Arts and Social Sciences, Irving K. Barber Faculty of (Okanagan)
DSpace
UBCO
Melchior, Fabiola
Master of Arts - MA
University of British Columbia
This thesis explores how youth climate actors engage with the concept of Climate Justice (CJ) in a place-specific context. The research is guided by the questions: How do youth climate actors understand CJ? And how is this understanding of CJ informed by place to impact strategies for climate action? Employing youth-led participatory action research (YPAR), data collection took place through a research workshop and one-on-one interviews with youth members of the University of California Santa Cruz Climate Coalition on unceded territories of the Awaswas-speaking Uypi Tribe. This thesis makes methodological, theoretical and substantive contributions to the scholarly and community-based conversations around the intersections of CJ and place. The results of this paper-based thesis are organized in two chapters that constitute stand-alone papers and address the main research objectives. Chapter 2 of this thesis shares methodological considerations as well as personal embodied experiences of the research process, seeking to make applying YPAR methodologies more accessible to fellow youth and young researchers. Chapter 3 then explores how CJ is employed in place-specific ways to understand its efficacy in localized contexts. Chapters 2 and 3 both cover aspects of practically engaging youth climate activists in exploring tools to investigate local CJ issues and communicate resulting demands to decision-makers to drive change in their communities. With this thesis, I bring youth-led methodologies, CJ-oriented action and place-based explorations into conversation with each other to encourage further reflection on strengths, challenges and responsibilities found at the intersections of doing place-specific CJ action as youth.
ENGAGING YOUTH AS CLIMATE ACTORS: PLACE-SPECIFIC EXPLORATIONS OF CLIMATE JUSTICE IN ACTION by Fabiola Melchior B.Sc., Leiden University College The Hague, 2022 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE COLLEGE OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Interdisciplinary Studies) (Community Engagement, Social Change and Equity) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Okanagan) July 2024 © Fabiola Melchior, 2024 ii The following individuals certify that they have read, and recommend to the College of Graduate Studies for acceptance, the thesis entitled: Engaging Youth as Climate Actors: Place-specific Explorations of Climate Justice in Action submitted by Fabiola Melchior in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Interdisciplinary Studies Examining Committee: Dr. Onyx Sloan Morgan, Irving K. Barber Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences Supervisor Dr. Astrida Neimanis, Irving K. Barber Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences Supervisory Committee Member Dr. Mary Stockdale, Irving K. Barber Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences Supervisory Committee Member Dr. Leyton Schnellert, The University of British Columbia (Vancouver) University Examiner iii Abstract This thesis explores how youth climate actors engage with the concept of Climate Justice (CJ) in a place-specific context. The research is guided by the questions: How do youth climate actors understand CJ? And how is this understanding of CJ informed by place to impact strategies for climate action? Employing youth-led participatory action research (YPAR), data collection took place through a research workshop and one-on-one interviews with youth members of the University of California Santa Cruz Climate Coalition on unceded territories of the Awaswas-speaking Uypi Tribe. This thesis makes methodological, theoretical and substantive contributions to the scholarly and community-based conversations around the intersections of CJ and place. The results of this paper-based thesis are organized in two chapters that constitute stand-alone papers and address the main research objectives. Chapter 2 of this thesis shares methodological considerations as well as personal embodied experiences of the research process, seeking to make applying YPAR methodologies more accessible to fellow youth and young researchers. Chapter 3 then explores how CJ is employed in place-specific ways to understand its efficacy in localized contexts. Chapters 2 and 3 both cover aspects of practically engaging youth climate activists in exploring tools to investigate local CJ issues and communicate resulting demands to decision-makers to drive change in their communities. With this thesis, I bring youth-led methodologies, CJ-oriented action and place-based explorations into conversation with each other to encourage further reflection on strengths, challenges and responsibilities found at the intersections of doing place-specific CJ action as youth. iv Lay Summary In the past decade, youth climate activism has been on the rise globally. Climate activists have increasingly used the concept of Climate Justice (CJ) in framing their demands for ambitious and rapid yet socially and environmentally just climate action. This research explores the following questions: How do youth climate actors understand CJ? And how is this understanding of CJ informed by place to impact strategies for climate action? Following a youth-led participatory action research (YPAR) methodology, this research centered the voices of youth climate activists on the unceded territories of the Awaswas-speaking Uypi Tribe (in so-called Santa Cruz, California). The data collection consisted of exercises and interviews to explore the intersections of place and CJ. The results of this thesis offer a deeper dive into the experience and challenges of using YPAR methodology as a youth and graduate student, as well as a discussion of the theoretical and practical understandings of place-specific CJ. v Preface This thesis is original research that is unpublished and has been conducted by the author for the degree requirements of the Community Engagement, Social Change and Equity theme’s Master of Arts in Interdisciplinary Studies at the University of British Columbia, Okanagan. Research conducted for this degree was supported by Dr. Onyx Sloan Morgan’s SSHRC-funded ‘Inheritors of the Future’ Insight Development Grant (Grant # 430-2019-00758) and the Centre for Climate Justice’s Student Research Grant. The thesis was written with the supervision and support of Dr. Onyx Sloan Morgan, and committee members Drs. Astrida Neimanis and Mary Stockdale. Data was collected in Santa Cruz, transcribed using Otter.ai, and coded manually for key themes. Ethics approval for this research was approved by UBC Okanagan’s Behavioral Research Ethics Board, Certificate Number #H23-00451. AI applications were used to check grammar in some paragraphs of this thesis. vi Table of Contents Abstract ................................................................................................................................... iii Lay Summary ........................................................................................................................... iv Preface ....................................................................................................................................... v Table of Contents ..................................................................................................................... vi List of Figures........................................................................................................................... xi List of Abbreviations ...............................................................................................................xii Glossary ................................................................................................................................. xiii Acknowledgements .................................................................................................................. xv Dedication .............................................................................................................................. xvii Chapter 1: Introduction ............................................................................................................1 Preface .....................................................................................................................1 The Problem: Climate Crisis and Intersectional In/Justice ........................................4 Addressing the Problem: Research Goal & Objectives .............................................8 Context .................................................................................................................. 10 1.4.1 Conceptualization of Place ................................................................................. 10 1.4.1.1 “Place” in (Critical) Geography .................................................................. 10 1.4.1.2 Indigenous Relationship with “Place” ......................................................... 12 1.4.1.3 “Place” in the Face of the Climate Crisis .................................................... 14 1.4.2 The Territory of the Awaswas-speaking Uypi Tribe ........................................... 16 1.4.2.1 Pre/colonial Histories of the Awaswas-speaking Uypi People ..................... 17 1.4.2.2 Historic and Ongoing [Climate] In/Justices on Uypi Territory .................... 21 vii 1.4.2.3 (More) Recent [Climate] In/Justice in Santa Cruz ....................................... 22 1.4.3 Intersectional Thought and Practice towards Environmentalism and Critical Climate Justice .............................................................................................................. 24 The Research Project ............................................................................................. 26 1.5.1 Conceptual Framework ...................................................................................... 26 1.5.2 The Methodology: Youth-led Participatory Action Research .............................. 32 1.5.3 The Case Study: University of California & Climate Coalition ........................... 32 1.5.4 Scope of Thesis .................................................................................................. 34 Structure of this Thesis .......................................................................................... 35 1.6.1 Chapter 2 - Being ‘Community Member’ and ‘Researcher’: Reflections on Conducting Youth-led Participatory Action Research (YPAR) as a Youth ..................... 35 1.6.2 Chapter 3 – Engaging Youth as Climate Actors: A Place-Specific Exploration of Climate Justice in Action ............................................................................................... 36 Ethical Considerations ........................................................................................... 37 Conclusion ............................................................................................................. 39 Chapter 2: Being ‘Community Member’ and ‘Researcher’: Reflections on Conducting Youth-led Participatory Action Research (YPAR) as a Youth ............................................. 40 Introduction ........................................................................................................... 40 Literature Review .................................................................................................. 42 2.2.1 From PAR to YPAR .......................................................................................... 42 2.2.2 Challenges of YPAR .......................................................................................... 45 2.2.3 YPAR, Environmental Justice, and Climate Justice ............................................ 46 The Research Process ............................................................................................ 49 viii 2.3.1 Arriving at Research: Relational Approaches to Climate Justice ......................... 49 2.3.2 Co-Creation of Research Workshop ................................................................... 51 2.3.3 Methods in the Workshop .................................................................................. 51 2.3.3.1 Sensory Attunement ................................................................................... 52 2.3.3.2 Banner Painting .......................................................................................... 53 2.3.4 Interviews .......................................................................................................... 54 2.3.5 Journaling and Personal Reflection .................................................................... 54 2.3.6 Member-Checking and Further Engagement ...................................................... 55 Discussion ............................................................................................................. 56 2.4.1 Workshop Reflections: Strengths ....................................................................... 57 2.4.2 Workshop Reflections: Challenges ..................................................................... 60 2.4.3 Reflecting on my Position(ality) within YPAR ................................................... 63 2.4.3.1 Tensions of ‘Insider’/’Outsider’ Dynamic................................................... 66 2.4.3.2 Commitment to the ‘A’ (Action) in YPAR ................................................. 68 2.4.3.3 Dissonance with/in Academia in Times of Crisis ........................................ 70 Conclusion ............................................................................................................. 74 Chapter 3: Engaging Youth as Climate Actors: Place-Specific Explorations of Climate Justice ...................................................................................................................................... 76 Introduction ........................................................................................................... 76 Background: Introduction to the Case Study .......................................................... 78 3.2.1 The Territory of the Awaswas-Speaking Uypi Tribe........................................... 78 3.2.2 The Concept: Understandings of Place ............................................................... 80 3.2.3 The Community: University of California Santa Cruz Climate Coalition ............ 81 ix 3.2.4 The Participants: Climate Actors at UCSC ......................................................... 82 Literature Review .................................................................................................. 84 3.3.1 Environmental Justice ........................................................................................ 84 3.3.2 Critical Climate Justice ...................................................................................... 86 3.3.3 Youth-led Approaches to Climate Justice ........................................................... 89 3.3.4 Place and Scale in the CJ Literature ................................................................... 91 Methodology: Youth-led Participatory Action Research (YPAR) ........................... 94 Findings ................................................................................................................. 96 3.5.1 Theme One: Sense of Place ................................................................................ 96 3.5.2 Theme Two: Towards Critical Climate Justice ................................................... 99 3.5.3 Theme Three: Intersections of Place and CJ – From Understanding to Action .. 102 Discussion ........................................................................................................... 107 Conclusion ........................................................................................................... 112 Chapter 4: Conclusion .......................................................................................................... 115 Revisiting the Research Goals .............................................................................. 115 Contributions ....................................................................................................... 117 4.2.1 Theoretical Contributions ................................................................................. 117 4.2.2 Methodological Contributions .......................................................................... 118 4.2.3 Substantial Contributions ................................................................................. 119 Study Strengths .................................................................................................... 120 Study Limitations................................................................................................. 122 Conclusion: Place-Specific Explorations of Climate Justice ................................. 124 Bibliography .......................................................................................................................... 125 x Appendices ............................................................................................................................ 161 Appendix A - Letter of Support from UCSC Climate .................................................. 161 Appendix B - Recruitment Script and Survey .............................................................. 162 Appendix C - Workshop Letter of Information and Consent Form .............................. 167 Appendix D - Workshop Release Form Art................................................................. 172 Appendix E - Sensory Attunement Exercises .............................................................. 174 Appendix F - Workshop Report “Engaging Youth as Climate Actors” ........................ 178 Appendix G - Interview Verbal Consent Form ............................................................ 202 Appendix H - Interview Script .................................................................................... 203 Appendix I - Behavioural Research Ethics Board Certificate of Approval ................... 205 Appendix J - Banner Art ............................................................................................. 207 xi List of Figures Figure 1. Amah Mutsun Community and Language Groups. ..................................................... 17 Figure 2. Amah Mutsun Stewardship Area…………………………………………………………………………………21 Figure J.3. Halle Banner Contribution……………………………………………………………………………….............207 Figure J.4. Alexandra Banner Contribution………………………………………………………………………………208 Figure J.5. Gwen Banner Contribution………………………………………………………………………………………208 Figure J.6. Ian Banner Contribution………………………………………………………………………………………….209 Figure J.7. Cody Banner Contribution……………………………………………………………………………………….210 xii List of Abbreviations CJ: Climate Justice COP: Conference of the Parties EJ: Environmental Justice MAPA: Most Affected Peoples and Areas SC: Santa Cruz UCSC: University of California Santa Cruz UCSC CC / CC: Climate Coalition; always used in the context of the UCSC Climate Coalition UNFCCC: United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change YOUNGO: Official Children and Youth Constituency to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change xiii Glossary Climate Crisis: I use the term climate crisis to describe the unprecedented increase in global temperature caused by anthropogenic greenhouse gas emissions, with its root in colonialism, extractivism and neoliberal capitalism. The term climate crisis conveys the urgency of the issue in a more accurate manner than climate change does (Klinenberg et al., 2020). Conference of the Parties (COP): Despite there being multiple bodies labeled COP (‘Conference of the Parties’) under the United Nations, when using the term COP I hereby refer to the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), the Kyoto Protocol, and the Paris Agreement, more commonly also known as the UN Climate Change Conference which establishes the institutional arrangements for the climate change intergovernmental process (UN Climate Change 2023). Fridays For Future (FFF): I would like to briefly outline my relationship with different entities within the youth-led global climate strike movement called Fridays For Future. Many of my experiences with youth climate activism are related to the early rise of the climate strike movement in Europe since 2018 (I was involved in mobilizing for the first global climate strike on December 14, 2018) and my involvement in local groups within FFF Germany. While I acknowledge many valuable experiences with FFF Germany in the past and cite sources related to FFF Germany throughout this thesis, I wish to prompt upfront that I now see the collective entity of FFF Germany very critically as they have repeatedly failed to speak up against the ongoing genocide against Palestinians and thereby refuse to draw the connections between militarization, occupation, racialized and gendered violence and climate injustices. I also recognize that this is not the movement’s first failure to recognize and address systemic injustices – yet, due to intersecting xiv privileges, I have only come to realize these dynamics more recently. I, however, remain committed to the work of FFF Kelowna which – aligned with FFF International and a majority of the FFF community globally – aims to be accomplices to land defenders globally in the fight against colonial and capitalist extraction. Most Affected Peoples and Areas (MAPA): While discourses around the climate crisis have often used the terms ‘Global North’ (as polluters) and ‘Global South’ (as affected) and still do so, climate actors have started to use the term Most Affected Peoples and Areas (MAPA) in the discourse around CJ (Reyes & Calderón 2021). Youth: ‘Youth’ is a culturally constructed age group. I use the term ‘youth’ to refer to “individuals who identify themselves as children or youth below the age of 35 years” (YOUNGO 2023a). xv Acknowledgements As an uninvited visitor on unceded syilx Okanagan territory as well as the territory of the Awaswas-speaking Uypi people, I would like to acknowledge that I have had the immense privilege to live, work and study on these Lands for the past years. I am aware that I have enjoyed liberties and access to the Land that are tied to my privileges as a white settler; I understand this to be only one example of the ongoing colonial injustices that Indigenous peoples and people of color experience across Turtle Island. I want and need to keep learning about the past and presence of colonialism in order to keep be/come/ing an accomplice for Indigenous and Black futures1 in so-called Canada and beyond. Thank you to my friends, comrades and chosen family who I organize, resist, create and restore alongside. Anarchy is for lovers – and I cannot express how much care, love and admiration I have for all the beautiful people around me who have built a strong community in a place like so-called Kelowna; a place that has been constructed to keep people apart from each other, from the Land, and from liberation. Without you, I could not have made it through the past two years (on and off campus). The same is true for my fellow climate justice organizers across the globe who make me believe that change is possible (and fun) every single day – I have hope because I know all of you! My love and deepest gratitude goes to my parents and my sister who always support and accompany my journeys and enable our family to live a colorful life, together and apart. 1 I use this term in reference to an event titled “The Future of Black Histories: Uplifting Black Youth Voices” hosted by Kelowna Museums on unceded syilx territory on February 9, 2024 where Dr. Girvan spoke about envisioning and living Black futures. xvi Thank you to Gwen, Ian, Alexandra, Halle, Katie, Dakota and Cody for participating in my research project; thank you for going with the flow and making time alongside all your other commitments as family members, friends, climate activists, students and employees. Thank you Derede for supporting my ideas for this research project and welcoming me back into your classrooms. Thank you to the UCSC CC Steering Committee for enthusiastically agreeing to collaborate on this project. I would like to thank Onyx for never (not a single time!) making me doubt my decision of moving around the globe to work with one specific faculty member at a (seemingly) random university. Even though I know this will make Onyx uncomfortable because they cannot take compliments: I am certain I could not have found a better supervisor out there for the work I want(ed) to do. Thank you for your genuine care, guidance and patience; thank you for enacting social justice inside and outside the classroom and always supporting your students; thank you for constantly reminding me that there are good people even in the university; thank you for never making me feel like you are teaching me while I was still constantly learning from you. Thank you Astrida for generously sharing your thoughts, ideas and methods, and for welcoming us into the FEELed Lab which became a really special place to many of us. Thank you Mary for somehow coercing me into organizing the Climate Strike in September 2022 – a key memory for many members of our cohort and important starting point for our organizing in so-called Kelowna. I would also like to thank Dr. Virginie Magnat, Dr. Shawn Wilson and Dr. Christine Schreyer for their amazing teachings; the way you build caring communities in your classrooms is inspiring. xvii Dedication I would like to dedicate this thesis to my fellow on- and off-campus organizers who never lose their compassion, hope and creativity despite the inertia of the neoliberal and colonial institutions we face. Universities are not neutral spaces. Divest from genocide. RBC off campus. Land Back. Palestine will be free. 1 Chapter 1: Introduction Preface As the researcher in this project, my felt embeddedness emotionally and relationally entangles me with my research. Catungal (2017) describes felt embeddedness as “the emotional embodied ways that researchers’ locations in social and institutional environments bear upon their conduct of knowledge production” (290). Due to my entanglement with my research and my inability to separate myself from the research process, I center critical reflexivity throughout my research. Nêhiyaw and Saulteaux scholar Margaret Kovach (2021) defines critical reflexivity as a “political examination of location and privilege” (33). “The story” Kovach explains, “is not separate from the teller or the audience” (99). Referencing Opaskwayak Cree scholar Shawn Wilson (2008) and Aluli’ohana scholar-activist Manulani Meyer (2008), Métis scholar Natalie Clark (2016) builds on similar ideas to critical reflexivity and suggests to start from our intentions: “Who are you and why do you care?” (48). As the researcher and thus, storyteller in this context, I would like to introduce myself to the reader. Through this thesis, we will primarily get to know each other in an academic setting; you being the reader and I being a young researcher and international graduate student who is involved in climate action. Throughout my graduate studies at the University of British Columbia Okanagan, as an uninvited visitor on unceded syilx territory, I have come to learn and reflect on various components of my be/com/ing2, some of which I would like to refer to at this beginning of my thesis. 2 I use this term to describe the simultaneity of ‘being’ and ‘becoming’ – two processes that are necessarily intertwined and (can) happen at the same time. 2 I identify as a white queer cis-woman with a disability, currently visiting so-called Canada and the United States from an international context. I was born and raised in Germany and before coming to Canada I completed an undergraduate degree in Environmental Sciences in The Netherlands and a minor in Community Studies in the United States. I am considered ‘youth’ in the age-based category employed in this paper. Born and raised in Germany, my education and socialization has taken place in a country that yet has to meaningfully engage in a process of acknowledging and reconciling genocide and war crimes committed during colonial occupation, two world wars and through the ongoing provision of financial and military support to settler colonial projects (Shpiro 2002; Soussi 2023) and fossil fuel extraction abroad (Lemmerich 2024; Wettengel 2022). It was independently from the German education system that I have come to learn about the genocidal violence perpetrated against Indigenous peoples, specifically the Herero and Nama, in what today is known as Namibia during colonial occupation. I am grateful to my professors at Leiden University College in The Netherlands who, during my undergraduate studies, taught and challenged my action-oriented mind the value of critical theory and reflective practice. Rather ironically, I especially recall my environmental science professors who refused to respond to students’ requests to engage in critical, feminist or even anti-colonial theory in their classrooms. Their initial refusal to transform the content of their teaching ultimately led to the formation of an extra-curricular student-led study group which, over the years, has gifted me a supportive peer group who strives to engage in critical topics and conversations. The group has been a space for exercises that ground my thinking, writing and communicating and where I/we can collectively engage in what is uncomfortable and dissonant — what my environmental science professors appeared unwilling to address. 3 My research shared here is place-specific. Doing this place-specific research, I am aware of my positionality as a white settler on unceded territories, both on unceded territory of the Awaswas-speaking Uypi Tribe where I did my field work, and on unceded territory of syilx Okanagan people where I am writing my thesis. Living and studying on these Lands supported my learning about the implications of doing climate justice research as well as taking climate action in a settler colonial state, and how this place-specific context shapes conversations around colonialism, extractivism and Land occupation – conversations that necessarily need to be part of an intersectional analysis of climate injustices. Revisiting my own place-specific experiences that led me to this research make me feel deeply indebted to the Awaswas-speaking Uypi people, whose unceded traditional land I lived on while attending the University of California Santa Cruz as an undergraduate exchange student. I am also very grateful to spend time on the ancestral lands of the syilx Okanagan peoples, where I have been able to meet professors, peers and community members who have been among the most influential to my critical thinking. Throughout my research, as well as my writing, I sought to orient myself towards a concept that Indigenous scholars, such as Wilson & Wilson (1998), Kovach (2009) and Tuck & McKenzie (2015), call relational accountability3. Relational accountability describes accountability, respect and care to all our relations (Wilson & Wilson 1998). A responsibility that, in a relational context, should not be seen as an individualized one, but rather as one that the individual holds within the “web of relationship with each individual in the center that stretches out in all directions” 3 I here orient myself towards how Tuck & McKenzie (2015) speak about how relational accountability, or what they call relational validity: “Relational validity implies that research is not only about understanding or chronicling the relationality of life and the inadequacy of economic validity but also that research necessarily influences these conditions in small or significant ways; it thus impels action and increased accountability to people and place” (4). 