Arts and Social Sciences, Irving K. Barber Faculty of (Okanagan)
DSpace
UBCO
Khan, Hamayoon
Master of Arts - MA
University of British Columbia
This research problematizes the idea of universal forms of understanding socio-political progress and the hegemony of Western knowledge in the post-colonial society of Pakistan. It takes the notions of women’s empowerment as a case study. The study aims to understand the phenomenon of women’s empowerment from the perspective of Baloch women living at the margins of the modern world. The research is a qualitative study that utilizes the grounded theory method to analyze the data collected during fieldwork in Quetta, the capital city of Balochistan, the most marginalized province of Pakistan. In-depth, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 30 Baloch women who were educated and actively engaged in the social and political spheres of Balochistan. The research has two purposes: first, to analyze and acknowledge the hitherto unheeded role of Baloch women in the on-going nationalist movement in Balochistan; and, second, to bring to the fore the voices at the margins and their perspective about women’s empowerment. This research is not a critique of the liberal secular feminist movement in Pakistan. Rather, it argues for the novel and alternative understandings of women’s empowerment coming from the margins. The research findings tell us that although Baloch women consider Baloch society to be a patriarchal society and advocate for a women’s empowerment movement, they disagree with the ideology, politics, and demands of the dominant liberal secular feminist movement in Pakistan. The research findings also lead us to argue that women’s empowerment is a matter of “lived experience”; thus, it varies according to the social context in which women reside. The perspective of Baloch women about feminism and women’s empowerment proves that the societies at the margins of modern world should not be treated as an object of study; rather, these societies are also loci of knowledge production from within. Finally, the research concludes that in order to build a more tolerant and just world, we need to shift from universal knowledge to pluriversal forms of knowledge, allowing margin dwellers to think freely and appreciate border thinking (not necessarily agreeing with them).
Border Thinking and Local Knowledges Concerning Women’s Empowerment: A Case Study of Baloch Women Activists by Hamayoon Khan B.A., Forman Christian College and University Lahore, 2016 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE COLLEGE OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Interdisciplinary Studies) (Power, Conflict and Ideas) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Okanagan) May 2024 © Hamayoon Khan, 2024 ii The following individuals certify that they have read, and recommend to the College of Graduate Studies for acceptance, a thesis entitled: Border Thinking and Local Knowledges Concerning Women’s Empowerment: A Case Study of Baloch Women Activists submitted by Hamayoon Khan in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Arts . Dr. Thomas Heilke, Irving K. Barber Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Supervisor Dr. Sajjad Nejatie, Irving K. Barber Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Supervisory Committee Member Dr. David Geary, Irving K. Barber Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Supervisory Committee Member Dr. Bonar Buffam, Irving K. Barber Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. University Examiner iii Abstract This research problematizes the idea of universal forms of understanding socio-political progress and the hegemony of Western knowledge in the post-colonial society of Pakistan. It takes the notions of women’s empowerment as a case study. The study aims to understand the phenomenon of women’s empowerment from the perspective of Baloch women living at the margins of the modern world. The research is a qualitative study that utilizes the grounded theory method to analyze the data collected during fieldwork in Quetta, the capital city of Balochistan, the most marginalized province of Pakistan. In-depth, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 30 Baloch women who were educated and actively engaged in the social and political spheres of Balochistan. The research has two purposes: first, to analyze and acknowledge the hitherto unheeded role of Baloch women in the on-going nationalist movement in Balochistan; and, second, to bring to the fore the voices at the margins and their perspective about women’s empowerment. This research is not a critique of the liberal secular feminist movement in Pakistan. Rather, it argues for the novel and alternative understandings of women’s empowerment coming from the margins. The research findings tell us that although Baloch women consider Baloch society to be a patriarchal society and advocate for a women’s empowerment movement, they disagree with the ideology, politics, and demands of the dominant liberal secular feminist movement in Pakistan. The research findings also lead us to argue that women’s empowerment is a matter of “lived experience”; thus, it varies according to the social context in which women reside. The perspective of Baloch women about feminism and women’s empowerment proves that the societies at the margins of modern world should not be treated as an object of study; rather, these societies are also loci of knowledge production from within. Finally, the research concludes that in order to build a more tolerant and just world, we need to shift from universal knowledge to pluriversal forms of knowledge, allowing margin dwellers to think freely and appreciate border thinking (not necessarily agreeing with them). iv Lay Summary This research contributes to the various understandings of women’s empowerment. It aims to understand the idea of women’s empowerment from the perspective of Baloch women who are active in the social and political spheres of Balochistan, the most marginalized and underdeveloped part of Pakistan. This study finds that the notions of women’s empowerment vary according to women's social contexts and experiences. Baloch women also want women’s empowerment, but their understanding of empowerment differs starkly from the dominant liberal secular understandings of feminism currently prevalent especially in the major cities of Pakistan. From the research findings, I argue that using Western theoretical knowledge about prosperity and modernity for understanding non-Western societies (especially those that exist on the fringes of the modern world) faces significant limitations; therefore, we need alternative and pluralistic understandings of socio-political phenomena that occur at the margins of the modern world. v Preface This thesis is the original and unpublished work of the graduate scholar Hamayoon Khan. The research, which involved human participants, was conducted with the utmost respect for ethical considerations and was approved by the Behavioral Ethics Board of The University of British Columbia Okanagan Research Services. The UBC BREB Number for this research is H23-01363. The study was conducted as part of the Master’s thesis in the Power, Conflict and Ideas program at the University of British Columbia, Okanagan. The thesis aims to contribute to the program by giving voice to the often-silenced women’s empowerment narratives from the conflict-ridden region of Balochistan, Pakistan. This qualitative research is an effort to understand the experiences of Baloch women and acknowledge their contribution to the ongoing nationalist movement in Balochistan. It explores the experiences and the role of Baloch women in the political and social spheres of Balochistan. This thesis is based on interviews conducted with 30 Baloch women from various socio-economic backgrounds, professions, and age groups. The fieldwork for this research was conducted in Quetta− the capital city of Balochistan. The sampling method for this research comprised the snowball approach. Research participants included women who were active in the social and political spheres of Balochistan for at least two years. Following the Straussian grounded theory method; the interview guide was designed for in-depth semi-structured interviews. Interviews were recorded with the participants’ consent and conducted in Balochi and Brahvi languages (regional languages of Balochistan). Before analyzing the data and writing the thesis, the recordings were transcribed and shared with the participants for their review. The analysis of the interviews followed a grounded theory method, a systematic approach to data analysis that involves the development of theories and concepts from the data, to generate concepts and categories that were further saturated to draw conclusions and establish research findings for this thesis. This method allowed for a comprehensive understanding of the women's experiences and roles in the political and social spheres of Balochistan along with their ideas about women’s empowerment. vi Table of Contents Abstract………………………………………………………………………………………iii Lay Summary……………………………………………………………...............................iv Preface…………………………………………………………………………………...……v Table of Contents…………………………………………………………………………….vi List of Figures………………………………………………………………………………...x Glossary………………………………………………………………………………………xi Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………………….xii Dedication…………………………………………………………………………………...xiii Introduction...............................................................................................................................1 Chapter 1: Contextualizing the Study of Baloch Women’s Empowerment………………5 1.1 Hegemonic Knowledges................................................................................................7 1.2 Subaltern/Subjugated Knowledges..............................................................................12 1.3 The Politics of Knowledge production at the Center and Margins of Modern World System................................................................................................................................13 1.4 Border Thinking and Knowledge Production from Margins.......................................16 1.5 Exploring the Notions of Women’s Empowerment at the Margins............................19 1.6 Why Should This Research Count Toward Border Thinking?....................................20 1.7 Methodology………………………………………………………………………....21 1.8 Method……………………………………………………………………………….28 1.9: With, Not About, the Border Dwellers: Addressing the Questions of Positionality.......................................................................................................................29 Chapter 2: The Baloch Nation and the Status of Women in Baloch Society: From the Known Past to the Present…………………………………………………...……………..32 vii 2.1 The Tribal Set-up of Balochistan…………………………………………………….34 2.2 The Baloch Nation: A Historical Overview………………………………………….35 2.3 Status of Women in Baloch Society: From Past to Present………………………….37 2.3.1 Historical Overview…………………………………………………………….37 2.3.2 The Nationalist Movement in Balochistan...........................................................42 2.3.3 The Colonial Period and Its Legacy……………………………………………43 2.3.4 The Baloch Resistance Movement from 1947-2005……………………………46 2.4 Women’s Role in the Nationalist Movement: Post-2006……………………………50 2.5 Creating Space for New Forms of Women’s Empowerment………………………..52 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………….54 Chapter 3: The Voice from the Margins: An Alternative Understanding of Patriarchy and Resistance……………………………………………………………………...………..56 3.1 Understanding Theory and Theorization…………………………………………….58 3.2 A Brief History of Liberal Secular Feminism in Pakistan…………………………...59 3.3 Aurat March and the politics of Liberal Secular Feminism in Pakistan…………......63 3.4 Understanding Women’s Empowerment from the Margins: A Comparative Analysis…………………………………………………………………………………..72 3.5 Patriarchy and Women’s Oppression (Context)……………………………………..73 3.5.1: State, Patriarchy, and Women’s Oppression in Balochistan…………………...75 3.5.2: Role of Religion in Women’s Oppression……………………………………..77 3.5.3: Impacts of Culture and Tribalism on Women’s Status ………………………..80 viii 3.6: An Analysis of Patriarchy and Women’s oppression in Pakistan: Liberal Feminist Scholarship and Border Thinking………………………………………………………..83 3.7 Resisting Patriarchy and Claiming Rights (Actions/Interactions)…………………...85 3.7.1: Nationalism as a Source of Identity and Empowerment………………..……..85 3.7.2: Resisting Patriarchy through Social support for Oppressed Women…………89 3.7.3: Resisting Patriarchy through Political Activism……………………………...91 3.8: Resistance against Patriarchy and Struggle for Rights: Liberal Feminism and Baloch Women………………………………………………………………………………….94 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………...97 Chapter 4: Local Knowledges about Women’s Empowerment: How do Baloch Women Understand Empowerment? …............................................................................................99 4.1 Empowerment of Baloch Women…………………………………………………..100 4.1.1: Education and Financial Independence……………………………………….101 4.1.2: Family and Kinship…………………………………………...........................104 4.1.3: Participation of Baloch Women in Socio-Political Spheres………………….108 4.2 Empowerment as a Lived Experience: An Analysis of Baloch Women’s Perspectives……………………………………………………………………………..111 4.3 Meanings and Values of Empowerment at the Margins……………………………113 4.3.1: Individual Choices……………………………………………………………114 4.3.2: Freedom “For” and “Not From” Males………………………………………115 ix 4.3.3: Locating Empowerment in the Present Times………………………………..116 4.4 A Summation of Border Thinking and Local Knowledges about Women’s Empowerment………………………………………………………………………......117 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………...120 Chapter 5: Conclusions..………………………………………………………..................124 5.1 Research Method and Methodology……………………………………………….130 5.2 Findings…………………………………………………………………………….133 References………………………………………………………………………………......137 Appendices………………………………………………………………………………….159 Appendix A. Interview Guide for the research ………………….…………………….159 Appendix B. Map of Pakistan………………………………...………………………...160 Appendix C. Khanate of Kalat (1758-1795)…………………………………………...161 Appendix D. Map of British Balochistan………………………………………………162 Appendix E. Ethnic Map of Balochistan……………………………………………….163 x List of Figures Figure 3.1: Geographical and Educational Background of Participants……………….57 Figure 3.2: State and Women’s Oppression in Balochistan……………………………...75 Figure 3.3: Religion and Women’s Oppression in Balochistan…………………………..77 Figure 3.4: Culture, Tribalism, and Women’s Status in Balochistan………………..….80 Figure 3.5: Political Activism of Baloch Women………………………………………....86 Figure 3.6: Baloch Women in Social Spheres of Balochistan…………………………...89 Figure 3.7: Baloch Women Activists………………………………………………….......92 Figure 4.1(a): Education and Women’s Empowerment in Balochistan………………..101 Figure 4.1(b): Financial Independence and Women’s Empowerment in Balochistan..102 Figure 4.2: Family, Kinship, and Baloch Women………………………………………..104 Figure 4.3: Activism and Baloch Women’s Empowerment…………………………......108 xi Glossary The terms mentioned were used by respondents during interviews in Balochi/Brahvi language which were translated and transcribed in English language for thesis analysis. The descriptions are the best possible translations of these terms. Balochi Mayar: Baloch code of conduct containing norms and taboos. Izat-o-Namoos: Honor and prestige (also includes things related to social respect). Bahoot: A person who asks for refuge (the receiving person/family is socially obliged to protect the person). Godi: A term usually used for women who is in a position of power (in family or tribal elite) but can also be used as a respectful term for any women, including young girls. Shoom: Can mean thrifty but it also mean a nuisance. Banuk: Madam or a lady of rank. Hadh-prosh: Breaking bone or removing the differences/divisions between a person and a tribe. xii Acknowledgements It is difficult to name all the people who enabled me to complete this research, but a few names are the most important. First off, I extend my heartfelt gratitude to my supervisor, Prof. Thomas Heilke, who provided unwavering support throughout my graduate studies at The University of British Columbia (Okanagan) and guided me to complete this thesis to the best of my abilities. I would also like to thank my committee members, Dr. Sajjad Nejatie and Dr. David Geary, who provided me the autonomy to think about and carry out my project while they were always there to support and guide me. I would also like to acknowledge the help and support from Dr. Fiona McDonald, who was not on my committee but has significantly contributed to designing the method and methodology for this research and helped me with data analysis. I would also thank all of the participants of this research as without their support I could not complete this research. The last but not least, I am grateful to my family members for their positive role in my life, studies, and career. xiii Dedication To my mother, who has never gone to school, but she is the best teacher I have ever had. 1 Introduction This research aims to problematize the generally accepted notions of Western modernity and its elements as the only form of modernity and the Western epistemological traditions as the only valid forms of knowledge. The phenomenon of a reckless and uncritical following of Western lines of modernity is pervasive in the non-Western world. However, I will limit my study to the context of Pakistan, a post-colonial country in South Asia (Appendix B). Specifically, my research will primarily examine the notions of women’s empowerment from the perspective of margin dwellers−Baloch women. As women’s empowerment is widely regarded as an integral marker of modernization and progressivism, I will theorize the idea of women’s empowerment from the perspective of Baloch women and compare and contrast it against the dominant Westernized liberal secular notions of empowerment in Pakistan. The research does not aim to criticize or prioritize any of these understandings; instead, it aims to acknowledge voices on the margins to be just as valid and rational as the dominant understandings of the phenomenon of empowerment. Such acknowledgement is only possible if we consider, analyze, and draw conclusions based on the views and lived experiences of women. Thus, this research also problematizes the practice of applying Western ideas and knowledge to other societies. This thesis is a qualitative study of the experiences and ideas of Baloch women about the phenomenon of empowerment. Baloch women have become increasingly active in the political and social spheres of Balochistan and are also achieving leadership positions within the Baloch nationalist movement. This study argues that the socio-political phenomena at the margins of the modern world cannot be studied using the theoretical frameworks developed elsewhere, primarily in the West that is widely considered as the center of modern world. The problem with applying theoretical knowledge developed in the centers of the modern world to the societies at the margins is that the struggles for emancipation and modernity become dissociated from the realities on the ground and fail to achieve their aims of socio-political progress. Further, the societies at the margins should not be reduced to the status of objects that can only be studied and analyzed; instead, these societies can also serve as sites for knowledge production. That role is only possible if we consider border thinking or knowledge at the margins of the modern world as valid and worthy of attention. Finally, the thesis argues 2 for global cognitive justice and ecology of knowledge where there should be no divisions among peoples and societies based on the partial canons of rationality, scientificity, and validity for knowledge. Acknowledging the voices at the margins of the modern world will create a better world without the binaries, e.g., progressive and barbaric societies. By examining the Baloch, a largely tribal society based in Balochistan, the thesis finds that Baloch women are independent thinkers about women’s empowerment, which is specific to their context. Hence, despite being active in political struggles alongside males and holding leadership positions in the nationalist movement, these women do not agree with the doctrine or strategies of the liberal secular feminist movement in Pakistan, which is against patriarchal exploitation and seeks to emancipate women. This does not imply that Baloch women do not face patriarchal problems, since Balochistan is a predominantly patriarchal society. However, the thinking of these women differs from the liberal secular ideology of the feminist movement and these women want to have their own movement for Baloch women’s empowerment, which they are developing at present. To an onlooker, Baloch women wearing traditional, long, and loose clothes with a headscarf might appear devoid of personal agency and power to resist exploitation. However, if we go into the society, we can witness that they are highly educated, have a sense of socio-political problems, think independently, and, most of all, are active in challenging structures of exploitation and demanding rights for not only Baloch women but also oppressed males and the entire nation. The thesis is organized into four main chapters, followed by a brief summation of all the main ideas. The first chapter is an introduction to decolonial studies with an overview of my research idea, research questions, the significance of the topic, method, methodology, and ethical concerns related to my position as a male conducting research about Baloch women. The first chapter also provides a context to my study and elaborates on the main ideas of my research, such as the division of the modern world into center and periphery, the politics of knowledge production and its consequences for the societies at the margins, the colonial matrix of power, the idea and utility of global cognitive justice, border thinking, subjugated knowledges, and the reasons for paying heed to the voices from the margins. The second chapter is an overview of the history of Balochistan and the Baloch nation. The chapter offers an account of the status and role of Baloch women in society from the Indus Valley 3 civilization to the present. It also includes a succinct description of the evolution of the Baloch nationalist movement from 1947, when the state of Pakistan was founded, to the present. Special attention is given to the period after 2006, when there was a noticeable increase in the participation of Baloch women in the nationalist movement. The chapter provides a historical framework and an understanding of the currency of my research as well as setting the context for the responses from the participants of my research who have frequently referred to the nationalist movement and the role of Baloch women in this movement in their responses, which are analyzed in the following two chapters. The third chapter begins with a brief discussion of theory and theorization in Political Science research, followed by an elaboration on the history and evolution of the liberal secular feminist movement in Pakistan. The discussion also elaborates on the ideology and politics of the movement as understood from the research and literature on the topic, including critiques. It also touches on the Islamic feminist tendencies in Pakistan that emerged in response to liberal secular feminism. However, the thrust of the chapter concerns the liberal secular politics of women’s empowerment in Pakistan, because it is the dominant feminist movement and has a greater expanse, though it is still primarily limited to the metropoles and urban areas. The chapter then addresses the first research question of my thesis, which is about Baloch women’s experiences of patriarchy and how they are resisting patriarchal structures. In addressing the research question, I relied on the data collected during fieldwork in the city of Quetta, Balochistan. The data comprise interviews conducted with 30 Baloch women who are educated, a few serving in various professions, and all active in the social and political spheres of Balochistan. They are actively engaged in the struggles not only for the empowerment of Baloch women, but also to support demands for justice for the Baloch nation, one of the most marginalized and oppressed nations in Pakistan. Using the grounded theory method, this chapter provides an in-depth, thematic analysis of the information from the interviews using concepts and categories that emerged from the data itself. The chapter finds that the Baloch women have an entirely different understanding of the problems of gender in Balochistan, and thus their activism and resistance against patriarchal structures also differ from the prevailing dominant liberal secular politics of resistance against patriarchy. 4 The fourth chapter is a continuation of the research in the third chapter. It aims to address the second research question of my thesis, which concerns the ideas of empowerment upheld by Baloch women. It also provides a comprehensive and thematic analysis of the perceptions of Baloch women regarding the dominant notions of empowerment and how they define empowerment for themselves. The third and fourth chapters therefore constitute the core of my findings about border thinking and local knowledge regarding women’s empowerment. They also bring to the fore the perceptions, criticism, support, and reservations of Baloch women concerning the liberal secular feminist movement in Pakistan. In the end, I reiterate that this thesis does not aim to produce a critique of liberal secular feminism in Pakistan beyond the ones expressed by the participants of this research. Instead, it aims to direct the reader’s attention toward hitherto unheeded ideas about empowerment flourishing at the margins of the modern world, which includes the role of Baloch women in the Nationalist movement, and to substantiate the claim that local knowledge, drawing inspiration from local experiences, is not only unique, but also as valid and rational as the knowledge that draws its ideological inspiration from the widely acknowledged valid sources that in this case reside in the West. 5 Chapter 1 Contextualizing the Study of Baloch Women’s Empowerment Introduction The social and political processes taking place at the margins of the modern world can be understood in a variety of ways; Orientalism,1 post-colonial studies,2 Subaltern studies,3 Occidentalism,4 Decolonial studies,5 and indigenous studies6 are a few of the widely acknowledged fields of inquiry in this vein. It is hard to draw clear-cut lines and claim that one approach is entirely different from the other as all these approaches show coherence at a fundamental level of analysis: all take those societies under consideration that have experienced colonialism at some point in history. The phenomenon of colonialism also deserves an explicit elaboration. Colonialism, in its broadest understanding, refers to the process of domination and suppression of one people by another through military, economic, political, or cultural hegemony.7 The diverse and complicated processes of colonialism can be subsumed under two broad categories. One is Settler Colonialism, which involves displacement of aboriginal people/indigenous people by the colonizers and total control of state machinery, resources, land, and power. The second is Mercantilist Colonialism, which is based on the exploitation of people and resources without displacing the aboriginal populations (Ahuja, 2017). 1 Orientalism as an academic approach refers to the study of discourses/imagery about the non-western world produced in the western literature from 18th to 20th century that served the purpose of creating and justifying western colonial/hegemonic authority over the eastern world. For a detailed discussion see Said (1979). 2 The academic works pertaining to the impacts of colonialism on post-colonial societies after formal decolonization. For a brief discussion on this topic see Young (2003). 3 Subaltern studies emerged as an academic perspective about historiography of South Asia, particularly India, in the last three decades of 20th century. For more information on this topic see Guha (1988); For a brief overview of Subaltern Studies visit the web link from Post-Colonial studies available at: https://scholarblogs.emory.edu/postcolonialstudies/2020/02/17/subaltern-studies/ 4 For details see Chen (1995) and Coronil (1996). 5 Decolonial Studies emerged in Latin America and advocates the role of border thinking/knowledge production at the margins of modern/colonial world by dissociating from the western epistemic hegemony. For detailed discussions about this idea see Mignolo (1995; 2000; 2021), also see Dussel (1993, 2002), and Quijano (2000). 6 Indigenous studies uses indigenous knowledges and perspectives (historical, political, social, and cultural) to understand how people view themselves and the world around them. For the use of indigenous research methods see Pidgeon & Riley (2021) pp1-17. 7 For a brief description see “Colonialism” from the Stanford encyclopedia of Philosophy website available at: https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/colonialism/ 6 Mercantilist colonialism also comprises a complex systematic method of controlling the land and resources, which might include the use of outright force or mechanisms of indirect control like education, land allotment, spying, tampering with the social system (civilizational missions), and establishing alien legal structures (Ahuja, 2017; Crowe, 2014; Dussel, 1993; Mamdani 1996, 1999; Mignolo, 1989, 1992, 1993, 2000; Santos 2014). The modern-day state of Pakistan experienced mercantilist colonization. The pervasive impacts of a coloniality of power or a colonial matrix of power are still vivid and alive in its society. Colonial matrix of power or coloniality of power is the idea associated with Peruvian Sociologist, Anibal Quijano, and further explained and applied by Walter D. Mignolo in their analysis of impacts of colonialism in the modern world. The concept of coloniality of power explains the phenomenon of modernization as a corollary of colonization, starting from colonization of the Americas. The colonial powers divided people according to their racial identities, such as Blacks, Indians, and mestizos and exploited their physical, cultural, social and labor power in the favor of the colonial system. This process resulted in creation of the ideas superior and inferior people that helped the colonial powers retain their hegemony even after formal decolonization and the end of colonial system in the world. Knowledge production is one of the important domains in which western hegemony still remains intact (Dussel, 1993; Grosfoguel, 2009; Mignolo, 2000; Quijano, 2000; Santos, 2007). My research, a case study of women’s empowerment in Balochistan, a marginalized community at the margins of Pakistan, bases its analysis on the decolonial approach. This research critiques the colonial legacies in Pakistan that include Western hegemony over knowledge production in Pakistan and the tendency to understand progress through a Western lens. The nature of this research, limitations of time, lack of resources, and scope of study prevents me from providing a holistic account of the impacts of the colonial past on academia and on how academic research explains the socio-political development of Pakistan. My research will focus on the subject of women’s empowerment and the case study of Baloch women active in the public spheres (social and political) of Balochistan for understanding the notions of women’s empowerment on the margins or, as Veena Das calls for, understanding experiences of people in the subaltern societies through their perspective (Das, 7 1989). Here it is pertinent to provide an elaboration of important/key themes of my research. I will briefly elaborate on the ideas of hegemonic knowledge and subalternized/subjugated knowledge before I move on to the politics of knowledge production (center and periphery/margins debate), the perspective of border thinking, and theory building from the margins. 1.1: Hegemonic Knowledges We just wrote “knowledge’s” in plural, but it came out automatically (Microsoft Word did it) as a possessive case. Word’s thesaurus does not accept it. It does not admit the plural of “knowledge,” because knowledge is supposed to be singular: It is the singularity of agents and institutions that control and dictate what is acceptable and what is unacceptable. We disobey; we delink from all totalitarian epistemology and claim epistemic equity. (Tlostanova and Mignolo, 2012, p. 11) After formal decolonization, the core Western countries of Europe and North America retained their global hegemony through cultural imperialism (Said, 1994). For this research, I take the definition of core countries from Immanuel Wallerstein’s “World System Analysis”. According to his theory, core countries comprise states that are economically independent, own the means of production, and hold sway over the political and economic power of the global system (Wallerstein, 1974; 2000). In the process of cultural imperialism, notions of “valid knowledge,” and “civilized culture” played a primary role (Chakrabarty 1992a, 1992b; Mignolo, 2000; Santos, 2007, 2014). There is an intricate relationship between knowledge production and colonial expansion, as 95% of the scholars and scholarship produced between 1850 to 1945 was limited to five major countries (Britain, France, Italy, Germany, and the U.S), and most of the literature produced was about these five countries (Wallerstein, 1996). Another significant impact of this intimate relationship between knowledge and colonialism was that education systems were modeled according to imperial standards in postcolonial societies. Thus, all that was considered valid, logical, and acceptable was the knowledge produced in the formerly colonial metropoles (Al-Azmeh, 1993; Dabashi, 2015; Grosfoguel, 2006, 2009; Mignolo, 2000; Santos, 2007, 2014). During nation-building, education based on colonial models and language played a vital role in transferring Western European ideas to the colonies (Al-Azmeh, 1993; Freire, 1970; Wa Thiong’o, 1986). With 8 this kind of education, the problems that arise are related to the colonial mindset and the risk of being preoccupied with readymade ideas (Bourdieu, 1991; 1992). Therefore, post-colonial and decolonial theorists consider the education system an accomplice to the sustenance of Western hegemony even after decolonization. I will provide a brief elaboration of this argument later in this chapter. On the Indian subcontinent, particularly in Pakistan, most knowledge production receives the imprimatur of academic and intellectual circles when it coheres with Western theoretical canons (Ashraf et al., 2021; Channa, 2017; Mansoor, 2004). Being educated in Pakistan, I was also exposed to a western dominated literature and ideas, particularly in my baccalaureate years. However, I picked a bone with my fellow students and most of the instructors regarding this westernized approach toward understanding socio-political phenomena in the non-western world, including Pakistan. As a student at an elite institution, I had the opportunity to engage practically with progressive (left) oriented student organizations. In our study circles, I was exposed to the writing of Marx, Lenin, scholars of the Frankfurt school, and western feminist scholars. Our discussions convinced me that our understanding of Pakistani society was not only esoteric, but sometimes divorced from reality, that what we were reading in these books was very different from our day-to-day dealings with Pakistani people and society. Pakistan is a heterogeneous country. People in different parts of Pakistan not only speak different languages, but their cultures, intellect, worldviews, and history are also different, sometimes at odds with each other. To answer my curiosity, I started thinking “of another way” or, to use Khatibi's term, as explained by Mignolo (2000), “an other thinking” to understand how society actually works in Pakistan and how we can understand this disjuncture between the dominant knowledge to which we are exposed and the actual lives of the people around us. “[A]n other thinking” is the idea originally coined by a Moroccan erudite scholar Abdulkebir Khatibi, and utilized by Mignolo (2000) in his analysis of border thinking. The concept of “an other thinking” reflects that western knowledge about the lives of margin dwellers is insufficient. Therefore, we need to develop “an other thinking” about these people by living with them and understanding their perspectives about life, society, politics and other phenomenon at the margins of modern world. In this area, the decolonial 9 studies and theory of modernity/coloniality propagated by Latin American decolonial theorists, particularly Walter D. Mignolo, Anibal Quijano, and Enrique Dussel, and further elaborated by Boaventura de Sousa Santos, Ramon Grosfoguel, and others, provide meaningful insights and conceptual tools for understanding these intricate phenomena. Within decolonial studies, the idea of Western hegemony of knowledge or monopoly over the knowledge production of countries at the core of the modern/colonial world system explains reasons behind this imbalance in the status of knowledges produced in the center and at the margins. Before I delve deeper into the ideas of decolonial theorists, most of whom come from Latin America, it is instructive to mention that while the kind of colonialism Africa and South Asia experienced is somewhat different from that of Latin America in terms of its history, political realities, and consequences,8 the processes of Western epistemic hegemony have equally affected all the post-colonial societies (Mbembe, 2001; Mamdani, 1999; Santos, 2007, 2014; Smith, 1999). Mignolo (2000) argues that theories travel from one place to another; the irony lies in the fact that the theories have traveled only from North to South for the past five centuries.9 Theories brought the supremacy of western knowledge as well as languages, particularly the English language. Therefore, the bulk of the knowledge produced in postcolonial societies like Pakistan that receives attention or validation is produced in English. I am not gainsaying the fact that there is some work being done in regional languages like Urdu, Balochi, Punjabi, Sindhi, and Pashto, among others,10 but that work is marginal and beclouded by the amount of attention given to English in our primary as well as higher education systems (Channa, 2017; Mansoor, 2004; Rahman, 2004, 2005). It is also instructive to acknowledge the fact that another acceptable reason for a language being the dominant and universal language of academia is the quality and amount of knowledge produced in that language. Significant knowledge produced in various fields places a particular language in the position of supremacy vis-à-vis other languages. 8 For detailed discussion see Crowe (2014). 9 Here it is important to note that the knowledge on liberation theology in the western world has actually come from the South (Latin America). The Peruvian Priest, Gustavo Gutierrez, was one of the pioneers of this idea. For a brief discussion about liberation theology see Haight (1998). 10 77 languages are spoken in Pakistan (including various dialects). For more information see Ashraf et al., (2021). 10 Historically, French, German and even Arabic have been the dominant languages of academia and today we see that it is the English language. For instance, institutions in Norway, Germany, France, Italy and other non-English speaking countries offer courses in English, in addition to their local languages. So, colonization might not be the only reason for the dominance of English. However, the colonial matrix of power in the post-colonial globalized world that involves the economic and political clout of English-speaking countries plays a significant role in diminishing the power of local knowldges. Fanon (1963) explains the primacy of the phenomenon of language in his book, Wretched of the Earth, in which he warns that the idea of achieving a higher status (townsman) by learning the language of colonial masters and the desire of colored people to speak the language of colonial masters is problematic and part of violent colonial forces. In Fanon's case it is “Good French” and in the South Asian case it is “Fluent and elegant English”.11 The complicities between the status of colonial/imperial languages and the monopoly over production of knowledge are the reasons that it is difficult if not impossible for the non-imperial languages to become the languages of knowledge production, scholarship and social progress (Bourdieu, 1991; Mignolo, 2000; Santos 2014; Wa Thiong’o, 1986). My argument is not about downplaying the quality and significance of scholarship in the western world; rather, I argue that scholarship in non-western countries suffers pervasively from the problem of “subalternity.” Chakrabarty (1992a, 1992b) argues that subaltern studies are named as such not only because they deal with subaltern societies, but also because their academic practice is subaltern(ized). For example, the history of India and Pakistan rely heavily on European scholarship of the colonial period, but the British seldom reciprocate.12 Likewise, French history might not need Algeria as its constituent part, but Algeria cannot avoid France in its historical references (Mignolo, 2000). However, this argument can be challenged when discussing modern French history and the works of scholars like Rolph Trouillot getting space 11 I am also making this argument because in the South Asian context and particularly in Pakistan, knowledge of English is the primary condition for securing white collar employment and a strong command of the English language is required to qualify for all the prestigious careers in commissioned services. 