Arts and Social Sciences, Irving K. Barber Faculty of (Okanagan)
DSpace
UBCO
Mudde, Laura
Doctor of Philosophy - PhD
University of British Columbia
This dissertation analyzes the media’s portrayal of the Colten Boushie case, who was killed by Gerald Stanley in Saskatchewan, Canada. This case and its media representations sparked debates about race, property, and rural crime. Despite some research delving into this case and the controversies it triggered, a substantive analysis of the media’s role is missing. Such an analysis is relevant, as it sheds light on how media framing impacts public discourse and policy to deepen our understanding of Indigenous-settler relations in Canada. An inductive and iterative frame analysis of sources published between August 2016 and April 2020 informed my critical discourse analysis of prominent themes. I problematize the media’s framing as promoting oppositional interpretations of events that reflect a group positioning, polarizing ambivalent and contingent frames along Indigenous-settler and rural-urban interpretations of the case. This research reveals the roles of the media in affirming and challenging specific legal and political orders in Canada. A frame analysis of the sources renders visible the normative ideas that perpetuate the power dynamics of settler-colonial discourse. This research emphasizes the significance of frame analysis as a method to examine how ideas are conveyed and disseminated to different publics. It problematizes the diverse attitudes that are circulated in different provinces with attention to differences evident in small, medium, and larger population centres. Contradictory patterns emerge that point to both an awareness of settler colonial realities and continued negative colonial attitudes toward Indigenous people in Canada. I address these contradictions by testing my frame analysis results against the theory of laissez-faire racism. Laissez-faire racism is informed by group position theory and refers to contemporary constructs of racial prejudice that continue Indigenous disadvantage as a legacy of colonial discrimination. I use the theory of laissez-faire racism to interpret the overt and covert racial ideologies discerned in my frame analysis of the Colten Boushie case and Indigenous-settler relations in Canada.
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF THE COLTEN BOUSHIE CASE: A CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS OF PROPERTY, RURAL CRIME, AND LAISSEZ-FAIRE RACISM. by Laura Mudde B.A., Utrecht University, 2014 M.A., Utrecht University, 2016 A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR of PHILOSOPHY in THE COLLEGE OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Interdisciplinary Studies) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Okanagan) March 2024 © Laura Mudde, 2024 ii The following individuals certify that they have read, and recommend to the College of Graduate Studies for acceptance, a dissertation entitled: MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF THE COLTEN BOUSHIE CASE: A CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS OF PROPERTY, RURAL CRIME, AND LAISSEZ-FAIRE RACISM. submitted by Laura Mudde in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Dr. Bonar Buffam, Irving K. Barber Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences Supervisor Dr. Michael Evans, Irving K. Barber Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences Co-Supervisor Dr. Brigitte Le Normand, Irving K. Barber Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences Supervisory Committee Member Dr. Greg Garrard, Faculty of Creative and Critical Studies Supervisory Committee Member Dr. Judy Gillespie, Faculty of Health and Social Development University Examiner Dr. Jeffrey Denis, McMaster University External Examiner iii Abstract This dissertation analyzes the media’s portrayal of the Colten Boushie case, who was killed by Gerald Stanley in Saskatchewan, Canada. This case and its media representations sparked debates about race, property, and rural crime. Despite some research delving into this case and the controversies it triggered, a substantive analysis of the media’s role is missing. Such an analysis is relevant, as it sheds light on how media framing impacts public discourse and policy to deepen our understanding of Indigenous-settler relations in Canada. An inductive and iterative frame analysis of sources published between August 2016 and April 2020 informed my critical discourse analysis of prominent themes. I problematize the media’s framing as promoting oppositional interpretations of events that reflect a group positioning, polarizing ambivalent and contingent frames along Indigenous-settler and rural-urban interpretations of the case. This research reveals the roles of the media in affirming and challenging specific legal and political orders in Canada. A frame analysis of the sources renders visible the normative ideas that perpetuate the power dynamics of settler-colonial discourse. This research emphasizes the significance of frame analysis as a method to examine how ideas are conveyed and disseminated to different publics. It problematizes the diverse attitudes that are circulated in different provinces with attention to differences evident in small, medium, and larger population centres. Contradictory patterns emerge that point to both an awareness of settler colonial realities and continued negative colonial attitudes toward Indigenous people in Canada. I address these contradictions by testing my frame analysis results against the theory of laissez-faire racism. Laissez-faire racism is informed by group position theory and refers to contemporary constructs of racial prejudice that continue Indigenous disadvantage as a legacy of colonial discrimination. I use the theory of laissez-faire racism to interpret the overt and covert racial ideologies discerned in my frame analysis of the Colten Boushie case and Indigenous-settler relations in Canada. iv Lay Summary This research analyzes public responses to the death of Colten Boushie and Gerald Stanley’s acquittal in Saskatchewan, Canada. I provide a critical discourse and frame analysis of media narratives that were produced between August 2016 and April 2020. This analysis problematizes the diverse and often oppositional attitudes about the case that are circulated in public discourses of different provinces with attention to differences evident in small, medium, and larger population centres. The media’s interpretations of events through dominant and counternarratives reveal tensions associated with racism, protection of property, and rural crime. Looking closely at these public responses, this research tests how everyday representations of Indigenous-settler relations shape and reinforce biases in the media, policies, and legal system in Canada. v Table of Contents Abstract ......................................................................................................................................... iii Lay Summary ............................................................................................................................... iv Table of Contents ...........................................................................................................................v List of Tables .............................................................................................................................. viii List of Figures ............................................................................................................................... ix Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................x Chapter 1: Introduction ................................................................................................................1 1.1 Critical Discourse and Frame Analysis............................................................................. 3 1.2 Historical Context ............................................................................................................. 8 1.2.1 Imperial Practises ..................................................................................................... 15 1.2.2 Laissez-faire Racism ................................................................................................ 18 1.3 Research Parameters and Chapter Outline ...................................................................... 25 Chapter 2: Methodology..............................................................................................................28 2.1 Selection of Sources ........................................................................................................ 28 2.2 Critical Discourse Analysis and Frame Analysis............................................................ 37 2.3 New Media Caveats ........................................................................................................ 44 Chapter 3: Debates about Racial Tension .................................................................................48 3.1 Racial Tensions ............................................................................................................... 48 3.2 Diagnostic Framing of Racial Tension ........................................................................... 55 3.3 Racial Tensions in a ‘Trial Outside of Racism’ .............................................................. 60 3.3.1 Media Representations during Trial ......................................................................... 61 3.3.2 Media Representations after Acquittal ..................................................................... 63 3.4 Racial Tensions and Discrimination in RCMP-First Nation Relations .......................... 68 vi 3.5 Framing Racial Tension and the Unveiling of Racism ................................................... 74 3.6 Conclusions ..................................................................................................................... 78 Chapter 4: Criminalization and Victim Blaming .....................................................................81 4.1 Media Representations of Crime and Processes of Criminalization ............................... 83 4.2 Witnessing and Assumptions of Criminality .................................................................. 87 4.2.1 R v. Stanley (2016) ................................................................................................... 89 4.2.2 R v. Stanley (2017) ................................................................................................... 93 4.2.3 R v. Stanley (2018) ................................................................................................... 98 4.3 Court and Media Criminalization ................................................................................. 104 4.4 Court and Media Representations of Stanley................................................................ 108 4.5 Stereotypes, Criminalization, and Laissez-faire Racism .............................................. 112 4.6 Conclusions ................................................................................................................... 116 Chapter 5: Judicial Interpretations and Notions of Justice ...................................................118 5.1 Representations of Justice before R v. Stanley (2018) .................................................. 119 5.2 Representations of Justice during R v. Stanley (2018) .................................................. 125 5.3 Representations of Justice after R v. Stanley (2018) ..................................................... 130 5.3.1 Alberta.................................................................................................................... 131 5.3.2 Ontario ................................................................................................................... 136 5.3.3 Saskatchewan ......................................................................................................... 140 5.4 Judicial Reform and Concerns about Political Interference ......................................... 145 5.5 Jury Formations and Questions about Justice ............................................................... 148 5.5.1 Trial by Jury in Historical Context ........................................................................ 151 5.6 Conclusions ................................................................................................................... 157 vii Chapter 6: Perspectives of Rural Crime Concerns and Law Enforcement .........................160 6.1 Media Perspectives of Policing and Rural Crime Concerns ......................................... 160 6.1.1 Racialization of Rural Crime Concerns ................................................................. 168 6.1.2 Notions of Self-Defence ........................................................................................ 174 6.2 The Ambiguity of Rural Crime Statistics ..................................................................... 179 6.3 Reinstated Rural Crime Watch Programs and Policy Reform ...................................... 185 6.4 Policy Reform in Response to Rural Crime Concerns.................................................. 189 6.5 Law Enforcement and Rural Crime Concerns .............................................................. 194 6.6 Conclusions ................................................................................................................... 197 Chapter 7: The Power of Property and Material Assets ........................................................199 7.1 Framing Property and Ownership ................................................................................. 199 7.2 Dimensions of Property ................................................................................................ 205 7.3 The Regulation of Property through Trespass .............................................................. 213 7.3.1 Court Reflections on Trespass and Academic Discourse ...................................... 218 7.4 Ideas about Guns and Gun Culture ............................................................................... 223 7.5 Conclusions ................................................................................................................... 233 Chapter 8: Conclusions .............................................................................................................236 8.1 Frame Analysis Findings .............................................................................................. 236 8.2 Critical Discourse Analysis and Laissez-faire Racism ................................................. 238 8.3 Considerations for Future Research .............................................................................. 246 References ...................................................................................................................................251 Appendix A .................................................................................................................................362 viii List of Tables Table 1: Databases consulted through ProQuest .......................................................................... 30 Table 2: Types of Sources retrieved from ProQuest Databases ................................................... 30 Table 3: Total Online and Print Sources ....................................................................................... 30 Table 4: Document Types retrieved from ProQuest Databases .................................................... 31 Table 5: Source Distribution according to Location of Publication ............................................. 34 Table 6: Crime Narratives present in Sources from Five Main Publishers .................................. 83 Table 7: Geographic Distribution of PostMedia Network Sources concerned with Crime .......... 84 Table 8: Crosstabulation of Sources in Alberta, Ontario, and Saskatchewan concerned with ‘Justice’ and the case (Pre-trial) .................................................................................................. 120 Table 9: Crosstabulation of Sources in Alberta, Ontario, and Saskatchewan concerned with ‘Justice’ and the case (During Trial) ........................................................................................... 125 Table 10: Crosstabulation of Sources in Alberta, Ontario, and Saskatchewan concerned with ‘Justice’ and the case (After Trial) .............................................................................................. 131 Table 11: A crosstabulation of rural crime narratives with themes of RCMP or policing, gun violence, and self-defence in the 234 sources for Saskatchewan ............................................... 184 Table 12: A crosstabulation of rural crime narratives with themes of RCMP or policing, gun violence and self-defence in the 131 sources for Alberta ........................................................... 184 Table 13: Sources concerned with ‘Property’ per Province ....................................................... 200 Table 14: Crosstabulation between Sources concerned with ‘Property’ and ‘Guns’ or ‘Violence’..................................................................................................................................................... 200 Table 15: A crosstabulation of the theme of property with the theme of trespass for Alberta and Saskatchewan .............................................................................................................................. 216 ix List of Figures Figure 1: Visualisation of Critical Discourse Analysis .................................................................. 6 Figure 2: Visualisation of Frame Analysis ..................................................................................... 6 Figure 3: Distribution of ProQuest Sources published between August 2016 and April 2020 .... 33 Figure 4: Distribution of Sources according to Population Centres across Canada ..................... 35 Figure 5: Timeline of Thematic News Reporting of Events (August 2016 – April 2020) ........... 38 Figure 6: Most Common Media Frames about Racial Tension .................................................... 49 Figure 7: A Timeline of R v. Stanley (2018) ................................................................................. 60 Figure 8: Social-Cultural Framing Patterns of Indigenous Criminality in the Media .................. 82 Figure 9: Social-Cultural Framing Patterns of Stanley's Criminality in the Media ...................... 82 Figure 10: News Output per Publisher in February and March of 2018 ...................................... 99 Figure 11: Crime Narratives in Sources published in Alberta, Ontario, and Saskatchewan from August 2016 to April 2020 per Population Centre ..................................................................... 161 x Acknowledgements I acknowledge that I wrote this research on the ancestral, unceded, and traditional lands of the Syilx Okanagan peoples who have been here since time immemorial. I am a White settler and the uninvited visitor to their land, indebted to their patronage of the valley and their resilience in the face of systems of oppression. I acknowledge that the majority of my research is shaped by settler interpretations of Indigenous-settler relations in Canada as presented in the media, jurisprudence, and academic research. I also recognize the continued harm and violence present in some of the public narratives and descriptions of Indigenous-settler relations that I address in this research. I like to acknowledge the supervision and advice of my supervisors Dr. Bonar Buffam and Dr. Michael Evans, as well as, committee members Dr. Brigitte Le Normand and Dr. Greg Garrard. I acknowledge the invaluable support of librarian Marjorie Mitchell and English instructor Dana Penney for their help with the editing and formatting of my research. Any remaining mistakes or errors in this work are mine. 1 Chapter 1: Introduction On August 9th of 2016, Colten Boushie was shot dead by Gerald Stanley. Details about the shooting are contentious and a clear and concise depiction of what transpired is missing.1 Five young people aged 17 to 24, including Boushie, drove a broken-down vehicle onto Stanley’s farm property around 5:00 pm on August 9th, 2016. In a confrontation between the group and the property owner, Stanley retrieved a semi-automatic pistol with which he shot Boushie in the back of the head. Stanley faced second-degree murder charges, but he was acquitted by a jury on February 9th, 2018 in the Battleford Court of the Queen’s Bench in Saskatchewan. Public protest and rallies followed. In large urban centres, groups clamoured for justice for Boushie and for Indigenous peoples in Canada. Others mobilized initiatives for increased RCMP staffing in rural Canada to assuage rural crime concerns. The media coverage of the case both reflected and generated public discussions about Canada’s legal and political landscapes. Boushie’s death and Stanley’s acquittal came to exemplify larger societal concerns in debates about rural crime and racism. In turn, the case and references to it became associated with a larger set of events, including the harming of accused trespasser Ryan Watson in Okotoks, Alberta; the death of Jonathan Styres (2016) and the 2018 acquittal of Peter Khill in Hamilton; and the death of Tina Fontaine (2014) and the acquittal of Raymond Cormier in Winnipeg in 2018. The media’s representations also connected the case to past violent events against Indigenous people in Saskatchewan, such as the killing of Leo LaChance in 1991 and the infamous “starlight tours” around Saskatoon in the 2000s.2 1 I refer to individuals by their last name after an initial introduction. 2 The phrase “Starlight tours” refers to the suspicious freezing deaths of Indigenous Canadians outside of Saskatoon. Saskatoon Police Service officers arrested Indigenous people, usually men, for alleged drunkenness and disorderly behaviour, to then drive them to the outskirts of the city, leaving them in sub-zero temperatures. See also: Wright D. H. (2004). Report of the Commission of Inquiry into Matters relating to the Death of Neil Stonechild. https://www.deslibris.ca/ID/215901. 2 This dissertation combines frame analysis and critical discourse analysis (CDA) to discern how the media present diverse frames about the case. While CDA guides my overall methodology, I use frame analysis as a method to extract and map the textual frames. I unpack the results of my frame analysis that at times polarize along Indigenous-settler and rural-urban lines, which I examine using the theory of laissez-faire racism. My analysis addresses the roles of the media in shaping public discourses that affirm and challenge legal and political orders. The first stage of this research was guided by a general research question: How do the media engage with the Colten Boushie case? This question informed the scope of my media analysis, including sources published between August 2016 and April 2020. Of the close to 5000 sources retrieved from ProQuest, 3998 sources were eligible for analysis. The multiple close readings of these sources informed a qualitative data charting network I set up in SPSS (IBM Statistics 27). An inductive approach to my iterative reading of these sources revealed multiple interrelated themes that inform the five broader themes discussed in individual chapters. My qualitative approach relies on a linguistic and semiotic analysis of written language texts, discourse practices, and discursive events (Fairclough, 2005). I establish that representations of this case fall into a general pattern that reflect the effects of colonialism. Historical stereotypes linger in the contemporary media representations of White settlers and Indigenous people that reflect a cultural hegemony, marginalizing local experiences and histories. I organized my frame analysis and thematic syntheses in five chapters engaging with the following questions: (1) In what ways does the media present Boushie’s death and Stanley’s trial in terms of race? (2) How do media representations reveal perceptions about the case that invite the criminalization of Indigenous witnesses in legal and media representations? 3 (3) How do media facilitate an understanding of justice related to Stanley’s trial and discussions about anti-Indigenous discrimination in the Canadian justice system? (4) How does the media present narratives of rural crime concerns and self-defence in response to perceived failing or absence of law enforcement in connection to the case? (5) How do media reflect and transform ongoing discussions about rural property, trespass, and gun violence? These chapters and their findings were examined for the presence of laissez-faire racism to further explore the complexity of the case and Indigenous-settler relations in Canada. 1.1 Critical Discourse and Frame Analysis The primary vehicles used to answer my research questions were CDA and frame analysis. The definitions of ‘frame’ and ‘discourse’ are debated in academic literature (Lindekilde, 2014, p. 197). Part of this disagreement occurs as discourse and frame analysis are closely related approaches based on similar assumptions (p. 196). In my approach, both are concerned with the relationship between text and context, but differ in their analytical scope. Lindekilde’s (2014) research explains that discourse analysis studies how texts support and question social realities (p. 198). This approach considers how texts “draw on existing discourses in order to communicate particular meanings, and how reception of texts is therefore co-shaped by their discursive context” (p. 198). I explore this discursive context to discourse based on Foucault’s (1961; 1981) definition of discourse as knowledge production with manifest and latent power “producing ... ‘practices that systematically form the objects of which they speak’” (quoted in Adams, 2017). I use CDA to assess the manifest and latent knowledge production in the media’s framing. As per Fairclough’s (2005; Fairclough & Fairclough, 2012) expansion of Foucault’s conceptualization of discourse, CDA provides “a better understanding of 4 relations between discourse and … social relations (and relations of power), ideologies, social institutions and organizations, and social identities” (Fairclough & Fairclough, 2012, p. 78). Similarly, I employ CDA to gain a better understanding of relations between discourse and social relations of power. Frame analysis, on the textual level, reflects on the descriptions of things and events. In particular, framing addresses how descriptions contain a causality and place blame in ways that reinforce or challenge discourses and realities. Frames are associated with what Goffman (1974) describes as the “definitions of the situation [that] are built up in accordance with the principles of organization which govern events – at least social ones – and our subjective involvement in them” (pp. 10-11). Frames invoke meaning based on subjective interpretations about experiences and thoughts that are aligned into narratives. Frame analysis, according to Lindekilde (2014), “zooms in on how particular ideas/ideologies are used deliberately to mobilize supporters and demobilize adversaries vis-à-vis a particular goal” (p. 200). I connect Lindekilde’s (2014) frame analysis to qualitative content analysis as it is defined by the work of Snow & Benford (1988), Benford & Snow (2000), and Entman (1993). I explicitly use the framework of diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational framing by Snow et al. (2014; 2019). Diagnostic framing is defined as “a diagnosis of some event or aspect of social life or system of government as problematic … and the attribution of blame or responsibility for the problematized state of affairs” (Snow et al., 2019, p. 396). Prognostic framing articulates suggestions for solutions to the identified problem, and motivational framing elaborates on a rationale for action, going beyond diagnosis and suggested solutions (p. 396). Most of the attention in this research is on the impact of diagnostic framing for both legal and media representations of the case and the material and immaterial consequences of such 5 diagnostic problematization for the prognostic and motivational action flowing from it. With this approach, I assess which framing perspectives are emphasized through the intersubjective construction of problems linked to perceived political, social, and cultural realities. This use of frame analysis also provides insight into the spatial salience and repetition of frames, which, according to Entman (1993), is how aspects of reality are highlighted to promote specific narrative interpretations over others to mobilize action (p. 52). Connected to Entman’s (1993) framework, I use Keller’s (2011) notion of ‘problematization’ to look at how media representations ‘blame’ or diagnose a problem that connect to different discursive logics. Specifically, problematization addresses the manifest and latent power to framing: when something or someone is designated as the problem, this leads to pathologizing or labelling that can provide a rationale for action or inaction.3 I rely on Hänggli and Kriesi (2012) to address how media representations reflect strategic framing in different jurisdictions that tend to emphasize problematizations in line with certain political platforms. To visualize my use of discourse and frame analysis, Figure 1 represents how CDA refers to the broader methodological approach and discursive impact of language, while Figure 2 represents how frame analysis refers to the textual frames that inform action or inaction. I use frames to identify the different rhetorical patterns in the text. CDA is the broader methodological approach to make sense of these rhetorical patterns. CDA documents the relationships between texts, interpretation, production, and the social and cultural context. It also refers to legal and academic discourses and how those shape texts, interpretation and production, and sociocultural realities. Frame analysis examines words and identifies causal relations between them. 3 Problematization in Keller’s (2011) work has been previously referred to as ‘diagnostic framing’ in the work of Snow & Benford (1988) and Benford & Snow (2000). 