4 (Wilson & Wilson 1998, 157). Relational accountability, according to Tuck & McKenzie (2015), therefore calls for “action and increased accountability to people and place. Because no action is an action, and because not acting has implications, a more adequate response is required for current and future injustices” (4). My hope is that by centering relationships and reciprocity as well as personal life as family member, friend, organizer, climate actor and, lastly, student in my research, I can continue (re)learning my role and responsibilities of living, learning and writing on these unceded lands and in broader colonial and imperial contexts in which I remain tied ancestrally and relationally. The Problem: Climate Crisis and Intersectional In/Justice My research investigates the intersections of Climate Justice (CJ) and place from the perspective of youth. The research questions I explore are: How do youth climate actors understand CJ? And how is this understanding of CJ informed by place to impact strategies for climate action? (to be discussed in more detail in section 1.3). In this section, I lay out the context and origins of my research question. My interest in the intersection of CJ and place stems from observations I have made as a youth climate actor in national and international contexts. These contexts include working with the Children and Youth Constituency to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (YOUNGO), Conferences of the Parties (COPs), but also learning from the work of Most Affected Peoples and Areas (MAPA) activists. When talking about CJ, I often observed conversations centering demands for both intergenerational and intragenerational justice with regard to the climate crisis (Grosse & Mark 2020; Piispa & Kiilakoski 2021; Thew et al. 2020). Intergenerational justice demands mainly focus on the responsibilities of current decision-makers to safeguard ecosystems and liveable conditions for young and future generations (Cripps, 5 2022; Newell et al., 2021; Page, 1999). Calls to center youth, as members and representatives of said young and future generations, in conversations, decision-making and action towards CJ originate from intergenerational justice concerns (Gulugulu & Shekhar 2022); I further outline the rationale behind focusing this research on youth perspectives in section 1.5.1. Intragenerational justice, on the other hand, focuses on intersectional injustices experienced by (and within) current generations (Thew et al. 2020) and connects the disproportionate effects of the climate crisis on MAPA with conversations around historic responsibilities of polluting countries. Considerations of scale and locality thereby are embedded in intragenerational CJ conversations and action: the impression I have gained from my own involvement in climate action is that conversations around CJ frequently take place through an international lens. Paying attention to the international level and its political developments is crucial to recognize the interconnectedness of causes and consequences of the climate crisis across scales: The communities, globally, who have contributed the least to the climate crisis have already been suffering its consequences the most (Meikle et al. 2016; Schlosberg & Collins 2014); connections between settler colonialism, land theft, extractive violence and genocide become increasingly visible, from Turtle Island to Palestine (Desai 2021; Simpson 2023); attention to the international level also unveils the complicity of governments in such violence as they increase militarization to aid (fossil fuel) companies in criminalizing Land defenders (Gobby & Everett 2022; Le Billon & Lujala 2020); lastly, international collaboration and solidarity contributes to unveiling the prevalence of systemic marginalization of Indigenous, Black, brown, disabled, queer, gender diverse folx, children and youth, and how the causes of the climate crisis are deeply rooted in the systems causing their marginalization in the first place (Crenshaw 1989; Thomas 2022). While all 6 these injustices are rooted in systems of oppression, they are embedded in all scales of society: the international, national and the local. When we speak about climate action and climate justice, global conversations are necessary. These conversations build on an understanding of historic responsibilities of polluting countries (Edwards, 2021; Malm et al. 2019) and the expansion of former point-source-pollution to the global/atmospheric level where it necessarily impacts the entire ecosystem of planet Earth (Meikle et al. 2016). Considering the global impact of the climate crisis, it seems self-evident to assume that solutions also need to be found on a global level. Indeed, a central component of preventing the further acceleration of the climate crisis and related injustices is a rapid global phase-out of all (abated and unabated) fossil fuels (Bidga 2023; Muttitt & Kartha 2020). Another mechanism negotiated internationally under the pursuit of CJ and based on the principle of common-but-differentiated-responsibilities is climate finance (Lakhani 2023)4. International collaboration, however, faces many challenges due to a lack of enforcement mechanisms of international agreements; consequently, a lack of concrete action and financial commitment remains (Lakhani 2023).5 Such difficulties show only a few of the obstacles experienced on the international stage which is an entangled web of national and corporate interests, such as the overwhelming presence of fossil fuel lobbyists at international gatherings 4 While finance questions around mitigation and adaptation remain largely unsolved and get moved from one meeting agenda to the next (IISD 2024), the international community has been focusing more on the Warsaw International Mechanism for Loss and Damage associated with Climate Change Impacts (WIM). This mechanism aims to “address loss and damage associated with impacts of climate change, including extreme events (such as hurricanes, heat waves, etc.) and slow onset events (such as desertification, sea level rise, ocean acidification, etc.) in developing countries that are particularly vulnerable to the adverse effects of climate change” (UN Climate Change 2024). 5 At the same time, countries spend about $7tn a year ($13million/minute) on fossil fuel subsidies (Carrington 2023) - an amount that could, instead, be channeled into climate mitigation, adaptation or loss and damage finance. 7 (Kick Big Polluters Out 2023) or the request from OPEC leadership to member states to obstruct a fossil-fuel phase-out at the COP28 negotiations (Aljazeera 2023). A purely international approach to climate justice is criticized to “narrow the political space for alternative articulations and claims for climate justice” (Fisher 2015, 1). As such, nation states are frequently regarded as the single key-actors in addressing (climate) injustices. Changing this paradigm towards including more actors who have historically and remain subjugated by decision-makers, such as youth, marginalized communities, Indigenous peoples, people of colour (POC) and disabled folks, who are directly affected by climate change requires an understanding of what climate justice would mean on different scales, including local levels (Fisher, 2015). Recognizing the local would address the demand by many CJ activists from the Global South who criticize the hegemony of Western institutions and governments in allocating funding to mitigation and adaptation measures without paying attention to the local and regional context.6 There is a lack of attention to the intersection of CJ and place in academic literature. The Routledge Handbook for Climate Justice (Jafry 2019), for example, states that “any configuration of climate responsibility needs to capture the specificity of people and place while invoking a moral and political obligation to act” (524). Despite this assertion, there is a lack of explicit mention of place in any of the Handbook’s chapters. In fact, while the term ‘displaced’ is mentioned several times throughout the book, ‘place’ is not even listed in the glossary. Tuck & McKenzie (2015) highlight the need to focus on place in research, yet they too observe an absence 6 This observation comes from conversations with several MAPA youth CJ advocates during COP28 in the United Arab Emirates, December 2023. 8 of “robust discussion of place in the social sciences” (1). They point out the dangers of anonymizing place and setting in social science research: “[…] even thinking that anonymizing place is possible and beneficial can be to the problematic tendency to separate events from their places. Such attempts are “shaved off from politics, history, geography, urban form, popular culture, and so forth—that is, from the very processes that make a book . . . meaningful . . .” (Nespor, 2000, p. 552).” (Tuck & McKenzie 2015). The tendency to disregard place is rooted in Western intellectual tradition that ideologically regards humans as separate from nature, and capitalist settler colonialism which is based on the pursuit of land and the ongoing dispossession and displacement of people. Recognizing the importance of place as a settler society would, according to Quechua scholar Sandy Grande (2004), require the acknowledgement of genocide and “expose deep behaviors of ignorance toward land, water, environment, and sustainability […]” (in Tuck & McKenzie 2015, 3). Tuck & McKenzie (2015) encourage critical place inquiry: a process of engaging place as relational, dynamic and shaped by non-/human activity, social practices as well as power, to address (settler) colonialism while centering relational accountability (3-4). These observations and learnings as a youth climate actor and a graduate student have led me to, alongside fellow youth, explore how to bring place into theoretical and practical approaches to CJ. Addressing the Problem: Research Goal & Objectives Recognizing a scarcity of academic research engaging youth around CJ, my research investigates the perception of CJ through a place-specific lens, paying particular attention to understanding and 9 definition of CJ from the perspective of youth. To do so, I employ a youth-led participatory action research (YPAR) methodology. The overarching questions driving my research are: How do youth climate actors understand CJ? And how is this understanding of CJ informed by place to impact strategies for climate action? With this research question in mind, my study was guided by the following three objectives: Objective One: Explore how CJ is employed in place-specific ways to understand its perceived efficacy in localized contexts. This objective is addressed in Chapter 3. Objective Two: Practically engage youth climate activists in exploring tools to investigate place-specific CJ issues and communicate resulting demands to their communities and decision-makers7 to drive change. This objective is addressed in Chapters 2 and 3. Objective Three: Share methodological considerations as well as personal embodied experiences of the research process to make applying YPAR methodologies more accessible to fellow youth and young researchers. This objective is addressed in Chapter 2. In the remainder of this introductory chapter, I set the scene for my research by contextualizing the concept of place, introducing the location and unceded territory of the Awaswas-speaking Uypi Tribe on which the fieldwork for my research took place, and outlining the conceptual framework, methodology and case study. Finally, I introduce the scope and structure of this paper-based thesis and provide a brief overview of Chapter 2 and Chapter 3’s structure before proceeding into my research findings in the following chapters. 7 When I speak about decision-makers I invite us to divert from the conventional assumption that ‘decision-makers’ are (only) people who have taken hold of political and/or economic power. I encourage a shift towards questioning the power dynamics that assign the monopoly on decision-making to a few individuals and, consequently, seeing every individual and community as holding the experience, knowledge and skills to be(come) a decision-maker. 10 Context In this section, I discuss the conceptualization of place that has informed my research and speak to the relevance of place in the face of the climate crisis. I first set out to contextualize place while recognizing the implications of erasing place from research in settler colonial contexts raised by Tuck & McKenzie (2015). Next, I dive deeper into the historical and contemporary context of the unceded territories of the Awaswas-speaking Uypi people on which I conducted my research. This will shed light on the historic and more recent climate injustices that are present on the territory and in so-called Santa Cruz. Finally, I highlight the history and relevance of intersectionality for my research and for engaging with critical CJ through a place-specific lens. 1.4.1 Conceptualization of Place As a student in Interdisciplinary Graduate Studies, I write this thesis with an understanding of place informed by various disciplines: I recognize the long disciplinary history of place in Geography as well as the centrality of place in Indigenous relationships, law and self-determination; finally, it is important for my research to highlight the relevance of place when speaking about the climate crisis. Various disciplines inform my understanding of place in this research. 1.4.1.1 “Place” in (Critical) Geography Despite being of central interest to geography as a discipline, ‘place’ has only been “conceptualized as a particular location that has acquired a set of meanings and attachments” by human geographers in the 1970s (Cresswell 2009, 169). Place is co-constructed through materiality, meaning, practice (historic events as well as mundane everyday practices), memory and, what Basso (1996) calls “social importance” (xiv). This component of place-making (Basso 11 1996) is called sense of place and encompasses more than just the physical attributes of a location; it delves into the emotional and experiential dimensions, recognizing how social and spatial connections intertwine to shape one's perception of a particular place (Tuan 1977). In this context, it is important to recognize that “while meanings are shared they are never fixed once and for all, and always open to counter meanings produced through other representations” (Cresswell 2009, 169). Harvey (1993) describes the construction of, and attachment to, place as an ever-changing and fluid process, rather than a static condition. Allan Pred (1984) alongside other geographers, such as Staeheli & Mitchell (2009) who write about the politics of place, highlight how power and “systematically asymmetrical” social relations shape the construction and experience of place, differentiating between various “body-subjects” and allowing/restricting their mobility and being-in-place accordingly (Pred 1984, in Creswell 2009, 176). The politics of place thus focus on the political processes, resources and opportunities in and of place: the concept revolves around the process of shaping or reshaping a place through political interventions and actions, and highlights how place serves as a strategic element in larger political struggles taking into consideration historical and future uses of place (Pred 1984). Massey’s (1993) progressive sense of place sheds light on this dynamic of the fluidity and power geometries of place-making, including the fluidity of scales and place. Instead of “thinking of places as areas with boundaries around, they can be imagined as articulated moments in networks of social relations and understanding” (8), which opens up a more global sense of place by drawing connections between place and the wider world (Massey 1993, in Creswell 2009). As I speak about CJ in my research, Massey’s progressive sense of place can help to navigate the binaries of local and global that are so frequently encountered in climate-related spaces. Indeed, the concepts of place as shared above are valuable to explore the intersection of 12 place and CJ through the lens of youth climate actors, participants who are deeply involved with the politics of place. 1.4.1.2 Indigenous Relationship with “Place” ”We reject the concept of culture for Indigenous knowledge, heritage, and consciousness, and instead connect each Indigenous manifestation as part of a particular ecological order” (Henderson & Battiste 2000, 34 [in Armstrong 2009, 70]) Place and Land play an integral role in the understanding of Indigeneity, as described by syilx scholar Dr. Jeannette Armstrong (Armstrong 2009). According to Armstrong (2009), Indigeneity is a “philosophy of a deeply ecological human relationship to the environment” (67). Having Armstrong’s philosophy inform the understanding of place would imply to understand Land, and thereby locality, as part of the Indigenous person’s being (Henderson & Battiste 2000, in Armstrong 2009). Armstrong (2009) cites Anishinaabe/Métis/Norwegian scholar Melissa Nelson (2008) who states that “in this sense, our biological and psychological space is a communal ground, is a commons…we cannot be separated from these places…we become one, literally and metaphorically, with our homelands and territories” (Nelson 2008, 10). Similar understandings of the relationship with the Land are also echoed by the Amah Mutsun (descendants of the Awaswas-speaking Uypi and other Indigenous groups displaced during colonization) (see 1.4.2.1). Potawatomi scholar Robin Wall Kimmerer (2013) suggests that understanding life and being as belonging to the Land and territory is central to Indigenous epistemologies and Indigenous self-determination, and necessarily centers relationships and reciprocity with place - comprised of various meanings of Land that represent not only physical locality but the relationships in place, identity, community and spirituality. While I am not claiming to equate the terms ‘place’ (primarily coined by geographers and used across various social science disciplines) and ‘Land’ (as used by 13 Indigenous writers, and settlers dedicated to critical and anti-colonial scholarship), I hope that Kimmerer’s understanding of the multifaceted nature of Land illustrates the importance of relationality, reciprocity and contextualization when thinking about what she calls a ‘restoration plan’ and which I understand - more broadly - to be climate and environmental action embedded in place. In this context, it is important to highlight why the concepts of ‘place’ and ‘Land’ are not equated in this thesis. While the inquiry of place necessarily ties into a larger discussion about Land and Land sovereignty, place itself as a concept in the Western literature fails to encompass the relational understanding of Land that many Indigenous communities hold. In many cases, language is closely tied to Land relations (Armstrong 2009; McRae 2020); this could even suggest the inability of the English language to capture the fullness of relations encapsulated by the concept of Land. While I respect and encourage the fuller notion of Land, and acknowledge the impoverished understanding that the concept of place holds in comparison to Land, I nevertheless use the concept and term ‘place’ throughout this thesis. As outlined in this chapter, I seek to draw attention to how place as representative of the local and contextual is often obscured in the transnational and global sphere. Using the concept of place - reaching beyond its description of locale as a physical feature, and including Tuan’s sense of place and Massey’s progressive sense of place - in exploring my research question helps me draw attention to the different variables (geographic, historical, cultural) arising from and embedded in place that texture and nuance CJ struggles in different communities. As mentioned above, Land relations and sovereignty still need to be central to our understanding of place. Kimmerer (2013) points to the need for Indigenous sovereignty over traditional, ancestral territories as a condition for restoring relationships with Land outside the 14 confinements of the colonial state (see also Simpson 2017). As Tuck & McKenzie (2015) and Grande (2004) highlight, paying attention to place requires critical engagement with colonialism and ongoing genocidal violence. Since my work is place-based, it is important to note that Land theft, dis/place/ment of Indigenous peoples and environmental destruction are part of the ongoing systemic yet place-based impacts and consequences of colonial violence. The demand for Land Back (Simpson 2014; Simpson 2017; The Red Nation 2021) and Tanah Merdeka (Liberated Land)8 as a precondition for social and ecological justice is present among rural and Indigenous communities globally (e.g. Framer/Framed 2023; Klein 2019), especially as many Indigenous Nations experience the ongoing dispossession of their territories to large fossil fuel or agricultural corporations (Gobby & Everett 2022; Le Billon & Lujala 2020; Wet’suwet’en Strong 2024). Reclaiming self-determination, language, Land-based knowledge and practices as well as governance structures are means of healing and resistance against ongoing colonial oppression and occupation (Simpson 2017). 1.4.1.3 “Place” in the Face of the Climate Crisis Engaging with place is essential when talking about the climate crisis. First, while the climate crisis is a global phenomenon, the climate-induced short- and long-term changes are experienced and embodied on the local level and thereby vary according to place. As such, “climate change will not have a uniform spatial distribution, and place will be a major exposure determinant” (Hess 8 The exhibition Tanah Merdeka (engl. Liberated Land) was a collaboration of the Indonesian artist collective Taring Padi, the Jewish organization Casa do Povo and Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST), the Brazilian Landless Workers Movement. The exhibition centers Land as the primary focus of decolonial struggles, foregrounding the voices, art and resistance of local communities and marginalized groups (Framer/Framed 2023). This is only one of many examples of the role that place, closely intertwined with the Land, plays in struggles for justice and collective liberation. 15 et al. 2008, 468). An area’s physical features, ecology and climate, as well as the ways that local climate is predicted to change, determine the place-based risks associated with the climate crisis; places located in coastal areas, islands or deserts are thereby most likely to experience stark (climate) changes (Hess et al. 2008). Ecologic, political, economic and cultural relationships which are shaped by and in place already are, and will increasingly be, disrupted by the climate crisis. Second, the context in which climate disasters occur is determined by various components in place. Aside from the physical environment of a place, I here refer primarily to power structures and social injustices embedded in place. Power and privilege strongly determine the exposure to environmental hazards and climatic changes, something that is pinpointed by the concepts of Environmental Justice (EJ) and CJ (e.g. Bullard 1990; Meikle et al. 2016; Schlosberg & Collins 2014). These inequities in exposure to the climate crisis and ability to respond to it becomes visible on a global and national level (Malm et al. 2019), but are equally prevalent in the everyday experience of local communities (in the case of California see e.g. Davis 1995; Levi 2018; Milman 2018). Communities exposed to discriminatory zoning laws, lack of municipal funding or housing and food insecurity - all factors that occur in place - on the basis of racism or gender-based violence are more vulnerable to the effects of the climate crisis (Amorim-Maia et al. 2022; Perkins 2018; Thomas 2022). Third, access to place and sovereignty to choose one’s place of living is central to the concept of CJ and essential to physical, mental and cultural wellbeing of individuals and communities (Basso 1996; Hess et al. 2008). Indigenous and workers movements have advocated for their rights to Land since colonization (Alook et al. 2023; The Red Nation 2021), emphasizing that sovereignty is a precondition for being able to steward land and ecosystems. While I will not dive deeper into the topic of climate-induced migration in this thesis, I nevertheless want to point 16 out that the topics of disconnection and displacement are central to discussions around place and consequences of the climate crisis. The alteration of place-specific ecologies and livelihoods ruptures human and more-than-human relationships as well as bonds to place; this has traumatic effects on individual and community health, identity and cultures (Hess et al. 2008). In the face of the climate crisis, paying attention to place is crucial in order to contextualize consequences and injustices caused by a changing climate and the perpetuation of existing systemic power imbalances. In Chapter 3, I will outline further how, going forward, - and while these various conceptualizations and disciplinary understandings of place inform my approach to place - I will center the center the understanding of place as brought forward by participants in my research (introduced in 3.2.2), given the youth focus of this work and commitment to YPAR methodology. 1.4.2 The Territory of the Awaswas-speaking Uypi Tribe The fieldwork for this research took place on the unceded territory of the Awaswas-speaking Uypi Tribe in what today is known as Santa Cruz (originally called Aulinta, according to documented accounts by Ohlone Lorenzo Asisara who was raised in Mission Santa Cruz during Spanish colonization) on the coast of Central California (Amah Mutsun Tribal Band 2023; Annenberg Learner 2023). In reaction to the attempts of settler colonialism to erase the histories and relationships of Indigenous peoples to their Lands, in the following sections, I will engage with the pre/colonial histories on the unceded territory of the Awaswas-speaking Uypi Tribe and the Amah Mutsun, whose descendants are today organized under the Amah Mutsun Tribal Band. I will also profile climate injustices that have historically and more recently occurred on these Lands. 17 1.4.2.1 Pre/colonial Histories of the Awaswas-speaking Uypi People The Uypi Tribe is an Awaswas-speaking Indigenous community that originally populated along the mouth of the San Lorenzo River, in the areas today known as Santa Cruz and Soquel (Figure 1). Prior to colonization, Awaswas people lived in what are now known as the Santa Cruz Mountains (north of today’s Monterey Bay) (AMTB 2024). Awaswas have cultural and linguistic ties to the Ohlone, formerly Costanoans, a term used by Spanish colonizers to describe the Indigenous population that historically inhabited the West Coast between the San Francisco Bay area and the lower Salinas Valley. Figure 1. Amah Mutsun Community and Language Groups. Derived from the website of the AMTB (2023). During Spanish colonization of the Central Coast, the approximately one thousand members of the Awaswas-speaking Uypi Tribe, alongside other Indigenous communities, were forcefully taken to missions in Santa Cruz and San Juan Bautista. Their descendants today are members of the Amah 18 Mutsun9 Tribal Band (AMTB). I will therefore speak of the AMTB when I refer to the descendants of Awaswas-speaking Uypi people. As I make sense of the history and context of the unceded lands on which Santa Cruz and its community are located today, I reference (re)sources that are available by the AMTB to ensure a citational politic that respects the Nation’s self-determined representation of their history. Prior to colonization, the Amah Mutsun - and Awaswas-speaking Uypi - lived and moved through their traditional territories. Speaking to the Nations relationship to their Land, the Amah Mutsun state: As Mutsun People, we never felt that we owned the land – rather that we belong to it. When we talk about “our land” – or “makke pire”, we are referring to the land to which we belong… rather than the land which we “own.” When we speak of our “cultural resources”, we look all around at the mountains, the meadows, the waterways and wetlands, the air and scenic vistas – as well as those buried beneath them, and those who inhabit them. Those are our cultural resources – all that you see holds value to the Mutsun People. (AMTB 2023) From the late 1700s onwards, the Awaswas-speaking Uypi Tribe and Amah Mutsun experienced “three continuous periods of colonization”, beginning with Spanish Missions (late 18th century), followed by Mexican ranchos and finally the establishment of the state of California in 1850 (Santa Cruz Museum of Natural History 2023). All these periods of colonization have devastated 9 The Amah Mutsun lived in the San Juan Valley well before the Spanish colonized the West Coast in the late 1700s. Mutsun is also one of eight distinct languages of the Costanoan/Ohlone language family. The Amah Mutsun community, originally composed of 20 to 30 villages in the Pajaro River Basin, shared cultural practices and tribal traditions, including religious ceremonies, fishing and hunting methods, ceremonial dress, craftsmanship, and housing styles that set them apart from other California tribes (AMTB 2024). 19 Indigenous people and Land, and still violently disrupt traditional stewardship of natural and cultural resources (AMLT Strategic Plan 2014-2019). Following the foundations of Missions Santa Cruz and Mission San Juan Bautista (around 1797), the Amah Mutsun were forcibly converted to Christianity through baptism, and were subsequently considered Mission property, forcing them to be subjugated as a source of labor and, especially for women, frequently exposed to sexual violence (AMTB 2024; Rizzo-Martinez 2021). The Amah Mutsun were forced to speak their language in secret and were forbidden to conduct tribal activities (AMTB 2024); today, Awaswas as a language is extinct (City of Santa Cruz 2024). During the period of US occupation (beginning 1848), genocidal and assimilative policies (Blakemore 2023) were implemented by the newly founded State of California, including harsh policing of Indigenous people, incarceration, enslavement, and sending Indigenous children to boarding schools where they were subject to physical abuse and cultural genocide (Gold Chains 2019; NABS 2020). As a consequence of colonial violence, Indigenous communities across Turtle Island are denied sovereignty over their territories (Gilio-Whitaker 2019), self-governance outside colonial structures (e.g. Eisenberg 2022), as well as self-determination (Simpson 2017). To this day, the Amah Mutsun are still fighting for rights to these as consequences of colonialism. Yet, the Land on which so-called Santa Cruz is located today has always been stewarded by the Uypi people; today, it is cared for by the Amah Mutsun Tribal Band (AMTB). The AMTB is state-recognized, but still lacks federal recognition (Sanchez et al. n.d.). The Amah Mutsun Tribe formed a government and passed their constitution in 1991 (AMTB 2023). However, since submitting documents requesting to have their federal recognition restored in 1992, the AMTB have waited 20 for over 30 years for their petition to be reviewed (they are currently listed as number two on the “Ready for Active Consideration” as of 2023; AMTB 2023). In 2013, the AMTB founded the Amah Mutsun Land Trust (AMLT). The AMLT is an initiative by the Tribal Band to “access, protect, and steward lands” as “by restoring our traditional ecological knowledge and revitalizing our relationship to Mother Earth, we also restore balance and harmony to the lands of our ancestors” (AMLT, 2023). Chairman Valentin Lopez explains: The Amah Mutsun never surrendered or signed away our rights to our land, water, or other resources. In 2006 Tribal Elders reminded Tribal Council that our creation story tells us we must take care of Mother Earth and all living things. [...] It is our responsibility to complete their journey, which was brutally disrupted by colonization. This is necessary because we must honor our ancestors and fulfill our obligation to Creator. (see Santa Cruz Museum of Natural History 2023) Both the AMTB and AMLT “have prioritized investment in the reestablishment of native plant and animal species that support broader efforts of self-determination and political, social, and environmental autonomy of the Tribe” (Sanchez et al. n.d.). To this day, however, neither the AMTB nor the AMLT have jurisdiction over any Land (Sanchez et al. n.d.), despite the extent of their large stewardship areas across so-called Monterey Bay (Figure 2).10 10 Writing this, I am aware that the Amah Mutsun reject any notion of Land ownership as encompassed by colonial property regimes (see above). However, jurisdiction over Land is a central component of recovering the rights to land, water and resources that were ceded from the Amah Mutsun, Awaswas-speaking Uypi and other Indigenous peoples in so-called Monterey Bay during (ongoing) colonization. 21 Figure 2. Amah Mutsun Stewardship Area. “Our traditional territory, known to us as Popeloutchom in Mutsun, encompasses all of what are today known as San Benito and Santa Cruz as well as southern Santa Clara and eastern Monterey Counties” (AMTB Strategic Plan 2014-2019). 1.4.2.2 Historic and Ongoing [Climate] In/Justices on Uypi Territory Syilx scholar Jeannette Armstrong (2023), alongside other Indigenous scholars such as Gilio-Whitaker (2019) and Alook et al. (2023), emphasize that climate injustices are not a recent phenomenon despite their frequent framing as such by mainstream environmental movements. On the contrary, climate injustices began with the violent mass-extraction of non-/human life and resources in processes of colonialism centuries ago (Armstrong & Klein 2023). For the Awaswas-speaking Uypi Tribe and their neighboring Indigenous communities across Turtle Island, “rapid changes [induced by the climate crisis] are experienced as a continuation of settler colonialism and other forms of colonialism that they [Indigenous peoples] have endured for many years” (Whyte 2017, 8). Perceiving climate injustices as a ‘recent’ development is a privilege, for many 22 communities have suffered various environmental changes for centuries (Armstrong & Klein 2023; Whyte 2017). The violence against Indigenous communities by Spanish and later, American colonizers can be seen to this day, for example, in the erasure of Indigenous place names and histories (Rizzo-Martinez 2021). The loss of language, and thereby traditional knowledge is part of the cultural genocide the Uypi experienced; tied to language are land-based practices and stories that have been lost. In the early 1900s, the State of California transformed former Indigenous trade routes into highways, further erasing history (Rizzo-Martinez 2021). The trauma inflicted by genocidal violence, including assaults at boarding schools, has intergenerational reverberations on Indigenous communities today (NABS 2020; Rizzo-Martinez 2021). Such violence committed by Spanish and later US settlers was based on Land theft for resource and mineral extraction (Gold Chains 2019), and progressively led to further occupation of territories that remain unceded to this day. The University of California Santa Cruz the site on which my research took place, for example, prides itself as a leader in conservation research. Yet, the university “sits on stolen land of the Awaswas-speaking Uypi Tribe, a theft that was financed by other land grabs from Indigenous people across the country” (Cronin et al. 2021, 2). For Indigenous communities, being denied access to Land as well as being exposed to severe surveillance of traditional land-based practices, historically and to this day, are central to the experience of social and environmental injustice (Alook et al. 2023; Gilio-Whitaker 2019; Simpson 2017). 