12 Dr. Shashi Tharoor argues that students in Britain doing A-levels do not know much about colonial history and how it affected India’s economy. Dr. Shashi Tharoor’s lecture at Edinburgh University can be found at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OB5ykS-_-CI 11 in western academia. The pervasive epistemic injustices can be addressed by encouraging border thinking, theory building from margins, decolonizing knowledge, and reducing the subalternity of subalternized knowledge and languages. Historically, the element of ‘reason’ occupies a prodigiously central place in any form of knowledge production, mainly through scientific research (Smith, 1999). I will not debate the primacy and significance of “reason.” However, the imperious position ascribed to the elements/canons of reason by western imperial languages paved the way for subjugating other/non-western/non-imperial forms of knowledge (Dussel, 1993; Quijano, 2007; Santos, 2007; Smith, 1999) The process of decolonization is typically followed by nation-building in the postcolonial states when they achieve independence. During this nation-building process, education and curriculum become essential players as they serve as tools for creating identities, self-consciousness, historical knowledge, and therefore the nature and ideology of nations. Postcolonial societies like Pakistan inherited their educational model from the British colonial system (Channa, 2017; Rahman, 1996). The corollary of this legacy was that the colonies remained only the receivers of knowledge and were relegated to the status of “culture producers” as opposed to the Western countries being the producers of scholarship and knowledge (Al-Azmeh, 1993; Santos, 2014; Tlostanova & Mignolo, 2012). To promote harmony in the diverse, globalized world, the idea of cultural exchange was introduced in 20th century. However, the politics of cultural exchange has always been partial, because in such an exchange, the cultures in a subordinated position often face marginalization or subjugation (Santos, 2014). The scholarship carrying a western lens for analysis of non-western societies and people ends up creating knowledge that is limited in scope, because the people and societies at the margins of the modern/colonial world system are seen as mere objects of study. This stigma can be addressed by encouraging the practice of studying with the people at the margins rather than studying about them (Mato, 2000; Mignolo, 2000; Smith, 1999). Border thinking or thinking from the margins places the “local problem" before the method and brings the subalternized knowledge and languages to the fore (Mignolo, 2000). One of the purposes of this project is to fulfill this demand by dissociating, neither competing with nor opposing, from the traditional ways of academic knowledge production in Pakistan, where 12 theories lead to the understanding of problems. My research is inspired by the idea of thinking and studying with rather than thinking and studying about the people at the margins.13 In this way, border thinking also serves the purpose of critiquing knowledge's global and planetary distribution. 1.2: Subaltern/Subjugated Knowledges In its broadest understanding, subaltern knowledge is a general term for knowledge that comes from the marginalized spaces, people, societies, and parts of the world that have not received enough representation in mainstream academia and remain silenced in the modern/colonial world system (Chakrabarty, 2000; Grosfoguel, 2006; Young, 2003). The monopolistic canons of validity and scientificity defined by western scholarship have created a phenomenon of silencing other knowledges by turning modern science and Western culture into the holders of the sole criteria for what is knowledge and high aesthetics. This phenomenon became a powerful force to declare all other forms of knowledge, aesthetics, and understandings as nonexistent, invisible, superfluous, and unworthy of recognition or legitimacy (Quijano, 2000; Santos, 2014; Smith, 1999). It might seem contradictory to my primary argument about decolonizing knowledge to refer to a scholar from the colonial world, but for the purpose of clarity, I will examine the lectures of Michel Foucault in which he distinguishes between global unitary, and academic knowledge, and, non-academic, popular, and subjugated knowledge. In “Power and Knowledge: Selected Interviews and other writings,” Foucault (1980) provides an elaborate explanation of subjugated knowledges. He uses the term “global unitary knowledge” and contrasts it with “subjugated knowledge” (Foucault, 1980, p.82). As he elaborates on the relationship between power and knowledge, he argues that the privileged position of the scientific method and the unitary knowledge it provides have relegated all former local and regional knowledge to a subjugated position. These knowledges were disqualified and demoted in the hierarchy of knowledge production to a position of being below the required level of scientificity. He describes the possibility of the insurrection of these subjugated, disqualified and buried knowledges whereby they can become popular and 13 For a detailed discussion see Mato, (2000). 13 effective, sometimes through socio-political movements, despite facing harsh opposition from the dominant forms of knowledge. The idea of subjugated knowledge can be associated with a question that Spivak (1988) proposes, in which she asks, “Can the Subaltern Speak?”, Trouillot’s idea of historical silences,14 Smith’s Indigenous Researches,15 and the “Unsung forerunners of contemporary anthropological theories” of Allen & Jobson (2016). In the global distribution of knowledge, the knowledge produced in the subaltern spheres, silenced societies, and local histories fail to receive the attention they deserve. Border thinking, or as Mignolo (2000) calls it, “border gnosis”,16 is the first step towards creating space for the subjugated knowledges in the modern world that will encourage people thinking about as well as with the marginalized people. Border thinking and subaltern reason question the stories that were told to justify the division of the world into categories of civilized and uncivilized, Christians and pagans, modern and pre-modern (traditional), and developed and underdeveloped (Mignolo, 2000). 1.3: The Politics of Knowledge production at the Center and Margins of Modern World System There is great complexity and diversity surrounding the questions of knowledge production (Chakrabarty, 2000; Dussel et, al., 2000; Grosfoguel, 2012; Mudimbe, 1988; Xaba, 2007). Therefore, I will define, distinguish, and elaborate the idea of center and border/margins to distinguish between border knowledge and the epistemic relationship between societies at the center and margins. I will begin with a brief elaboration of the modern world system analysis given by Wallerstein (1974, 2000) for two reasons. First, it provides an elaborate discussion about the modern world system and how systems of capitalist power play out in the world. Second, it is also a reference point for decolonial theorists for understanding the structural injustices/imbalances in the nature of the modern world and is thus considered an important contribution to the genesis of decolonial studies. 14 For more elaboration of the idea see Trouillot (1995). 15 Smith (1999). 16 The term ‘Gnosis’ was first used by V. Y Mudimbe (1988) in his book The Invention of Africa, to include the forms of knowledge generally excluded from western philosophy and epistemology. 14 Drawing on the Marxist theory of the division of labor and on dependency theory, Wallerstein (1974, 2000) argues that the modern capitalist world can be divided into distinct categories based on the flow of capital, the technological advancement of a given nation state, and the division of labor between states. The primary categories of division include a core, semi-periphery, and a periphery. The core comprises economically self-sufficient countries with the highest degree of technological advancement. Today, core countries would include states like the United States, the United Kingdom, Japan, Germany, and China. Semi-peripheral countries have a certain degree of economic independence and technological advancement, but depend on core countries to maintain political and economic stability. We may include India, South Korea, Brazil, and Turkey, among others, in this category. Finally, peripheral countries have the least economic independence and lack sophisticated technological capacity. I will include Pakistan in this category because of its economic weakness, political instability, and technological underdevelopment. These countries rely on the semi-peripheral and core countries for their economic and political survival. Based upon varying degrees of economic and technological advancement, countries can also be categorized as being at the center of the core, periphery of the core, center of the periphery, and periphery of the periphery. Decolonial theorists offer an expansion of Wallerstein’s world system analysis by emphasizing the historical and epistemic factors as the basic framework for the explanation of hegemonic and power relations in the modern world (Abu-Lughod, 1989; Dussel et al., 2000; Grosfoguel, 2012; Mignolo, 2000). They propose the idea of a modern/colonial world system and introduce the idea of the (unequal) distribution of knowledge in the global system. From the decolonial perspective, the world system analysis offered by Wallerstein (1974, 2000) should be understood beyond materialistic/economic structures and socio-economic history. Accordingly, decolonial theorists have coined the term “modern/colonial world system.” In the analysis of the modern/colonial world system, some countries are not only economically powerful, but also retain hegemony over knowledge production, which leads to the denigration of other knowledges. Regarding the problems of inequality in academic spheres, Mignolo (2000) states, “Five countries, four languages saturate academic production” (p. 252). This thesis 15 describes the margins and centers of the modern world from a decolonial perspective, as I believe knowledge production is a part of the inequalities in the modern global order. In this thesis, I argue that one should not unresistingly succumb to whatever is offered. Rather there is a need for building a case that the phenomena at the margins of the modern world not only serve the purpose of being merely objects for studies, which has been the case so far, but are also unique in their nature and can be the sources of production of new knowledge. Using a decolonial perspective helps create space for non-western ways of thinking without disregarding or discrediting the Western achievements (Das, 1989; Quijano, 2007; Santos, 2014). In post-colonial societies, phenomena involving human beings are analyzed according to the theories produced in the center of the modern world. The act of defining people at the margins by others, outsiders, or centers of the modern world culminates in unequal power relations (political, social, cultural, and economic) between the center of the modern world and those living at the margins. Therefore, theorists of decolonial studies claim that there cannot be modernity without coloniality, as coloniality becomes a corollary of modernity. Drawing upon the idea of theory building from the margins of the modern world, my research aims to bring forth the concepts about women's empowerment through the lens of border thinking, as opposed to contemporary Western liberal notions of empowerment prevalent in Pakistan (which I will explore in more detail in the third and fourth chapters of this thesis). This research aims to demonstrate how border dwellers understand the concept of women’s empowerment in ways that standard social science paradigms/concepts cannot. It examines the Baloch nationalist movement and the hitherto unheeded role of women in this nationalist politics that has drastically changed the traditional social roles of Baloch women. The ideas of women's empowerment in Pakistani scholarship rely predominantly on the Western notions of empowerment, and therefore, the bulk of the literature produced in this area coheres with Western liberal understandings of empowerment. My research is neither a negation of already available literature on women's empowerment in Pakistan nor a critique of Western understanding of empowerment in general. Instead, as a border dweller, I intend to think about the global designs of modernity, of which women’s empowerment is a part, from a local perspective. I also intend to build a case for co-existence, collaboration, coevality, and 16 synergy between dominant Western forms of knowledge and knowledge produced at the margins of the modern world, thus creating ecology of knowledges without placing one of the knowledges in a position of priority (Santos, 2014). If I declare one knowledge as more valid than the other, I am probably mimicking what I intend to critique in this research. Finally, knowledge has been a source of human emancipation, and border thinking is a source of emancipation and liberation in terms of social as well as epistemic liberation (Dussel, 1993; Mignolo, 2000). My research aims to contribute, although in a limited way, towards liberating the scholarly and academic spheres in Pakistan from the hegemony of Western theories and proposing that the margins of the modern world can be regarded as worthy of knowledge production and not only as objects to be studied and analyzed in case studies using western canons and theories. 1.4: Border Thinking and Knowledge Production from Margins The idea of border thinking, or as Mignolo calls it, “Border gnosis,” is the broader framework of my research. Theory building from the margins is the result of border thinking. One of the fundamental problems faced by the modern, 21st-century world is the deep divide between the metropoles and colonial margins in not only political and economic spheres, but also in the epistemic spheres (Mamdani, 1999; Mignolo 2000, 2021; Santos, 2014; Smith, 1999). In the fields of knowledge, these lines draw a sharp distinction between what Santos (2014) calls “this side of the line” and “other side of the line”.17 The crises of the social sciences involves the fact that whatever lies on the other side of the line remains silent, darkened, and invisible, leading to a partial account of social realities limited to the metropoles or societies on this side of the line. Thinking from the margins in languages other than the imperial ones is thus the need of the hour (Chakrabarty, 1992a, 1992b; Mignolo, 2000; Wa Thiong’o, 1986). As discussed earlier, the importance of language in the process of knowledge production is undeniable. Pakistan is a country where around 69 languages are spoken.18 The official language and the language of higher education in Pakistan is predominantly English (Mansoor, 2004). Some universities offer degrees in regional languages, and a few 17 Santos (2014) especially pages 118, 272, 301. 18 For a brief survey of linguistic make-up of Pakistan, see Ethnologue report on Pakistan, available at: https://www.ethnologue.com/country/PK/ 17 universities provide an opportunity to attempt exams in some subjects in Urdu. Declaring English as an official language has a consequence in the realm of knowledge production, because academia and higher education, which are the primary, if not only, sources of knowledge production in Pakistan, also rely on this colonial language to produce and publish scholarly works (Channa, 2017; Mansoor, 2004). Moreover, English is the language of Pakistani elites along with being the key to white collar jobs and prestigious careers (Rahman, 2005). Santos (2014) argues that in the global south, the impacts of western epistemological hegemony create a class of elites (a small proportion of population) who agree with hegemonic epistemological canons and become the representative of global North in the South, thus retaining a sense of superiority. As in many other societies, this small elite dominates Pakistan’s ideological spheres and considers its understandings and knowledge about socio-political processes to be more valid than others. These people have a more westernized understanding of social progress and, as they occupy the mainstream information platforms, they push dissenting voices to the margin. My research aims to bring to the fore the marginalized voices to argue that there can be multiple ways of understanding a phenomenon like women's empowerment that leads to social progress. Border thinking can adapt in many different ways; for Dussel (2002), trans-modernity is the idea of dissociating from hegemonic knowledge and thinking “in another way”. Likewise, Dipesh Chakrabarty developed the idea of “provincializing Europe,” which does not mean discarding Western European knowledge and ways of knowing , its achievements, and modernity as a whole, but understanding the limitations of knowledge produced in the European context and the limitations of the role of Europe in becoming modern by acknowledging the contributions of other, primarily post-colonial societies, because imperialism was an integral part of Europe’s journey towards modernity (Chakrabarty, 2000). Border thinking emerged as a response to, a critique of, and a protest against the degradation of other knowledge and languages, and against pushing them to the positions of subalternity (Mignolo, 2000). 18 The contemporary world demands being a learned ignorant,19 and understanding the limitations of human beings to comprehend the diversity of the world and equally diverse, infinite, and unlimited ways of knowing the world around us. It also demands an acknowledgment that every kind of knowing grasps realities in a limited way. Thinking from the borders turns out to be the possibility of bridging the gaps between the modern and colonial world as the border dwellers inhabit a cultural, ideological, experiential and geographical location at the borders of modern societies with training in civilized theorizing and the lived experiences of communities in the subalterns. The border dwellers owe their marginalized positions to the idea of civilization propounded by European theories which define civilization as a trait specific to certain western societies that colonized world under the pretext of civilizing the savage (Dussel, 1993, 2002; Quijano, 2000). Border thinking serves the purpose of redesigning the borders of scholarship by bringing together the methods of ‘knowing about’ and ‘knowing from,’ thus paving the way for a more elaborate, impartial, unbiased, and just system of knowledge production (Mignolo, 2000). Here the ideas of justice refer to cognitive justice as elaborated by Santos (2007, 2014): Global social injustice is therefore intimately linked to global cognitive injustice. The struggle for global social justice must therefore be a struggle for global cognitive justice. In order to succeed, this struggle requires a new kind of thinking, a post-abyssal thinking. (Santos, 2014, 196) The idea of global cognitive justice argues for granting equality of opportunity to all forms of knowledge and thinking so that every society can contribute to create a more democratic, egalitarian, just world that is in harmony with diversity in nature.20 The need for thinking from borders, knowing from, and learning with people at the margins, arises from the need to create a world with fluid borders in terms of knowledge production that will remove the principles of homogeneity, hegemony, and universalism by replacing them with ideas of local histories and pluriversal ways of knowing (Mignolo, 2000; Tlostanova and Mignolo, 2012). 19 Learned ignorance is the ability to know the limits of one’s own knowledge about the diversity of the human race and diversity of experiences in the world (Santos, 2014 p. 179) 20 The world around us is diverse in its outlook, nature and forms of matter, life and society. Hence, there is a diversity of understandings about what constitutes knowledge and the canons of validating the knowledges (Santos, 2014 p.302). 19 1.5: Exploring the Notions of Women’s Empowerment at the Margins My research in this thesis arises from my personal experiences while living at the margins of the modern world and teaching at a higher education institution where an overwhelming reliance on Western theories to explain socio-political processes in our (South Asian, postcolonial) society sometimes does not explain the causes and effects of a local phenomenon sufficiently. My research draws inspiration from the works of those who demand a transformation of the global order of cognition and a demand for an epistemological revolution for creating global justice and equality of opportunity to think freely (Chakrabarty, 2000; Dussel, 1993, 2002; Santos, 2014; Smith, 1999). The idea of theory building from the borders/margins is a perspective, a direction, and a project with a two-prong responsibility. First, it explores the epistemological relations in the modern/colonial world between center and margins. Second, it encourages studies of various phenomena at the margins by using perspectives from within those marginalized societies and their people. The first objective is not a part of this research, but I will include intermittent references to works in this vein to support my argument in this thesis. This perspective also questions the validity of aping or being prone to ape the theories and knowledge produced in the Western world. It provides an opportunity to think about building an understanding of socio-political processes without relying on modern western knowledge and theories. My research is an endeavor to problematize the dominant discourses of women’s empowerment in Pakistan in order to explore conceptions of women’s empowerment at the margins. I will examine the case of Baloch women participating in the nationalist politics through political and social activities. The nationalist movement in Balochistan is decades old. Chapter two will provide a detailed history of the movement. Baloch women have been a significant support to this movement in the political as well as social spheres. The political sphere includes participation in protests, sit-ins, strikes, setting up camps, and long marches. The social sphere involves work for the social uplifting of Baloch nation through education, awareness campaigns, mass mobilizations, social media platforms, and establishing organizations for Baloch women to raise awareness about their rights. My study poses two questions. First, how do these Baloch women activists understand the dominant notions of liberal feminism in Pakistan? Second, how empowered do the women in this Nationalist 20 movement feel, or do they feel empowered at all? What is the basis/definition of this empowerment if it exists? My research aims to introduce a hitherto unutilized lens for understanding socio-political developments in Pakistan. Border thinking is the practice of building theories and more grounded knowledge about how margin dwellers think about themselves and the world around them. 1.6: Why Should This Research Count Toward Border Thinking? The colonial history of Pakistan is fascinating in that not all its people share a common history. For instance, Balochistan was not wholly a part of the British Empire; instead, there was an independent state of Balochistan that was forcibly annexed to Pakistan at the time of its creation in August, 1947 (Breseege, 2001). Annexation of Balochistan, against the will of people as well as political leaders of Balochistan, not only compounded the process of decolonization and political stability in the newly founded Pakistan but also soured the relationship between the central government of Pakistan and the province of Balochistan. The resulting political schisms bore seeds of differences between the state of Pakistan and the people of Balochistan which eventually culminated in the politics of separatism in Balochistan (Axman, 2009). Today, Balochistan is the least developed province of Pakistan and is considered backward, traditional, and lagging in the modernization process.21 One significant aspect of modernization in Pakistan is the rise and strengthening of women’s empowerment movements, primarily centered in the metropoles of Punjab and Sindh, two other provinces of Pakistan. These movements claim to represent all oppressed and suppressed women in Pakistan and they carry an aura of western liberal traditions in terms of ideology, appearance, rhetoric, activism, and politics. Thus, the dominant idea of women’s empowerment in Pakistan follows the Western liberal notions of empowerment, relegating all other ways of understanding empowerment to an inferior and unenlightened position. According to the dominant notions of empowerment in Pakistan, Baloch women are not empowered because 21 For a detailed report see Pakistan Social and Living Standard measurement Survey 2018-19: National/Provincial Social Report available at: https://www.pbs.gov.pk/sites/default/files//pslm/publications/pslm2018-19/pslm_report_2018-19_national_provincial.pdf 21 they appear traditional (wearing veils and Balochi dresses), do not have a bold rhetoric about bodily and sexual freedom, do not discard their cultural and traditional norms, speak in favor of family and tribal values, and reject the politics of liberal feminism that is often expressed during a march that takes place every year on March 8th (International Women’s day) and known as the ‘Aurat March,’ where ‘Aurat’ is the Urdu word for women. Nevertheless, Baloch women have recently begun to obtain education (although the numbers are still small) and to participate in nationalist politics alongside men in addition to their roles in managing household chores and raising families. However, they do not do so in an ostensibly western liberal spirit. This makes the phenomenon of women’s empowerment in Balochistan interesting and a case worth studying. Most of the research on the nationalist politics of Balochistan has disregarded the gender aspects and politics of this movement; I will provide a detailed analysis of this aspect in the next chapter. While my research will focus on the growing participation of women in the Nationalist movement and their role in the political and social spheres in Baluchistan, it has a broader as well as a case-specific scope. In a more general sense, the research will debate the utility of employing theories developed in the western world to understand and draw conclusions about the phenomenon of social change in Pakistan. The focused scope of my thesis entails listening to voices from the margins in Pakistan. The voices of the women who participate in this movement seldom receive scholarly attention and they are thus silenced. Hence, there is need for more serious scholarly research about the voices from the margins. My research will explore how a woman who is educated, politically and socially active, but sitting at the margins thinks about women’s empowerment. 1.7: Methodology The research uses the interpretive and constructivist approaches of grounded theory. The grounded theory method (GTM) primarily comprises three traditions: the Glaserian grounded theory of Barney Glaser, the interpretive grounded theory of Strauss and Corbin, and the constructivist grounded theory of Kathy Charmaz. All three variations agree that the fundamental point of research is a process of theory creation through objective analysis of a 22 particular phenomenon. However, the various trends differ in their perspectives on the basic philosophy of research, data collection, the role of the researcher, literature reviews, and the process of analysis and interpretation. Before illustrating the particular process that I followed during my research, it is imperative to delineate the major differences between these approaches in Grounded theory and to explain why I chose the Straussian approach. Although grounded theory method (GTM) was pioneered by sociologists Barney Glaser and Anselm Strauss in 1967 in their work entitled “The discovery of Grounded Theory: Strategies for Qualitative Research”, these pioneers developed certain differences in subsequent years pertaining to the procedures, philosophy and aims of using grounded theory method in qualitative research (Bryant, 2017). Consequently, today we have three major variations of grounded theory method (GTM) as elaborated above. I will briefly outline the differences in these approaches followed by an explanation for using the Straussian approach in my research. 1. The Glaserian approach completely rejects the usefulness of a literature review before the start of a study, while Strauss along with Charmaz, advocates for a preliminary review of literature so that the researcher has a theoretical understanding of the phenomenon under study (McGhee et al. 2007). 2. The Glaserian approach discourages the practice of going into the field with predetermined research questions, while Strauss and Charmaz argue for the value of having a set of questions before going into the field, but also argue that the questions should be restructured, reformulated, and constantly improvised, depending upon the context of study (Charmaz, 2014; Glaser, 2002; Strauss & Corbin 1990). 3. The Glaserian approach follows the critical realist perspective about the phenomenon under study with no room for historical antecedents, while Strauss and Corbin along with Charmaz believe that reality is embedded in conditions/context (past and present), and that theories can be reviewed and improvised by considering the past as an antecedent to a certain phenomenon under study (Howard-Payne, 2016; Sebastian, 2019). 4. The Glaserian approach strictly follows the tenets of objectivity in research with the researcher being completely dissociated from the object of study. However, the 23 Straussian and Charmaz approach understands the value of a researcher’s preconceptions about the phenomenon being studied and allows the researcher to go into the field with a conscious mind while also encouraging the researcher to reduce the biases and preconceptions to the best possible extent. The difference in their approaches emerge when Strauss and Corbin emphasize the interpretive role of a researcher while Charmaz argues for a constructivist role for the researcher (Charmaz 2014; Glaser, 2002, Straus & Corbin 1990) 5. The procedure of coding is also something on which the three traditions differ. The Straussian approach favors open coding which allows researchers to review the data by keeping in mind every single event and the context, conditions, environment, and other variables involved in shaping the outcomes of research. The Glaserian approach advocates comparison-based patterns of coding in which the researcher compares the events and codifies the data based on the comparison of instances, information, and responses. In contrast, Charmaz offers a two-step process of coding that involves the naming of data and looking for the most common codes to organize data around it (Sebastian, 2019). I will be utilizing the Straussian approach, which shares some of the characteristics of the constructivist approach, for the following reasons. My research demands a certain degree of preliminary literature review before going into the field. This research also requires a set of predetermined questions that would deal with the opinions of the Baloch women regarding their experiences and the dominant notions of women’s empowerment movement in Pakistan. Another reason for choosing the Straussian approach is the value of my personal connection to the community with which I was engaged. With a consciousness about my affiliation with the people I was studying, I was able to make constant efforts to make my research as impartial and objective as possible through reframing questions during analysis of the data and the review of the literature. My research also required an account of the history, current conditions, and context of women’s status in the Baloch nation and the nationalist movement I was looking at in this study. The concepts and categories would not have emerged as powerfully without taking into account this history and the contemporary conditions. Last but not the least, a significant aspect of the Straussian approach is the utility of the procedure of 24 coding (open, axial, and selective). I found it essential for my research to follow the Straussian procedure, because it allowed me to concentrate more on the data in the initial stage with open and axial coding. Then I looked for patterns of coherence and incoherence in the second and third levels of analysis (selective coding) to generate categories. I found this important, because I was dealing with a large data set and a lot of information. Following the initial coding of every interview transcript allowed me to extract the important ideas about every bit of information and then move on with a comparison of codes. In my research, there were 30 respondents hailing from different parts of Balochistan, but most of them were living in Quetta city for their education, jobs, and other personal reasons. There are specific reasons for choosing a grounded theory method for this research. First, grounded theory offers an effective approach to carry out research in an area that has not been explored extensively or at all. My research coheres with this basic idea of grounded theory, as the role of women in Baloch nationalist movement has not received enough attention in academic scholarship. Second, grounded theory is also relevant to my research in that it emphasizes generating new theories or ideas rather than doing research with the aim either to verify or nullify an already existing theory. Grounded theory works perfectly for doing research in an area where there is a complete dearth of literature, as it rejects an extensive literature review before the research. Grounded theory advocates for a non-hypothesis-oriented research: my thesis has no pre-defined hypothesis and my findings will depend upon the perceptions of participants about the phenomenon of empowerment in Pakistan. Grounded theory has an overwhelming emphasis on systematic analysis of qualitative data for generating reliable and valid theories about a certain socio-political phenomenon. The purpose of my research is to bring to fore the voices from the margins with the vigor of theoretical canons and reliable conceptual abstractions to generate a theory of women’s empowerment from the margins. The primary purpose of using GTM (grounded theory method) is to explore the real experiences of Baloch women and the phenomenon of gender relations in the context of Balochistan. Thus, my research also aims at observing, exploring, analyzing, and understanding the situation of the Baloch women at the margins of the modern world while exploring the ways these women exert their agency through thinking, speech, action, and interaction. An emphasis on the 25 impartial and thoughtful analysis of data in GTM does not turn a blind eye towards the inherent human biases in all research and it completely acknowledges the limitations of personal preconceptions of researchers who go into the field. However, GTM offers a rigorous and systematic process of analyzing data that reduces the impacts of personal preconceptions to the best possible extent. The process of analysis of data in GTM is divided into following basic steps with a possibility for changes according to the demands of research, or necessities of validity and reliability of analysis. i) Data Collection and Initial Coding The first step in GTM is to collect data and also start analysis of data during the field work. Unlike many other data based research methods, GTM requires researchers to start the basic analysis of data during fieldwork to understand the variables that are important but missing in the primary set of questions, the variables that are important to explore more deeply, or other important factors that the researcher deems necessary to address in the particular case study as it proceeds. The initial coding comprises open coding, axial coding, and selective coding that leads to recurring (common) or sporadic (unique) patterns in a certain phenomenon. The codes are then compared and contrasted against the data set to generate a second set of codes that are more robust and abstract at a conceptual level. ii) Abstract Codes and Generation of Concepts When the codes have achieved a certain degree of density in terms of abstraction, they become the concepts. The concepts reflect a pattern that is observed in the responses of participants. The concepts also need to have a sensibility about the conditions in which certain patterns emerged. The researcher should not depend upon the responses only; rather, the researcher should also observe the surrounding conditions that influence a certain opinion or behavior of the participant. The more conceptually dense the concept is, the more it helps in generating robust categories. 26 iii) Categorization of Concepts The next step in GTM would be to find the patterns of concepts that can be summed up to create categories. The categories will be denser than the concepts. The common patterns at the initial level constitute subthemes, while the more robust and abstract themes in the research constitute categories in GTM. The categories have an explanatory power in themselves and directly address the main idea of the research. The categories comprise the information from the initial codes that were summed together to create concepts. The categories are not pre-determined; rather, they emerge from the data and help researcher to continue thinking about the relationship of various factors discovered during fieldwork to the core-category or main idea of the research. iv) Core-category and Theorization The last step in GTM is the analysis of patterns of various categories to understand the primary research question and create a theory about a certain phenomenon. The core-category is usually defined in the beginning of the research but it is explored during the research and is finally explained by drawing knowledge from the patterns that emerge from the analysis of categories. Theorization is the final stage of abstraction in GTM. The more dense, abstract and generalized a theory is, the more robust a research project is considered under GTM. Nevertheless, generalization does not reduce to making sweeping statements about the phenomenon under study. Rather, it should be a general explanation about the particular case study that a researcher undertakes. Hence, the scope of theorization might be limited to a particular circumstance or a case study, but, within that particular context, the theory should have as much density as possible. The GTM does not encourage diminishing the importance of minority voices or dissenting notes coming from fewer participants. Rather, it is important to include the responses that contradict the set patterns and encourages researchers to find out more about the conditions that might have affected their divergence from the common pattern of responses. 27 v) Induction and deduction in grounded theory method The Grounded theory method emerged as a critical response to the hypothesis-oriented deductive methods of research practiced in social science while Barney Glaser and Anselm Strauss were active. Hence, it has a primary focus on inductive reasoning where the knowledge is created based on the information from the data. However, unlike the Glaserian method, the Straussian approach also allows for inferences to draw a logical and explainable relationship between codes and then between the concepts that lead the researcher to produce more abstract categories. Finally, the theory (a general and an abstract explanation) that is generated from a particular research project can be used to deduct knowledge about a similar phenomenon occurring in another context as well. I will utilize some of the important aspects of decolonial studies as guiding principles of my research, because there is no prior literature on Pakistan in the area of border thinking, local knowledge, and theory building from the margins. Decolonial theory will help me to define some of the important terms in my research, such as epistemology, knowledge, margins, border thinking, local knowledge, how to utilize local knowledge to build theory, comparing and contrasting the already existing knowledge in the post-colonial societies, and new forms of knowledge being produced through decolonizing epistemological traditions. There are also a few specific limits to the applicability of decolonial studies in my project: 1. The methods of decolonial studies I am using in my research emerged in Latin America and included many socio-cultural and historically specific arguments and situations that are unique to Latin American conditions and not applicable to Pakistani society. 2. Decolonial studies is a relatively new tradition of theory building; many of its ideas and concepts are not fully and universally applicable to every post-colonial or border society. 3. There is a dearth of literature and scholarly work in this area in Pakistan and an almost absolute absence of any academic work on Balochistan that has utilized this lens for understanding the socio-political situation there. 