6 Figure 1 copyright author Figure 2 copyright author Figure 1: Visualisation of Critical Discourse Analysis Figure 2: Visualisation of Frame Analysis In general, my theoretical framework relies on the work of Fairclough, Van Dijk, and Chilton (Wodak & Weiss, 2005). These scholars address the importance of CDA, which 7 “recognizes that discourses are value-laden and are articulated in hegemonic structures” (Omrow, 2018, p. 14). The media mediate many perspectives, but some are more dominant than others, reflecting social hierarchies. I adopt this theoretical framework to unpack those hegemonic structures embedded in the narrative formation of the sources. Representations of the case can be roughly divided in three dominant group positions: conservative, liberal-progressive, and decolonial. Although I recognize the dominance of each respective ‘camp’, media frames from all three perspectives often center non-Indigenous interpretations of events. This does not make perspectives inauthentic, but problematizes them as socially and contextually situated. I also define the groups in terms of ideological or political positions rather than solely as racialized groups, acknowledging variation in each respective group. The presence of these value-laden discourses supports my analytical framework, highlighting the normative power in the interpretations of the case. Publishers and the sources they produce may exaggerate aspects of reality and show bias towards interpretations by selecting who to interview or what stories to highlight. Both CDA and frame analysis provide an interpretation of reality situated “within cognitive, constructivist and critical perspectives” that reflect “mechanisms of hegemonic control employed by the powerful” (Omrow, 2018, p. 15). It is of central importance to discern which interpretations are favoured in news discourses in specific provinces and population centres of differing sizes. The relevance of such an analysis is in the generative power of discourses in mobilizing action, specific to racialized interpretations and diagnostic frames that I hypothesize are connected to the location and broader settler-colonial dynamics. The legitimation of specific views shape antagonistic narratives that lead to strategies and the mobilization of action or inaction in their historically 8 specific spatial context. The CDA and frame analysis approach highlights how certain aspects of a case are emphasized by authors and the media, impacting political and social movements. 1.2 Historical Context4 The Canadian settler-colonial context continues to inform different opinions about Indigenous-settler relations. Critiques of settler-colonial practice in Canada reveal the history and ongoing relationships between Indigenous peoples, settlers, and the state in which settler-colonial actors seek not only to exploit, but also to displace and replace Indigenous populations. This provides a lens through which to examine the structures, policies, and social dynamics that continue to impact Indigenous, settler, and state relations to one another and land. Canadian legal and political systems have been constructed to legitimize and perpetuate settler colonial objectives. This includes laws and policies that have historically undermined Indigenous sovereignty, governance, and rights to land and resources. Indigenous peoples and allies continue to resist colonial efforts, working towards the resurgence of their cultures, languages, and rights. Settler-colonial theory includes concepts and efforts toward decolonization, questioning how settler colonial structures can be dismantled and what just relationships between Indigenous peoples, settlers, the state, and land might look like. This involves critical reflection on our positionality and complicity in settler colonial systems and steps towards restitution, reconciliation, and coexistence. This brief historical background does not acknowledge the diverse experiences associated with a Canadian settler-colonial context. Instead, I offer a high-level description of some of the historical processes to provide context to the case and the public debates it triggered. Indigenous- 4 It is important to note that the history of First Nations and Indigenous peoples in Canada is vast and complex, and the background section provides only a brief summary of some of the historical context to the case from a settler focus. 9 settler relations in Canada are complicated because of the history of British colonialism, economic agreements, treaties, the Indian Act, advocacy for Aboriginal rights, and efforts towards reconciliation, decolonization, and Indigenization. Connections can be made that show both the continuous power of some of these processes and the new dynamics of the twenty-first century. In general, the historic consolidation of colonial power required the imposition of legal, political, economic, social, and cultural orders atop other pre-existing orders. The Battlefords region within Treaty Six territory where Boushie was killed is a significant locale for colonial encounters. According to Richard Preston (2021), the Cree or Nehiyawak dominated the area now referred to as North Battleford (see also Epp & Dyck, 1983; McPherson, 1966). The Cree lived in the area long before colonization, having their own governance systems, economies, language, and spiritual practices in which they traded, treated, and fought with other Indigenous peoples long before Europeans arrived in the area. The imposition of colonial power atop these pre-existing orders was a gradual process. According to McPherson (1966), by the mid-1700s, permanent fur trading posts were established, as “men ... had been sent by large trading companies to recruit business” involving “exploratory work as early as 1690 – 1692” with “expeditions to the forks of the Saskatchewan in 1749” (p. 2). By 1753, French forts and trading posts were scattered around the region (Meyer & Russell, 2004). As the fur trade developed, the colonial office in London and its officials colonized the land. According to Carter (1999), “it was English practice of the late seventeenth century to grant patents to trading companies to develop, exploit, and sometimes settle, on behalf of the English Crown” (p. 41). This English practice enabled the colonial office in London to administratively colonize the Indigenous territories of the land we now refer to as Canada. The 1670 Hudson’s 10 Bay charter had opened the region for economic investment and assigned monopoly trading privileges to European traders and chief factors for the colonization of pre-empted and claimed lands (p. 42). Fur traders stationed in the river networks indirectly linked those economic systems to the colonial office and the judicial and political powers of the English Crown.5 Although Canada was officially recognized as a Dominion under the British North American Act in 1867, prior processes of the colonial project had been underway since the 1700s through the granting of patents in those river networks on behalf of the English Crown. The spread of the fur trading system introduced missionary work, and, later, surveyors arrived to map the area for economic exploration and colonial growth. Reports to the colonial office in London, interpreted through “multivolume histories of the evolutionary development of colonial institutions” reflect stereotypes of Indigenous peoples in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (Haan, 1973, p. 143; see also Colden, 1755; Winterbotham, 1796; Dennett, [18-?] 2012). These legal, political, and religious imaginaries were solidified through these reports and interpretations by Imperial historians. These historians and their imaginaries enforced a status of sub-altern humanity for Indigenous peoples (Haan, 1973, p. 144). The ethnographic tradition in European exploration accounts solidified the Indigenous ‘Other’ (Carter, 1999, pp. 45-46), creating what Haan (1973) describes as “the pattern of biases imposed by historians on the colonial past” (p. 144). Increased literacy amongst middle- and upper-class European circles made these narratives available through travel literature (Dennett, [18-?] 2012). After 1815, British colonial authorities increasingly focused on the administrative challenges of their imposition of colonial rule and the presence of Indigenous peoples in their 5 This economic and legal-political development depended on Indigenous guidance, as they helped the traders access furs, at times through intermarriage, even though later descriptions of this period and further immigration from settlers rendered Indigenous land knowledges and laws invisible (Ahenakew, 1997). 11 colonies. Prior British acknowledgements of Indigenous sovereignty existed alongside “modern property laws [that] emerged along with and through colonial modes of appropriation” (Bhandar, 2018, p. 3).6 Colonial authorities sought to establish settler sovereignty in favour of a capitalist economic system and its accompanying cultural framework (Carter, 1999, p. 80). Concepts of private property were central to this cultural framework and the developing colonial economy (Carter, 1999). These concepts relied on the ruling order reserving private land for those considered worthy of ownership. According to Arneil (1996), John Locke’s Two Treatises of Government influenced the development of English colonial policy (p. 60). Locke’s labour theory of value and property rationalized territorial colonization as an economic and ethical justification to appropriate Indigenous lands for settler cultivation (p. 61; see also Tully, 1993). This rationalization allocated ownership to those regarded as civilized. The registration and administration of land title in a state-regulated Dominion of Canada set the stage for the numbered treaties and reserves (Daschuk, 2019; Wilson, B., 1921, p. 1). Through the Indian Act (1876), the reserve system was imposed on First Nations. In the context of the Battlefords, this means that Treaty 6 was signed the same year as the Indian Act. From an Indigenous perspective, this was not a land surrender, albeit intended as such by the Crown and Canadian government (Cardinal & Hildebrandt, 2000; Krasowski, 2019; Venne, 2007). The signing of Treaty 6 resulted in the loss of land for Cree and other Indigenous peoples to the Canadian government, referring to a loss of physical space, sovereignty, cultural practices, and traditional ways of life tied to the land (Krasowski, 2019). The fulfillment of the spirit and intent of treaty as well as treaty promises have been discussed as inadequate and problematic 6 The Royal Proclamation of 1763 acknowledged Indigenous sovereignty and land rights, while it also assumed Crown sovereignty over those lands. 12 (e.g., Venne, 2007). Together with the residential school and pass system, the Indian Act and the treaty curtailed people’s movements and rights to hunt, fish, and gather, exacerbated by the decline of the bison (Dickason & McNab, 2009). The treaty and subsequent government policies have had lasting socio-economic impacts on the Cree and other Indigenous peoples in the Battleford region. Issues such as poverty, unemployment, health disparities, and challenges in accessing education and economic opportunities are part of the legacy of Treaty 6. In the Battlefords region, the precarious situation of waning resources seen in the near extinction of the bison and famine for Indigenous peoples was framed as a danger to incoming homesteaders. This framing led to the instalment of the North-West Mounted Police (NWMP) in Fort Walsh in 1875 and 1876. The NWMP primarily policed Indigenous people who had been identified as a threat to homesteaders (Macleod, 1976; Mahony, 2000). The North West Territories Act of 1875 meant the appointment of a Lieutenant-Governor and Councillors, who were “given wide responsibility ... empowered to create electoral districts, issue writs of election, appoint Justices of the Peace, report on civil and criminal proceedings in territorial courts, and issue liquor permits” (McPherson, 1966, p. 31). One person had effective policing power and could dispatch the NWMP for the administration of justice and maintenance of peace, often in favour of settlers and homesteaders (Hildebrandt, 2008). The Indian Act of 1876 further reduced the rights for Indigenous people as it enabled the government of Canada to control Indigenous communities with the objective of assimilation into non-Indigenous society. The tasks of police officers were to ensure Indigenous cooperation and safety for incoming settlers (McPherson, 1966, p. 39). It was in the late nineteenth century context that terms such as ‘the Indian problem’ began to circulate in public discourse, while ignoring state policies causing Indigenous 13 destitution (p. 78). The armed resistance by Métis and Cree in 1885 in the Battleford region confirmed the threat of Indigenous populations as perceived by settlers. These fears and governing agencies pitted local settlers against starving First Nations and Métis during the North-West Resistance (Beal & Macleod, 1994; Flanagan, 1992; Stonechild & Waiser, 2010; Teillet, 2019). Settler accounts in the Battleford district described being besieged by a ‘Cree horde’, and settlers left their houses which were looted by starving Indigenous people (Carter, 1999, p. 158). Tropes of the dangerous Indigenous ‘Other’ prevailed after the resistance of 1885, which had led to the hanging of nine Indigenous men.7 An article from the Saskatchewan Herald of December 14th, 1885, quoted Judge Charles Rouleau, who sentenced eight men to hang at Battleford, saying he was prepared to send “every Indian and Half-breed and rebel” to the gallows if required (Saskatchewan Herald, 1885). Public devaluation of Indigenous lives after 1885 also informed policies of assimilation. Indigenous children were confined to Indian Industrial, Day, and Residential School systems and the pass and permit system attempted to confine Indigenous adults to reserves. The late nineteenth century legal and political system increased “rigid boundaries ... between the new arrivals and the host Aboriginal population, physically, socially, and mentally” (Carter, 1999, p. 133). This period after the 1880s saw the gradual introduction of stereotypes regarding government charity to First Nations and reserves among non-Indigenous settlers, out of touch with on-reserve realities and economic constraints imposed on Indigenous peoples (p. 135; see also Fisher, 1980). Public discourses reflected the consequential colonial, White8 supremacist, 7 Louis Riel (convicted of high treason and hanged in Regina), Kapapamahchakwew (Wandering Spirit), Pah Pah-Me-Kee-Sick (Walking the Sky), Manchoose (Bad Arrow), Kit-Ahwah-Ke-Ni (Miserable Man), Nahpase (Iron Body), A-Pis-Chas-Koos (Little Bear), Itka (Crooked Leg), and Waywahnitch (Man Without Blood) were hanged in Battleford (Doyle, 2017; Salhany, 2019). 8 I choose to capitalize White and other racial and ethnic identifiers to avoid an affirmation of Whiteness as the standard and norm to acknowledge the way Whiteness functions in institutions and communities (Mack & Palfrey, 2020, para. 5). 14 and imperial bias in Indigenous-settler relations. These narratives present what Bhandar (2018) defines as “racial regimes of ownership” through territorial claims and language (p. 2). The Department of Indian Affairs’ coercive surrender campaigns in the early twentieth century demonstrated that Canadian law and the treaty system did not deliver the promised protection against settler-colonial encroachment (Wilson, B., 1921, p. 5). Despite the numbered treaties, conceptualizations of property codified in common law effectively denied Indigenous peoples’ their rights. Although Indigenous or Aboriginal land title describes the rights to ancestral lands based on collective land use and occupancy since time immemorial (Knafla & Westra, 2010; Panagos, 2016), exercise of these land rights and title were complicated through the imposition of colonial regimes of power and the Canadian judiciary. Denial of this colonial imposition in turn is reflected in the public sphere and discourse (Anderson & Robertson, 2014). Asymmetric coercive power relations made colonization possible, while legal processes and public discourse perpetuated the inequality into social, political, and economic realities (Johnson, 2007, p. 25).9 The late twentieth century saw efforts to increase public awareness about the protracted conflict between Indigenous peoples, government and law enforcement, and non-Indigenous peoples in Canada. Both the report on Native Children and the Child Welfare System of 1983, and the report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (RCAP) of 1996 raised awareness about problems within Indigenous communities. More recently, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) of 2015 and the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls (MMIWG) of 2019 revealed continued colonial violence 9 This summary of early twentieth century establishment of colonial power refers to the notion of land as codified through that early context of French and English legal systems as they became institutionalized in Canada. Interpretations have changed over time and more recent developments in land rights better acknowledge Treaties and Aboriginal title. 15 perpetrated against Indigenous peoples. These commissions and apologies have led to compensation but do not preclude the continued existence of racial, gender, and territorial stratifications highlighted by these reports, Indigenous advocates, and others (Harris, 1993, p. 1774; Razack, 1998). An increase in public awareness about the protracted conflict between Indigenous peoples, government and law enforcement, and non-Indigenous peoples in Canada has been associated with a variety of positions and public debates in the twenty-first century. The Boushie case brings forward some of those positions and debates. 1.2.1 Imperial Practises In particular, the Boushie case involved debates about territory and property. Notions of property and ownership in colonial Canada arose in part from English political history and tradition. These historical colonial understandings of property facilitated the displacement of Indigenous peoples.10 Historically, the Western logics of empire, according to Said (1993), started with thinking and imagining power and control over the land. Despite more recent efforts to promote inclusive and equitable relations between Indigenous peoples and the state, it was the logic of taking possession of the land and dispossession that lies at the core of some contemporary understanding of land, property, and ownership. Cultural narratives and discourses fortified a logic of private property ownership that continue to be justified in the administrative structures and legal landscapes (Merry, 2016). In turn, this logic of private property ownership and imperial practice codified in legal systems can be discerned in public discourses on the protection of rural property or farmland (Blomley, 2003). 10 It is important to recognize that these colonial understandings of property were a product of their time and have since been discredited by the federal state, universities and schools, and other organs of the Canadian state through recent efforts to promote a more inclusive and equitable understanding of the relationship between Indigenous peoples and the state. 16 The historical codification of colonial rhetoric about property effectively valorizes property law. According to Indigenous lawyer and scholar Harold B. Johnson (2007), most legal traditions contain territorial considerations (p. 64). Johnson (2007) stresses that the territoriality of property produces territory through the legal and traditional interpretations of people’s relations with property. This production of territory through people’s relations with private property is what Blomley (2016) stipulates as the construct that “polices its borders, frames its identities, and organizes its habits” (p. 596). Territorial understanding is a practice, rather than physical space alone, informed by legal traditions defining private property. Historically, this meant the main judicial elements of property are bound by colonial interpretations of territory and land (Miller, 2009). The current study addresses the rural territorialization of private property that imagines rural property as isolated and different from urban property. Although contested by the federal state, universities and schools, and other organs of the Canadian state, the continued colonial interpretations of private property shape people’s relation with private property in geopolitical ways. One such stereotype of land ownership links to a continued colonial interpretation of non-urban property that frames the Indigenous person and reserve as a threat to settler property. Eighteenth and nineteenth century policies to promote Euro-Canadian immigration perpetuated a bias against Indigenous people and led to the creation of the First Nation’s reserve in response to the expected but unrealized disappearance of Indigenous peoples from colonized territory (Goldberg, 2002).11 Locke’s labour theory of value and property helped justify the appropriation of Indigenous lands through occupancy, possession, and cultivation whereby settler property was transformed into recognized title (Foster, Raven, & Webber, 2007; Raibmon, 2008). 11 I use the concept of bias to refer to the prejudice against one group in favour of another, based on unfair assumptions. 17 European notions of occupancy and possession discredited Indigenous peoples’ occupancy and possession. As Nemattanew (2002) argues, when it is not immediately feasible to rid the land of a certain group of human beings, they were variously declared (1) not to be human beings; (2) to lack favor in the eyes of God and, therefore, to be less human than those who had found such favor; or (3) not to exist. (p. 25) Missionary intervention and assimilationist strategies invited further paternalism and guardianship over Indigenous peoples and territories. These strategies were based on the theory of Francisco de Vitoria creating the legal justification to take property from those not recognized as sovereign or self-governing (Johnson, 2007, p. 88). Locke’s political theory of the social contract justified domination and authority over people who were considered barbaric and otherwise likely to kill each other (p. 89). Locke’s theory of property and the common law of reason form the basis of modern social contract rhetoric that enforces the idea of a sub-human status of Indigenous peoples, excluding them from sovereignty (p. 90). This codification of territorial ideology and possession in law links property concepts to legal concepts that historically limited Indigenous private land ownership. The legal and political institutions promoted settler society and policed and curtailed Indigenous occupancy, which furthered institutionalized racialization of property in the 19th and 20th centuries (Carter, 1990; Fisher, 1980, Harris, 1993). Colonial territorial ideology promotes settler understandings of private property. This imperial practice categorized the inhabitants of the Canadian interior according to racist, gendered, and capitalist notions based on stereotypes at times still invoked today (Little & McGivern, 2016). Some stereotypes regarding ‘Indigenous problems’ can be traced to early nineteenth-century stereotypes shaped by the economic incentives for settler 18 settlement (Fisher, 1980; Loppie, Reading & de Leeuw, 2014). These stereotypes are visible in outdated government reports and more contemporarily in the public sphere. Although the 1973 Calder case meant the unofficial recognition of Indigenous rights in the constitution (1982), stereotypes about Indigenous people being unfit to self-govern or reclaim land prevail in some legal and political interpretations (Foster, Raven, & Webber, 2007).12 While many of these stereotypes have been rejected by the federal government, media, universities, and others, they re-emerge in some of the narratives I observe in the representations of the Boushie case. Property, as understood from this perspective, is intrinsically tied to the economic incentives and border practices governed and mediated by the state (Bhandar, 2018). This is confirmed in public narratives and language around protection of property and the role of law enforcement. Private property as an economic asset is intrinsically tied to citizenship and the laws upholding property and citizenship. In particular, my research addresses the rural aspects of territory and private property that invited specific debates about property ownership and tense Indigenous-settler relations. 1.2.2 Laissez-faire Racism By reading and analyzing the media’s portrayal of the Boushie case, I identified important themes that relate to Indigenous-settler relations in Saskatchewan and Canada. This research addresses how these representations reveal overt and covert aspects of relative group positioning and prejudice. My analysis focuses on diagnostic framing as a mechanism for building prognostic and motivational frames leading to action or inaction that expose the operation of 12 In 1967, Nisga’a elders (including F. Calder) sued the BC provincial government, declaring that Nisga’a title to their lands had never been lawfully extinguished. While lower levels of court denied the existence of Aboriginal title, the Supreme Court ruled that Aboriginal title had existed at the time of the Royal Proclamation of 1763. This 1973 decision was the first time that the Canadian legal system acknowledged the existence of Aboriginal title and that such title existed outside of colonial law (https://indigenousfoundations.arts.ubc.ca/calder_case/). 19 laissez-faire racism (Denis, 2020) that effectively blames ethnic and cultural minorities for their economic and socio-political status (Tuch & Martin, 1997). This approach relies on Herbert Blumer (1958) who “focuses interest on the collective process by which a racial group comes to define and redefine another racial group” (p. 3). I analyze media sources for the presence of these collective meaning-making processes. Outlining laissez-faire racism problematizes some of the media’s interpretations of the case that present information about events as objective, while at the same time embedding racialized group stereotypes in that reporting. This analysis complicates media descriptions and illustrates how mechanisms of colonialism and racism operate at the level of public discourse and subsequent action in rural crime watch initiatives and changes to bylaws. I extend the research by Blumer (1958) through the work of Bobo et al. (1997) and Bobo and Tuan (2006), who discuss laissez-faire racism through survey and interview data, to look at racial attitudes as conveyed through language in media representations. Bobo et al. (1997) and Bobo and Tuan (2006) look at laissez-faire racism as a contemporary form of racism that has evolved in the post-civil rights era, reflecting a subtler, yet persistent form of racial prejudice and discrimination in the United States. Bobo and his co-authors define laissez-faire racism as an ideology that perpetuates racial inequality through ostensibly non-racial dynamics. In policy narratives, it reflects a shift from overt, state-sanctioned racism to a more insidious form that does not actively address or alter historical and structural factors that contribute to ongoing racial disparities. Bobo and Tuan (2006) expand the concept of laissez-faire racism to affect other racial and ethnic groups, including Native American treaty rights in Wisconsin. They illustrate how group position theory helps explain public reactions and opposition, showcasing how laissez-faire racism can manifest in contexts beyond those directly involving Black Americans. 