1.4.2.3 (More) Recent [Climate] In/Justice in Santa Cruz With an accelerating climate crisis, Santa Cruz is becoming more vulnerable to climate-induced conditions, such as extreme heat, drought, sea level rise and a decline in air quality, as well as 23 extreme events such as fires, and riverine and storm water flooding (Rincon Consultants Inc. 2022). Due to its location along the coast, Santa Cruz is exposed to an increased risk of coastal erosion and storm flooding, especially in neighborhoods along the shore (areas below 3m elevation) (Central Coast Wetlands Group 2017; Milman 2018). The decadal probability of a wildfire in Santa Cruz County will increase by 20 percent by the end of the century (Rincon Consultants Inc. 2022); already now, Santa Cruz is experiencing devastating wildfires (e.g. the CZU Lightning Complex fires in 2020, see County of Santa Cruz 2024). Increased vulnerability to natural disasters also intensifies the exposure of Santa Cruz’ citizens to social and climate injustices, especially for racialized and low-income communities, people who experience houselessness and migrant workers (Lin 2018). For example, communities such as Pajaro, a severely underfunded largely low-income immigrant community of farmworkers in Monterey Bay close to Santa Cruz, or Beach Flats, a densely populated Latinx neighborhood in Santa Cruz. These communities are at a known, higher risk of flooding (Lin 2018; Rust & Vives 2023). This increased risk is due to neglect from local and state officials who have failed to invest into mitigation and adaptation measures and infrastructure, such as storm walls and levees, in racially marginalized neighborhoods (Rust & Vives 2023). Besides being disproportionately exposed to climate disasters, lower income and primarily racialized communities are often more vulnerable due to a lack of access to alert systems in various languages (Lin 2018). To compound these challenges, the aforementioned communities receive little municipal support in the process of rebuilding their homes and lives post-disaster (Lin 2018; Rust & Vives 2023). Housing is another prominent social injustice that may be amplified by the climate crisis in Santa Cruz. Santa Cruz has the least affordable housing in California due to the influx of “substantially wealthy and white” people from Silicon Valley (Rainey 2023). Santa Cruz County 24 also has the highest per-capita rate of unhoused people in the state, and one of the highest in the US (York 2021). Despite these two factors, Santa Cruz is expected to see a steadily increasing number of residents moving from inland to the coast due to increasing temperatures, which will only further fuel the housing crisis or lead to increased property development (Milman 2018). Other social justice issues, such as food security, EJ and Indigenous land rights, also play into the considerations of how climate injustices are already, and becoming more, visible in Santa Cruz. 1.4.3 Intersectional Thought and Practice towards Environmentalism and Critical Climate Justice CJ literature makes it apparent that the climate crisis as well as ongoing climate injustices have been and are caused by intersecting forms of oppression, including capitalism, colonialism, racism and extractivism (Deranger 2021; Sultana 2022). A concept that highlights the importance of looking at all these factors as intertwined rather than isolated issues is intersectionality. While intersectionality is not the overarching frame of analysis for this work, engaging with place-specific CJ still requires an awareness of intersectionality as it highlights the importance of paying attention to context (Crenshaw 1991) and “acknowledging the role played by place and space in shaping people’s perceptions and experiences of privilege, discrimination, and oppression” (Amorim-Maia et al. 2022). Indigenous feminist activists, such as Yankton Dakota writer Zitkala-Sa (1901) and Northern Paiute writer Winnemucca ([1882] 1969), have long pointed out that violence “has always been gendered, aged, and linked to access to land” (Clark 2016, 49) – a practice that Clark (2016) names red intersectionality. In 1974, Black women’s rights activists (including Audre Lord, Barbara Smith and Cheryl Clarke) founded the Combahee River Collective with the goal to 25 dismantle multiple intersecting systems of oppression (Taylor 2020; Thomas 2022). Their belief was that, rather than letting struggles separate them, “[w]e realize that the liberation of all oppressed peoples necessitates the destruction of the political-economic systems of capitalism and imperialism as well as patriarchy” (CRC 1977, Section 2 para. 5). In the 1980s, Kimberlé Crenshaw (1989) coined the theoretical framework of intersectionality to describe the experience of Black women who, due to holding multiple marginalized identities, face interlocking oppression. So before academics turned to the intersections of race, class, gender or sexuality through a theoretical lens, there were Indigenous and Black women and activists of color who “by virtue of experience” knew of the embodied intersectionality of their struggles (CRC 1977; Davis 2016, 19) yet did not have a place in either white feminist (e.g., women’s rights movement) or male-dominated Black civil rights movement spaces (Taylor 2020). This highlights the origins of intersectionality in grassroots movements. Angela Davis (2016) points out that “behind this concept of intersectionality is a rich history of struggle” (19) and warns us against erasing the work of radical organizers and movements from our understanding of intersectionality. Davis (2016) sees her own work “as reflecting not an individual analysis, but rather a sense within movements and collectives that it was not possible to separate issues of race from issues of class and issues of gender” (18). Highlighting these works demonstrates how the genealogy of intersectionality is rooted in collective grassroots organizing, not individual (academic) theorizing. I share the rooting of intersectionality here as it is important to understand the origins of intersectional theory in Indigenous and Black feminist liberation, as many of the first so-called women’s rights movements advocated exclusively for the rights of white women (Thomas 2022); a lot can be learned in current climate movements from the emergence of intersectional approaches to change. Learning from the history of intersectionality and how its theoretical conceptualization 26 bears the risk of erasing its roots in practice and community activism, I also suggest that we need to approach the concept of CJ with a similar caution: CJ is frequently used in the context of white environmentalism without recognizing its roots in land-based Indigenous and Black struggles, as Dr. Jeannette Armstrong emphasizes (Armstrong & Klein 2023). In the context of climate movements, it is also crucial to look to past movements to learn from their lack of awareness of intersectional oppression to foreground collective liberation (Taylor 2020). Indeed, these lessons are particularly helpful as environmental/conservationist movements have historically been advocating for predominantly white populations. Attending to intersectionality constitutes a step away from assuming “universal experiences” of any (marginalized) group (Thomas 2022) while attuning to the intersections of race, gender, sexuality, class, age and dis/ability. This awareness needs to be central to the practice of EJ and CJ advocates (Amorim-Maia et al. 2022; Thomas 2022); an understanding of how identity and structural injustices translate into “different kinds of vulnerabilities and unequal caring needs and responsibilities” (Amorim-Maia et al. 2022, 3) must inform environmental and climate action. The Research Project In this section, I outline the conceptual framework and methodology of my research project. I will then introduce the case study and research community and, finally, outline the scope of my research. 1.5.1 Conceptual Framework We don’t want you to tell us we are inspirational, we want you to take action. (Youth Ocean & Climate Manifesto 2021, 13) 27 In conversations around CJ, intergenerational justice (scholarly coined by Weiss, 1989) has more recently regained scholarly attention through the rise of youth movements in the past decade. The impacts and risks associated with (uncontrolled) climate change are a serious injustice towards future generations (Cripps, 2022; Page, 1999). Intergenerational justice is therefore concerned with the accountability and responsibility of past and current decision-makers towards future generations (Cripps, 2022; Newell et al., 2021; Page, 1999). Climate action, young people argue, needs to happen in solidarity with future generations (Cripps, 2022; Dryzek et al., 2011; Edwards, 2021). In reality, however, despite a prevalent rhetoric of the climate crisis as an intergenerational concern, young people are frequently excluded from conversations and decision-making regarding climate action. This research has emerged from my own experience and knowledge of the challenges of doing climate justice work as a youth, creating an experience of repeatedly being confronted with social norms and barriers created and imposed on young people based on their age. In climate-related spaces, youth constantly have to fight for recognition of their lived experiences, opinions and ideas, as well as the right to participate in social and political processes. Hegemonic notions of ‘expertise’ deny youth the expertise over their own lived experiences, a phenomenon that can be similarly seen as a mode of oppression of marginalized groups, such as Indigenous communities, Black people, women, disabled folx and members of the 2SLGBTQIA+ community (Davis 2016; Grosse & Mark 2020; Ritchie 2021; Thomas 2022). These barriers result in withholding or withdrawing power from these groups, subjecting them to the power of the ‘knowledgeable, the expert’ - the status of the expert, in a capitalist heteronormative patriarchy, is systematically granted to the wealthy white heterosexual enabled adult cis-man (Ahmed 2014; hooks 1984). In this context, it is necessary to point to the phenomenon of adultism, a set of 28 “practices, policies or laws that normalize and legitimize the marginalization of children and youth” (Kennedy 2018, 298). This phenomenon can go as far as to lead to internalized adultism within youth, which describes “how young people internalize feelings of worthlessness or incapacity” (Kennedy 2018, 298). The paternalistic denial of social and political power to children and youth can be seen in the tokenization of young people and youth-washing in decision-making spaces (Foran et al. 2017; Ritchie 2021; Sloan Morgan et al. 2023; Thew et al. 2020) and infantilization or ridicule of children and youth (Horvat 2019). In a The Guardian opinion piece on the climate strike movement, Croatian philosopher Srećko Horvat (2019) states: It [the overreaction to the current children’s protest] reflects our western cultural tendency to simultaneously treat children like pets – sentimentalising and infantilising them while at the same time dismissing their concerns. In some contexts, youth are framed as politically instrumentalized by higher forces (e.g., adults, politicians, “unnamed foreign powers”) (Boffey 2019) instead of being seen as capable of developing their own socio-political opinions and demands. In what follows, I outline select examples of how power dynamics infantilize youth to marginalize young people in political (climate) spaces. The examples I use are in no way inclusive but chosen to illustrate my argument and have, over the years as a youth climate organizer, stood out to me and helped me to understand how power dynamics marginalize youth. In 2019, German politician Christian Lindner famously addressed the newly formed Fridays For Future movement with the sentence “Klimaschutz ist was für Profis” (“Climate action 29 is for experts/professionals”) which became a meme11 still referenced among young people today (Eichinger & Uhlenboich 2019). His statement summarized an (inter)national debate that tried to frame youth as alarmist, overly emotional and rebellious teenagers who seek an excuse to skip school (Horvat 2019). Instead of taking the concerns of youth seriously, the government alongside wider society (and media) pointed to their age and resulting lack of professional expertise, suggesting that youth were unable to grasp the issue at hand (Eichinger & Uhlenboich 2019). A second example to illustrate how youth are diminished took place during the World Climate Action Summit at COP28 in December 2023. The “Leaders' Event: Youth & Education - The Latent Force of Climate Action” was supposed to provide a space for youth and adults to discuss how to improve youth participation and action for climate empowerment, including education. The event featured youth representatives from YOUNGO who presented the Global Youth Statement 2023, a policy document summarizing demands collected by youth from over 150 countries (YOUNGO 2023b). The response of COP28 Presidency’s Youth Climate Champion, Her Excellency Shamma Al Mazrui, to the statement expressed a strong need for more climate education and empowerment for children and youth to learn the skills necessary to be able to disseminate the science, participate in discussions and advocate for their demands. These suggestions were voiced after two youth had, on behalf of thousands of young people across the globe, just demonstrated in their presentation of the document that the challenge associated with climate action is not the lack of skill, education or empowerment. Instead, Shamma Al Mazrui’s 11 This statement by Lindner is, for example, referenced in the song “Fight Every Crisis” released by Fridays For Future Germany in 2020. The lyrics “Lass das mal die Profis machen, sagte man mir” (1:20-1:23) roughly translates to “Let the professionals handle this, so I was told”. Overall, the song summarizes the encounter with adultism youth climate actors faced following the rise of the Climate Strike movement from 2018 onwards (Fridays For Future Germany 2020). 30 response, as the COP28 Presidency’s Youth Climate Champion, reflected the refusal to see youth and their demands as equal to those of adults. While existing narratives still marginalize youth based on their age, youth step up to transform their communities by fighting for social and climate justice at the forefronts of grassroots EJ and CJ activism. For instance, the movement at Standing Rock, which famously led to the decision to deny an easement for the Dakota Access Pipeline route, started as a youth camp organized by young people from Eagle Butte on the Cheyenne River Reservation, South Dakota, in 2016 (EarthJustice 2020; Elbein 2017). The stopEACOP campaign against the construction of the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) is spearheaded and advocated for by youth climate activists, such as Vanessa Nakate from Uganda, regionally as well as on the international stage (#StopEACOP 2024). In November 2023, several Ugandan student activists got arrested and imprisoned for delivering a plea to their government asking to stop EACOP (#StopEACOP 2023); as of February 2024, five students are awaiting trial (Medlicott 2024). In the US, the youth-led Sunrise movement has been fighting for climate, racial and economic justice for “Black, brown and working class communities” since 2017 (Sunrise 2024). Countless more examples of youth-led CJ organizing can be found across the globe. Besides grassroots organizing, youth are active in policy advocacy on the local, national and international level. Here, young CJ advocates and organizers fight to transform colonial, extractive and hegemonic political processes; recognition for youth in political spaces, however, is a fine line to walk between meaningful participation and tokenization or youth-washing (Grosse & Mark 2020; Ritchie 2021; Sloan Morgan et al. 2023) that is especially hard to navigate in colonial institutions (e.g. universities, governments, the United Nations). The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), for example, demonstrates this tension: 31 [UNFCCC] Recognizes the role of children and youth as agents of change in addressing and responding to climate change and encourages Parties to include children and youth in their processes for designing and implementing climate policy and action, and, as appropriate, to consider including young representatives and negotiators into their national delegations, recognizing the importance of intergenerational equity and maintaining the stability of the climate system for future generations. (Decision 1/CP.27, para 59, 9) Meaningful participation, however, must go beyond recognition and requires an effort to transition from the existing exclusionary mechanism of consultation (and tokenization) to end the marginalization of Indigenous people, women, youth and local communities and recognize, fund and amplify climate justice projects led by the aforementioned. In research, Youth-led Participatory Action Research (YPAR) has the potential to break the pattern of marginalizing youth and center them within the research process, results and knowledge mobilization. In research settings, it is important to be conscious about whose voices matter in the process of knowledge production. How restrictions are experienced by youth in participating in, let alone guiding and conducting, research are a reflection of power dynamics present in academic institutions dominated by adults preferably in positions of power bestowed by academic credentials. That norm, however, doesn’t necessarily have to be reproduced in academic research: Article 3.3. and 4.7 of the Tri-Council Policy Statement 2 (TCPS2), the official human research ethics policy that governs research with humans in Canada, argues that age is not a determining factor of whose voice is valued and therefore age should not be used as a reason to marginalize youth in research processes. Article 4.7 states that “individuals should not automatically be considered vulnerable simply because of assumptions made about the vulnerability of the group to which they belong.” Further following TCPS2’s guidelines, Article 32 3.3 states that “rather than an age-based approach to consent, TCPS 2 advocates an approach based on decision-making capacity as long as it does not conflict with any laws governing research participation”. For my research, I thus wanted to consciously create a setting and dynamic in which youth voices are not only valued but central to the process. I therefore chose to apply Youth-led Participatory Action Research (YPAR) methodology in my research project. In the following section I overview the epistemology and practical implications of using YPAR. 1.5.2 The Methodology: Youth-led Participatory Action Research To tackle the power dynamics discussed above that marginalize youth, I employed YPAR throughout my research project to the extent possible within a graduate program at a colonial research institution. I speak more to the challenges and limitations to using YPAR in Chapter 2. YPAR methodology emphasizes youth-led research processes, viewing youth as self-determined, capable, and knowledgeable, not as vulnerable (Anyon et al., 2018; McHugh, 2014; Ozer et al., 2020). Flipping the dominant power dynamic in academia and encouraging youth to reclaim their voices which are frequently absent from research, decision-making, or educational institutions is an attempt to embody and counteract a systemic analysis of power as it relates to youth and the barriers to their meaningful participation in social change. As already mentioned, I dive more in-depth into the methodological frameworks and methods applied in this research in Chapter 2. In the below, I thus briefly outline the design of my YPAR project. 1.5.3 The Case Study: University of California & Climate Coalition My research consisted of four stages, two of which constituted data collection: 1) a virtual meeting with participants to discuss the design of the research workshop, 2) the actual hybrid research workshop (data collection), 3) virtual one-on-one interviews with participants (data collection), 33 and finally 4) a member-checking phase during which I reported back on the data analysis and findings. As the place-specific aspect of the exploration of CJ is at the center of my research, I chose a case study approach to answer my research question. Originally, I wanted to work with youth climate actors in rural British Columbia as I had just moved to Kelowna, BC, and started being active with climate groups in the local community. However, I also expanded my considerations to include climate action groups I had previously worked with because conversations with my supervisor showed that it was important for me to build on and strengthen pre-existing relationships instead of starting new, additional, and potentially long-term relationships somewhere new. This is how I came to restart conversations with Youth 4 Climate Justice Santa Cruz and the University of California Santa Cruz Climate Coalition — groups with whom I had previously worked with during my undergraduate studies — around collaboration on my graduate research project. During my undergraduate degree in The Netherlands I spent an exchange semester on the traditional territory of the Awaswas-speaking Uypi Tribe at the University of California Santa Cruz (UCSC). During this time, I was fortunate to become involved with Youth 4 Climate Justice Santa Cruz, a local climate action group of highschoolers and college students. During the semester, I co-organized youth-led climate actions and assisted with the formation of a Climate Coalition (CC) at UCSC. When my exchange ended, I was invited back for a virtual workshop on international climate activism in January 2022 and had, since then, remained in contact with the group. After conversations with members of the CC’s steering committee, we decided to strengthen pre-existing relationships through my graduate research project. Reviewing the YPAR literature, I found that several studies with youth on EJ and environmental education had been conducted in California (Crespo Triveño & Angel Bernabe 34 2023; Curiel et al. n.d.; Neas 2022; Nolan et al. 2021). Considering that California is increasingly impacted by the climate crisis (Elam 2022), shifting the focus of research with Californian youth towards CJ issues as well as place-specific perspectives seemed appropriate and held resonance with the groups. Indeed, a focus on CJ and on place-specific approaches had been largely lacking from the literature. Building on my relationships in Santa Cruz, CA became meaningful for my research since the process was based upon mutual trust and an understanding of each other's situatedness already established. 1.5.4 Scope of Thesis The place-specific component of this research calls for a reflection on the scope of this thesis. The broad geographic scope is the context of Turtle Island in which my graduate studies as well as my research project and case study location are embedded, and more specifically, Santa Cruz in California. Chapter 3 thus focuses specifically on the theoretical and practical exploration of place-specific climate justice with (settler) climate actors on unceded territory of the Awaswas-speaking Uypi Tribe, in what is today known as Santa Cruz. The theoretical scope of this thesis has been informed by the frameworks of ‘Environmental Justice’ and ‘Climate Justice’ which I review in Chapter 3 and employ in my explorations of the intersection of place, the climate crisis and social justice issues. Although the methodology and methods of this research can be expanded and applied beyond the geographical scope of this thesis, the theoretical scope limits the applicability of the frameworks used, in a way that cautions the unquestioned transferal of the concepts used outside this scope. Indeed, the political and social contexts of the research community and location must be taken into consideration when approaching the research topic through youth-led and action-oriented forms of research outside the scope of this project. 35 Structure of this Thesis This thesis is structured as a paper-based thesis. Chapters 2 and 3 of this thesis are written as stand-alone papers, both building on the research project with youth in Santa Cruz, California, conducted between May and September 2023. While both papers have emerged from the same project, they turn to two different components of the work: while Chapter 2 centers the research process to discuss the experience of conducting YPAR research as a youth, Chapter 3 focuses on the empirical data to encourage conversations around place-specific CJ. Sections 1.6.1 - 1.6.2 elaborate on the purpose and audience for the individual chapters, diving into and connecting the literature that spans across each chapter and allows each of my research objectives to be addressed. The appendix of this thesis includes documents and materials that were used for this YPAR project as a reference point for graduate students who are seeking examples on how to get started with their work. 1.6.1 Chapter 2 - Being ‘Community Member’ and ‘Researcher’: Reflections on Conducting Youth-led Participatory Action Research (YPAR) as a Youth In Chapter 2, I outline the process of applying YPAR methodology in my research and evaluate strengths and challenges encountered throughout the project. I also share personal reflections on conducting a YPAR research project as a youth researcher who is also a climate actor. By doing so, I relay the process and the learning from productive inward-looking that I practiced throughout the research process, a form of knowledge production and change that is only becoming increasingly valued in the literature. Chapter 2 thereby corresponds with research objectives two and three, as outlined earlier in this chapter (Section 1.3). Chapter 2 was written for fellow youth researchers. Writing from experience was important to me as I was thinking about what would have been useful for me to know when I started my 36 Masters: While starting to conceptualize my own research at the beginning of a two-year graduate program, I felt a lack of access to publications/texts by young researchers who found themselves at the first steps of their (potentially) first big research project. I found myself wanting to know: How did they start? Which challenges did they face? And how did they feel throughout the research process? Publications by young researchers that answer these questions are out there and fortunately, over the past two years, I have been able to read the works by Capello (2022), Kimpson (2005) and Ault (2022) whose stories have provided great academic as well as emotional guidance throughout my research project. Through Chapter 2, I hope to contribute to a growing body of literature that reflects not only the academic outputs of young researchers but creates space for the various challenges and tensions they encounter navigating academia. I want to publish this chapter in an open-access journal (e.g. YOUNG, UBC Journal for Climate Justice) for a young audience who can turn to the paper to inform their own research endeavors. 1.6.2 Chapter 3 – Engaging Youth as Climate Actors: A Place-Specific Exploration of Climate Justice in Action In Chapter 3, I relay the findings of my research project by discussing how exploring place-based CJ with youth can inform thinking around the intersections of place and CJ. Building on the CJ literature, with a focus on critical CJ as well as gray literature on CJ published by youth, I review the existing scholarly explorations of the relation between place and CJ. Following the literature review, I report on the emerging themes from the fruitful conversations among participating youth during the research workshop and interviews in Santa Cruz to bring them in conversation with the literature. In so doing, I reflect on potential contributions and roles of place in CJ scholarship, 37 conversations and practical action. Chapter 3 thereby responds to research objectives one and two as outlined above (Section 1.3). This chapter is written for anyone within or outside of academia who is interested in diving further into considerations around how to engage in place-specific explorations of CJ in action. As a climate actor and young scholar myself, I had been contemplating the significance of scale in CJ work for a long time, and this research project was a way for me to start first conversations around the intersections of CJ and place among activist peers. By sharing the results with fellow CJ advocates through publication in an open-access journal for (youth) climate actors and CJ scholars (e.g. Local Environment, Children’s Geography, ICER Press), I hope to spark further discussions amongst academic and activists alike about the role of place in advancing CJ. Ethical Considerations Ethical considerations for this project focused on maintaining reciprocity throughout the youth-led research project to co-construct a workshop and interview space in which youth climate actors felt appreciated as equals in their work and participation. Since this youth-led project was initiated by someone – myself - who is also a youth and since I had pre-existing relationships with the partner community, many of the concerns of youth (i.e. capacity, timing, communication) were easily attended to. Many factors that could potentially increase “risk” within the research were resolved through the collective design of the research workshops due to the youth-led nature of the research project. This research required ethics approval, which was granted from UBC Okanagan’s Behavioural Ethics Board on April 6, 2023 (Application number: H23-00451; see Appendix I: Ethics Approval Letter). The risks for this project were considered to be low (see TCPS2, cited in 38 1.4.4.). I did not expect any heightened risk to be involved or arise from this research, especially since the format of this research (e.g. workshops, focus groups, etc.) are formats of engagement in which the youth-collaborators take part in regularly. All youth were at the age of legal adults. Written consent was obtained at the first meeting with participants, which took place virtually in May 2023. Participants who agreed to a follow up one-on-one interview provided ongoing, verbal consent prior to the interview. Youth were provided various modes of sharing opinions, findings and answers to questions posed during the workshops to prevent discomfort (e.g. in written form, during interviews). The time, date, and location of workshops was identified by youth-collaborators. Doing so ensured that no workshops or meetings were deliberately scheduled during times that may conflict with youth schedules (e.g. during the exam periods) and activities took place on the UCSC campus, a location accessible to all participants. In accordance with YPAR methodology, youth participants co-directed the research process following their own preferences and levels of comfort. I was prompted to reflect on my assessment of ‘risk’ for this research after the completion of my data collection, specifically in the context of increased risks connected to on-campus student activism (e.g. restriction of ‘free speech’, sanctions, arrests) in the light of the crack-downs on pro-Palestinian and anti-colonial student organizing on campuses across the globe, including UBC (Engler 2023; Johnson 2024). Acknowledging that there has always been heightened risks for and surveillance of Indigenous, Black and People of Color student activists on university campuses, these risks have become more visible to and felt by the wider student community throughout the last six months. This has also been a learning experience for me, and if I would plan a similar research project now, I would probably associate a different level of risk for student organizers 39 with hosting an on-campus workshop; I would probably refrain from hosting a workshop on campus at all. Based on these reflections, I would recommend to fellow young researchers doing similar YPAR work to acknowledge the multi-layered nature of ‘risk’ and co-create a risk assessment with collaborators and potential participants (which can be difficult due to the timelines and requirements of the ethics approval procedure). I would also suggest to keep in mind that while an on-campus location for a research project might put students at risk in the context of the colonial university, it also bears potential to create community spaces on campus. This research being a justice-grounded, activist-inspired, youth-led and arts-based project – a combination that (currently) would be assumed to increase the ‘risk’ of participants becoming targets of university sanctions – can also be seen as a much needed space on campuses to process and resist the inaction and violence students face from the university. Conclusion This introductory chapter provided the theoretical background and context of my graduate research by diving deeper into the conceptualization of place, the territory and history of the Awaswas-speaking Uypi Tribe where my fieldwork took place and, finally, providing an introduction to intersectional analysis in the context of EJ and CJ. The chapter also touched upon my conceptual framework and reasoning behind employing YPAR methodology in this project. Lastly, the introduction outlined the scope and structure of this paper-based thesis to improve the reading experience going forward. As you move on to Chapter 2 and Chapter 3, I hope that the stated intended audience and objective will help to illuminate the purpose and focus of each chapter. 