28 I will discuss all of these limitations and those that might appear in the future in my research to allow other scholars to identify these gaps and fill them. 1.8: Method This research is qualitative in nature. The research aims to bring forth the unheard voices blossoming on the borders of modern/colonial world. In-person, semi-structured interviews were conducted with selected women of Balochistan who are educated, and active in nationalist politics and social spheres in Balochistan.22 Interviews were open-ended with the anticipation of providing maximum freedom to the respondent to share views to generate narratives.23 The selection of respondents followed a snowball approach.24 As I aimed to elicit the uniqueness of the experiences of Baloch women, I conducted interviews in Urdu or Balochi (local/tribal language) to build rapport with the interviewees. In-depth interviews have become a widely followed research method in bringing women's experiences to the mainstream (Lopman, 2000; Reinharz, 1992). The research process commenced with obtaining approval for conducting fieldwork from the Research Ethics Board of the University of British Columbia, Okanagan. Upon receiving the approval, the fieldwork began in June 2023. Potential respondents were approached and informed about the research and were given a two-week period to provide their consent for participation. The fieldwork, spanning six months, was conducted with the utmost respect for ethical considerations. During this period, I was able to conduct a substantial number of interviews (30 respondents) for analysis, which allowed me to delve deeper into the subject matter. Interviews were conducted only with activists who had been involved in politics for at least two years. This condition of the time period was set for the respondents, because women should have sufficient practical experience to be able and willing to share a change in their feelings of empowerment while being a part of this movement and also to comment on how 22 For details about the semi-structured interview method see Knot, et al. (2022). 23 Some of the feminist scholars label in-depth interviews as phenomenological interviewing. Open-ended interviews are also encouraged in researches which aim to explore women experiences in their words. For more details see Reinharz (1992). 24 Snowball approach is a form of nonprobability sampling where the data collection starts with a small group of people who then nominate others who have the required characteristics for being included in the research. For a detailed explanation see Knot et al. (2022 p.2) 29 they see the formal movements, dominant discourses, and general conceptions of an empowered woman in Pakistan. The research also included responses from women who might respond otherwise and had not experienced significant changes in their gender roles. The latter situation seemed less likely, because Baloch women who have engaged in politics must have undergone some changes in their personal empowerment. Using the grounded theory method, I initiated the preliminary analysis of interviews during fieldwork and completed the open coding of data by the end of year 2023. This was just the beginning of a rigorous and iterative process. Following open coding, the next step was to saturate the ideas that emerged from open coding using axial coding. The next step was to analyze the codes to establish coherent patterns that led to creating concepts and categories. Throughout my research writing period between the end of 2023 and the first quarter of 2024, I diligently reviewed concepts and categories to develop more rigorous and robust concepts with a certain degree of theoretical depth. The research also examined newspaper articles about women's participation in the movement. To expatiate the dominant notions of women's empowerment in Pakistan, the study used relevant sources from the ample research on the feminist movements in Pakistan. However, the literature on feminism in Pakistan is focused on the Western liberal notions of women's empowerment and its critiques and does not include any discussions about Baloch women's activism and politics. Hence, this literature helped me locate my research in the gaps left by generally known narratives about women's empowerment in Pakistan. 1.9: With, Not About, the Border Dwellers: Addressing the Questions of Positionality As a researcher, my positionality vis-à-vis the interviewees was of a common language, nationality, and locality. One major impediment was my gender. However, I made significant efforts to mitigate potential biases. Although the exploratory nature of my study and my socio-cultural affiliation with my respondents helped in this regard, it is important to acknowledge that some of the questions asked and analysis in this thesis may reflect a certain degree of influence of my gender while undertaking this research. This influence, while acknowledged, was minimized through the use of neutral and non-leading questions. It's also 30 important to note that some aspects of the lives of Baloch women inhabiting the tribal areas might not have been discussed by them in full detail, which may be considered a limitation of this research. However, this does not diminish the findings, which primarily relied on these women's social and political activities. The use of the grounded theory method allowed me to shape my research by revisiting questions, analyzing them, and coding them according to real-life situations during the fieldwork. One of the critical areas was the question of trust between my respondents and me as I was working on a politically sensitive topic, and women’s security is more sensitive than men's in tribal societies. Nevertheless, I was able to connect with a sufficient number of women who, despite the potential risks, bravely shared their social and political experiences with me. Some women were reticent on specific political topics due to the problems of personal or familial insecurity. I have mentioned some of the instances of “silences” in my analysis (with the consent of my respondents). I want to reiterate the utmost importance I placed on respecting their decisions and ensuring their anonymity. Most of my respondents did not find gender difference to be a significant issue due to my research being more political in nature but also because they trusted me owing to my identity as a Baloch, speaking their language, living among them all my life, and also I knew some of the respondents earlier and had a rapport with them. The women I interviewed were already a part of a political struggle in which they worked and interacted with males frequently. Thus, my interaction with these females was not intimidating or socially awkward for them. I analyzed the data with a perspective of generating theory from the margins and incorporating every voice in that framework. I also asked the respondents to review and examine the interpretations of the data to avoid any misconceptions and gender biases in the research. Finally, I kept the pool of my respondents as diverse as possible in terms of class, tribal affiliation, locality, educational background, and age group. My project consisted of interview-based research about how women experience, think, or feel about participating in an active political movement. These women's voices have not received sufficient attention, even in the feminist literature. My research is focused on women of my nation and locality who speak the same language as I do. My interview guide included the option of speaking in Urdu or my local/tribal language, as some respondents 31 might not be well-versed in English or may not be able to express themselves in English. I started interviews with women I already knew and with whom I had a rapport. Through them, I built a network of other women to interview. I was able to interview 30 women, only seven of whom I knew prior to the interview. 32 Chapter 2 The Baloch Nation and the Status of Women in Baloch Society: From the Known Past to the Present Introduction This chapter provides a brief context for my research and elaborates on the history of Balochistan, its geographical features, socio-political structures, and the role and status of women in Baloch society from the known past to the present. This chapter also provides a succinct account of the genesis and evolution of the Baloch nationalist movement in Pakistan and the role of Baloch women in this movement. Baloch women have become an integral part of the current nationalist movement in Balochistan, because they are active members of various socio-political struggles and have also achieved leadership positions in a number of political organizations. The history of Balochistan and the people inhabiting this region became thousands of years long when archeologists found remains of cultural activities and religious practices that are indicative of human existence on this territory as early as the hunter-gatherer societies during the Neolithic period in the 8th millennium BCE (Jarrige, 2006; Taban et al., 2016). The historical accounts of the Baloch nation, apart from the folklore or oral history, which has not yet gained significant academic attention, can largely be divided into two categories: Baloch as natives and Baloch as immigrants. I will discuss both narratives in detail later in this chapter, but it is pertinent to mention here that the scholars belonging to the latter tradition rely predominantly on the sources of information produced during the colonial period that include but are not limited to colonial Gazetteers, books, ethnographic surveys for spying purposes and travelogues (Khan, 2022). These sources of information were produced by the colonial rulers to understand and control people and societies; hence these sources are biased and academically less reliable.25 The archeological evidence offered by the works of Cardi (1966), Possehl (1986), and Shaffer and Thappar (1992) tells us that the civilization in Balochistan precedes the Indus Valley Civilization, which emerged in the 3rd millennium 25 For example the history of Balochistan by Hithuram (1904); Dashti (2012); and AllahBakhsh (1979) predominantly rely on the sources of information from colonial sources. 33 BCE.26 At the end of an exhaustive account of the Baloch history, Breseege (2001) argues that the complex nature of Baloch history allows us to infer that both nativist and immigrant narratives of the history of the Baloch nation may be correct to some degree and there might be tribes who were native to the land and some others who migrated from foreign territories. Geographically, Balochistan has undergone many changes in its territory (Breseege, 2001; Spooner, 1988). The present day Pakistani Balochistan is situated on the Iranian Plateau and has borders with modern day Afghanistan, Iran, and the Arabian Sea. The Baloch have historically been a nomadic people. In some areas they still migrate seasonally from extreme weather (winters in temperate regions and summers in tropical regions) to more liveable places (Khan, 2022). According to the 2023 census report, Balochistan is home to a heterogeneous population of 14,894,402 people.27 There are subtle as well as noticeable differences in their language, culture, social customs, codes of conduct, and lifestyles.28 The majority can be categorized into two predominant groups of people: Baloch comprising two linguistic groups, Balochi and Brahvi speaking people, and Pashtuns. However, there are also other ethnic groups: the Sindhis, Punjabis, and Hazara constitute significant minorities.29 Despite this ethnic composition, diversity is not a trait that runs throughout Balochistan. Rather, the south, east, and west are primarily Baloch majority areas and the Pashtun have a majority in the north.30 The religion of Islam is followed by the majority of people (99%), but there are also Hindus, Sikhs, Christians, and Zoroastrians. 26 It is difficult to argue and scientifically prove that the people who inhabited these territories in the 3rd millennium BCE were the direct ancestors of people/tribes living on these lands today. Nevertheless, amongst the present Baloch population, it serves as a symbol of identity and people connect themselves with the Indus Valley Civilization to argue that they belong to this territory and therefore, have a sense of identity and history attached to this land. 27 Given the controversies regarding the last census in Pakistan, the numbers should be considered as official and the best tentative figures. For detailed figures visit the official website of Pakistan Bureau of Statistics: https://www.pbs.gov.pk/sites/default/files/population/census_reports/pcr_balochistan.pdf 28 The code of conduct is a set of unwritten laws that are socially recognized as the principles of behavior in day-to-day interactions, and inter and intra-tribal relations. 29For a brief introduction to the Sindhi history, society and culture see Faiz (2021). For a brief discussion about the Punjabi community see Malhotra and Mir (2012). For an introductory account of Hazara in Balochistan see Jafree et al (2023). 30 For an ethnic map with details of Baloch and Pashtun majority areas see Appendix E (p.164). 34 2.1: The Tribal Set-up of Balochistan Among certain Euro-centric anthropological traditions of describing societies, the tribal societies have mostly been considered as precursors to civilization. For example, American anthropologist Lewis Henry Morgan (1818-1881) was one of the early pioneers who divided society types into a ladder of cultural evolution with tribe being a marker for certain aspects of “savagery” (Morgan, 1877). This perspective on the “tribal” and “tribes” within social evolution reflect certain assumptions about people who lived away from the urban centers and inhabited primitive lifestyles.31 Although Lewis Henry Morgan’s thesis about the unilinear evolution of societies and cultures has long been discredited by theorists of multilinear evolution and cultural pluralism,32 it perpetuated some misconceptions and generalizations of people living in colonial tribal societies as being inherently barbaric and primitive with no sense of progress and enlightenment. European colonization further aggravated the situation in Balochistan when the colonizers found the tribal societies lacking industrialization, and called them barbaric. In several places in Balochistan, the people living there were labeled “tribal” people, in a pejorative sense (Khan, 2022). The fluidity of the tribal system of Baloch is not different from many other tribal systems, and there is significant evidence of the fact that, historically, it had been inclusive in nature (Barth, 1969; Boedeker, 2013; Ivanove, 1926; Spooner, 1988).33 There were different modes and methods of including other people in Baloch tribes, termed as “Balochization”.34 The geographical and natural conditions were such that the means of survival, including food and water, were limited and the tribes had to fight for resources not only against foreign invaders, but also amongst themselves. These insecurities sometimes led to cooperation during tribal feuds and it is possible that a group of people would join another tribe and the host tribe would allow people to amalgamate to strengthen their tribe. The incoming tribe was integrated into the bigger tribe through a ceremony called Hadh-Prosh, which literally means “breaking the bone” (Khan, 2022). Importantly, even the tribal system 31 For more description see Sneath (2016). 32 For a critical account of Morgan’s approach in anthropology see Moore (2009), especially chapter 3. 33 For a brief understanding of assimilation processes in various ethnic groups see Barth (1969); also see Nejatie (2019) for an understanding of fluid tribal identities in the Durrani tribe in Afghanistan. 34 For ritualized assimilation or “Balochization” phenomenon see Boedeker (2013) especially pages 233-235. 35 is not universal to all Baloch communities living in Balochistan. For instance, the Makran region has no tribal system at all, but a class-based social structure instead (Fabietti, 2011). 2.2: The Baloch Nation: A Historical Overview The history of the Baloch people is difficult to trace for specific reasons. For the purposes of brevity and clarity, I will start with the complexities surrounding the history of the Baloch nation, the tribes, and finally the term Baloch itself. One of the reasons for uncertainties in Baloch history is that the process of assimilation of other people into the tribal system makes drawing any common lineage not only problematic but also questionable (Barth, 1981; Boedeker, 2013; Morgenstierne, 1932; Rzehak, 2012). Another important reason is the two opposite views presented by different scholars about the origins of the Baloch nation on the land of Balochistan. First, the Baloch are seen as native to the land and thus the history of the Baloch goes back to the history of the civilization in the area. For instance, the archeological evidences provided by J.F Jarrige, a French archeologist who has been working on Mehrgarh (Balochistan) civilization for decades, show that there are traces of complex social structures, mass production of food, and significant increase in population in some settlement of Balochistan during the Neolithic period, between 7000 and 1500 BCE (Jarrige et al. 1995). However, other scholars believe that stronger evidence of an advanced civilization in this region can be found in the 3rd millennium BCE along with the Indus Valley civilization (Cardi, 1966, 1970; Mortazavi, 2006; Possehl, 1986). The uncertainty in dates is attributable to the fact that the writings from that period have not yet been completely deciphered.35 Thus, South Asian archeologists have used information from pictures engraved on seals, walls, different kinds of pottery, statutes, and artifacts to hypothesize scientific dates and interpretations for the emergence of civilization in these regions. Regardless of difference in terms of dates, these narratives provide archeological evidence that is in coherence with the “native” origins theory. The second theory concerning the history of the Baloch nation bases its analysis on the oral history from ballads, references to “Baloch” in Shahnama-e-Firdousi (an 11th century 35 The writing system of Indus Civilization is difficult to decipher because of an unknown script and unknown alphabetic system and is often referred to as logographic or logosyllabic. For a detailed discussion see Shaffer and Thappar (1992). 36 Persian epic poem on history of Iran),36 and linguistic affiliations, and argues that the Baloch migrated from various territories (scholars mention Aleppo, the Caspian Sea, and Babylonia) to Kerman and then to their present location during the 2nd millennium BCE (Baluch, 1984; Baloch, 1974; Dashti, 2012; Dames, 1904; Elfenbein, 1966; Naseer, 2010; Nicolini, 2004; Spooner, 2013). Dames (1904), Dashti (2012), and Baloch (1974) claim a non-Semitic and Iranian ancestry (in terms of territoriality) of Baloch tribes. The groups that assimilated into Baloch ethnicity, as explained under Balochization, claim a more recent ancestry in Iran, Afghanistan, Arabia or the Indian subcontinent (Spooner, 1969). Some scholars believe that people living in Makran, Jhalawan and Kharan are the descendants of slaves brought by the Omani and other Arab traders in 18th and 19th centuries from Africa (Baloch, 2009; Nicolini, 2004). In the history of Baloch, a palpable contradiction can be observed pertaining to the position of the Brahvi people,37 because their linguistic as well as cultural patterns vary significantly from the other Baloch, but they have historically been regarded as natives of Balochistan and part of the Baloch nation (Axmann, 2009; Dashti, 2012; Spooner, 1969, 1988, 2013). However, in some British accounts, the Brahvi have been categorized as a different group from the Baloch (Imperial Gazetteer of India, 1908; Scholz, 2002). The various interpretations suggest the Baloch identity is quite flexible, inclusive, and heterogeneous. These examples substantiate the uncertainties about history of the Baloch nation. An exhaustive account of the varying debates concerning Baloch history and cultural origins is beyond the scope of this thesis. However, for purpose of this thesis, I will accept the ‘native theory’ because of the scientific validity of the evidence provided by the archeologists, which builds a strong case in its favor. Moreover, the idea of native theory also explains the deeply ingrained nationalist sentiments held by the Baloch people, who believe that this territory belongs to them and that they have the ultimate right to determine who will be in control of this territory. 36 Although the historical authenticity of Shahnama is debated, Browne (1906) being one of the important critiques. For a brief discussion on the controversies around Shahnama see Lewis (2015). 37 Brahvi is a group of people living in Balochistan who speak a different language but are considered as a part of Baloch nation. For details see Breseege (2001, pp. 98- 110). 37 2.3: Status of Women in Baloch Society: From Past to Present 2.3.1: Historical Overview The status of Baloch women in society has seen many changes over the past three thousand years. Owing to the lack of sources from the pre-Indus Civilization era, beyond folklore and oral history, any discussion of the recorded history of Balochistan has to begin with the Indus Valley Civilization in 3rd millennium BCE, when people inhabited areas around Mehrgarh (Balochistan). From the recorded history of the Indus or Mehrgarh civilizations we learn that women were the leaders of the Baloch household and also participated in the agricultural and political affairs of society (Baloch, 2021). According to Dr. Jalal Baloch (2021), Baloch women used to take care of the family and also provide medical support at the time of health emergencies. They retain this practice today; in many rural areas of Balochistan and in semi-urban dwellings of Khuzdar, Kalat, Mastung, Sibi, and Quetta, women, mostly belonging to Muhammad-Shai tribe, prescribe and sell herbal medicines (Baloch, 2021). From archeological evidence we also learn that women played an important role in beautifying Baloch society through painting on cutlery and walls, and embroidering pictures of animals and plants on their curtains (Khan, 2022). These practices still exist in many Baloch rural areas, including my own village. These embroideries and designs are an important source of income for many households today. Women sell these handmade products to either contribute towards family income or to sustain themselves in a joint family where males are most of the time concerned with bread and butter only. For instance, my maternal relatives from the Marri and Bugti tribes sell handmade embroideries of typical Marri and Bugti designs to people in the rest of Balochistan. Economic independence or contribution to the household expenses can be one of the reasons for some degree of empowerment that women have gained in Baloch society. The role of women in Baloch history can be understood from analyzing Balochi literature, most of which exists in the form of oral literature, comprising poetry, prose, riddles, stories, songs (for moments of joy and sorrows), and lullabies. It is instructive to mention that the bulk of the 38 sources on status of the Baloch women in history come from males.38 Their conclusions provide two broad but antagonistic perspectives about the status of women in Baloch society. Scholars like Baloch (2019), Badalkhan and Jahani (1999), Baloch and Ahmed (2013), Baloch and Qaisrani (2012), Dashti (2022), Brahvi (1982), and Baloch (2021) and Marri (2015) depict a Baloch society that leads one to believe that women have actually been a privileged class by participating alongside men in wars, social festivities, and shared moments of joy and sorrow. However, a dissenting note can be found in the works of Bugti (1995), Sattar and Kazmi (1997), Sattar and Ali (2018), Meng (1998), and Ugo (1996), who have pointed out the problems of women in Baloch society in terms of being dependent upon males, marital choices, access to education, social discrimination, and lastly monopoly of males in interpreting Baloch history. The status of women also needs to be understood in terms of the position of the family in tribal society. The argument by Tapper (1991) about the differentiation of women’s freedom on the basis of the position of the household in the Durrani tribes of Afghanistan applies in the case of Baloch as well. The women in the lower households enjoy more freedom of action and speech compared to the women of the high class, landlord or feudal-lord households. The majority of Baloch women belonging to the general masses had, historically, freedom of movement, liberty of socialization and free speech, and a role in decision-making in family affairs. The historical role of the Baloch women during wars, in social affairs and their (marginal) economic independence leads some scholars to argue that the Baloch might not have been ahead of other societies in technological advancement, but that in terms of gender relations they have been ahead of sedentary and settled people adjacent to them (Baloch and Qaisrani, 2012; Baloch, 2019; Panah and Ahmed, 2013). Though not peculiar but a significant feature of Baloch culture was that women were held so high in esteem that if there was a battle between two or more Baloch tribes, one of the ways of creating peace and bringing an end to war was to send women as ambassadors of peace to rival parties.39 It is also argued that like many other societies, Baloch societies have been 38 But, in recent times, females have also stepped in. For a brief discussion on the emergence and role of Baloch female scholars in recent times, see Baloch (2021). 39 An aberration of this tradition is where women are traded off as a compensation for the murder or killings. However, this practice is diminishing in modern Baloch societies. 39 matriarchal at some point in history when women used to hold leadership positions at the level of the household as well as society at large (Baloch, 2021, Marri, 2015). In their analysis of the status and role of women in Baloch society Baloch and Ahmed (2013), Dr. Jalal (2021), and Umer (2023) argue that the Baloch culture has a tendency towards equality of genders in society, though this argument cannot be taken at face value, as traditionally Baloch societies have been patriarchal. Based upon the folklore and oral sources about history, Dr. Jalal Baloch (2021) concludes that unlike most non-Baloch cultures, the virtue of valor in Baloch society is a characteristic of “Baloch” regardless of gender and age. Brahvi (1982) and Dashti (2022) mention that women enjoy a position of privilege when it comes to social conduct, as insulting women is an unforgivable crime in Baloch society. Referring to the celebration of romantic stories in Balochi literature and oral history,40 one of my respondents stated in her interview that when women in other societies were struggling for their basic rights, Baloch women already had the right to love and have always been hailed in Balochi literature. Regarding the decision-making processes in Baloch society and the role of women in such instances, Bugti (1995) argues that this is a limited privilege only afforded to the women of a tribal leader’s family, often called ‘Godi’ (lady lord). I partially agree with this argument, but it may not be true for all Baloch tribes or for non-tribal Baloch societies in which women, particularly elderly women, have usually played an important part in decision-making processes within the tribal or extended family systems. During my fieldwork in Quetta city, I learned that the Baloch women in the Makran region are becoming financially independent, as they are doing jobs and running businesses like selling artifacts and embroideries. I was also informed by the participants that the women in the region own land, have established schools, and are involved in philanthropic activities. Although this practice is not a pervasive and cannot be applied to the entire Balochistan, my fieldwork exposed me to many Baloch women and young girls who are running organizations for the welfare of Baloch people in various urban and rural parts of Balochistan. 40 The stories of Haani-Shah Mureed; Mast Tawakali-Sammo; Bebarg-Grahnaz and others are hailed in Balochi oral history. For a brief set of all popular love stories in Balochi folklore love stories see Shad (2016). 40 From my interviews with social and political activists, I came to know that the idea of Baloch being a liberal nation is fading, because some of my respondents argued that, in today’s Baloch society, women have been deprived of the status that the women had in the past. Their idea of the status of Baloch women in the past is primarily based on speculations from the historical narratives, mentioned above. According to my interview respondents, one of the reasons behind this change in the society as well as mindset is the introduction of particular religious views into Baloch society. Let us take the case of the veil, a symbol of modesty according to Islamic principles. It did not exist in Baloch society except for the tribal leader’s family; among the common masses, wearing the veil was not strictly followed (Baloch, 2021). Some scholars believe that today Baloch women and particularly girls do not have a social status equal to boys when it comes to the provision of educational and professional rights in Baloch society (Sattar & Ali, 2018). The literary scholars of the modern era argue that the status of women in folk literature, where historically women held a central position, has also seen a downward trend (Baloch 2019; Marri, 2014). In a similar vein, Sabiha Baloch (2020) writes that folklore, including poetry, prose, idioms and riddles, has been a primary source of expression for Baloch women. She believes that today women are facing more restrictions in expressing their views about life and society around them; however, there are still a number of Baloch women who are writing and resisting this discriminatory turn in society.41 An important fact about the status of women in Baloch society is that the women related to the tribal heads have remained more restricted to their households, while other women have had more freedom of movement, were involved in socio-political spheres, and were also involved in agricultural and other economic activities. The latter continue to this day, as women have shops inside their homes in our village. Elderly women enjoy more liberty to roam around the villages, such as collecting wood, taking the cattle for grazing as well as dancing and singing freely in moments of joy. In his travelogue through Baloch societies, Henry Pottinger (1816/2015) illustrates that one evening he had to stay with a Baloch tribal family (hut dwellers) and describes how these people were very peaceful and 41 Apart from female literary figures, there are a number of Baloch fiction and non-fiction writers who consider themselves to be feminists. These include Zahoor shah, Faqeer Muhammad, Ghani Parwaz, and Munir Badini among others. For details see Baloch (2016) and Baloch (2021). 41 had a great sense of hospitality. He writes that in their daily lives males and females worked together. After dinner, the males, females and children came and sat around these English travelers without an iota of fear or reservedness.42 He goes on to say, “They treat their women with attention and respect, and are not so scrupulous about their being seen by strangers as most other Moosulmans” (Pottinger, 1816, p.46). Elaborating further on the gender relations between male and females in Baloch society Pottinger (1816/2015) writes: The men tend the flocks, till the ground, and do other out-door labor, in which they are, if needful, assisted by the women; but commonly the duties of the latter are to attend to the household affairs, such as milking, making butter, cheese, and Ghee, and they also weave and work carpets, felts, and coarse white cloth. They are not, as I have previously remarked, secluded from the society of the men, but all live and eat together. (p.52) Similarly, Dr. Mahrang, a prominent leader of the current Baloch nationalist movement, describes the status of women in rural areas and says that women have a significant role in society: they are the owners of cattle, own and work on agricultural lands, and children are often socially recognized by the surname of their mothers in comparison to the dominant practice in urban parts of Balochistan.43 In other words, these women play an important role in decisions related to family matters. They do not have to follow a strict rule of the veil, and they even receive male guests and serve them food when there are no males in the house (Mahrang, 2020). Here it is pertinent to mention that Baloch societies have become more patriarchal, and, given the male dominance in society, there still exist normative practices that suppress women (Baloch, 2021). However, it could be argued that Baloch as a nation have always raised a voice for a more secular and liberal society, which is evident from the works of scholars like Syed Hashmi, Dr. Shah Muhammad Marri, Dr. Jalal Baloch, and Panah Baloch. The Baloch women became more organized and politically active against patriarchal restrictions and raised voices in support of their nation (against the atrocities inflicted by the state of Pakistan) in the first decade of 21st century. I will provide a detailed account of the 42 Pottinger (1816, p. 24) reproduced by Sani. H. Pahwar (2015). 43 Sons of Mai Sara tell their mother’s name when asked about whose sons are they (Baloch, 2021, 122). 42 Baloch women organizations that emerged after 2006, with an elaboration of choosing this specific time period in Balochistan in subsequent sections of this chapter. 2.3.2: The Nationalist Movement in Balochistan Baloch nationalism has received ample attention from many indigenous and foreign scholars. Axman (2009) provides a detailed analysis of the Baloch nationalist movement in colonial India and draws a link between the Baloch nationalist movement and the larger movement of resistance against colonial occupation. Innayatullah (1987) is one of the indigenous scholars who have shed light on the rise of nationalism in Balochistan while also bringing some concerns about the social, cultural, and economic dimensions. He argues that Baloch nationalism is a product of political consciousness that emerged after the brutal occupation of Balochistan by the colonial rulers. Swidler (2014) provides a detailed account of the history of political movements in Balochistan, particularly of the Khanat of Kalat (1666-1948) and how the British considered the Khanate to be ‘remote’. Rafi (2018) elaborates the genesis of Baloch nationalism in the post-partition period, and discusses various developments between 1947 and 1977, arguing that the nationalist movement that started at the inception of Pakistan became stronger due to the state violence perpetrated by the Punjabi dominated institutions in Pakistan. Grare (2013) argues that the Baloch nationalist movement has had two aspects; political and social. Politically, it can be characterized by the aspirations of the Baloch community to the right of self-determination, which has included demands ranging from a moderate position that entails greater autonomy within the Pakistani federation to complete independence. Sociologically, it can be regarded as a movement against the injustices suffered by the people of Balochistan since the inception of Pakistan that engendered a consciousness that paved the way for the demand for a separate state (Grare, 2013). Breseege (2001) provides a detailed scholarly analysis of the origins and developments of Baloch nationalism up to 1980. Making intermittent references to the nationalist tendencies in Iranian and Afghani Baloch communities, he concludes that Baloch nationalism is based purely on ethnic identity and is trans-national in nature (Breseege, 2001). All of these works are significant contributions towards scholarly debates on Baloch nationalism, but they lack an analysis of the role of women in this political struggle. 43 Today, this struggle has become a complex phenomenon, as there are groups with extremist tendencies that resort to violence and demand separation from Pakistan, alongside groups that call for a greater autonomy within the Pakistani Federation and believe in parliamentary politics. The more extremist nationalist tendencies have taken up rebellious politics often accompanied by violence. The state narrative has tended to denigrate the whole movement as a corollary of the feudalist system that is responsible for deprivations and injustices. However, this state narrative is also challenged by several scholars, including Akhter (2007), Grare (2013), and Rafi (2018). The history of the Baloch nation’s resistance against foreign invaders and occupation is an important subject of historical research and needs a separate study. In terms of tracing a brief outline, one could trace the history of Baloch emerging as a nation and becoming politically relevant to the surrounding world, starting from the era of Mir Jalal Han in the 12th century and Mir Chakar Rind (1468-1565) in the 15th century (Baloch, 1987; Baluch, 1965; Janmahmad, 1989). It is instructive to note here that in the folklore and traditional ballads, Mir Jalal Han is credited with being the first Baloch nationalist leader who gathered enough support from the people to give the Baloch tribes the foundations of being a nation (Dames, 1904). However, there is not enough evidence available for substantiating the history and nature of his rulership (Breseege, 2001). Nevertheless, the era of Mir Chakar Rind saw the confederacy of the Baloch nations for the first time (Janmahmad, 1989). The other high point came in the 17th century when Mir Ahmedyar Khan I (1666-1695) established the Khanate of Kalat as the confederation of Baloch people (Breseege, 2001; Dashti, 2012).44 The confederation continued during the colonial period and ended with the creation of Pakistan and annexation of the Kalat state into Pakistan on March 27, 1948. I will provide a brief historical overview to build the context for my study, focusing more on the post-2006 era, because Baloch women became more active in the political spheres after 2006. 2.3.3: The Colonial Period and Its Legacy When the British arrived in India, they initially considered Balochistan to be a non-productive and unimportant territory. However, towards the end of 18th century and the beginning of 19th, 44 For the map of Khanate of Kalat see Appendix C (p. 162) 44 the British became concerned about Balochistan due to its strategic importance, being the region that bordered Afghanistan and Iran (Breseege, 2001; Buzdar, 2008; Heathcote, 2015; Syed, 2007). The British, under the politics of the “Great Game”, became involved in the region through a number of treaties and eventually assumed control of the various parts of Balochistan through a political strategy termed the “Sandeman Policy” (Tucker, 1979). Baloch began to feel suspicious towards British involvement in the region from the time when the Gold Smith Line, drawn in 1871 (demarcated in 1896 and tidied up in 1904), and the Durand Line, drawn in 1894, resulted in the loss of large portions of Balochistan’s land to Iran and Afghanistan (Baloch, 1987; Breseege, 2001; Khan, 2012). In a bid to create amiable relations with neighboring countries, the British drew these boundaries disregarding the lived social realities and wishes of people inhabiting these territories, and thus ended up dividing families, clans, tribes and people into three different countries.45 The British consolidated their control over the region by subduing the Khan of Kalat and tribal leaders through force as well as concessions, pensions, and offering certain perks. As a result, during the period of direct colonial rule (1876-1947), Balochistan comprised four primary categories: i) British Balochistan;46 ii) the Independent state of Kalat; iii) the tribal regions of Marri and Bugti indirectly controlled by British Raj; and, iv) the leased lands (Khan, 2022). From then onward, Baloch people kept resisting the influence of the British in the region and raised their voices against the economic exploitation, political interference and for the liberation of the Baloch people from British rule.47 The Baloch resistance continued throughout the colonial period until partition of India and creation of Pakistan.48 By the time India achieved its independence and the state of Pakistan came into being, the Shahi Jirga (the grand council, comprising only the tribal chiefs, for social, economic, and political deliberations) of Kalat state had become a highly controversial institution because of the diffused power centers created by the Sandman policy (1877-1947) of British rule in 45 See also the Foreign Policy Report (2006). 46 For the map of British Balochistan see Appendix D (p.163) 47 In 1933, Abdul Aziz Kurd published the map of greater Balochistan including all the regions that were lost as a result of MacMohan boundary commission. 1n 1934, Mr. Magsi called for an armed struggle against division of Balochistan and liberation of Baloch people. For a detailed discussion on these events, see Breseege (2001) especially pages146-47. 48 For details see, Khan, (2022). 45 Balochistan. The Shahi Jirga also lost credibility, because it comprised the collaborators of the British Raj, while the general masses had feelings of resentment against the British (Janmahmad, 1989; Khan, 2022). Until 1947, the Kalat state had the right to remain independent and enjoyed a special status in its internal matters.49 In 1946, Mir Ahmed Yar Khan, the Khan of Kalat, urged the British Cabinet Mission to grant special status to Kalat state. Surprisingly, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan who later coerced the Khan of Kalat to sign an accession document with Pakistan, was the legal advisor of the Khan and defended the case in favor of the independence of the Kalat state. With the departure of British from India, the Kalat state had successfully defended its case for remaining independent, and the British Raj urged the surrounding areas comprising Kharan, Lesbella, and Makran to be included in Kalat state along with the tribal region, which had hitherto been under British rule (Baloch, 1987; Baloch, 1975). In a roundtable conference held in Delhi on August 4, 1947, Lord Mountbatten, Mr. M.A Jinnah, Liaqat Ali Khan, the legal advisor and Prime Minister of Kalat state, along with other official dignitaries agreed to Khan’s proposal that Balochistan would be declared free on August 15, 1947.50 The Khan of Kalat declared independence on August 15, 1947. The two houses of the Kalat State legislature endorsed Khan’s decision and refused the proposal to join Pakistan (AllahBakhsh, 1979; Baloch, 1975). The story took a strange turn after the British withdrawal from India. Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founder and the first governor general of Pakistan, who was also the legal advisor of the Kalat state in 1946 and defended the case of Kalat’s independence in case of British withdrawal from India, started to create conditions for the absorption of Kalat state into Pakistan. Initially, the principalities of Kharan, Lesbella and Makran were incorporated into Pakistan in March 1948 (Breseege, 2001; Dehwar, 1994). Thus, violating the above-mentioned agreement at the Delhi conference and also creating troubles for an independent state of Kalat. Fearful of the military preparations of the Pakistani state, the Khan of Kalat, 49 The condition of Kalat state was different from the 560 princely states during colonial period. Kalat fell into the category along with Bhutan and other states which were under external affairs department. These states were not required to annex to either Pakistan or India after partition. For details see, see Breseege (2001, pp. 176-180). 50 For details see Naseer, (2010). Also see AllahBaksh, (1979). 46 Mir Ahmed Yar Khan, was coerced to sign the annexation document against the wishes of the Baloch nation, members of the Kalat National Assembly, and other tribal heads on March 27, 1948 (Ali, 1993). However, on April 1, 1948, after many failed negotiations between the state of Pakistan and the Khan of Kalat, the Pakistani military launched an operation in Kalat on the pretext of fighting nationalist forces (Harrison, 1981; Baloch, 1975). Thus, the problems between the state of Pakistan and the people of Balochistan started right from the day of the creation of Pakistan. 2.3.4: The Baloch Resistance Movement from 1947-2005 The current political turmoil in Balochistan, it could be argued, is a continuation of the troubles that resulted from the forced annexation of Balochistan to Pakistan that created the conditions for an armed struggle against Pakistan (Ali, 1993; Naseer, 2010; Rafi, 2018). The first guerrilla revolt against the forced annexation of Balochistan was launched by the Khan’s brother, Prince Agha Abdul Karim, in May 1948 (Breseege, 2001). He organized an army against the Pakistani state and went to Afghanistan to plan and launch the revolt. However, the revolt could not succeed, owing to differences of opinions about armed revolt among the nationalist leaders of Balochistan, failure to garner sufficient support from the allies in Afghanistan and Iran, and the threat of the use of force against Khan of Kalat force from Pakistani military (Breseege, 2001; Dehwar, 1994; Rafi, 2018). A disconsolate Prince Karim returned to Balochistan in July 1948. The Pakistani military ambushed his convoy in Harboi and, after a brief fight, Prince Karim was arrested along with his comrades (Naseer, 2010). The number of people in the army of Prince Karim has been a debate among the scholars; Harrison (1981) mentions a figure of 700; Baloch (2007) and Naseer (2010) tell us that they were 500 people and the British Library archives give a number of 200 (Ahmed, 2020). Prince Karim’s revolt provided impetus to the separatist sentiments of the disenchanted nationalist leaders who had been defending the case of independence of Balochistan from the early days of the annexation of Kalat to Pakistan. 47 The second and third armed revolts occurred in the 1950s and 1960s, when the Balochistan Assembly and its leaders opposed the Pakistani state’s One-Unit policy51 and its impacts on Balochistan (Ahmed, 2020; Rafi, 2018). After the imposition of the One-Unit policy in Pakistan, which resulted in the amalgamation of all four western provinces into a single unit, the Baloch nation felt further alienated, since Punjabis dominated this setup. The resentment against the Pakistani state culminated in a second uprising. The Pakistani military moved into the Jhalawan region in response to the rebellion from Baloch tribes against the One-Unit policy in 1958 (Rafi, 2018). These military interventions further contributed to the mistrust between Baloch nationalists and the state of Pakistan. One of the nationalist leaders, Nauroz Khan (1874-1964), resisted the military’s operation more forcefully and went into the surrounding mountains to launch a revolt against the military where he was joined by other guerrillas from rebellious Baloch tribes (Harrison, 1981). He was urged to give up arms and come to the negotiation table with an affirmation of his safety, acceptance of the demands for an end to One-Unit policy, and amnesty by the Pakistan military.52 Once again, however, the state of Pakistan broke its promise and arrested Sardar Nauroz along with his seven comrades (including his son), who were hanged on July 15, 1960. A disconsolate Sardar Nauroz died in the Kohlu prison in 1964 (Breseege, 2001). Breaking the promise and punishing the nationalists resulted in more disenchantment and feelings of resentment among the Baloch in Balochistan. The guerrilla warfare in Balochistan became intense. Another important and far-sighted leader, Sher Muhammad Marri (1935-1993) emerged during this era. He turned these sporadic series of armed resistance into a full-fledged guerrilla movement and extended its membership. This new group of guerrilla fighters, calling themselves ‘Fararis/Pararis’, meaning “rebellious people”, emerged in 1963 in response to the policy of the military dictator, Ayub Khan, who increased the number of 51 One-Unit policy was introduced in Pakistan to uphold parity between the Eastern and Western areas of Pakistan. Bangladesh was declared to be one province and rest of the Pakistani provinces which included Punjab, Sindh, Balochistan and N.W.F.P were declared as one province. This policy created a great number of political rifts in Pakistan. For details see, Rafi (2018, pp. 100-110). 52 For details see Baloch (1975). 48 garrisons in Balochistan.53 The struggle continued until 1969, when a ceasefire took place between the nationalist forces and the Pakistani army (Rafi, 2018). In 1956, the Pakistan National Party that later became the National Awami Party or NAP came into being, comprising six nationalist political parties from across the Eastern and Western wings of Pakistan to oppose the One-Unit policy (Breseege, 2001). The opposition politics of NAP influenced Baloch nationalist sentiments and resulted in the participation of nationalist leaders in the 1970 elections. NAP won sufficient seats to form the government in the provinces of Balochistan and North Western Frontier Province in coalition with Jamiat-Ulema-Islam.54 Nevertheless, the relations between the central government of Pakistan and the provincial government of Balochistan further deteriorated due to the historical factors discussed earlier and the matters of power-sharing between center and province, thus increasing rifts between the central and provincial governments. In 1973, the Prime Minister of Pakistan, Zilfiqar Ali Bhutto (1973-1977), dismissed the government in Balochistan and imprisoned three veteran nationalist leaders among other political activists: Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo, Sardar Attauallah Mengal and Nawab Kher Bakhsh Marri (Ali, 1983; Rafi, 2018). Ghause Bakhsh Bizenjo (1917-1989) was the most vociferous political leader in Kalat National Assembly, and defended the case for an independent Balochistan;55 Sardar Attaullah Mengal (1929-2021) was the then chief minister of Balochistan; and Nawab Kher Baksh Marri (1928-2014), known as “Baba” (father/father-figure), is a highly revered leader of Baloch nationalism even today. These acts aggravated differences between the Baloch people and the state of Pakistan, and initiated further waves of violence in the region. Pakistan’s military launched grossly violent operations against Marri and Mengal tribes, killing hundreds, perhaps over a thousand, of innocent people and bulldozing their houses. The violence and armed rifts continued for four intervening years (Breseege, 2001; Rafi, 2018). At the turn of 21st century, Pakistan came under the rule of another military dictator, General Pervez Musharaf (2001-2008), who, following in the footsteps of his predecessors, continued violence and political discrimination against Balochistan. The tensions between the 53 Rafi (2018 pp.141-142). 54 Jamiat-Ulma-Islam is a political party in Pakistan. 55 For details see AllahBakhsh (1957). 49 state of Pakistan and the nationalists of Balochistan turned into a crisis after the assassination of one of the highly revered Baloch tribal and nationalist leaders, Nawab Akbar Bugti (1927-2006), in the mountains of Kohlu on August 26, 2006 (Gazdar, 2006). The primary reason for the conflict between Nawab Akbar Bugti and the martial law government was the issue of a woman named Dr. Shazia Khalid, who was allegedly raped by a military officer.56 As per the tribal codes of conduct, rape or sexual abuse is the most heinous crimes in Baloch society. Nawab Akbar Bugti demanded that military officer be brought before the tribal jirga (the tribal judicial system), so that he would be punished accordingly.57 The government, however, rejected the allegations and refused to produce the culprit. Instead, the areas around Dera Bugti and Kohlu were surrounded by the military with weapons that Pakistan had received from the United States to fight terrorism.58 As the skirmishes between the tribesmen and Pakistani military escalated, the head of the tribe, Nawab Akbar Bugti (1927-2006), went into the mountains of Dera Bugti and continued fighting for the protection of land and honor. On August 26, 2006, the Pakistani military carpet bombed the hills and killed Nawab Akbar Bugti along with his men. This event unleashed a chain of violent reactions from the Baloch nation across Balochistan.59 The state of Pakistan resorted to more violence in response to the public outrage (Gazdar et al. 2010). This event ushered in another era of violence in Balochistan that continues to this day (Baloch, 2016; Grare, 2013; Rafi, 2018). After 2006, the state of Pakistan has resorted to an unprecedented use of force, amplifying military check posts at an ever-increasing pace, imposing greater securitization measures across the region, and fostering more discontent among the nationalists and guerrillas, leading to more violence.60 In this context, the number of enforced disappearances has also increased. Today, thousands of Baloch men and women are missing,61 and their family members have set up camps in Quetta and in other cities of Pakistan and frequently hold rallies to demand justice from the state and at times resort to 56 For details read article by Walsh (2005) available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2005/feb/21/pakistan.declanwalsh 57 For details read article by Ahmed (2007) available at: https://www.theglobalist.com/musharrafs-rape-coverup/ 58 Ibid. 59 See article by Baloch (2016) available at: https://thediplomat.com/2016/08/balochistan-and-the-killing-of-akbar-bugti-10-years-later/ 60 For details see Rafi (2018, pp. 180-184). 61 The Voice for Missing persons of Balochistan claims that 55000 cases are registered and 18000 mutilated bodies of missing persons have been found between 2001 and 2021. For details see Ashraf et.al (2023). 50 violence as well.62 Sadly, thousands of Baloch men have been found dead with mutilated bodies during this period (Ashraf et al. 2023; Jalil, 2023). This is the time period in which Baloch women have become more active in the political and social circles of Balochistan, which is the primary reason for choosing the post-2006 period for my research. A great majority of these women have emerged as the prominent figures and leaders of the nationalist struggle, especially in response to the disappearance of their family members.63 During one interview, I was informed by the respondent that some of the women did not leave the movement even after they got their family members back, and other women, whose family members have been murdered, continued in the movement, because they considered all of the missing persons their family members and demanded justice for all Baloch young and old abducted persons. During the interviews, I came to know that the inspiration for the political activism of many educated Baloch women were uneducated elderly women who were on the streets to demand justice for their sons and husbands. Many times the state approached the protestors to strike a deal in which, if they would withdraw from their protests, they would get their sons and husbands back. However, these old women refused to do so, because they believed all missing Baloch youngsters to be their sons and they would only withdraw when all of them received justice. 2.4: Women’s Role in the Nationalist Movement: Post-2006 The participation of women as combatants is an expression of less gender disparity in a society (Thomas & Wood, 2018). Women’s role in the Baloch nationalist movement is one of the areas that has not received enough scholarly attention. As discussed above, women have historically been active members in Baloch society, particularly when it comes to matters of politics and the rights of the nation. Here I intend to sketch a brief picture of how Baloch women have contributed to the ongoing nationalist movement in Balochistan. It is also instructive to mention that not all of the women who call themselves nationalist are participating in the political struggles: there are many Baloch women who work in the social 62 For more details see Hassan (2022) available at: https://southasianvoices.org/shari-baloch-gender-security/. Also see Baloch (2022) available at: https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2022/jul/06/pakistan-5000-people-disappeared-missing-balochistan 63 For more information see Desmukh (2013) available at: https://theworld.org/stories/2013-07-17/baloch-women-taking-more-prominent-role-fight-independence-pakistan 51 spheres, in the areas of education, health, vocational training and, raising awareness through campaigns and volunteer-based organizations. An equally important contribution of women is in the literary sphere, where Baloch women are writing about the problems of the Baloch nation, mainly in the form of poetry and newspaper articles in Balochi, Brahvi and Urdu languages.64 In the post-2006 era, a significant development in the role of Baloch women in politics took place when, for the first time, Baloch women organized themselves into groups and organizations with a defined structure and aim without relying on men (Baloch, 2021). This is an important development, because the history of the Baloch nation mentions only individual Baloch women like Bibi Banari, sister of legendry ruler Mir Chakar Rind and Mai Bebbo, sister of the Khan of Kalat, Mir Ahmed Yar Khan, in various historical narratives including folklore and ballads (Baloch, 2021; Baloch & Qaisrani, 2012). In recent times, however, they have organized themselves and are also playing leadership roles in other organizations alongside men. In this vein, a few organizations are worth mentioning. One is the Baloch Khawateen Panel or BKP (Baloch women’s panel), established in 2006 under the leadership of advocate Banuk Shakar Bibi (Baloch, 2021). Although this organization became dormant after 2011, its significance as pioneering the politics of organized Baloch women is undeniable. The manifesto of this organization was to organize women for participating in the nationalist struggles for justice in Balochistan. They have also held a number of rallies, protests, and sit-ins for this purpose. After the BKP, another organization, the Baloch Ghuwar movement (Baloch sister’s movement), was established in 2013 to raise awareness among Baloch women about the atrocities committed by the state as well as social discrimination against women in Balochistan. They utilized print media, including newspapers and magazines, to write about socio-political problems and raise awareness of injustices in Balochistan.65 I interviewed a few of the former members of the Baloch Ghuwar movement. They were proud to say that they received their basic training as students at university when they joined the Ghuwar 64 In the literary spheres the writers include Zeenat Sana, Amina Karim, Nosheen Qambrani, Sammi Parwaz, Saeeda Hassan, and Nasreen Baloch among others. For details see, Baloch (2019). 65 Interview with the vice chairperson Ghuwar movement, Zamoor Azad Baloch by Gulnaz Baloch on May 23rd, 2014 (Baloch, 2021). 52 movement. These platforms not only provided space to women, but also created conditions where women could come into the limelight and receive training as leaders as well as workers. According to one respondent, this organized form of women’s participation in politics and social spaces brought a great deal of empowerment to Baloch women. Baloch women also began to occupy leadership positions in various student and higher-level political organizations after 2006. For instance, Karima Baloch (1983-2020), a human rights activist who was found dead on a beach in Toronto in December 2020, had served as the chairperson of the Baloch student organization,66 and Fareeda Baloch whose personal life is unknown, became a member of the central committee of the Baloch Student Organization and the Baloch Nationalist movement. Likewise, Marwarid Baloch also held the position of vice chairperson in the Baloch student organization. Apart from these examples, Mahganj, Hooran, Dr. Mahrang and Dr. Sabiha are some of the most active women who are also in leadership positions in various organizations today (Baloch, 2021; Mari, 2014, 2015).67 2.5: Creating Space for New Forms of Women’s Empowerment Women’s empowerment is a complicated notion that has different understandings and carries different meanings for different people, particularly when applied to non-Western societies (Batliwala, 2007; Zakaria, 2021). The different modalities of agency in non-Western societies also depends upon cultural, social, and religious factors that vary from one society to another. Saba Mahmood provides a profoundly critical analysis of the Western secularist notions of women’s agency and outlines how urban Muslim women exerted their agency while active in the mosque movement in Cairo, Egypt (Mahmood, 2005, 2006). Drawing upon her ethnographic studies in a village in Egypt, Abu-Lughod also posits a set of questions that grapple with the practice of generalized understandings of women’s rights and status in different contexts, particularly in those Muslim societies where religiosity has a strong foothold (Abu-Lughod, 2009). In other words, the term “empowerment” is problematic to the 66 For a brief account of Karima Baloch’s life and activism see Baloch (2020) available at https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/dec/22/karima-baloch-pakistani-human-rights-activist-found-dead-in-canada 67 Some of these names have been published in the works cited while others were my interview participants who gave me permission to mention their names in my research. 53 extent that it is vulnerable to different subjective and cultural understandings. Critical scholars lead one to approach empowerment as a multivalent concept, and it is well documented that the dominant notions of women’s empowerment and agency are the ones disseminated by the white feminists (Abu-Lughod, 2009; Mahmood, 2006; Zakaria, 2021). Nevertheless, for the purpose of analytical clarification and debate, it is important to discuss some of the definitions in circulation. In this regard, I would rely on two different but equally important sources. First, we can consider the conditions of empowerment defined by Rafia Zakaria, who provides an exhaustive and summative account of scholarship on empowerment. She argues that empowerment has three important characteristics attached to it: i) power to decide about one’s life; ii) conscientization of oppression; and, iii) meaningful agency that brings a sense of independence (socially, economically and politically) (Zakaria, 2021). The second definition that I wish to consider for this research is the one given by the European Union, which states that women’s empowerment comprises a sense of self-worth, the right of choice, access to opportunities, the power to control one’s life, and the ability to influence social change.68 Here it is imperative to mention that these two definitions do not provide a profound grasp of the idea of empowerment. However, I have used both to develop a preliminary idea about empowerment for this thesis. Parsing these two definitions brings to fore three outstanding characteristics of empowerment: i) the power to control and make decisions about one’s life; ii) consciousness of oppressive and discriminating structures in society; iii) and, independence to exert agency in one’s personal and socio-political life. These three characteristics of women’s empowerment provide enough ground for developing a theory of empowerment from the margins. Chapters three and four will bring some new insights into how the margin dwellers understand the oppression against women in Baloch society and how they control and make decisions about their personal and socio-political lives which are also expressions of their agency in the specific context of Balochistan. 68 For detail visit the official website of EU at: https://eige.europa.eu/publications-resources/thesaurus/terms/1246?language_content_entity=en#:~:text=Women's%20empowerment%20has%20five%20components,influence%20the%20direction%20of%20social 54 Conclusion In this research, I approach the idea of women’s empowerment as a flexible notion, leaving room for alternative conceptions in non-Western societies that go beyond the prevalence of white feminist discourse. As discussed in the first chapter, the phenomenon of creating knowledges from the margins has always faced the problem of validity because of the epistemological dominance of certain canons of knowledge defined through the matrix of Western colonial powers. In this chapter, I have tried to unpack the history of the Baloch nation from an angle that not only emphasizes the role of women in Baloch society, but that also substantiates the fact that the Baloch, despite living in the hills, have foregrounded the place of women in society and have provided the space, though limited due to a patriarchal structure of society in general, to women. This is also probably the reason that when I asked my respondents whether we need a women’s empowerment movement of a kind occurring in other parts of Pakistan, the majority of the respondents answered that we need a movement for justice for our men and we trust that our men will help us grow and achieve whatever we want in our lives. The others, who said that we need a movement for Baloch women because there is exploitation, did not agree with the Pakistani liberal feminist’s demands, politics, and Westernized aura. Rather, they said that we need a movement which will be different from the one already in place in Pakistan, because we do not share the problems of these women. Hence, any understanding of the notions of women’s empowerment needs to keep in view the large structural contexts of state and patriarchal oppression. I argue against the perception that these women who were disagreeing with the dominant feminist notions or who were confident about their men as supporters in their lives were saying so because they are not enlightened enough. All of my respondents were women who are educated and have been engaged in political and social activities alongside men for at least more than two to three years. They have struggled against all the odds of society and sometimes their joint families to go to schools, colleges, and universities and then finally engage in politics, sometimes holding jobs as well. 55 I will provide a detailed analysis of their understanding of women’s empowerment and how they exert their agency while participating in organizations where there are also males, in the third and fourth chapter. I would also suggest that ‘border thinking’ does not necessarily have to be opposed to Western notions nor am I trying to prove Western liberal notions to be wrong. Rather, my research aims to argue that border dwellers have a right to think about their lives in their own terms and that their thinking should receive validity based upon their conditions, which are particular to a specific historical and socio-political situation in most cases. Such thinking should not be pushed down the validity ladder because of standards defined by the Western-colonial canons. 56 Chapter 3 The Voice from the Margins: An Alternative Understanding of Patriarchy and Resistance Introduction This chapter is the culmination of the introductory and historical accounts of the first and second chapters. It addresses the first research question of my thesis: how do women at the margins perceive the prevailing dominant ideas of liberal feminism in Pakistan and how do their politics of empowerment cohere with or differ from the politics of liberal feminism as represented by Aurat March, the widely understood face of liberal feminism in present-day Pakistan? I will review the birth and politics of liberal secular feminism and Aurat March, using the literature on the Pakistani liberal secular feminist movement. In order to understand Baloch women’s perspectives and ideas, I will rely on the data collected during my fieldwork in Quetta city of Balochistan, Pakistan. During fieldwork, I conducted in-depth, semi-structured interviews with 30 Baloch women who were educated and actively involved in the social and political spheres in Balochistan. Although the fieldwork was conducted in Quetta City, the pool of respondents comprised women from different parts of Balochistan (figure 3.1). There was diversity among the participants in terms of age, tribal and non-tribal affiliations, education, profession, marital status, and linguistic affiliations (Balochi and Brahvi speaking). Interviews were recorded with the consent of the participants. After the fieldwork, I translated and transcribed all interviews, conducted in regional languages (Balochi and Brahvi) into English and shared the transcriptions with the respondents and obtained their reviews. The finalized interview transcripts were used for analysis and coding. I used all 30 of the interview transcripts during the analysis to generate common and unique patterns or themes. While writing my thesis, I tried to quote from every participant’s interview at least once in my analysis. 57 Figure 3.1: Geographical and Educational Background of Participants In order to address the first research question of my thesis, I thoroughly analyzed interviews for creating codes and saturation of codes into concepts. The resulting concepts were further saturated to create categories for description and theorization. The process of analysis resulted in generation of two categories of discussion about women’s empowerment: i) Patriarchy and, ii) women’s activism as a resistance to patriarchal structures. During my conversations with respondents, I asked questions about Baloch women's perceptions of patriarchal structures in Balochistan and how they were dealing with the patriarchal problems to empower themselves. An important reason for identifying the terms of discussion “categories” is to illustrate the resemblances and differences between the two narratives about women’s empowerment: the dominant liberal feminist notions and the border thinking embodied by the Baloch women activists I interviewed. The chapter provides a brief discussion about theory and theorization to build a preliminary understanding of how theory and theorization work in political science research. In order to build the context for discussion, it is imperative to begin with a brief overview of the history and politics of feminist movements in Pakistan. The politics of the contemporary 58 feminist movement is commonly understood through the activities, rhetoric, politics, demands, and slogans of Aurat March, which is the most widely known face of feminist politics in Pakistan. Based upon the research steps of grounded theory, I aim to develop a coherent and logical understanding of the data from the fieldwork by dividing the data into broader categories and underlying concepts that help us understand the categories and allow us to address the first research question. The figures (graphs) in this thesis are used to aid the elaborations and findings as the numbers followed by descriptions will help me substantiate my arguments more clearly. 3.1: Understanding Theory and Theorization Before I begin analyzing data and using terms like theory and theorizing, it is instructive to briefly elaborate on these concepts and describe the utility of theory and theorization in political science research. Thiele (2002) argues that the term “theory” has roots in the Greek terms theoros and theroia, which mean to “consider” or ‘look at” something. In political science, theorists are concerned with questions surrounding the ‘good life,’ including but not limited to its conditions, requisites, and nature (p.14). Thus, political theorization comprises thinking and looking at the ways of doing politics to achieve the ‘good life’ for oneself, society, and the state. While developing the idea of theorization from Aristotle’s Politics, Shuster (2011) argues that there are four kinds of theorization: i) ideal theorizing; ii) conditional theorizing; iii) generic theorizing; and, iv) applied theorizing. After further elaborating on these four different kinds of theorization, he concludes that Aristotle found applied theorization in political science the most valid, as it can draw knowledge from ideal situations (the ideal best regime), keep the available resources (real conditions) in consideration, and provide a realistic way of striving toward establishing the best possible regime in view. I will refrain from indulging in a debate regarding the valid ways of doing political science research. Instead, I can conclude from this discussion that the limitations of doing research in political science should not be regarded as hindrances, and that we should keep ideal situations in mind while endeavoring to achieve the best possible outcome. I will refer to Thiele (2002) to bring up another important point regarding political science theorization. He 59 explains that one of the inevitable limitations of theorists is their belief system, which is, in turn, a product of the political systems in which they reside (Thiele, 2002). Understanding limitations allows for taking the risk of going into the field with an acknowledgment of one’s own biases. Realizing one’s limitations also helps a theorist to consciously eschew anything that can impact a theorist’s academic credibility. Finally, theory helps us create mind maps for making sense of human political struggles taking place in a particular society. In this way, theories help us to think about, question, and research why human political struggles vary even if every political struggle is an aspiration to search for a “good life.” The last, but not least, important factor involved in political theorization that is also significant for my project is the value of “lived experiences” as elaborated by Wilhelm Dilthey, who called the arena of nature the sphere of observation and explanation, and, in contrast, the arena of human experiences and interactions the field of understanding (Bambach, 1995). Keeping in view the above-mentioned important notions of political theorization, I have designed my study to keep human experiences at the center of the discussion while also trying to mitigate my own biases towards the people I am working with (as we belong to the same nation, locality, and socio-cultural system), and striving for a theory that can help us understand the meanings of a good life for the people living at the borders in Pakistan. In the first chapter, I have tried to develop and justify using grounded theory as a methodology for analyzing data. However, I would reiterate that an essential reason for using GTM is its utility for researching and theorizing about phenomena that are unexplored or less explored, as in the project I have undertaken in this thesis. 3.2: A Brief History of Liberal Secular Feminism in Pakistan The history of women’s activism in Pakistan can be traced back to the contributions of women in the anti-colonial movements and the struggles for the creation of Pakistan (Batool, 2020; Saeed, 2022). During the colonial period (1857-1947), women’s activism in Muslim societies was limited to certain elites and well-to-do women who were privileged to receive an education and participate in socio-political affairs of Indian Muslim societies. In 1915, for example, when women organized the All India Muslim Ladies conference, only a few women from the political and economic elite families took part (Saigol, 2016). The years of 60 nationalist struggle, the 1930s and 1940s, saw an upsurge in women’s participation in the anti-colonial movements and struggles for an independent Pakistan. In the post-partition period, women activists became engaged with refugee settlements and welfare activities. The first legislature of Pakistan had two women: Begum Shaista Ikramullah Suhrawardy Khan and Begum Jahanara Shahnawaz. Both of them came from noble families of Bengal and Punjab, respectively.69 In the post-colonial period after 1947, several women’s organizations emerged in Pakistan in various eras, with a limited socio-economic span of activities. However, three major women's organizations have had an extensive social and political role in advancing the ideology of liberal feminism and women’s empowerment in Pakistan: i) the All Pakistan Women’s Association (APWA) established in 1948; ii) the Democratic Women’s Association (DWA), established in 1950; and iii) and the Women Action Forum (WAF), established in 1981. APWA is considered less political than WAF, because the former was more concentrated on the welfare issues of women (Saigol, 2016). The idea of an organization for women’s empowerment and welfare being completely apolitical seems dubious, however, because of the socio-political context of Pakistan, where women’s issues become political because of the inevitably existing structures of religion, ethnicity, and tribalism (Rouse, 1984). The Democratic Women’s Association (DWA) was the first leftist women’s empowerment organization active in the struggle for working-class women (Jalil, 2015). Women Action Forum is the progenitor of Shirkat Gaah, a self-declared feminist organization established in 1975 with a solid political and social agenda for women’s empowerment in Pakistan (Shaheed, 2019). The era of 1980s was the high point for liberal secular feminist struggles in Pakistan. During the dictatorial government of General Zia-ul-Haq (1977-1988), the feminist movements became more organized as General Zia-ul-Haq embarked on his Islamization adventure and imposed laws that have been described as not only discriminatory to women but also brutal, violent, and misogynist (Jahangir & Jilani, 1990; Zia, 2017). In 1977, 69 The list of members of first National Assembly of Pakistan (1947-1954) is available at: https://na.gov.pk/uploads/former-members/1st%20Constituent%20Assembly.pdf 61 Pakistan’s first-ever elected Prime Minister, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, was arrested, and the military, using the age-old pretext of saving the nation, imposed martial law, and General Zia-ul-Haq took over the reins of government (Irfani, 2009; Wynbrandt, 2009). General Zia-ul-Haq used religion to transform Pakistan and also to do away with the paltry secular elements remaining in Pakistan from previous decades (Isphahani, 2017; Talbot, 2012). He introduced a pan-Islamic policy of rulership and implemented laws related to women, particularly the Hudood ordinance in 1979, which were protested by the feminists and women’s rights supporters at that time.70 These laws followed a jumbled interpretation of Islamic laws related to adultery, fornication, evidence, and rape, leading to conditions in which women became the sole victims of this new legal system. Hence, feminist and women’s rights activists severely reprimanded these laws and other anti-women policies under General Zia’s rule (Jalal, 1991; Jahangir & Jilani, 1990; Saigol, 2016, Saigol & Chaudhary, 2020; Zia, 2017). Women organized their movement through the platform of the Women’s Action Forum and resorted to the politics of picketing, demonstrations, marches, and signature campaigns to register their objection to the discriminatory laws imposed by the dictatorial government (Awan, 2022; Saigol, 2016). The majority of the early feminists comprised western educated elite urban women from metropolitan cities of Pakistan, particularly Lahore, Karachi, and Peshawar (Batool, 2020; Jamal, 2005). As Caldwell (1970) argues, western education also inculcates a tendency toward Westernized thinking, and greater faith in Western socio-cultural beliefs and value systems. Hence, most of these early feminists expressed Western liberal notions of women’s empowerment in their rhetoric and politics. One of the significant impacts of Zia’s Islamization was that the early feminists became overwhelmingly critical of religion (Islam) alongside discussing the destructive impacts of the Hudood Ordinance, in particular (Jahangir & Jilani 1990; Jalal, 1991; Mumtaz & Shaheed, 1987). The movement that ensued from protests against Islamization and was strengthened during General Zia’s era did not diminish even after Zia died in an airplane crash in 70 Hudood ordinance implemented strict Islamic punishments for fornication, adultery, theft, rape, and alcohol consumption. For a critical analysis on its impacts on women see Jahangir & Jilani (1990). 62 1988.71 After Zia, Benazir Bhutto was sworn in as the first woman Prime Minister of Pakistan, and she supported women’s rights (Wynbrandt, 2009; Zia, 2009). Thus, during the 1990s, women's organizations achieved certain socio-political and economic rights in addition to several laws passed by successive legislative assemblies. For instance, their endeavors led to the establishment of the First Women Bank in 1989, the First Police Station for Women, and the Lady Health Workers welfare program in 1994, Crisis centers for women survivors of acid attacks in 25 districts, the National Commission on status of Women in 2000, and a policy for development and empowerment of women in 2002 (Mirza, 2011). They also achieved reservation of seats (17%) for women in legislative assemblies in 2002, the Gender Reform Action Plan in 2005, and the Benazir Income support program for women in 2008 (Mirza, 2011). These are a few among many other such accomplishments. Some controversies also marred feminist politics in the decade of 1990s. The women’s rights organizations were overwhelmed by the newly emerging power of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), and the movement for women’s rights fell prey to neoliberal economic traps that reduced it to foreign-funded programs of gender-related training and cake-cutting events (Bambach; 1995; Batool & Malik, 2021; Saigol, 2016; Bari & Khatak, 2001; Zia, 2009). Consequently, a tug-of-war emerged between the ideologically inspired feminists and neo-liberal economy-driven NGO-ized empowerment platforms, which continued throughout the 1990s (Batool, 2020). In the first decade of the 21st century, a new class of feminists emerged in Pakistan, in consequence of the “War on Terror” and the Islamophobia in the world, designated as “post-secularist feminists” by Dr. Afiya S. Zia, a liberal-secular feminist scholar and activist in Pakistan. She argues that the post-secularist class comprised feminists who advocated the amalgamation of an Islamic value system and the notions of feminist emancipation to create a new understanding of empowerment called Islamic feminism (Zia, 2017). According to Afiya (2017), feminists in Pakistan were influenced by the notions of “docile agency” propagated by the works of Saba Mahmood. The new class of feminists in Pakistan began to build a case for Islamic feminism against the Westernized secular feminist notions of empowerment of the previous decades (Barlas, 2002; 71For information about plan crash and Zia’s death see Sciolini (1988) available at: https://www.nytimes.com/1988/08/18/world/zia-of-pakistan-killed-as-blast-downs-plane-us-envoy-28-others-die.html 63 Hassan, 2001; Jamal, 2005). Thus, from 2000 onward, two different, sometimes antagonistic, perceptions of women’s empowerment in Pakistan emerged: i) liberal-secular feminism; and, ii) Islamic feminism (Batool, 2020; Serez, 2017; Zia, 2009, 2017). I will briefly discuss Islamic feminism in Pakistan as it does not have an ostensible politics but has been gaining strength as a parallel force alongside secular liberal feminism in Pakistan since 2001. 