women, #ThisIsNotConsent, and #EndFGM (Female Genital Mutilation) (Kangere et al., 2017; Banerjee and Kankaria, 2022). To show solidarity with gender equality and to oppose discrimination and abuse of power, these movements employ a wide range of measures (Banerjee and Kankaria, 2022). The digital form of collective solidarity generated by the movements and activism has connected women beyond borders drawing global attention to women’s issues in several ways. As a result, more women are now likely to participate in advocacy and activism for social justice (Kangere et. al., 2017). In South Asia, the #MeToo movement, initiated conversations by opening doors for debate and discussion around the problems of sexual harassment and violence (Banerjee and Kankaria, 2022). In Bangladesh, this movement earned popular recognition rapidly as celebrities and women began to share their experiences of sexual harassment and abuse to raise awareness, change 77 attitudes and hold perpetrators accountable (Kundu et. al., 2024). The movement gained immediate global attention to redefine social expectations of women and empower them to share their traumatic experiences using media platforms in Bangladesh (Kundu et. al., 2024). In the context of this research, Rumana Monzur’s case transcended its initial impact, particularly from 2013 onwards by becoming a significant part of the feminist movements in Bangladesh. Over time, Monzur turned into an example of female perseverance, which inspired other women to openly discuss and bring attention to IPV through media. An example from the Dhaka Tribune report is relevant to this discussion: “The story made headlines in Bangladesh, Canada and elsewhere, fuelling a debate about violence against women in the country. People from all strata stood for Rumana and demanded exemplary punishment of the tormentor.” (Source: Rumana Monzur now wants to study law, Dhaka Tribune, July 11, 2013). According to this report, Monzur’s case resonated with people across different borders and from diverse social backgrounds which underscores the urgency to address gender-based violence issues and demand punishment for the abusers. The language and narrative also highlight that more female reporters began to address Monzur's story from a victim-centred feminist perspective aligning with the outcomes of social movements like #MeToo. Another report mentioned, “...for 87% of married women in Bangladesh who are subjected to violence by their husbands (according to a recent survey of Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics), Rumana will always be an inspirational figure who knows how to win against all odds by keeping your morale at the peak after you’ve lost your vision for life” (Source: I am Rumana, Dhaka Tribune, December 14, 2013). The characterization of Monzur in this report as an "inspirational figure" for the majority of married women in Bangladesh reflects the empowering feminist narrative. The report focuses on Monzur’s academic achievements, including completing a master’s degree and preparing to enter law school. It glorifies her decision to pursue a legal career to help victims of intimate partner violence in Bangladesh navigate the complexities of the legal system and be an 78 inspiration for women who have had the same experience of intimate partner violence as she has. Here, media reporters are using sensationalism for good purposes- with employing empathetic and victim-centred narratives of Monzur. Appropriate use of sensationalization in media play a crucial role in shifting the victim-blaming portrayal by bringing significant attention to broader issues of gender-based violence, which was often overlooked in the earlier narratives of Monzur’s case. Therefore, while in one hand, sensationalization in news reports solely for commercial purposes can carry negative connotations, in some cases, sensational coverage of victims for right causes can also mobilize public opinion, spark widespread debate, and even lead to social change. In a broader social context, this theme draws upon how Monzur's story transcended national borders and resonated with women both within and beyond Bangladesh. The case of Rumana Monzur offers an opportunity to foster dialogue around intimate partner violence, raise awareness, and mobilize efforts to create a society free from violence and oppression. The victim-centred narratives in the examples manifest transnational feminist solidarity, prompting discussions and activism to challenge patriarchal norms and advocate for the rights of women against gender-based violence. Promoting Advocacy for Social Justice Rumana Monzur's case highlights the importance of challenging oppressive structures and mobilizing for change through the determination of her advocacy for social justice and activism. Feminist media scholars Mckee and Winans (2017) highlight the importance of social activism in challenging victim-blaming narratives and holding perpetrators accountable. They argue that media should actively engage in advocacy for gender justice and social change 79 (McKee and Winans, 2017). The theme ‘advocacy for social justice’ refers to actions, strategies, and campaigns aimed at raising awareness, mobilizing public support, and influencing policies to address social injustice (Sen, 1999). It also involves speaking out against societal wrongs and advocating for fair treatment and legal protections (Anderson, 2016). The book "Believability" by Banet-Weiser and Higgins (2023) serves as a crucial resource for my research by providing a framework to understand the intersection of media, social justice, and activism, particularly in the context of gender-based violence. Banet-Weiser and Higgins (2023) addresses the complexities of credibility in a "post-truth" era, where the nature of truth itself is frequently contested. This resonates with the news coverage of Rumana Monzur’s case in my research to understand how Monzur's story was framed in victim-blaming ways that either undermined her agency and victimhood in early years; and later shifted towards a more feminist, victim-centered narrative highlighting her advocacy efforts and incorporating the voice of social activists and women's rights organizations in media portrayal of the case, all of which finally contributed to create an empathetic media representation of Monzur. Rumana Monzur's case received widespread media attention both in Bangladesh and beyond. However, it is worth noting that most of the comprehensive coverage and interviews of Monzur appear to ha. ve been conducted by Canadian media rather than Bangladeshi media. Reports from Dhaka Tribune newspapers reframe Monzur’s experiences, opportunities, rights, and access to resources within and across borders by highlighting her voice and by drawing on an interview Monzur gave to the Canadian newspaper, The Toronto Star, “I hope other women and girls, including my own daughter, can learn from the horrors I experienced at the hands of my spouse,” Rumana told The Toronto Star. (Source: I am Rumana, Dhaka Tribune, December 14, 2013). 