40 Chapter 2: Being ‘Community Member’ and ‘Researcher’: Reflections on Conducting Youth-led Participatory Action Research (YPAR) as a Youth Introduction [3/6/2023] I should share less of my personal perception; it might influence the room. But then again, we are amongst peers and what we do and how we feel influences us → is it okay to share anxieties? Worries? Wishes? This paragraph is an excerpt from my field notes taken during a research workshop engaging youth climate actors in place-specific explorations of Climate Justice (CJ) on the unceded territories of the Awaswas-speaking Uypi people in so-called Santa Cruz, CA, USA. While the overarching questions of this research were: How do youth climate actors understand CJ? And how is this understanding of CJ informed by place to impact strategies for climate action?, the research process itself – guided by youth-led participatory action research (YPAR) methodology – sparked reflections beyond the empirical focus on place-specific CJ. These notes, scribbled in the border column of my research journal, encompass tensions I navigated as a youth, simultaneously engaging in climate action and academic research. Throughout my fieldwork, I kept wondering whether, and more importantly how, my graduate research project could do justice to my community of youth organizers by advancing their learning, skills and climate action, while exploring and incrementally stretching the boundaries of Youth-led Participatory Action Research (YPAR) methodology. Stemming from my critical reflexive approach, this chapter is not purely a methodological run-down of my research. Instead, it is an exploration of the research process and my role within it. As a youth, student and researcher who is simultaneously embroiled in while studying CJ 41 actions, I am entangled in my research in interesting ways due to my positioning as ‘insider’ (youth climate actor) and ‘outsider’ (researcher). Simultaneously, in either role, my work seeks to draw attention to and challenge the allocation of social or political power and voice12 based on age. This chapter therefore reflects on doing YPAR on issues of CJ as a youth myself. Engaging with YPAR as a methodology, this chapter will do two things. Firstly, I will outline the process of practically applying YPAR methodology in my research and evaluate strengths and challenges encountered throughout the project. Secondly, I will share personal reflections on conducting a YPAR research project, focusing on the tensions that come with being a youth climate actor conducting this research, walking the line of ‘insider’ versus ‘outsider’ (as described by Goss & McInerney 2016) as I am peer and researcher simultaneously. By doing so, I hope to provide new insights to fellow young researchers who are interested in pursuing similar youth-led, participatory and action-oriented projects, and – like me – encounter a lack of literature on research by youth with youth. To do so, I will first provide a review of YPAR literature and case studies that apply YPAR as a methodology in explorations of environmental or climate-related topics. Next, I will outline the process of my YPAR project, highlighting the iterative and reciprocal dynamic central to this methodology. Lastly, I will discuss the outcomes and challenges of using YPAR methodology, as well as personal reflections of my experience as a youth and researcher, guided by the concept of ‘felt embeddedness’ used by Catungal (2017). In this context, I also speak to actions, reciprocity and accountability in my research. 12 The understanding of voice used in this chapter is based on the term coined by Hirschman (1970) who defines voice as “any attempt at all to change, rather than to escape from, an objectionable state of affairs” (contrary to what Hirschman terms exit). Another way of explaining voice which I personally find easier to comprehend is the one by Esaiasson et al. (2019) who explains voice to be “the opportunity for individuals to present their opinions in the decision-making process” (295). 42 Literature Review I will begin by outlining the origins of YPAR before turning to the core characteristics and challenges of YPAR methodology and, finally, reviewing the literature using YPAR in the context of Environmental Justice (EJ) and CJ. 2.2.1 From PAR to YPAR Informed by feminist, queer and anti-oppressive theory, Participatory Action Research (PAR) is based on “the understanding that people - especially those who have experienced historic oppression - hold deep knowledge about their lives and experiences, and should help shape the questions, [and] frame the interpretations” of research (Quijada Cerecer et al. 2013, 218). PAR values local communities as the experts of their embodied experiences, and thereby “represents a radical effort in education research to take inquiry-based knowledge production out of the sole hands of academic institutions” (Caraballo et al. 2017, 312; see Rodríguez & Brown 2009; Walsh 2018). As a methodological approach, it is committed to what Paulo Freire (1993) calls “praxis” (491): critical reflection, action towards social justice as well as systematic and institutional change (Cammarota & Fine 2008; Haskie-Mendoza et al. 2018; Rodríguez & Brown 2009). YPAR follows many of the aforementioned guiding principles of PAR, and places high value in the knowledge and lived experiences of young people who face intersectional marginalization and are frequently excluded from research processes (Duncan-Andrade & Morrell 2008). YPAR itself emerged from inequitable power dynamics: as a response to under-resourced schools and youth programming, poverty, discrimination, racism and the threat of violence against 43 youth (Carballo et al. 2017).13 YPAR methodology “recognizes youth as intellectual beings capable of engaging in the practice of critical investigation of community issues and the production of viable, usable knowledge” (Caraballo et al. 2017, 7), and therefore centers youth as leaders in the research and processes of social transformation (Bertrand 2016; Cammarota & Romero 2011; Duncan-Andrade & Morrell 2008). By gathering and sharing knowledge around social justice issues, youth “reclaim the political space that silences their [youths’] voices [...]” and ensure that measures to improve conditions for young people are informed by young people (Cammarota & Romero 2011, 489). YPAR challenges power hierarchies (i.e., Who is ‘allowed’ to conduct research? Whose knowledge is valid?) (Bertrand 2016, 16), and thus, encourages youth to tackle internalized adultism14 (Kennedy 2018). Ozer & Wright (2012) highlight that meaningful participation of youth strongly contributes to their ‘mattering’ and sense of self-representation (also Quijada Cerecer et al. 2013). YPAR research is conducted collaboratively and committed to giving back to community collaborators by returning research results and mobilizing them for social change (Bertrand 2016; Quijada Cerecer et al. 2013). As a methodological approach, YPAR also helps researchers and advocates to better understand local challenges, generate culturally-relevant knowledge and translate it into action in collaboration with community members (Duncan-Andrade & Morrell 2008; Jacquez et al. 2013). In order to support youth participation in research and social 13 Academically, YPAR emerged in education (Bertrand 2016; Bertrand 2018; Cammarota & Fine 2008; Marciano & Warren 2018; Ozer & Wright 2012), public health (Haskie-Mendoza et al. 2018; Jardine & James 2012; Villa et al. 2018) and community psychology (Foster-Fishman et al. 2010; Jacquez et al. 2013) but the YPAR approach has developed beyond these disciplines (Kennedy et al., 2019). YPAR studies have frequently been conducted in racialized and/or marginalized communities. 14 Internalized adultism refers to “how young people internalize feelings of worthlessness or incapacity” as a result of ‘adultism,’ a set of “practices, policies or laws that normalize and legitimize the marginalization of children and youth” (Kennedy 2018, 298). 44 transformation processes, an important component of YPAR is (academic and practical) skill-building (Villa et al. 2018). It has also been claimed that YPAR generates data that more fully and accurately represents the views of participants. Jardine & James (2012), for example, observed that youth were more comfortable with speaking to their (familiar) peers instead of (‘outsider’) adult researchers. Overall, YPAR “represents a fundamental, critical strategy for youth development, youth-based policy making and organizing, and education” (Cammarota & Fine 2008, 7). YPAR studies involve youth in different stages of research, such as setting or formulating the research question and goals (Bertrand 2016; Foster-Fishman et al. 2010; Jardine & James 2012; Quijada Cerecer et al. 2013; Walsh 2018), making decisions on study design and methodology (Tuck 2009), data collection (Bertrand 2018; Cammarota & Romero 2011) and communicating findings to various audiences (Bertrand 2016; Jardine & James 2012), as well as identifying further research gaps (Villa et al. 2018). Youth are not, however, always involved in all stages. Foster-Fishman et al. (2010) and Jaquez et al. (2013) find that it is less common for youth to be engaged in data analysis; whereas Villa et al. (2018) provide insight into how YPAR projects can provide resources (e.g., workshops, training on research methods, connections to supports and programs) that enable youth to lead all steps of the research and center youth evaluation of the different phases of the YPAR research. Later in this chapter, I will outline how youth in this YPAR project were involved in the study design, data collection and dissemination as well as mobilization of the knowledge beyond the research project. As a methodology, YPAR is frequently conducted with the support of non-youth facilitators (Bertrand 2016, 17; also Ozer & Wright 2012). The role of the (usually adult) facilitator in YPAR is pedagogical: they support young people in the research process to “promote students’ 45 sense of ‘ownership’ while […] help[ing] young people develop skills such as managing deadlines and resolving conflicts” (Ozer & Wright 2012, 269). Most facilitators mentioned in YPAR articles seem to be adults (i.e., researchers, teachers) (Duncan-Andrade & Morrell 2008; Jardine & James 2012; Kennedy 2018); my research therefore positions me in an underexplored role utilizing YPAR as a fellow youth who had to navigate the roles of researcher and peer simultaneously. 2.2.2 Challenges of YPAR Despite the benefits of YPAR, scholars have reported on a number of challenges they have encountered in their projects. For one thing, power differences, or the reinforcement of hierarchies between youth and (adult) researchers, are difficult to avoid.15 These dynamics therefore require the researchers’ conscious attention and effort to deconstruct (Bertrand 2016; Bertrand 2018). Questions remain around how bias resulting from participation of non-youth in the research can be mitigated, or identified and accounted for (Caraballo et al. 2017; Jardine & James 2012). A potential disconnect between YPAR participants and their wider (social) contexts raises questions about the applicability of the research beyond the group (Bertrand 2016, 16). Rodríguez & Brown (2009) have encountered the challenge of managing to “help young people to theoretically situate lived experiences within broader structural and cultural realities [rather than emphasize individualism and meritocracy]” (25-26). Tuck (2009), however, reports that taking a systems-approach that acknowledges the “size of the problem” can also be overwhelming and leave 15 While I acknowledge that being a ‘youth’ (in this case under 35 years old) does not necessarily imply a lack of power or authority, I argue here that while youth can (and do) hold influential positions within non-/academic institutions (holding such a position is often associated with adulthood), youth still need to choose a career that gives them credibility despite (and not because) of their age, in order to be taken seriously. My argument therefore is that, in a hierarchy of age, non-youth still enjoy a higher status as age gets equated with knowledge and skill. Reversely, there can still be a hierarchy among youth depending on their positionality, roles and positions within the project or institutions related to the research project or the participants’ communities. 46 participants feeling like solutions are beyond their capacity (53-54). This plays into ethical considerations, as raised by Jardine & James (2012), around consent and vulnerability when working with youth - especially when institutional regulations see underage youth as incapable of consenting to participation, contradicting YPAR epistemologies that view youth as knowledgeable and self-determined participants (as discussed in 1.5.1).16 Another challenge reported by YPAR researchers is the significant additional time that is required to do justice to the principles of youth involvement, as well as the necessity to remain flexible throughout the community-based research process (Jacquez et al. 2013). The need for time and flexibility may also require additional financial investment from the side of the researchers or community. However, even though there are challenges attached to the implementation of YPAR, it still provides an important space to amplify youth leadership in collecting and mobilizing knowledge. In the next section, I will dive into how YPAR has more specifically been used in EJ and CJ research. 2.2.3 YPAR, Environmental Justice, and Climate Justice Very few studies to date have used YPAR as a methodology to explore topics of CJ. YPAR studies tackling issues related to the climate crisis deal with EJ (Curiel et al. n.d.; Nolan et al. 2021), eco-emotions (Marks et al. 2023) and resource extraction (Sloan Morgan 2020; Sloan Morgan et al. 2022). They outline how involving youth in research around environmental and social justice issues is a necessary step in empowering communities who experience intersectional 16 The epistemological grounds for this research which see youth as knowledgeable and self-determined appreciate Articles 3.3 and 4.7 of the Tri-Council Policy Statement 2 (TCPS2) which state that age ought not to be a determining factor of whose voice is valued and therefore age should not be used as a reason to marginalize youth in research processes. 47 marginalization (Curiel et al. n.d.). For instance, Marks et al. (2023) followed YPAR methodology to co-create and host a workshop for students to explore their eco-emotions through storytelling and the creation of visuals in a team of youth collaborators, facilitator-academics and academic researchers. Sloan Morgan (2020) facilitated workshops with Indigenous and non-Indigenous youth living in the Nechako Lakes District on unceded Dakelh territories, exploring how youths’ perspectives could transform discussions around resource extraction and climate change. These workshops involved art-based performances, a poetry writing workshop and envisioning exercises around “community strengths and challenges” (456) and sharing circles (Sloan Morgan 2020). Curiel et al. (n.d.) used photovoice as a method to better understand youths’ relationship between “built environment, stress, and chronic health conditions” in Richmond, California, giving youth the opportunity to collectively analyze their research data to generate results and present them to community stakeholders. Nolan et al. (2021) conducted a YPAR project on air quality justice, also in Richmond, CA, in collaboration with the RYSE youth justice center. The project provided training to enhance youths’ environmental health literacy, and involved youth in designing and conducting research (selecting air samples), the interpretations of the data and community outreach (Nolan et al. 2021). Informed by the select studies that employ YPAR for CJ-focused research and the intention to center youth as experts on issues of climate and social justice (see 1.5.1), my decision to employ YPAR as a methodological framework was threefold. Firstly, after years of involvement in climate action as a youth, my awareness of youth as drivers of social change towards climate justice is heightened (Sloan Morgan et al. 2023). Indeed, Indigenous youth and young People of Color have always been at the forefront of climate action (Sloan Morgan 2020; Sloan Morgan at al. 2023; Ritchie, 2021). 48 My second reason for employing YPAR is that the rise of the global youth-led climate strike movement Fridays For Future and other national and local grassroots campaigns has led to an increased (though still largely symbolic) attention to youth voices in environmental decision-making (Foran et al. 2017; Grosse & Mark 2020; Thew et al. 2020). Despite this attention and the continuously-proven power of youth in evoking community-level change, academic research is seldom directed towards youth involvement in issues of CJ (Grosse, 2019; Sloan Morgan et al. 2023). By excluding youth, CJ research misses out on their critical perspectives regarding CJ: such as the calls for Indigenous sovereignty and racial justice (e.g., LCOY Canada 2022; Wlasichuk 2022) as well as the concrete implementation of international mechanisms to enhance CJ, such as the fund for Loss and Damage (Loss & Damage Youth Coalition 2022). Academics, such as Conrad (2021), Fisher (2016), Grosse (2019) and Han & Wuk (2020), have shown that youth have a high(tened) sense of justice and responsibility, lending strongly to YPAR methodologies. The third reason to follow YPAR was the attractiveness of the methodology’s intentional call for reciprocity within the research, for example, by providing (academic and/or activist) skills training for youth organizers (Bertrand 2016; Foster-Fishman et al. 2010; Jardine & James 2012). By conducting my research, I wanted to ensure resources (e.g. research, events, toolkits, experiences and stories as well as practical skills) could be shared among participants and that the UCSC CC was a central component of the project to create meaningful academic, but especially non-academic, outcomes. Having revisited why choosing YPAR methodology was intuitive to me, I will now outline my research process. 49 The Research Process In this section, I introduce my case study and discuss the steps of my research project. I do so by focusing on the process of doing participatory research (rather than the empirical results, which I highlight in the next chapter), a topic that was sparsely reviewed in depth in the YPAR literature. The following section will show, through revisiting important developments and decisions, how the YPAR process consists of weaving relationships as well as ongoing negotiation and feedback to make the research reciprocal. 2.3.1 Arriving at Research: Relational Approaches to Climate Justice To begin, I will outline how I arrived at the research topic, followed by explaining my connection to the community that collaborated on this YPAR project. YPAR studies often do not discuss the relationships between researcher(s) and community partners; however, detailing the researchers’ relationships with the participating community is important to better understand the research context and whether the project is grounded in pre-existing relationships. When authors in YPAR studies I reviewed provide reasoning for their choice of ‘study site’ it frequently is based on matching certain demographic variables of youth/students rather than the relationships that drew people together (Marciano & Warren 2019; Ozer & Wright 2012; Quijada Cerecer et al. 2013). In outlining the relationships that brought me to my graduate research, I follow the work of scholars, such as Crespo Triveño and Angel Bernabe (2023), who have productively interwoven their positionalities with their research process, illustrating how they form a reciprocal feedback loop. Since becoming involved with fighting for CJ in 2015, I have been fortunate to gain many experiences with local, national and international youth climate activism across multiple countries. These experiences have fueled my interest in academically exploring notions of CJ as perceived 50 by young climate activists, such as myself, while also lending perspectives on how to center youth voices in movements for CJ. My interest in the intersection of CJ and place stems from the observation that nation-states are often seen as the primary players in tackling issues related to climate injustice (highlighted also in the literature, see Fischer 2015; Amorim-Maia et al. 2022). Shifting this state-centric perspective to encompass a wider range of non-state actors who are directly impacted by climate change necessitates an appreciation of the various dimensions of climate justice and shifting power dynamics, including CJ’s implications and mobilization at the local level. My research therefore set out to engage youth climate actors in place-specific explorations of CJ. This explores a previously unresearched topic as, while place-specific perspectives are more frequently taken up in academic conversations around EJ (Bullard 1990; Bullard & Wright 1987; Murdock 2021), they are largely absent from CJ literature. I am very grateful to have been able to strengthen my pre-existing relationships with the University of California Santa Cruz (UCSC) Climate Coalition (CC) through this research project. Having collaborated on climate action since 2021, the UCSC steering committee and I co-created this research and recruited the seven youth who participated in the research workshop and interviews. Due to the fact that several YPAR studies on EJ and environmental education have been conducted in California (Crespo Triveño & Angel Bernabe 2023; Curiel et al. n.d.; Neas 2022; Nolan et al. 2021), I was first inclined to select a different geographical location for my case study; in the end, however, I decided to prioritize meaningful relationships which coincided with already-existing mutual trust and a shared understanding of the unique context and circumstances of the community. 51 2.3.2 Co-Creation of Research Workshop In March 2023, I presented my research idea at a (virtual) steering committee meeting where CC members gave feedback on my research question and preliminary project outline. After we had established our mutual interest in collaborating on this research project (documented in Appendix A: Letter of Support), I began to outline the research workshop to take place in person in Santa Cruz. Central to the conversations with the CC’s steering committee was their wish to offer more practical insight into activism (i.e., ‘activism training’) to CC members, as well as other students in the university. This largely informed the structure and methods of the workshop, which was structured into a 4-hour session around the intersection of place and CJ, followed by a communal lunch and a 2-hour skill-sharing workshop. In May 2023, I presented the workshop outline to the participants, who had been recruited by the UCSC CC via social media, email and during events, in a (virtual) pre-meeting. Feedback was then incorporated prior to delivering the workshop itself. 2.3.3 Methods in the Workshop On June 3, 2023, participants came together for a 6-hour research workshop on the UCSC campus. The morning session comprised the data collection section of the workshop and approached the research question in three ways: 1) exploring connection to and significance of place (on the territories of the Awawas-speaking Uypi people, in so-called Santa Cruz), 2) identifying understandings of and familiarity with CJ as a framework, and 3) drawing connections between findings about place and CJ. The workshop was rooted in creative practices, including place-based exercises and arts-based methods (described in 2.3.3.1 and 2.3.3.2), creating space for the collective sharing and dissemination of findings about CJ in the place-specific context (Wang et al., 2017) and to provide participants with new ideas and practical experience on how to facilitate 52 similar exercises in their community-based work. Data collection and dissemination during the workshop also involved group dialogue (e.g., sharing circles, written reflective notes, debrief of activities) and participant observation notes (Foster-Fishman et al. 2010; Villa et al. 2018). During the skill-sharing workshop, we spoke about experiences with using different formats and skills for climate action (e.g. teach-in’s, town halls, study groups; media and communication work). I now turn to profile the data collection activities. 2.3.3.1 Sensory Attunement The sensory attunement exercises used in this workshop were Attuning/Mapping //Non-Representational Place (Knight 2021), Transecting/Composing // Creativity with Place (Wolfle Hazard 2022) and Listening/Scoring // Recomposing Place (Kanngieser 2022). I was inspired to use these exercises by Dr. Neimanis, a Canada Research Chair in Feminist Environmental Humanities at the University of British Columbia Okanagan. All three prompts encourage processes of attuning to place through what Myers (2017) calls “forms of knowing otherwise.” The maps, compositions and drawings depict a body’s becoming-of-place, rather than concrete features (landscape) of the place itself. Seeing, smelling, touching, feeling, hearing or tasting the place are central to the attunement process. In that sense, these exercises are a “way to enter into a milieu, to notice some of what goes on without claiming to represent a comprehensively truthful or whole account of a given time-place” (Knight 2021, 64). This method acknowledges our partiality and limitations when it comes to the ability of creating “a true account of a place” (Knight 2021, 65). Embracing the “limits of data,” it offers a more flexible and fluid, embodied rather than cognitive, approach to engaging with the concept of place. Individually, participants were able to follow the instructions on the method cards provided, which encouraged them to pay attention to 53 patterns, repetition, surprise, dissonance, delight or discomfort as they were observing, transecting, listening, mapping and writing in a place of their choice nearby the classroom. It is important to also highlight, however, that the method of sensory attunement focuses on the individuals’ perception and experience which makes it likely to center the individual (non-generalizable) experience in the encounter of phenomena such as, in this case, place or CJ. Centering the individual’s embodied attunement bears the risk of “fall[ing]short of a critical systemic analysis” (Verlie & Neimanis 2023, 118). Verlie and Neimanis (2023) “question whether embodied attunement is sufficient to deepen an embodied understanding of climate change’s understanding of climate change’s historical, political and ethical imbrications in capitalist colonial heteropatriarchy” (121), especially considering that experiences “manifest very differently for bodies striated by race, class, gender, sexuality, ability and geographic location” (121). Keeping in mind the risk of “re-centering the individual knower” (121), the exercise of sensory attunement also needs to be informed by additional scientific, artistic or other theoretical sources and accompanied by critical inquiry to account for the complexities of the witnessed phenomenon. 2.3.3.2 Banner Painting Arts-based methods contribute to goals of queer and anti-oppressive research through breaking down power dynamics and dominant forms of representation of researchers as ‘experts’ and centering youth as holders and creators of knowledge (Capello 2022; Capous-Desyllas & Akkouris 2022). While I chose the methods for the first two stages of exploring place (sensory attunement) and CJ (group discussion), I left the third stage of the process in which we explored the intersection of place and CJ open-ended. Wanting to provide flexibility for the participants to choose their arts-54 based method in the context of the moment and the group present, I offered different materials for the creative group-led processing and documentation of emerging themes. Options provided for the art piece were quilting as a technique for banner-making (Capello 2022; Lawton et al. 2010), photo voice or (sound) collaging (Wang et al. 2017). Participants chose to paint on a banner to express their understanding of the intersection of CJ and place. 2.3.4 Interviews Alongside the research workshop, I conducted five one-on-one semi-structured interviews after the completion of the workshop. All interviews were conducted online, with length varying from 00:48h to 1:45h. YPAR literature shows that interviews are a frequently used for qualitative data collection (Curiel et al. 2022; Kennedy et al. 2019; Villa et al. 2018) to allow for deeper engagement with youth perspectives and explored. In the interviews, we spoke about 1) personal experiences with climate action, 2) individual’s understanding and perception of CJ as well as its application in the place-specific context of Santa Cruz, including an evaluation of the perceived efficacy of CJ as a concept, and 3) a debrief of the workshop. The two modes of data collection (workshop and interviews) were accompanied by personal conversations, journaling and critical reflection of the research process and my role in it. 2.3.5 Journaling and Personal Reflection Throughout the research process, I kept a journal to document and process my personal and emotional journey.17 Daily journaling helped me to keep track of recent developments, new ideas 17 Encouragement for researchers to journal throughout the research process come from scholars, many of whom work in the feminist and queer traditions, among others Banks-Wallace (2008), Hayman et al. (2012) and Malacrida (2007). 55 and to-do’s, in addition to the emotional components of the research, such as frustration, insecurity, doubt and fear of overburdening participants but also joy, excitement, creativity and optimism. Additionally, journaling helped me reflect upon key learnings from the research. 2.3.6 Member-Checking and Further Engagement Member-checking is a participatory method engaging research participants in ‘validating’ research data after the completion of the initial data collection (Caretta & Pérez 2019). Ways of member-checking are, for example, providing transcripts and notes for participants to re-read (Ellingson 2009; Glesne 2006), ideally accompanied by reflection or analysis prompts (Simpson & Quigley 2016), summary reports, pamphlets or graphics (Caretta 2015). As a “technique that allows for deepening, repeating, and adjusting of data-gathering and analysis together with participants,” member checking constitutes a key component to reciprocity and mutual agreement (Caretta & Pérez 2019, 360). It is also a crucial step in establishing more accessible “process[es] of knowledge production and decentering of power” (Caretta & Pérez 2019, 372). The literature shows that participants engagement in data analysis and dissemination is still quite rare even in participatory research (Caretta & Pérez 2019; Cho & Trent 2006), often due to constraints regarding time and funding. Even “when member checking is carried out, it is seldom reported” or discussed in academic articles (Caretta & Pérez 2019, 361; Cho & Trent 2006; Caretta 2016). Being aware of these shortcomings in previous studies, I made the conscious choice to report on the process of member-checking to draw attention to the importance of involving youth participants in all steps of YPAR. This project offered three opportunities for member-checking. First, during the workshop as well as interviews, I frequently paraphrased participants’ statements to get an immediate 56 ‘verification’ of whether how I understood them was ‘accurate’ (or as Cho & Trent 2006, 322, phrases it “‘an accurate reflection of reality (or at least participants’ construction of reality’)”). Throughout the workshop, I facilitated an ongoing reflection of the methods and their (perceived) efficacy. Second, I offered the option to review one’s interview transcript.18 Only one out of five interviewees made use of this form of member-checking. In this context, it needs to be said that the capacity and willingness to invest more time and energy in the research process varies among participants, and should be respected - especially when involving social justice activists who already frequently invest their time, resources and labor (see Caretta & Pérez 2019; also section 2.4 Discussion). The third opportunity for member-checking involved reporting back to community and discussing further engagement. During one-on-one interviews, I asked the question of how my research can be useful (or not) for future climate action in Santa Cruz.19 After finishing data collection, I circulated a report about the workshop and shared emerging themes with the participants, opening up the opportunity to provide feedback and further input on the content. Discussion The first section of this discussion will revisit the workshop and explore my research project’s successes, such as relationship- and skill-building. I then address the challenges I faced facilitating the workshop, evaluate feedback about the methods and discuss limitations to the participatory intentions of the research project. Following that, the second section will turn to my own ‘felt 18 In the case that participants wanted to check their transcript, they received it within a few days after the interview and were given two weeks to review it and make additions in writing. 19 Ideas we gathered included 1) organizing further skill-sharing sessions, 2) thinking more specifically about how place can be included in local communications (e.g. by the UCSC CC), and 3) creating resources for individuals or groups to engage in critical reflection of CJ, place, activism and their embodied experiences. 57 embeddedness’ as a youth climate actor in my research and reflect on my experience through revisiting select entries from my research journal. 