3.3: Aurat March and the Politics of Liberal-Secular Feminism in Pakistan Until 2018, the politics of women’s empowerment based on liberal secular ideas mainly relied on the state and legal reforms, public spheres, and secular-religious debates, thus refraining from the personal and familial spheres (Batool, 2020; Khan & Kirmani, 2018; Saigol, 2016, Saigol and Chaudhary, 2020; Zia, 2009). Despite strong criticism of macro-structures affecting public life, the earlier feminists avoided using provocative rhetoric regarding the role of Islam, social values, family structure, and bodily and sexual freedom in the private sphere (Batool, 2020; Rahman, 2019). In 2018, young feminists comprising female, male, transgender, and non-binary people residing in the urban centers of Pakistan and associated with leftist and liberal democratic organizations launched a movement that has again altered the feminist milieu of Pakistan.72 These young feminists differ from the earlier women’s rights activists in their actions, politics, demands, and rhetoric. Aurat-March is the face of the new wave of liberal secular feminism in Pakistan (Batool & Malik, 2021; Khatri, 2019; Zia, 2022). The term Aurat March contains the word “Aurat” from Urdu, meaning “women,” and thus, it is translated as “Women’s March.” Initially, the Aurat March was limited to Karachi and Lahore, the two largest cities in Pakistan. It soon expanded to other parts of the country and, in recent times, it is celebrated in almost every metropolitan area of Pakistan. In its initial years, the participants of the Aurat March were limited to liberal secular feminists, leftists, and the transgender community of Pakistan. Over time, people from religious minorities also joined in. The March attracts many artists, scholars, poets, public intellectuals, social activists, 72 The movement was launched on International Women’s Day on 8th March 2018 to support the global #MeToo movement in Karachi, but soon expanded to other capital cities of Pakistan. For brief details about the movement and its participants, see Shah (2018) available at: https://www.dawn.com/news/1394385. Also, see The News’ Report (2018) available at https://www.thenews.com.pk/latest/626541-these-posters-made-by-male-allies-will-get-you-thinking-about-aurat-march-demands 64 students, media personnel, and progressive political parties like the Awami Workers Party (Public Workers Party). Despite the claims that Aurat March has an intersectional nature, the question of class is still a problem with which Aurat March and liberal secular feminist politics grapple. Some staunch feminists have also noted the elitist aura of liberal feminism and Aurat March (Saigol & Chaudhary, 2020). The March has diversified its slogans and agenda in the last seven years. It started with a purely gender-based agenda, but has more recently also included slogans regarding injustices against religious and ethnic minorities, the economic rights of the labor class, and climate justice. Hailed as a movement for broader social justice and equality by the feminist scholars, Aurat March has an overwhelming emphasis on the gender-based violence at the domestic (family), social, cultural, economic, and state levels faced by women and transgender and other sexual minorities. The movement also raises a voice for increased space for women in public spheres. For instance, a young girl, Saida Khatri, started ‘girls at dhabas’ in 2015. Dhaba is the word for a small hut-like place that usually offers snacks and tea. Sadia Khatri started the dhaba for girls to share space with males and initiate a culture where girls could share the pleasures and privileges of sitting in a public place without facing harassment or intimidation. The initiative of “girls at dhabas” has become a movement in itself.73 The movement endeavors to dismantle the prevalent public-private distinctions on the basis of gender in Pakistani society. Apart from using social media campaigns and street activism like other political movements, the activists of the Aurat March also display their resistance to patriarchy through singing, dancing, chanting slogans, paintings, and playing music during the March. The reason for choosing such a form of resistance is because these activities have been the privilege of men in Pakistan, and women would often conduct such activities only within their closed circles, homes, or in close family functions. The new liberal secular feminist movement vociferously challenges the family system in Pakistan and aims to uproot the male’s domination in the family systems from Pakistani society. Through the slogans highlighting the routine domestic works of women in Pakistani families, the movement 73 For details, see the “Girls at Dhaba” website: https://girlsatdhabas.wordpress.com/category/dhaba-journal/ 65 brought to light the unpaid labor provided by women in their domestic spheres that often goes unnoticed or taken for granted by males in Pakistan. Domestic labor sometimes culminates in violence against women, as there have been widely reported instances of males beating up females for not serving them warm food or serving it late. The new wave of feminism is suspicious of the cultural norms of Pakistan and regards them to be a linchpin of patriarchal violence. They argue that a male-dominated society creates cultural norms that reinforce patriarchal structures and serve their interests in the social, economic, and sexual spheres of society (Saigol & Chaudhary, 2020; Zia, 2017). The narrative and politics of Aurat March is challenged by the women who do not support their agenda as they call it obscene, anti-Islamic, contrary to the cultural values of Pakistan, and an elitist movement (Batool, 2020). The new wave of feminism defies certain firmly held and revered notions of a stable society in Pakistan. For instance, they use the slogan ‘divorced and happy’ to reject widely held opinions about marriage being an essential part of one’s happiness and stability in society. They also challenge the hetero-sexual normativity prevalent in Pakistan and are, therefore, increasingly supported by the LGBTQ community in Pakistan. Questions of sexuality are firmly tied to the various cultural norms and Islamic nature of Pakistani society. Therefore, such slogans and narratives not only attract criticism from religious circles, but also from the general public who have been born and brought up in a society where only heterosexuality is considered normal and acceptable. Some of their slogans and banners that attracted indignant reactions from the vast majority of the population in Pakistan included: “Mera Jism Meri Marzi” (“My body, My choice”), “a picture of a girl sitting with her legs wide open and saying ‘Lo beth gae thek se’ (Behold, now I am sitting properly),” “Khana khud garam karo (warm up your food yourself)”; “Keep you dick pic to yourself”; “Anything you can do, I can do while bleeding” and others which were satirical expressions used to admonish the oppression of women at home, in the family, and society at large (Batool & Malik, 2021; Rahman, 2019; Saigol & Chaudhary, 2020).74 The movement has received a great deal of support as well as backlash from various segments of society (Khatri, 2019; Saigol & Chaudhary, 2020). 74 For a summary of the most widely discussed slogans (both critically castigated and with applause), see Noor (2020) available at: https://www.mangobaaz.com/38-of-the-most-powerful-aurat-march-2020-posters-that-you-absolutely-have-to-see 66 The backlash has been described as a “sinister palate of Pakistani patriarchy that comprises collusion of men, military and mullah” by Afiya Sherbano Zia, one of the staunch feminist activists (Zia, 2022). Aurat March has been castigated by some segments of society and applauded by others, consisting of women, men, binary, and transgender people. Differences of opinion exist about whether Aurat March is a movement.75 However, there is no denying that it represents the liberal-secularist sentiments of feminism in Pakistan. The question of radicalism is debatable, because even an earlier veteran feminist, Kishwar Naheed, mentioned reservations about some of the slogans used by Aurat March.76 Most feminist scholars see Aurat March as a valuable addition to the liberal secular feminist struggles in Pakistan (Saigol & Chaudhary, 2020; Zia, 2022). It is too early to make any general comments about this year’s Aurat March, as any critical appraisal of the March is yet to come. Nevertheless, searching on Google, I found newspaper stories covering this year’s March. It was different from the previous marches in specific ways. This time, the influencers and general media persons were not encouraged to cover the stories on Aurat March, the reason being that in the past, widespread coverage of events had led to many controversies, and because maliciously doctored videos were released that resulted in security threats to participants (Sheikh, 2024). Second, the recent March included issues of Palestine as well as the plight of Baloch in their slogans. The organizers also invited Samideen Baloch, a nationalist as well as human rights activist and one of the prominent figures of the recent long March for missing Baloch persons. An audio recording of Dr. Marhrang Baloch, another Baloch nationalist and a human rights activist who led the March against enforced disappearances and the Baloch killings, was also played during the speech sessions. In the audio recording, Dr. Mahrang requested support for the victims of floods in Gawadar city of Balochistan (Jalil, 2024). Finally, they also raised issues of climate change, the forced conversions of non-Muslims, and, the rights of religious minorities. It can be observed that liberal secular feminism in Pakistan is evolving. However, the features of elitism, anti-Islamism, challenging socio-cultural norms, and NGO-ization remain 75 Dr. Robina Saigol, a staunch feminist activist and writer, has mentioned some doubts about whether Aurat March has any characteristics of being a movement. For details, see Saigol and Chaudhary (2020) 76 For details, see Dawn Report (2019) available at: https://images.dawn.com/news/1182047 67 some of the significant concerns regarding the nature of liberal secular feminism in Pakistan. These perceptions about Aurat March and liberal feminism also provide reasons why a majority of Pakistani women do not support the movement. There has been an influence of elites on the struggles for women’s empowerment in Pakistan from the beginning. Although women's participation in struggles for creation of Pakistan led to an increase in the number of women in socio-political spheres in the early years after the creation of Pakistan, the positions of power were still limited to women belonging to either economic or political elites. For instance, three women’s rights activists who held important political and leadership positions in the early years of Pakistan’s creation included: i) Begum Jahanara Shahnawaz, who was a member of the first legislative assembly and belonged to a privileged political family; ii) Shaista Ikramullah who was a member of the first constituent assembly also belonged to an influential East Pakistani political family; and iii) Begum Ra’ana Liaqat Ali Khan, the first women ambassador of Pakistan and first women governor of Sindh, was wife of Liaqat Ali Khan the first prime minister of Pakistan. The first leftist women's organization mentioned earlier, DWA, was founded by Tahira Mazhar Ali Khan, who also belonged to one of the most powerful political and economic elites of Punjab. Referring to internal discussions about the membership of WAF, Dr. Rubina Saigol, a prolific writer and a staunch feminist activist, mentions that at a certain point, there was a serious discussion about who should be allowed to join WAF and that the members who wanted an open membership argued that if WAF would not open its membership to the masses (or women), it would remain “elitist” (Saigol, 2016). Ayesha Jalal, a well-known Pakistani-American scholar and historian, also notes the elitism of feminist movements in Pakistan (Jalal, 1991). Another equally significant aspect of liberal secular feminism in Pakistan has been its adversarial relationship with the religion and religious structures of Pakistan. This characteristic goes back to the early years of the creation of Pakistan and has become more severe in the present times. During the initial years after the creation of Pakistan, women’s rights activists faced much resistance from the religious circles in the legislature in their demands for women's rights (Saigol, 2016). The contention is not limited to male religious figures. Instead, there is a general skepticism about Islam and the people who understand empowerment and agency within the parameters of Islam. For instance, Hussain (2014) 68 doubts the independent agency of women who work in the religious spheres and argues that the agency exercised by women in those spheres is ambiguous and elusive. Likewise, Saigol (2013) argues that the tendency to accept the Islamic ways of life is a result of passively internalizing the patriarchal messages from religion and society. Ahmed (2009) also argues that the women associated with pietist practices have their agency work against their own rights and help promote conservative, exploitative, and nationalist structures. Hence, these scholars and others who argue in this vein claim that women who disagree with liberal secular understanding of emancipation are incapable of independent thought and ability to critically engage with the gender problems in Pakistan. Pakistani liberal secular feminism also has a skeptical perception of the cultural norms and value system of Pakistan. As mentioned earlier, liberal secular feminists consider religion and culture to be intertwined and to equally reinforce the patriarchal structures in Pakistani society. They reject any notions of empowerment within the cultural framework. Saigol (2016) argues that culturally sensitive awareness cannot bring true empowerment to women. Thus, it refuses any arguments related to empowerment within Pakistan's socio-cultural norms and value system. It also implies that women who are not challenging the socio-cultural structures of Pakistan cannot achieve empowerment for themselves. Dr. Farzana Bari, one of the most vociferous and prominent figures of liberal secular feminism in Pakistan, argues that the violence against women, from enforced wearing of the veil to honor killings, is a “customary practice” in Pakistan and is “condoned” by the traditional and cultural norms of society (Bari, 2000). It is imperative, however, to mention that Pakistan is heterogeneous and has a variety of cultures; hence, generalized statements regarding the impacts of cultural norms and traditions are debatable. It is also important to discuss some of the significant issues of liberal feminism as identified by the liberal secular feminist scholars themselves. The liberal secular class of feminists in Pakistan considers their views as valid, rational, enlightened, and beyond criticism. Speaking of the problems of criticizing liberals in Pakistan, Afiya Zia, a feminist scholar and activist, argues that they −including feminists− are wanting in tolerance for critique, because they believe that any disagreements, even from within liberal circles, hurt their status quo (Zia, 2010). Liberal feminists refute the traditional critique of them being 69 “Western” by arguing that such claims cannot be anything more than racialization, because it implies that brown women have no independent thinking and follow Western feminism uncritically (Zia, 2017). This argument has some merit and I extend it to situations in which liberal feminists fall prey to the same trap by calling other women devoid of independent thinking when they disagree with the liberal secular notions of gender-related politics. The arguments regarding Westernization of Pakistani liberal feminism also hold some merit, because the ideas of agency, liberation, and the politics of empowerment in Pakistani liberal feminism carry an aura of Westernized understanding of these notions. I will refrain from arguing in support of or against Westernization of Pakistani liberal feminism, but I will argue that the notions of empowerment, liberation, and women’s agency are multivalent. Another important criticism from within the secular liberal feminist scholarship concerns the proliferation of NGOs in Pakistan. Saigol (2016) mentions that this so-called “NGOization” also led to the silencing of the feminist movement to the extent that when peasant women stood up for their land rights against their forced eviction by the military in 2001, women's organizations were nowhere in the picture. The problem is not only the influence of NGO’s on the liberal feminist movement; we can also observe that feminist organizations and politics have hardly challenged dictatorships, except for Zia’s Islamization, because dictators often pretend to be modern and liberal (Saigol, 2016). This argument helps us to understand why there has not been anything more than a meager protest from the feminist circles in the cases such as Musharaf’s derogatory remarks concerning the rape case of Mukhtara Mai, the case of women raped by a military officer that sparked the clash between Nawab Akbar Bugti and the military dictator, General Parvez Musharaf (as discussed in the last chapter), and incidents of hundreds of Baloch women who have gone missing in the last two decades. Finally, the broader features of the politics of liberal secular feminism have remained intact in this year’s March. Alongside retaining the slogans from previous marches, a mannequin without a head was installed with a signboard describing it as the dead body of patriarchy. The headless mannequin wearing a garland of shoes, which symbolizes shame, had certain things written on the body. The phrase “here comes Izzat” (Izzat means honor in Urdu language) right beside the genitals of the mannequin carries an aura of challenging 70 socio-cultural norms because honor (for both males and females) is a matter of life and death in Pakistani society. The idea of “honor” has itself been a problem and a focus of debate between the self-proclaimed liberals and their counterparts in Pakistan (Bari, 2016). I will not go into more detail, as moral debates regarding issues of honor fall beyond the scope of my thesis. Considering Aurat March as the reference point for understanding notions of liberal feminism and feminist politics in Pakistan should not distract us from acknowledging the existence of other movements like the Sindhyani movement.77 I am dealing with Aurat March, however, because these other movements are limited in their politics, activism, and geographical expanse, while Aurat March has reached almost every major city of Pakistan, including those of Balochistan, and has received widespread coverage from the media. Thus, Aurat March has become more impactful, more visible to the general population, and the most familiar face of the politics of liberal feminism and women’s empowerment in Pakistan. That is why, when participants were asked during their interviews to share their views regarding dominant liberal feminist notions in Pakistan, Aurat March was considered a reference point. Finally, a brief description of Islamic feminism and its adversarial relations with liberal secular feminist understandings will clarify the ideological rifts in feminist politics in Pakistan and help build a case for analyzing information from interviews. In Pakistan, Islamic feminism −as a concept as well as a tradition in feminist scholarship− can be regarded as a corollary of the Islamic feminist tendencies that are appearing on the global stage, particularly after the 9/11 attacks and the consequent war on terror (Jamal, 2005). In this vein, the seminal works of Barlas (2002) and Wadud (2006) significantly impacted Pakistani Islamic feminism. These authors built a case for revisiting the Quran with a non-patriarchal lens. After carefully historicizing the patriarchal interpretations of the Quran and Islamic jurisprudence, they argued that the Quran should be read as a non-patriarchal text and, therefore, Islam should not be considered an anti-women religion. They refused to agree with the patriarchal structures of family and society as Islamic in spirit. Their works profoundly impacted feminists in Muslim societies, including Pakistan (Zia, 2017). 77 For a brief account of Sindhiani Tehreek movement, see Memon (2020). 71 Islamic feminists in Pakistan critique patriarchal exploitation while retaining the Islamic spirit in their arguments and often argue that exploitation in Pakistan is not a result of Pakistan’s Islamic culture, but due to the male dominance and misuse of social authority afforded to men in Pakistani society (Serez, 2017). Thus, they do not argue for absolute equality; instead, they ask for justice within the prescribed roles of men and women, the responsibilities of men not to manipulate authority, and awareness of women's rights (Jamal, 2005). The conflicts between Islamic and secular feminists in Pakistan are not limited to textual, dialogical, or verbal criticisms; instead, they also opt for antagonistic forms of politics of empowerment, such as the Aurat March, where women challenge Islamic and cultural dresses as symbols of oppression. One response has been the “Haya March” (modesty March), or “Hijab March” (veil March), organized and spearheaded by women from Islamic political parties and Madrassas and their supporters (Amnesty International Report, 2020). In the “Haya March” the participants carry posters with Anti-Aurat March slogans and statements that speak of modesty, chastity, and Islamic teachings about women. From this brief discussion of the evolution of the liberal-secular feminist movement in Pakistan, we can draw some important conclusions about the nature of this movement. First, the organized politics of women’s empowerment started in Pakistan in reaction to Islamization and assumed a liberal-secular agenda with a westernized approach toward progress, liberalism, and reforms in society. Second, liberal secular feminism has always had an elitist aura in Pakistan with limited opportunities for women from the general population to occupy positions of authority in liberal feminist organizations. Third, the liberal feminist ideologues are sensitive-to-criticism and discard all other views about empowerment by describing them as irrational, distorted, and complicit to patriarchal ills. Fourth, over time, liberal feminism in Pakistan has assumed a more radical form in its politics and rhetoric, while demanding bodily rights, freedom in interpersonal relations, and sexual freedom, along with challenging the prevalent socio-cultural and religious structures. Fifth, the women at the center of empowerment politics critique patriarchy and women’s oppression in the legal system, state, family structures, value systems, cultural norms, religion (Islam), or any other structure that they think suppresses women and hinders the exercise of free bodily and sexual rights. Expressing their politics through placards, pictures, and slogans carrying satirical and 72 socio-culturally errant language is also evident in the Aurat March. Finally, the evolution of Aurat March heralds greater inclusiveness; intersectionality, and an expansion of demands to universal human rights. 3.4: Understanding Women’s Empowerment from the Margins: A Comparative Analysis I turn to the core question of my thesis, which aims to explore and analyze the responses of Baloch women who are social and political activists regarding the dominant notions of liberal feminism in Pakistan and how Baloch women’s understanding of patriarchal problems differs from the dominant liberal secular notions. I interviewed 30 participants who were educated women and active in various social and political spheres in Balochistan. They all belonged to the Baloch nation (Balochi and Brahvi speaking), hailed from different areas of Balochistan, and were engaged in various socio-political activities. From the analysis of data, I established two major themes, central to any feminist or women’s empowerment debate, as categories for applying grounded theory: i) Women’s oppression by patriarchal structures and ii) resistance against patriarchal structures. In the first category, “women’s oppression and patriarchy,” the participants discussed various factors responsible for the existence and aggrandizement of patriarchy in Balochistan. Analysis of the data led me to extract meaningful information from the interviews about structures that support patriarchy and result in women’s oppression. The coding and conceptualization of the data resulted in the development of three concepts pertaining to the category of patriarchy: i) State, patriarchy, and women’s oppression in Balochistan ii) role of religion in women’s oppression, and iii) impacts of culture and tribalism on women’s status. The second category, resisting patriarchy and claiming rights, included conversations around the Baloch women’s resistance to the patriarchal structures in society through their political and social activities and their ideas about how women would achieve their rights. An analysis of data pertaining to this category led me to the formation of the following three concepts: i) Resistance through nationalism, ii) resistance through social support for oppressed women, and iii) resistance through political activism. All of these concepts speak to the larger categories of “patriarchy” as a context and the “resistance” as action/interaction. I will explore 73 the category of patriarchy and women’s oppression in Balochistan through conversations about the role of state, religion, and tribalism/Baloch culture. This will also enable me to develop the context for patriarchy in Balochistan. Then, I will explore how Baloch women are engaged in political action and interaction to deal with the existing patriarchal structures and achieve women’s empowerment in Balochistan. The final part of this chapter consists of a general discussion about the areas where the notions of liberal feminist understanding about women’s problems cohere with and differ from the understandings of the Baloch women and what new knowledge can emerge from this border thinking. 3.5: Patriarchy and Women’s Oppression (Context) “Patriarchy” is derived from the compound Greek word “patriarchēs,” which means the “ruler of a family,” where “patria” is also associated with the Greek “pater,” or father. The “patriarchos” was traditionally, a male figure or father who had the power to rule a family. The term has become more complicated when used as a concept in the studies about gender, society, politics, and history (Pierik, 2022). Walby (1989) defines patriarchy as social structures and practices that are male dominated and exploit women in the economic, political, religious, cultural, and social spheres of life. Becker (1999) provides an explanation of patriarchy being a complex structure with a tendency to change in response to resistance from the opposite forces to keep the overall masculine power intact. This means that patriarchy is flexible as a structure and can mold itself, depending upon the context and situation. However, after a detailed account, Becker (1999) concludes that the important feature of patriarchy is not only subjugation of femininity but also valorization of masculinity. Judith Butler, one of the distinguished critical scholars in this vein, argues for gender being “performative” and critiques the idea of patriarchy being a uniform and universal structure (Butler, 1999). Lerner (1995) defines patriarchy as being male dominance in the family which extends to the subjugation of females in society as well. Finally, the Cambridge Oxford dictionary defines the term ‘Patriarchy’ as a society in which the oldest male is the family's leader or a society controlled by men in which they use their power to their advantage.78 78 For the definition of Patriarchy in Cambridge Oxford dictionary see, https://dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/english/patriarchy 74 Based upon a fundamental understanding of patriarchy as gender-based inequality in private and public affairs and the dominance of males, the idea of feminism emerged in the West to demand equality of rights for both males and females in society.79 Over more than a century since the Seneca Falls Convention, the notions of understanding patriarchy and the politics of doing away with patriarchal structures have become increasingly complicated as theorists and scholars have dug deeper into the reasons behind sexual and gender-based discriminations.80 In this chapter, I will be dealing with the understanding of patriarchy according to the liberal feminist movement in Pakistan and its comparison with how women at the margins think about these dominant notions of liberal feminism and what their understanding of patriarchal structures in Balochistan is. Before I provide a comparative analysis of the notions of patriarchy in liberal-secularist tradition and the margin dwellers in Pakistan, it is essential to mention that there is a plethora of scholarship about liberal secular feminism in Pakistan, but a complete dearth of perspectives from the margins. Hence, I will discuss only those factors that are mentioned by the Baloch women and compare their perceptions with the existing knowledge from liberal secular literature. This should not keep me from mentioning that many other factors are discussed in the dominant feminist literature, but the Baloch women did not mention them. In the data collected during fieldwork, the idea of patriarchy was usually accompanied by discussions around state, religion, and colonialism. I found that these three concepts speak to the other factors that play into the phenomenon of patriarchy in Balochistan. These include, for example, security problems, unemployment, illiteracy, diminished health facilities, lack of rule of law, no schools for girls, and other such factors related to state, religion, and tribalism that helped maintain the patriarchal structures and disempowered women in Balochistan. A point worth mentioning that emerged from the interviews was that the women spoke to problems that were common to males and females. There were only rare instances when the participants pointed out something that could be categorized as a gender-specific problem in Balochistan. The following paragraphs will further clarify this finding. 79 For details, see Wollstonecraft (1787). 80 The Seneca Fall Convention took place in July 1848. It was the first event in which women, gathered in Seneca Falls, New York, drafted the demand for the right to vote. For a brief history of the convention, see the website: https://www.history.com/topics/womens-history/seneca-falls-convention 75 3.5.1: State, Patriarchy, and Women’s Oppression in Balochistan Figure 3.2: State and Women’s Oppression in Balochistan Like the dominant liberal feminist claims about the role of the state in promoting patriarchy in Pakistan, the Baloch women also spoke to women’s oppression in several ways, one of which was to address the state.81 However, the Baloch women were focused more on the mechanisms employed by the state to keep Balochistan (as a region of which women are also a part) backward, thus creating hurdles in achieving women’s empowerment. For instance, respondent 17 stated, “Hence, there were not any problems of gender in Baloch society as such in the past, but now religion is being used as a tool to create such issues. We know that the state is an accomplice in it.” Likewise, another respondent noted, “The state is the one that is introducing this fanaticism through madrasas. This is probably the easiest way of ruining our egalitarian culture” (Participant 25). When the Baloch women were asked about the reasons behind the exploitation of women in society and particularly about the problems of domestic violence in Balochistan, 81 For detailed views, see Khan (1995), Saigol (2016) and Zia (2009, 2017). 76 they responded by pointing out the state’s failure to protect women in Balochistan. One participant mentioned such concerns and stated: We can only speak of change and revolutionary organizations, tell women about their rights of marriage and divorce, education, and employment, and counter Mullaism and tribalism. However, only the state has the power to reform the system. (Participant 2) Other respondents brought up the impacts of illiteracy and the unemployment of males that lead to an environment of frustration and result in violence against women in Balochistan. Some also argued that the state has tampered with tribal structures, which were egalitarian in the past, and has used the existing social institutions to disempower women in Baloch society. Dr. Rubina Saigol, a liberal feminist scholar in Pakistan, has noted the “silences” regarding women’s oppression in Pakistan, and she pointed out the context of being unable to speak against oppression in the family (Saigol, 1995, 2016). During my interviews, I also encountered some instances that carried the feelings of “silences” about who is responsible for disempowering women. One such instance was when a participant said, “I think it is more political and related to state; though I am hesitant to speak more about that” (and then she laughed) (Participant 16). In another instance, a respondent spoke about the state, and her friend pressed her thigh as a warning signal. The respondent later approached me and requested not to include that particular response in my paper, though I obtained her permission to mention this instance. Another significant aspect of women’s problems that emerged from discussions about the role of the state was that, unlike in feminist rhetoric, the Baloch women were more concerned about Balochistan and Baloch as a nation than about emphasizing gender and women’s problems specifically. I say this because, so far, I have not come upon a research paper on liberal secular feminism in Pakistan that mentions the nation as a priority. Most feminist literature relies on theoretical knowledge from Western feminist traditions, and hence, it does not discuss the nation beyond the patriarchal structures built into the nation-state system. “[B]ut again let me tell you that the state is using religion to counter our rights-based nationalist movement by calling it anti-Islamic and obscene,” said Participant 7. 77 Likewise, another respondent, while discussing the problems of gender inequality and the exploitation of women in Baloch society, stated: “So, I think things are getting better (in terms of gender equality), but we still need to give it more time and attention as we have potential as a nation to grow” (Respondent 5). Similarly, another respondent stated: Thus, I have seen a great deal of deprivation in our society. Today, when I see kids in other parts of Pakistan going to schools, English language training centers, and computer training centers, while in our village, we have nothing; I truly believe that this is because the state has deliberately kept us deprived. This is a political technique to control people by not allowing them to get an education. (Participant 12) The discussion of nationalist sentiments was so pervasive in the conversations that I had to present nationalism as a separate theme and concept. I will discuss it under the category of political actions and interactions. 3.5.2: Role of Religion in Women’s Oppression Figure 3.3: Religion and Women’s Oppression in Balochistan 78 The second important theme that emerged from the responses was the deliberate use and manipulation of religion, particularly by the state and the mullahs (clerics), in creating problems of gender in Balochistan (Figure 3.3). At a broader level, the Baloch women shared a skepticism about the role of religion with the liberal feminist literature in Pakistan.82 However, there were differences in their approach at a fundamental level. The liberal feminist tradition has been skeptical of Islam for its inherently patriarchal and gender-biased nature (Jahangir & Jilani, 1990; Mumtaz & Shaheed, 1987; Saigol, 2016; Zia, 2009, 2017). The Baloch women I interviewed, on the other hand, believed that religion is not inherently gender-biased; instead, they had problems with the jumbled representation and implementation of religion, because they believed that a specific form of Islam deprives Baloch culture of its egalitarian characteristics. They believe that Baloch culture protects women more than such religion, as it allowed a woman in the past to move freely in society, partake in economic activities that also brought financial independence to her, and enjoy the social liberties of singing, dancing, hosting guests, and even loving someone independent of social or familial arrangements or constraints. Unlike a ubiquitous skepticism about Islam in liberal feminist rhetoric, the Baloch women thought that the problem lies in the interpretation of Islam. The Baloch women held the opinion that the garbling of Islamic injunctions about women’s rights by Mullahs (clerics) is the root cause of women’s oppression today. One such respondent stated, “I think discriminations still exist in some parts of Balochistan where females are struggling, but that is the influence of a misinterpretation of religion, I believe” (Participant 2). While discussing the reprehensible cases of honor killing and domestic violence against women in tribal areas of Balochistan, a participant noted: However, there is discrimination in tribal regions. Let me also tell you that even that discrimination is a result of bringing religion into Baloch society. However, the deliberate and forceful introduction of religion in certain Baloch societies has resulted in heinous issues of honor killing, but that is again something that has been deliberately done to us. (Participant 8) Likewise, other respondents stated: 82 For details see the section on evolution and nature of liberal secular feminism in Pakistan. 79 I think the religion of Islam provides enough space for women to excel in life and is not inherently discriminatory to women. The Prophet Muhammad used to help his wives with house chores; Hazrat Khadija was a businesswoman. However, today, religious sentiments are being exploited, and a distorted form of Islam is being imposed upon us, which is creating problems for women in our society. (Participant 9) Religion supports so many of the notions that empower women. For example, my husband told me that, according to Islam, he cannot force me to make tea for him, although he can request me. That is one example; there are many more such things, but Mullahs (clerics) do not tell us about them. (Participant 1) Contrary to the dominant liberal notions of gender problems in Pakistan, in which there is an overwhelming emphasis on the impact of religious fanaticism on women, the Baloch women gave me a new perspective by defending their males and holding “only clerics” responsible for religious factors involved in women’s oppression. For instance, a participant argued that the clerics misguide our males and, owing to the pervasive illiteracy in Balochistan, males are not able to mull over what a cleric says, nor are they able to understand Islam by themselves through the primary sources of Islamic principles. Hence, she believed that Mullahs tell Baloch males that women should remain home. Then, the men are intimidated by statements like “it is against the honor of family and Islam for women to leave home and get an education, and join certain professions” (Participant 3). Pointing to a similar dilemma, another respondent mentioned: We have mixed Allah’s Islam with that of the Mullah’s Islam. Moreover, in our society, the Mullah’s Islam has become dominant. The problems are aggravated at a cultural level because now our men are confused between what the Mullah says (restricting women) and what our cultural values tell us (freedom for women). (Participant 10) Another respondent also argued that the religion of Islam is not innately discriminatory against women: Even Islam is not gender biased; Islam provides women sufficient rights, but you see, the extremist tendencies in our society are creating problems; everything becomes anti-Islamic, but it is again the influence of Mullaism that has created such tribulations that is hindering us. Even getting an education is becoming a problem now. (Participant 16) 80 Hence, the respondents did not consider Islam to be an inherently oppressive religion. However, they agreed with the argument that the state has used religion and a particular class of males (clerics) to undermine women’s rights in Balochistan. I will provide a more nuanced analysis in the discussion section of this theme. 