80 Another example of Monzur’s advocacy work is from the Dhaka Tribune which presented Monzur’s statements in a public speech at TED conference in Vancouver, Canada. The media report highlighted Monzur’s concern about the global prevalence of violence against women and determination to be the voice for countless victims who suffer in silence. The newspaper headline “Rumana: Social Evil Can Be Defeated - Will You Join Me” reshapes the voice and authority of the victim in news coverage as it emphasizes the statements of the victim from a first-person perspective. Dhaka Tribune reports Monzur’s words in her TED conference: “Maybe I need to be a voice for hundreds of millions of victims suffering from silence, who do not have access to any power and privileges.” (Source: Rumana: Social Evil Can Be Defeated - Will You Join Me? Dhaka Tribune, June 22, 2015). The narrative provided by the Dhaka Tribune draws Monzur’s advocacy efforts for social justice against existing power dynamics and gender inequalities. This reporting reflects the power of collective solidarity as emphasized by Monzur in her speech as well as the importance of addressing gender-based violence which Monzur considers a ‘social evil’. Thus, Monzur’s international recognition, therefore, serves as a catalyst for mobilizing and encouraging efforts toward social justice in Bangladesh, which promotes a change in society toward more equal and supportive environments for victims of violence. Another headline in a 2013 Dhaka Tribune report titled “I am Rumana” affiliates with focusing on the victim’s identity and voice portrayed in its overall narrative of the report. This kind of narrative alters the common practice of silencing the victim’s voice and contributes to creating a more victim-centred approach in its media representation. In the broader social contexts of Bangladesh, the #MeToo movement has sparked media narratives and conversations around gender-based violence by empowering victims like Monzur to speak out against 81 injustices. In this way, the movement has contributed to a cultural shift towards awareness and accountability regarding gender-based violence such as Rumana Monzur’s case. The discourse on transnational feminism in film and media, and its contribution to achieving collective solidarity, enriches the ongoing discussion on cross-border feminist actions against gender-based violence. Chowdhury (2011) suggests that using documentary films as a form of feminist initiative represents the creation of new kinds of alliances among feminists through media and technology that have the power to transmit educational messages by envisioning collective contribution to individual and social actions against injustice. Marciniak and others (2007) emphasize that borders should not be considered simply geographical but rather tied to issues of gender, identity, citizenship, nationality, and belonging. This is reflected in the continued efforts of social advocacy by cross-border feminists through the creation of documentary films addressing Rumana Monzur's case. A Prothom Alo online report written by female journalist Mansura Hossain focuses on such an initiative taken by Zana Shammi. Shammi is a filmmaker and feminist living in Canada who picked up Monzur’s story for the plot of her documentary film. The report says, “…the incident spurred her on to make ‘Untying the knot’, a powerful film about domestic violence and a brave look at the societal bonds of marriage. The film, produced by Lalita Krishna and Katy Swailes, has already bagged several awards since its release. Film watchers in Canada and India have flooded the 78-minute feature film with compliments.” (Source: Throwing off the shackles, Prothom Alo, Nov 29, 2019). The report mentions that Shammi was deeply moved by Monzur's experience, which served as the inspiration for her successful documentary film, "Untying the Knot." These examples highlight feminist alliances and the ongoing efforts of feminist activists who use different forms of media, such as documentary filmmaking, as a tool for social advocacy. Additionally, reports focusing on the advocacy efforts for social justice by feminists in Canada 82 and their collective action to support Monzur can be interpreted as a manifestation of transnational feminism principles that focus on promoting solidarity towards a common goal. The Intersections of Violence and Class Privilege The role of Monzur in the advocacy of social justice is multifaceted and influenced by the victim-centred representation of media. Rumana Monzur's advocacy efforts and media statements indicate how she uses her class privilege to draw attention to the situation of other Bangladeshi women facing intimate partner violence who do not have advantages such as access to education or money. Sharing her personal story, Monzur sheds light on the broader issue of gender-based violence and its pervasive nature as a serious social problem that affects women from all backgrounds. In one of her statements in The Daily Star report, Monzur emphasizes her educational background and social position saying: “…you know, I belong to the most highly educated (group) of women in my country. If that is the case for me, that I have to go through these challenges, what is happening to all those other women who don’t even have access to money or power or anything, any resources?” (Source: "How is Rumana Monzur doing?, The Daily Star, May 6, 2014). In this quote, by speaking out about her experience of violence to the media, Monzur uses her position to highlight the disparities in access to resources, support systems, and protection mechanisms that exist between women of different socio-economic backgrounds. This comparison also brings attention to the systemic issues that exacerbate the vulnerability of women