20 In a Canadian context, Denis (2020) uses group position theory and the concept of laissez-faire racism to address the process of decolonization. He shows how Indigenous and settler residents, while having close cross-group relations, maintain conflicting perspectives that frequently lead to experiences of interpersonal and systemic racism for Indigenous residents. Laissez-faire racism in this context, and by Denis’s (2020) analysis, involves blaming the marginalized group based on probabilistic stereotypes to reject actions or changes intended to rectify structural inequities. Laissez-faire racism thereby serves as an ideology that justifies and supports the status quo, including racialized structures, laws, policies, and media narratives from which settlers (especially White people) benefit. In a similar approach, I use group position theory and the idea of laissez-faire racism to address the framing patterns and contradictions surrounding the Boushie case. The sociological relevance of this analysis lies in the underlying tensions the case exposed and the ways in which various ‘groups’ responded to the case and each other. Apart from overt racial comments and hate speech, it is articles and reports with covert racialized interpretations and commentary that laissez-faire racism theory can help expose. This ties in with Denis’s use of group position theory to emphasize “how individual thoughts, feelings, and behaviours are structured by wider cultural processes of meaning-making and historically rooted power dynamics” (p. 5). Narratives triggered by the case reveal how racist thoughts, feelings, and behaviours existed just below the surface and erupted with the immense attention and publicity generated by Boushie’s death and Stanley’s acquittal. I expand previous research on laissez-faire racism to consider how laissez-faire racism operates through narratives that do not deny systemic racism, but operationalize a general tendency to blame violence against Indigenous people as a symptom of systemic racism, but still 21 delay meaningful action or structural change. In this Canadian context various narratives speak to reconciliation efforts and close cross-group relations, and carry a racial ideology that perpetuates interpersonal and systemic racism toward Indigenous residents. I address these narratives by exposing the diagnostic framing or problematization that contain various expressions of racial ideology. Though grounded in race prejudice, laissez-faire racism as a more covert form of racial group ideology is less obvious at first glance when reading media sources. Frame analysis reveals a pattern in which Indigenous groups and White individuals are being blamed for their experiences of interpersonal and systemic racism. I analyze the frames in legal and media representations that contribute to settler-colonial narratives that explain, justify, or challenge a racial status quo. In turn, my frame analysis of diagnostic framing and racial narratives complicates this more dichotomous notion of ‘racial status quo’ in group ideology conceptualizations given observed differences in geopolitics and laissez-faire racist discourse observed within the group considered ‘settler’. As per Denis’s (2020) research, the application of laissez-faire theory to the framing narratives confirms a more complex understanding of various engagements with the case that are not solely characterized by a dichotomous Indigenous-settler opposition. The contemporary settler-colonial context is more complicated and, as Patrick Wolfe (2006) asserts, this is a “system that produced and reproduces unequal relations between capitalist centres and peoples in the peripheries … predicated on its projection and protection by state powers” (pp. 6-7). Centre-periphery dynamics and Indigenous-settler dynamics are at play; the politics of race and the politics of geography are intertwined in the social and legal landscape. This research, then, addresses the frictions in Indigenous-settler relations visible in responses to the case. The concept of laissez-faire racism makes it possible to look at 22 stereotypes, blaming patterns, and resistance from different angles, as representations reveal more complex and diverse frames indicating divisions and tensions along racial, political, and spatial lines. It also helps address how the different groups are framed in relation to one another, establishing their respective social positions as part of a collective process of characterization. I examine laissez-faire racism to complicate the overt and covert ways racism is denied as a problem (Price 2011, p. 4; see also Denis, 2020). Although this denial exists among other narratives, most continue to frame the case and events associated with it as ‘Indigenous issues’ (Kwak, 2019; Schick & St. Denis, 2005). Some media representations support the fallacy that the culturally dominant group is normatively devoid of race. This normativity denies how “white people are ‘raced,’ just as men are ‘gendered’,” and instead racially profiles only the Indigenous or non-White party (Frankenberg, 1993, p. 1; see als McIntosh, 2005, p. 78). This fallacy, closely associated with laissez-faire racism, frames Indigenous-settler issues as Indigenous issues. It presents these ‘groups’ as homogenous and uniform, obscuring the more complex perspectives and laissez-faire racist ideology within these groups. Laissez-faire racism theory contests the perspective that Canada and its institutions are grounded in equality in the twenty-first century; a belief that emerged since overt racism became less socially acceptable (Denis, 2020). This denial of overt racism denounces the racialized experiences and makes those experiencing colonial racialized violence and calling it so, as illegitimate or ‘playing the race card’ (Starblanket & Hunt, 2020; Denis, 2020). Settler colonial denial is shaped by beliefs that prevent people from “seeing” direct colonial racism against Indigenous peoples and project issues of racism onto systemic ideas of racism, or outside of Canadian borders, or place these specific types of violence against Indigenous peoples in the past (St. Denis, 2011). This research explores whether such a settler fragility becomes visible in 23 responses to the case and how those narratives reflect more subtle realities of laissez-faire racism in Canada. A contemporary focus on reconciliation and bilateral mechanisms for joint Indigenous-settler priorities and Treaty relations does not eliminate mechanisms of laissez-faire racism and settlers’ sense of group superiority as exemplified in representations of the Boushie case. Hesse (2004) suggests that the ‘hidden’ aspects of racism are caused by a contemporary belief that racism is “committed by groups voluntarily on the political fringes of society or desperately by classes economically jettisoned to its decaying edges” (p. 10). Racism is reduced to the behaviour of people in the moral and economic periphery rather than also acknowledged as part of a system of hierarchy and colonial stratification embedded in the status quo (Blumer, 1958; DiAngelo, 2018; Denis, 2020). Racism is aligned with personal character traits or the “bad behavior” of previous generations (DiAngelo, 2018). My research confirms this rhetoric and hints at the tendency to assign racial prejudice and racism to those considered anonymous and online or rural expressing individual hostility, hatred, and intolerance. For Hesse (2004) “racism [is] a modern form of social engineering” (p. 12). This modern aspect of racism is constantly reconfigured through language politics, rather than solely apparent in individual or group behaviour (p. 12). I explore how generic allegations of systemic racism reflect a modern form of social engineering and language politics that often deflects meaningful engagement with arguments about rural crime and the social conditions of poverty in rural landscapes where strained Indigenous-settler relations can be seen as a symptom of those conditions of poverty. The key aspects of laissez-faire racism, outlined in the works of Bobo et al. (1997) and Bobo and Tuan (2006), include 1) subtle forms of prejudice involving more covert, ingrained stereotypes and biases, 2) resistance to structural change and opposition to policies aimed at 24 addressing racial inequalities, 3) denial of systemic racism and attributing racial disparities to individual or cultural factors, and 4) rearticulating racial inequalities in terms of individual failures including social and economic outcomes as the result of natural differences in ability or effort. I argue that in the context of Canada and the empirical data I present in the context of Boushie’s death and Stanley’s acquittal, laissez-faire racist ideology is discernable in the diagnostic framing of that case and anti-Indigenous discrimination that include 1) subtle forms of prejudice involving ingrained stereotypes and biases, 2) resistance to actual change and partial policies aimed at addressing racial inequalities, 3) both a denial of systemic racism and attributing racial disparities to crime factors and a proclamation of systemic racism without meaningful change or reform, and 4) rearticulating racial inequalities in terms of rural failures or natural outcomes including social and economic as the result of natural differences in ability or effort that polarize White farmers and First Nation reserves. Laissez-faire racism in Canada refers to discourses that support the status quo, including racialized structures, laws, policies, and media narratives from which settlers (especially White people) benefit. Laissez-faire racism in the twenty-first century, then, refers to the legal systems and narratives that reinforce an ideal of colour-blindness that challenge experiences of racial discrimination. I address these representations within the Canadian context of Indigenous-settler relations as reflected in “the day-to-day operation and enforcement of a regime of private property” (Blomley, 2004, p. xvii) and “the narrative of the irrelevant/incidental Indian” (Starblanket & Hunt, 2020, p. 31). Apart from the legal and administrative regimes perpetuating racialized violence, public discourses containing covert or laissez-faire racial discrimination mean legal and administrative regimes can keep their interpretative and material power 25 (Demmers, 2017). I analyze how narratives in media representations both challenge and reinforce the relative group positions in Indigenous-settler relations in Canada. 1.3 Research Parameters and Chapter Outline An analysis of the media coverage of the Boushie case reveals the generative and performative aspects of these representations. Sources reveal conservative settler-colonial notions of property ownership in fears of rural crime, Indigenous and ally activism against discrimination in the Canadian criminal justice system, and liberal progressive engagements identifying systemic racism and rural racial tensions associated with the case. Representations of the case reflect thoughts, feelings, and behaviours influenced by processes of meaning-making rooted in colonial power dynamics. Adding to Denis’s (2020) scholarship about laissez-faire racism, CDA and frame analysis help discern how relative group positions are visible in the media and expose the dynamics of laissez-faire racism in Canada. In Chapter Two I explain my methodology and why I chose a combination of CDA and frame analysis to collect and analyze my sources. Chapter Two also relates the new media caveats and limitations of my research. Chapter Three discusses how representations of the case present notions of racial tension. Chapter Three addresses how the public portrayal of the people involved exposes Indigenous-settler relations as fractured. Racialized frames are discernable in most sources and include discussions about racial tension and racism. I pay attention to the media’s representations of Boushie, his family, friends, and allies; Stanley, his family and allies; and the more sweeping generalizations that emerged in connection to discussions about racial tension and racism. I analyze this framing through the theory of laissez-faire racism to demonstrate the latent and manifest aspects of racism embedded in these narratives. 26 Chapter Four documents the criminalization of Boushie and his friends by the RCMP, the courts, and the media. Representations of the case link racialized frames to diagnostic frames of Indigenous deviance, settler conformity, and critiques of both. I address how perceptions about the case invite the criminalization of predominantly Indigenous peoples. This chapter addresses the compound violence in these representations that blame Boushie’s death on the Indigenous witnesses. Laissez-faire racism becomes apparent in the court and media descriptions through stereotypes that infer Indigenous criminality. Chapter Five addresses the media’s engagement with justice. Different stakeholders frame events in relation to the judicial process and ideas about justice. Themes of epistemic injustice connect R v. Stanley (2018) to anti-Indigenous discrimination in the Canadian justice system, the function of juries, and political interference. Chapter Six discusses rural crime narratives and ideas about the absence of law enforcement. I dissect the use of crime statistics in sources and analyze the resurgence of rural crime-watch initiatives. Media representations of local political leaders, rural property owners, town halls, and rural crime-watch patrollers connect to group animosity also addressed in previous chapters. Rural crime narratives reflect a geopolitical dimension as sources from smaller population centres in Saskatchewan and Alberta frame the implications of the case differently than sources from larger metropolitan centres. Chapter Seven addresses the media’s mentions of property, trespass, and guns in reporting on the case and other cases linked to it. I conceptualize a rural sensibility to the case guided by ideas of private property that is in need of protection. I discuss the media’s propensity to reflect and transform notions of rural private property, trespass, and gun violence in the settler-colonial context of Canada. This chapter addresses how laissez-faire racism is connected to interpretations of private property. 27 I acknowledge that I am an uninvited researcher and settler living and working on the unceded and ancestral territory of the Syilx peoples. I am aware of the far more violent and complex histories behind my analysis that I do not have the space to explore in this dissertation. This research problematizes some of the normative language and violence perpetrated as it is visibly and covertly distributed through the media. It challenges colonialism in the Canadian public sphere and explores the tensions and context of settler colonialism that underpin media representations of Boushie’s death and Stanley’s acquittal. Following Marie Battiste and James Youngblood Henderson (2000), I undertake this critical analysis because “challenging these frameworks is not just a task for the colonized and oppressed; it is the defining challenge and the path to a shared and sustainable future” (p. 12). 28 Chapter 2: Methodology Despite the popularity of new and social media, traditional news segments in online, televised, and newspaper formats13 still shape public opinion, political policy, and stereotypes (Beam & Kosicki, 2014; Fleras, 2011; Hurley et al., 2015; Nagy & Gillespie, 2015; Surette, 2011; 2015). There is value in conducting a thorough traditional media analysis of a case that garnered significant media coverage and public debate.14 The extensive media attention for the Boushie case and its intersections with debates about Indigenous-settler relations led to the formulation of my research plan, in which I analyzed sources published between August 2016 and April 2020. After the collection of sources and eliminating duplicates, I followed an inductive and iterative reading approach to avoid assumptions slipping into the thematic coding and identification of prominent frames. The sources confirm that media depictions of sociocultural realities and friction in the Indigenous-settler relationship are multifaceted, as are the perceptions of these relationships. My completed frame analysis shows that media frames contribute to societal imbalances and help set the agenda in provincial and federal political landscapes. My methodological framework exposes the repetitive and pervasive symbolic orders in Canada’s public sphere. Before presenting and analyzing the results of this traditional media frame analysis, this chapter addresses how I selected my sources, used CDA and frame analysis to analyze the sources, and encountered and dealt with limitations to my research. 2.1 Selection of Sources I used ProQuest to select traditional news sources. ProQuest preserves and enables access for library systems as a key partner for content holders of all types. It acquires the outputs of a 13 Format refers to the general organization, arrangement, and choice of material. In contemporary news media this is often also available in online format. Publication refers to the nature of access. 14 Traditional media refers to print and online newspaper publishing, television broadcasts, radio, film, and book publishing. It does not include social media, online chat rooms, online advertisements, and hyperlinking algorithms associated with new media. 29 variety of publishers and assembles them together into databases or collections which they sell to libraries. As a private and subsidiary aggregator that provides access to journals, magazines, newspapers, dissertations, and other publications, ProQuest includes close to 5000 sources with textual and visual material linked to ‘Boushie’ between August 2016 and April 2020. It is important to note that not all Canadian publishers are included in the databases provided by ProQuest.15 Appendix A includes the databases and publications that I retrieved and consulted through ProQuest databases. Appendix A also lists the specific date range of each consulted publication in their online and printed newspaper format. Individual databases collect what are known as versions of record, which are the digital copies of hardcopy sources, especially newspapers. In the last decade, databases included more digital copies of newspaper content, presenting a notable shift in database collections.16 In news media, online newspapers obscure what publications and what parts of the online newspaper get indexed in the databases and what does not. Appendix A also contains an additional list of sources that these ProQuest databases do not support; these sources fell outside the scope of my research. Another limitation of ProQuest is the exclusion of sources from online broadcast media, such as CBC News. Library databases do not effectively cover broadcast media (television and radio programming). ProQuest provides limited access to a set of scheduled TV programming segments through CTV News and the Canadian Broadcasting Company. It is outside the scope of this research to address sources on CBC News, partly because these sources have not been indexed and partly because ProQuest does not have copyright access to this online broadcast channel. Other underrepresented sources include those from Indigenous platforms such as APTN 15 An important omission is CBC news. 16 This shift was previously visible in the academic journal field where digital copies of online journals became more common than print hardcopies through library database access. 30 and online and print publishing from northern communities. I address these absences for future research considerations in my conclusion. ProQuest provides the most accessible collection of media available through a library. Table 1 lists the consulted ProQuest databases. Table 2 displays the types of sources and Table 3 provides an overview of the online and print materials. Table 4 presents the document types. Table 1: Databases consulted through ProQuest Frequency Percent Canadian Newsstream 3152 78.8 Canadian Business & Current Affairs Database 811 20.3 ABI/INFORM Collection 21 .5 ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Global 5 .1 E-book central 4 .1 PAIS Index 2 .1 ProQuest Recent Newspapers: The New York Times 2 .1 Agricultural &Environmental Science Collection 1 .0 Total 3998 100.0 Table 2: Types of Sources retrieved from ProQuest Databases Frequency Percent Newspapers 2186 54.7 Blogs, Podcasts, Websites 1031 25.8 Wire Feeds 671 16.8 Other Sources 41 1.0 Magazines 40 1.0 Scholarly Journals 13 .3 Trade Journals 5 .1 Dissertation & Theses 5 .1 Book 4 .1 Encyclopedias & Reference Works 2 .1 Total 3998 100.0 Table 3: Total Online and Print Sources Frequency Percent Online 1101 27.5 Print 2897 72.5 Total 3998 100.0 31 Table 4: Document Types retrieved from ProQuest Databases Frequency Percent News 3310 82.8 Column/Opinion 430 10.8 Letters 73 1.8 Editorial 43 1.1 Transcript 29 .7 Newspaper 26 .7 Commentary 16 .4 Review 15 .4 Feature 14 .4 Article 9 .2 Press Release 8 .2 Book 6 .2 Caption 6 .2 Dissertation/Theses 5 .1 Other (e.g., Correction; Interview; Obituary) 8 .3 Total 3998 100.0 As ProQuest contains multiple databases, I needed to eliminate duplication across databases. In the elimination process, I assessed sources for publications in multiple databases. I eliminated sources if they were an ‘absolute duplicate,’ which are sources that share the same content, format, and place of publication. As a result, textual content can appear multiple times in publications in online and print format without presenting an ‘absolute duplicate’. In fact, repetitive content across different publishing networks, publications and in different formats was important to show the narrative distribution of information. For example, an article written by the Canadian Press can be distributed across PostMedia Network publications, both in print and digital format. In these instances, each rendition of the article is included. The same content by the same author can occur in ten different newspapers across small, medium, and large population centres in both online and print format in Canada. This distribution of sources is 32 important to assess which narratives reached which parts of the publishing network and which stories prevailed in small, medium, and larger population centres. This project required organizational methods to effectively analyze the great number of sources. I collected sources using ProQuest’s online database, which, as I detailed above, provides access to over fifty other databases specific to Canadian media. The volume of news sources (treated as primary sources) and associated secondary literature meant that data collection and management itself was a key part of this research. The collection of public output through ProQuest and other media platforms not included in ProQuest was based on the search term ‘Colten Boushie.’ Apart from ProQuest as the primary search engine, I also entered ‘Colten Boushie’, ‘Boushie’, and ‘Justice for Colten’ on Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, Reddit, and Instagram to capture the broad societal interaction around the key events associated with his name. Of course, I searched for ‘Gerald Stanley,’ ‘Stanley,’ and ‘Colton’– primarily on ProQuest – to crosscheck for missed materials through misspelled names. I relied more heavily on ‘Colten Boushie’ as ‘Gerald Stanley’ presented more sources unrelated to my research. The range of sources runs from August 9th, 2016, when Boushie was shot by Stanley, until the end of the data collection period in April of 2020. This coincided with a decline in reporting on the case and the COVID-19 pandemic. The first sources were published on August 12 of 2016, after online comments and RCMP statements on the 10th and the 11th. The last source is date stamped for April 29 of 2020. The scope of this research does not include media coverage after April of 2020, apart from a brief analysis of the 2021 results of the Civilian Review and Complaints Commission (CRCC) and references to the appeal in R v. Khill (2021), a case linked to R v. Stanley (2018). The majority of materials were published during the second-degree murder trial and directly after, between January and March of 2018 (Figure 3). 33 Figure 3: Distribution of ProQuest Sources published between August 2016 and April 2020 I organized my collection of sources in an SPSS database to ensure the details of each source were systematically collected.17 First, I collected core content, which refers to the publication details including date, author, and publication to differentiate source types. I included the format of the source, and its distribution. I linked this core content to geographic data from Statistics Canada to address the distribution of narratives across news outlets by province and by small, medium, and large population centres (Table 5 and Figure 4).18 Second, I coded thematic content according to the themes that emerged while reading the sources in an iterative fashion. The first round of reading the sources did not draw on existing concepts such as laissez-faire racism. My thematic coding process included the textual engagement with diagnostic framing and the use of descriptions when referring to people and events. The emerging themes present 17 Unfortunately, the qualitative data management software NVivo crashed repeatedly and could not handle the volume of sources. I chose to create a string variable-based database through the quantitative processing software IBM SPSS Statistics 27. 18 Small population centres refer to centres with a population of between 1000 and 29999, medium centres refer to between 30000 and 99999 inhabitants, and large urban centres refers to populations over 100000 people at census in 2016. Figure 3 copyright author Source publication date 34 the diverse and overlapping frames of events as they emerged from the data that I placed in the thematically organized chapters. Third, I marked additional content to code additional information, such as visual references, hyperlinks, errors, and notes. I marked sources that linked the case to other topics, such as gun laws in the U.S. and other criminal justice cases. This dissertation uses a qualitative approach rather than a quantitative one. Based on research by Sandelowski (2000), who argued that counting is appropriate in descriptive qualitative content analysis, I used the counting of words and themes as “a means to an end, not the end itself” (p. 338). The purpose is to demonstrate the degree to which frames are shared or not by various publications and authors across different provinces to increase the rigor and transparency of my study. My approach relies on the sorting and categorization of data, inductive ‘coding’, to allow for the search for patterns in language and interpretations that reveal themes, ideological dilemmas, and adverse subject positions. In combining CDA and frame analysis, my methodology relies on counting frames, describing the texts, interpreting their productive and interpretive aspects, and explaining the implications of these discursive processes. Table 5: Source Distribution according to Location of Publication Frequency Percent Ontario 2043 51.1 Saskatchewan 1080 27.0 Alberta 376 9.4 Manitoba 213 5.3 British Columbia 124 3.1 Quebec 54 1.4 New Brunswick 39 1.0 Yukon 26 .7 Nova Scotia 24 .6 Out of Canada 19 .5 Total 3998 100.0 Of the sources I analyzed, the PostMedia Network holds sixty percent (60.4%) of the sources I retrieved. PostMedia Network is the largest newspaper chain in Canada and historically 35 conservative. It is owned by American and German hedge funds. Radio broadcasting and wire feeds are dominated by Bell Media and Rogers. The Canadian Press is the main distributor of rapid news, text, and audio blurbs, as well as photographic, video, and graphic content in my sample. As a for-profit cooperative owned by The Globe and Mail and the holding company Torstar (i.e., Toronto Star), among others, Canadian Press works in collaboration with the Associated Press (AP) (Tattrie, 2019; Schiffer, 2017). Publication and ownership details of the news media demonstrates a dominance by PostMedia Network and The Globe and Mail. Torstar, the liberal competitor to the Globe and Mail, is an owning partner of the Canadian Press. This hints at a general homogeneity in news distribution, especially when taking into consideration that Canadian Press news advisories guide PostMedia Network sources. Figure 4: Distribution of Sources according to Population Centres across Canada Figure 4 copyright author The Canadian Media Concentration Research Project (CMCRP) provides insight into some recent shifts in the central media landscape. The latest reports for the period up to and including 2020 concludes that broadcast television, radio, newspapers, and magazines are in economic crisis due to a reliance on advertising, while Bell, Shaw (Corus), Rogers, Telus and 36 Quebecor (Videotron) hold digital dominance across the network media economy (Winseck, 2021a). This shift means that “the industry’s biggest players, a handful of think tanks and consultants, and policy insiders” increasingly reduced journalistic endeavors and the diversity of cultural representation in the media in the twenty-first century, while questions about this consolidation of power are often “off-limits” (Winseck, 2021b). Another project, housed in the Institute for Quantitative Social Science (IQSS) at Harvard University, addresses the ‘civic dilemma’ in the Canadian and U.S. media ecosystems and how open access of the digital age has created “disinformation, hate, and polarization” (Legg, 2022). This project maps the Canadian Media Ownership Index. The top six platforms used by Canadian consumers are CBC, MSN News, CTV, Buzzfeed, Global News, and PostMedia Network, of which three – CBC, CTV, and Global News – are Canadian-owned (Legg, 2022). According to IQSS, Canadians consume most digital news on CBC, CTV, PostMedia Network, CNN, Globe and Mail, and Toronto Star. PostMedia (the largest publisher in my sample) and CNN are foreign-owned (Ibid.). The English Canadian media landscape is centralized in Ontario. Half of the sources that mention Boushie originate in the province of Ontario and in large urban centers. This adheres to national geographies of media production in Canada saturated in Ontario in the GTA (Winseck, 2021b). Almost seventy percent of sources collected were published offline, although many sources appear in multiple sites both online and off (Table 2). The number of small market papers and Prairie publishers is steadily declining along the broader collapse of print newspapers due to the above-mentioned development of big media conglomerates buying or running smaller market papers out of business. Indeed, due to the limited reach of the small press publications, databases, such as ProQuest, often do not aggregate these small media. The Local News Map is a crowd-sourced resource that engages with the output of local news, that according to research 37 “documented the closing of 36 local free and subscription daily newspapers and 195 community papers over the past decade” (Lindgren et al., 2022).19 As the open access media ecosystem is overpowered by a reliance on online telecom advertisements promoting consumer’s mobile phone access to larger information platforms, these smaller publishers gain little to no market share (Winseck, 2021a). 