2.4.1 Workshop Reflections: Strengths The initial intention behind choosing a YPAR approach was to practically engage youth climate actors in exploring tools to investigate local CJ issues. The workshop, however, ended up offering much more than my intended research goal. Even though it is difficult to measure the output of this research, participants affirmed that the workshop provided fertile ground for motivation and energy to grow. Revisiting participants’ contributions and feedback during the workshop and interviews alongside my own observations, I am able to identify three project achievements: relationships, reflections and skills. What was most meaningful to participants was to build relationships with fellow climate activists through the research project; the workshop created a space to reflect on current and past involvement, share frustrations and make new connections with like-minded peers. In the interactions with me, participants were able to ask questions about my personal experiences with climate activism beyond the US and gain perspectives on various forms of grassroots organizing. The design of this project centered the interactive group process (e.g., arts-based activities, communal meal, skill-sharing) to prompt conversations and relationship-building among youth climate actors. These approaches stemmed from my own nurturing encounters, meals and conversations with amazingly supportive communities of CJ organizers globally, who have motivated and encouraged my continuous involvement. Such feelings of belonging, solidarity and integrity frequently appear in academic literature on social activism (Baumeister et al. 2000; Harré 2007). One participant, Gwen, during her evaluation of the painting activity pointed out that she 58 “always take[s] it as an opportunity to meet the people that are in [...] the group with me, rather than a time to [...] make something” and “think[s] it’s the perfect space […] to meet each other and talk about how our lives are going, rather than a time building and creating something” (Workshop 3 [Banner Painting], 1:19:55). Tyson Yunkaporta (2020), researcher and member of the Apalech Clan in far north Queensland, alongside other Indigenous and feminist scholars20 echo this sentiment when he says “we have to compare our stories with the stories of others to seek greater understanding about our reality” (83). Building relationships and exchanging stories was energizing and encouraging for everyone involved. Two participants, Alexandra and Halle, shared during the interviews that they quickly became close friends after the workshop. In August 2023, they attended a University of California-wide conference, the “Student Organizing Summit” together (see UCSA 2023) and were planning on strengthening student-led climate action on the UCSC campus in the upcoming academic year (Interview Halle, 16:40). Next to building relationships, participants also appreciated being provided with a space for reflection on their own being-in-place, their understanding of CJ and how they could incorporate both into their practices as climate actors. To them, exercises such as the sensory attunement prompts constituted a rare break from their action-oriented mindsets. Gwen commented that she “wouldn’t normally just sit on a bench and not do anything and listen to birds, drawing [...]” (Workshop 2 [Sensory Attunement], 2:10). Participants found the mapping, listening and writing prompts to be an unfamiliar, yet thought-provoking, way of observing their own interactions with their environment(s) (Workshop 2 [Sensory Attunement], 2:10 - 14:39). For 20 Other scholars and writers who speak about the importance of storytelling or use storytelling in their work are Michi Saagiig Nishnaabeg scholar Leanne Betasamosake Simpson (2014; 2021), Indian author Amitav Ghosh (2021) or Harold R. Johnson, a member of the Montreal Lake Cree Nation (2022). 59 some, it was their first time consciously building a relationship with place through embodied exercises and reflection alike. As mentioned in 2.3.3.1, it is important to prompt more discussions about how those relations and embodied experiences of place explored through sensory attunement center the individual experience which is determined by participants’ positionality, while obstructing a more systemic analysis of the experience of place. The more conversational aspects of the research (group discussions, interviews) were therefore important, as they allowed for follow up questions and more (prompted) critical engagement. When asked about their definition of CJ, several participants enjoyed being challenged to revisit and articulate their knowledge and position. Overall, participants strengthened their awareness of Santa Cruz as a place and started thinking about the relevance of the concept of place more broadly. Room for reflection enabled youth to realize and explore their own expertise and meaningful contributions to conversations and actions around CJ (as previously indicated by Ozer & Wright 2012) in an intimate environment. Lastly, the workshop offered skill-building to participants—according to Villa et al. (2018), one of the most important components of YPAR (see Foster-Fishman et al. 2010; Jardine & James 2012). Participant Halle, for example, stated that as a “concrete thinker”, what she appreciated most to getting the “concrete toolkit for how to [...] approach climate-related issues and [...] climate activism” (Interview Halle, 43:51). Gwen also pointed out that, for her, “learning from other activists [...] is really cool. Like, hearing what they’ve done, [...], what worked and what didn’t work for them,” and thought that it is “really useful for any organization” (Interview Gwen, 45:32). The research, said Gwen and echoed by Ian, could also contribute to new tactics for different events or communication strategies of the UCSC CC, especially as they are a newer organization (Interview Gwen; Interview Ian). 60 Overall, contributing to a supportive and trusting social infrastructure among the participants through sharing space, food, stories and experiences as well as expertise and skills is one of the greatest strengths of this research as it made available personal, emotional, intellectual and physical resources to participants, encouraging and fueling their future activism. 2.4.2 Workshop Reflections: Challenges While clear strengths emerged from the workshop, challenges were also present. For instance, there was too little time for all the desired activities in the workshop itself. Considering the focus on reflection, conversations and community-building (as suggested by Bertrand 2016, Ozer & Wright 2012), fewer prompts and activities would have been appropriate to avoid cutting activities short and restricting off-topic conversations. Participants’ feedback stated that they would find it useful to dive deeper into the exercises and discussions, which could have occurred with more time (Interview Ian, 40:06; fieldwork notes). This would have made sense particularly considering the need for critical systemic analysis to accompany the practical exercises that focused more on the individual perception and experience of place and CJ; while critical analysis was prompted and supported by a presentation about critical, feminist and Indigenous CJ literature, there was little time to dive deeper into discussion. Participant evaluation of the methods revealed another challenge. Several youth felt restricted rather than inspired or liberated by the open-endedness of the (banner) painting activity. Some participants expressed their preference to share their thoughts verbally or in writing as it allows for editing, erasing and reformulating throughout the process. For instance, Alexandra explained that “it's really hard to say what you mean through colors and lines and stuff, but it's so much easier to just say it but even with saying it there is restrictions. I feel like writing it is the 61 most impactful for me” (Workshop 3 [Banner Painting], 1:17:05). Gwen, however encouraged her peers to shift their focus from creating an aesthetic result to appreciating the community-building aspect of creative activities which, in her experience, made people want to return to the group and therefore is just as important as having a “productive meeting” (Workshop 3 [Banner Painting]: 1:19:55). At future workshops, offering multiple options (e.g., collaging, creative writing, photovoice) can account for varying preferences among participants. It could also be interesting to explore the dynamics of a research setting in which the participants simultaneously engage in different methods, rather than expecting everyone to agree on one creative medium. Finally, I want to pose the question of whether research with social justice activists can unfold with full participatory potential in the setting and timeframe of a graduate project. Firstly, because of the challenges that arise if grassroots organizing is subjected to the bureaucratic guidelines of a neoliberal research institution that dictates certain (approval) processes, timelines and expected outcomes. These dynamics then also impact the practical implementation of a theoretical framework or methodology, in this case YPAR, with climate actors on the ground. In this context I wonder, for example, whether this YPAR project can truly claim to have offered participants ample opportunities for participation if it is clear from the beginning on that participants’ limited capacity, due to their (pre)occupations as student, employees and activists, will inevitably obstruct their involvement in the research. According to my observations, most of the opportunities for co-creation and collective decision-making seemed to overwhelm the participants as this was an additional to-do on their agenda. This can be seen, for example, in the limited participation in member-checking or the fact that the UCSC CC steering committee tasked me with the design of recruitment material and creation of the research workshop outline due to a lack of capacity. According to YPAR methodology, sharing the planning and design of the 62 research process would have ideally been a collective endeavor. With me leading these activities, however, the process regularly turned into more of a consultation with the UCSC CC steering committee and my participants than a collaborative research design process. I therefore would argue that in a graduate research project like mine, it is challenging to fully immerse youth (or any participant) as co-researchers in the process considering their potential lack of capacity and the short duration of the project overall. Additionally, I suggest that, at times, the practical application of methodologies, even participatory ones such as YPAR, in a community-led context is likely to bend and stretch the theoretical frame of said methodology. YPAR methodology requires, ideally, the participation and leadership of youth in all stages of the research process (see Bertrand 2016; Cammarota & Romero 2011). How, though, does this change when we take trusting relationships into considerations; relationships that allow the participating community to entrust the researcher with certain tasks throughout the research process, without having to fear a compromising of their interests or of future opportunities for participation? Crespo Triveño & Angel Bernabe (2023) write about how building trusting relationships with youth over years gave them the collective strength to navigate challenges throughout their community work. This can be seen as an inspiration to increasingly think about how building trusting relationships shapes the process of YPAR projects, and how that can find space in YPAR’s theoretical framework(s). Overall, employing YPAR methodology in my project has not only created space to form relationships as well as reflect and share skills, but it also provided opportunities to negotiate how to mediate tensions that arise when the methodological framework meets the practical ‘research reality’. The research has shown that YPAR requires time and care to attend to the contextual 63 complexities that arise, like in this case, from the limitations to participant involvement, the importance of reciprocity and the role of trust in the methodological framework. 2.4.3 Reflecting on my Position(ality) within YPAR For decades, feminist scholars have been increasingly directing attention to positionality and situatedness of the researcher within their research project and academic writing (see Haraway 1988; Kovach 2021; Wilson 2008). Catungal (2017) draws attention to “how knowledge production is influenced by emotional negotiations of our situatedness in these societal, institutional and normative environments” (290). In this section, I will first explain why felt embeddedness is central to PAR projects. Drawing on sections from my reflective journal, I will then identify three pivotal moments during my research journey that illustrate my own felt embeddedness as a youth in this research project. These three moments will 1) revisit my experience of navigating my role(s) as youth and researcher, 2) explore why reciprocity and action in research is important to me and 3) share emotional challenges (i.e., discomfort, dissonance) of being a graduate researcher in an academic setting in times of social and ecological crisis. Living in a world increasingly wrecked by the climate crisis and ongoing genocides, resulting in ecological and systemic social injustices, is a highly embodied experience. Experiencing constant harm to the self and other bodies around us is deeply emotional (see “Is This How You Feel?, Duggan n.d.).21 The world, so Thien (2005) writes, is a “place mediated by feeling” (451). Our emotionally-being-in-the-world should therefore also be at the core of 21 Science communicator Joe Duggan, from 2014-2015, approached the world’s leading climate scientists and asked them how climate change made them feel. The handwritten letters can be read on his website “Is This How You Feel?” (ITHYF): https://www.isthishowyoufeel.com/. Since then, the climate crisis has further unfolded globally. Five years after the first edition, Duggan asked the same scientists the same question again - and shared the answers under the label of ITHYF5. 64 reflections around our involvement in academia, our intentions as researchers and our engagement with research outcomes. To better reflect on the role of emotions in research, felt embeddedness aims to describe “the emotional embodied ways that researchers’ locations in social and institutional environments bear upon their conduct of knowledge production” (Catungal 2017, 290). Felt embeddedness opens up the space for ongoing engagements with emotions felt throughout the research process, and “allows us to make the epistemological and methodological claim that knowledge production processes are also processes of emotional labour and negotiation” (Catungal 2017, 292). Emotions accompany us in every step of our research, whether they are related to the (field)work itself or are being brought into the research from a (personal) non-academic context. The claim that emotions are an (un)intentional part of research helps us blur the lines between the constructed binary of ‘academic’ and ‘non-academic’ life, as they necessarily spill over into the other. Engaging more closely with emotions, and following queer theorists and writers, can contribute to dissolving binaries frequently applied in academia and beyond, with ‘insider’ versus ‘outsider’ being one concretely encountered in my research (see Goss & McInerey; Jagose 1996; Jones & Adams 2016). Feminist geographers have pointed out that “fieldwork is never an ‘emotionless experience’” (Spencer 1992, 59, in Schurr & Abdo 2015, 2). This goes against the positivist notions of ‘science’ and ‘objectivity’, reinforcing the idea that emotions are to be excluded from (academic) research environments as they might ‘contaminate’ the scientific process (see Bellas 1999, 104, in Catungal 2017). Fieldwork, however, intrinsically means ‘being entangled’ with people, the place and emotions which can be messy, complex and confusing (Schurr & Abado 2015, 7). Granting felt embeddedness a seat at one’s own (research) table can be a crucial step in deconstructing “masculinist notions of objectivity and detachment” towards a more critical, 65 feminist, queer and anti-oppressive approach to research (Catungal 2017, 299). “Emotions remind us to stay attuned to the ways our scholarly and political identities and commitments shape what we research and how we research” - and, I would add, how research shapes us (Catungal 2017, 299). Participants experienced how emotions and their physical well-being impacted their thoughts and actions during the research workshop, as well as their perception of their environment. This observation was made by one of the participants, Katie, as she was engaging with the sensory attunement exercise: “I feel like they [haikus] are a little bit negative, [...] you can tell I was cold and I'm sick right now so I'm just not feeling the best. As we were talking about place and thinking about understanding where we are and stuff, I was [...] thinking about how my interpretation of my surroundings were changed by how I was feeling. And so my relationship to the place, my backyard, was different based on that” (Workshop 2 [Sensory Attunement], 11:50). The sensory attunement exercises during the workshop, for some participants, thereby generated insights into the entanglement of place, their bodies and emotions. In the following paragraphs, I share quotes22 from my research journal to illustrate how emotions played into this research process and vice versa. Examples of emotions arising throughout the research process were feelings of being a fraud/imposter, and difficulties navigating my role in the data collection process, discomfort, dissonance and despair as well as the wish for reciprocity.23 22 I annotated the quotes in [brackets] where necessary for improved readability. 23 While several of the experiences described could be perceived as ‘negative’ emotions, I see these as an invitation to become more comfortable with the multi-layered-ness of emotions so we can appreciate them holding space for feeling, learning and connecting all at once. A lot can be learned from those emotions - in an academic but also (and especially) in a non-academic context. 66 2.4.3.1 Tensions of ‘Insider’/’Outsider’ Dynamic [16/5/2023] I feel like an imposter more than ever… and I am not entirely sure yet what to do about it… probably reading more, and just prepping better. There is still a lot that I have to figure out before I am actually ready [for data collection]. But now thinking about it, I also realize that it will be okay because everyone around me is genuine and caring. And they all do not expect the world from me [...]. This research project challenged me to navigate the tensions of being a community member as well as a researcher, and not letting either of these roles diminish the significance of the other. My simultaneous roles as climate activist and researcher left me constantly negotiating my qualifications, skills and entitlement to conduct my research. In envisioning, proposing and planning the project I often felt more at ease in my role as a youth climate actor, finding myself in the familiar context of community organizing. In my position as researcher, I frequently perceived myself as an imposter, alienated from the academic settings; I felt like I lacked the skills necessary to navigate academic processes (e.g., ethics approval, data collection, interviews). During my fieldwork, I encountered a similar tension of simultaneously being ‘insider’ and ‘outsider’ in my/the community. As a fellow youth climate actor, former UCSC student and member of the UCSC CC, who could offer an abundance of experience after eight years of (climate) activism, I was an ‘insider’ in the participants’ community. On the other hand, being a graduate student conducting research for a (now) different university put me in a more formal, facilitating role that created a division between me and the participants, and occasionally rendered me as an ‘outsider’. Collins (2002) has criticized that in participatory research “identity [is still framed] as either inside, outside, or a hybrid of these two” (Collins 2002, 78, in Razon & Ross 67 2012, 495). Instead of subscribing to this dichotomy or even the hybrid model, Razon & Ross (2012) encourage seeing the identity of the researcher to be ‘fluid’. The use of the term fluid is used to “capture the flexible, overlapping, and at times conflicting identities researchers and participants hold. We use fluid to signal movement rather than bounded-ness of insider/outsider dichotomies or hybrid notions of identity” (Razon & Ross 2012, 495). I could observe this fluidity in my interactions with participants. I constantly negotiated my role and position throughout the data collection; within a conversation, I could drift from posing a question as a facilitator, followed by reacting to a contribution as a fellow UCSC student, agreeing with a frustration about unpaid labor as a fellow climate activist before looping back to providing clarification on the purpose of the previously asked question as a researcher. My (fluctuating) role in the research process was challenging in moments when it left me policing my own behavior whenever I felt like I immersed myself too much in the research process and started sharing experiences, emotions or opinions. The fluidity made it difficult to grasp which role and level of interaction with the participants was ‘appropriate’ at any given point. In my field notes I express that I am “very concerned about potentially influencing results through what I say or do” (Research Journal, 3/6/2023). While challenging, this tension also sparked important personal reflections on my own learned and partially internalized ideas of ‘academic rigor’ and ‘objectivity’ stemming from a background in environmental sciences (Research Journal, 31/5/2023). A discussion of the dichotomy of being-a-youth and being-a-researcher seems absent in literature around YPAR methodology, even when the research is co-designed by youth (see Marks et al. 2023). Conducting and facilitating a YPAR project as a youth can offer an entirely different perspective. One component is the potential for higher trust among peers, especially if they are 68 part of the same or intersecting communities.24 Jardine and James (2012), however, observed that youth participants are more comfortable with speaking to their peers than an adult researcher, to whom they may not be able to relate. Additionally, being a youth allowed me to approach participants as peers and lean into the familiarity and trust that came with our pre-existing relationships; being-in-community gave me the confidence that counterbalanced the occasional imposter syndrome that accompanied being-in-academia. Having moments of comfort and confidence throughout this research process felt like a step towards reclaiming fractions of the (academic and non-academic) space that is not always granted to youth (see Cammarota & Romero 2011). The experiences from my research thus imply that YPAR projects should, where possible, be facilitated and led by youth; this might not only benefit the quality of the overall data but also give youth a feeling of truly owning the research process. 2.4.3.2 Commitment to the ‘A’ (Action) in YPAR [6/6/2023] Whether it [the workshop] was successful or not is I guess not my place to decide. I would say from an activist perspective it was great, I could tell that people took notes and were having (revelations) thoughts about “new” things; they said in the end that they took a lot away (motivation, energy, “empowerment”). So to me that is a big success – how much came out of this which is academically “feasible” we will see… 24 This, of course, is not to say that youth automatically feel safe among their peers; many intersecting factors (race, socio-economic status, gender, sexual orientation, disability) besides age play into the (perceived and actual) safety among youth. 69 Next, the research prompted me to reflect on how this project could capture ‘action’ towards social change, a crucial component of YPAR, within and beyond the research process. A central component of YPAR is the commitment to social justice and ‘change-oriented action’ (Bertrand 2016, 16). Yunkaporta (2020) reminds us that “you can’t just sit in the abstract space, because you need to close the feedback loop - this means taking the knowledge back to apply it in the real world (and vice versa)” (71). This research project connected the abstract (knowledge collection and data interpretation) with concrete action(s) to foster individual and collective social change. Actions happened on two levels: through the research and beyond it. Within the research itself, it was always important to me to ensure reciprocity (as YPAR methodology suggests, see Bertrand 2016; Quijada Cerecer et al. 2013; Villa et al. 2018). Wilson (2008) encourages researchers to strive for relational accountability, which means to form reciprocal and respectful relationships within the (collaborating) community (see Kovach 2021; Tuck & Yang 2012). Following this idea, I tried to be receptive to the UCSC CC’s wishes and meet their needs to the best of my abilities. During the workshop, we set time aside to address participants’ questions about activism and starting new initiatives post-graduation. Sharing the presentation as well as the recording of the skill-sharing session was another reciprocal step to ensure participants could access these (re)sources in the future. I also guest lectured three undergraduate classes to talk about the climate crisis and activism while in Santa Cruz for my fieldwork. Finally, by staying in touch with the UCSC CC and its members, we have the opportunity to develop further collaborations in the future. Commitment to ‘change-oriented action’ as a researcher is also important beyond the research project itself. In my fluid identity as researcher and youth climate actor, I remained involved in activism throughout the research process. I did so as I—along with many involved in 70 CJ activism—believe that it is necessary for those who understand the severity of the climate crisis to do something about it (see Readfearn 2020, referring to Duggan n.d.), but also because being part of a (global) community of young climate activists motivates and informs my research and, more importantly, my life beyond my graduate studies. Shawn Wilson describes research as ceremony, for which it is intuitive to live a ‘congruent lifestyle’ to the values one centers in their research, as well as incorporate learnings and research findings into your lifestyle.25 I therefore find it crucial to refer to some ongoing (extracurricular) commitments to climate action that have accompanied and informed my thinking and actions throughout this research project. Conversations and actions with Fridays For Future Kelowna and Change Course (formerly: Banking on a Better Future) in so-called Canada, Rethinking the Environment, a student-led research collective around anti-colonial environmental discourse in The Netherlands, and YOUNGO’s Local Conference of Youth Working Group have largely contributed to this research as well as my own feelings of belonging, solidarity and integrity (see Baumeister et al. 2000). Being involved in ‘change-oriented action’ throughout my research, and beyond my research community, for me, was part of living the ‘congruent lifestyle’ that Wilson mentions. I wanted to ensure that my work is not only oriented towards action and social change in theory, but also in practice. 2.4.3.3 Dissonance with/in Academia in Times of Crisis [19/9/2023] I am not at a point (in my ‘career’) where my work actually has the power of making a difference; all I have that is useful is my experiences, my compassion and 25 I am citing my notes from the class Indigenous Research Methods taught by Shawn Wilson during the academic year 2022/23 as well as content from Wilson’s book Research Is Ceremony (2008). 71 who I am as a body. Yesterday, I was watching a woman being carried from the streets [at a protest] in Germany, screaming in pain because of how she was handled [pain grip] by the police [see also Schumacher 2023]. How can I sit here and write? I had the same happen to me only a few years ago. [...] I remember the pain all too well, and cannot believe I am here, writing in my research journal, thinking about my thesis. This last section of my personal reflection is directed at fellow (graduate) students or young academics who are negotiating their place and role as a young person in academia. My biggest emotional struggle throughout this research project was the constant discomfort with spending my time on research and academic writing while seeing the urgent need for climate action around me. Especially during summer 2023, after I had finished my research workshop and interviews (the two major community-based components of my research that had felt the most meaningful to me) and while unprecedented fires burned through the central Okanagan (CBC News 2023), it became increasingly hard for me to find motivation and justification for continuing my academic work. Despite working on multiple CJ-related projects across various countries, as well as on the ground in the Okanagan, I could still clearly feel a dissonance between my feelings of despair and urgency, and my actions (of remaining enrolled in a graduate program). Watching climate actors worldwide (see Climate Week NYC 2023; Ferris 2023; Flakin 2023; Unist’ot’en Camp 2017), but especially the group ‘Last Generation’ in my home country Germany (Letzte Generation 2023), amping up their actions as climate chaos kept unfolding globally left me questioning my choice to continue pursuing my education and the privilege of deciding to stay in university while nothing seemed more urgent than taking climate action. Similar feelings arose, and remain present, as we are 72 witnessing an ongoing genocide in Palestine and inaction of academic and governmental institutions. These doubts led me to regularly consider whether I should abandon my degree, especially since universities as (educational and research) institutions continue contributing to and benefitting from extractivist, neocolonial and colonial practices that fuel the climate crisis and genocidal violence globally (Cruz & Luke 2020). Urai & Kelly (2023), for example, observe that a great barrier to taking meaningful (climate) action in an academic context “is the fact that the increasingly corporatized, target-driven, and stressful nature of modern academic life far exceeds reasonable human limits” (1). Besides calling universities out for being “key institutions of elite reproductions,” Choudry (2020) on the other hand also reminds us that universities have “historically also been important sites of struggle and social change, especially at times when these are connected with border social and political struggles” (30). As young researchers, we may encounter such tensions when attempting to interweave justice-focused grassroots organizing with academic scholarship. A growing community of social-justice oriented researchers have been experiencing the complexities and tensions of sitting uncomfortably in academic spaces26, an experience that is reflected in a growing body of work on ‘activist scholarship’ (Hale 2008; see Torres 2019). And while I encourage young researchers to find likeminded scholars in the field 26 In the Introductory chapter of Engaging Contradictions – Theory, Politics and Methods of Activist Scholarship (2008), Charles R. Hale acknowledges the distinct motives (necessity and choice) through which academics come to engage in ‘activist scholarship’: “for people who feel directly and personally connected to broader experiences of oppression and to struggles for empowerment, claims of objectivity are more apt to sound like self-serving maneuvers to preserve hierarchy and privilege; and the idea of putting scholarship to the service of their own communities’ empowerment and well-being is more apt to sound like a sensible if not an inevitable, way to practice their profession. For those, like myself, who do not claim such experience-based connections, the move is one of active alignment, avoiding the righteous fervor of a convert/traitor while rejecting the privilege-laden option to remain outside the fray” (3). 73 and explore their own intellectual and practical ways of using their voice27, I urge young people to sit with the emerging feelings and to let the discomfort further radicalize them (referencing the book Let This Radicalize You by Hayes & Kaba 2023). I hope that by sharing my encounters with said dissonance I can encourage fellow youth and young researchers to acknowledge and process their feelings of despair and discomfort by talking (and crying) with peers, as I have done. (Publicly) Engaging with one’s own emotions as a researcher comes with a great deal of vulnerability due to one’s “situatedness in a system of socio-spatial norms concerning emotions” (Catungal 2017, 298). These norms, as mentioned before, usually govern and regulate the display and influence of emotions in public but especially educational or academic contexts; this happens most at the interaction with race and gender, as scholars such as Angela Davis (2016), Sara Ahmed (2014) or Leanne Simpson (2017; 2023) have spoken about in their works. By sharing more feelings connected to the academic research process, however, we increase the acceptance of the humanness of the researchers and their/our emotional needs. This is where I hope that my research does not only focus on my individual (emotional) experience as the researcher but more so, by integrating this experience into the wider social context, contributing to a critical encounter with the role of felt embeddedness and emotions in a neoliberal and colonial research university. These reflections also draw attention to whose voice and emotions are usually centered in academic research, and uncovers the tension of how that dynamic can be broken up while simultaneously being perpetuated by centering my own voice in throughout this chapter. 27 I want to emphasize that I do not at all see using one’s voice in a meaningful way as necessarily being tied to being/remaining in academia. Returning to Hirschman’s (1970) theory, the option of ‘exit’ (in this case: the academic institution) for some may be a necessary step in order to reclaim (their) voice. 