without access to resources such as education, money, or power. Monzur 's personal story serves as a powerful tool to raise awareness and advance advocacy efforts on the severity of gender-based violence in Bangladesh and around the world. Monzur empowers other women to speak out about their experiences of victimization and seek help by using the opportunity to 83 share her perspectives through media platforms. She calls for a more inclusive approach through her advocacy efforts, to address gender-based violence. Her perspective encourages the development of support systems and protective measures that cater to all women, regardless of their socio-economic status. When news media employs victim-centred narratives, prioritizing Monzur’s voice and viewpoints, it promotes the advocacy efforts to achieve social justice, inspire other survivors to come forward and thereby strengthen the feminist solidarity against gender-based violence. Discussion and Comparison of Findings The findings of this chapter uncover how Prothom Alo, The Daily Star and Dhaka Tribune newspapers highlighted the solidarity and support expressed by feminists, stakeholders, and community members within and beyond Bangladesh from 2013 to 2019 that contributed to the victim-centred narrative of the case. Among the three newspapers, Dhaka Tribune's reports of Rumana Monzur's case stands out for its consistent portrayal of a victim-centred feminist narrative, evident through time. Dhaka Tribune consistently provided extensive coverage that prioritized Monzur's experiences, perspectives, and the broader societal implications of her case. Compared to The Daily Star and Prothom Alo newspapers. Dhaka Tribune, actively engaged with ongoing social movements and advocacy efforts related to gender-based violence, quoted Monzur frequently and used the case of Rumana Monzur as an example for broader discussions on the importance of collective action and empowerment of survivors. The inconsistency between The Daily Star and Prothom Alo as compared to Dhaka Tribune in terms of foregrounding Monzur’s voice could be linked to the gender demographics of the journalists who write the reports. Only a small fraction of the articles in The Daily Star and Prothom Alo included the names of the authors, whereas the majority of reports from Dhaka 84 Tribune newspaper published author’s names, including those written by females. There was also a consistent pattern noticed in The Daily Star and Prothom Alo reports where many of the articles were labelled as ‘staff correspondents’ and did not credit any authors. A dominant reason for hiding the identity of authors, according to my interpretation might be, a) the intent to protect the male authors who write discriminatory and controversial content regarding gender-based violence or b) ignore women’s contributions who emphasize the voice of other women as victims of gender-based violence in narrating the cases. The pattern of not disclosing the author’s names aligns with the findings of the global media monitoring report of Bangladesh (2015), which identifies the derogatory portrayal of female authors and the underrepresentation of women’s voices in media coverage. Overall, my analysis brings light to the issue that, in order to challenge the prevailing power dynamics and reinforcement of harmful social and cultural stereotypes through media, it is pivotal for news outlets to ensure more opportunities for women in the participation of media journalism and promote a feminist ideology in representing the victims of violence. 85 Chapter 6: Conclusion The analysis of news reports on Rumana Monzur’s case from 2011 to 2019 suggests that Monzur’s case serves as an example of a broader understanding of power dynamics, structural inequalities, and intersectional nuances within the media narratives of gender-based violence issues in Bangladesh. The key findings from the ethnographic content analysis on Monzur's case from The Daily Star, Prothom Alo, and Dhaka Tribune newspapers provided compelling insights into how the issue of intimate partner violence and the victims are portrayed in Bangladeshi news media. The findings reveal that over time the discussion of Monzur changed from one of victim-blaming which sensationalized news reports that contributed to the normalization of violence, to one of transnational feminist solidarity where the Bangladeshi news media reconstruct a victim-centred narratives that confronts the existing misogynistic, victim blaming and sensationalized approach that first emerged. Overall, the major arguments of this research not only address the underlying social, structural and cultural contexts of gender-based violence but also emphasize the importance of creating a victim-centred narrative shaped by feminist ideologies that might act as a possible solution to the complex power dynamics of media portrayal of gender-based violence cases in Bangladesh. I conclude that being an important social institution, news media play a critical role in both reinforcing the harmful stereotypes, and challenging the sensationalized, and victim-blaming narratives of intimate partner violence issues. The story of Monzur also illuminates that intimate partner violence is universal and may occur to anyone regardless of class, education, social, cultural or economic status. Understanding violence against women, particularly within the South Asian context needs a broader structural 86 and cultural analysis that focuses on not just the physical, sexual and economic violence but also incorporates covert, unnoticed and symbolic forms of violence occurring through everyday interactions in our lives. Bourdieu’s theory of symbolic violence was significant for this research as it helped analyze the depiction of Monzur’s case in news media narratives to comprehend the complex role of news media in reinforcing traditional power dynamics of society and justification of violence through victim-blaming. Practical Considerations Monzur’s case resonates globally with the pervasive nature of intimate partner violence and the need for collective action to address it. After the violent attack, Monzur immigrated to Canada permanently and received immense support from the international feminist networks for her courage and bravery. Her story fosters solidarity among survivors, activists, and advocates worldwide, highlighting the importance of global cooperation in combating violence against