2.2 Critical Discourse Analysis and Frame Analysis Media reports create, repeat, and present some narratives and opinions over other narratives. Although publics and their opinions are often presented as common-sense knowledge systems (Warner, 2002, p. 8), their meaning-making properties are subjective and influenced by complex socio-political and historical relations of power. Figure 5 provides a timeline that summarizes the highlights and main narratives in the media for August 2016 to April 2020. Information media platforms form diverse public discourses that can obscure the assumptions that shape these representations. This study of how media promote some public discourses over others reveals how the media perpetuate specific legal and political orders. A critical reading allows for a closer inspection of what multi-media companies do and do not publish. These media representations present information in different forms, ranging from opinion pieces to articles presented as ‘objective’ news segments. As a sociological endeavor, this research explores the assumptions embedded in media representations and the context in which they are produced and distributed. CDA and frame analysis help discern those ideas media texts are advancing as part of hegemonic processes. Publishers have a vested interest in maintaining ideas, values, and beliefs that promote perspectives that align with the interests of their owners, advertisers, and audiences, perpetuating dominant group thinking. 19 For the interactive map of local news outlets in Canada, visit https://localnewsmap.geolive.ca/. 38 Figure 5: Timeline of Thematic News Reporting of Events (August 2016 – April 2020) 39 Figure 5 copyright author 40 Other media sources less represented in this research include social media platforms and independent news sources. These sources are more decentralized and often contain a wider range of perspectives to dominant interpretations. However, even social media and independent news sources amplify some representations while others are marginalized. Moreover, all media sources are embedded in broader power structures that can both challenge and reinforce hegemonic control. Within more traditional news sources, opinion pieces and news articles are two distinct types of media content that serve different purposes. Whereas news articles provide readers with factual information about current events, opinion pieces, on the other hand, express a particular point of view or perspective on a given issue. News articles often present as though objective and neutral in tone and aim to present a balanced account. Opinion pieces attributed to a specific author present information in a more informal and conversational style than news articles, and may use persuasive language and emotional appeals to make their point. Although these sources serve different purposes, CDA and frame analysis disclose hegemonic processes and prominent ideas, values, and beliefs in both source types. Whereas bias is to be expected in opinion pieces, CDA and frame analysis of news articles purporting to be objective and neutral uncover the discursive processes and subjective interpretations of reality within. The repetition of some narratives over others reveals existing social-cognitive and political-strategic narratives that are culturally defined and overlap with the relative dominant group positions. The promoted narratives and counternarratives in news sources are at once personal, political, economic, and part of the larger power dynamic. This research considers the notion that public discourses relate to specific interests (Johnson, 2007). Historically, publications and press were conceptualized as “the protector of 41 democracy” (Warner, 1990). But historical conceptualizations of the press referred to a power relation, where “the press is the greater protector of the status quo” (Johnson, 2007, p. 93). Many, including John Zada (2021) and Nancy Fraser (1990), increasingly contest the conceptualization of the public sphere and press as agents in the growth of knowledge and democracy. In reality, the value attached to media discourses as spaces for autonomy and citizenship is increasingly challenged by the fact that these spaces are marked by dissent and violence (Warner, 1990, p. x). As such, traditional media sources appear to protect the dominant cultural narratives and often contain narratives of racial violence. With this in mind, this dissertation highlights discursive constructions of Indigenous-settler relations in the media’s representation of the case. The use of CDA and frame analysis elucidates not only the discursive projections, but also their role in influencing legal and political orders. I use frame analysis as a method within CDA to analyze the intersubjective and textual construction of blame, problems, solutions, and motivations in connection to the Boushie case (Figure 1 and Figure 2). As text and discourse, sources offer discursive interpretations and complex perspectives about this case. By bringing to bear critical thinking upon the subject of my reading, I question frames, narratives, counternarratives, and stereotypical depictions in these representations. Rather than reading sources at a surface level, I read them as literature. My reading, accordingly, problematizes the ideas and opinions that underpin these frames and narratives. Dominant or master narratives are the “culturally shared stories that tell us about a given culture, and provide guidance for how to be a ‘good’ member of a culture” (McLean & Syed, 2015, cited in Hammack & Toolis, 2015). Reflecting on these sources as literature reveals specific parts of narratives and culturally dominant assumptions about the structure of society that perpetuate 42 cross-group animosity and ideas about Indigenous-settler relations in Canada. Such an analysis has moral and cognitive value as it unpacks how these texts emerge (Garrard et al., 2019). My work seeks to deconstruct the socially, culturally, and colonially embedded normative ideas as “it is inherently valuable to challenge stereotypes, even of socially dominant groups” (Ibid.). CDA and frame analysis reflect on vernacular, textual, and visual symbols in the Canadian public sphere, which serves as a reflexive sociological intervention. It combines linguistic, cognitive, political, and historical research methods to map out public representations in an interdisciplinary way. By mapping media narratives, I account for the epistemological level, the level of discourse theory, general social and anthropological theory, and micro-sociological interaction theory that shape cognitive biases as reflected in narrative representations (Wodak & Weiss, 2005, p. 124). My CDA and frame analysis of this case and ones linked to it questions what is considered common-sense cultural knowledge and framed as counter-cultural, combining textual analysis with historical and socio-political context to expose common-sense cultural knowledge systems (Leeuwen, 2005, p. 13). Especially the deconstruction of news articles that present the continual confirmation of the common-sense ideas discloses the cognitive biases embedded in those representations (Chilton, 2005). Objective news broadcasts represent frame building and setting that identify and construct cultural and personal realities that can lead to action (Fairclough, 2005, p. 58). The sources mediation of the events is part of the institutional and operational networks of knowledge and ideas. Hence, they solidify and problematize the validity of the dominant biases (p. 61). Deconstructing the so-called common-sense interpretations helps problematize the common-sense as constructed by powerful actors with particular (class- and race-based) interests that are presented as the consensus among those belonging to the dominant group. According to 43 Furniss (1999), this ties into common sense racism that becomes visible in the media’s representations of the case containing ideas about Indigenous youth as “drunk, licentious, violent, and criminal recur [that appear] in the ritual conversations and joking remarks” (p. 111). Such images are not unique to one location in Canada but are prevalent in rural and small cities and towns in Canada (Ibid.). Common-sense here refers to the racist ideologies that re-emerge in covert ways in twenty-first century legal and media discourses of Euro-Canadian understandings and attitudes of Indigenous people. My reading of the collected sources exposes some of the subjective and spatial politics and dominant (hegemonic) attitudes. Interpretations of the case invoke social group relations and positions that promote the acceptance of some discursive logics as social facts, obscuring their subjective interpretation. Although frames often do not come from empirical knowledge, they link to political, social, and cultural realities that can be mobilized into action or inaction. In turn, the settler colonial context of Canada shapes knowledge production. Some “groups or institutions who have preferential access to public discourse ... are in an excellent position to influence people’s knowledge formation” (Dijk, 2005, p. 88). This pattern of knowledge dissemination is significant, as audiences acquire new information through public discourse and can be manipulated (Ibid.). The quantity and distribution of some narratives over others align the public’s confirmation bias within cognitive networks already in place (Avenanti, Sirigu, & Aglioti, 2010). CDA and frame analysis have the capacity to show “that what are presupposed truths for one epistemic community, nation, or newspaper, may be at best a euphemistic, incomplete or otherwise biased “version” of the facts from another perspective” (Dijk, 2005, p. 97). This is a valuable intervention because perspectives shared among dominant groups move people to 44 action or inaction. These interpretations that resonate with specific group norms and values also mobilize political actors and shape perceptions of reality. Political representations reflect internal pressures and constraints, external pressures from opposition parties and other policy makers, and ideological orientations (Goffman, 1974; Snow & Benford, 1988). An analysis of the media’s framing of the case unpacks the subjective assumptions of these texts (Chilton, 2005, pp. 19-21). In addition, the theory of laissez-faire racism helps to address the cross-cultural group positions advanced in those assumptions (Denis, 2020). 2.3 New Media Caveats Other research about public engagement and the press in the twenty-first century promotes the idea that media has the potential to diversify through non-traditional media platforms. When dominant narratives support harmful views, non-traditional media platforms allow for more critical voices and counternarratives. As Ngai et al. (2015) discuss, “social media have [not only] revolutionized the life of many people,” but are also connected to personal and social behaviour models (p. 33). Online news platforms and social media allow for the generation and, to some extent, unregulated exchange of ideas. 20 Virtual communities are both the uncensored authors and anonymous consumers in their absorption of information. Still, in the twenty-first century non-traditional media is as promising in the opportunity of countercultures as it is for reinforcement of narratives of colonial violence (Tolley, 2017). While I collected sources limitations emerged that limited access to social media and reduced the diversity of the media landscape that I could analyze. As a result, I needed to address and adjust my methodological considerations as predominantly focussed on traditional news 20 A critical discourse analysis of social media’s representations of the case is valuable to address the online engagement and circulation of ideas. However, research is limited by privacy regulations that restrict the data collection from online spaces. 45 sources available through ProQuest. Although David Altheide and Christopher Schneider (2013) assert that a qualitative research analysis in the twenty-first century calls for an integrated approach to online discourse, a systematic analysis of online mediascapes is hampered. Studying media representations to understand public discourses as representations of human activity is a worthy reflexive sociological endeavour. In online environments, however, this analysis is limited as online discourse is shaped by anonymity. Online environments are complex and involve public, private, and sometimes algorithmic parameters of engagement and the sharing of opinions that creates a multiverse of accessible and inaccessible content. Content analysis of the online and offline output related to this case is, therefore, partial. Attention is instead given to the textual and visual content when available rather than the undergirding systems and networks of algorithms. The scope of the current media analysis for sources published between August 2016 and April 2020 saw the increased use of hyperlinks and ‘click-baiting’ in online versions of newspapers. These hyperlinks bridge topics in online mediascapes, linking to public Twitter accounts and other forms of social media. Click-baiting for online newspaper articles is intended to engage audiences to read more about a topic, preferably by the same newspaper featured by blocks of advertisements. This is an important online media logic that guides information sharing, communication, media content engagement, and distribution (Altheide & Schneider, 2013, p. 2). These pervasive online networks, smartphone access, and click-bait culture complicate engagement with these mediascapes in my research and a systematic analysis of those online mediascapes was not feasible. An online analysis is further limited even with the contemporary possibilities of Artificial Intelligence (AI). At the time of this research, AI tools were not available for the datamining of social media channels, and were restricted to business and marketing sectors of industry. Social 46 listening tools on online media platforms have been marketed for commercial and marketing purposes only. These AI tools can be run to gauge how often popular commercial business enterprises are named, visited, or mentioned online. In an attempt to explore click-bait patterns for online audience engagement with the Boushie case, I failed to gain access to these marketing tools. American and Canadian AI tools are limited despite datamining and scraping technologies. Datamining and scraping only yield the mention of a term and not its content, visual material, or comments. Furthermore, mining and scraping of data only provides access to the last seven days on Twitter and limits access to online output from YouTube and Reddit to the last six months. Access to Facebook and Instagram accounts by third-party tools are likewise limited based on privacy policies. In fact, AI software tracking of this kind is detected and blocked by these platforms (through the ‘I am not a robot’ checkbox system). Consequently, this research could not, and does not systematically engage with social media platforms. Instead, this CDA and frame analysis of online media content is limited to a sample of publicly available content on social media that is referenced through hashtags in traditional newspaper sources. A cursory glance of online media platforms indicates a strong presence of counterculture from Indigenous activists and members of the public. Online counter-narratives for the #JusticeforColten movement in particular created momentum and space for collective action by mobilizing people to protest and show solidarity in the aftermath of Stanley’s acquittal. I acknowledge that most of these counter-frames live on Twitter, Instagram, Facebook, Reddit and other online platforms that my research was unable to address. Part of my analysis involves the textual analysis attached to the images and photographs featured in print and online sources. However, my research does not provide an exhaustive visual 47 analysis of the images and visual representations of this case. My analysis remains textual in scope, addressing images when directly connected to the newspaper article or news source in question. It does not address posters, protester signs, and visual networks of meaning. Notwithstanding the limitations addressed here, my research of available sources yields more insight into the narrative formation and manifest and latent power of public discourse and recurrent stereotypes in both offline and online spaces. My methodological framework addresses the complex media representations of events and demonstrates the importance of analyzing the powerful tropes, stereotypes, and myths that discourses perpetuate across different geographical spaces mobilizing action and inaction. 48 Chapter 3: Debates about Racial Tension A frame analysis of sources describing the Boushie case revealed narratives of racial tension. This chapter considers how the media presented Boushie’s death and Stanley’s trial in terms of race and racial tension. It explores those representations in the critical context provided by secondary sources, some of which commented directly on the case and the framing of the case in public discourses (Johnson, 2019; Roach, 2019c; Starblanket & Hunt, 2020). I apply the theory of laissez-faire racism (Denis, 2020) to further unpack the media’s framing of racial tension and interpret the overt and covert mechanisms of racial prejudice related to the case. The chapter’s first sections engage with my frame analysis related to the theme of race. These include descriptions of racial tension presented by online hate speech that the media described as ‘exposed’ or ‘uncovered’ due to the case. These narratives about exposed racial tensions expand into discussions about racism on individual, rural, and systemic levels. Of particular interest are descriptions of racial tension that address Stanley’s trial and discussions about the role of the Canadian criminal justice system and the RCMP in these racialized narratives. Finally, I discuss how narratives reflect mechanisms of racial prejudice and group positioning through the theory of laissez-faire racism. 3.1 Racial Tensions Individual sources contain different frames that present narratives about race and racial tension. To summarize, Figure 6 presents the dominant narratives about race associated with the case that I compiled through an inductive approach. The left and right side of Figure 6 represent the most extreme opposite ends of the range of narratives most common in media frames. These dominant ideas about racial tension often juxtapose Indigenous narratives, activism, and liberal-progressive commentary with more conservative perspectives and assumptions about the case (Quenneville, 49 2018a). Racial tension is explained as both incidental and systemic. To unpack these frames and common narratives further, I coded sources for the theme of race in connection to the following items: (1) Boushie and his friends and family, (2) Stanley and his family and allies, as well as (3) the tensions between the two groups Boushie and Stanley came to represent. Some media sources present (4) general responses to the case that do not adhere to the juxtaposed groups while commenting on racial tension or racism. Figure 6: Most Common Media Frames about Racial Tension Ninety percent of the sources mention race or contain a racialized aspect in their description of the events and the people involved. These descriptions contributed to the profile of Boushie, his four friends, his family members, First Nations on rural reserves, and Indigenous people in general. Descriptions also contributed to the profile of Stanley, his family members, farmers and allies framed as local property owners, and settlers. News articles primarily describe Boushie and his relations as Indigenous people connected to the Red Pheasant First Nation. Figure 6 copyright author 50 News articles mostly either describe Stanley and his relations as farmers or simply reference them by name, in both cases omitting reference to their racial status. News reports, people interviewed for articles, and opinion pieces always refer to Boushie and his friends and family as ‘Indian’, ‘Native’, ‘Indigenous’, ‘Aboriginal’, ‘Cree’, ‘Red Pheasant First Nations’, and ‘First Nations’. In narratives presented by family members during interviews, Boushie is described as a son, grandson, brother, cousin, friend, community member, band member, and volunteer fire fighter, but more frequently, columns, letters, and opinion pieces described Boushie and his friends as ‘Indigenous’ linked to frames about the group as ‘drunk’, ‘trespassers’, ‘criminals’, and ‘thieves’. In general, news reports describe the case as ‘an Indigenous man shot by a farmer’. To illustrate the framing of race further, from the start, news reports focussed on online hate speech in connection to Boushie’s killing in August of 2016. Media sources refer to the “racist and hate-filled” comments posted on social media in conjunction with the RCMP’s announcement about Boushie’s death as a theft-related investigation (Brean, 2016). This online hate speech appears triggered by the narrative that Indigenous intruders had been confronted by a property owner (Canadian Press, 2016a; 2016b; 2016c). This hate speech became a dominant frame in other media sources describing racial tension. Early media reports and broadcasts from the Canadian Press often omit overt descriptions of Stanley’s racial status while implying his identity through references to his property ownership and vocation as a farmer. These early descriptions of Boushie’s death reduced events to a deadly encounter between an Indigenous man and a farmer. This type of framing is also visible in writing that names Stanley as ‘Gerry’, a farmer, father, husband, and middle-aged Glenside property owner living near Biggar (CBC Radio, 2018, [13:12-13:37]). More localized sources infrequently describe Stanley, Sheldon Stanley, 51 and Leesa Stanley in overt racial terms. Conservative writing connects the case to other rural property owners and frames Stanley as a victim of increased rural crime in the region and the Prairies. These descriptions and opinions about Stanley describe him as an archetypal ‘rural farmer’, ‘farmer’, ‘rural land owner’, and ‘property owner’, working on his land and protecting his property. They normalize Stanley’s White identity, while the portrayal of Boushie and his friends focusses on racial descriptions such as ‘Indigenous’ and ‘First Nations’ (Hubbard, 2019). Decolonial writing occurs in several letters and opinion pieces that frame the online hate speech and racial tension as examples of continued experiences of systemic racism. More Liberal progressive writing on the case, which primarily came from larger urban population centres, refer to the case as a conflict between an Indigenous man and a White rural farmer. These sources also place the case in the context of racism on the Prairies, as some articles describe Stanley and other rural property owners as working the field with guns in their combines (O’Connor, 2016). A comment from Joseph Brean in his article for the Calgary Herald summarizes how early reporting featured “ready-made narratives about self-defence and property rights on one hand, or racism and settler colonialism on the other” (2016). All early media reports on the case place racial tensions at the forefront of those descriptions. Over 300 news sources described how online hate speech ‘unveiled’ racial tension. These descriptions propelled discussions about what transpired between Stanley and Boushie. Media reports framed the deadly encounter between Boushie and Stanley as ‘exposing’ racial tension in Saskatchewan, either as something revealed by the event or triggered by online hate speech. Newspapers quoted politicians who were quick to denounce the unveiled racial tension and extreme online opinions. For example, Brean reports how premier Brad Wall denounced racist comments online as a “betrayal of the very values and character of Saskatchewan” (2016). In 52 contrast, media also report on one municipal official who said on his personal social media account that Stanley’s “only mistake was leaving witnesses” (Canadian Press, 2016d; CTV National News, 2018e). What is initially described as online hate speech unveiling racial tension is continued in media reporting and people commenting on those exposed racial tensions in relation to the case. One pervasive narrative, distributed across the PostMedia Network, connects ‘racial tension’ to rallies organized in response to the shooting in Saskatchewan in August of 2016 (Warick, 2016e).21 Jason Warick’s article describes racial tension exemplified in online hate speech with photos of rallies led by Boushie’s family members. In addition, Warick mentions frustrated rural farmers mobilizing their farmer’s unions in response to the shooting. An article such as Warick’s reveals how the initial narrative of racial tension isolated as specific to online hate speech in response to the shooting led to reporting about the mobilization of rallies and rural farmer’s unions, expanding the racial tension narrative. This racial tension narrative is visible in other sources quoting calls to government leaders from members of the public to “address and respond to the serious and deadly force of racism, verbal or otherwise,” and quell fears of a “race war” invoked through the online hate speech (PostMedia Network for Daily Press, 2016). The narrative of exposed racial tension is escalated through the introduction of the term ‘race war’ as some commentators framed Boushie as “the Rodney King of Western Canada” (Hamilton, 2016a; see also Friesen, 2016a; Hill, 2017c; Quan, 2018b). A pastor in Saskatchewan interviewed for the Regina Leader-Post mentioned Rodney King in August of 2016 and linked the destruction and violence that erupted 21 The PostMedia Network in the pre-pandemic time period of this research (2016 – 2020) had consolidated the majority of the newspaper landscape in Canada through acquisition effectively concentrating over 80 percent of all Canadian dailies and weeklies in one company (Winseck, 2021b). 