3.5.3: Impacts of Culture and Tribalism on Women’s Status Figure 3.4: Culture, Tribalism, and Women’s Status in Balochistan The third significant theme that emerged as a concept from the discussions was the impact of culture and tribalism on gender relations. Within this theme, respondents alluded to the aberrations introduced in the tribal system of Balochistan that turned the egalitarian tribal system from being a symbol of identity into a male-dominated exploitative structure where tribal laws, value systems, and social hierarchies contribute toward the subjugation of women. As I elaborated in the second chapter, two major kinds of Baloch societies exist in Balochistan: class-based and tribal. The respondents belonging to the former kind of societies were skeptical of tribalism in general. In contrast, some of those who belonged to the tribal system commented that, historically, tribal structures have not been exploitative. However, 81 they were later manipulated by the colonial masters and then the state of Pakistan, rendering the tribal system tyrannical and prejudiced against women. Liberal secular traditions have repeatedly pointed to tribalism and feudalism as one of the structures responsible for women’s oppression (Saigol, 2016; Zia, 2017). Similarly, the respondents belonging to the class-based societies of the Makran belt alluded to the curse of the tribal system. They mentioned that not having a tribal system contributed toward greater freedom for the girls and women in those regions. They further stated: “Our society does not have a tribal system, which is a blessing” (Participant 14). One of them said, “There are regions which are tribal, and there is a tribal head that discourages women’s education. There is discrimination in the tribal system” (participant 8). Another respondent mentioned tribal systems being responsible for existing gender problems. However, she connected that with illiteracy and stated, “I think lack of education and our tribal structures are responsible for whatever problems exist in our society” (Participant 5). Likewise, a participant who belongs to one of the most prominent Baloch tribes and is a social activist noted: I speak a lot about the curses of tribalism in our society. They (my family members) have never stopped me from doing all this, but they are certainly concerned about my security. In Balochistan, the status of women is more vulnerable because of tribalism and illiteracy, and even the educated ones follow the conservative value system. Also, certain aspects of religiosity add to these complications. (Participant 29) On the other hand, some of the respondents who live in tribal regions argued that the tribal system has not been regressive by nature, but that the colonial masters and then the state of Pakistan manipulated the tribal structures against Baloch women. For instance, a respondent mentioned this manipulation as one of the reasons behind patriarchal problems in Balochistan: Although we (Baloch) are a secular nation, I think this has something to do with the colonialism that we experienced, because colonial masters invaded our culture and exploited it in a way that we lost some of the positive things of our culture. The positive things were replaced with exploitative structures, and in this colonization, the biggest sufferer was female. (Participant 2) 82 Another respondent mentioned her concern about the liberal feminist understanding of culture: [A]bout culture; as Ngugi tells us, when the foreigners came to the colonies, they told them that the natives needed to be civilized. It is the same with Pakistani liberal feminists and the left. They think they are civilized and progressive but do not know how they will fit in their ideas. (Participant 3) Similarly, other respondents, while speaking to the problems of violence and gender discrimination in Baloch societies, noted: So, I have mentioned that these problems exist primarily in those societies that have a tribal system, but let me also mention that, historically, even the tribal system was not exploitative. Women in tribes were given enough respect and space in society. Nevertheless, then the state created new tribal heads who were given authority to do whatever they wanted, and they started exploiting the system in favor of males. (Participant 8) Nevertheless, I think in our society, the problems of females are not as grave. Even in our tribal system, we see that there is freedom for women, so the question of females did not bother me much (during my political career), probably because we are already engulfed by issues that are bigger than the female’s problems. (Participant 22) A respondent directly referred to the Aurat March and argued that the rights demanded in Aurat March are available to women in the Baloch tribal setup and stated: The kind of rights this movement (Aurat March) is demanding is something that this culture has already given to Baloch women. For example, if there is a problem between a husband and a wife, the woman has the right to come to a tribal head, and the tribal head helps her. This is something that I have personally experienced in my family. (Participant 26) Another respondent argued: [P]atriarchy has been there in some forms, even in Baloch society; for example, a woman cannot become a tribal head despite having extraordinary abilities. However, the more heinous face of patriarchy, like the problems of honor killing and tribal suppression, were imposed upon us recently. (Participant 25) 83 Thus, the culture and tribal system are seen to play an essential role in empowering and disempowering women in Baloch society. 3.6: An Analysis of Patriarchy and Women’s oppression in Pakistan: Liberal Feminist Scholarship and Border Thinking A close analysis of these conversations and the literature from liberal secular feminist scholarship leads us to identify some coherence, along with specific differences, between liberal feminist notions and border thinking (among the Baloch women) about patriarchy and the oppression of women. The liberal feminist understanding identifies the masculine state as the cause of oppression of women; hence, it locates the gender aspect within the state system as the root cause of gender problems in Pakistan (Bari, 2000; Haroon, 1995; Saigol & Chaudhary, 2020; Zia, 2009; 2017) However, the discussions with the Baloch women reveal that women’s oppression is a corollary of the discriminatory policies of the state against Balochistan and the Baloch nation. Hence, they identify the cause of the problem in the structures and workings of the state. Moreover, unlike the gender-specific discussions in liberal feminist politics and literature, the problems of Baloch women are not understood by them as something different from the problems of Baloch men. They were discussing the problems specifically of women in Balochistan, but the reasons for oppression did not have patriarchy or “Baloch men” as the central cause. When the Baloch women pointed out the problems of discrimination, they were referring to the repression of the Baloch nation rather than speaking about Baloch women specifically. This point will be further elaborated when I deal with nationalist tendencies among Baloch women later in this chapter. Another significant difference in the approach of the Baloch women compared to the dominant liberal notions towards understanding women’s problems is that the Baloch women were discussing oppression in gender-neutral terms and were constantly referring to generally existing socio-economic problems that have a trickle-down effect on Baloch women, society, and culture. The dominant liberal feminist literature has located gender-based discrimination in the family system and the structures of Pakistani social norms, which is evident in the writings of feminists as well as the protest slogans of 84 Aurat March.83 In contrast, the Baloch women did not bring up family as an important player in women’s oppression. Most respondents credited their success to their family members (fathers, brothers, husbands). On the subject of religion, it can be witnessed that, at a broader level, Baloch women share their suspicions about the role of religion in society with the liberal secular feminist understanding. However, their reasons for this suspicion vary significantly. The Baloch women also share some views about women’s empowerment with the Islamic feminist tradition. However, those similarities are too weak to argue that the Baloch women advocate tenets of Islamic feminism.84 Unlike the liberal secularist understanding of religion as being oppressive as an institution, Baloch women believe that religion is not oppressive. Instead, the interpretation of religion has created problems in Baloch society by tampering with the egalitarian characteristics of Baloch culture (religion being another tool used by the state). Furthermore, the liberal-secularist notions have a forward-looking approach, while the Baloch women have been frequently referring to the past to reclaim their identity and empowerment. The rhetoric and politics of liberal feminists against religion, family system, and culture have been more rigorous. For instance, apart from the current Aurat March, the Women Action Forum activists burnt their head-scarfs in a protest against Zia’s regressive Islamization policy in 1981.85 The Baloch women do not have problems with the veil, head-scarf, family structures, house chores, or ethical concerns of religion. Rather, they are more concerned about losing the vigor of Baloch cultural values, which has robbed them of their identity, freedom, and status in society. It is also important to recall Wilhelm Dilthey’s idea of the significance of “lived experiences,” as mentioned earlier in this chapter. The difference in the lived experiences of the Baloch women and the women in other parts of Pakistan (particularly Punjab) can partly explain the reason why the Baloch women hold a different and sometimes antagonistic opinion about the reasons behind women’s subjugation in society. 83 See Saigol (1995, 2016) for details. Also see Bari and Khatak (2001). For the slogans of Aurat March see the section on the history and evolution of the feminist movement in Pakistan. 84 For more information about Islamic feminism in Pakistan, see Jamal (2005), Serez (2017), and Zia (2017). 85 For details see Paracha (2013) available at: https://www.dawn.com/news/786019/the-hearts-filthy-lesson: Also see Dawn Report (2013) available at: https://www.dawn.com/news/1128826 85 Finally, the viewpoints of Baloch women about the tribal structures and cultural factors being responsible for women’s oppression cohere with the ideas of dominant feminist movements in Pakistan. However, the difference transpires in terms of the stated reasons behind the exploitation of women and, consequently, their solutions to these problems. Concerning this particular theme, we can observe a common understanding between the generally accepted notions about tribal and cultural problems espoused by the feminist narrative and the Baloch women who belong to non-tribal societies of the Makran belt. The perspectives of the Baloch women who belong to a tribal system vary starkly from both of these strata of Pakistani women. The Baloch women from tribal arrangements have displayed more confidence in the positive impacts of tribalism and hold the state and religious factors responsible for whatever exploitation we see today in Baloch tribal societies. This theme also correlates with the earlier observation of the Baloch women arguing for reclaiming their place in society by referring to the past and arguing for regaining the status that Baloch women enjoyed in the historical tribal systems. 3.7: Resisting Patriarchy and Claiming Rights (Actions/Interactions) The understanding of a problem is usually followed by efforts to solve it. After discussing how patriarchal structures function in Baloch society and what factors reinforce them, it is imperative to discuss how Baloch women act and interact under the established patriarchal system and how they strive to achieve empowerment in this context. Thus, this category discusses the activities (social and political) that Baloch women undertake to empower themselves and other Baloch women. During our conversations about the activism of Baloch women, the respondents argued around three major themes or concepts: i) Resisting patriarchy through nationalism; ii) resisting patriarchy through social support for oppressed women; and, iii) resisting patriarchy through political activism. 3.7.1: Nationalism as a Source of Identity and Empowerment The most conspicuous feature of the conversations about the activism of the Baloch women was nationalism; Baloch nationalism, to put it precisely. Nationalism has been marginally discussed in the liberal secular feminist scholarship, where it is identified with Pakistani right- 86 wing nationalism and considered another element compounding women's problems (Anjum, 2020; Batool & Malik, 2022; Zia, 2017). Figure 3.5: Political Activism of Baloch Women Figure 3.5 demonstrates the nature of political activism of Baloch women. The student activists also identified themselves as political activists, but were not affiliated with any nationalist political organization. Those who mentioned that they were not active at the time of interview were the ones who were active before but had to stop political activism for reasons of their personal and family security. The category of Baloch women included activists who were engaged in welfare and social spheres and not in politics. Conversations with the Baloch women continuously revolved around Baloch nationalism, and they were more concerned about the problems particular to the Baloch nation and society, not specifically about Baloch women. Their disagreement with the prevailing liberal feminism in Pakistan was also based on their argument that this movement is not addressing the problems of the Baloch people. In this context, they critiqued the Aurat March activists with statements like, “they (non-Baloch/Punjabi people) have these problems,” “we do not want feminism 87 because we do not have such issues,” and “it is their movement,” etc. Their feelings of nationalism were also vivid in their gender-neutral vocabulary of “we Baloch,” “us,” and “our nation.” Most respondents reiterated the positive role of their fathers, brothers, and husbands in their lives. The women I interviewed were wearing Balochi dresses that are long and loose by design, usually with different kinds of embroidery. The head scarf is also an integral part of Balochi cultural dress. When I asked them about the reasons for wearing this kind of dress with a head scarf, they responded, “I think we are civilized; we love our culture and our dress code because we have not taken it from anyone else, and we are not mimicking anyone” (Participant 1). Another respondent said, “Baloch has been a secular nation and liberal in outlook. We feel pride in our culture as the British feel pride in theirs. We are civilized enough to remain attached to our culture and grow in the modern world” (Participant 8). Unlike the liberal secularist politics of resistance through discarding the traditional norms of decorum, dress, and language for women, the Baloch women were wearing culturally specific dresses, because it gave them a unique identity, and doing so is also a form of resistance against the notions of modernity/modern fashion attached to dress, language, and appearance. For instance, a participant explained the reason behind wearing a Balochi dress in the following statement: “The kind of embroidery and tailoring of this dress is a part of my identity, as no one other than a Baloch woman or man can do this kind of embroidery or tailoring” (Participant 10). Similarly, another participant, a lawyer by profession, stated: We love our culture so much that we find comfort in wearing a Balochi dress, which is more comfortable than wearing jeans. You see, I have tailored my uniform like our Balochi dress (there is no embroidery, though), but I do this because I love my culture and I want to send a message to society that we are modern; we are in this field, wearing our traditional dress and empowered to fight for rights. (Participant 15) Likewise, another young girl, an activist who had participated in liberal feminist politics at some point but had strong reservations regarding the elitist aura of feminist movements in Pakistan, stated about dress being a source of pride: 88 Everyone has a different worldview; I belong to a tribal society with a rich culture. I have traveled extensively in Pakistan, but always prefer wearing my cultural dress. Even if I get an opportunity to go abroad, I prefer wearing my cultural dress. (Participant 18) The notions of nationalism taking precedence over gender problems also reflect that Baloch women think about themselves as a part of the nation. This perspective also helps one to understand why most of the Baloch women who are active in political and social spheres did not agree with most of the demands of the liberal feminist notions of empowerment, which have a more gender-centered aura. I am reluctant to engage in debates concerning which perception is closer to real empowerment, because even real empowerment is something subjective, and my research restricts me from making any subjective judgments about the notions of women’s empowerment beyond the arguments that can substantiate a case for listening to what these marginalized women think and practice. In this vein, certain statements that I can quote from the interview scripts must suffice: Baloch is more political than any other community/ minority in this region. It is the land of ideological politics and movements. I joined the nationalist struggle because I always felt that women were not granted a leadership role in this nationalist struggle up until Karima Baloch. (Participant 1) We see that our males are suffering from state oppression today, and we, as women, need to stand for our males and raise our voices for them. So, I think it is again a mutual thing. Women should support Baloch men in their struggles, and men need to understand women's problems. (Participant 4) I have also been a part of nationalist struggles along with my social work for the Baloch women. I was also interested in raising awareness among women about the historical role of Baloch women and what we are going through right now. We have to do this because, in our schools, we are never taught about our history and our legends; we study about other people. So when we come to know ourselves, it empowers us. I am not a Pakistani; I am a Baloch because Pakistan is just 70 years old, and our culture is thousands of years old. (Participant 24) Besides these long responses, some participants raised similar ideas in short sentences during their interviews. One of the respondents stated, “I would still say that we are oppressed as a nation, and gender comes afterward” (Participant 7). Another woman who is more active 89 in social awareness campaigns and has been a part of a Baloch women’s panel stated in her conclusion, “So, I think things are getting better for girls and women, but we still need to give it more time and attention as we have potential as a nation (Baloch) to grow’ (Participant 5). Likewise, when asked about what activists think of the family system in Balochistan, a respondent said, “Religion is, of course, there, but the families which are more Baloch nationalist are also more secular. You will see that they intermingle with opposite genders very easily” (Participant 22). Thus, the activism of the Baloch women is not exclusively for women, because they believe in a struggle for the nation's freedom. I conclude my elaboration of this theme with a statement from a respondent who is a researcher, a human rights activist, and a student of Gender Studies: “Our struggle is for freedom. Freedom from every kind of oppression, and in that sense, I believe that the freedom from patriarchy is a secondary problem for us, and the more important problem right now is to achieve the right to life” (Respondent 7). 3.7.2: Resisting Patriarchy through Social Support for Oppressed Women Figure 3.6: Baloch Women in Social Spheres of Balochistan 90 The second important sub-theme evident from the responses was the importance of engaging in the development of society and not particularly engaging with feminist politics. The majority of Baloch women who were engaged in political activities also called themselves social activists, because they argued that social problems and political problems cannot be separated from each other in the context of Balochistan. It is imperative to reiterate that women’s rights movements have been able to achieve legal security for women in Pakistan and have also been involved in community development activities.86 However, from the interviews with the Baloch activists, I came to learn that welfare activities by feminist organizations have been almost non-existent in Baloch areas. This also explains the reservations of the Baloch women regarding feminist politics and calling it “theirs,” not “ours.” The Baloch social activists were active in awareness campaigns to raise consciousness among Baloch women and men about their social and political responsibilities, the problems of education and health, and other problems faced by the Baloch nation. Those who agreed to participate in a women’s empowerment movement set the condition that the movement would not follow the politics and demands of the existing liberal secular feminist movement in Pakistan. The Baloch women’s social activism comprised organizing study circles for young girls and women in which the participants were provided with literature on nationalism, leftist politics, the history of the Baloch nation, the problems of Balochistan, and how they can help each other in resolving the problems; surprisingly, none of them mentioned any feminist literature. In her interview, one of the respondents mentioned the importance of being a part of the political circle and stated, “When I was young, I did not know about formal politics. I always tried to be a part of student circles, women’s forum discussions, Baloch student organizations, and mass rallies, which helped me learn about myself and society” (Participant 2). Another young activist indicated a similarly significant impact of these informal political gatherings: “So these things, study circles, and awareness campaigns, motivated me to become a human rights activist and a legal advocate for human rights” (Participant 15). An older woman who has been active in the political sphere for the past ten years and became more active when her husband went missing and was later killed, discussed the political and 86 For details, see the section on the evolution of feminism in Pakistan. Also, see Bari (2000), Saigol (2016), Saigol and Chaudhary (2020). 91 social activism of Baloch women stating, “we need to organize at the local, community, and national levels to unite and raise a voice for our rights; starting from education. So, we need to educate and organize women in our society” (Participant 10). Apart from the study circles and awareness campaigns, some of these women believed in going into the field and establishing proper organizations that can reach out to women who live in far-flung areas of Balochistan and help them get an education, know about their rights and motivate them to be active in the politics of demanding rights for their nation. Some of the respondents mentioned this in their interviews: “I decided to establish a school for children of my hometown; I went to people’s houses and convinced parents to send their kids to school. Now I have some 150 students, and the numbers are increasing” (Participant 4). Another young political activist remarked, “In 2020, I founded the Raj-e-Baloch women’s organization to uplift Baloch women and enable them to speak for themselves and the nation” (Participant 16). Some respondents from political families preferred social activism and working for the betterment of society and Baloch women. As one of such respondents stated: I am from Quetta. I would call myself a youth activist. I was born and raised in a political family. My youth activism focuses more on the problems of youth in Balochistan. In order to materialize my ambitions for youth development, I established an organization in 2019. It was all volunteer-based. We used to be active in the social spheres, mainly when we had some unbecoming situations in Balochistan. (Participant 28) Baloch women's activism is mainly concentrated on Baloch society. Pakistani women’s rights organizations have neglected the Baloch regions, which has created a sense of “otherness” in margin dwellers about the liberal feminist movement in Pakistan. I will provide an analysis in the discussion section at the end that elaborates on this information in the interviews. 3.7.3: Resisting Patriarchy through Political Activism Most of the participants I interviewed had been associated with political activities at some point in their lives, including those who were now more involved in social activism and 92 identified themselves as welfare and not political activists. The figure 3.7 demonstrates that Baloch women activism is not limited to nationalist politics. Figure 3.7: Baloch Women Activists Women who identified themselves as welfare activists were those who believed that their political activities are not limited to any particular class, caste, gender or religious identity. Rather, they focused on the welfare of the people of Balochistan. One respondent who identified as a nationalist, not as a political activist, also described that she had to stop her political activities due to security concerns. As mentioned earlier, the political activism of Baloch women cannot be completely separated from their social activism. Thus, it became hard to differentiate the political from the social. Under social activism, however, I have discussed the activities of women who called themselves social activists and were engaged in awareness campaigns, working in the areas of health, education, and social welfare of women. In the political activist section, I have included women who were more active in the political circle and engaged in acts of protests, sit-ins, strikes, long marches, setting up camps in the press club to register their resistance against state oppression, and raising a voice for justice for the Baloch nation. The political activities of the Baloch women differed from their 93 social/philanthropic roles because, in the former activities, they participated alongside males. In the latter actions, they would primarily work with females on their teams and in society. The conversations with Baloch women pertaining to political activism reflected that most women joined politics when one or more of their family members went missing. For instance, a young girl spoke of her reasons for leaving studies and getting involved in politics: “Then, in 2017, my brother was abducted and was held for 100 days, after which they released him. My struggle started with raising a voice for my brother and the problem of missing persons, and it continues to this day” (Participant 5). Some other political activists told similar stories: So I came and joined the missing person’s camp to raise a voice for my family members who went missing. Afterward, I joined some nationalist political parties for some time, but then, finally, I left the political parties and joined the organization called Voice for Missing Persons of Balochistan. (Participant 7) So, my political activism started at a young age, and when I reached university, I was active in the political sphere, but never joined any particular organization. Then, in 2007, I participated when the women’s forum launched a campaign and protested for missing persons in the press club. After that, my husband was abducted and killed. From then onward, I joined political circles to demand justice for the Baloch people. (Participant 10) My political career started when my brother went missing. I raised a voice; I was active on social media and other political platforms. After eight months of struggle, they released my brother. This event had a long-lasting impact on my life and my family. This event changed my life, and from then onwards, I started my political struggle against forced disappearances and killings. We have a whole graveyard full of martyrs in our hometown. (Participant 13) Some political activists participated in the political struggle, because they considered themselves part of an oppressed nation. They saw it as their responsibility to help protestors in their justified cause of demanding the right to survival in Balochistan. The following statements from respondents will further clarify this point. In 2001, I was in my first year of college when I engaged in political debates with my friends. I became part of the Baloch Student Organization, a political organization, when I reached university. We used to hold study circles and raise awareness among students about the problems of the Baloch nation. (Participant 19) 94 I completed my Masters in 2013. During the Masters, I got engaged with the student political bodies. We had study circles where we would discuss the rights and constitution of Pakistan. From there, several questions emerged in my mind about life and society in Balochistan. As a student, I used to engage in political debates and would ask why our society and region have been pushed back while other provinces of Pakistan are progressing. (Participant 22) I started my political struggle as a Baloch Student Action Committee member. In 2009, the Committee was formed to address students' problems in Balochistan. Today, it has become an organization with branches in almost every city in Balochistan. I learned a lot from this organization. We were given readings on nationalism and Baloch issues. We were guided about how to do student politics. How should we hold rallies and protests, and how can we demand our rights? (Participant 23) I would call myself a political activist and a women’s rights activist. I established a political organization in 2020 in the name of a historical female figure in Baloch history who stood for equality of rights for men and women. We primarily work for Baloch women. When I reached university and started my political struggle, I felt safer in society and among the Baloch brothers with us. We used to go to protests and were active. Then, the state resorted to violence. This violence brought empowerment to me. (Participant 24) Baloch women's political activism resulted from their nationalist sentiments and a desire for the social and political uplifting of Baloch as a nation. There is no need to reiterate the evident fact that Baloch women’s activism has a minimal gender tint, which distinguishes it from the women’s rights-centered movements in Pakistan. 3.8: Resistance against Patriarchy and Struggle for Rights: Liberal Feminism and Baloch Women As already mentioned, there is a fundamental difference in understanding resistance and activism between liberal secular feminists and Baloch women activists. The most discernible difference would be the importance of nationalist sentiments within Baloch society and among the Baloch women. While the dominant liberal feminist scholarship is skeptical of nationalism (understood as Pakistani nationalism), all Baloch women active for rights in the social and political spheres spoke about their nationalist sentiments at specific points during conversations. These conversations provide basic knowledge about how the Baloch women 95 understand their status and enact their role as women in the Baloch society. They also exerted their agency as “a Baloch woman” rather than “a woman,” which signifies their understanding of self as a part of a nation rather than only a socially given sexual or gender identity. With a few exceptions, respondents mentioned their village/city name while introducing themselves. They reiterated their concern for the Baloch nation, males and females, while also acknowledging the existence of gender-based inequality in society. Hence, they understood empowerment and exerted their agency through their activism in the nationalist movement in Balochistan. One of the problems with feminist movements in Pakistan has been their overwhelming concentration in just a few big cities: Lahore, Karachi, Peshawar, and Islamabad. Although Aurat March has a broader reach, that is only a one-day event, and scholars of feminism like Dr. Rubina Saigol have argued that we cannot call Aurat March a movement as such (Saigol, 2020). These conversations also inform us that the activism of the Baloch women varies significantly from the activism of feminists in that it is not exclusively centered on women’s issues or a tendency towards freedom of women from the shackles of patriarchy. Rather, the Baloch women activists were raising awareness among women about their duties towards the nation and society. It is pertinent to mention that many social activists were working on problems faced explicitly by women, such as health and hygiene-related campaigns, their rights of marriage and divorce, and educational rights. About their understanding of the problems of women, they argued that just being women is one problem and being a “Baloch woman” creates more issues. The Baloch women’s activism for rights has a strong nationalist and kinship factor attached. None of these women spoke about being active in the existing liberal feminist movement, nor did they believe that the political activism of feminists would resolve the problems of women in Balochistan. The reason behind their disagreement lies in their distinct views about how the oppression of women occurs in society. Baloch women resist patriarchal structures within the nationalist framework. The idea of nationalism is a widely debated and complicated concept in political science. However, for my thesis, I will rely on Benedict Anderson’s idea of ‘Imagined Communities’ as it is relevant to the case study that I am examining in this research. Benedict Anderson (1936-2015) developed the idea of imagined 96 communities to elaborate on the origins and nature of nation and nationalism in Europe and the Americas (Anderson, 2006). His definition and explanation of nation and nationalism can be applied to understand the nature of nations and nation-states today. He argued that a nation is a political community comprising individuals who do not know all other members of the nation personally, but share a sense of solidarity and group feelings with them. As all individuals who identify as part of one nation do not know each other personally, the sense of nationhood among them becomes an imaginary phenomenon where being ‘imaginary’ should not diminish the reality of the existence of such communities and their sense of belonging to each other. If Anderson is correct, one cannot prove the sense of belonging to a particular nation based on historical reasons, biological evidence, linguistic similarities, cultural affiliation, or any other such marker. Rather, the sense of belonging is a part of one’s imaginary affiliation with that nation. I am using this argument here because, as discussed in the second chapter, Baloch history is a complicated subject, and there is no certainty regarding the historical roots of the Baloch nation, owing to the multiplicity of arguments about its genealogy. Nevertheless, when these women were talking, none of them mentioned any such linguistic, cultural, historical, tribal, or ethnic markers that would reflect that they have an identity different from the rest of the ethnically, tribally, and linguistically diverse Baloch community in Balochistan. I reiterate that, unlike liberal feminist politics of resistance, the resistance of the Baloch women against patriarchal structures took place within the socio-cultural and value systems of Baloch society. Within the context of Balochistan, Baloch women considered themselves as part of the Baloch nation on the basis of their shared feelings with the rest of the community. As elaborated earlier, when Baloch women joined protests and political circles, they demanded justice for not only their family members but for all of the missing persons. Finally, the responses from the participants also inform about their agency and their consciousness about their gender as being situated in a particular tribal context. Although Baloch women do not find their experiences very different from the sufferings of the entire Baloch nation, their responses reflect that, being women, their agency and socio-political activities are circumscribed by the existing structures of exploitation and subjugation of 97 Baloch women. Acknowledging the role of male family members as an approver of their actions speaks of their pre-occupation with validating their achievements through getting acceptance from the male members of family and society. As mentioned earlier, intermittent, and in certain cases frequent, references to the male members of family is a reflection of deep-seated patriarchal influences in Baloch society which also has impacts on the thinking and actions of Baloch women in this particular context. Conclusion After a lengthy and complicated conversation with the Baloch women about their understanding of liberal feminist notions and patriarchy and how they resisted patriarchal structures in Balochistan, I can draw conclusions based on the information and analysis presented in this chapter. First, the Baloch women activists are not against a movement for women’s empowerment in Pakistan and Balochistan; instead, they only disagree with the politics, rhetoric, demands, and ideology of liberal feminist notions in Pakistan. The fundamental reason behind the disagreement lies in the differences in the worldviews, localities, and lived experiences of these two strata of women in Pakistan. The liberal feminist notions target male psychology, patriarchal family systems, and male dominance in every sphere of life as the cause of the gender-based evils in Pakistan, while the Baloch women do not believe that the Baloch male is a problem nor the Baloch culture or family system. Rather, it is the state of Pakistan that is seen to have been using different tools to induce patriarchal evils in Baloch society. Another important reason for disagreement is that liberal feminist notions speak in general terms and demand revolutionary reforms in society. In contrast, Baloch women have a more specific understanding of the underlying problems and, therefore, have a more specific solution to gender problems. Second, liberal feminism has been regarded as an elitist movement that demands more rights for an already privileged class in Pakistan, while the Baloch women are more concerned with the downtrodden strata of society. They speak of women in the villages, Baloch children, women whose family members (males) are missing and who are 98 consequently suffering, and the woman who is oppressed because the male in her family is illiterate and misguided by the clerics. A point of divergence worth noting between the two understandings and politics of empowerment in Pakistan is that the liberal feminist activists in Pakistan have been skeptical of their culture, community, nation, and locality, and they have therefore been tagged as Western and not from amongst the common women in Pakistan. The Baloch women, on the other hand, have chosen to stay connected to their roots and culture. A part of their activism is to reclaim some of the cultural values that the Baloch nation has lost under the influence of Western cultures, state-sponsored religious impacts, and other factors mentioned by the respondents, as discussed above. The interviews also lead one to understand that in Balochistan, social and political activism is not utterly devoid of gender concerns: these women do not believe that Baloch women are the most empowered women in Pakistan, but that they believe that Baloch as a nation is oppressed. The gender question will be secondary in this case. Finally, there are certain points of convergence as well, like the influence of religion. Nevertheless, even in that context, the Baloch women are more concerned about a particular kind of Islam as professed by the clerics, while the liberal feminist notions have been skeptical of every kind of religious tradition, regardless of who interprets it and in what ways. The Baloch women believe that the impacts of religion cannot be understood without asking class and economic questions. They also believed that structural discrimination against Balochistan has resulted in widespread illiteracy, which leads men to believe whatever clerics say. Finally, the liberal feminist rhetoric is that patriarchal structures have their roots in the past, which means such feminists trace the history of women’s subjugation to the past. The Baloch women, on the other hand, believe that patriarchy in Baloch society is a relatively new phenomenon and that, historically, there has been more gender equality. 99 Chapter 4 Local Knowledges about Women’s Empowerment: How do Baloch Women Understand Empowerment? Introduction This chapter draws on the foundational knowledge from the third chapter and addresses the second question of my thesis; how empowered or disempowered do Baloch women activists feel after participating in nationalist politics and how do they define empowerment? In the first part of this chapter, I will rely on information from the data collected during the fieldwork to understand whether the Baloch women I interviewed feel empowered and how they explain their feelings or experiences as women in Baloch society. As my research argues for pluriversal forms of knowledge, I also propose that the idea of empowerment is multivalent and subject to the socio-cultural context of a particular society. I will discuss the responses from the participants, eschewing any indication of judgments regarding the veracity of their claims. The analysis of data will allow me to demonstrate how border thinking differs from the dominant knowledges about women’s empowerment in Pakistan; in this case, the dominant knowledge about empowered women comes from liberal secular feminist notions. By the term ‘knowledge(s),’ in this case, I therefore mean the understandings of empowerment espoused by the dominant liberal feminist class of Pakistan. The second part of the chapter will address the last part of the second research question pertaining to the border knowledge about empowerment coming from the Baloch women. This part of the chapter will theorize women’s empowerment from the margins. The process of theorization, as discussed in the third chapter, will take into consideration the lived experiences of Baloch women. The limits of theorization in the study of political concepts and phenomena will also be addressed while drawing information from interviews and building knowledge from it. This chapter follows the research steps from the third chapter and examines two categories: “Empowerment of Baloch women” and “Meanings and values of empowerment at the margins”. Both of these categories contain concepts that emerged after coding of the data and saturating the codes to the level of conceptualization. The category describing the 100 empowerment of Baloch women comprises the following concepts: Education and financial independence, kinship and family, and participation of Baloch women in socio-political spheres. The participants were asked to explicitly determine their feelings of empowerment or disempowerment and the factors they deemed important for their own as well as other Baloch women’s empowerment. The factors influencing empowerment have been depicted through figures (graphs) to make my descriptions more comprehensible. The second category−meanings and values of empowerment at the margins−incorporates three concepts: Individual choices; freedom “for” and “not from” males; and, locating empowerment in the present. This category does not include graphical representations of the responses, because it deals with the expressions and elaborations of how these women describe empowerment. It is difficult to convert these descriptions into categorical information with graphical representations. However, the concepts, containing recurring patterns of thought, were established after an in-depth analysis of definitions and views provided by respondents. The discussion of concepts and categories will include an account of how the perspectives of the Baloch women differ from or cohere with the dominant notions of the liberal secular empowerment movement as elaborated in the previous chapter, using the feminist literature and the politics of the ‘Aurat March’ in Pakistan. 