women. This collective solidarity can lead to increased pressure on governments and media organizations to prioritize efforts and prevent gender-based violence effectively. Harvey’s (2020) analysis of the transnational framework provided a critical lens on the representation of Monzur within media landscapes beyond national borders. I drew on transnational feminist approaches to analyze the second chapter of my findings to examine how knowledge is produced and circulated in different media outlets, whose voices are heard and why, which voices are missing and how to include them (Cunningham, 2022). Although Rumana Monzur's case offers valuable insights into the multifaceted dynamics of gender-based violence, I acknowledge that the experiences of Rumana Monzur may not be representative of the experiences of all individuals who have endured intimate partner violence. The shift in how Monzur's story has been reported from victim-blaming to a victim-centred 87 approach over time, highlights the influence of media in constructing and reconstructing narratives of victims in Bangladesh. The change in narratives of Rumana Monzur's story highlights several critical aspects of media portrayals of cases of IPV and representation of victims in Bangladesh. Monzur's social status as a highly educated, independent woman who was awarded Fulbright scholarship from UBC and achieved international support from Canada might have played a critical role in sustaining both Bangladeshi and Canadian media attention on her story. The continued coverage of Monzur in media over the years reveals the intersection of class privilege, the experience of victimization of IPV and the complex role of media. Each case is multifaceted, influenced by a myriad of personal, social, cultural, and political contexts. Other marginalized groups such as those from lower social class backgrounds face distinct challenges and barriers to get media coverage of their stories which could not be reflected by Rumana Monzur’s case. Within the context of Bangladesh, socio-economic status, education level, gender identity, nationality, and international support can significantly influence the nature and dynamics of violence experienced by individuals. This research serves as a valuable academic experience for me as it offers insights into not only the importance of media representation but also the practical difficulties to work with sensitive topics such as gender-based or intimate partner violence. Lisle (2009) points out that the information derived from media is inherently biased and never neutral. The Daily Star, Prothom Alo and Dhaka Tribune newspapers are owned by influential corporate groups who might also have political leaning. When the network of stakeholders, involved in print and online news media of Bangladesh has a strong connection with powerful businessmen and political personnel in news production, it can serve as a privilege to especially reporters written by men to enjoy discriminatory and self-serving narratives. As a result, newspapers have the scope to 88 promote the interests of their own companies or echo the ideologies of powerful political groups as well as the reporters themselves. This is a structural problem that needs to be addressed through media reform at both institutional and social levels. Media reforms should include policies that ensure transparency in authorship and enforce ethical guidelines that prohibit discriminatory reporting. Additionally, encouraging more female journalists and recognizing their contributions would help balance equality in media journalism and picture a more accurate representation of the victims instead of sensationalizing or victim-blaming narratives. Overall, my analysis brings light to the issue that, to challenge the prevailing power dynamics and reinforcement of harmful social and cultural stereotypes through media, it is crucial for news outlets to ensure more opportunities for women in the participation of media journalism and promote a feminist ideology in representing the victims of violence. Contributions of the Research In the larger social context, the findings of this research hold significant implications for the portrayal of victims and societal attitudes toward gender-based violence. One of the contributions of this research is to identify how media reinforces culturally embedded gender practices of men and perpetuates the normalization of violence against women in South Asian society. I add to the discourse on South Asian feminist literature, particularly in Bangladesh is relatively a new and emerging discourse which requires further attention in exploring the media representation of victims of IPV in Bangladesh. The outcome of this study is to advance feminist media discourse in Bangladesh and particularly to incorporate the structural, cultural or societal contexts of intimate partner violence with the intersectional role of news media. Additionally, scholars can build upon the findings and questions presented in this research to explore similar issues portrayed through various other media forums such as TV, film, online and social media. 89 Future Directions of Research As this research did not incorporate how audiences interacted with print and electronic news media coverage of Rumana Monzur’s case, I intend to avoid a simplistic view of media influence on this case. Researchers argue that media also provides opportunities for audiences to question and reject the narratives offered by mainstream sources. The way audiences interact with media involves a process of 'encoding' and 'decoding' information (Hall, 2014). This means that media discourse can both renew and shape contexts of social issues at the same time. Additionally, audiences might interpret stories in a 'resistible' manner, by actively challenging the information disseminated to them (Mowri & Bailey, 2023). Morley (2013) also rejects the notion that “media influence is a one-way transaction” and argues that cultural, gender, and class differences among audiences determine whether a single message delivered by media can be consumed and interpreted in multiple ways by audiences (Easteal et. al, 2015, p. 104). Therefore, a future scope of my research would be exploring the public perception of intimate partner violence cases in media narratives and analyzing the interactions between readers and the media content as audiences from different contexts may have different