53 after the case in the U.S. to the fallout in response to Boushie’s death (Hamilton, 2016a). Other newspapers repeated the connection to Rodney King in later reporting (Friesen, 2016a; Hill, 2017c; Quan, 2018b). These articles about a ‘race war’ reinforce narratives about racial tensions between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people on the Prairies, mostly in publications from large urban population centres (Hill, 2017c). References to Rodney King conjure up an image of escalated racialized tension and potential ‘race war’ between Indigenous groups and farmers. According to Boushie’s cousin Peeaychaw, the narrative of “racist white farmers who are angry and afraid of aboriginal people from the reserve” hides a more complex reality of the close-group relations between reserves and neighbouring farms (Hamilton, 2016a). These more complex close-group relations and hopes for reconciliation expressed in Hamilton’s article had to compete with more sensational narratives of a ‘race war’ from Friesen’s article in The Globe and Mail and Quan’s article for the Canadian Press. The case, which was framed as ‘unveiling’ racial tension, became connected to rural crime concerns in particular. Various media articles connect racial tension to crime concerns as is also reflected in the online hate speech triggered by the case. Journalist Jason Warick aligns racial tension with a perceived increase in crime as he interviews Ryan Bater, a mayoral candidate for North Battleford, describing the region as fraught with “racial tension and Canada’s worst crime rate” (2016h). According to Bater, everyone must realize that “racial tension, poverty, addictions and other factors all play a role [as] the root causes of crime” (Ibid.). In an article published across the PostMedia Network, journalist Joseph Brean frames “Boushie’s killing” as “the inevitable result of distrust, racism and antipathy between Saskatchewan’s white and indigenous people” (2016). Joe O’Connor’s article, “Farmers take up arms to protect 54 property,” provides another example of racial tension linked to notions of rural crime (2016).22 O’Connor quotes one farmer saying “everybody is scared of being called a racist, but we don’t have a race problem – we have a crime problem here” (Ibid.). O’Connor’s article represents how rural crime concerns became connected to racial tensions in the aftermath of Boushie’s death. The representation of the case as a ‘crime problem’ and not a ‘race problem’ occurred in various other sources and generated critique from Indigenous commentators and allies (Smith, R., 2018, [20:20-20:25]; Gormley, 2016a; 2016b). Despite denials that rural crime concerns reflect racial tensions in 2016 and 2017, most sources that address rural crime align perpetrators with Indigenous people. Alex MacPherson reflects on the media’s role in reporting on racial tension. MacPherson addresses how the media repeat racialized comments, citing media critic Jesse Brown who asserts racialized assumptions slip into the media’s reporting. MacPherson writes that although “old stereotypes about race that were once commonplace in Canadian media are now less likely to be used ..., journalists still need to examine their own assumptions and those which slip into the public discourse” (2017a). Some assumptions that slipped into early media reporting framed (1) Boushie as the Indigenous intruder and Stanley as the victim, (2) Boushie as the victim and Stanley as the violent rural farmer and murderer, or (3) rural Indigenous people and rural White farmers locked in racial animosity. MacPherson quotes Brown who stresses that journalists need to refrain from promoting “mutually exclusive” perspectives that obscure more complex nuances (Ibid.). Mutually exclusive perspectives, nevertheless, prevail in reporting, framing Indigenous perspectives as contrary to settler perspectives and rural crime concerns (Switzer, M., 2016). 22 O’Connor’s article was published in National Post, Calgary Herald, Edmonton Journal, Regina Leader-Post, Saskatoon StarPhoenix, Montreal Gazette, London Free Press, Ottawa Citizen, Vancouver Sun, and Windsor Star. 55 A year after Boushie’s death, sources continued to reflect on racial tensions. Writing for the Regina Leader-Post and Saskatoon StarPhoenix, Andrea Hill called it the “one-year anniversary of the shooting,” and interviews people to reflect on Indigenous-settler relations (2017i). According to Heather Bear, vice-chief of the Federation of Saskatchewan Indigenous Nations (FSIN), a side effect of the killing is “more awareness that racism still exists in Saskatchewan” (Ibid.). Indigenous initiatives and rallies as well as rural crime concerns and online hate speech brought awareness about continued racial tensions in the Saskatchewan community and Canada. A year later, journalist Doug Cuthand reflected on continued racial tension, as he argues in his column that “‘rural crime’ is a dog whistle term that means Aboriginal people” (2017b). Cuthand addresses that an increased awareness about racial tension in media representations continued the narrative that the killing was the result of rural crime “caused by natives” (Ibid.). According to Cuthand, awareness about racial tension is context-dependent and “the thought that young white men could be stealing from farms was never really a factor” (Ibid.). 23 3.2 Diagnostic Framing of Racial Tension Framing involves the textual material and portrayal of events (Figure 2). The previous section summarized some of these subjective frames for the theme of racial tension. Visible in those descriptions is that this framing often reflects a diagnostic problematization (Keller, R., 2011) or causality. The framing of racial tension in the media reflected different diagnostic relations or 23 The media’s tendency to frame Indigenous people as responsible for racial tension through ideas about crime is put in perspective by Morton’s (2019) analysis of major property theft by a White settler Iain Stables in the same area. In 2016, Iain Stables, a White man, stole upward of $1 million dollars in equipment, yet he is not publicly referenced in the media. Contrary to the media’s representations of Boushie and his friends as alleged property criminals, “Stables was able to stay relatively unremarkable, an aberration as a White settler who committed a significant property crime and yet who was able to keep his life in the process” (Starblanket & Hunt, 2020, p. 136; see also Zakreski, 2017). I agree that this lack of interest in Stables’ property theft could reflect a lack of direct violence or murder involved with that case. Nevertheless, the absence of White settler property crimes in the media’s representation of crime concerns connected to events on the Stanley farm speaks to the racialization of the fear for property theft that the latter case triggered. 56 explanations that attribute blame as per diagnostic framing (Snow et al. 2019), central to further prognostic and motivational framing of solution and collective action (Figure 6). Some reports argued that the racist remarks that followed the shooting were the opinion of a few people. Such narratives framed online hate speech and racism as the perspectives of a few people and not reflective of the culture and ‘neighbourly’ nature of rural Saskatchewan or the Prairies (Brandon Sun, 2018a; Canadian Press, 2018q). According to some, the more extreme hate speech visible in the online responses to events in 2016 violated the ‘neighbourly’ image of Saskatchewan and the Prairies. For example, one observer suggested that, “in the neighbourly tradition of the sparsely populated Prairies, it is perfectly normal to ask a neighbour for help” (Cowan, 2017a; see also Brandon Sun, 2018a). According to an editorial in the Brandon Sun, the focus on racial tension was “pitting many rural non-Aboriginal Canadians against their Indigenous neighbours” (2018a). According to these descriptions, the racial tensions invoked in the online hate speech and referenced in the media do not accurately reflect the cross-cultural group relations in rural Saskatchewan or the Prairies. Some media sources that invoked the ‘neighbourly’ image used that narrative to both acknowledge tense race relations in Saskatchewan and to discredit early witness testimony circulated in the media. Columnist John Gormley uses the neighbourly tradition to discredit online hate speech comments and undermined witness testimony from Eric Meechance, one of Boushie’s friends that was in the vehicle that drove onto Stanley’s farm. Meechance had told reporters that the group was on Stanley’s farm to look for help with their flat tire. In response to Meechance’s account, Gormley argues that “Meechance’s story ... lacked an air of reality” (2016c). The columnist acknowledges that “Saskatchewan still has a way to go in overcoming racist attitudes and values toward aboriginal people” (Ibid.). Yet, he asserts that Meechance must 57 be lying, as “Saskatchewan is not a place where anyone – regardless of race – is shot dead simply for asking a stranger’s help in a remote and rural area” (Ibid.). In the neighbourly tradition, Gormley infers that the group must have had theft-related motives that do “not necessarily justify Colten Boushie’s death. But it does give it context” (2016c). According to this account, racial tensions are a reality in Saskatchewan but not in the context of the case. Several opinion pieces reflecting on the racial tension exposed by the case explain those tensions as the individualized racial prejudice expressed in the public sphere. In his columns for the PostMedia Network, Murray Mandryk framed outright anti-Indigenous sentiments as expressions limited to a small group of extremists (2016c; 2016d; 2017e; 2017f; 2017g; see also CTV National News, 2016). According to Mandryk, “Saskatchewan has a big problem with [racism] – even if it’s only coming from a small, small minority of bigots” (2016c). Greg Fingas’s column described the people displaying online hatred towards Indigenous people in Saskatchewan as sentiment that fits into a “a basket of deplorables” (2016a; 2016b). Similarly, in a letter to the Prince Albert Daily Herald, Leo Kurtenbach expresses his “surprise to learn that we may have people in [Saskatchewan] who are that racist” (2016). These authors accept the narrative framing of racial tensions caused by the case in the publicly available commentary as only indicative of a few people in Saskatchewan. Other frames present the case in light of local or rural racism in Saskatchewan and the Prairies. In another one of Mandryk’s columns, he bemoans that “after First Nations people and farmers have lived together in Saskatchewan for more than a century now, they still can’t get along” (2017b). Mandryk frames Boushie’s death as a casualty of “long-standing and sad reflection of attitudes and beliefs” within Indigenous-settler relations (2017a). In framing Indigenous-settler relations, Mandryk attributes these tense relations to First Nation reserves in 58 Saskatchewan, which are plagued by “massive substance abuse, crime and social problems” (Ibid.). The idea that First Nations and farmers cannot get along is blamed on the problems Mandryk identifies as typical for First Nation reserves and their cross-cultural group position on the Prairies. Mandryk paints a picture of Saskatchewan as “a province … entangled in … all-too-well-defined racial lines of division” (2018b; 2018h). In his column for the PostMedia Network, Doug Cuthand also contextualizes racial tension and hatred specific to the Battlefords area, through tense Indigenous-settler relations (2016b). Globe and Mail journalist Carrie Tait describes “Saskatchewan’s racial divide” and how “many in Saskatchewan are not surprised a Cree man died as a result of an alleged shooting in a farmyard” (2016c). Tait quotes a Shellbrook resident stating “‘First Nations come on to our property and they steal’ ... ‘The stolen property is usually found on a First Nations reserve, trashed’” (Ibid.). This opinion from a Shellbrook resident shows how narratives about racial tension are explained as part of a local reality. Tait, Mandryk, and Cuthand reflect the diagnostic framing of racial tension as symptomatic of Saskatchewan’s racial divide between White farmers and Indigenous people. According to Marie Baptiste, such comments frame a racial divide based on dangerous stereotypes that disproportionately put “Indigenous citizens at risk” (quoted in Tait, 2016c). Similar to Mandryk’s column, Tait’s article connects racial tensions provoked by the case and online hate speech to Indigenous communities, which are described as in a state of decline (Ibid). According to Cuthand, these representations of reserves causing tensions with their non-Indigenous neighbours obscures socio-economic barriers that he argues are a product of Harper’s Conservative government (2016c).24 Cuthand explains how Harper’s government inherited 24 Doug Cuthand’s article appeared in over 30 publications online and offline, such as Beacon Herald, Chatham Daily News, Daily Herald-Tribune, Daily Press, Daily Sentinel, The Examiner, The Expositor, Fort McMurray Today, The Intelligencer, Kenora Daily Miner and News, The Kingston Whig-Standard, London Free Press, North Bay Nugget, Pembroke Observer, The Recorder and Times, Sault Star, Simcoe Reformer, St. Thomas Times-Journal, Standard-Freeholder, Sun Times. 59 “prairie racism aimed at aboriginal people” from the former Reform Party of Canada and its ‘hard on crime’ policy, which promoted the image of the Indigenous man as a criminal living in declining rural spaces (Ibid.; see also Carlson, 2015). The political landscape referenced by Cuthand links the racial divide and racial tension to interpretations of rural decline on First Nations’ reserves in Saskatchewan. Other articles address the case and racial tensions as examples of systemic racism. For instance, journalist Kerry Benjoe in an article for the Regina Leader-Post and Saskatoon StarPhoenix denounces the public response to the case as exposing racial tension. Benjoe argues this response does not acknowledge Canada’s systemic issues of racism (2017). Systemic racism frames became more prominent after Stanley’s acquittal in discussions about anti-Indigenous discrimination in the criminal justice system. Several other sources framed racial tension as indicative of everyday racism in Saskatchewan, on the Prairies, and in Canada (Montreal Gazette, 2016; D’Angelo, 2018). Interviewee Margaret Masney comments how ideas of tolerance hide everyday racism in Canada as “nothing in Saskatchewan has really changed in the past 60 years when it comes to racism” (quoted in Benjoe, 2016b). Responses from Indigenous people link the exposed racial tension presented in response to the case to “violence and discrimination toward indigenous people” (Clarke, 2016). Ry Moran and Katherine Starzyk contextualize racial tension as part of a dynamic racism “not unique to Saskatchewan,” but “a sad reality in Canada” (2016). In their op-ed, the authors both describe a Canadian issue of racism, but also reject “a general and pan-Canadian understanding of racism” (Ibid.). Moran and Starzyk diagnose the co-existence of local, everyday, structural, and systemic racism across Canada. More localized racism blames Indigenous peoples for racial tension, “rather than the 60 policies of Canadian governments or the attitudes of the Canadian public” (Ibid.). This diagnostic framing designates racial tension as reflective of complex mechanisms of racism. 3.3 Racial Tensions in a ‘Trial Outside of Racism’ Stanley’s trial in January and February of 2018 took twelve days (Figure 7). At the start of the trial Scott Spencer, Stanley’s defence lawyer, stated that the trial is “not a referendum on racism” (Hill, 2018c). Sources repeated this statement and the defence lawyer’s effort to place the judicial process outside of racial tensions presented in the media. Yet, representations of the trial consistently engaged with racial tension. This tension became especially apparent after the selection of what many sources described as an ‘all-White jury’. Media representations of the trial and legal process included both the portrayal of racial tensions in the courtroom and the racial tension presented by the all-White jury acquitting Stanley of second-degree murder. Figure 7: A Timeline of R v. Stanley (2018) Figure 7 copyright author Jury selectionAn all-white jury is selected after defense used all peremptory challenges.Crown calls first witnessForensic experts from the RCMP and officers testify.Crown wraps upAfter the last witness the Crown wraps up. Cross-examinations of witnesses by the defense alter media engagement with the case and upset Indigenous bystanders and allies.Defense presents opening statementsA reliance on terror, your yard is your castle metaphors, and indirect arguments for self-defense are complemented by hang fire speculations from laymen witnesses.Jury hears closing statementsIn an address to the jury, judge Popesculsummarizes the case and presents the law for the jurors’ consideration in determining the verdict.Jury deliberationsThe jury requests to reassess testimonies by Sheldon and Gerald Stanley.Jury acquitsAfter about 12 hours of deliberation on February 8th and 9th, the jury finds Gerald Stanley not guilty.January 29January 30February 2February 5February 8 February 9February 961 3.3.1 Media Representations during Trial Media representations connected every step of the trial with the racial tensions associated with the case. During jury selection, media reported that all visibly Indigenous members were excluded through the defence’s peremptory challenges (Hill, 2018d; Graveland, 2018b). At the same time, Spencer set the stage for a trial ‘without race,’ explaining that: unfortunately, racial tensions existed in Saskatchewan, and across Canada, before the Boushie tragedy and they continue today .... It is dangerous to deny them, but it is perhaps equally dangerous to allege racism where it does not exist. Either way, race has nothing to do with the proper outcome of Gerry’s trial. (quoted in Friesen, 2018b) Here, Stanley’s defence counsel placed racial tensions and racism outside of a ‘proper’ outcome of the trial. Spencer presents his client as ‘Gerry’ while referring to ‘the Boushie tragedy’, personalizing Stanley and distancing him from Boushie’s death. Despite Spencer’s statement, media continue to report racial tensions, complicated by the selection of an all-White jury. After the selection of this all-White jury, The National discussed the validity of such a jury. According to Ian Hanomansing, “a leading Manitoba court decision says there is no right to a jury of any particular ethnic makeup” (CBC, 2018b). This Manitoba precedent and other sources stating judicial procedure was met with disbelief by academic Daniel Paul O’Donnell writing for The Globe and Mail. O’Donnell suggests that the use of peremptory challenges to reach an all-White jury is disgraceful. O’Donnell compares the Canadian system to the U.S. and England, as “in the U.S., the use of challenges to eliminate racialized groups has been illegal since the mid-1980s,” and “in England, peremptory challenges have been eliminated entirely” (2018). Even though the selection of the all-White jury was in keeping with Canadian judicial 62 procedure, O’Donnell’s argument hints at a shared belief that this jury selection was based on a discriminatory use of peremptory challenges. Several articles support this framing of racial tension in the selection of an all-White jury by quoting Boushie’s family members who stated “the deck is stacked against Indigenous people in Canada” (Roach, 2018a). In an op-ed for The Globe and Mail, legal scholar Kent Roach argued that “jury selection [was] infected by conscious or unconscious racist stereotypes” (2018a). In addition, a CTV Television broadcast pointed out “the systemic discrimination of indigenous people in the justice system” (2018). The validity of the jury selection in Stanley’s trial remained contentious because of its ethnic make-up and added to discussions about racial tension. Some articles questioned the potential for a fair verdict in a racially charged case by an all-White jury. Prior to Stanley’s acquittal, then Minister of Justice Jody Wilson-Raybould was quoted in The Globe and Mail and voiced her concerns about the lack of Indigenous representation on juries and overall lack of justice for Indigenous people in the Canadian justice system (Friesen, 2018f). This concern was echoed by the FSIN, as “the fact that no jurors are visibly Indigenous demonstrates that the current jury selection process is ‘flawed’ and is contributing to ‘the systemic discrimination of Indigenous people in the justice system’” (quoted in Hill, 2018m). After jury selection, most news media sources reported on the day-to-day court proceedings with some newspapers publishing online updates multiple times a day. Twitter and online newspapers provided constant repetitive updates (Graveland, 2018c; 2018d; see also Malcolm, 2018b; 2018c). Kyle Edwards reported about anti-Indigenous tensions in his article for Maclean’s, describing how “First Nations people outside noticed white men in pickup trucks circling,” during the court proceedings (2018a). Similarly, Morgan Modjeski reported on 63 tensions outside the courthouse for the Saskatoon StarPhoenix and Regina Leader-Post (2018). The Globe and Mail described the racial tension in the court room: “Every morning, the public gallery at Gerald Stanley’s murder trial arranged itself on racial lines” (Chittley & Read, 2018; see also Cuthand, 2018a). Descriptions of racial tensions increased with Stanley’s acquittal. 3.3.2 Media Representations after Acquittal In the months after Stanley’s acquittal, reporting about racial tension shifted to questions about anti-Indigenous discrimination in the Canadian criminal justice system. Writing for the Canadian Press, Bill Graveland framed the trial’s outcome as shaped by “landowners who blame Indigenous people for high rates of property crime and First Nations who bear the brunt of that racism and hate” (2018i). Boushie’s uncle Alvin Baptiste explains that “the verdict from ‘a White jury’ shows how First Nations people are treated in the justice system” (quoted in Purdy, 2018a). Writing for the Regina Leader-Post and the Saskatoon StarPhoenix, Barb Pacholik described R v. Stanley (2018) as a “trial that divides along lines of race and class, of advantage and marginalization, and tensions that simmer softly for years below the surface boil and erupt” (2018). After the acquittal, Spencer’s proclamation of ‘a trial without race’ became framed instead as ‘a trial without justice’. According to David Butt, Toronto-based criminal lawyer writing for The Globe and Mail, “our justice system, by permitting a jury without an Indigenous member to decide an obviously racially charged case, has let down not just Indigenous people, but all of us” (2018a). The acquittal led to more discussions about racial tension and anti-Indigenous discrimination in the criminal justice system. Some more conservative commentary framed the accusations of anti-Indigenous discrimination as irrelevant to the judicial procedure. In the East Central Alberta Review, Herman Schwenk commented: 64 those of us who are sympathetic to Mr. Stanley are accused of being racist. If the aboriginals were contributing to the Canadian labour force like the rest of us instead of waiting for a handout from the public purse, they would not be creating havoc in our society and racism would not be an issue. (2018) Schwenk’s comment articulates his sympathy for Stanley through a stereotype that Indigenous people do not work and instead rely on welfare. Moreover, Schwenk presents the assumption that racism is the fault of the oppressed. Other comments exemplified similar attitudes, as in a letter to the Calgary Herald, Allen Mattoon stated, “I feel for the young Cree male, Colten Boushie, but not for his family. As always, when things go against them, they pull the racism card” (2018). Others echoed Mattoon’s sentiment as, according to the Brandon Sun editorial, rallies and Indigenous events make some Canadians “feel [that] Indigenous Canadians are unfairly ‘using the race card’ in protesting the outcome” (2018a). Representations after the acquittal showed how people took to the streets across Canada in a movement against anti-Indigenous discrimination in the Canadian criminal justice system. The case was connected to the Cormier case in ‘Justice for Colten’ and ‘Justice for Tina’ rallies that protested Indigenous treatment in the court system.25 Decolonial writing demanded that there be a complete judicial overhaul (Connor, 2018; Paradkar, 2018a). A protest camp Justice for Our Stolen Children was erected in front of the Saskatchewan legislature in response to the court acquittals of the men who protestors claim should have been held responsible for the deaths of Boushie and Fontaine (Martin, A., 2018a). Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and Justice Minister Jody Wilson-Raybould foreshadowed judicial reform, denouncing the discriminatory treatment 25 ‘Justice for Tina’ refers to the second-degree murder trial of Raymond Cormier, 56, who was acquitted in the death of 15-year-old Tina Fontaine. 