4.1: Empowerment of Baloch women Although the notions of women’s empowerment are the subject of debate among the various strands of feminist scholarship, the ideas of ‘agency’ and ‘liberty’ are usually a common ground in these debates.87 Based upon the responses from interviews, I would argue that the participants in this research who were a part of social or political spheres considered themselves empowered. However, their definition of empowerment contrasted starkly with the prevalent dominant understandings of empowerment. When the Baloch women spoke about empowerment, they used different ways of expressing their feelings and experiences; I will discuss them in detail in the following sections. An analysis of responses to my question 87 We have a number of strands of feminist scholarship that approach the issue of gender relations in a variety of ways, for instance, Liberal feminism, Marxist feminism, Black feminism, Queer theory, Islamic feminism, and Radical feminism, among others. 101 regarding the empowerment of the Baloch women brought forth three dominant and recurring patterns. 4.1.1: Education and Financial Independence As the Baloch women spoke to empowerment, they brought up specific fundamental requirements for women to be empowered. The responses of the participants named education as a primary requirement for empowerment. Though education is a widely acknowledged condition for empowerment, there is a fundamental difference in how the Baloch women approach the meanings and purposes of education. The following diagram shows the impact of education on the Baloch women’s empowerment according to their responses. Figure 4.1(a): Education and Women’s Empowerment in Balochistan As is evident from the figure 4.1(a), education is considered to be the most significant factor in determining the empowerment of Baloch women. There is no debate about the utility of education and the role it plays in the advancement of any society. These Baloch women considered education important not only for knowing one’s rights, but also for understanding 102 the problems of the Baloch nation. Hence, they argued for an education that brings political awareness to the society and to Baloch women about the plight of Balochistan. As figure 4.1(a) shows, almost all of the respondents mentioned the importance of education at some point during our conversations. One respondent expressed her journey towards empowerment and stated, “When I went to Islamabad for my higher education, it brought more self-confidence to me” (Respondent 1). Another respondent talked about her experiences and noted, “We have to start from a basic human right, the right to life and education” (Respondent 2). While discussing the problems of women in Baloch society another respondent argued, “All I want to say is that we need to have education for the females of Balochistan” (Respondent 9). Other responses in this vein included the need for education to achieve social, political, and economic rights: “About rights I strongly believe that education comes first and then equality in granting social, political and economic rights to women” (Respondent 3). Respondent 6 expressed her concerns noting, “I think awareness is very important and the problems of education need to be resolved first. In my village, we don’t have girls’ schools; how can we bring empowerment then?” Figure 4.1(b): Financial Independence and Women’s Empowerment in Balochistan 103 Another important and related aspect of empowerment discussed and highlighted during the conversation was financial independence as presented in figure 4.1(b). Respondents maintained that they achieved empowerment after they became financially independent. They also believed that when women contribute to family income, they get more space in decision-making at the household level. They observed the same for other women around them. For instance, a respondent stated: This is actually happening in our society now, as women are becoming more and more independent. In my case, my economic independence helped me get this liberty and empowerment today, as I am earning enough to sustain myself and contribute to my family. (Respondent 1) Another respondent, who works as a deputy director in a Women’s Welfare department and deals with issues faced by women in Balochistan, mentioned an important development regarding the financial independence of illiterate Baloch women. She stated that the Baloch women who do not have a job are earning income through embroidering (dresses, caps, shawls (cloaks), curtains, and artifacts for decorating homes) and witnessing a sense of independence despite their illiteracy (Respondent 11). Alluding to the importance of economic factors in empowering and disempowering women, a political activist and women’s rights advocate mentioned in her interview: I believe that the issues of women in Pakistan, as well as globally, are the issues of class. They (feminists in Pakistan) do not represent the concerns of middle-class women in Pakistan. I think financial independence is empowerment. Whenever you earn enough to remain independent, that is the start of empowerment. I know many activists, who are not financially independent, and I have seen them suffering, and I do not consider them empowered. (Participant 17) Similarly, another respondent stated: Financial stability brings independence to a woman, and she does not need to live with someone with whom she does not want to live, but her financial dependence makes her live with that guy. (Participant 30) The reason for combining education and financial independence in a single concept was the fact that most of the respondents spoke to these two factors in relation to each other. 104 The respondents believed that education results in financial independence and financial stability in turn help women to educate their daughters along with sons in their house. 4.1.2: Family and Kinship Before starting a discussion on the role of family and kinship in the lives of Baloch women, it is instructive to note that, in most instances, women identified themselves as part of a family and expressed their empowerment with reference to their family and kinship. Figure 4.2 demonstrates the responses of participants regarding the role of family in empowering them against patriarchal obstacles in society. Figure 4.2: Family, Kinship, and Baloch Women Relaying the experiences that made them feel empowered or not empowered, these women often brought up a discussion about their families. For instance, a respondent who is an assistant professor of literature at a university stated: I got married at 16 and received all my college and university education after marriage. So, it would not have been possible without support from family and society, particularly my husband, who has been a great support. After that, when I 105 went to Islamabad for my higher education, it brought me more self-confidence. Let me also share that, as a faculty member at a women’s university and now as a chairperson, I have observed that, today, Baloch males (fathers, brothers) are way more supportive in providing education to their females. They come to my office and insist that their daughters and sisters be admitted to university, and that they will manage their fees. (Respondent 1) Likewise, another respondent, a journalist who has been very active in highlighting the problems of Baloch people, mentioned the resistance that she had to face from family when she opted for journalism, but then eventually, she was able to get support. Similarly, respondent 17, a women’s empowerment activist and a political activist, mentioned the challenges she faced from society and family. However, she concluded the statement by saying that her family has now accepted her and her father supports her, although she receives criticism from her brothers. Respondent 19, who worked in an international organization and had to endure many hardships during her journey, kept mentioning her family's role in empowering her and giving her the strength to stand firm against the obstacles of patriarchy. As mentioned in the previous chapters, Baloch society is still predominantly a patriarchal society with many challenges for Baloch women in their day-to-day lives. When I asked the respondents about their challenges, they kept reiterating their family support in fighting against the obstacles of society. The more intriguing cases were of women facing challenges from their in-laws but support from their brothers and fathers in pursuing their dreams of education, career, or socio-political activities. For instance, a respondent who runs a school for Baloch children in her village mentioned: My family has supported me a great deal in my endeavors; my father, brother, and other family members have supported my cause. However, I have faced many challenges from my in-laws. They keep torturing me even now, but I am determined to continue with my ambitions, and of course, my own family, my father, brothers, sister, and mother are supporting me in fighting the challenges. (Participant 4) Respondent 29 also went through a similar situation where she was having troubles in her marital life due to her socio-political ambitions. After her interview, when I shared the transcript for her perusal and review, she told me that she had obtained a separation from her husband with the support of her father. Another respondent mentioned the troubles she faced 106 from her in-laws, particularly her husband, when she wanted to get higher education, but she received support from her brother and father. Eventually, she separated from her husband with the support of her father (Participant 13). It is vitally important to note here that getting a separation from one's husband is still taboo in Pakistan, particularly in Balochistan. Although the privilege of acceptable separation is usually associated with the class system in Pakistan, the case that I am mentioning here is of a low-income family; the respondent’s father was a driver and could not afford to send her to a university. After she got a job and saved money to pay her university fees, her husband began to hamper her university education, but her father helped her not only to get higher education but also to obtain a divorce. This case can be regarded as an exception, but one of my other respondents mentioned that the women in some parts of the Makran region now have the right to decide whether to stay with their parents after marriage or if they would prefer to stay at their husbands’ houses (Respondent 10). In addition to mentioning family, particularly brothers and fathers, as a support in achieving marital rights, some respondents also mentioned the help and support from family (including in-laws) when they joined political circles and social activities. Balochistan is still not a perfectly ideal place for women, but their responses speak of an expanding space for Baloch women in society and the role played by the institution of the family in this transition. As noted by Respondent 29, “Our Baloch male has a critical role in empowering women as brothers, fathers, husbands, and sons. This is something really crucial.” Likewise, another respondent noted, “I think that without family support, you cannot excel. I got much support from my husband as well as my father-in-law” (Participant 5). Some other excerpts from responses that directly address this situation are as follows: I am the second female in my family to go to university. My elder sister and my father struggled a great deal to create space for us. My father was a political activist and a staunch supporter of female education. He wanted us to be agents of change in society. My father has been an inspiration and helped us a lot. (Participant 10) I am the first in my family to join the legal profession. My father has been the primary support for this. We are seven sisters, and we have no brother, but we never felt that our father treated us in a way that was discriminatory or made us feel less important. (Participant 15) 107 My father would always say that he accepts and loves me for whatever I am, but my mother would often object. You know, my father was a completely different man. He taught me to say ‘No,’ which actually empowered me. (25) Amongst all these family-oriented conceptions of identifying themselves as empowered women, some of the respondents provided a different opinion and a new perspective. They alluded to the prejudices against Baloch culture and the Baloch nation in other parts of Pakistan. They stated that they had to go through hardships of social discrimination when they had to live and get an education outside of Balochistan. In the process, however, they emerged stronger due to their fidelity to Baloch identity and exerting their agency as ‘Baloch.’ These women were doubly discriminated against; as women as well as Baloch. For instance, a respondent who is a successful lawyer today in Quetta, but was educated in another province, recounted: When I went to other parts of Pakistan for education, I was not accepted as I am. They did not accept my culture and dress. They would judge me by my dress. When I used to go out in this dress, they would say that I was a traditional illiterate woman and not very much exposed to modern fashion. However, after my LLB, I learned that every civilized nation feels pride in its culture. Now, I wear this dress of my own free will. (P-8) Likewise, another respondent, currently pursuing her higher education at the University of Balochistan, mentioned her struggle as a young student at a college in Karachi (a city outside Balochistan): In Karachi, most of the students were from Sindh and Punjab. I was young and alone. I could not adjust to them because I used to wear a Balochi dress and was told that I was ignorant and illiterate. When I could not speak English or Urdu, they would mock me. In these conditions, my brother supported me a great deal. My family supported me to survive through all these challenges. These challenges also empowered me, because I think when we say that a female is weak, we deprive her of her hidden strengths. (Respondent 12) These were the most common and easily visible patterns that emerged from the data that I coded and developed to the level of conceptual saturation. Identity or identifying oneself 108 as an empowered woman is a complicated idea that needs further unpacking based on the information from the above-mentioned responses. 4.1.3: Participation of Baloch Women in Socio-Political Spheres The third significant factor in empowering Baloch women was their participation in public spheres. These women argued that becoming a part of the public sphere, particularly in the nationalist movement, empowered them. The following graph (figure 4.3) illustrates the responses of Baloch women regarding the role of their activism in empowering them. Figure 4.3: Activism and Baloch Women’s Empowerment The participants argued that engagement in socio-political spheres imbued them with the courage and strength to stand against the odds of society and eventually speak for their rights as well as those of other women in Balochistan. For instance, respondent 7 stated, “Yes, it has empowered me a lot. So, I think we are empowered, and of course, our activism has added to that”. Another respondent mentioned, “I think it was enlightening and enriching in every sense” (Participant 25). Another participant who came into politics after her brother 109 went missing and was eventually killed contended, “I was threatened, intimidated, but I was never afraid. Now, I am no more afraid of this state; I have the pain in my heart which is bigger than my fears” (Participant 13). I will provide a few excerpts from the scripts to further elaborate on these women's perspectives. In the Baloch Student Organization (a political platform), we used to give interviews to the media person; we were also expected to engage in debates and face the violence of the University and government administration. All these experiences have taught me a lot and brought a great deal of empowerment to me. (Participant 23) Yes, politics has been empowering me a great deal. Before joining the organization, I was a timid girl. I could not speak to a male. However, the organization taught me how to grow beyond gender and think as a political activist who has no gender. So, it was empowering. (Participant 30) A participant spearheading a mainstream nationalist organization and hailed in the entire country of Pakistan for her courageous acts of raising her voice for the missing persons of Balochistan mentioned the impacts of Baloch women activists on the patriarchal society of Balochistan: I believe it was the fear in the females due to state violence, and also, the males were afraid to send women in the face of state violence. Then, when a few females mustered courage and came forward, the males found that females had come to the fore, and they also encouraged their women to go ahead and participate in political struggles alongside males. (Respondent 2) While being engaged in the nationalist movement, these women developed the tendency of resistance, which provided them the strength to take a stand against patriarchal oppression in the family and in society. They also spoke of the trickle-down effect of one woman’s empowerment on the rest of society. For instance, the respondents believed that when they received an education and excelled in various professions, they became role models for others in society. Thus, they were not only empowered but also served as agents of change in society. The respondents who mentioned these noteworthy developments in women’s rights in Baloch society stated their experiences in the following ways. 110 Ten years ago, Baloch women were not allowed to go to schools, but today, we see that Baloch women are getting an education and joining the fields of bureaucracy, law, and media. I believe this activism (socio-political) opened the doors for other Baloch women who recieved their inspiration from us. (Participant 3) I firmly believe that women in rural areas are now becoming more aware of their rights. I also lived in a village, and when I came to the city, it empowered me enough to move on with my other plans in life, like joining the profession of my choice. (Participant 5) Yes, I have been actively participating in protests and marches for missing persons; I have also had the privilege of shouldering the dead body of Baba Khair Bakhsh Marri, and we also go to jails, courts, etc. When I joined this struggle, the times were hard; there were fewer women, and everyone was more scared, but now women are more confident, and their numbers have increased to thousands. (Participant 6) Female education is bringing more and more awareness. Girls are now doing jobs, and when one girl comes out, other people also get encouragement and send their girls to schools. (Participant 12) But things are changing now; many people look up to our family as an inspiration, and they are sending their girls to schools and colleges. I think there might be challenges in the future as well. Nevertheless, we are growing as a society as well as a nation. I know many women who are resisting family bonds and social chains today. So, I am optimistic about our future. (Participant 15) So, when you take a stand and feel confident about yourself, the people around you follow suit, and they will stop bothering you. One more thing: We live in such a patriarchal society where even posting pictures on a social media platform is considered taboo. I am resisting and breaking these stereotypes; I frequently post my pictures/opinions on social media pages and speak about things that people think are controversial. (Participant 28) These statements speak of a newly emerging stratum of Baloch women in Balochistan who feel more confident about themselves. It is also evident that Baloch women can create a network to support other females in Baloch society. The sentiments of nationalism are equally palpable in these conversations, explaining why the Baloch women consider their empowerment to be liberation and also a responsibility towards society and the nation. The discussion section will further elaborate on the subtleties of the interview conversations. 111 4.2: Empowerment as a Lived Experience: An Analysis of Baloch Women’s Perspectives The analysis of the responses provides a nuanced view of how Baloch women define their empowerment. The most dominant impression is of their experiences that are connected with their family, which in turn determines their feelings about themselves. Analyzing the conversations, it is not hard to discern that the conditions for the Baloch women are not perfect. They face problems in society and struggle to secure their fundamental rights, including the rights to education, socio-political activities, marital status, and even employment, let alone other fundamental rights unavailable to the population in general. However, in these conditions, they look to their families for support and give them credit, particularly the role of male family members in supporting these women in their endeavors. The conversations also show the subtle power of male members in a Baloch family. Most respondents mentioned only male members’ support, partly because males have the decision-making authority in the Baloch family. Hence, they expressed views that implied things would not work out without family support in Baloch society. Nevertheless, although limited in many ways, the interviews herald a positive change in Baloch society. A significant fact emerging from these discussions is the absolute absence of any support from any women’s empowerment organization in Balochistan, particularly regarding financial and family matters. The second dominant impression is that the hardships and hindrances from societal norms, practices, and institutions, including patriarchal impediments and ethnic stereotyping experienced by Baloch women living and studying in other parts of Pakistan, actually imbued some of the interviewees with strength and confidence. Later on, when these women received an education and became active in the public spheres, both social and political, they mustered more confidence and achieved further empowerment. These observations also corroborate the argument that a phenomenon like empowerment is a matter of experience rather than an abstract set of principles to be studied and memorized. I pose this argument, because there is a fundamental problem in labeling other women as empowered or not empowered based on a predetermined set of ideas about what empowered women should look like and how they should behave. I will not debate the conceptions of empowered women espoused by any particular feminist scholarship. However, I will interject that empowerment should not be 112 discussed as an abstract theoretical idea or a theory that can be applied to a particular woman to find out if the results are ‘positive’ or ‘negative.’ Instead, empowerment is an experience which may have starkly different characteristics for different people. As is evident from the quotes and analysis of the conversations with my respondents, education and economic stability are the primary drivers of empowerment for them. The Baloch women who are engaged in nationalist politics and social activism have an idea of empowerment that corroborates the argument about individual experiences as the primary determinants of empowerment. It can also be seen from these interviews that their empowerment is the “result” or “effect” of their activism and not a “cause.” The discussion of cause and effect is necessary here. Although the previous chapter provides a detailed account of feminist movements in Pakistan, I will reiterate an important point here: the ideas of women’s empowerment in Pakistan, as understood from the works of leading feminist scholars, leads one to understand that women achieve a certain consciousness of their position in society first, and then the struggle to achieve rights and autonomy follows (Bari, 2000; Hussain, 2014; Saigol, 2016, 2020; Zia, 2009, 2017). Thus, the consciousness of gender discrimination serves as the condition that helps women pave their way into feminist politics. However, in the case of Balochistan, we have a society in which social limitations and security conditions compelled women to join politics to protect their male relatives and associates, and in the process, they achieved empowerment. Although they did not join the public sphere out of their consciousness about gender discrimination initially, they now speak of gender discrimination and women’s rights, too. Consequently, the empowerment of a few Baloch women allowed them to connect with other women with whom they shared ‘lived experiences’ and help them in their struggles against orthodox patriarchy. Thus, we can conclude that it is difficult to draw a clear-cut universal cause-effect relationship in the case of empowerment in real-world situations. A careful parsing of conversations and interview transcripts helped me to see that empowerment for Baloch women is not only about social or political liberty, but also about responsibility. They believed that they had a responsibility to carry forward the legacy of liberty they achieved either from the earlier generations of Baloch women or through struggle against familial and social hindrances. Some of them were also conscious that if they did 113 something against the norms of society, they might end up closing doors for the next generations of girls. This notion also points to the deeply embedded patriarchal structures in Baloch society, where women have to be careful of enjoying the freedom afforded to them by their family, their financial independence, or their education. At the same time, it also reflects the norms of group cohesion and responsibility in Baloch society, where women do not think in the individual sense; instead, they care about the consequences of their actions for the rest of the females in society. One can argue that this attention to the group cannot be termed freedom, since there are strings attached to it. However, it is also important to note that most respondents discussed these ideas of their own accord: they felt the personal responsibilities around freedom. Thus, we can also term this orientation as their individual ‘agency’ that these women are exercising to hold themselves responsible toward all other women in their society. As these women expressed their experiences in life that instilled confidence in them, no one mentioned any of the impacts of feminist ideology, literature, or Pakistani feminist movements in their lives, even though they were all educated women and exposed to much modern political literature. The silence around the role of the feminist movement, which is now more than four decades old, speaks of a two-prong limitation of the women’s empowerment movement in Pakistan. First, the movement has never had a country-wide reach: Balochistan is a province of Pakistan, and the fieldwork represented respondents who hailed from different parts of Balochistan. Second, the politics of women’s empowerment in Pakistan is not effective in including and persuading people at the margins who are, in fact, the largely oppressed and marginalized strata of Pakistan. As the data from interviews shows us, even the women who felt empowered did not find the call of the current feminist movement fascinating or persuasive. 4.3: Meanings and Values of Empowerment at the Margins This is the final and perhaps most significant part of my thesis, because it directly brings in conversations around border thinking that pertains to women’s empowerment. In this section, I will include the parts of the interviews that were based on the understandings of how Baloch women define and understand women’s empowerment. I will also bring up some of the common as well as particular perspectives from the diverse group of respondents who 114 participated in this project. As mentioned in the introduction, this category does not contain graphical representations, because the ideas expressed by women were too abstract and diverse to be classified into categories suitable for graphs (figures). 4.3.1: Individual Choices One of the noteworthy points the respondents mentioned was respecting individual choices and not value-judging someone based on their appearance, language, ideas, or background. It is essential to provide a context for this idea. In Pakistan, the ideas of empowered women are strongly tied to attire, rhetoric, and comportment. Despite vociferous rebuttals from liberal feminist circles, the connotations of class and Westernization mentioned in the last chapter are deeply intertwined with the idea of empowerment in Pakistan. Consequently, there emerges a situation of inclusion and exclusion within liberal feminist circles, to which some respondents alluded or which they directly mentioned among their concerns. One respondent expressed her views thus: “I believe we should respect individual choices” (Respondent 5). Another participant contended, “If I am told that there is only one form of women’s empowerment, I am not going to accept it” (Respondent 10). A few other of the responses in this vein included statements such as: Every individual has a different nature. We should not impose others' experiences on our people. We should respect individual choices. Even imposing freedom is violence. (Respondent 1) So, I believe that there is no universal definition of civilization. Let us put it this way: the feminist movement in Pakistan speaks of abortion; that looks like a joke, because I think we live in a society where abortion rights might become an issue 200 years from now. Even then, females of Balochistan will decide whether they want abortion rights because the society should demand change. (Respondent 2) I think everywhere in the world there are social systems and cultures. To begin with, empowerment has to be defined in a specific context. For example, I interact with males daily; even now, I am sitting with you in this room, but I have no fear, and I am not afraid of meeting and talking to anyone in society. I think this is empowerment; I do not know what others think about empowerment, particularly this movement that you are talking about. (Respondent 18) 115 4.3.2: Freedom “For” and “Not From” Males The second recurrent idea in the conversations about women’s empowerment was the role of males in empowering Baloch females. The respondents believed that the Baloch male needs to be taught about the rights of females. They also argued for a movement and politics of women’s rights that should make male members a part of the movement. For instance, a young participant who holds a graduate degree and runs an organization for the welfare of Baloch society said this: Let me share that we need to make the male members our partners in this struggle. I think that confrontational politics will hurt the cause of women’s empowerment. So, we need to make the male members aware of the rights and importance of women in our society. First of all, they need respect, and it starts with family. (Respondent 4) Another interviewee, head of a Japan International Cooperation Agency’s project, stated her concerns about the current feminist movement in Pakistan and contended: First of all, I believe society has to have a balance of gender relations. I believe the Aurat March has gone to an extreme where people are questioning its politics and their slogans. (Respondent 10) Likewise, other respondents noted: Yes, we need a movement for women in Balochistan. Our males are receiving educations from the sources that are creating problems for women, so we have to educate our males to create space for ourselves. (Respondent 16) I think the woman who has the right and independence to make a decision is an empowered woman. Let me also mention that we should make decisions by considering the facts of society; we should also respect our cultural and social values. (Respondent 19) We have to find a balance in our movement for women. We do need a movement, but slogans should be more convincing and something we can achieve. I do not support the radical face of this movement. I disagree with their language, too. I would instead focus the movement on the realities of society, culture, and things around us. Instead of challenging, I would look for ways to sit with men and negotiate about my rights. (Respondent 28) 116 Though the institution of family has been discussed in a previous section, let us observe that some women mentioned the role of family in response to questions regarding the politics of empowerment as well. A respondent who was working as a Gender Advisor in an international project for sustainable progress in rural Balochistan noted: I think family is an integral part of our empowerment; we cannot achieve empowerment without support from the family. If they do not know about your rights, you should tell them and convince them. Our Baloch males have a critical role as brothers, fathers, husbands, and sons in empowering women. This is something really crucial. (Respondent 29) Finally, another respondent who worked in an executive position in a government department and was heading the women’s empowerment section of the department stated: As a working woman, I think I will become more burdened if I leave my husband and my family. I do not understand why they want such empowerment, which will lead us to individualism and hence will burden us. (Respondent 11) 4.3.3: Locating Empowerment in the Present Times The last but not least significant aspect of the respondents’ perspective on women’s empowerment was to locate such a struggle in the present context and conditions. As mentioned earlier, the responses reflect that the conditions of women in Balochistan are not impeccable. However, they argued for a politics of women’s empowerment that would also take the nationalist question into consideration rather than only the gender element. The responses of interviewees who had been victims of enforced disappearances in Balochistan at some point in their lives were more vocal about the kind of politics that is humanitarian and speaks for the rights of every Baloch. The following responses were among those that that spoke explicitly of this phenomenon: Let me tell you that Baloch women have no grudge against men. We have no problem with our men; we have a problem with the state. Our males are oppressed, and we live in a society where our male members are not safe. Their lives are not safe. So, in these conditions, we believe that we first have to fight for our survival and the survival of our males. (Respondent 6) 117 So our problems are different; we have survival issues, we are deprived, our males are dying, and our females are going missing. Our women are suffering a lot from other problems; they have missing family members. Yet they are empowered enough to come out on the streets to ask for justice. (Respondent 8) We have different problems. The difference is that they want freedom from the males, and I want freedom for the males. We love our fathers and our brothers, and you cannot even think of the pain and agony that a sister and a mother go through when their family members go missing. At that time, you just want them back and nothing else. My brother and my father are my strength. (Respondent 13) I would say that the biggest empowerment for women is how much we are active alongside our males in the nationalist struggle. We have to be politically aware and active. Banuk Karima was the lady who used to go into the huts to raise awareness among women. I think a Baloch woman is way more aware and politically active today than anyone in Pakistan. (Respondent 14) We should think about what we need for now. The most important demand should be the right to education. That is what we need now. We should create a safe environment for females in schools, colleges, and universities. Let us start from there, and maybe in the future, we need to demand something else. (Respondent 15) The Baloch women’s ideas about addressing the gender problems in Balochistan are deeply embedded in the socio-cultural structures and the contemporary problems of Balochistan. The conversation regarding how women can achieve liberties and their rightful space in society was heavily loaded with their ideas about keeping the stability of society intact. It can be understood against the backdrop consideration that peace is the most coveted aspect of life in contemporary Baloch society. In the following discussion, I will provide a conceptual elaboration of the ideas reviewed in this section. 4.4: A Summation of Border Thinking and Local Knowledges about Women’s Empowerment Every political movement expresses itself as a struggle for justice and to eradicate the factors responsible for political or societal discrimination. Hence, we can understand the ideology of a particular movement by considering the kinds of rights it demands and the structures it targets as the ones responsible for societal injustices. With this basic framework in mind, I 118 settled on discussing the ideas of women’s empowerment from the margins by taking into account the rights it demands and the structures it tends to target. The rights mentioned by Baloch women will illuminate their understanding of empowerment and the politics surrounding it. An analysis of these conversations led me to divide the rights into two categories: the rights demanded from the state and those demanded from family or society. In the first category, the right to have access to education was the most demanded right, along with the right to live freely without being harassed and intimidated by the state. The pool of respondents comprised two kinds of activists: social and political. The former category was more vociferous for the right to an education, and the latter was more concerned with the right to survival. However, both groups of women mentioned education and the right to life at some point during discussions. Hence, the right to education and survival emerged as dominant demands. If we put them in an order of priority, the right to survival will naturally precede the right to education. Apart from that, there were also demands for equality in social rights. Instead of providing the detailed list of rights mentioned by the respondents, I will identify the rights that are a part of dominant secular liberal feminist politics but do not exist in the data from my fieldwork. As illustrated in the third chapter, apart from the ubiquitous and indubitably just demands for an end to sexual harassment and gender-based exploitation, the politics of liberal feminism in Pakistan also include resistance against the structures of familial and social values, norms, and codes of conduct and the prevalent system of distribution of work in the household. During conversations, it was explicitly mentioned by most of the respondents that Baloch women had no or a few issues with the system of family or the social values, norms, and codes of conduct in Balochistan; in fact, they found them to be positive to a certain extent until religious fundamentalism appeared and diminished the positives of the prevalent Baloch arrangements. This does not imply that there are no patriarchal problems in Baloch families. However, these women were less skeptical of patriarchy in families and expressed that such problems will wither away if the state fulfills its primary responsibility of providing education in Balochistan. Moreover, the respondents' arguments about male behavior or expectations were mainly limited to their own family members, particularly fathers and brothers. 119 The Baloch women agreed with the broader purpose of ‘Aurat March’ as the movement for uplifting women in Pakistani society; however, they strongly disagreed with its politics and its demands, calling it a radical movement asking for things that are either not a priority of Baloch women or that they do not want in the way it is being demanded. The difference of opinion could be understood as a corollary of the lived experiences of the two different groups of women in Pakistan. If we consider the basis of rights being demanded, a primary difference between the demands of the Baloch women and liberal feminist notions is that the former is more concerned about ‘respect’ and the latter emphasizes ‘freedom.’ For Baloch women, freedom means obtaining an education and a job, and staying with family as peacefully as possible. On the other hand, the freedom demanded by the liberal feminist movement asks for a restructuring of society along with an expansion of individual rights. This is also a reason that most of the Baloch women disagreed with the prevalent secular-liberal feminist politics in Pakistan. In terms of structures targeted by the Baloch women, the state was the most discussed element. I have discussed the role of the state at length in the previous chapter; therefore, I will not delve deeper into this question in this section. Nevertheless, I will mention the important insights from the responses to accentuate and clarify the argument about empowerment here. The respondents believed that the state is a bigger problem than Baloch men, as they felt disempowered because they are not able to break the shackles of the oppressive structures of the state. The state of Pakistan being dominated by men is another debate, but these women mentioned the state as an institution with a ‘monopoly of violence’. In our conversation about the empowerment of the Baloch women, Respondent 6 noted it explicitly by saying, “Today, I feel more confident than in the past, but I do not feel empowered enough, because I still face challenges from the state; I cannot bring my brother back.” The other recurring pattern that emerged from the discussions related to the state was the firm belief of the Baloch women that they became empowered after joining the nationalist movement. The respondents argued that the hardships from society and the violence of the state made them grow stronger. They were saying this in comparison to what they felt before becoming active in social and political spheres. 