interpretations of the same news. In conclusion, this research strives to comprehend how intimate partner violence is constructed and represented in the Bangladeshi news media. The media portrayal of Rumana Monzur’s case in the selected newspapers contributes to more informed discussions and research efforts to challenge the existing narratives surrounding violence against women. Responsible news reporting can support victims of violence, minimize the risk of reinforcing harmful social, cultural or gender norms and contribute to social justice against intimate partner violence. To transform the misogynistic narratives around gender-based violence cases in Bangladesh, more participation of female reporters is also crucial in the media sectors of Bangladesh. This research 90 provides a foundation for media interventions aimed at enhancing ethical news reporting, and fostering a culture that actively promotes the advancement of gender equality, particularly in South Asia. . 91 References Adams, N. (2015). 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The case's supervising officer, DB Deputy Commissioner Md. Monirul Islam, informed Prothom Alo yesterday that DB officers heard from Rumana Monzur at LabAid Specialized Hospital about the events before and after the assault by her husband. Additionally, they gathered information about the incident from Rumana's father, retired army officer Manzur Hossain. Under questioning by DB officers, Sayeed admitted to all the violence he inflicted on Rumana. Sayeed told the DB officers that for a long time, Hasan had doubts about Rumana being unfaithful to him and he also suffered from feelings of inferiority. On May 21, he brutally beat Rumana with a rod. On that day, Rumana informed him of her decision to divorce him. “When Rumana decided to end our marriage due to the abuse, my aggression escalated, and I swiftly formulated a plan to end Rumana's life”, Hasan said. On June 5, he found an opportunity to attack Rumana and acted on it. That day, Rumana's mother was at their village home, and her father was at work. Seizing the opportunity, Sayeed locked the door of Rumana's room, jumped on her, attempted to strangle her, inserted his fingers into her eyes, and bit multiple parts of her body. At one point, the household staff opened the door with a spare key and rescued Rumana. Another supervising officer of the case, DB Additional Deputy Commissioner S. Mehedi Hasan, stated that Sayeed admitted to exaggerating and concealing certain information from Rumana before their marriage. i.2. - Prothom Alo report, Tuesday, Jun 15, 2011- Rumana Monzur Flown to India for Advanced Treatment, Call for Hasan Sayeed's Arrest Intensifies, by University Correspondent, Dhaka- Rumana Monzur, a university teacher who suffered severe abuse at the hands of her husband, Hasan Sayeed, was taken to India for advanced treatment on Tuesday. She departed Dhaka with her father, Monzur Hossain, her mother, and her daughter, Anusha, around noon. In response to this brutal attack, Dhaka University saw widespread protests yesterday, including a human chain, rallies, and a silent procession organized by university faculty and students. The university teachers' association has demanded the arrest of Hasan Sayeed within 24 hours, and 127 teachers have issued a statement supporting this demand. Monzur Hossain informed First Light that Rumana is being taken to Shankar Netralaya in Chennai for superior medical care, and he requested prayers for his daughter’s recovery. On June 5, Rumana Monzur, an Assistant Professor in the International Relations Department, was brutally assaulted by her husband Hasan Sayeed at their Dhanmondi 106 residence. The following day, her father filed a case at Dhanmondi Police Station. However, as of yesterday, Hasan Sayeed had still not been arrested. Rumana Monzur spent eight days undergoing treatment at LabAid Hospital in Dhaka, where doctors reported that her left eye was severely damaged and the condition of her right eye was also concerning. In protest of the assault, Dhaka University's campus was abuzz with activity, with faculty and students holding human chains, rallies, and silent marches demanding Hasan Sayeed's arrest and punishment. The silent procession began at Aparajeyo Bangla and traversed various university roads before concluding back at Aparajeyo Bangla. At a brief gathering, students presented three key demands: the arrest and punishment of Hasan Sayeed within 72 hours, the university administration’s assumption of responsibility for Rumana Monzur's treatment, and ensuring the overall safety of her family. The university teachers' association has given a 24-hour ultimatum for the arrest of Hasan Sayeed and organized a human chain and protest meeting at Aparajeyo Bangla at 11:30 AM. During the protest, association member Tajmeri S.A. Islam criticized the delay in Sayeed's arrest, noting that even the Home Minister, a woman, had yet to ensure the perpetrator's arrest. The association warned of intensified protests if Sayeed is not apprehended within the given time frame. Other members of the association, including Vice-President Akhteruzzaman, General Secretary Sahid Akhtar Hossain, and Treasurer Professor Farid Uddin Ahmed, also spoke at the event. In addition, 127 Dhaka University teachers have issued a statement condemning the brutal attack on Rumana Monzur and calling for the arrest of her abuser. The Bangladesh Women’s Council has also condemned the violence and planned a human chain in front of the Press Club today at 3:30 PM to protest against the abuse. i.3. Prothom Alo report, Tuesday, Jun 16, 2011- Hasan Sayeed Arrested Three Hours After Court Order, by Staff Reporter- In the case of domestic violence against Dhaka University teacher Rumana Monzur, the High Court issued a rule on Wednesday at 11 AM asking why Hasan Sayeed had not been arrested. Just three hours later, at 2:15 PM, the police arrested him from a relative’s house in North Mugda, Dhaka. Hasan Sayeed was arrested 10 days after the incident. The rule was issued suo motu by the bench of Justices A.H.M. Shamsuddin Chowdhury and Govinda Chandra Thakur, who were prompted by reports in the media. The court had directed the investigating officer, the OC of Dhanmondi Police Station, and the Assistant Commissioner of Police to appear in court at 10:30 AM on Thursday to explain why Hasan had not been arrested and to provide details on the steps taken in