65 of Indigenous people in the Canadian criminal justice system that media representations linked to Stanley’s acquittal. The mobilization of collective action and comments about racial injustice added to the framing of the case as a racially divisive case (Howell, 2019; Hubbard, 2019; Mullen, 2019, p. 36). The rallies and demonstrations were reported to not just address racial injustice for Boushie, but also address “the inequity and racism in the Canadian legal system that came to light through the trial” (Ahearn, 2019). These types of framing that connected the case to systematic anti-Indigenous discrimination present tension and were met with disagreement. The Prime Minister and other Liberal ministers’ commentaries were met with criticism. Several columns and editorials accused the political representatives of interference in the justice system (Teskey, 2018). For critics, the rallies and the political commentary exacerbated the racially tense situation. According to a letter from Jeff Feenstra in the Ottawa Citizen, a great national leader is not someone who talks as if the citizenry is rife with intolerant racists. ... I think the majority of Canadians are good, well-intentioned people, ... we are right at, or near the top, of being one of the most tolerant nations in the entire world. (2018) According to Robert Teskey writing for the Ottawa Sun, the trial should not be questioned, as “a jury [is] the cornerstone of Canada’s judicial system .... It is too simplistic to suggest that the make-up of the jury is to blame for the outcome” (2018). Feenstra’s example points to unease about implications of racism in the Prime Minister’s statement. According to Brock Turner writing to the Vancouver Sun, the jury had to endure anti-White racism and was undermined by the political commentary (2018). Some narratives continued to deflect racial tensions and assert rural crime concerns. According to Turner, Boushie was to blame for Stanley shooting him, given his presence on 66 Stanley’s private property (2018). Turner’s argument was reflected in Loeppky’s commentary in The Province, who wrote: Stanley was not on Boushie’s property. ... Did Boushie deserve to die? No. ... If you lose $100 at a casino, is it their fault? If you get caught speeding, is it the fault of the police? Hardly. This is not a jury issue. This is not a racist issue. This is a crime issue. (2018) Loeppky asserts Stanley is not to blame for shooting Boushie, as the confrontation and death on private property reflect a crime issue. Reporting in Alberta, Saskatchewan, Manitoba, and Ontario addressed similar farmer concerns about property rights, rural crime, and trespassing legislation (Cuthand, 2019b; 2019c). In a letter to the editor published in the Winnipeg Sun, Dennis Skrepnek felt sorry for Gerald Stanley for the grief he was put through, after confronting an armed suspect committing a serious criminal offence on his private property. I am a farmer, I have guns and a truck, and if this same action happened on my property, the result would most likely be the same. (2018) Skrepnek’s comment assumes Boushie committed a serious criminal offence, expressing his solidarity with Stanley. Public rhetoric from farmers in Saskatchewan and other rural areas further removed from the Battleford region do either not address racial tensions or denounce these tensions and concerns about anti-Indigenous discrimination presented by Indigenous people, allies, and activists. These responses to Stanley’s acquittal reflect ideologies that denounce racial tensions and promote a concern for rural property crime. Representations of farmer concerns and rural crime narratives added to the tension surrounding the case. Those concerned with racial tensions and reconciliation embedded the case in narratives that highlight missing and murdered Indigenous people and the settler colonial 67 complacency in Indigenous deaths exhibited by White juries and settler courts (Wilson, K., 2018). According to Jonathon Rudin, quoted in the Edmonton Journal, the exclusion of Indigenous jurors sends the message “that Indigenous people cannot be trusted to serve as a juror. You never see white people excluded from the jury because they’re white” (quoted in Mah, 2018). Dave Sawa in a letter to the Regina Leader-Post asserts the justice system is “an illegal system that picks on the downtrodden and gives favours to the well off. This is why our jails are full of Indigenous folks” (2018). According to Prescott Demas, a leading figure in the Justice for Our Stolen Children Camp in Saskatchewan, the acquittal by an all-White jury reflects “symptoms of a colonial system ... Indigenous people do not fit into” (quoted in Martin, A., 2018a). As Graham Lee Brewer points out in an article for High Country News magazine: the Stanley trial, along with a perceived lack of action on cases concerning missing and murdered Indigenous women, as well as statistics that show Native people at a higher risk of death in police encounters, creates a persistent distrust in the criminal justice system. (2018) These arguments from members of the public align frames about racial tensions with larger concerns about anti-Indigenous discrimination in Canada. Some reports framed the lack of Indigenous jurors in R v. Stanley (2018) as symbolic of the wider lack of Indigenous cultural incorporation in Canadian political and legal institutions (Malone, 2018b). Historian Travis Hay’s words reflect this framing. On The National for CBC Television, Hay states “it’s not just the court systems. It’s not just getting better representation on juries. It’s also about challenging these cultures within policing institutions that really devalue the lives of Indigenous peoples” (CBC, 2018d; see also CTV Television, 2018). Writer, scholar, lawyer and Indigenous Rights activist Tracey Lindberg sees the entire case as an example of the 68 ongoing devaluation of Indigenous people, stating “Indigenous people are still stereotyped as villains even when they are the victims” (quoted in Canadian Press, 2018x). In an interview for the Canadian Press with FSIN vice-chief Kim Jonathan, she refers to the complexities of rural crime concerns and Indigenous injustice and discrimination. Jonathan states, “we’ve said this isn’t the farmers against the First Nations people,” but we do want to pay closer attention to the “systems in place that have and live and breathe racism” (quoted in Canadian Press, 2018z). Despite Jonathan’s statement that it is not farmers against the First Nations people, racial tensions in media representations continue to present the case that way. 3.4 Racial Tensions and Discrimination in RCMP-First Nation Relations Representations of law enforcement added to the racial tensions associated with the case (Friesen & Fine, 2018b; Graveland, 2018j; Harper, 2018; James, 2018b). Early reporting described how police conduct and presence added to racial tensions, including “a strong police presence in North Battleford, particularly in and around Red Pheasant” (Benjoe, 2016a). Descriptions of RCMP conduct centered the treatment of Boushie’s family members on the afternoon and evening of his death (Hubbard, 2019, [7:55-9:21]). Media described Boushie’s mother’s, Debbie Baptiste, and Boushie’s brothers’ experiences of discrimination by RCMP officers, who conducted an illegal search of their trailer on August 9th, 2016 for which they filed a complaint. As Baptiste recalled “when police notified her of his [Boushie’s] death, they surrounded her home, were insensitive, started searching the house without permission and asked her if she’d been drinking” (Canadian Press, 2017k; see also Graham, 2017c). This complaint was undermined by statements of police officials, as Superintendent Rob Cameron in Regina “responded that officers handled the investigation fairly” in light of rural crime suspicions (Canadian Press, 2016a). Part of the racial tensions associated with this case included the 69 trajectory of Boushie’s family’s complaint about RCMP officer conduct and responses from various RCMP officials denying the discriminatory treatment. Although the RCMP started an internal investigation given Boushie’s family members’ complaints of discrimination (Friesen, 2016a; Charlton, 2016), results of this internal investigation denied improper conduct of RCMP officers, claiming that “none of the officers at the home could recall” the events as told by family members (quoted in Canadian Press, 2017l; see also Canadian Press, 2018n). According to Alvin Baptiste, Boushie’s uncle, police officers that handled the investigation were whitewashed through the RCMP’s internal investigation (Friesen, 2017e; Hill, 2017i; Fitzpatrick & MacPherson, 2017). Since officers did not corroborate Baptiste’s experience, her experience was invalidated. Some reports about the RCMP’s internal investigation included that this investigation was conducted by a senior Indigenous officer, Teddy Munro described as “himself Indigenous,” who exonerated the RCMP’s officers of improper and discriminatory conduct (Friesen, 2017e). The inclusion of this information in some sources seemed to assert the legitimacy of the RCMP’s internal investigation and the denial of discriminatory treatment of Boushie’s family members (Graham, 2017c). The media’s reporting on the tensions between Boushie’s family members and the RCMP added to the overall descriptions of racial tensions associated with the case. Instead of confirming discriminatory treatment, the RCMP initiated internal reform. According to Joe Friesen’s article in The Globe and Mail, this internal reform includes an “Aboriginal Police Services [which] now reviews all news releases involving ‘serious or sensitive matters’ involving Indigenous people” (2017e). Concerns about discriminatory treatment are deflected in RCMP responses quoted in the media, since culturally sensitive police services now deal with matters involving Indigenous individuals. Nevertheless, representations 70 of the interaction between the RCMP and Boushie’s family members present strained Indigenous-settler relations in the Battleford region. According to Heather Polischuk’s article for the Regina Leader-Post and the Saskatoon StarPhoenix, local distrust affected Indigenous people in their physical movements off-reserve, which limited driving to and from the reserve and hunting access as Prairie roads were patrolled by local farmers (2017). In the months after Boushie’s death, perceptions of increased rural crime and long police response times made it so that “places where the First Nations man was once welcomed were no longer welcoming” (Poitras, cited in Polischuk, 2017), presenting tense community relations in the Battleford area. Representations of the RCMP’s conduct and initial investigation became part of discussions about discrimination and systemic racial bias after Stanley’s acquittal. 26 Boushie’s family had continued their complaint to the Civilian Review and Complaints Commission for the RCMP (CRCC) (MacDonald, 2018a). The media’s engagement with the CRCC process highlights the continued tension between the RCMP’s involvement with the family and the case (Austen, 2018; Hill, 2018x; Ibbitson, 2018a; 2018b). 27 Some publications framed the officer 26 Various reports questioned the influence of racial bias on the forensic investigation. As per Friesen for The Globe and Mail, the contents of the Information to Obtain warrant (ITO) showed that the RCMP’s focus was theft-related and procedural decisions led to inadmissible evidence (2016a). Stanley’s acknowledgement of his responsibility in killing Boushie in the ITO was inadmissible as evidence due to publication in the Globe and Mail, as the RCMP had failed to seal the ITO. The Globe and Mail revealed other procedural errors, as the vehicle with which Boushie and his friends entered the Stanley property had been found on an impound lot effectively breaking the chain of custody (2016c). The theft-related focus and failure to secure evidence related to Boushie’s death meant the SUV had been exposed to torrential rain leaving only forensic photographs for analysis (Cunliffe, 2020). Mounties “failed to bring in a specialist interrogator to interview Stanley,” and “declined to fly in a blood expert from Alberta” (Warnica, 2018b; Hill, 2018n). 27 In March 2021, the public was informed of the CRCC’s findings. Major news channels broadcast specials stating the CRCC’s assertion that treatment of the Boushie/Baptiste family members was discriminatory (CBC, 2021). However, the CRCC’s general findings, that considered the inherently racialized and incommensurate experiences of Indigenous peoples under police protocols and policies, were criticized by the National Police Federation (NPF) as a prima facie assertion of discrimination that does not reflect officer conduct, but reflects the reality of discrimination in all of society (National Police Federation, 2021). The NPF stated that the CRCC “their finding of discrimination was based on a ‘social, legal and historical context’” including “colonial assertions, stereotypes and a troubled history of police and Indigenous peoples’ relations,” by claiming these are the result of “the government’s ongoing lack of investments and other supports for marginalized communities including Indigenous people” through which police officers “become either the physical or social target on these significant and deep-seated societal issues” (National Police Federation, 2021). The NPF also proclaimed the “dedication and professionalism” of police officers “in service to residents of Saskatchewan and Canada” historically and in the present day (Ibid.). The NPF’s review of the CRCC’s findings in part use the presence of systemic racism to exonerate police officer conduct in the specific engagement with the 71 conduct and experience of Boushie’s family and friends in relation to the broader context of Indigenous mistrust of law enforcement (Gillis, 2018; Scrimshaw, 2018; Seesequasis, 2018). According to Azeezah Kanji, writing about the case for the Toronto Star, “Indigenous people are six times more likely than white people to be killed or injured by police in Ontario” (2018). Kanji concludes that the police and justice system continuously fail Indigenous peoples and communities in Canada, using the case as an example. According to Richelle DuBois and Michelle Stewart’s article in Briarpatch, every cop and authority figure along the way … upholds the status quo [in which Indigenous] deaths are not taken seriously, investigations - when they’re even launched - are not rigorously pursued, and one case leads to another as settler systems permit complacency when Indigenous people are the victims of violence. (2018) In her column for the Prince George Citizen, Nora Loreto described the police’s treatment of Boushie’s family members as indicative of anti-Indigenous discrimination, linking the family’s experience to a police force that is based on “racist ideals of who is dangerous and who must be policed” (2018; see also Hill, 2019b; 2019c; Steen, 2018). According to David MacDonald’s article for the Canadian Press, this reporting about tension between law enforcement and First Nations stems from the local realities of Prairie law enforcement. One element of Prairie law enforcement means the same officials handle racially tense cases in the area (2018a). This is visible in the media sources that connect the shooting of Leo LaChance in 1991 and the role of law enforcement to the RCMP’s mistreatment of Boushie’s family and Stanley’s trial. In 1991, law enforcement officials reduced sentencing Boushie/Baptiste family. It omits how closer scrutiny of the CRCC report revealed, that “the RCMP destroyed records of police communications … and transcripts of radio traffic between officers who responded to the fatal shooting in August, 2016” (Friesen, 2021). https://www.crcc-ccetp.gc.ca/pdf/boushie-rep-en.pdf. 72 through a plea bargain for Carney Nerland who shot and killed LaChance (Bourgeault, 1994). Legal representation for the RCMP was provided by Martel Popescul, who was presiding judge in R v. Stanley (2018). According to MacDonald, “in this small world of prairie law, the presiding judge over the Stanley trial was Martel Popescul, who represented the RCMP in the Nerland trial” (2018a).28 Boushie’s family petitioned for an “out-of-province lead investigator and a Crown prosecutor” (Canadian Press, 2016f), as “a lead RCMP investigator and a prosecutor from outside the province would be less biased” (Drinkwater, 2016a; 2016b). In an interview with CBC News, Boushie’s brother Jace stated, the community has a long history with Caucasian people and Indigenous people...It can go all the way back to treaty signings. That’s how old some families are out there in the Battleford area. … They’re in a position of power to make decisions. (Out in the Open, 2018). Despite mistrust of the RCMP and reports of problematic police treatment, the petition for an out of province prosecutor was denied. Narratives about tense relations between Boushie’s family and the RCMP officers contributed to the ‘Justice for Colten’ movement (Canadian Press, 2018ad). In addition, Boushie’s family members filed one of two civil lawsuits in the Saskatoon Court of Queen’s Bench against the RCMP (Telegraph-Journal, 2018). The suit alleges the RCMP violated the Charter of Rights as they unlawfully searched Baptiste’s home where according to the claim, officers “deliberately engaged in discrimination by subjecting three proud members of the Red Pheasant First Nation to ridicule, unlawful searches and humiliating breath tests” (Hill, 2018af; 28 Popescul, on behalf of the RCMP, blocked calls for an inquiry into Nerland’s racial motives for shooting LaChance as an active member of the Aryan Nation (Ibid.). Popescul argued, unsuccessfully, that a public enquiry would endanger witnesses who might testify against White supremacists. See also Buried in Silence (1995) by Connie Sampson. 73 see also Canadian Press, 2018ae; CBC, 2018e).29 As Baptiste and her sons filed this civil lawsuit against the RCMP, the RCMP denied a strained relationship with Indigenous communities in the media. According to an article in the Canadian Press, the family’s lawyer Chris Murphy “said the lawsuit will make the RCMP examine how it interacts with Indigenous people,” while contradictorily RCMP Assistant Commissioner Curtis Zablocki is paraphrased saying “Murphy’s statement does not accurately reflect the positive relationship Mounties have with Indigenous people in the province” (Canadian Press, 2018ae; 2018af). Zablocki’s deflection of strained interactions with Indigenous communities referenced RCMP cultural awareness training, reconciliation policy efforts, and Indigenous consultation. In reaction to questions about strained Indigenous-RCMP relations after Stanley’s acquittal, the RCMP expressed optimism about the instalment of new leadership “to enhance its role in reconciliation’ with First Nations communities” (quoted in Toronto Star, 2018b). The appointment of Brenda Lucki was framed as the answer to strained relations with Indigenous groups. Yet, according to Kent Roach writing for The Globe and Mail, a new commissioner and a new advisory board are “unlikely to make local RCMP detachments, which provide contract policing for many rural areas, more accountable to the many communities and Indigenous people that they serve” (2019b). Over twenty sources linked Lucki’s appointment to the CRCC, as the commission was in the process of reviewing “the RCMP investigation into the shooting death of 22-year-old Cree man Colten Boushie” (Toronto Star, 2018b). Media reporting framed Lucki’s appointment as an important shift in RCMP leadership boding well for Indigenous-RCMP relations. Nevertheless, the overall framing of racial tensions was exacerbated by the CRCC process and the case became an example a strained relationship between First Nations and the 29 At the time of writing, no information is available about the status of these civil lawsuits. 74 RCMP (LeBlanc, 2018; Power Play with Don Martin, 2018a; PR Newswire, 2018; Quan, 2018g). 3.5 Framing Racial Tension and the Unveiling of Racism The media’s framing of Boushie’s death as an event that triggered online hate speech and ‘unveiled’ racial tension presented Stanley and Boushie as the central figures in debates about racial tension in Saskatchewan and Canada. Reporting often presented racial tension in divisive ways, with Stanley and Boushie representing opposite ends of a spectrum. This framing is visible in discussions about Indigenous-settler relations, reconciliation, and local and systemic forms of racism. Research by Denis (2020) helps address how the media’s framing of unveiled racial tension in this case presents in- and out groups. Prevalent frames linked to race reflect processes of antagonism between groups, variously defined as farmers, settlers, First Nations, Indigenous people, the RCMP, and the judicial system. From the start, framing in news articles described Boushie and his relations primarily in racial terms while Stanley was mostly described by vocation, omitting reference to his racial status. Most narratives contained language choices that support the fallacy that the culturally dominant group is normatively devoid of race. Apart from overt racial comments and hate speech identified online, news articles reporting on the case in such racial descriptions reveal covert racialized interpretations that are indicative of laissez-faire racism. These types of descriptions of an Indigenous man being shot on a farmer’s property generated overtly racist responses that reveal how thoughts, feelings, and behaviours of racial animosity existed just below the surface and erupted when news of the shooting became public. Denis (2020) uses group position theory and the concept of laissez-faire racism to reflect how Indigenous and settler residents, while having close cross-group relations, maintain 75 conflicting perspectives that frequently lead to experiences of interpersonal and systemic racism for Indigenous residents. Even though various articles speak to reconciliation efforts and close cross-group relations, most sources speak to interpersonal, rural, and systemic racism toward Indigenous residents within those relations. Group characterizations occurred that both confirm a farmer-First Nation animosity and systemic Indigenous-settler racism in Canada. Similar to Denis’s (2020) research on a video event in Ontario that exposed laissez-faire racism, the media’s descriptions of unveiled racial tension in this case hint at how the case is described as disturbing the previous surface level appearance of racial harmony in Saskatchewan (p. 73). While some sources addressed the close cross-group relations in the Battlefords region, other sources framed a racial tension and animosity ‘unveiled’ by the case. As interviewee Margaret Masney illustrates, overt racist slurs of ‘wagon burner’ are no longer heard, but ideas of tolerance hide everyday racism (Benjoe, 2016b). Other local respondents express concern about being called a racist, while framing rural crime concerns along racial lines (O’Connor, 2016). Media representations gave voice to various ‘groups’ responding to the case in interviews, reflecting different explanations of racial tensions. This diagnostic framing, or problematization, contain discursive logics blaming racial tensions on local, provincial, rural, or systemic racism and Indigenous-settler animosity. Before Stanley’s trial, local settler residents appeared to downplay racial tensions. Denis (2020) identifies the settler’s tendency to trivialize racism as a key aspect of laissez-faire racism. Trivializing racism entails a “probabilistic ... stereotyping of Indigenous peoples ..., and ‘resistance to meaningful policy efforts to ameliorate [Canada’s] racist social conditions and practices’” (p. 9). This reluctance is visible in columns and opinion pieces, where claims of racial tension are reduced to the attitudes of a few bad apples. Sources framed responses to Boushie’s 76 death and the attributed racial tensions to people on the fringes of society, people outside of the Saskatchewan neighbourly tradition, to First Nation individuals on reserves, and farmers in rural spaces. The tendency to trivialize racism became most visible in representations that denied racial tensions, instead presenting a concern about rural crime. Prejudice about First Nations reserves as hotbeds for crime were invoked to justify Stanley’s actions. People on reserves were framed as unemployed, collecting welfare checks, and creating racial tension (Schwenk, 2018). Indigenous protestors, allies, and family members were framed as playing the race card. Descriptions in opinion pieces and letters to newspapers asserted Boushie’s death was unfortunate, yet self-inflicted in the rural crime context. Ideas about socio-economic disparity on reserves were rarely acknowledged as symptoms of historic and systemic inequality and discrimination. This was also reflected in reporting about First Nation reserves in juxtaposition to the neighbourly tradition imagined in Saskatchewan and the Prairies. Events on Stanley’s property were trivialised through covert forms of racial group ideology as an event that fell outside the neighbourly tradition; a unique event. Such narratives reflected the racial prejudices embedded in the idea of the neighbour in the context of rural crime concerns and Prairie Canada. Analogous representations from large population centres framed the rural space in which events took place as boiling over with racial tensions. Various articles extended descriptions of racial tension as having the potential to turn into outright ‘race war’ between what are imagined as farmers with guns and First Nation’s reserves. Framing from large urban centres reflected a problematization or diagnostic framing of racial tension as rural animosity between farmers and First Nations, as distanced and different from urban group relations. According to some representations from large population centres in Ontario, racial tensions appeared specific to Saskatchewan, marked by economic downturn on reserves. Racial remarks were framed as 77 unacceptable and framed as rural and specific to Saskatchewan, which made such framing appear distanced from other realities in Canada or Canadian cities. The frames of ‘Saskatchewan’s racial divide’ prevented people from “seeing” themselves as part of the divide or project the divide onto Indigenous communities in ways that employ specific stereotypes about rural First Nations’ reserves (St. Denis, 2011). This presents a spatial aspect of the theory of laissez-faire racism as this type of framing blames the racial minority for their racialized experience geographically, while it provides a slight nuance in which reserves are acknowledged as systemically disadvantaged places. At times, these representations obscure why rural spaces and reserves experience socio-economic disparities and simply state them as explanations for racial tensions. This type of framing then reflects a place-based laissez-faire racism that explains racial tensions as rural, and specific to a settler subgroup of farmers and First Nation rural residents. Although most news articles presented group dynamics in antagonistic terms, these descriptions also propelled discussions about reconciliation and awareness about racial tension and racism (Hamilton, 2016a). This presents a nuance to the theory of laissez-faire racism applied to media framing. Whereas laissez-faire racism described above contains an attitude of indifference or inaction “to meaningful policy efforts to ameliorate racist social conditions and practices” (Denis, 2020, p. 9), media reported significant counter frames, rallies, and efforts in response to the case that reflect a different attitude. The case provoked people in and outside of Saskatchewan to take issue with racism in Canada. On the one hand, some accounts trivialized racial implications that blamed Indigenous people as a group for rural crime and racial tensions. On the other hand, Indigenous people and allies discussed the events in the context of systemic 78 racism to contest the idea of racial harmony as more complex in the local context of Saskatchewan and Canada and in view of the reconciliation agenda. As Indigenous writer and activist Nickita Longman and Jamaican journalist Phillip Dwight Morgan (2018) discuss in Briarpatch Magazine, Stanley’s acquittal disrupted a Canadian Prairie mentality and guise of racial harmony. The unveiled racial tensions presented fractures in communal relations. According to Tanya Talaga, “the [Stanley] verdict laid bare what we already knew – Canadian justice means something entirely different if you are Indigenous” (2019). Stanley’s acquittal generated increased reporting from large urban centres reflecting on systemic discrimination in the Canadian justice system that expanded the framing of racial tensions in the context of the case to Indigenous people in Canada. The unveiling and laying bare of racism were exacerbated by reporting on the RCMP’s conduct that reveals how the RCMP’s response to non-Indigenous concerns garnered a different treatment of those concerns than those raised by Boushie’s family members. Although the RCMP’s early statements about the ‘theft-related’ death on rural property triggered online hate speech and narratives about racial tension in newspaper publications, these statements and their triggered responses also created awareness about continued tensions between different communities. The resulting counter framing was sympathetic to Indigenous experiences of discrimination and racism. 3.6 Conclusions Media representations presented the encounter between Stanley and Boushie as triggering online hate speech that unveiled racial tensions. Arguments frame explicit online racial hatred as indicative of the behaviour of a few and not typical of Saskatchewan or Canada. Other representations frame racist responses as part of the systemic rural, Prairie, or Canadian reality. News articles polarized descriptions of racial tension, positioning Indigenous and progressive 79 perspectives versus conservative perspectives. Representations of Stanley’s trial focused on the racial divide in the courtroom and the racial tension presented by the selection of an all-White jury. In turn, Stanley’s acquittal expanded public debates about racial tension to narratives about anti-Indigenous discrimination in the Canadian criminal justice system. My analysis reveals some important differences between news articles and opinions pieces regarding patterns of representation of racial tension. Whereas opinion pieces from journalists offer critical perspectives on race relations in Saskatchewan and Canada, most news articles presented as objective news updates reveal a tendency to represent the case as an ‘Indigenous issue’. Descriptions of the people involved more often define Boushie and his friends as Indigenous and their encounter with Stanley on his farm as triggering racial tension. This means that the themes of racial tension assert that Indigenous-settler friction is instigated by the Indigenous people involved. News articles connect to racial rural crime concerns from members of the public that allow for assumptions to slip into this reporting that indirectly reproduce prejudice. In turn, media framing of the case reveals the agentic influence of the defence’s rhetoric in R v. Stanley (2018) and the RCMP. Those interventions spurred counternarratives that increased racial tensions and mobilized protest against anti-Indigenous discrimination. An application of laissez-faire racism theory aligns with what Denis (2020) asserts is the reproduction of an inequitable racial structure in Indigenous-settler relations characterized by prejudice and discrimination. These descriptions reveal a normativity that at times denies racial tension in favour of rural crime narratives. Stereotypes and blaming patterns indicate in- and outgroup dynamics in framing racial tension along racial, political, and spatial lines. My collection of sources reveals how there is a centre-periphery dynamic as well as an Indigenous-80 settler dynamic at play where the politics of race and the politics of geography are intertwined. Representation from larger urban centres diagnosed racist cross-group relations as specific of the Prairies or diagnosed events as symptomatic of systemic racism. These more distanced framing of racial realities as rural or systemic were marked by inaction. In contrast, racial animosity mobilized action among farmers under the guise of rural crime concerns and mobilized protest among Boushie’s family members and allies. Stanley’s acquittal propelled reform against anti-Indigenous discrimination in the Canadian criminal justice system that uses the case and the racial tension it unveiled to raise awareness for to a broader reconciliation agenda in Canada. Media thereby present the fractured reality of racial tension in Indigenous-settler relations through narratives that both reinforce and challenge racial division in Saskatchewan and Canada. 