74 Conclusion This chapter set out to engage with YPAR methodology and explore its application with a focus on critical reflexivity, felt embeddedness and relational accountability. Revisiting the process of conducting fieldwork with youth climate actors on unceded territories of the Awaswas-speaking Uypi people in Santa Cruz, CA, USA, has highlighted how helpful it has been to center pre-existing and new relationships as well as reciprocity in my project. Key components that contributed to the (perceived) success of the project were: 1) consistent communication with and feedback from community members prior to, during and after the data collection; 2) acknowledging that the research is shaped by the embodied experiences and intersectionally-diverse identities of all participants; and therefore 3) providing various opportunities for participation in the form of conversations, member-checking and personal exchange during and outside of the research setting. Overall, it is difficult to measure the efficacy of this YPAR process; however, looking at participant feedback, they found it to be an overall positive and empowering experience. This YPAR project specifically facilitated relationship-building among participants, with the (concept of) place and with the researcher; it furthermore provided a space for reflection and equipped participants with actionable skills for future climate action. Challenges I encountered as a graduate student were largely due to a lack of resources and experience with academic research settings. The project showed that the on-the-ground research is likely to challenge and stretch the principles of methodological frameworks applied in theory. Journaling regularly and reflecting on my role and felt embeddedness in the process helped me navigate the sometimes challenging fluidity of simultaneously being ‘insider’ and ‘outsider’. Furthermore, following YPAR methodology helped me to continuously (re)center reciprocity within the research and reconcile with the discomfort and dissonance of navigating academic 75 research in a time of social and ecological crisis. Conducting participatory research requires time, resources and care for the community you are working with. Young people have the capabilities, passion and networks to shape their communities, (political) decision-making and research processes. I therefore hope that the practical application of the ethos underlying YPAR methodology shared in this paper can inspire youth to become more confident in taking charge of research projects and social-justice oriented action. Finally, I hope that young researchers will increasingly embrace blurring or erasing the lines between their own (sometimes seemingly conflicting) identities by using participatory action research methodology. 76 Chapter 3: Engaging Youth as Climate Actors: Place-Specific Explorations of Climate Justice Introduction In the past decade, youth climate activism has been on the rise globally. We see this rise through the spread of the climate strike movement Fridays For Future since 2018, increased (even though largely symbolic) youth representation in international climate negotiations through YOUNGO since 2011 (YOUNGO 2023a) and ongoing struggles for climate justice by Indigenous (youth) communities as stewards of 80% of the world’s biodiversity (Ritchie 2021). Climate Justice (CJ) has, in this context, become a central and frequently used theoretical framework (Grosse 2019). The literature around CJ mainly focuses on ethical and political discourse, bringing to the forefront considerations of intergenerational, intersectional and multispecies justice as well as the importance of procedural, recognition and distribution justice for working towards CJ (Coolsaet 2021; Cripps 2022; Jafry et al. 2019). Critical CJ scholars are increasingly engaging with anti-colonial calls for Indigenous self-determination, racial justice claims as well as feminist and queer theory (Alook et al. 2023; Amorim-Maia et al. 2022; Sultana 2022). Paying greater attention to the work of critical CJ scholars as well as the justice claims of grassroots organizations and activists shows that paying attention to place is increasingly necessary when thinking about CJ (Delahanty 2023). Amorim-Maia et al. (2022), Sultana (2022) and Fisher (2015), for example, see the potential of place-based approaches in supporting more contextual and relational climate action rooted in practice. While CJ scholars have been focusing on the theorization of CJ on a global scale (Bond 2011; Cripps 2022; Schlossberg & Collins 2014) and directed attention to international institutions and mechanisms, such as the UNFCCC COP, to push for CJ (Gach 2019; Grosse & Mark 2020; 77 Kaleb et al. 2020; Lefstad & Paavola 2023; Thomas & Benjamin 2022), little attention has been paid to the role of place in theoretically and practically encountering CJ. Although, or precisely because, CJ is a concept used to describe the justice implications of the climate crisis as a global phenomenon and therefore could be perceived “place-less” (UBC Centre for Climate Justice n.d.), it is time to more concretely explore CJ through the lens of place. This is important because global climate injustices stem from structural dynamics, historically rooted in imperial, settler colonial and postcolonial contexts, that also occur ‘in place’. As conversations about CJ often happen on the international level, they overlook and invisibilize persisting extractive conditions that impact resources, labor, lives and relationships and how these are experienced, in place, on an everyday basis. Given the increase in attention to CJ within academic, policy, and activist realms led by and for youth, and the absence of in-depth engagement with the intersection of place and CJ, my research project engaged youth climate actors to take up this gap. Specifically, my research investigated place-specific CJ with youth to explore the questions: How do youth climate actors understand CJ? And how is this understanding of CJ informed by place to impact strategies for climate action? To answer these questions, I involved youth climate actors on unceded territories of the Awaswas-speaking Uypi people in so-called Santa Cruz, California, US, in a youth-led participatory action research (YPAR) project. In our activities together, we explored the intersections of CJ and place through a research workshop and one-on-one interviews. Our collaborations are ongoing even though the formal sections of data collection have concluded, and will extend beyond the lifetime of this project. In this chapter, I first introduce the background of my research project by acknowledging the Land on which my research took place. I then introduce the University of California Santa 78 Cruz Climate Coalition who I collaborated with on conceptualizing this project and, finally, I provide demographic information that will situate the participants in this research. Next, I review the CJ literature with a focus on critical CJ as well as gray literature on CJ published by youth, with a focus on what the literature offers in relation to place. Following the literature review, I report on the emerging themes from the research workshop and the interviews to bring them in conversation(s) with the literature. In so doing, I reflect on potential contributions and role(s) of place in CJ scholarship, conversations and practical action. Background: Introduction to the Case Study Through a research workshop and five one-on-one interviews with youth climate actors in Santa Cruz, California, US, this Youth-led Participatory Action Research (YPAR) project sought to: 1) explore how CJ is employed in place-specific ways to understand its perceived efficacy in localized contexts, 2) practically engage youth climate activists in exploring tools to investigate local CJ issues to, 3) communicate resulting demands to decision-makers to drive change in their communities. I introduce the place and context of this research below. 3.2.1 The Territory of the Awaswas-Speaking Uypi Tribe This research took place on unceded territory of the Awaswas-speaking Uypi Tribe in what today is known as Santa Cruz on the coast of Central California (Amah Mutsun Tribal Band 2023). To effectively practice (place-specific) climate justice, it‘s crucial to acknowledge the Land, Indigenous peoples who govern these territories, and understand the historical and ongoing impacts of colonialism and violence against both people and territory (Wilson & Menzies 2019). Eriel Deranger, Dënesųłiné Indigenous rights activist and Executive Director of Indigenous Climate Action (ICA), stresses that “the climate crisis cannot be addressed in any meaningful way 79 without addressing its root causes – capitalism, colonialism and extractivism” (Deranger 2021). In her address entitled syilx-led climate justice in a global context, syilx professor Dr. Jeannette Armstrong reiterates this when calling climate injustices the “symptoms” of these root causes, pointing to “the ongoing expansion of dispossession, violence and violations of Indigenous and human rights” (Armstrong & Klein 2023). Furthermore, understanding colonialism as the root cause of the climate crisis necessarily points towards correcting the widespread perception of the timescale of climate injustices that is prevalent in settler colonial climate movements (Davis & Todd 2017)28. Dr. Armstrong emphasizes this point, when she states: Climate injustice didn’t just start. Our experience is that it started many years ago although it is now just becoming clear to others who have been protected from its effects until fires, floods and severe weather began to wreck-havoc – taking homes and lives, and affecting ‘business as usual” (Armstrong & Klein 2023). These learnings from syilx territories inform my understanding of place, which I have spoken about in Chapter 1, as well as the discussions of the research that took place on territories of the Awaswas-speaking Uypi Tribe in this chapter. As advocates for CJ in the Santa Cruz area, I encourage us to learn about the local history and, where possible and appropriate, collaborate respectfully with the Amah Mutsun Tribal Band (AMTB) and the Amah Mutsun Land Trust 28 While I do not directly speak to the concept of ‘Anthropocene’ in my thesis, conversations around the beginning of the ‘Anthropocene’ and the origins of climate (in)justices see overlap and intersections. The beginning of the Anthropocene is often dated back to the beginning of the coal-powered industrial revolutions, or to what is called ‘the great acceleration’ in the 1950s, marked by carbon dioxide levels, the widespread use of petrochemicals and mass extinctions. Davis and Todd (2017), however, argue “that placing the golden spike [a dip in atmospheric carbon dioxide levels due to the mass extermination of Indigenous populations across the Americas through European colonizers] at 1610, or from the beginning of the colonial period, names the problem of colonialism as responsible for contemporary environmental crisis” (763). 80 (AMLT), for example through existing partnerships between the AMLT and UCSC29. Similarly, fellow CJ advocates in other regions should make an effort to understand their positions, privileges, and responsibilities regarding the ongoing legacies of colonialism, imperialism, and intersectional oppression in and beyond their current locations, including our concepts of place. 3.2.2 The Concept: Understandings of Place The concept of place in human geography is described in the following way: “location became place when it became meaningful” (Cresswell 2009, 1). As this is a YPAR project, gaining a strong grasp of how participants understood and experienced place was central to the research. Therefore, while acknowledging that scholars such as Yi-Fu Tuan (1977), David Harvey (1993) and Doreen Massey (1993) have extensively engaged with the conceptualization and social construction of place, in this chapter, I will follow a YPAR approach to offer the collective understanding of place brought forward by and for youth participants. Conversations among participants showed that when describing their understanding of place, youth talk about physical locale but especially focus on affective aspects of place, often referred to as sense of place. Sense of place describes an understanding of place that goes beyond its bounded, physical features and sees place as emotional and experiential, shaped by the interconnectedness of social and spatial relations (Cresswell 2009; Tuan 1977). A sense of place appeared when participants talked about demographics (e.g., ‘young people’, ‘social place’) and 29 The AMLT offers programming for “young adult tribal members” and members of the AMTB. Besides having a partnership with UCSC through the UCSC Arboretum, the AMLT regularly invites community members to educational programs: “Educational events, such as the Work & Learn Gatherings, provide experiential learning opportunities for Tribal members, UCSC students, and community members. Additionally, the AMRP uses interpretation, presentations, and events to educate UCSC students and the general public about the importance of traditional ecological knowledge, the history and contemporary issues of the AMTB, ethnobotany, and California Indian lifeways” (AMLT 2023). 81 political landscape (e.g., ‘conservative’), their relationship to the environment and physical features (e.g., in the forest, by the ocean, certain flowers), sense of community (e.g., food, history, family) or emotions connected to place(s) (e.g., ‘feeling small next to big trees’, ‘big and beautiful ocean’, ‘weird connections to hometown’) that ‘make place’ (excerpts from Workshop 1). The ambiguity participants felt when thinking about place fed directly into their comprehension and application of place being a fluid concept that interconnects spatial settings (locale) and socio-relational settings (sense of place) that coexist and shape the characteristics of place (Cresswell 2009). This raises the need for considerations of how situatedness, and the power(s) that come with it, impact the conception of place. Given the youth-led approach to this paper, youth conceptions and evocations of place will be used to ground research results. 3.2.3 The Community: University of California Santa Cruz Climate Coalition As the place-specific aspect of the exploration of CJ is at the center of my research, I used a case study approach to answer my research question. The idea to engage with youth climate actors in Santa Cruz, California arose from my past relationships with the University of California Santa Cruz (UCSC) Climate Coalition (CC). During my undergraduate degree I was able to spend an exchange semester at UCSC and was fortunate to become active with Youth for Climate Justice (Y4CJ). I helped co-organize the youth-led Climate Justice Walk-out in October 2021 in collaboration with a broad coalition of environmental and climate groups in Santa Cruz, and then was involved in setting up the UCSC CC after the walk-out (Youth 4 Climate Justice CA 2021). When my exchange ended, I was invited back for a virtual workshop on international climate activism in January 2022 (UCSC Climate Coalition 2022) and have, since then, remained in contact with the group. In February 2023, we started conversations about opportunities for co-82 creating this research project; in March 2023 the steering committee of the UCSC CC expressed their approval of the preliminary research outline and committed to reaching out to membership for the recruitment of youth participants. 3.2.4 The Participants: Climate Actors at UCSC Research participants had to fulfill two criteria in order to be eligible for the project: 1) identify as youth younger than 35 years old 30, and 2) past or present involvement in climate action. Out of the seven participants in my project, six were active with the UCSC CC and one with UCSC’s Education for Sustainable Living Program (ESLP). All participants were (domestic) students at UCSC, five of them were seniors at the time and graduated within three weeks of the workshop; one participant was a junior, one a freshman. All participants were from different parts of California and had moved to Santa Cruz for college. All participants were white coded31; I did not collect any data regarding socio-economic background or ethnicity. Being transparent about the demographic of participants and other case-specific settings is necessary to contextualize my research as well as the participant’s climate activism. I am aware that this research approached the topics of CJ and place from an academic, white and relatively wealthy context. For instance, participants attend one of the best public universities in the US (Butler 2022). There are thus limitations in my research as the lived experiences of those whose insights are represented here come from a place of socio-economic and white privilege, living in a state that – despite already being exposed to massive floods, storms and fires (Elam 2022) – has 30 ‘Youth’ is a culturally constructed age group. I use the term ‘youth’ to refer to “individuals who identify themselves as children or youth below the age of 35 years” (YOUNGO, 2023). 31 Since no ancestral data was collected at the workshop, I use the term ‘white coded’ to suggest that participants were likely afforded the privilege of whiteness based on physical appearance. 83 the wealth to deal with the consequences of the climate crisis. Historically, this wealth, however, has not translated into equitable climate adaptation or finance for losses and damages caused in vulnerable and disproportionately affected communities across California (Davis 1995). These inequalities are a longstanding trend, still being observed in the United States and beyond today (EPA 2021). Recently, a lawsuit by California’s State Atty. Gen. Rob Bonta has revealed willingness of California’s legislators to hold five fossil fuel companies accountable for causing the historic emissions that continue fueling the climate crisis and intentionally misinforming the public, despite having had access to the scientific evidence about the consequences of fossil fuel emissions since at least the 1960s (Alvarado 2023; Nilsen 2023). Even though many of my study participants had experienced the floods (San Francisco Chronicles 2023), wildfires (Ross Gardner 2020) and unusual winter conditions (Jones 2023) in and around Santa Cruz since 2020, conversations during my research project show that questions of (in)justice are still frequently perceived as distant32 and not necessarily affecting one’s own community yet, with the exception of extreme weather events. I was able to observe this distance - between participants and injustices - visible through difficulties some had to identify place-specific, local cases of climate injustice. The research process and results presented in this chapter are thus embedded in and limited by the positionality of participants, as well as the physical location and political context of my case study. These factors are relevant to keep in mind when discussing the results and outcomes of my research and locating them within the current academic debates around CJ in the following section. 32 When speaking about the understanding of CJ, participants most frequently spoke about responsibilities of the Global North (as historic emitter of greenhouse gases) towards the Global South, bearing the disproportionate impacts of the climate crisis. Most frequently, climate injustices thereby were perceived on a global scale, and as something further away. 84 Literature Review The theoretical conceptualization of climate justice underlying this research was built upon engagement with Indigenous, critical race, feminist and queer literatures around CJ. This section will explore the origins of CJ from the place-focused concept of Environmental Justice (EJ) to then dive deeper into the critical CJ literature before turning to gray literature published by youth climate actors. Last, and due to the absence of place-specific engagement with CJ in the literature - a gap which this research seeks to address - I will highlight academic discourses regarding the scale of action on CJ. 3.3.1 Environmental Justice Engaging with CJ through a place-specific lens calls for revisiting the framework’s origins, which lie in the EJ movement. The review I present here is based on the academic literature available in English only, which significantly skews the focus towards the North American environmentalism movement. “Modern” environmental movements have emerged globally - not only in North America - since the 1960s (Dryzek 2003). Scholars and activists have pointed to tensions with primarily white environmental movements, often rooted in conservation paradigms and how these dynamics have produced a history of racism (Coté 2010; Zelko 2014). Environmental stewardship (Gilio-Whitaker 2019) and relational accountability (Kimmerer 2013; Simpson 2021), have been practiced by Indigenous peoples since time immemorial (Alook et al. 2023; Armstrong & Klein 2023; Whyte 2020) which has largely been omitted by “modern” (primarily white) environmental movements (Gomez 2020; Williams 2021). In line with these criticisms, white environmentalism has a history of land theft and ignoring Indigenous rights, class bias and disregarding colonial history as well as the intersections of racial struggles with environmental degradation (Williams 85 2021). White environmentalism also neglects gentrification concerns due to environmental improvements in urban areas (Gould & Lewis 2021) and lacks a focus on environmental and climate justice issues (Gomez 2020). Turning to EJ scholar Robert Bullard (Bullard 1990), the start of the EJ movement - as it has come to be known in Western scholarship - can be dated back to uprisings against “environmental racism and the racialized pollution and unequal protection afforded to communities of color” in the 1980s in the United States (Newell 2022, 915; Bullard & Wright 1987; Murdock 2021). EJ emerged as a people-driven movement at the grassroots level out of highly place-specific contexts: local, predominantly racialized communities started large(r)-scale organizing against the “unfair siting practices of environmental externalities” (e.g. chemical waste dumps, oil refineries) in communities of color and low-income communities (Murdock 2021, 7). EJ shone a light on power dynamics within US-American society and policy-making, as it saw decisions that led to disproportionate toxic loads in certain neighbourhoods being informed by racist policies which spatially, socially and economically discriminate against and further marginalize vulnerable communities (Murdock 2021, 7). Later, as the implications of the global scale of climate change entered scholarly and public conscious, a new frame was needed to capture underlying and resulting injustices. While EJ focused mainly on what Meikle et al. (2016) call “point-source pollution” (491) it grew into finding “application to broad-based global issues, from the global toxics trade, to food sovereignty, to of course, climate justice” (Schlosberg & Collins 2014, 361). However, Schlosberg & Collins (2014) observe that many aspects of EJ resurface in the framework of CJ. The main commonality is the demand to mitigate pollution and acknowledge the disproportionate impacts of environmental changes on vulnerable, marginalized communities. Turning to exploring CJ in a place-specific 86 context, we can learn greatly from how EJ embeds calls for social and environmental justice in a localized context and from the lived reality of communities, while simultaneously paying attention to the underlying and interlinking systemic structures (e.g. racism, extractivism) that create environmental (in)justices in the first place. 3.3.2 Critical Climate Justice As mentioned above, the CJ framework rose from the global expansion of EJ, as the effects of greenhouse gas emissions began to be understood, mitigated and compensated for on a global scale (Meikle et al. 2016). An increase in large-scale extreme weather events, such as Hurricane Katrina in 2005, marked a turning point (in privileged Western consciousness [Armstrong & Klein 2023]) regarding the disproportionate effects on a global as well as place-specific/local scale on the world’s most vulnerable communities, who are simultaneously the least responsible for climate change (Meikle et al. 2016; Schlosberg & Collins 2014; Whyte 2020). While there are a multitude of works on CJ, certain justice issues are prevalent in the literature: scholars discuss recognition justice (Edwards 2021; Méndez-Barrientos et al. 2022; Newell et al. 2021), procedural justice (Dolšak & Prakash 2022; Newell et al. 2021) and distributive justice (Dryzek et al. ‘2011; Sardo 2023; Newell et al. 2021; Thomas & Benjamin 2022) as well as intergenerational (Cripps 2022; Page 1999) and multispecies justice (Dryzek et al. 2011). One of the most relevant questions related to CJ addresses the complex matter of responsibility, and asks: who is responsible for taking climate action and how can they be compelled to take up their responsibility (Edwards 2021)? Addressing these justice concerns, frameworks of CJ state that acknowledging intersections of spatial location, gender, sexuality, 87 ability, nationality, class and race is crucial in tackling climate injustices (Cripps 2022; Méndez-Barrientos et al. 2022; Newell et al. 2021; Robinson 2018). A critical conceptualization of CJ stresses that critiques of capitalism, globalization and colonialism as “interlocking systems” need to be at the center of CJ scholarship, as they “are imbricated in the production of uneven climate injustices” (Sultana 2022, 119). Critical CJ scholars, such as Sultana (2022), Alook et al. (2023) and Whyte (2017; 2020) argue that interventions (e.g. mitigation and adaptation) only become just, equitable and contextually appropriate once they pay attention to how globalization, colonialism, capitalism, militarism and patriarchy created climate injustices in the first place. This is crucial, as Fisher (2015) warns to not adopt a conceptualization of CJ that sees “climate change to be additional and separate to any existing structural inequalities” (80). According to Pelling (2011), addressing climate change can either bolster existing unequal structures (such as the denial of sovereignty, power and voice to marginalize(d) communities) or serve as a catalyst for transforming long-standing social relationships. Current frameworks and interventions put in place to tackle the climate crisis, even when claiming to be aligned with CJ, still frequently uphold neocolonial and hierarchical structures (Sultana, 2022). It is therefore not only important to ask: “What is just?” but especially “What kind of justice do we want?” (Lahiri-Dutt 2014, 108). Paulo Freire’s concept of “conscientization,” is of relevance here, as he suggests that people first need to engage in critical dialogue to comprehend systemic injustices in order to subsequently mobilize as social justice activists (Freire 1989, in Godden et al. 2020, 597). To serve as a catalyst for transforming long-standing social relationships, climate action needs to question existing and ongoing colonial power structures, actively pursue systemic transformation and rebuild meaningful relationships on a basis of consent, accountability, trust and reciprocity (Whyte 2020). An intersectional approach to CJ also entails the call for an 88 end to extractive, interlocking systems of gender-based exploitation and oppression prevalent in capitalist patriarchies33, which is embedded in and perpetuates colonial narratives of resilience, care and labor (Amorim-Maia et al. 2022; The Red Nation 2020), and the related violence faced by 2SLGBTQIA+ communities and disabled folx (Kafai 2021). Departing from intersectionality (as mentioned in Chapter 1), CJ also contains critiques of liberal-humanist ontologies34 towards a more-than-human, relational understanding of the world (Nishme & Williams 2018; Russel 2021; Verlie 2022; Wilson 2008; Yunkaporta 2019). Encompassing these critiques requires an explicit commitment to Indigenous self-determination (including self-governance, language sovereignty), Indigenous-led practices committed to health, protection and restoration of land and waters, and relationships to all living beings as well as future generations (Armstrong 2009; Armstrong & Klein 2023). Accordingly, critical CJ entails resistance to ‘slow violence’35 as experienced by racialized communities (Nishime & Williams 2018; Schlosberg & Collins 2014) as well as Indigenous peoples; here, slow violence is present through processes of colonialism and extraction, such as 33 Feminism emphasizes the need for systemic change, which implies shifting away from a system that believes in endless growth, towards a feminist culture of “care and commoning” (Sultana 2022, 121). Care-taking (of land, water, people), however, in many contexts is not only extremely gendered, unrecognized and uncompensated, it has also been dangerous and heavily criminalized (The Red Nation 2020; see also Amorim-Maia et al. 2022). 34 Liberal humanism sees rational, sovereign and independent individual human beings as the only subject of the world (Verlie 2022). Verlie (2022) points out that this world view then defines whose existence counts (the human) when looking at (climate) injustices, and has therefore been challenged by Indigenous and feminist scholars alike. Scholars like Verlie (2022) or Russel (2021) counter the notion of “autonomous individuality” with an understanding of the world as consisting of more-than-human relationships, with all matter having agency (Verlie, 2022, p. 4). This is also in line with work by racial ecologists who seek to broaden the understanding of a ’subject’ beyond human existence, deconstructing the anthropocentric worldview (Nishime & Williams, 2018). 35 ‘Slow violence’ was coined by Rob Nixon (2011) to describe gradual and often invisible changes in the environment; the term finds its origin in the context of EJ. The term has also been used strategically to advance a process of “accumulation through dispossession,” a term coined by David Harvey “to describe how environmental theft and degradation are persistent features of capitalism across time and space” (Marez 2018, xi). 89 through Land dispossession, resource exploitation and the denial of Indigenous sovereignty and leadership in the consultation, planning and implementations of climate measures (Alook et al. 2023; Claeys & Pugley 2016; Porter et al. 2020; Simpson 2021; Whyte 2020). Overall, critical CJ scholars show how we will not be able to mitigate the global climate crisis in a just way if we do not acknowledge the intersecting web of injustices rooted in capitalism, colonialism, racism and heteropatriarchy. 3.3.3 Youth-led Approaches to Climate Justice As this is a youth-led project, I now turn to reports and statements written by youth36 , versus only the academic literature, to overview their conceptualization of CJ on an international level and across Turtle Island. Internationally, the wide range of demands revolve mainly around recognition and participation justice, highlighting the importance of leadership by youth with intersecting identities (YOUNGO 2022; Youth4Climate 2021). Youth call for a decolonization of climate change, which would entail the “recognition of historical injustices such as colonialism and imperialism, and persistent struggles such as racism, casteism, ableism, ageism, classism and discrimination based on gender and sexuality” (YOUNGO 2022, 37). Particular attention is directed towards gender-sensitive policy-making and the rights of Indigenous people, people from Island States, climate migrants and refugees and persons with disabilities. 36 For the international component of this review I analyzed the youth statements from the UN Climate Change Conferences of Youth (COY) between 2017-2023: COY18 (2023), COY17 (2022), COY16 (2021), COY15 (2019), COY14 (2018) and COY13 (2017), as well as the Youth4Climate Manifesto (2021), the Analysis of the Sharm el-Sheikh Plan (Gulugulu & Shekhar 2022) and demands by the Loss and Damage Youth Coalition (2022). The youth statements and reports which I reviewed in the context of Turtle Island more specifically came from a variety of sources: Both output documents of Local Conferences of Youth in Turtle Island in 2022 (LCOY Canada 2022; LCOY USA 2022), a youth report by Indigenous Climate Action (2020) and gray literature about youth-led climate lawsuits in Canada and the United States. 90 In the context of Turtle Island, youth make concrete demands - and take (legal) action - for CJ that takes into account global responsibility for the climate crisis as well as solidarity with MAPA (Most Affected Peoples and Areas)37. At the same time, youth are also conscious about climate-related issues and injustices that are specific to the national and local context. This shows, for example, in the more concrete demands on how to account for the historic injustices created by racialized policies and infrastructures, such as red-lining, gentrification and segregation (LCOY USA 2022), as well as the criminalization of frontline communities and Indigenous Land defenders (ICA 2020; LCOY Canada 2022). Youth-led climate litigation across Turtle Island38 focuses on intergenerational justice and equity, claiming that due to “vulnerability and age, children and youth will bear a disproportionate share of the burden imposed by climate change” (Climate Case Chart 2023). Interestingly, climate litigation also frequently uses a place-specific frame, building on claims for “a clean and healthful environment [in Montana] for present and future generations” (Noor 2023). Other (youth-led) lawsuits, for example Neubauer, et al. v. Germany, have argued similarly that the climate crisis is “threatening their rights to life, physical integrity, personal development, property and occupation under the German Basic Law” (Greenpeace 2021; University of Victoria 2023). Youth have shown an extensive understanding of the interconnectedness of CJ across scales and simultaneously, linking global level discussions with locally based experiences. Having 37 While former discourses often framed climate change around Global North (as polluters) and Global South (as affected), the term Most Affected Peoples and Areas (MAPA) is increasingly used in the discourse around CJ, especially by youth (Reyes & Calderón, 2021). 38 Including, but not limited to, La Rose et al. v. Her Majesty the Queen (Climate Case Chart 2023), Juliana et al. v. United States of America (Our Children’s Trust 2023a) and the Held v. State of Montana (Noor 2023; Our Children’s Trust 2023b). 91 taken a closer look at youth-led approaches to CJ, I will lastly turn to how place and scale have been approached in the CJ literature. 