the case. After Hasan Sayeed's arrest, Deputy Commissioner (South) of the Metropolitan Detective Branch, Monirul Islam, reported that Sayeed faced allegations of attempting to murder his wife and had previously assaulted her. He also mentioned that Sayeed was making various claims to avoid responsibility. In police custody, Hasan Sayeed denied the allegations of torture and claimed that the injuries sustained by Rumana were accidental during a scuffle. He stated, "I have poor vision and might not have seen clearly. Rumana might have been injured due to the struggle." On June 5, in Dhaka's Dhanmondi, Rumana Monzur was brutally assaulted by Hasan Sayeed, including having her eyes injured and the tip of her nose bitten off. After initial treatment at LabAid Hospital, she was transferred to Shankar Nethralaya in Chennai, India, for further examination of her eyes. 107 Following the assault, Rumana’s father, retired military officer Monzur Hossain, filed a case at Dhanmondi Police Station accusing Hasan Sayeed of attempted murder. On Tuesday, students and faculty from Dhaka University gave the police 24 hours to arrest Hasan Sayeed. The police had been searching for him since the case was filed and eventually discovered that he was staying in Chattogram. However, they later found out he was in Dhaka and arrested him from a relative’s house in Mugda. After his arrest, Hasan Sayeed was brought to the Detective Branch office on Minto Road and spoke to the media, providing his version of events. He claimed that the conflict with Rumana started over removing a friend from her Facebook list, which led to a physical altercation. Sayeed also mentioned a prior decision to commit suicide together, for which he had bought 192 sleeping pills, but claimed Rumana had not taken any of them. Rumana's family had previously alleged ongoing abuse, although Rumana had not reported it. After returning from Canada, Sayeed allegedly pressured her to stay, further straining their relationship. The police indicated that Hasan Sayeed would be remanded for further questioning and will be presented in court again. Dhaka University’s International Relations Department Chairman Delwar Hossain reported that Rumana has been admitted to Shankar Nethralaya for severe eye injuries and her treatment is expected to start on Friday. i.4. Prothom Alo report, Tuesday, Jun 17, 2011- Hasan Sayeed is in Remand for Two Days, by Staff and Court Reporter- In the case of domestic violence against Dhaka University teacher Rumana Monzur, her husband, Hasan Sayeed, was placed on a two-day remand by the Metropolitan Detective Branch (DB) police yesterday, Thursday. Three police officers appeared before the High Court on Thursday to explain Hasan Sayeed's arrest. DB sources stated that the case's investigating officer, DB Inspector Bahauddin Faruqi, applied for a 10-day remand for Hasan Sayeed and submitted the application to the Chief Metropolitan Magistrate's Court at around 3 PM yesterday. Sub-Inspector Md. Farid of the General Registration Office (GRO) informed the court that Hasan Sayeed had abused his wife, Rumana, and torn the flesh off her nose. He argued that remanding Hasan was necessary for a thorough investigation. Hasan Sayeed's lawyer, Monowar Islam Chowdhury, requested bail, stating that while the case's First Information Report (FIR) mentioned assault, there was no mention of an attempt to murder. The lawyer also argued that Rumana had spent nine months in Canada pursuing higher education, during which she became involved with an Iranian man. When Rumana later expressed a desire to return to Canada, Hasan opposed it, leading to marital conflict. The lawyer claimed that during a scuffle on the day of the incident, Rumana was injured. After hearing arguments from both sides, Metropolitan Magistrate Shahriar Mahmud Adnan granted a two-day remand for Hasan Sayeed. On Wednesday, the High Court had issued a rule asking why Hasan Sayeed had not been arrested in the case of Rumana Monzur's assault. About three hours later, at 2:15 PM, police arrested Hasan Sayeed from a relative's house in Uttar Mugda Para, Dhaka. Yesterday morning, three police officers—Assistant Police Commissioner of Dhanmondi region Sharifur Rahman, Officer-in-Charge (OC) of Dhanmondi Police Station Md. Moniruzzaman, and Sub-Inspector (SI) Mokbul Hossain, the case's investigating officer—appeared before the High Court to explain the steps taken regarding Hasan Sayeed's arrest. The High Court bench, composed of Justice A.H.M. Shamsuddin Chowdhury and Justice Govinda Chandra Thakur, heard their statements and exempted the three officers from 108 further personal appearance. However, they were instructed to submit a progress report on the case within 30 days. On Wednesday, the High Court had issued a suo motu rule asking why Hasan Sayeed had not been arrested 10 days after Rumana Monzur's assault. In response, the three police officers appeared in court at 11 AM yesterday. The court inquired if the accused had been arrested after the issuance of the rule and whether any attempts had been made to arrest him before the rule was issued. OC Moniruzzaman of Dhanmondi Police Station explained that the accused had already been arrested, and that efforts had been made from the beginning, though there was some delay due to the accused's phone being switched off. He assured that the search efforts were continuous. On behalf of Rumana Monzur, lawyer Elina Khan requested that the charge sheet be filed correctly and on time. The High Court later issued an order to that effect. Deputy Attorney General A.B.M. Altaf Hossain told Prothom Alo that the police officers had informed the court about the arrest of the accused, and the court had exempted them from personal appearance. The court also ordered that a progress report on the case be submitted within 30 days. Elina Khan mentioned that the court would monitor the case for a month. i.5. Prothom Alo report, Tuesday, Jun 18, 2011- Rumana's Hospital Transfer, Husband Confesses to Abuse, by Staff Reporter- Rumana Monzur, an assistant professor in the Department of International Relations at the University of Dhaka, has lost vision in one eye due to domestic violence, with the other eye also in critical condition. For advanced treatment, she has been transferred to the Aravind Eye Center in Puducherry, India. Previously, she received treatment at Sankara Nethralaya in Chennai. On June 5, Rumana was assaulted