81 Chapter 4: Criminalization and Victim Blaming This chapter addresses the media’s reporting through the theme of criminalization. An iterative reading of my collected sources reveals how sources criminalized Indigenous witnesses. A dominant narrative framed the case as an ‘Indigenous man killed on a farmer’s property’ while linking that racial framing to criminalizing narratives about the Indigenous witnesses (Cunneen, 2011). Criminalization narratives in court transcripts and media reporting revealed stereotypes of rural Indigenous people. While some counternarratives criminalized Stanley, stereotypical descriptions of Indigenous witnesses dominated representations of the case (Figure 8). This chapter relates how court proceedings and media representations reinforce perceptions about criminality. It assesses racial stereotypes that more readily assume Indigenous criminality through the theory of laissez-faire racism. As visualized in Figure 8, most of the diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational frames about the case mobilized action specific to crime concerns. Comparing court transcripts to daily reporting revealed how framing, visualized in Figure 8, criminalized Indigenous witnesses to mobilize action against rural crime. In contrast, various articles critiqued farmers resorting to gun violence in the protection of property, but as Figure 9 shows, diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational framing of Stanley and other farmers was limited and court transcripts and daily reporting do not criminalize White witnesses. Instead, the acquittal by an all-White jury mobilized action against anti-Indigenous discrimination in the criminal justice system. The first section of this chapter outlines the media’s tendency to frame Indigenous peoples as disproportionately involved with crime. The second and third sections address court documents and the disparate treatment of witnesses and testimony. The fourth section indexes counternarratives to the disproportionate criminalization of Indigenous witnesses, followed by an 82 analysis of laissez-faire racism to how sources revealed a tendency to criminalize Indigenous individuals that promoted negative stereotypes about Indigenous people (Malakieh, 2018; Perreault, 2015; Starblanket & Hunt, 2020). Figure 8: Social-Cultural Framing Patterns of Indigenous Criminality in the Media30 Figure 8 copyright author Figure 9: Social-Cultural Framing Patterns of Stanley's Criminality in the Media Figure 9 copyright author 30 This includes framing patterns, or diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational frames, from more urban and liberal/progressive publications as those sources either did not connect to the criminalization of the case or presented counter-frames following Stanley’s acquittal and discussion about Indigenous discrimination in the Canadian justice system. 83 4.1 Media Representations of Crime and Processes of Criminalization When selecting sources that mention ‘crime’ and ‘Colten Boushie’, the majority linked the case to rural crime. Publications for the PostMedia Network, The Globe and Mail, Canadian Press, and F.P. Canadian Newspapers Limited Partnership between August 2016 and April 2020 are reflected in Table 6, which shows the total frequency of occurrence for the five publishers with the highest number of sources published on the case. The columns indicate the total amount of articles published in the period indicated on that row. The column furthest on the right expresses this number in a percentage of the total number of articles published. In addition, Table 7 shows the distribution of the PostMedia sources, which published the most sources on the case. The majority of sources that related crime to Boushie were published by the PostMedia Network in large urban population centers in Alberta, Ontario, and Saskatchewan. Table 6: Crime Narratives present in Sources from Five Main Publishers Publisher Period Total articles Articles that mention crime % of articles that mention crime PostMedia Network Inc. August 2016 – January 2018 436 188 43.1 February and March 2018 1208 194 16.1 March 2018 – April 2020 772 120 15.5 Total 2416 502 20.8 Torstar Syndication Services August 2016 – January 2018 1 0 0.0 February and March 2018 151 8 5.3 March 2018 – April 2020 142 7 4.9 Total 294 15 5.1 The Globe and Mail August 2016 – January 2018 51 12 23.5 February and March 2018 114 7 6.1 March 2018 – April 2020 91 12 13.2 Total 256 31 12.1 Canadian Press Enterprises Inc. August 2016 – January 2018 145 74 51.0 February and March 2018 377 18 4.8 March 2018 – April 2020 149 11 7.4 Total 671 103 15.4 F.P. Canadian Newspapers Limited Partnership August 2016 – January 2018 9 2 22.2 February and March 2018 71 9 12.7 March 2018 – April 2020 63 10 15.9 Total 143 21 14.7 84 Table 7: Geographic Distribution of PostMedia Network Sources concerned with Crime Location Total AB BC MB NB ON QC SK YT Small population centres Aug. 2016 – Jan. 2018 0 0 1 0 7 - 9 0 17 Feb. and Mar. 2018 14 1 0 1 6 - 7 1 30 Mar. 2018 – Apr. 2020 12 0 0 0 0 - 11 2 25 Total 26 1 1 1 13 - 27 3 72 Medium population centres Aug. 2016 – Jan. 2018 4 0 - 1 22 - - - 27 Feb. and Mar. 2018 22 1 - 0 13 - - - 36 Mar. 2018 – Apr. 2020 1 0 - 0 1 - - - 2 Total 27 1 - 1 36 - - - 65 Large population centres Aug. 2016 – Jan. 2018 9 4 1 - 29 5 96 - 144 Feb. and Mar. 2018 36 4 4 - 27 3 54 - 128 Mar. 2018 – Apr. 2020 26 2 3 - 16 2 44 - 93 Total 71 10 8 - 72 10 194 - 365 After reviewing these sources, I find that sources represented Indigenous people and non-Indigenous people in opposing ways. This framing more often criminalized Indigenous people. Counternarratives presented Stanley as criminal but did so less frequently. According to Bjornstrom, et al. (2010), framing of any kind can result in the differential treatment of groups in society. This can problematically reinforce public opinion that inform criminal justice policies (p. 269). Frame alignments of ‘crime’ with ‘rural’ spaces and the Boushie case influenced representations of Indigenous-settler relations and policy. When frames of Indigenous crime fall into pre-existing patterns marked by racial stereotypes, this alignment perpetuates violence and for some commentators even justifies violence toward Indigenous people. The representation of events perpetuated these stereotypes through episodic and thematic framing (Iyengar, 1991). Episodic framing focusses on news coverage where the source contains little to no context about the described event. This episodic framing, which is often presented as objective, is descriptive in nature and contains diagnostic frames that place blame through the order of words. Thematic framing places the coverage in the context of socio-economic trends, political debate, and other events. This thematic framing, more often visible in opinion pieces, 85 provides prognostic and motivational framing that link the event to various contexts, other events, and at times suggest solutions or actions. For the theme of crime, episodic frames treated the case as a discrete event, providing little context and ignoring more structural factors. Events were reduced to a criminal event, a shooting, or occurrence of crime. Descriptive reporting of the court proceedings presented episodic framing by quoting Stanley’s defence about the supposed criminal intent of the group on Stanley’s farm. Such episodic framing omitted details from the court proceedings in which only Cross-Whitstone admitted criminal intent on the Fouhy farm, a farm the group had visited before the SUV travelled to Stanley’s farm.31 Instead, episodic framing implicated Boushie and his friends as criminal and muted the prosecutor’s argument that Stanley’s actions were criminal. This episodic framing reveals that descriptions of ‘facts’ from the courthouse can lead to assumptions about Indigenous criminality. According to Shanto Iyengar (1991), thematic framing in the media connect events to trends or continuous problems marked by institutional and societal factors, such as increased rural crime or continued tense rural Indigenous-settler relations. In both episodic and thematic news frames, media emphasize ‘newsworthy’ aspects of events that suggest an interest in uncovering who is ‘good’ and who is ‘bad’ (Collins, 2018, p. 79). According to Andrew Arno (1985), the utility of a court for conflict management “perpetuates the old order both through ideology and through the relationships imposed on participants in their courtroom interactions” (p. 40). This means societal elements and framing practices of who is ‘good’ and who is ‘bad’ are replicated in the court and in the media reporting on the court proceedings. As Monchalin 31 The Fouhy farm refers to the ranch of Marvin and Glennis Fouhy, northeast of the Stanley farm, that the group of five and their broken vehicle had entered prior to moving to Stanley’s farm. 86 (2016) addresses, these dynamics of social conflict and ideas of ‘good or bad’ are racialized (pp. 147-148). For example, episodic framing highlighted the violent aspects of Boushie’s death on Stanley’s farm. Thematic framing placed this violent encounter in various contexts. Contexts included ideas that crime is “boiling over from reserves,” characterized by the absence of law enforcement leaving farmers unprotected. This contextualized the case as the result of continuous tensions and property concerns. Both episodic and thematic framing reduced Indigenous individuals to bad archetypes framing them as criminals or subversives to the sociopolitical order (Wilkes, Corrigall-Brown, & Richard, 2010). These biases influence the court narratives in R v. Stanley (2018) and the media’s representations of the case. Framing carried implicit and explicit biases about crime in rural Canada that presented Indigenous individuals as perpetrators of crime (Clark, S., 2019, pp. 12-13). The media’s framing of court proceedings predominantly presented Stanley’s defence counsel’s narratives that criminalized Indigenous witnesses. These portrayals were helped by the confirmation of negative stereotypes in the defence’s presentation of the case. The defence used the group’s reported intoxication, the presence of a broken rifle, Meechance and Cross-Whitstone’s criminal records, and Indigenous testimonies to confirm predictable forms of behaviour historically assigned to Indigenous people in rural Saskatchewan. Male Indigenous witnesses Meechance and Cross-Whitstone were framed as criminal suspects and female Indigenous witnesses Jackson and Wuttunee were framed as hysterical.32 All four Indigenous 32 Gender appeared to factor into the framing of the various witnesses, in which male witnesses were given greater attention and female witnesses were disregarded or framed as hysterical. Stanley’s wife Leesa Stanley never had to provide witness testimony and Kiora Wuttunee’s testimony was not considered valuable for the jury trial. In turn, the compound effect of gender and race meant Stanley was framed as a protective farmer and husband. The intersectional effect of gender and race meant First Nations witnesses Cassidy Cross-Whitstone and Eric Meechance were framed as dangerous criminal offenders. 87 witnesses were framed as liars, leading to the inadmissibility of their testimonies (R v. Stanley, 2017; R v. Stanley, 2018). News media replicated these frames set up by the defence through live updates and repeated the defence’s use of “logics of Indigenous deviancy, primitiveness, and criminality” (Starblanket & Hunt, 2020, p. 115; see also Bjornstrom et al., 2010, p. 269; Flynn & Van Wagner, 2020). As a result, representations that criminalized Boushie and his friends were rarely questioned as problematic (Arndt, 2022). Despite various counternarratives critical of these anti-Indigenous narratives in R v. Stanley (2018) and media representations, the volume of normative articles assuming Indigenous criminality outweighed those critiques. These more critical thematic perspectives of farmer racism and animosity toward First Nation people from reserves were predominantly published by Indigenous advocates and allies or Liberal-progressive writing from large urban centres. Smaller population centre publications continually represented Boushie and his friends as examples of crime concerns and tense Indigenous-settler relations. 4.2 Witnessing and Assumptions of Criminality From the start, the news repeated police reporting, which framed the five young adults as part of a theft investigation. This promoted the idea of their criminal intent (Hubbard, 2019). The police report from Biggar’s ‘Major Crime Unit North’ stated five individuals entered onto private property by vehicle in the rural area and were confronted by property owners [and] three occupants from the vehicle, including two females (one being a youth) and one adult male were taken into custody as part of a related theft investigation. Another male youth is being sought. (AIM File #1505- 144-003) 88 Included in this statement is the description that “one adult male (who arrived in the vehicle) was suffering from an apparent gunshot wound and was declared deceased at the scene” (Ibid.). After this initial statement, the court transcripts of Stanley’s bail hearing relate how the RCMP’s investigation continued to frame the events on Stanley’s farm as theft-related, rather than focused on a murder investigation. Online hate speech reflected the theft-related focus and propelled the emergence of Facebook groups, such as ‘Farmers with Firearms’ (Hubbard, 2019, [9:55-10:05]). According to Boushie’s cousin, Jade Tootoosis, Facebook posts said “thieving Indians getting what they deserved … don’t go on people’s property if you don’t want to get shot...” ([5:28-5:40]). Other online posts questioned why Stanley had to stand trial. Instead, Stanley and rural farmers were framed as needing guns to protect themselves against Indigenous criminals ([5:06-5:08]). These reactions garnered counternarratives that presented Stanley and other property owners in rural Saskatchewan as ready to shoot on sight. Some counternarratives framed these property owners as anti-Indigenous, while other critiques of farmers with firearms did not question narratives about Indigenous criminality. To show how the court proceedings and media representations addressed the criminal intent and character of Stanley and the five young adults in subsequent reporting, I focus on three court dates and accompanying court transcripts from the Saskatchewan Court of the Queen’s Bench. The first transcript from August 2016 pertains to Stanley show cause (O.S.C.) or bail hearing (R v. Stanley, 2016). During this hearing, the focus was on Stanley’s good character and his fearful experience that led to Boushie’s death. The defence counsel foreshadows the idea that Boushie’s death was an accident in the context of a home invasion to argue Stanley was innocent of the second-degree murder charges and deserved to be released on bail. The second transcript 89 refers to the preliminary hearing in April 2017. This hearing included the forensic analyses of police specialists, and testimonies of police officers and witnesses, Jackson, Cross-Whitstone, Meechance, Wuttunee, and Sheldon Stanley (R v. Stanley, 2017).33 The Crown prosecutor provided their evidence against the accused from the perspective of the Attorney General’s office, based on police reports. The third court transcript details the jury trial and dealt with evidence and testimony of police officers and specialists, members of the public, Jackson, Cross-Whitstone, Meechance, Sheldon Stanley, and Gerald Stanley (R v. Stanley, 2018). R v. Stanley (2016) and R v. Stanley (2017), were not highly reported events due to customary publication bans. Media mostly covered the final decision of the former, which granted Stanley bail, and the final decision of the latter, which ordered Stanley to stand trial. Narratives in these transcripts warrant a brief analysis, as they relate the focus on Indigenous intoxication, deceit, and crime that were continued in R v. Stanley (2018) and media representations. 4.2.1 R v. Stanley (2016) The bail hearing in 2016 decided Stanley’s request for release on bail. This transcript contains some of the early framing and communication by the prosecution and defence. The transcript reveals the main submissions of evidence collected by the RCMP. This evidence focused on the theft-related investigation which highlighted locations the group visited prior to their entry onto Stanley’s farm (R v. Stanley, 2016, p. 5). Limited attention went to the actual crime scene of Boushie’s death. The submissions of the Red Pheasant First Nations and the Stanley and Fouhy farms implicate these three locations from the perspective of the theft-related focus of the 33 I will use ‘Sheldon Stanley’ and ‘Gerald Stanley’ to refer to each individual so as not to confuse the two while recounting the court proceedings. 90 investigation (p. 6). The overall focus on the listing of locations and alcohol consumption by Boushie and his friends in the Crown’s evidence presented an overall negative frame about the group, while Stanley and his family were described in positive terms as tending to their property. The prosecution and defence’s focus on the group’s alcohol consumption is visible from the start (R v. Stanley, 2016). Both the prosecution and the defence address Wuttunee’s statement to police, in which “she told police that she had been drinking alcohol for a week straight” (p. 10). Wuttunee was the only direct witness of the shooting, sitting in the back of the vehicle when Boushie was shot. According to the prosecution, Wuttunee’s intoxication was concerning, while a police officer reports “he was able to communicate with [Wuttunee]” (R v. Stanley, 2016, p. 10). The Crown and defence’s discussion of Wuttunee’s statement to police and the group’s alcohol consumption appear to devalue the contents of that statement. Instead, the Crown’s evidence presentation relies on testimony from Sheldon Stanley and police officer’s descriptions of both young women Wuttunee and Jackson as ‘hysterical’ and ‘enraged’ (p. 9). No mention is made regarding the traumatic nature of the experience for the four young adults and their prolonged time in custody on theft-related charges (p. 11). Stanley’s lawyer, Scott Spencer, presented arguments for his client’s bail release. During the bail hearing, Spencer addresses Stanley’s criminal record, but asserts this record is “fairly dated,” and “demonstrates that … Mr. Stanley had some modest run-ins, but resolved those issues and has been without any legal concern for over 25 years” (R v. Stanley, 2016, p. 13). It is unclear what these ‘modest run-ins’ entail. According to police interrogation records of August 9th, 2016, Stanley invoked his rights to legal representation and after confirming “He fired shots intended to scare the people from the SUV away. He fired the shot that struck Colton in the back 91 of the head. He did not see a firearm in the vehicle” (R v. Stanley, 2016, p. 11). Regardless of these facts, the court transcript presents Stanley as a model citizen. The transcript shows that both the Crown and the defence paid special attention to the rifle in the SUV that was later found by Boushie’s body. This broken rifle and its missing stock connect the group’s movements from the neighbouring Fouhy farm to the Stanley farm as part of the theft investigation at both farms (pp. 7-11). Stanley’s lawyer, Spencer, uses the presence of the broken rifle to present the group’s criminal intent on Stanley’s farm, and, in connection to the RCMP’s theft investigation, implies Stanley acted out of terror (even though Stanley had stated not to have been aware of a firearm). In his submission, Spencer argues that Stanley should be granted bail based on his work as a rancher, his membership to the local community, and his lack of threat to public safety (p. 14). The overall narrative presents Stanley as part of a tragedy. According to Spencer, Boushie’s death “in this context is not what the average member of the public would consider murder two. It is more in the nature of manslaughter, reckless endangerment” (p. 16).34 Spencer frames Stanley’s actions as manslaughter or reckless endangerment and argues Boushie and his friends caused Stanley’s reaction that led to a tragic death. Spencer asserts that Stanley did not have the mind or intent for ‘murder two’. The defence lawyer alludes to “an air of reality to self-defence” (p. 18) and how not granting bail would be a “risk to [Stanley’s] safety” (p. 20). 34 ‘Murder two’ is a colloquial term that refers to the crime of second-degree murder, which is a type of homicide that is committed intentionally, but without premeditation. Second-degree murder is generally considered to be less severe than first-degree murder, which involves premeditation and/or deliberate intent to kill. Stanley’s lawyer argues for manslaughter or reckless endangerment. Manslaughter and reckless endangerment are both types of criminal offenses that involve causing harm or death to another person, but they differ in terms of the level of intent and degree of culpability involved. Manslaughter involves causing someone’s death without the intent to kill, but through recklessness, negligence, or some other type of unlawful behaviour. Manslaughter can be further divided into two categories: voluntary manslaughter and involuntary manslaughter. Voluntary manslaughter occurs when a person intentionally kills another person under circumstances that would cause a reasonable person to become emotionally or mentally disturbed. Involuntary manslaughter occurs when a person causes the death of another person through reckless or negligent behaviour. Reckless endangerment, on the other hand, is a criminal offense that involves creating a substantial risk of serious physical injury or death to another person through reckless behaviour. 92 Spencer alludes to the risk of putting Stanley in detention that seems to imply Stanley would be in danger if placed in remand without specifying this risk. The follow-up submission by the Crown prosecutor states that Stanley’s actions could have been retaliative, as shots were fired after “the SUV was leaving” while “two people were running away” (p. 21). According to the prosecutor, the “close range, in the back of the head, handgun” provides evidence for second-degree murder charges (Ibid.). In response, Spencer references the broken rifle to allude to the criminal threat of the five young adults, in an effort to align Stanley’s actions with manslaughter (p. 22). Due to the publication ban on the bail hearing, the media’s representations focused on the outcome and the “hundreds” of people rallying outside of the courthouse (Warick, 2016e). Sources reflected moderate outrage towards the court granting Stanley bail through interviews of Boushie’s family members (National Post, 2016b). Twitter videos and YouTube coverage showed protestors yelling “Justice for Colten” as Stanley was police-escorted to and from the bail hearing (Heroux, 2016; Graham, 2016b; 2016c). These frames and visuals presented Stanley as a criminal. Episodic framing of the bail hearing mentioned Stanley’s 10,000-dollar bail, electronic monitoring device, and confinement to his own property (Canadian Press, 2016b; Warick, 2016g). Media depictions of dynamics around the courthouse presented tension between protestors and the RCMP (Hill, 2016; National Post, 2016a; Tait, 2016a; Warick, 2016b; 2016e). The image of a detained Stanley hiding from cameras was marked by “scores of Mounties [who] held watch inside and outside the courthouse” (Ibid.). Television, YouTube, and newspaper sources sensationalized the image of Stanley in an orange hoodie hiding his face walking through a crowd covering his head and holding up handcuffed arms. 93 4.2.2 R v. Stanley (2017) The preliminary hearing, similar to the bail hearing, was under a publication ban (R v. Stanley, 2017, p. 4).35 The transcript for R v. Stanley (2017) established the main narratives pursued by both the prosecution and the defence. The transcript foreshadowed the prosecutor’s line of interrogation and cross-examination by Stanley’s defence that also marked the jury trial in 2018. From the start, Spencer scrutinized the Crown’s evidence. The police investigation and expert testimonies were critiqued as partial. According to the defence lawyer, the RCMP officers made various mistakes and provided inconclusive answers about the crime scene (R v. Stanley, 2017, p. 7). For example, cross-examination of forensics officer Heroux revealed that the RCMP did not secure the crime scene and let weather wash away evidence (pp. 13; 54). Spencer’s cross-examination shows faulty police work, which undermined the evidence to support the charges against Stanley (pp. 39-51). In addition, the defence lawyer focusses on the broken .22 rifle and insists that “a second firearm being involved in the incident” incriminates the people in the SUV and their intentions (pp. 64; 127). Preliminary hearing transcripts presented testimonies of witnesses Sheldon Stanley, Meechance, Cross-Whitstone, Wuttunee, and Jackson for the first time. There are notable differences in the transcript between interrogation of Indigenous and non-Indigenous witnesses. Non-Indigenous witnesses, such as police officials and Sheldon Stanley were asked about their occupation, while Indigenous witnesses were not (R v. Stanley, 2017, p. 67). As Sheldon Stanley is questioned about his experiences that day, he is not interrupted or spoken down to. He is not asked questions about his alcohol consumption that day, nor his reasons for swinging a framing 35 A preliminary hearing is meant to review testimony and evidence before either discharging the accused or ordering the accused to stand trial (Government of Canada, 2021). Crown counsel presented evidence against the accused to the Provincial Court judge to decide whether there is enough evidence to send the case to trial. 94 hammer into the windshield of the SUV that was leaving (pp. 71-72). Sheldon Stanley denies that he handled a gun or that any guns were on the scene that day, other than Gerald Stanley’s handgun and the broken .22 rifle (p. 84). The transcript reveals that both the prosecution and the defence accepted Sheldon Stanley’s testimony as the true order of events, despite discrepancies with testimonies from Meechance, Cross-Whitstone, Wuttunee, and Jackson (p. 385). In contrast, Indigenous witnesses were not asked about their occupations or shown empathy. First to take the stand after Sheldon Stanley, Meechance is asked about his whereabouts that day, his relation to the other people in the SUV, his intoxication, and criminal history (pp. 101-104). The prosecutor references alcohol multiple times, asking “was -- were you drinking? were other people drinking? (p. 104), “what were you drinking?” (Ibid.), “any other liquor?” (p. 105), “so you -- you were at Colton’s [sic] grandmothers for some time, listening to music and drinking?” (Ibid.), “and were people drinking as well?” (p. 106), “what condition were -- how were you feeling from the liquor that you were drinking?” (Ibid), “were they under the influence of alcohol?” (Ibid.). During cross-examination, Spencer tries to establish if Meechance had talked to other people to fabricate his testimony (p. 126; see also pp. 137-138; 142-143). The defence’s cross-examination is aggressive, interrupting while witnesses are speaking, and, several times, Spencer asserts that Boushie and his friends had criminal intentions by noting the rifle in the SUV, the group’s movements, and the supposed rifling through vehicles on the Fouhy and Stanley farm (pp. 127- 128). Spencer asks Meechance to incriminate Cross-Whitstone for attempting to steal vehicles (pp. 128-140). The transcript demonstrates Spencer’s attempt to implicate Meechance, 95 Boushie, and Cross-Whitstone in a liquor store robbery the night prior to the shooting (pp. 148-149). The prosecution does not contest the defence’s incrimination of witnesses.36 The next day, April 4th, the transcript relates that Cross-Whitstone took the witness stand and was subjected to the same style of interrogation that focussed on the group’s intoxication and criminal intent (pp. 163-168). According to Cross-Whitstone the other four individuals were fighting on their way back to the reserve trying to fix the broken-down vehicle along a backroad. Cross-Whitstone and Meechance’s testimonies appear contradictory and both implicate the other in touching an ATV on Stanley’s property. Their testimonies recount their sense of panic when they heard Gerald and Sheldon Stanley yelling and how, in their attempt to leave with the SUV, Sheldon Stanley cracked their windshield with an object after which they crashed into a parked vehicle. Both describe exiting the vehicle and running away to exit the property (p. 187). During cross-examination, Spencer asks Cross-Whitstone and Meechance if their hands had ever been swabbed for gunshot residue. The transcript reveals the strong effort of the defence lawyer to implicate both Cross-Whitstone and Meechance’s behaviour as criminal by trying to place them at a liquor store robbery. Questioning by the prosecutor does little to change this narrative. The transcript continuously shows references to intoxication. The transcript mentions ‘black-out drunk’ 21 times, either through the prosecution and the defence or as described by the youth themselves. These admissions of intoxication frame the young adults’ memories of events as partial, either by their own admission or through questioning (pp. 216-261). 