3.3.4 Place and Scale in the CJ Literature As outlined above, CJ has been described as a global expansion of EJ (see Meikle et al. 2016), which arose from place- and community-specific contexts of racialized communities. Critical CJ literature, however, suggests that there is value in connecting CJ back to the place-specific (i.e. local) level that existed in EJ; but, without neglecting the responsibilities and accountabilities for climate injustice that must be recognized at a global level (Sultana 2022). Explicit engagement with place is largely absent from the literature on CJ, with only a few exceptions. For instance, Fisher (2015) argues that CJ must be conceived as “multi-scalar” (80), moving away from isolating CJ as an “international issue with solutions between nation-states” and towards an interaction between various scales, such as the local scale. Indigenous scholars such as Kimmerer (2019), Simpson (2014; 2021) and Whyte (2017; 2020) show the interconnectedness of calls for social and environmental justice with the Land, foregrounding place-based knowledge, Indigenous self-determination and relationality with place as an essential component of collective39 life and “moral relationships of reciprocal responsibilities” (Whyte et al. 2018, 155). While place-specific engagement with CJ is rare, the CJ literature does discuss which scale climate-related decision-making and change-making should take place in order for these processes to be just. Dryzek et al. (2011) address precisely this matter by posing the question on which 39 Whyte et al. (2018) describe ‘collectives’ from an Indigenous understanding as “not anthropocentric,” meaning they “do not exclude animals, plants, and ecosystems as members with the responsibilities of active agents in the world” (155). 92 administrative level issues of justice should be tackled. Scholars as well as grassroots activists have criticized the main institutions that address the climate crisis on an international level (between nation-states) for upholding discriminatory and neo-colonial power hierarchies which reproduce injustices instead of tackling them (Dryzek et al. 2011; Grosse & Mark 2020; Sloan Morgan et al. 2023; UBC Centre for Climate Justice n.d.). Thomas & Benjamin (2022), researching intersectional inequities of Haitian migrants in The Bahamas, who are looking at the phenomenon of “vulnerable communities located within a climate-vulnerable country” (1), note that a global approach does not account for injustices on the sub-national level as “neither the global South nor the global North are monoliths” (2). Harris (2010) similarly warns that focusing on nation states as homogenous entities lacks an understanding of differing “responsibilities and rights of people within those states” (as cited in Edwards 2021, 151). Dolšak & Prakash (2022) tie this concern back to the principles of EJ when pointing out that a “rich-poor divide is also evident within rich countries” and an equal burden-sharing of all citizens of a wealthy nation would cause further injustices based on race, class and gender (285). Cripps (2022) points out that states are not the only relevant agents, drawing attention to the essential role of corporations and individuals. Debates around the role of the individual actor, however, bears the danger of stripping political actors and companies of their responsibilities (Edwards 2021; Sardo 2023). Sardo (2023) therefore suggests that CJ should be addressed as a “question of political responsibility” (27). While Sardo (2023) does not deny the essential importance of the community and individual level, he argues individuals and civil groups have the responsibility to contribute to reforming the power structures in (political) institutions to promote justice since existing political structures perpetuate climate injustices. 93 The critical CJ literature emphasizes the importance of community-level leadership and solutions in tackling the climate crisis and centers ethical relations with peoples and ecosystems. Just solutions to the climate crisis cannot lie solely in financial and technical fixes (Amorim-Maia et al. 2022; Cochran et al. 2014). Lived experience and knowledge of “differently situated subjects” are to be actively included in understandings of CJ (Sultana 2022, 122; see also Amorim-Maia et al. 2022). Otherwise, those solutions risk neglecting and perpetuating historical struggles, traditional knowledge and local needs (Ameorim-Maia et al. 2022). In order to avoid tokenism and make participation in decision-making spaces meaningful, inclusive and diverse, governance bodies have to meaningfully engage and represent local community networks (Amorim-Maia et al. 2022; see also Di Chiro 2011). Place-based approaches have the potential to counter Eurocentric and colonial ontologies once they recognize and value a way of living that is centered in community, relationality, balance and well-being for human and non-human beings (see Amorim-Maia et al. 2022). Attention to place, as Amorim-Maia et al. (2022) suggest, recenters questions of access to Land, including “right to place” and “right to return” and calls for abolition of colonial, scientific and “expert-driven” approaches and, instead, “recognize traditional, situated, and local knowledge arising from diverse and often [made] invisible experiences of place and space” (11). Place and space are also central to shaping “people’s perceptions and experiences of privilege, discrimination and oppression” (Amorim-Maia et al. 2022, 3), essential to feminist scholarship such as Crenshaw’s (1989) theory of intersectionality and committed to the situatedness of knowledge (Haraway 1988). Of course, CJ work requires an intentional balance between the “local” and “global” approaches, and needs to be wary of falling into binary oppositions between these two scales by championing one over the other (Davis 2008; Sultana 2022). Without losing sight of the global implications of an unjust climate crisis and the historic responsibilities, place-94 based approaches to CJ can support more contextual and relational climate action that seeks to confront oppressive structures of power within the self, place, movements and institutions (Hunt 2022) through reflection, feedback and integration (Sultana 2022). Although there has been little engagement with CJ in a place-specific context, the utility of doing so lies in the necessity for academic literature to acknowledge, appreciate and represent a reality in which most youth-led CJ action is highly embedded in place and social context. Informed by this paucity of literature and its potential, I now turn to outlining my research process and how engagement with the CJ literature impacted the study design. Methodology: Youth-led Participatory Action Research (YPAR) Informed by my personal commitment to social justice and my experiences as a youth climate activist, my research was grounded in Youth-led Participatory Action Research (YPAR). YPAR is derived from the feminist, queer and anti-oppressive principles of Participatory Action Research (PAR) and attributes great attention and value to lived experiences and personal knowledge of youth (Iwasaki et al. 2014; Ozer et al. 2020; Potts & Brown 2015). YPAR methodology empowers youth to conduct their own action-oriented research on justice and equity issues (Ozer et al., 2020). As a facilitator, I tried my best to adopt the inquiry-based, participatory and transformative nature of YPAR and offered opportunities for youth to learn new skills (e.g., facilitation, methods for activism, etc.) in order to develop further as agents of (systems) change in their communities (Anyon et al., 2018). Below, I outline the processes of data collection and analysis. Following YPAR methodology, the UCSC CC steering committee as well as the youth participants were involved in co-creating the research workshop. We consulted together regularly via email and (virtual) meetings. To prepare the workshop, I met with the UCSC CC steering committee to 95 outline the research workshop, which was then discussed with participants at a virtual research design meeting in May 2023. Data was collected during a full-day (6h) research workshop with seven youth climate actors at the University of California Santa Cruz (UCSC) in June 2023 during which participants engaged in group discussions, sensory attunement exercises40 and banner painting. I conducted five one-on-one interviews between June and October 2023 to deepen understanding of youth perspectives.41 Youth participants were provided a modest honorarium from UBC’s Centre for Climate Justice for their time invested in the research project. Many research approaches (such as discussions, interviews) prioritize verbal discourse and analysis, and I recognize the limitations of such methods in capturing the more felt, or sensory, aspects of experiencing and connecting to CJ and place. The activities of sensory attunement and banner making were central components in this research to deepen connection to place and activate a sense of ‘emplacedness’ among participants. Sensory attunement and artistic practices provide the opportunity to immerse oneself in the real, tangible sensory experiences of an environment by tuning into various sounds, textures, colors or shapes that characterize a place, and creates a setting in which we experience ourselves as situated in our surroundings and the spaces we inhibit. Similarly, banner painting – for many activists a regular creative practice - serves as a tangible 40 I was introduced to these exercises by Dr. Neimanis, a Canada Research Chair in feminist environmental humanities at the University of British Columbia Okanagan. Participants were able to choose between three sensory attunement exercises: Attuning/Mapping //Non-Representational Place (Knight 2021), Transecting/Composing // Creativity with Place (Wolfle Hazard 2022) and Listening/Scoring // Recomposing Place (Kanngieser 2022). These exercises encouraged participants to pay attention to patterns, repetition, surprise, dissonance, delight or discomfort while being-in-place. 41 The University of British Columbia Okanagan‘s Behavioural Research Ethics Board provided ethical approval for this project (BREB Approval H23-00451; see Appendix I: Certificate of Approval). 96 expression of thoughts, questions and commitments – in this case surrounding the intersection of CJ and place – beyond what is verbally expressed. Simultaneously, and as already highlighted in 2.3.3.1, it is important to recognize that sensory attunement prioritizes individual perception, potentially neglecting broader systemic analysis. Verlie and Neimanis (2023) argue that relying solely on embodied attunement may not sufficiently deepen understanding of climate change within historical and political contexts, especially considering diverse experiences shaped by factors like race, class, gender, sexuality, ability, and geographic location. To avoid re-centering the individual knower, sensory attunement should integrate insights from various disciplines and undergo critical inquiry to acknowledge the complexities of the observed phenomenon. Findings In the following section, I will outline the three main themes that emerged from our conversations during the research workshop and interviews. First, I will draw the connection between participants’ understanding of place and the concept of sense of place. Next, I will summarize our conversations around CJ and discuss how participants broadened their conceptualization by engaging with critical CJ. Finally, I will outline the main theme that emerged when participants were asked how place and CJ intersect, paying close attention to how participants’ reflection on place features and (potentially) advances their understanding of CJ, as well as (their) climate action. 3.5.1 Theme One: Sense of Place Asked about Santa Cruz as a place, participants quickly drew a separation between the downtown of SC and the UCSC campus. 97 I would say [SC is] mysterious. I feel like I still don't know Santa Cruz that well. And I've almost been here for two years. [...] I’m looking forward to knowing Santa Cruz without going to school in Santa Cruz, if that makes sense? I feel like being a part of UCSC is sort of different from being part of Santa Cruz. I almost feel like they're very separate still to me. And so I'm looking forward to trying to get to know the city itself better. (Gwen, Workshop 1, 34:09) The UCSC campus, they said, is spatially disconnected from the community which leads to limited social interactions between university students and community members. Participants therefore made a distinction between ‘campus activism’ and ‘city activism’. This separation impacted participants’ awareness of local social justice issues: whereas university classes provide globally oriented education, participants learn about the community context and prevalent local issues outside the classroom. I'm a chemistry major, and I've never had any sort of discussion in any classes about local issues, or really any sort of issues. So I've only learned about that from peers and people outside of school and outside of the chemistry department in school. I've learned about issues from people in the Climate Coalition and other people I know, but yeah, I haven't really had any classes that cover any topics about local issues or other issues. (Lakota, Workshop 1, 49:53) Learning about justice-related (climate) issues depended strongly on how the space students found themselves in was constructed (e.g., through major requirements, individual professors); when learning opportunities were not provided in classes, peers as well as non-academic and 98 community-based initiatives played an important role in motivating participants’ learning process around CJ. Another aspect that came up while discussing how participants experience Santa Cruz as a place was ‘contrast’ and ‘contradiction.’ Katie specifically referred to the dissonance between the “beautiful” picture of SC crafted for the sake of tourism versus the many hidden social justice issues, such as the housing crisis: I feel like there's an interesting contrast going on in Santa Cruz for me. There's the beautiful nature and the ocean and the forest. And then there's tourism, so there's a lot of people coming from outside. And then there's a lot of issues also going on in Santa Cruz that are often kind of invisible. [...] Lots of houselessness, and wealth disparity and stuff, so I don't know, it's kind of interesting. (Katie, Workshop 1, 40:17) Discussing their understandings of place, participants raised awareness about how their perception of place is relative; where they grew up or lived before impacted participants’ perception of the size, demographics and (political) ‘progressiveness’ of a place with regards to climate action. Similarly, participant Gwen pointed out that one’s identity or occupation (“what you do / where you spend your time”) in a place strongly influences how you relate to place. Combined with doing sensory attunement exercises (see Chapter 2), this exploration of place allowed participants not only to think about their understanding of the concept of place, but also explore their embodied, personal relationships to the place, thus setting the scene for thinking about CJ in a place-specific context. 99 3.5.2 Theme Two: Towards Critical Climate Justice Our conversations about CJ sought to understand in which context youth had learned about CJ as a concept for the first time. Participants mostly learned about social justice issues related to climate justice through university courses.42 Katie and Alexandra both shared that they arrived at CJ through reading and writing about EJ for undergraduate classes. Alexandra highlighted that, in their case, learning about CJ (or EJ) is financially inaccessible43: [I found it] weird and shocking that the place that I learned about to care for our environment was a place that I pay for, that pretty much everyone who goes here pays for. (Interview Alexandra, 8:36) Several participants shared that their understanding of CJ further developed after becoming involved in climate activism - more specifically the UCSC CC - where they talked about CJ more frequently and in-depth. Ian shared that once he gained a better understanding of CJ, it became clearer which concrete actions could be taken to practically implement socially just climate action. When asked to discuss their knowledge about CJ in pairs, all participants agreed that CJ highlights the disproportionate impacts of the climate crisis on those who are least responsible for it (mentioned in the workshop as: ‘developing’ countries, communities of color, and those with low economic background). They traced such injustices back to colonialism as well as capitalist extraction and production, fueled by the ‘othering’ of people and, arguably, nature, by way of 42 At least three participants completed a course at UCSC titled “Bending the Curve” by Les Guliasi (UC Santa Cruz 2023). 43 I want to clarify here that when I talk about ‘learning’ I refer to the process of becoming familiarized with the theoretical concept of EJ and CJ. I acknowledge that many communities ‘learn’ about EJ or CJ (or rather environmental and climate injustices) through personal experience; to them, the ‘learning’ - of course - cannot be described as “inaccessible” as these injustices become their embodied experience. 100 upholding a human/nature binary. Climate injustice is further perpetuated by a lack of accountability of ‘developed’ (Western) countries towards countries who are carrying the burden of the climate crisis. Participants emphasized that impacted and marginalized groups have the least financial resources for adaptation and mitigation. All of these aspects speak to questions of power, separation and responsibility. Ian defined CJ as “dealing with climate change in an equitable way” (Interview Ian, 9:51). That, for example, means that wealthy countries and companies carry the burden to cap emissions (Interview Ian, 7:39). According to participants, CJ also entails protecting environmental and (non) human health (e.g., access to clean water, air and food; resources for adaptation); it puts people over profit and centers marginalized voices. Lakota added that the transition needs to happen on a systemic level: If you're part of a Western modern society, you can't really separate yourself from the institutions that cause a lot of pollution. And so the only thing you can really do is encourage change to be made higher up with legislation and [...] I think mainly laws, because even if you try to [...] be as climate friendly as you can, you're burning fossil fuels. (Lakota, Workshop 2, 38:42). The interviews showed that participants apply the justice lens also to mitigation and adaptation measures, and critically question practices such as mining and resource extraction that aim to advance the energy transition without questioning the underlying extractivist and capitalist notions of growth (Interview Ian). When asked about examples of climate injustice specific to Santa Cruz, participants brought forward several issues: Some outlined the vulnerability of SC due to its physical location 101 as a coastal city which also has a heightened risk of wildfires. Gwen and Ian pointed out that there are differences regarding vulnerabilities within SC (Interviews). Beach Flats community, a predominantly low-income Latinx neighborhood, for example, was disproportionately affected by the SC flooding in early 2023 (Interview Gwen, Workshop 2). Katie emphasized the interconnectedness of the housing crisis with CJ, pointing towards increased vulnerability of unhoused people to extreme weather, pollution and flooding. A more campus-specific issue raised by Ian and Gwen was the burning of fracked methane from the Central Valley in California which UCSC burns to generate power.44 When asked to evaluate the usefulness of CJ in communicating issues around the climate crisis, most participants found it very useful and important. Katie and Halle found it necessary to use the concept of CJ because (in)justice-related issues are still largely absent from conversations centering mostly white, privileged actors. Besides drawing attention to who is centered in conversations around climate, CJ also serves as a reminder that climate action is not about lowering global temperature at any cost, but evaluating the various ways of how that could happen through a justice-oriented lens (Interview Ian). Alexandra raised concerns regarding who responds to communication around CJ, highlighting that people’s environment and political affiliation may strongly impact their receptiveness to the justice framework. She used the example of UCSC, pointing out that most students on campus have liberal worldviews which they communicate within the space of a predominantly liberal city. Turning to the challenges of applying a CJ frame, Katie pointed out the tensions that come with CJ being a very broad and all-encompassing concept: 44 The burning of fracked methane by the 10 UC campuses does not only release about 1 million tons CO2 per year, the practice of fracking also releases toxic gasses and chemical waste that contaminates air and water, and thereby impacts human and non-human organisms in the proximity of fracking sites (ElectrifyUC 2023). 102 while a benefit of the broad concept is that it covers a lot of ground, at the same time, it bears the risk of not addressing specific issues adequately. The responsibility of CJ advocates, according to Katie, lies with the “ongoing search for communicating it [CJ] effectively”, finding ways of using CJ as a starting place to dive deeper into more specific conversations. The insights provided were in line with the literature review, but showed more specifically the participants’ understanding of CJ which is important context for their exploration of the intersection of place and CJ. 3.5.3 Theme Three: Intersections of Place and CJ – From Understanding to Action Responding to the question of how place and CJ intersect through art-based workshop activities and discussing participants’ contributions at the workshop and during interviews, I realized that participants not only advanced their understanding of CJ but also made observations that have the potential to contribute to their practical climate action. As reflected by Katie: I think [it is important to center a place-specific perspective] to get a better [...] holistic understanding of the issue [...]. And [...] one solution for one place would not be a solution for another place. And I think that's important to recognize. (Interview Katie, 51:49) Participants discussed that paying attention to place provides contextualization for the understanding of CJ and concrete climate action. Katie noted that “different aspects of CJ affect places very differently based on different characteristics of the place”, acknowledging that injustice differs depending on variables such as physical location, demographics, wealth disparity or political context (Interview Katie, 44:05; Appendix J: Figure J.3). Not only are CJ and injustice contextual, but the action that needs to be taken is also place-specific. A frequently mentioned place-specific variable in the workshop was the political make-103 up of a place45. Understanding CJ in the context of place-specific variables can direct climate actors to concrete demands, actions and potential limitations when they plan to organize around CJ issues, while being informed by the question of: What can realistically be achieved? And how can CJ best be implemented in this context? The answers to these questions, Katie highlighted, depend on the variables of place, and subsequent contextualization of CJ and climate action, which can either obstruct or support social change. Embedding place into conversations about CJ creates a personal relationship to the issue, as it “hits closer to home” (Interview Gwen, 12:23; Appendix J: Figure J.4). Personal connection and proximity to CJ issues can contribute to more tangible understandings of the justice component: Rather than immediately going to: oh, the global south is more affected by climate change, rather saying, people in Watsonville are dealing with these extremely harmful pesticides that are giving them asthma. (Interview Gwen 24:45)46 Especially considering that many of the participants said they learned about CJ on a global scale, the localization of CJ issues helped them to gain a better understanding of how to pay attention to injustice within their own communities. Creating personal connections to CJ, they agreed, needs to be increasingly integrated into communications by climate action groups: “If it is personal, you’re going to care about it more and you are going to be more driven to become active” 45 One important variable that conversations frequently return to was ‘the political’ make-up of a place, and how that either allows for more advocacy or makes it more difficult (Interview: Alexandra, Gwen; Workshop 2: Gwen, Lakota). In this US-context, the word ‘political’ seemed to be used interchangeably with ‘partisan’ (Workshop 2, 58:59). 46 I recognize that when strictly applying justice frameworks outlined in the literature review, this would be seen as an EJ issue rather than a CJ issue. However, in this research, participants used it as an example of CJ. 104 (Interview Gwen 24:45). A related concept frequently used in conversations around environmental and climate action is place attachment47 – a concept that describes the emotional care an individual feels for a place. As people already see how their communities are more affected by climate change, framing climate action about personal, place-specific needs can increase willingness to take action: If they can know that taking action on climate can specifically be about their needs, and meeting their community’s needs, I think that’s very important to getting people to take action. (Interview Ian 15:18) Ian also noted that while he expected the recent increase in fires, storms and flooding in Santa Cruz, most likely caused or intensified by climate change, to have led to a change in people’s awareness of the climate crisis it did not noticeably translate into increased involvement in climate action. Gwen actually disagreed and stated that, in her experience, people do not necessarily draw the connection between natural disasters, such as the floods in January 2023, and the climate crisis. Halle suggested that this lack of action may be because people in the US are desensitized to different kinds of extreme events (e.g. mass shootings) which are only present (e.g. in the media) until the next tragedy happens: “it is hard for people to focus on one [social justice issue] for long enough” (Interview Halle, 41:55). 47 The frequently used concept of ‘place attachment’ describes “the experience of a long-term affective bond to a particular geographic area and the meaning attributed to that bond. Where a person lives in a particular locale over an extended period, that person will often develop feelings of affection for, and a sense of belonging, or being of that place, so that place becomes ‘one anchor of his or her identity’ (Hay, 1998)” (Morgan 2010). While there are varying definitions of ‘place attachment’, they all point to a strong emotional bond between a place and an individual, suggesting that the physical environment has a significant impact on shaping the human sense of self (Giuliani & Feldman 1993). ‘Place attachment’ is frequently used to motivate environmental or climate action – as a response to strong emotional care for a place. 105 Gwen and Ian’s art engaged with the role of place in drawing attention to the interconnectedness of identity and the climate crisis. They see thinking about place as an opportunity to reflect on their own identity and situatedness with regards to the climate crisis, which centers care and relationships in their understanding of CJ (Appendix J: Figures J.5 & J.6). Reflecting on how identity plays into conversation around CJ can indicate not only vulnerabilities within a community, but also (individual and communal) privileges that potentially evoke feelings of responsibility to act. Where you are at, your location, has a lot to do with your identity, and then trying to identify with the climate crisis [...] will make it more important to you. (Interview Gwen, 24:45) The centrality of sense of place in participants’ conversations shows how central place is to shaping identity, and vice versa. The same holds true for climate action. Alexandra, for example, talked about how people make a “conscious effort” to choose a specific place (e.g. Santa Cruz) to be(come) active, an example of a place where people feel like their activism will be fruitful. Choosing a specific place in the aforementioned way, however, also has its fallacies and could lead to people seeking (only) places where their values will be reciprocated: “A lot of activists [...] chose SC to be active but at the same time, we really need people like us in other places to balance out the efforts” (Interview Alexandra, 53:33). At the same time, we also spoke about a positive feedback loop in which an already ‘active’ place becomes an inviting and encouraging space for ‘new’ people to become active. The emphasis on action in place leads directly to the last point that attention to place can inform tangible demands and manageable actions towards CJ. Katie says that 106 it is really easy to get wrapped up in global climate justice issues, and it just feels like this big thing that [...] our world isn’t addressing, but [...] it’s kind of motivating to think about there are place-specific things you can do that have direct impact. (Interview Katie, 1:02:21) While none of the participants were by any means suggesting that global or national action should be abandoned, they did find that localizing CJ issues may make climate action more accessible and inclusive (Appendix J: Figure J.7; Interview Halle). Measures for climate mitigation and adaptation often seem more comprehensible and achievable on a local level versus a national level. Ian had reflected on this point, stating that: A lot of the solutions that are really helpful to CJ, a lot of times, are local and place-specific, not only because people feel most responsible for the places that they are close to and they live in, [...] but also because oftentimes, local based solutions are some of the best solutions. (Interview Ian, 30:30) To illustrate this statement, Ian used the example that some global supply chain networks of shipping and transportation cause massive emissions48, which could be reduced if basic needs (e.g., transportation, food, etc.) were met on a local level. Taking local action (e.g. restoring wildlife or native plant species [see Interview Halle]) can also create spaces for community building, bonding and strengthening social resilience.49 This has 48 According to the Statista Research Department the transportation sector currently accounts for 20.2 percent of global CO2 emissions (data published on Aug 31, 2023). Transport emissions are here classified as “Transport – Mobile combustion” and include both private and commercial road, rail, ship and aviation emissions (Statista Research Department 2023). 49 I acknowledge that the term resilience is frequently critiqued by feminist scholars as one “which frequently relies on free labor of community members who are facing structural inequities, such as women, POC, Indigenous people 107 the potential to bring awareness to the necessity for strong local climate action networks and the involvement of people who do not necessarily see themselves in political advocacy work, but who would get involved in other aspects of climate action, such as community outreach or restoration projects (Interview Halle). These results show that youth-participants see ample opportunity to advance community-based climate action through lessons learned from engaging with place-specific CJ. The question left to ask is: How can these results inform non-academic and academic engagement with place-specific CJ in the future? In the following discussion, I will share several observations that hopefully motivate further conversations about CJ in place. Discussion My research has shown that thinking about the intersection of place and CJ has the potential to advance critical engagement with CJ and activism. Conversations during the research project not only led to a more in-depth understanding of the concept of CJ by putting CJ into context and illustrating interrelated, place-specific social justice struggles, but it also informed participants’ climate actions on the ground by drawing attention to tangible demands and manageable actions. Engaging further with exercises that give room to the embodied, sensory and emotional forms of knowing and being-in-place can help to facilitate a process of further exploring the intersections of place (FEELed Lab 2023; Neimanis & Walker 2014; Verlie & Neimanis 2023). The potential of bringing place and CJ together is that it sparks discussions and reflection about the necessity to dive deeper into understanding CJ as an intersection of social (in)justices — and queer folx” (The Red Nation 2020, 23), or in disability studies as being “overly prescriptive and constrained by hegemony, positivism, and ability-centrism” (Hutcheon & Lashewicz 2014). In this specific context participants used the term ‘resilience’ to describe a community’s ability to tackle the climate crisis collectively. 