by her husband, Hasan Sayeed, at their Dhanmondi residence. On June 14, she was taken to India for better medical care. After Hasan Sayeed was arrested last Wednesday in connection with the assault, he was taken into remand by the Detective Branch (DB) of the police. Yesterday, Friday, during remand, he confessed to abusing his wife, according to the police. Family sources report that a medical board comprising eye specialists was formed by Sankara Nethralaya to assess Rumana’s condition. The board members concluded that Rumana’s left eye was completely destroyed by the assault, though they noted that her right eye is in slightly better condition. The doctors at Sankara Nethralaya have advised that she return for further evaluation in two months, as some opportunity for treatment might arise if the wounds heal slightly during this period. Yesterday, Rumana was moved to the Aravind Eye Center in Puducherry for alternative advanced treatment. Family sources indicated that Indian doctors are considering the use of cutting-edge technology for Rumana's treatment. On June 6, Rumana's father, Monzur Hossain, filed a case at Dhanmondi Police Station, which is being investigated by the DB police. Deputy Commissioner of DB, Mohammad Monirul Islam, told Prothom Alo yesterday that Hasan Sayeed admitted during questioning that he was suspicious of his wife and suffered from an inferiority complex. He was frustrated with his life due to losses in the stock market, family failures, and his own visual impairment. Overwhelmed by his uncertain future, he assaulted his wife out of desperation. Investigative sources reported that during remand, Hasan claimed that he cannot see without his glasses. During their struggle, his glasses fell off, and at one point, his finger may have accidentally entered his wife's eye. He also claimed that he bit her nose, mistaking it for her finger. Despite being admitted to Bangladesh University of 109 Engineering and Technology (BUET), Hasan could not continue his studies after the third year due to his eye problems. Hasan stated that he met Rumana Monzur while studying at BUET, and they fell in love. Seven years later, they got married. Hasan also mentioned that he was somewhat unwelcome in his father-in-law’s house, which is why he resisted the idea of moving to Canada with Rumana or allowing her to go alone. If he had gone to Canada, he felt he would have been treated like a servant. The investigating officer noted that Hasan failed to provide satisfactory answers to many questions. The police are currently verifying the truth of his statements during remand. After completing the two-day remand, Hasan will be sent to court tomorrow. i.6. Prothom Alo report, Tuesday, Jun 18, 2011-Rumana Returning Home Tomorrow, by Staff Reporter- Rumana Monzur, a lecturer at the University of Dhaka who was brutally assaulted by her husband, is returning to Bangladesh tomorrow, Monday. Doctors at Sankara Nethralaya and the Aravind Eye Center in Puducherry, India, have stated that there is nothing more they can do for her eyes at this time. Her family members have reported that they are being forced to bring Rumana back home due to this. Rumana's cousin, Rashed Maksud, told Prothom Alo that given the current condition of Rumana’s eyes, no treatment will be effective at this point. If her condition improves after a couple of months, she may be taken back to India for further treatment. It is worth noting that Rumana's left eye has been completely destroyed, and her right eye has sustained severe damage due to the assault by her husband, Hasan Sayeed. Yesterday, Saturday, Rumana’s physician, Dr. Niaz Zaman, told Prothom Alo that the claim Hasan Sayeed made to the police, suggesting that the injury to Rumana’s eyes was caused accidentally during a struggle, is not credible. While the human eye may seem fragile, it is actually quite resilient. Such extensive damage would not occur without sustained and intense force. While Rumana was still in Bangladesh, examinations revealed that her left eye was completely ruined, and part of her right eye was also severely damaged. Yesterday, Deputy Commissioner of DB Police, Mohammad Monirul Islam, told Prothom Alo that after today’s remand, Sayeed will be sent to court again, and another remand request will be filed. He mentioned that during questioning, Hasan Sayeed admitted that consecutive business failures and eventual unemployment led him to become severely depressed. When Rumana returned from Canada, he began to harbor baseless suspicions and spoke ill of her. This ultimately culminated in his premeditated attack on his wife, with the intention of killing her. Meanwhile, the University of British Columbia (UBC) is exploring all possible ways to support Rumana so that she can continue her studies despite her current health condition. Scott MacRae, UBC’s Executive Director of Public Affairs, mentioned this in a message sent to Prothom Alo yesterday, Saturday. Earlier, UBC President J. Toope expressed his concern and sympathy over the incident of domestic violence against Rumana in a message posted on UBC’s website. Scott MacRae said that J. Toope personally conveyed his concerns to the Canadian High Commission in Dhaka and the Bangladesh High Commission in Ottawa. In addition, Canadian experts are being consulted to explore possible ways to provide medical assistance to Rumana. Yesterday, Bangladeshi expatriates living in Canada issued a statement via email, condemning the allegations made by Hasan Sayeed against Rumana. They noted that despite the immense pressure of her studies at UBC, Rumana spoke at length every day with her only daughter Anusheh and her husband Hasan Sayeed. Despite 110 warnings from her neighbors and relatives in Canada, she returned to Bangladesh just to spend time with her family. i.7. Prothom Alo report, Tuesday, Jun 20, 2011- Sayeed in Remand Again, Rumana Returning Today, by Staff and Court Reporters- In the case of the assault on University of Dhaka lecturer Rumana Monzur, her husband Hasan Sayeed was taken into one-day remand again by the Metropolitan Detective (DB) Police yesterday, Sunday. Meanwhile, Rumana Monzur is expected to return to Dhaka from India this afternoon, according to her family. DB sources reported that after a two-day remand, the police requested a 10-day remand for Hasan Sayeed in court yesterday. Metropolitan Magistrate Shahriar Mahmud Adnan granted a one-day remand. In