120 Conclusion The idea of generating a theory of women’s empowerment from the margins was supposed to be a project grounded in the knowledge that Baloch women, a doubly marginalized strata of society, have about empowerment. In this chapter, I have attempted to understand how Baloch women imagine, describe, and aim to achieve empowerment. The first part of the chapter dealt with the lived experiences of the Baloch women, specifically focusing on whether the women who are visible in public spheres and engaged in social and political activities feel empowered. It is important to admit that there is an overwhelming emphasis in my thesis on the idea of lived experiences, because they are essential for the theorization of any political phenomenon and also because I aimed to build a case that the people living at the margins are as rational as anyone sitting at the center. The first part of the chapter explicitly defined factors influencing the empowerment of Baloch women. The second part of the chapter delved deeper into border thinking and local knowledge about women’s empowerment. There are six critical takeaways from this chapter. First, the Baloch women I interviewed consider it their responsibility to use their freedom as an opportunity to create more space for other women in Balochistan. Hence, they not only focus on their individual freedom. Instead, they consider freedom an opportunity as well as a responsibility. They also believe that their freedoms are deeply tied to their relationship with Baloch males, particularly their family members. Their idea of freedom and empowerment is grounded in their association with the family, which is the reason why Baloch women do not find the familial system of norms, values, and codes of conduct as oppressive as liberal-secular feminists believe them to be. Second, these women strongly believe in the right of individual choice, which also distinguishes their understanding from the kind of politics that advocates a uniform path to liberation and empowerment. The notions of respect were evident in their ideas about the status and empowerment of women in Baloch society. The third significant finding is that the interviewees’ views about the reasons behind discrimination against women were different from the reasons articulated by the dominant 121 liberal perspective on women’s plight in Pakistan. In contrast to the dominant feminist notions of Pakistani women, the Baloch women do not locate the primary reasons behind the disempowerment of women in the existing patriarchy; instead, they understand the prevalent gender-based discrimination to be a carefully crafted plot of the state that has used religion as a tool to create gender-based problems. The role of religion in depriving women of their rights and freedoms is also emphasized by liberal feminists in Pakistan. However, those feminists are equally suspicious of males in general. In contrast, the Baloch women displayed confidence in their male counterparts and were more optimistic about the role of males in helping females achieve their rights. The Baloch women also consider patriarchy a secondary problem, as they prioritize the right to life for themselves as well as their males. An intriguing finding was the confidence of Baloch females in the role that culture has in empowering them. From the dress to language and norms, these women are strongly tied to their cultural roots and find a source of freedom in it. Instead of absolute equality, the Baloch women seemed to be in favor of a gender balance in society with clearly defined roles that would lead to collaboration and cooperation in the family and society at large. The fourth important finding concerned the conditions of empowerment as mentioned by the majority of respondents. Financial independence was a common theme in the majority of responses. Some of the participants also seemed in favor of having positive discrimination in society, by which they meant that the kinds of privileges given to a female in Balochistan should stay intact. Another important takeaway was that the idea of “freedom for” and “not from” Baloch males was also a shared perspective among the respondents. Class issues were brought up as an argument against the prevalent liberal feminist politics in Pakistan. The respondents were of the opinion that the platforms for women's empowerment have been dominated by the elite classes, who have an entirely different perspective on life. Therefore, their needs and demands are not shared by the majority of women in Balochistan. This perspective was also upheld by some of the respondents who were former liberal feminist activists and had participated in their events, rallies, and organizations. Finally, the majority of the respondents were optimistic about the future of women in Baloch society as they referred to the increasing numbers of women participating in the political spheres, social arenas, educational institutions, and various professions. There was one dissenting note from a 122 respondent who believed that the increasing number of women in public spheres does not signify an enhanced empowerment for women. She was arguing this with reference to the statement about women who wear veils in the public sphere. The grounded theory allowed me to add a question in my interviews from then onward in which I asked the women who covered their faces if this is an impediment, to which all of them responded that this is something that they have been doing out of their own will. Although many liberal feminists contest this argument regarding the veil, however, I will argue for the right to individual choices and will not doubt the agency of women who fought against patriarchal structures in order to pave their way into education, politics, and social work, and are excelling in their ambitions today. Another important finding was the perception of Baloch women about the appearance of an empowered woman. There is a dominant impression in Pakistan that empowerment is often judged through appearances. This phenomenon needs to be unpacked. As described earlier, the initial movements of women’s empowerment were led by Western educated elite women in the urban metropoles of Pakistan. These women looked more Western in their appearance; most of the members of the elite and self-proclaimed liberal class in Pakistan have a Western tint in the ways they carry themselves. This practice has created a particular image of an empowered woman in Pakistan. From there, the idea has emerged that women who wear traditional dresses, put on a veil, and carry themselves differently than a western liberal mode do not fall into the category of empowered women. During my interviews, all of the respondents emphasized the notion that empowerment is an experience and should be beyond appearances, which corroborates my argument that the ideas of being modern, liberal, and empowered should have a pluralistic view, which is only possible if we accept these ideas as emerging out of the lived experiences and not as some abstract principles against which every socio-political process should be compared and judged. The last but not least important perspective that emerged from our conversations was the opinion of the Baloch women about the boundaries of empowerment. Most of them set those boundaries according to social and cultural norms. Freedom is often understood as something that should not have boundaries, but it is interesting to learn that these women were wary of limitless empowerment. The role of the nationalist movement in bringing 123 empowerment to women was a typical pattern in the conversations. The Baloch women achieved empowerment in a struggle to protect the male members of society, particularly their family members. However, as we know from the interviews, they are not concerned only about their family members; rather, they consider themselves part of a violently oppressed nation. The sense of fear of losing their males created confidence in the females who, after coming out onto the streets, never returned, even after getting their missing family members back. Today, Baloch women have mustered enough strength to lead a movement for justice, as we see that the ‘Baloch Yekjehti Committee’ (Baloch Unity Committee), led by Baloch females, marched from Turbat to Islamabad, along with family members of missing persons from Balochistan to hold a sit-in in the Islamabad press club from December 06, 2023, to January 25, 2024. Despite participating in a completely non-violent rally, the Baloch women faced violence from security personnel during their travel from Turbat City in Balochistan province to the capital of Pakistan, and while sitting in the press club as well. However, these women displayed unprecedented courage and resilience against the wrath of the state.88 This response speaks volumes about the kind of strength Baloch females have mustered through their engagement in the politics of nationalism. Women's empowerment does not necessarily result from gender-conscious politics; it can result from movements and experiences that are not initiated with a gender-conscious mindset. 88 For a brief account of the march see the article by Vyas (2024), available at: https://www.icpsnet.org/comments/March-Beyond-Silence-from-Turbat-to-Islamabad-240224 124 Chapter 5 Conclusions This thesis attempts to understand the phenomenon of women’s empowerment through the perspective of women at the margins of the modern world. The thesis draws inspiration from decolonial studies to comprehend the politics of knowledge production at the centers of the modern world and its impacts on societies at the margins. After decolonization, the pervasive impacts of the colonial mindset still differentiate knowledge according to the canons developed in the Western world about scientificity, rationality, enlightenment, progressiveness, or the cognitive abilities of human beings. The phenomenon of declaring knowledge produced at the center of the modern world as valid and the knowledge at the margins as invalid has real-life impacts on the societies at the margins of the modern world. One of the important impacts is the creation of a class of people who imbibe the dominant knowledge forms along with the culture as the universal laws of progress and try to imitate the same during struggles for social change at the margins. At present, western knowledge is inarguably the dominant form of knowledge. In post-colonial societies like Pakistan, there is a tendency to always look up to the Western world for emancipation and progress. Santos de Souza, a decolonial theorist, describes the existence of this class of people at the margins as representatives of the centers of the modern world (Santos, 2014). These classes then assume an elitist aura and embark upon the struggle for civilizing the savage, where the savages are the people from within their society but different in thinking and comportment. Pakistan does have a class of people that has a tendency to argue for Western knowledge as the only valid way of understanding. In this class, the liberal secular feminists of Pakistan have been the most prominent group that has struggled to achieve the empowerment and emancipation of women in Pakistan while retaining the universality of Western culture in their attire, rhetoric, comportment, and politics. My research is not a critique of the Pakistani liberal secular feminist movement. Instead, it is a case study that compares and contrasts their notions of women’s empowerment with that of the Baloch women, who constitute a marginalized stratum of the Pakistani population. This research aims to bring to the fore the perspective of Baloch women about empowerment and provide an 125 acknowledgment of their views. In this study I argue for a global cognitive justice that allows listening to the perspectives of hitherto silenced people without inevitably or necessarily agreeing with them. This research does not rely on a specific theory for its framework, because it aims to produce a theory from the perspective of Baloch women as margin dwellers. The reason for not using any pre-formed theories was that a predetermined theory could only be tested to verify its truth or falseness, while my research aims to go beyond the typical practice of verifying theories developed in the Western and European context and applied to societies like Pakistan that do not share anything with the western societies except for their official language and some literature which is a colonial legacy. My research is a qualitative study with a two-prong purpose: first, to build a perspective of empowerment from the margins by analyzing Baloch women’s understandings of empowerment, including their views on the ongoing feminist movement in Pakistan; and, second, to acknowledge the hitherto least noticed role of Baloch women in the Baloch nationalist movement. The idea of theory building from the margins is an application of the idea of border thinking discussed by decolonial theorist Walter D. Mignolo (Grosfoguel, 2006, 2009; Mignolo, 2000, 2021). The notion of border thinking signifies how people living at the borders of the modern colonial world think about global designs. Decolonial studies are critically skeptical of the universality of knowledge produced by the former colonial powers that retain imperialistic tendencies and dominance in the modern world (Grosfoguel, 2012; Mignolo, 2021; Quijano, 2000). They argue that after the formal political decolonization, the countries at the centers of the modern world retained their hegemony through the production of knowledge that helped them define people and societies in binaries, such as modern and traditional, Christian and non-Christian, developed and underdeveloped; and progressive and barbaric. Thus, based on their local histories, the countries at the centers structured and implemented global designs of modernity and progress. This phenomenon of universal modernity has imperialistic tendencies, particularly in knowledge production in the post-colonial societies. Under this matrix, the societies at the margins suffer the most as they are reduced to only culture producers and incapable of producing knowledge for their flourishing. 126 Decolonial theorists challenge this universality of knowledge forms and argue for the right of the margin dwellers to think freely and receive recognition of their knowledges. My research is a limited contribution to the vast world of decolonial studies. In this research, I examined the idea of women’s empowerment, an essential notion of modernity. The reason for choosing women’s empowerment is my argument that women’s empowerment is an integral part of the flourishing of any society. Another important reason is that in Pakistan, the dominant movement of women’s empowerment has a Western liberal secular aura, against which I could compare and contrast Baloch women’s perceptions of empowerment as border thinking. In this research, I argue for alternative voices blossoming at the margins of Pakistan. I aim to bring to the fore the perspective of empowerment from the women whose voices have been a part neither of feminist movements nor of the scholarship on women’s empowerment in Pakistan. Thus, this research discusses liberal secular ideas of women’s empowerment in Pakistan only as a context and a reference point without questioning the claims, veracity, or rationale of the movement. My research mainly analyzes responses from the Baloch women I interviewed during my fieldwork in the Quetta city of Balochistan province. I interviewed 30 Baloch women activists and have included all of them in the analysis as I established the common and unique patterns of thinking to develop concepts and categories from my interviews. My interviews comprised participants from the rural as well as urban areas of Balochistan. During sampling, I was able to draw participants from a diverse group of women in terms of age, qualification, profession, socio-political activities, geographic regions, and tribal and non-tribal societies of Balochistan. The history of the people who identify themselves as Baloch has been a subject of debate among scholars for specific reasons. First, the Baloch nation lacks a written historical account beyond the colonial period in the 19th and 20th centuries. The written accounts of the colonial period are mostly spy travelogues or colonial documents, which are dubious and questionable because of the purpose they served (Khan, 2022). Second, there has been a process of assimilation of other ethnicities into the Baloch nation, which has aggravated the problem of drawing an authentic historical lineage (Boedeker, 2013; Spooner, 2013). However, the two dominant narratives about the history of Baloch are the native theory and the theory of immigration to the land they inhabit at present. The native theory relies on the 127 archeological evidence of the existence of settled life in the regions as far back in history as the Neolithic period (7000-1500 BCE) and argues that the Baloch have inhabited the territories that constitute present-day Balochistan since then (Khan, 2022). The theory of immigration argues that the Baloch have migrated from the various places in the Middle East to Iranian lands and then to the present-day territory of Balochistan (Dames, 1904; Dashti 2012). For my thesis, I have opted for the native theory because of the findings that archeologists present as evidence of this theory. Native theory also explains the present-day demands of autonomy over the land and resources by Baloch nationalists. Although the history of the Baloch nation is not an aim of this research, it helps to contextualize and historicize the present conditions in Balochistan and the gender relations in the known history of the nation. The socio-cultural history of the Baloch nation can be traced back to the period of the Indus Valley Civilization (2800-1500 BCE). The best information about the society and culture of Balochistan can be traced to the 3rd millennium BCE and the Mehrgarh civilization (Jarridge, et al. 1995). Given the limited knowledge that we have regarding the Mehrgarh civilization of Balochistan, it seems plausible that the Baloch have long been a nomadic tribe dwelling within the territories that constitute present-day Pakistani Balochistan, Iran, and Afghanistan. The status and role of women in Baloch history is also difficult to trace due to the lack of written accounts of the socio-cultural structures before the Indus Valley civilization. From the more recent recorded history, historians have found that, like many other societies, Baloch were also matriarchal (Jalal, 2021). Based on the participation of women in socio-political and economic spheres, scholars conclude that the Baloch nation has had a liberal outlook in terms of gender relations (Marri, 2015). Women were allowed to move freely in society, own property, accompany men in wars as warriors and leaders, and were active members of society in various socio-cultural events (Baloch & Ahmed, 2013). However, this argument is not impeccable, as there has been a monopoly of males in political leadership. It is also pertinent to mention that the lifestyles and living conditions of the elites, the tribal heads, and the masses in the Baloch society differed from each other. For instance, the elites had more strict observance of the veil, and their women had restricted social 128 mobility. On the other hand, the non-elites were relatively free. Women from the non-elite strata could move freely and intermingle with males in various social events and ceremonies. The historical tribal system went through many changes over three thousand years. Today, patriarchal structures are palpably significant in Baloch society at social and family levels. The situation also varies between urban and rural areas. In rural areas, where most of the population belongs to the same tribe, elderly women have greater liberty, whereas young girls still have a social circle limited to close relatives. There is still a degree of freedom for girls and women to participate in social events in the villages. The economic conditions of women have also ameliorated as now they are able to earn money and contribute towards a family income, which provides them space in decision-making as well. The Baloch societies are of two major kinds: tribal and non-tribal regions. The tribal areas have a tribal structure with a hierarchy based on blood and kinship and a tribal head at the top of the socio-political hierarchy. Notables and dignitaries have a status lower than the head but higher than the common people. Non-tribal societies have a class-based social structure. The situation in the urban areas is, therefore, different. The Baloch women used to be limited to households in the cities. However, things have changed, and girls are receiving an education, joining various professions, and becoming active in the public sphere. The political history of the Baloch is usually traced to the 15th Century when the Baloch emerged as an organized political community under the leadership of Mir Jalal Han, who united all the regions inhabited by people who identified themselves as Baloch and created a loose federation under his leadership (Breseege, 2001). There is a dearth of information regarding how Mir Jalal Han governed the people because of the lack of written records. Most of the knowledge about his rulership is based on oral history, which includes poetry and ballads. After him, Mir Chakar Rind consolidated the Baloch territories and united the Baloch nation during the 16th century, when the Baloch dynasty expanded from the present-day Kachi region of Balochistan to Punjab. This was also when the Mughals came to India, and Mir Chakar Rind developed friendly foreign relations with Hamayun, one of the early Mughal Emperors. Mir Chakar Rind’s rule did not last long, because of Baloch inter-tribal feuds between his tribe and the Lashari tribe, which eventually ended at the turn of the 17th century (Breseege, 2001). The emergence of the Kalat state, led by the Brahvi-speaking 129 Ahmedzai tribes, in 1666 AD was another important political event in Baloch history. The Kalat state remained intact, though fumbling and foundering at times, until the British withdrew from India, entailing the bifurcation of the subcontinent into independent India and a newly created Pakistan on August 14, 1947. The Baloch nationalist movement is as old as the state of Pakistan. When Pakistan emerged on the world map on August 14, 1947, Balochistan was an independent princely state and wished to retain the status quo. During the British colonial era, Balochistan comprised British-administered areas and the independent state of Kalat. The British had an agreement with the Khan of Kalat in which they agreed to grant independence to Kalat state and would return the areas of Balochistan under British control to the Khan upon their withdrawal from India. However, as the time for the partition of India neared, the policies of the founders of Pakistan and the British colonial rulers took a strange turn. The situation completely changed as the British colluded with the founders of Pakistan and created the conditions for the forceful annexation of Balochistan to Pakistan. The coercive annexation of Balochistan sowed the seeds of hostilities between Balochistan and the state of Pakistan. From 1947 to 2006, there have been four significant uprisings in Balochistan against Pakistan. All uprisings, including the nationalist movement for the past 77 years, were spearheaded by Baloch males, and women were inconspicuous in the struggle. However, after the brutal killing of Nawab Akbar Bugti in 2006, the nationalist movement became intense, and women began to occupy primary roles in the movement. During the second decade of the 21st century, women achieved prominent roles in the movement, attaining leadership positions in political organizations. Today, women are at the forefront of the nationalist movement. They are leading the long marches for missing persons, holding strikes, and spearheading negotiations with the state of Pakistan. The number of women participants is increasing at an exponential rate. Recently, Baloch women led a long march from Turbat, Balochistan to Islamabad, in which thousands of men, women, and children from the families of missing persons marched toward the capital to demand justice and an end to the oppression of Baloch nation. In this long march, two prominent leaders of Baloch nationalism emerged: Dr. Mahrang Baloch and Samideen Baloch. Dr. Mahrang was also one of my respondents who consented to the 130 mention of her name in my thesis and stated that she wanted the world to know that the Baloch are an enlightened nation where women can speak for their political rights and, that I should also let the world know about the plight of Balochistan. Therefore, my research is not only a contribution to the existing knowledge about women’s empowerment but is also significant because it is being conducted at an important time in the history of the Baloch nationalist movement, with women occupying some central positions. 5.1: Research Method and Methodology The research method for this thesis comprised semi-structured, in-depth interviews with 30 educated Baloch women who were active in the social and political spheres of Balochistan. The research followed a snowball sampling method. The criteria of inclusion and exclusion were followed during sampling, and only educated Baloch women active in the social and political spheres of Balochistan for not less than two years were interviewed. The reason for including a specific category of women was to make sure that the participants were familiar with the idea of the liberal feminist ideology in general and the dominant feminist movement in Pakistan in particular so that they could determine their stance on the Pakistani feminist movement and also express their arguments as clearly as possible. Though the fieldwork was limited to Quetta city, the respondents were drawn from diverse backgrounds with diverse educational, professional, and life experiences as activists. For the security of participants, the research does not mention their names. The interviews comprised conversations around two primary questions. First, what do the Baloch women activists perceive concerning the notions of liberal secular feminism in Pakistan? Second, how empowered or disempowered do the Baloch activists perceive themselves to be, and what is their understanding of empowerment? The interviews were conducted in the regional languages (Balochi and Brahvi). The interview recordings were then transcribed for analysis. This thesis used the Straussian grounded theory method (GTM) to analyze the data. GTM was used for the following reasons. Grounded theory provides one of the most effective ways of researching areas that have not been explored or are less explored, and in which studies, consequently there is minimal literature available. In my project, grounded theory was chosen because of the dearth of literature available on the role of Baloch women in the nationalist movement and 131 the idea of women’s empowerment from the perspective of Baloch women. The purpose of my project was to establish an understanding and a theory of women’s empowerment from the margins; as such, grounded theory helps to generate theories from the data available rather than verifying the already existing phenomenon using a predetermined theory. It is instructive to note that decolonial studies is not utilized as a theory to verify the Baloch women’s understanding of empowerment. Instead, it is used to understand and elaborate on certain fundamental concepts used in the thesis to establish the context of the study. Decolonial studies was used to establish the following important concepts in the thesis: the idea and politics of knowledge production at the center and the margins; border thinking and why it is important to pay heed to border thinking; the colonial matrix of power that engendered pervasive structures of the dominance of western knowledges at a global level; how to unshackle oneself from the chains of the colonial matrix of power; and, the significance of the local knowledges for global cognitive justice. The grounded theory method puts a particular emphasis on the contextualization of the phenomenon under study. It provides liberty to the researcher to determine and review interview questions during fieldwork and make necessary changes to the research steps based on the situation that is discovered on the ground. Following the Straussian approach in grounded theory, the data was coded initially into open codes. The open codes were saturated through axial, and selective coding to the level where the recurrent patterns emerged as concepts. Then, the concepts were compared and contrasted to create categories. The data pertaining to the first question led to the generation of two categories: Patriarchy as a context and women’s resistance to the patriarchy as action/interaction. The former category comprised three concepts: State, religion, and culture and tribalism. The latter category also comprised three concepts: Nationalism, social support for oppressed women, and political activism. The data from responses regarding the second research question was also analyzed following the research steps of the Straussian approach in grounded theory. The analysis led to the formation of two categories: the Empowerment of Baloch women and the meanings and value of empowerment at the margins. The first category comprised three concepts: Education and financial independence, family and kinship, and socio-political activism. The second category comprised three concepts: Individual choice, freedom for and not from males, and 132 locating empowerment in the present. Both categories spoke to the core category or research question concerning border thinking and local knowledge about women’s empowerment. During the fieldwork, I used the steps of grounded theory whereby, after every interview, I would review the responses and make adjustments to the questions, keeping the main idea the same for the next interviewee to make sure that all relevant areas of my research would be discussed with them. The data is represented graphically and descriptive in the thesis. Few responses explicitly determined variables related to empowerment that could be converted into an Excel sheet and represented on a graph. For instance, in response to whether Baloch women perceive themselves to be empowered after becoming a part of the nationalist movement, the participants provided answers; “Yes”, “No”, and “Partly.” Their responses were converted into categorical data and were represented graphically. There were also some more conceptual and abstract questions. The responses to abstract and conceptual questions could not be converted into categorical data; for instance, the ideas about the role of religion in society, the critical evaluations of dominant women’s empowerment notions, Baloch women’s perception of women’s rights, and their ideas regarding the nature of a women’s empowerment movement. The abstract and conceptual responses are represented only as descriptives. The information from the data was coded, and patterns were reviewed multiple times to generate concepts and categories to address the core idea of research. An essential ethical question arose in conducting this research about my positionality as a male doing research about Baloch women. To address this question and mitigate biases, I chose snowball sampling and started with the women I knew prior to the research undertaking. Further, the decision to conduct interviews in the Balochi and Brahvi languages was also an attempt to develop a rapport with the participants and make them feel comfortable in sharing their thoughts about the personal, social, and political problems of Balochistan. Being a Baloch, I was familiar with the social and cultural norms of conduct. All these consciously taken steps helped me to have in-depth conversations with my participants about the problems not generally discussed by the Baloch women in society for personal and security reasons. 133 5.2: Findings Chapters three and four have detailed discussion sections about the findings from the data on the first and second research questions, respectively. I will summarize the main ideas in this section to reiterate the research's significant findings. The most significant finding was that ideas of empowerment are related to human experiences. As such, there should be a plurality of understandings of a phenomenon such as women’s empowerment, and by extension, every phenomenon related to human flourishing should have a pluriversal understanding. If ideas such as modernity, liberty, and empowerment are not defined according to the context, the resulting politics may not be able to fulfill its promises of emancipation, because the people who are supposed to join such movements become skeptical of their agendas. Consequently, a movement for a positive change may turn into a controversial debate even among those who were supposed to support the movement. The differences between the Baloch women I interviewed and the women who are at the forefront of feminist politics in Pakistan are the best examples of this phenomenon. Though the Baloch women agree with the fundamental ideas of emancipation and empowerment of women as espoused by the dominant feminist notions, they are unable to connect with them at a personal level and thus perceive the movement to have a sense of ‘otherness.’ The second important finding of the research is that the politics of validating only the knowledge production at the centers of the modern world can have a devastating impact on the margins, because it creates a class of people at a local level who not only acquire the dominant knowledge, but also try to impose it on others. The reckless politics of invalidating knowledges at the margins using the canons created at the centers ends up creating marginalized strata of human beings that are further pushed down the ladder of human flourishing and labeled as being less rational, traditional, and therefore unprogressive and not-modern. The economic and political divisions of the world have received ample attention from academic circles. However, there is a need to pay heed to the emerging divisions in the world due to the planetary distribution of knowledge in the age of globalization and technology. This thesis is a minimal contribution to the struggles for a just world, not in terms 134 of political or economic justice, but for a global cognitive justice where knowledges other than the dominant scientific, western epistemological, and western ideological traditions should also receive acknowledgement. I am not arguing for accepting them without critical analysis, but the analysis should be context-specific and not lead us to create classes of people based on their traditions of reasoning or historical and cultural perspectives about prosperity. The third important finding from the research is that the Baloch women’s understanding of empowerment creates the possibility of defining empowerment as beyond individual liberties and mere equality of genders. Their views tell us that empowerment can be understood as taking responsibility not only for one’s own life but also for the rest of the women sharing social spaces, which starkly differs from the individual-centered notions of the dominant empowerment movement in Pakistan. I have been consciously eschewing any criticisms of the feminist movement beyond the ones expressed by the Baloch women and those constantly appearing in the public spheres through media, research, and common debates. An intriguing finding of the research is that the Baloch women define empowerment as an opportunity to strengthen the institutions of family. They gave strong arguments against the kind of empowerment that leads to more individual freedom, and thus, they were reluctant to change the basic structure of the Baloch society. The fourth important finding is that Baloch women have a strong sense of nationalism and take pride in being a part of the Baloch nationalist movement. The reasons are provided in the thesis, but their strong nationalism has also played a part in their turning against the feminist movement in Pakistan. The sense that I got from the interviews was that the women who had missing family members, particularly males, or who had lost loved ones, tend to reject any criticism of the male members of society and family as the primary actors in women’s oppression. The horrible experiences of losing family members created a sense of strong affiliation with their families whereby they also rejected every idea that would challenge the institution of family in any way. Although some of these women also had a tough time negotiating their rights with their family members, particularly in-laws, they were reluctant to agree with the notions of liberal feminist politics that patriarchal exploitation begins at home. 135 Finally, it can be argued that a social movement or politics of social change usually attracts people who share feelings and not necessarily gender, class, religion, or any other marker. The research seems to show that although the conditions for women in Balochistan are not ideal, Baloch women have not yet developed some kind of strong resistance against patriarchy. Part of the reason could be the priorities of Baloch women, as they argued that they seek respect in society, which the Baloch social codes provide to women. There are certain aberrations at certain times, and the Baloch women I interviewed seek to respond to these aberrations. This is also the reason that they disagree with the feminist politics of Pakistan: they do not share their feelings with them. In the end, it is also important to draw attention to certain limitations of my research and how it can assist future scholars in this area of study. I would like to chart out explicitly the boundaries of applying the findings of this research. The research is a focused study of Baloch women who share a socio-political history that differs from many societies. Therefore, the arguments regarding the positive impacts of tribalism on gender relations, the role of the patriarchal family system on women’s lives, the priorities of the respondents in terms of rights, and other such context-specific elaborations should be understood as marking a particularly unique case that certainly demands attention but does not necessarily represent other tribal societies of Pakistan or elsewhere. Furthermore, the respondents of my research were Baloch women who were privileged to receive an education, obtain jobs, and have the freedom to participate in the public spheres of Balochistan. Their views may not be the same as those of uneducated women in Balochistan. However, this limitation should not diminish the research findings, because the women I interviewed constantly interacted with less privileged women of Balochistan and gave me insights into their lives as well. Some of my respondents were the first generation of women in their families to have achieved the privilege of going to schools, colleges, and universities: their experiences were not distant from those of other women of Balochistan. The involvement of Baloch women in political spheres is increasing at an exponential rate at present. The numbers have reached thousands in the past year and are continuing to increase. 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Can you tell me something about yourself? 2. Can you share your experience of activism in the social and political spheres of Balochistan? 3. What motivates you to be a part of these socio-political organizations/spheres? 4. For how long have you been involved in this political/social movement? 5. Would you like to say something about the impediments/hindrances that you faced from society? 6. What do you think about the religious and cultural structures and their impacts on women in Baloch society? 7. Did you face any pressures from family, friends, relatives, or anyone related to your personal life? (Male or Female) Could you mention specific pressures? 8. Do you feel engaging in politics is empowering you? What do you mean/you think when you say empowerment? What are the specific aspects and experiences? 9. What are your comments about the formal/widely known women’s empowerment movement going on in Pakistan? Do you think it has changed over the period of time? 10. What will be your advice for raising girls (young sisters, daughters, or anyone) in your family? 11. Any last comments that you think will help me understanding women’s empowerment in Balochistan (Experiences, memories, sufferings, etc.). Closing Remarks Thank you for your time. On your informed consent document, you have my contact information should you have any follow up thoughts, feedback, or questions. As a reminder you are also welcome to withdraw from this study at any point. Thank you for your time. Your insights are greatly appreciated. 160 Appendix B. Map of Pakistan Google. (n.d). World Atlas. https://www.google.com/imgres?imgurl=https://www.worldatlas.com/upload/c0/aa/3e/provinces-of-pakistan-map.png&imgrefurl=https://www.worldatlas.com/maps/pakistan&h=2467&w=3000&tbnid=giSMWLhHKjKdCM&source=sa.im&tbnh=192&tbnw=234&usg=AI4_-kRYv-Rd5t_C0UJGwvQvco9iuGl2Vg&vet=1&docid=KGZmVcXralnggM 161 Appendix C. Khanate of Kalat (1758-1795) Baloch, I. (1987). Khanate of Kalat [Map]. Ergon Verlog. p. 287 162 Appendix D. Map of British Balochistan Breseege, T. M. (2001). British Balochistan [Map]. SOAS University of London (p. 46) 163 Appendix E. Ethnic Map of Balochistan Khan, M. Z. (2017, September 11). Number of Balochi-Speaking people in Balochistan falls [Infographic by Rimsha Jahangir]. Dawn. https://www.dawn.com/news/1356899
Thesis/Dissertation
eng
Interdisciplinary Studies
Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library
Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International
Graduate
Heilke, Thomas W., 1960-
Border thinking and local knowledges concerning women's empowerment : a case study of Baloch women activists
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