108 locally, but simultaneously through a systems-level lens. Many participants mentioned that they had not previously been prompted to critically reflect on their understanding of CJ and its interconnection with place. For them, this research project opened up a much-needed space to reflect on their understanding of and engagement in climate justice work. An array of topics arose from conversations around the intersection of CJ and place that are important for those doing social justice activism: identity and positionality, responsibility, relationships and community, and (local) intersections of various social justice concerns, such as climate, housing, and pollution. The research project, however, not only held space for deeper engagement with these pre-existing topics of reflection, it also served as an educational space to move beyond the familiar and already-known. Conversations during the workshop helped to illuminate the sites of possibility opened up by taking a place-based approach to CJ and after speaking across Indigenous, feminist, queer and youth-led perspectives on CJ. Through our conversations, participants realized they wanted to become more specific with their definition of CJ and respective demands. Topics central to CJ and closely interlinked with place, such as Indigenous sovereignty and Land Back, for example, only came up once prompted; discussions revealed that while participants (and their respective organizations) have intentions and conversations around collaborating with Indigenous student groups and organizations, the engagement with Indigenous sovereignty as an aspect of CJ remains scarce. These conversations were understood by participants as opportunities to think further about the implications to do CJ activism as settlers on unceded territory. Providing spaces for, in the case of this research, white/settler climate actors to advance their understanding(s) of CJ and its intersections with power and privilege through critical discourse, reflective exercises and new perspectives is therefore crucial; according to participants’ feedback, this workshop created a long-109 overdue space to dive into such reflections - reflections that are important especially among CJ groups of predominantly white, college-educated demographics.50 Alongside broadening participants’ understanding of intersectional CJ, conversations revealed that engaging with place sparks reflection on positionality, privilege and entanglement in systems of colonial norms, power and oppression as climate actors. Reflections included how identity shapes one’s sense of place as well as being-in-place, one’s exposure to impacts of climate-induced injustice(s) and ability to respond to them. For non-Indigenous, white settler climate actors, engaging with place ultimately requires an urgent obligation to deconstruct our complicity in reinforcing what Kwakwaka'wakw scholar Sarah Hunt/Tłaliłila'ogwa (2022), in a paper on unsettling conversations on climate action, calls “colonial norms” (136). These norms center notions of growth, progress, development as well as structures of race, class, and gender; Simpson (2014) adds coercion and authority (7). “Without confronting colonial norms within our institutions and disciplines,” Hunt (2022) asserts, “climate action risks replicating the oppressive structures of power that got us in this mess in the first place” (136). Indigenous scholars and climate actors as well as their non-Indigenous accomplices51 have long shared an abundance of (written and oral) knowledge, research and experiences that can guide and inform settler activists. The process of reading, understanding, thinking and reflecting - as well as sitting with what Nishnaabeg scholar Whetung (2017) calls ‘remaining unreconciled‘ - is an act of rejection of white 50 I am speaking here from my personal experience as a white, college-educated and wealthy climate actor who sees the need for ongoing reflection for myself, but also within the various (predominantly) white climate action groups I have been and am currently involved in. 51 Discussions around the language of ally and accomplice can be well described through the quote by Lilla Watson: “If you come here to help me, you’re wasting your time. If you come because your liberation is bound up with mine, then let us work together.” While allies provide often temporary acts of support or solidarity, accomplices “fight back or forward, together, becoming complicit in a struggle towards liberation” (Indigenous Action 2014). 110 environmentalist ideas. Here, settlers as climate actors “reveal ourselves as vulnerable ‘not knowers’ who are willing to examine our dual positions as colonizer-perpetrators and colonizer-allies” (Regan 2010, 28) acknowledging the contradictions of solidarity as “embedded within the dominant social relations of colonialism, racialization, and capitalism” (Curnow & Helferty 2018, 155). Overall, approaching climate injustice concerns through engagement with place presents opportunities to start unravelling system-scale oppression, violence and extractivism that have already been pointed towards on a more local scale through EJ (Amorim-Maia et al. 2022; Di Chiro 2011; Sultana 2022). This research therefore suggest we pay attention to several aspects when exploring place-specific CJ. First, we need to reflect on the implications of engaging with place when it comes to CJ. This is especially relevant as a central component of many environmentalist efforts is the (re)connection of people with place (see place attachment as mentioned earlier) and their environment to restore care, which is thought to motivate climate action. Participant Halle emphasized that “being present [with nature]” is an important step in getting to know place, engage with our communities and figure out our connections to place specifically. Through a focus on place, however, climate actors in a settler colonial context may be encouraged to unpack how the relationship of settlers with place has been built on the dispossession of Indigenous peoples. By building “their” relationship to the Land, white settlers have historically been erasing the relationship of Indigenous people to the Land (Curnow & Helferty 2018). Madeline Whetung finds that “colonial land relations have settled over top of Indigenous land-based relations, not beside them” (Whetung 2016, 11, in Curnow & Helferty 2018); whereas Athabascan scholar Dion Million reminds readings that the ‘ecological’ is always on Indigenous Land (Million 2018). In a context in which non-Indigenous voices have been 111 foregrounded in conversations about connection to Land and place, climate actors should be(come) aware of the damage caused by re-centering whiteness in the process of engaging with place (Hunt 2023)52. Second, this research shows how engaging with place-specific climate justice should not only inform CJ consciousness but, more so, action on the ground. Through a focus on place-specific impacts of the climate crisis, climate actors must unpack the reflection of racism and systemic oppression in the disproportionate experiences of climate-induced catastrophies (and emergency responses) in their immediate surrounding (Davis 1995). Correspondingly, this is an opportunity to understand how power and privilege make invisible the impacts of the climate crisis (Gould & Lewis 2021; Williams 2021). For example, participants shared that they perceived climate injustice as a phenomenon physically distant from their own location and lived realities. Those with wealth and political power may not experience social injustices exacerbated by the climate crisis and/or have access to services in disaster responses; as such, proximity to and experiences of privilege and power may make climate injustices appear distant or invisibilize injustices in place. Lastly, place-specific CJ should not lead to a local vs. global trap. Indeed, honing in on CJ through the lens of place still seemed counterintuitive to some participants. Halle, for example, raised the concern that “it is hard to look at climate change from a specific place just because emissions are affecting the atmosphere which affects everything” (Interview Halle, 29:46). As 52 This phenomenon is really well illustrated by Hunt (2023) when she describes the following scenario: “Yet, as Carr [Emily Carr, painter of British settler descent] traversed the coast painting the beauty around her, I imagine her asking women like Lucy [Kwakiutl woman Lucy Homiskanis, Hunt’s great-great-grandmother] to step aside so she could get a better view of the trees behind. Pushed beyond the edge of the frame, Indigenous women's absence became naturalized in depictions of these landscapes such that myths about an unoccupied wilderness could flourish” (6). 112 scholars such as Fisher (2015) and Sultana (2022) have voiced, there are challenges to approaching a global phenomenon like the climate crisis through a local lens. Sultana (2022) stresses that “engaging with local communities is central, with the explicit understanding that romancing the local is counterproductive and can obscure intersectional oppression” (120). Fisher (2015) similarly speaks about the necessity to step away from the ‘local’ / ‘global’ binary and move towards seeing CJ as an interaction between all scales. Focusing on either bears the risk of obstructing the other; paying attention to place-specific CJ does by no means suggest neglecting injustices and powers at play on a systemic and global level. Rather, it can be seen as an encouragement to understand systemic injustices in an embodied context which enables us to relate, emphasize and take action. In this context, I want to return to Armstrong (2009) who, when talking about the grounding-in-place of Indigeneity, points out: “where resources are scarce and fragile, they [a unit, describing a self-governed community of people] operate out of the knowledge that local autonomy is an absolute requirement for successful regeneration of local resources critical to sustain the mutual needs and benefits of each unit” (57). This might encourage a more balanced view on place going forward, transcending the binary of local vs. global that bears the danger of obstructing climate action across all scales. Conclusion This research highlights the significant potential of integrating the intersections of place and CJ for advancing critical engagement and activism. Participants found value in exploring both place and CJ, independently as well as at their intersection, contributing to a deeper understanding of CJ by putting it in conversation with dynamics of power and privilege. The discussions informed 113 tangible demands and manageable actions for climate activism, emphasizing the practical implications of theoretical concepts. The synthesis of place and CJ prompted critical reflections among participants, particularly on issues such as identity, positionality, responsibility, relationships and the local intersections of various social justice concerns. The research not only allowed for a more profound exploration of these pre-existing topics but also introduced new perspectives through critical discourse and reflective exercises. Such opportunities are crucial, especially among predominantly white, college-educated climate actors, to deconstruct one’s position(ality) within larger-scale systems of power. Going forward, climate actors can benefit from engaging with the meaning of place. This involves acknowledging the multi-layered nature of place, and understanding that sense of place is constructed through personal experiences, relationships and situatedness, including power and privilege. To foster engagement with place-specific CJ, we can rethink our relationships to place and our more-than-human as well as human environments, enacting care and reciprocity within local environments. At the same time, it is crucial that settler climate actors foster awareness arounf the fact that settler relationships to place have historically led to the erasure of Indigenous Land relations; engaging with place in the context of CJ needs to be conscious of this dynamic and must counter its (un)conscious reinforcement. Finally, engaging further with place-specific CJ may uncover the risk of falling into a local versus global dichotomy. While focusing on place-specific CJ, it is crucial to recognize the interconnectedness of systemic injustices at global scales. Without losing sight of the global implications of an unjust climate crisis and historic responsibilities, place-based approaches to CJ can support more contextual and relational climate action. Overall, climate actors and academic 114 scholars alike can spark conversations in practical ways and unravel the actionable potential inherent in place-specific explorations of CJ by foregrounding the intersections of place and climate justice. 115 Chapter 4: Conclusion Revisiting the Research Goals Youth have been on the forefront of CJ advocacy and action (Elbein 2017; Grosse & Mark 2020; YOUNGO 2023b) yet they remain marginalized from decision-making processes due to existing adultist power structures (Foran et al. 2017; Kennedy 2018; Sloan Morgan et al. 2023; Thew et al. 2020). This project therefore utilized a youth-led participatory action research (YPAR) methodology in order to center youth leadership and to view youth as self-determined, capable, and knowledgeable rather than vulnerable (Anyon et al., 2018; McHugh, 2014; Ozer et al., 2020). This research also set out to investigate place-specific conceptualizations of CJ which are largely absent from mainstream academic discussions of CJ. Indigenous, feminist and critical CJ scholars, however, highlight the importance of temporary and spatial scale when it comes to CJ (Alook et al. 2023; Amorim-Maia et al. 2022; Fisher 2015; Sultana 2022; Whyte 2020). In the context of Turtle Island, the erasure of place in academic research as well as climate action is deeply intertwined with the settler colonial past and presence (Tuck & McKenzie 2015). Centering place, however, is helpful because the causes and consequences of climate in/justices are specific to the context of people and place (Jafry 2019). Engaging youth as climate actors in place-specific explorations of CJ can be one of many steps towards a better understanding of place-conscious CJ scholarship and practical activism in settler colonial contexts. My research set out to investigate youth’s perception of CJ through a place-specific lens. The overarching questions driving my research were: How do youth climate actors understand CJ? And how is this understanding of CJ informed by place to impact strategies for climate action? Guided by these questions, my research aimed to engage with three objectives. The three 116 objectives were central to guiding the data collection of my research, and were met through the analysis and knowledge mobilization as part of this thesis. Objective One: Explore how CJ is employed in place-specific ways to understand its perceived efficacy in localized contexts. This objective informed the content of the research workshop and interviews, which focused on exploring place-specific CJ with youth as well as how useful they perceived an investigation of the intersections of place and CJ to be for their own climate action. The results of this research were shared in Chapter 3, which I intend to submit for scholarly publication. Objective Two: Practically engage youth climate activists in exploring tools to investigate place-specific CJ issues and communicate resulting demands to their communities and decision-makers to drive change. This objective was met through the structure and the activities at the research workshop, thus spanning both Chapters 2 and 3; focusing on the requests from the participants and the UCSC CC, I incorporated practical exercises and room for skill-sharing among youth climate actors. After the workshop, participants were involved in determining the next steps of the research and data dissemination, including receiving a community-tailored report for their use in local initiatives. Objective Three: Share methodological considerations as well as personal embodied experiences of the research process to make applying YPAR methodologies more accessible to fellow youth and young researchers. This objective focused on the process of exploring YPAR methodology and documenting my experience along the way. Journaling and critical reflection throughout the data collection process helped me to uncover the tensions that I experienced doing community-engaged research 117 as a graduate student and youth climate activist. The methodological reflections were shared in Chapter 2; upon submission of this thesis, I will continue knowledge mobilization through the publication of this paper. Contributions This thesis took a paper-based structure, with Chapter 2 and Chapter 3 taking different approaches to the overarching research question and guided by my research objectives. In this section, I summarize the scholarly and community-based/informed contributions that will hopefully generate further attention to YPAR research as well as the significance of place for CJ. I thereby pay attention to the theoretical, methodological and substantive contributions of this research. 4.2.1 Theoretical Contributions As a consequence of ongoing settler colonial occupation and (neo)colonial power structures present in political systems as well as academic institutions, CJ research has largely erased place from its considerations (Tuck & McKenzie 2015). Place and setting in research, however, are inseparable from questions of justice as power dynamics and resulting social practices materialize in place. My research has shown that thinking about the intersection of CJ and place bears the potential to advance critical engagement with both CJ and place through a localized as well as systems-level lens. In a localized context, thinking about place-specific CJ can raise awareness for intersectional climate injustices and shed light on how power and privilege not only determine the extent to which one experiences climate injustices but also how they become invisibilized to those holding wealth and political power. My research also enabled participants to reflect on how to employ a place-specific lens to encourage community-based collaborations and tangible action. 118 On a systems-level, be/com/ing aware of the intersections of identity, positionality, relationship and responsibility - all part of participants’ conversations around place-specific CJ - must be embedded to increase understanding of one’s privilege, power and complicity in systems of colonial oppression and violence (Hunt 2022; Simpson 2014). Engaging with place in a settler colonial context bears tensions, especially for white settlers (youth) involved as climate actors. In this research project, youth participants did not draw connections between CJ, settler colonialism and their own situatedness on unceded Uypi territory until prompted; place, however, can be a prompt that highlights the necessity of critically engaging with positionality and settler colonialism when speaking about climate injustices. Recognizing the intersectionality of injustices caused and perpetuated by the climate crisis is central to engagement with place-specific CJ. Critical engagement with place needs to take place from a situated perspective; in the context of this research that specifically means be/com/ing aware of the damage caused by re-centering whiteness and settler perspectives in the process of engaging with place. Without confronting colonial structures, CJ activism risks replicating oppressive structures that have created the climate crisis in the first place. This research has demonstrated a possibility of how to facilitate and contextualize conversations around place and CJ while also pointing towards colonial histories in place, and sparking discussions among participants. 4.2.2 Methodological Contributions While YPAR methodology, in theory, aims to put youth at the center of the research (Anyon et al., 2018; Marks et al. 2023; Ozer et al., 2020), this intention is much more complex to realize in practice (Bertrand 2016; Ozer & Wright 2012). This research project made a contribution to the literature around YPAR as it reflected on the experience of a youth and community-member 119 facilitating a YPAR project; this is a novel contribution as few youth-led projects around climate issues have actually emerged from within a community and were then led by a community-member (e.g. Crespo Triveño & Angel Bernabe 2023). My embeddedness in the research created an ‘insider’/’outsider’ dynamic so far sparsely explored in the academic literature. Reflecting this dynamic also opened up questions around how the parameters of YPAR methodology as a theoretical framework can be/are altered when we pay attention to the role of trust and (pre)established trusting relationships in the research process. In this thesis, I also reflect on the challenges of conducting YPAR as a graduate student, much of which are related to time and capacity from all sides: researcher, partner community and participants. The question of how to navigate limited capacity among youth who are involved in social and climate justice work needs to be further explored theoretically and practically. Further, I speak to how institutional guidelines and constraints can impact the youth-led as well as participatory nature of YPAR. The last methodological contribution of this research are the practical examples of how to ensure reciprocity, one of the central values of YPAR. Establishing communication around the needs and wishes of the partner community and participants accordingly is central to ensure the research is youth-led, participatory and action-oriented. 4.2.3 Substantial Contributions This project has made substantive contributions during the research process and knowledge mobilization. The most substantive contribution of the research process is that it strengthened my relationships with the UCSC CC as well as the formation of new relationships among research participants. Many of the participants reported back that their critical thinking had been stimulated 120 by the questions and discussions - and that they wanted to bring their burgeoning thoughts into their respective groups and incorporate them into future actions. The skill training was very well received and left participants feeling empowered and hopeful for their future climate activism. Overall, having a space where we could all gather, talk and reflect, do art and share a meal together was a positive experience for everyone. Another contribution of this project is the knowledge mobilization that has taken place throughout this research. The knowledge from this research has been mobilized in different ways: First, the research findings were shared with those involved with the project through member-checking (see Chapter 2) and, secondly, through a workshop report (Appendix F: Workshop Report). Third, I mobilized knowledge from this research as well as my own learnings through my involvement as a youth climate actor in various capacities, including the COY18 and COP28 (November and December 2023) as well as our local community organizing. Being a member of the Children and Youth Constituency to the UNFCCC, I was able to contribute my experiences with YPAR methodology and engagement with the power dynamics underlying the marginalization of youth to conversations around meaningful youth inclusion initiated by the COP28 Presidency. Going forward, I seek to mobilize the take-aways from this research to support further conversations about CJ in place, including within my own engagements with CJ on syilx Okanagan territories and beyond. Study Strengths The strengths of this study lie in the interdisciplinary approach to the research which led to a multiplicity of academic and gray literature informing my study. This was especially useful when it came to approaching the concept of place from multiple disciplinary angles, including Critical 121 Geography, Indigenous Studies and Environmental Sciences. Additionally, an interdisciplinary approach allowed for my research to be guided by my own experiences as well as learnings from peers and fellow CJ activists. I also see strengths in the way that my research shares the experiences and challenges of implementing YPAR methodology: The research outlines 1) the successes of this youth-led project while also acknowledging the challenges that impact the participatory and youth-led nature of YPAR methodology. While the research could be seen as youth-led because both the researcher and participants are considered youth under the (age) framework used, it is important to consider that this research project is also shaped by the involvement and requirements of various institutional bodies (supervising committee, Behavioural Research Ethics Board, etc.). Highlighting this may prompt fellow researchers to anticipate and navigate the parameters (potentials and challenges) of doing YPAR work in a university context. This thesis also highlights: 2) how the research setting was built on trust and further strengthened the social infrastructure and trust among participants. As outlined in Chapter 2, this research was embedded in pre-existing, trusting relationships; this contributed majorly to the success of the project as the basis of trust enabled a meaningful and satisfactory collaboration on this research while being mindful of the restricted capacity of the UCSC CC’s steering committee. I hope that fellow researchers feel encouraged to further explore the dynamics and responsibilities of working closely with communities. Lastly, this thesis reflected on how my research: 3) held space for the felt embeddedness of the researcher (Catungal 2017) to navigate the tensions that arose doing YPAR as a youth. While being embedded in my research as a youth and (former) member of my partner community at times 122 led to tensions around my role, YPAR methodology provided space and opportunity to reflect on my emotional entanglement in the research and the role these emotions played in the research process. Study Limitations Despite the strengths listed above, this research also has several limitations. First, it is central to note that the demographic of the research participants was predominantly white coded, presumably upper-middle class and enrolled in higher education (see Chapter 3). The positionality of the participants of course impacts their being-in-place, experiences with climate in/justice and involvement as youth climate actors; as participants mentioned themselves during the research workshop, identity and place are closely entangled. I have pointed to this tension in Chapter 3 to stress that the results of this research may vary with a different group of participants. The lack of diverse perspectives grounds the results of this research in the experience of white climate actors and thereby centers their voices in the theoretical contributions I seek to make through grounding CJ in place. This is the biggest limitation of my research as, especially when speaking about CJ, it is crucial to foreground the perspectives of climate actors who are systematically marginalized in conversations for justice and self-determination. My research focused recruitment on UCSC CC youth who were of similar backgrounds, and therefore did not capture the experiences and perspectives of Indigenous, Black or Latinx youth in Santa Cruz. While the theoretical contribution of this research on place-based CJ centers participants whiteness, the research process prompted participants’ reflections on the intersections of identity, power and privilege as (white) climate actors. While this was not originally an objective of the research, I now see the necessity of creating 123 spaces in which the work of critical reflection is done without relying on the presence or (emotional) labor of Indigenous climate actors and activists of color. Second, resources/capacity and time are another limitation of the research (see Chapter 2). My limited personal capacity as a graduate student and researcher during the first year of my degree impacted my ability to engage more in-depth with my collaborating community throughout the process of co-creating the research process; the physical distance from my research community and the necessity to communicate virtually for most of the process made communication less personal and more sporadic. Additionally, I was only able to locate myself in Santa Cruz for the data collection in May and June 2023. This was also due to my involvement in climate action and various community-based projects on syilx territory as well as internationally throughout the two years of my degree; all of these initiatives required time, presence and care.53 The capacity of the participants was also impacted by their multiple demands, which affected their ability and willingness to invest time and resources into the research workshop. Lastly, this thesis excludes oral knowledge, art and other forms of community-based knowledge that could also shed light on place and CJ; knowledges that, for various reasons, have not (yet) been documented. The frameworks and my review of CJ literature are deeply rooted in the English language as well as in the context of North American scholarship. 53 This also became clear when I canceled my participation at the Annual UCSC Student Climate Conference in November 2024 in Santa Cruz to, instead, prepare for my attendance at COY18 and COP28 in Dubai, UAE in November and December 2023. 124 Conclusion: Place-Specific Explorations of Climate Justice Debates and theorizations of CJ often focus on the international scale and neglect the role of place in justice-related contexts. Additionally, settler colonialism has sought to erase considerations of place from (white) settler consciousness, conversations and practices of academics and climate actors across Turtle Island. Instead, seemingly objective and detached modes of being in place (e.g. law, policy, etc.) direct settler coloniality. 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In: A history of environmentalism: Local struggles, global histories, 107-27. Zitkala-Sa. (1901). American Indian Stories, Legends, and Other Writings. New York: Penguin Books. 161 Appendices Appendix A - Letter of Support from UCSC Climate 162 Appendix B - Recruitment Script and Survey 163 164 165 166 167 Appendix C - Workshop Letter of Information and Consent Form 168 169 170 171 172 Appendix D - Workshop Release Form Art 173 174 Appendix E - Sensory Attunement Exercises 175 176 177 178 Appendix F - Workshop Report “Engaging Youth as Climate Actors” 179 180 181 182 183 184 185 186 187 188 189 190 191 192 193 194 195 196 197 198 199 200 201 202 Appendix G - Interview Verbal Consent Form 203 Appendix H - Interview Script 204 205 Appendix I - Behavioural Research Ethics Board Certificate of Approval 206 207 Appendix J - Banner Art Appendix J displays the banner art made by participants while discussing the intersections of CJ and place.54 Figure J.3. Halle Banner Contribution. When thinking about place and CJ, Halle turned to her immediate surroundings (‘living in a forest’ on the UCSC campus) to illustrate how place (and its physical features) plays into climate injustices: “We do have cleaner air and we do have a lot more access to shade and it's really nice especially when it gets really hot [...]. I could imagine the situation would be a lot more miserable if we didn't have as many trees as we do. And that's not a privilege that many marginalized groups do have; [...] lower income communities don't have as much tree cover” (Workshop 3, 1:06:30). 54 Two participants joined online and therefore did not do banner art. They had a discussion instead, which informed the Result section of this chapter. 208 Figure J.4. Alexandra Banner Contribution. Alexandra opened up new avenues of thinking about place (‘the sky / ozone layer’ as a place) and personal relationships to CJ (‘we all breathe the air’) as she explained her painting: “Okay, place: the sky because obviously, we had that whole thing with the ozone layer a few years ago [...], but I feel like more attention should be on [...] what's going on up there too, not just you know, on the ground surface. And then climate justice: I feel like there should be equity and clean air, I just really think that a lot of communities aren't able to even breathe freely” (Workshop 3, 1:03:50). Figure J.5. Gwen Banner Contribution. Gwen and Ian both spoke to aspects of identity when thinking about the intersection of place and CJ. Gwen hereby argued that one’s being-in-place is largely shaped by identity, and so are the personal connections to justice issues. In her case, she shared that “in order to get people to care about climate justice [...] you need to make it applicable to them [...]. But even for me, [...] one of the things that made me care so much about climate justice that I just want to have kids one day and I hope that the world that I would bring them into 209 is a healthy one, a fair one, a just one. And so I think finding your way to justice in some way whatever place you're at is the first step” (Workshop 3, 1:02:09). Figure J.6. Ian Banner Contribution. Ian centered relationships and care in his reflections on CJ and place, depicting the symbiosis of flowers, water and bees to convey his thoughts: “ I kind of thought about this to represent the way that a place is more than just a location but it's a set of these relationships that are all interconnected. And specifically how it relates to climate justice is like that the relationships that we have with nature can be like relationships of love and care, and in being sustainable and taking care of that we all benefit, I guess” (Workshop 3, 1:07:37).55 55 During his interview, Ian added: “Sustainability is not only about care for the natural environment and your community but also about self-care, love, and acceptance. I may or may not have intended the Pride message [referring to a “Happy Pride Month” comment as a reaction to his “Love who you are” slogan], but the climate movement does need to be about creating a safe and inclusive world for LGBTQ people. And that work starts with safe and inclusive local places as well.” 210 Figure J.7. Cody Banner Contribution. Cody highlighted how concrete practical steps towards climate action can be taken in a place-specific context and community: “All I can think of is what each and every one of us can do to contribute to climate justice to make our campus more ecofriendly, to educate [...] the community of Santa Cruz on how to recycle properly and to live more sustainably” (Workshop 3, 1:13:13).
Thesis/Dissertation
eng
Interdisciplinary Studies
Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library
Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International
Graduate
Sloan Morgan, Onyx
Engaging youth as climate actors : place-specific explorations of climate justice in action
Text