the report submitted by the DB Police to the court, it was stated that further interrogation of the accused Sayeed is necessary to determine the reason and advice under which he attempted to kill Rumana, causing severe injuries. It is also important to know whether any sharp weapon was used during the incident. Rumana Monzur is expected to arrive in Dhaka today around 3 PM. She is returning to the country based on the advice of doctors at the Aravind Eye Center in Puducherry, India. i.8. Prothom Alo report, Tuesday, Jun 14, 2011- The Brutal Reality of family Abuse, by University Correspondent- "As soon as he entered the room, he attacked me from behind. He grabbed my hair and shoved his fingers into both of my eyes. My body was covered in blood, and eventually, I slipped on the floor covered with my own blood. When I regained consciousness, I found myself in a hospital bed." This harrowing account is from Rumana Monzur, an Assistant Professor in the International Relations Department at Dhaka University, who suffered brutal abuse at the hands of her husband, Hasan Sayeed, in their Dhanmondi home. Recently, while receiving treatment at LabAid Hospital, Rumana, along with her daughter Anusha, has demanded increased security for her family, citing threats from Hasan Sayeed, who has reportedly threatened to kill her with a gun or throw acid on her. Rumana married Hasan Sayeed in 2001, and their only child is five and a half years old. She revealed that the abuse started shortly after their marriage, but she endured it, focusing on their child’s future. The situation escalated after disagreements regarding her further education in Canada, leading to the recent horrific incident. Rumana described, “for the past ten years, I endured countless hardships. Hasan’s inferiority complex due to his eye problems led him to constantly inflict psychological abuse on me. For the sake of our child’s future, I never revealed these issues to anyone in the family.” Her father, retired Army officer Monzur Hossain, broke down in tears as he spoke about his daughter's situation. He mentioned, “My daughter is very gentle and has endured for ten years without ever speaking out about the abuse. Hasan intended to gouge out both her eyes. Doctors have said her left eye is completely destroyed, and the right eye’s condition is uncertain.” He called for prayers for his daughter’s recovery. Following the attack, Monzur Hossain filed a case at Dhanmondi Police Station. Since then, Hasan Sayeed has been on the run. Sayeed, an engineer who graduated from Bangladesh University of 111 Engineering and Technology (BUET), was previously engaged in business but is now unemployed. He lived with his in-laws, where the abuse occurred. His parents are expatriates in the United States. In response to this horrific abuse, the Dhaka University Teachers' Association has organized a human chain and protest meeting at Aparajeyo Bangla today, demanding justice for Rumana and the arrest of Hasan Sayeed. i.9. Prothom Alo report, Tuesday, July 11, 2011- Rumana Monzur's Major Surgery Tomorrow, by Staff Reporter- Tomorrow, Tuesday, doctors at Vancouver General Hospital will perform surgery on the retina of Rumana Monzur, a lecturer in the International Relations Department at the University of Dhaka. The doctors have stated that her ability to regain vision depends entirely on this surgery. Rumana has requested prayers from the people of her country. Yesterday, Sunday, Rumana's relative, Rashed Maksud, informed Prothom Alo that earlier, the doctors had removed clotted blood from Rumana's eye through two surgeries. It took eight hours to remove the clots. Now, the hospital's Intensive Care Unit is preparing for a lengthy and complex surgery. Rumana Monzur went to Canada last Monday for eye treatment. A team of doctors at Vancouver General Hospital, an affiliate of the University of British Columbia, is currently treating her. On Monday, they performed a four-hour surgery on one of her eyes. Last Friday, the doctors performed another surgery. It is noteworthy that Rumana's eyes were severely damaged in an attack by her husband, Hasan Sayeed, on June 5th. Two renowned institutions in India had earlier stated that Rumana Monzur had lost her vision. Meanwhile, Rumana's lawyer has informed that before leaving for Canada, Rumana signed a divorce letter, which has been submitted to the Dhaka City Corporation. Additionally, Rumana has also filed for custody of her daughter, and that case is ongoing. i.10. Prothom Alo report, Tuesday, July 17, 2011- Canadian Doctors Also Fail: Rumana Will Never See Again, by Staff Reporter University of Dhaka's International Relations Department lecturer Rumana Monzur will no longer be able to see. After four surgeries, doctors at Vancouver General Hospital announced this yesterday, Saturday. Quoting the doctors, Rumana's relative Rashed Maksud told Prothom Alo that the doctors performed the final surgery on Rumana's damaged eye last Friday. Rumana's eyes had multiple layers of injuries. The doctors had hoped that even if she couldn't see clearly, she might be able to see something faintly after the surgery. However, on Saturday, the doctors informed that the nerve that transmits light and dark signals to the brain is completely damaged. Rumana will never be able to see again. Rumana Monzur went to Canada on July 4th for eye treatment. A team of doctors at Vancouver General Hospital, an affiliate of the University of British Columbia, performed surgery on one of her eyes on the same day. After that, Rumana underwent three more surgeries on her eyes. It is worth noting that Rumana's eyes were severely damaged in an attack by her husband Hasan Sayeed on June 5th. 112 Appendix ii.- List of newspaper websites for accessing news reports from 2013 to 2019 ii.1- Prothom Alo e-paper- https://epaper.prothomalo.com/Home/DIndex?eid=1&edate=23/08/2024&sedId=1&pgid=469425&isProductPanel=true&MagazineEdID=0&MagEdDate=23/08/2024&isIssueRefresh=False&uemail ii.2. Prothom Alo -English https://en.prothomalo.com/ ii.3. The Daily Star https://www.thedailystar.net/ ii.4. Dhaka Tribune https://www.dhakatribune.com/
Thesis/Dissertation
eng
Interdisciplinary Studies
Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library
Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International
Graduate
Simonetto, Deana
Portrayal of gender-based violence in the media of Bangladesh : the case of Rumana Monzur
Text