36 Various critiques have been made about the poor performance of the prosecution in this case. According to Starblanket and Hunt (2020), prosecutor Bill Burge displayed bias against Indigenous witnesses and did not attempt to correct the colonial narratives perpetuated in the Stanley trial (p. 115). In addition, “the Crown did not interrogate … inconsistencies, or the credibility of Stanley’s recollections” (p. 138). 96 The interrogation of female Indigenous witnesses differed from the interrogation of the male Indigenous witnesses. Rather than a focus on criminal intent, the two young women were framed as drunk, hysterical, and incoherent. The transcript identifies Wuttunee as soft-spoken and having a “quiet voice” (pp. 262-263). The examination starts with questions about the group’s alcohol consumption (pp. 263-265). The prosecutor questions Wuttunee about witnessing the shooting and if she saw Boushie getting shot (pp. 272-282). As Wuttunee describes the scene, she tells the court about another male with a longer, bigger gun and that she heard gunshots. She watched Cross-Whitstone and Meechance run away, and heard Jackson screaming (p. 281). During cross-examination, Spencer again tries to frame the group for fabricating their testimonies and frames Wuttunee’s memory as faulty based on the group’s levels of alcohol intoxication (p. 283). The same afternoon, Jackson is asked to give her account of the group’s whereabouts and their drinking (p. 295). Similar to Wuttunee, Jackson describes a younger man “with a long gun. Like, it looked like a shotgun” (p. 305). After Boushie had been shot, Jackson describes how the two men (with their guns) and Leesa Stanley stood by the SUV. Jackson describes I started screaming towards Lisa [sic] because she said, ‘That’s what you get for trespassing.’ So, I approached her, and I started hitting her. And Kiora was screaming that, just stop, he’s going to – he’s going to shoot you, too. (p. 308) During cross-examination, the defence refers to her level of intoxication, alleging Jackson’s memory might be questionable and her reactions hysterical (p. 310). Spencer questions the reliability of Jackson’s statement to the police, after Boushie was shot (pp. 312-313), which Jackson indicates was inaccurate and taken under duress. Spencer asserts Jackson was lying (pp. 97 313, 324, 329), to which Jackson responds that police “treated me like I was a criminal” (Ibid.).37 She describes the RCMP holding her for 19 hours, and the police asking her repeatedly about the group having a gun (pp. 318-332). In general, Indigenous testimonies were questioned for validity by both prosecution and the defence. The transcript shows how both the prosecution and the defence refer to each other as ‘my friend’ while examining witnesses. This reads as though both the Crown prosecutor and Stanley’s defence presented a unified front against the Indigenous witnesses. Spencer framed Indigenous witness testimonies as fabricated, building on the prosecution’s focus of alcohol intoxication (R v. Stanley, 2017, p. 313; Starblanket & Hunt, 2020; Hubbard, 2019). Despite testimony indicating that the group attempted to leave the property, narratives of alcoholism and criminal intent had shifted attention away from Stanley’s actions (R v. Stanley, 2017, p. 302). Consequently, the fear and violence experienced by the people in the SUV was deflected (R v. Stanley, 2017, pp. 159, 253, 280, 305). The media framed this as “the preliminary hearing for a Saskatchewan farmer accused of fatally shooting an indigenous man” (Canadian Press, 2017d). Other reports focussed on the emotional reaction of Boushie’s mother during the hearing (Graham, 2017b; Canadian Press, 2017f). Most reporters mentioned ‘tight security,’ and police surveillance of those outside the courthouse (Hill, 2017d; 2017e). Similar to reporting on the bail hearing, the media presented tension around the courthouse, with RCMP officers blocking off the road, due to “large rallies outside court” (Canadian Press, 2017e; 2017i; Friesen, 2017b; 2017c). Bystanders quoted in 37 RCMP officer behaviour displayed different interactions with Boushie and his friends and the Stanley family. Whereas the RCMP coerced Boushie’s friends in a police cruiser, Stanley reportedly “conversed with officers rather than being handcuffed and arrested” (Edwards, 2018a). According to Boushie’s cousin Jade Tootoosis, “One of the women said she saw Stanley chatting casually with RCMP officers while she was handcuffed in the car” (quoted in Plonka, 2019; see also R v. Stanley, 2018, p. 856). Constable Park testified, upon his arrival, “I saw two females on the ground, already cuffed” (R v. Stanley, 2018, p. 223). 98 Andrea Hill’s article for the Saskatoon StarPhoenix, commented to “never [have] seen security of this level at a Canadian courthouse” (2017d; 2017e). According to Chris Murphy, the Boushie/Baptiste family lawyer, “the family members are here in a peaceful way to just engage the process, so I don’t know what the security’s for ... There’s just nothing to suggest that there is going to be any sort of violent uprising” (quoted in Hill, 2017d; see also Friesen, 2017d; Canadian Press, 2017i). Some sources quoted Tootoosis and Baptiste outside the courthouse describing their hopes for intercommunal dialogue. The dominant media frame about the preliminary hearing was that Stanley is to stand trial (Canadian Press, 2017g; 2017h; Friesen, 2017b; Graham, 2017b; MacPherson, 2017f). The media’s descriptions of the preliminary hearing (73% of sources between April 1st and April 30th of 2017) were predominantly published in the greater Toronto area through audio and wire feeds. These factually-toned episodic news descriptions of a farmer being ordered to stand trial in the death of an Indigenous man, repeated some of the polarized racial tensions described in the media prior to the preliminary hearing. 4.2.3 R v. Stanley (2018) Based on the preliminary hearing, the judge ordered Stanley to be tried in court.38 Stanley’s jury trial was not under a publication ban, since evidence was now to be tried in open court. There was an exponential growth in reporting on the case during the trial. Between January 29th and February 9th, 2018, 2001 sources mentioned the case of which 1107 or 55.3% were published in Ontario, 378 or 18.9% were published in Saskatchewan, and 234 or 11.7% in Alberta. PostMedia Network published 60.4% of those media sources during February and March of 2018 (Figure 38 When charged with criminal offences for which a prison sentence could exceed five years the accused has a right to be tried by a jury (Government of Canada, 2021). 99 10). As visible in Figure 10, the publishing landscape in Alberta and Saskatchewan was less diverse than publishing in Ontario. I address the dominant frames that reference witness testimonies during R v. Stanley (2018) in publications from both the PostMedia Network (n=276) and the Canadian Press (n=118). About seventy percent of these sources refer to news broadcasts. Thirty percent refer to opinion pieces and editorial coverage. With the exception of Wuttunee and the addition of Gerald Stanley’s testimony, the court transcript for R v. Stanley (2018) repeated the line of questioning conducted by the defence and the prosecution during the preliminary hearing. The media’s engagement with R v. Stanley (2018) through live feeds on newspaper websites and Twitter feeds echoed those court narratives. These live news feeds centered Stanley’s defence council that assumed criminality of the Indigenous witnesses. These representations drown out comments and questioning from the prosecution headed by Burge. Figure 10: News Output per Publisher in February and March of 2018 Ontario 100 Saskatchewan Alberta Figure 10 copyright author In the articles published across the PostMedia Network, there were repeated references to ‘alcohol’ (43), ‘intoxication’ (11), ‘drunk’ (30), ‘drinking’ (52), and ‘black-out’ drunk (19). In broadcasts from the Canadian Press, alcohol related terms show up 24 times. Media 101 representations include “the group had been drinking,” “they drank Crown Royale,” they were “very intoxicated,” and “the group of friends had been drinking heavily” (2018). Sources referenced court proceedings and mention alcohol or intoxication during the examination and cross-examination of the Indigenous witnesses. The media echoed the frames established by both the prosecution and the defence that the Indigenous witnesses were intoxicated and the defence’s argument that this made Indigenous witnesses unreliable. Another common frame present in the media was the suggestion that Indigenous witnesses lied to the police or changed their testimonies. The PostMedia Network references intended duplicity or altered testimony 83 times. The Canadian Press broadcasts mention intended duplicity or altered testimony 21 times. Media reporting across the PostMedia Network focussed on the defence’s accusations that Cross-Whitstone and Jackson lied to police. Only two sources added Jackson’s account to complicate the accusation that she intentionally lied (Hill, 2018k). In general, the media omitted this thematic framing about why witnesses had altered testimonies and their experiences of duress. For example, Andrea Hill reported that Jackson and Cross-Whitstone were the “two people who ... admitted Thursday to lying in police statements” (2018l). The Canadian Press news broadcasts stated how Saskatchewan’s chief justice is urging jurors to be careful weighing evidence heard at the trial of a farmer accused of murdering an Indigenous man. The mid-trial instructions on Friday came the day after some witnesses admitted on the stand that they lied to investigators. (2018j; 2018k) This broadcast refers to the defence’s examination of witnesses accusing them of lying. It also reflects the importance of that narrative as the Judge called for caution in the jury’s consideration of evidence (Hill, 2018k; 2018l). Media representations repeated the defence’s narrative that 102 framed the inaccuracy of the witnesses their recollection of events as intentional. In addition, the prosecution did not present considerations of altered testimony for Sheldon and Gerald Stanley, even when the transcript reflects their testimonies showed discrepancies. News reports repeated defence lawyer Spencer’s statements in court that assumed events were “motivated by theft” (Graveland, 2018e). Similar to the RCMP’s theft-related investigation prior to the trial, Stanley’s defence focussed on this theft narrative. The PostMedia Network references ‘theft’ (36) and ‘stealing’ (83) repeatedly in relation to the witness testimonies of Cross-Whitstone and Meechance. The Canadian Press publications referenced criminal intent 20 times, and “how Gerald Stanley thought 22-year-old Colten Boushie (BOO’-shee) was trying to steal a vehicle from his yard” (2018d). Other media representations clarified the defence’s argument that Cross-Whitstone or Meechance intended to steal an ATV. Other narratives were omitted, like the defence’s efforts to place Boushie, Cross-Whitstone, and Meechance at the site of a liquor store robbery (R v. Stanley, 2018, pp. 318, 650-654). Media representations repeated Spencer’s narratives about theft and criminal intent. This was based on the group’s broken rifle that implicated the group’s presence on the Fouhy and the Stanley farm. The PostMedia Network sources referenced the presence of a rifle 206 times while the Canadian Press sources referenced the rifle only twice. The rifle narrative in sources from the PostMedia Network include the presence of a rifle in the SUV, the barrel of that same .22 rifle found beside Boushie’s body, the empty box of .22-calibre cartridges, the live rounds and spent casings in the group’s SUV, and Boushie’s blood on the rifle barrel. All these stories about the .22 rifle implied that the group was ‘armed’ (Friesen, 2018d; 2018e; Graveland, 2018c; 2018d). Some sources in The Globe and Mail explain the presence of the .22 rifle barrel, the empty cartridge box, and casings to indicate that some individuals of the group had spent the 103 morning shooting targets (R v. Stanley, 2018, p. 315). More often, however, the PostMedia sources framed the presence of broken rifle parts found on the neighbouring farm and Stanley’s farm as incriminating the entire group’s intentions for entering Stanley’s farmyard. The repetitive reporting across the PostMedia Network and the Canadian Press showed mostly episodic frames in publications in Ontario, omitting context and repeating court proceedings. The two major publishing networks displayed more thematic frames in reporting in Alberta and Saskatchewan with a stronger focus on the .22 rifle and crime narratives. In a counternarrative to the dominant reporting, thirteen sources from the Canadian Press referenced the defence’s interrogation of witnesses in R v. Stanley (2018) and their representation in the media as ‘victim-blaming’ (Quan, 2018d). Nevertheless, the media’s reporting on victim-blaming is overshadowed by crime narratives in Alberta and Saskatchewan where dominant reporting by the PostMedia Network does not address concern about victim-blaming. What is more, the prosecution, led by Bill Burge, was only mentioned sparingly. A recurrent dominant frame focused on police security in and around the courthouse. This was described as extensive for the duration of the trial in 2018. During the trial, Andrea Hill reported that the Battleford Court of the Queen’s Bench was secured “with airport-style security screening,” as well as “security outside the courthouse” (2018d). Some media sources marked the police enforcement during the trial to ensure public safety, while Joe Friesen for The Globe and Mail suggests the policing was selective, as “police, including armed officers on rooftops, monitored the crowd” (2018a). Inside the courthouse, disparate treatment was similarly visible as, according to an article in Briarpatch by Richelle DuBois and Michelle Stewart, Indigenous individuals “were surrounded by police and treated with suspicion” (2018). When on February 9th Stanley’s acquittal was announced, police hustled Stanley from the courtroom (Hill, 2018q; 104 2018r; 2018s; 2018t; 2018u; 2018v). Online videos and TV broadcasts referenced Stanley, his family members, and the members of the jury fleeing the courtroom under police protection as though immediate retaliation was expected (Hill, 2018q; MacPherson, 2018a). According to DuBois and Stewart, the “sheriff’s deputies immediately rushed to protect Mr. Stanley, who ducked and flinched, as if he was being attacked” (2018). 4.3 Court and Media Criminalization The media’s episodic and thematic framing of court proceedings criminalized the five Indigenous young adults (Starblanket & Hunt, 2020, p. 115; see also Johnson, 2019; R v. Stanley, 2018, p. 318). In a region shaped by race-based tensions, Gina Starblanket and Dallas Hunt argue that “the court directed the jury not to pay attention to the media, the internet, or newspapers [but] the reality is that an all-white jury from this region didn’t need ... to have their opinions of Indigenous peoples negatively influenced” (p. 101). Indeed, according to documentary maker Tasha Hubbard, “both pre-trial and during the trial, the witnesses to Colten Boushie’s murder were treated as though they were suspects” (2019). The defence framed Indigenous testimonies as inconsistent and questioned their credibility, which was repeated in reporting (R v. Stanley, 2018, p. 881). During R v. Stanley (2018), Stanley’s defence counsel, the prosecution, and the witness testimonies reference intoxication and theft to discredit Jackson, Meechance, and Cross-Whitstone (pp. 318, 649-651, 841-848). This focus on intoxication perpetuates a long tradition that stereotypes Indigenous peoples in North America (âpihtawikosisân, 2012; Esqueda & Swanson, 1997; Marubbio & Buffalohead, 2013; Walker, 2008). The conclusion that all people in the SUV were intoxicated intersected with anti-Indigenous sentiment in the context of Biggar, Saskatchewan to support the idea that the group was up to no good. 105 According to local farmer Christine Freethy in the APTN Investigates episode ‘Justice for Colten’ this anti-Indigenous sentiment in the media that links alcoholism and criminality to Boushie and his friends is marked by hypocrisy. According to Freethy, everyone who lives in Saskatchewan has been on a booze cruise. It has a name. You get drunk in the day and drive around cause you’re bored ... I also found it infuriating because I saw people, I know who have booze cruised saying about how, you know, ‘oh, they’re drunk’ and ‘they’re criminals’. (Smith, R., 2018, [18:08-18:52]) As Freethy’s comment indicates, the tendency to couple criminality with Indigenous intoxication points to the intersection of racism and criminal assumptions. According to Starblanket and Hunt (2020), there was deliberate intent of Stanley’s defence counsel to paint the Indigenous individuals as drunken criminals. Starblanket and Hunt explain this narrative enforced “the associations between Indigeneity, drinking, and troublemaking ... very deeply embedded in the psyche of rural prairie settlers” (p. 115). Effectively, frames of alcohol intoxication, altered testimonies, and gun possession undermined Indigenous witnesses and their renditions of events (R v. Stanley, 2018, pp. 649-852). The defence promoted the idea that the group’s purpose of driving around after going swimming that day was to steal vehicles, rather than driving home (R v. Stanley, 2018, p. 320; see also Cairns, 2018; Canadian Press, 2018n; Quenneville, 2018b). In fact, the prosecutor, defence counsel, and Judge Popescul all denounced Indigenous testimonies. Witnesses Meechance and Cross-Whitstone were framed as criminals based on the former’s gun ban and the latter’s driving ban (R v. Stanley, 2018). Both their criminal records were entered and referenced as evidence. Although Justice Popescul told the jury that “a previous conviction does not necessarily make the evidence of Mr. Meechance or Mr. Cross unbelievable or unreliable” (R v. Stanley, 2018, p. 487), collection and reference to those 106 convictions were still entered in the court materials and commented on by Judge Popescul in his charge to the jury (R v. Stanley, 2018, p. 885). Defence lawyer Spencer further incriminated the people in the SUV, as he suggested specifically in the jury trial that their actions represented a home invasion that led to a “freak accident” (R v. Stanley, 2018, pp. 606-9). According to Spencer, “it is never, never right to take somebody’s life over property, but that’s not what this case is about” (p. 606). He continued, “this is a case about what can go terribly wrong when you create a situation which is really in the nature of a home invasion” (p. 606). In his charge to the jury, Spencer frames the people in the SUV as the cause of the situation which led to Boushie’s death. The people in the SUV were blamed for “an unimaginably scary situation one afternoon” (p. 607). Spencer frames the group as a threat to property.39 According to Spencer, “Gerry didn’t go looking for trouble on August 9th, 2016” (p. 606). According to Spencer, the Stanley family “faced essentially intruders. And we can debate about what the intention of some or all of … the young people were” (pp. 606-607). Spencer’s narrative about home invasion and the group’s threat to property was frequently referenced in media reporting on the final two days of Stanley’s trial. After Stanley’s acquittal, reporting about the group’s criminality continued. James McCrae, other journalists, and members of the public framed Boushie’s criminality through the content of his Facebook profile and presumptions about life on reserve (Botelho-Urbanski, 2018; Fitzpatrick, K., 2018b; Warick, 2016i). The reserve is imagined as causing criminal behaviour, since McCrae writes in the Weekend Regional “[Boushie’s] Facebook entries … demonstrate how this kind of life can, and often does, lead young people to thoughts of criminality” (2019). However, McCrae failed to recognize that Boushie’s posts were quoting lyrics from rap songs. 39 I address the pseudo-claim of self-defence in Chapter Six and aspects of property and trespass in Chapter Seven. 107 McCrae’s assumptions about reserve-induced criminality led him to criminalize Boushie (Ibid.). Boushie is described as “engaged with his friends in a drunken rural home invasion,” and “waiting for ‘welly (welfare) day’” (Ibid.). The media further incriminated Boushie and his friends by following Stanley’s defence lawyer’s reasoning that the group presented examples of trespassing. Reporters compared the Boushie case to Ryan Watson and Stephanie Martens’ trespass to property in Okotoks, Alberta on Edouard Maurice’s rural property (Graney, J., 2018a; Rumbolt, 2018c; Stanway, 2018b). The comparison in, for instance, Jonny Wakefield’s article for the Calgary Herald and the Cold Lake Sun aligned both cases with criminal intent and threat to rural private property (2018f). This media connection to another case retroactively criminalized Boushie and affirmed Stanley’s resort to violence in the protection of property as reasonable (CBC Radio, 2018). Tyler Dawson’s article for the National Post equated the image of Boushie with Watson, criminalizing both as intruders threatening property owners (2018c). Licia Corbella’s article for the Calgary Herald framed Watson as an intruder, a drug abuser, and a petty theft criminal (2018a). Corbella’s reference to Boushie makes Boushie equally appear as an intruder, drug abuser, and petty theft criminal. This comparison depicted both Watson and Boushie as symbols of rural crime, specifically in Alberta (Maimann, 2019a; Theobald, 2019). Media representations like Claire Theobald’s article for the Toronto Star, compared Stanley to Maurice and framed both as upstanding citizens (2019). The media’s depiction of Stanley as victim also promoted the comparison between his case and Khill’s trial (Hayes, 2018d; R. v Khill, 2018). Both Khill and Stanley’s trials in 2018 incriminated the behaviour of supposed trespassers, while decriminalizing the property owners for shooting and killing the perceived intruders (Ibid.). 108 4.4 Court and Media Representations of Stanley In direct and indirect ways, criminalizing Indigenous witnesses led to a decriminalization of Stanley’s actions. Prior to the jury trial, various news reports quoted Indigenous activists, allies, and commentators that criminalized Stanley (Figure 9). This image was complicated during Stanley’s trial. Publications for the Regina Leader-Post and the Saskatoon StarPhoenix repeated Spencer’s final statement to the jury, saying “it’s a tragedy but it’s not criminal” (Hill, 2018p). Court transcripts and media reporting engaging with Sheldon and Gerald Stanley’s testimonies often did not question their validity. Media reporting on the court case infrequently cited prosecutor Bill Burge, and court transcripts reveal the prosecution failed to effectively prove manslaughter or second-degree murder. Instead, reporting focussed on Stanley’s defence about his experience of terror and unexpected gun malfunction. This narrative denounced RCMP ballistic experts, relied on laymen evidence, and accepted Stanley’s defence of an accidental shooting through hang fire (R v. Stanley, 2018).40 The media’s representation of Gerald Stanley’s testimony repeated the defence’s argument that Stanley did not pull the trigger (CTV National News, 2018c). The PostMedia Network sources during and after the trial referenced ‘hang fire,’ or the gun that ‘just went off’ 83 times. The claim that Stanley intended to only ‘scare’ Boushie and his friends off his property came up 25 times. The Canadian Press mentions hang fire 30 times. ‘Misfire’ and ‘bulged casing’ featured 105 and 56 times in PostMedia Network articles, and six and zero times in reports from the Canadian Press. Stanley’s experience of ‘terror’ occurred a total of 17 times, his experience of a ‘home invasion’ 15 times, and his lawyer’s explanation of Boushie’s death as an ‘accident’ appeared 82 times. 40 I also address hang fire in Chapter Seven. 109 Both the defence and prosecution explored the technicalities of Stanley’s gun and the potential for a misfire by discussing the internal mechanical aspects and gun ballistics. These technical details were based on a bulged bullet casing found at the crime scene. The extensive effort to corroborate Stanley’s claim of an accident and hang fire overshadowed Stanley’s decision to hold a gun close to Boushie’s head. According to Stanley’s defence, testimonies from forensic police experts were partial as they could not provide a conclusive explanation for the bulged casing. According to Spencer, experts “can’t tell you exactly why [the casing] had a bulge” (James, 2018a). Spencer also relied on forensic errors by RCMP officers in securing the crime scene to question inconclusive answers about the bulged casing (R v. Stanley, 2018, pp. 104-43, 184-216; CBC, 2018b). The court transcript relates how the defence used speculation and Stanley’s virtue to explain the bulged casing. Apart from the technical aspects of this bulged casing, Spencer actively cast doubt on any criminal aspects related to Stanley’s behaviour by framing the shooting as an accident. Spencer was able to criminalize Indigenous witnesses, debunk expert testimony due to forensic errors, and frame Stanley as an outstanding farmer and father tending to his property with his son. The presence of a bulged casing was used to explain the malfunctioning of Stanley’s gun that led to a tragic accident. This was buttressed by the court’s acceptance of laypeople testimonies and Spencer’s reference to Reddit for information about hang fires. These testimonies from members of the public were less technical and did not address the same type of fire arm, but provided an accessible narrative about the potential of hang fire that made such an event sound more common.41 41 Anecdotes from the general public were accepted as evidence. Two members of the public and non-expert gun owners were allowed to testify that they had experienced a hang fire of more than one second with long barrel hunting rifles. This was in direct 110 Apart from a focus on hang fire, Stanley’s defence counsel focused on the presence of the broken .22 rifle to present Stanley in a more positive light (Graveland, 2018e). According to Andrea Hill reporting on the court’s proceedings, Gerald Stanley “said he noticed the driver of the vehicle for the first time and saw ‘something metal’ sticking out of the window toward him” (2018n). Spencer argued “it would have been better for Stanley to claim self-defence and claim the driver pointed the gun barrel at him, but Stanley didn’t see a rifle in the SUV” (quoted in Hill, 2018o; 2018p). Spencer’s statement that hints at self-defence suggests the criminality of the group and the virtuous character of Stanley as a trustworthy farmer (Deibert, 2018a). The problematic crime scene investigation, the group’s intoxication, and the broken rifle locating the group’s whereabouts at both the Fouhy and Stanley farm allowed Spencer to create a narrative in which Stanley’s character and gun use were excused (R v. Stanley, 2018). The suggestion of ‘something metal sticking out’ was absent in earlier police reporting or court transcripts. Media representations of court proceedings often repeated Sheldon and Gerald Stanley’s testimonies. As the defence lawyer and media’s descriptions discredited the fear experienced by Indigenous witnesses, Sheldon and Gerald Stanley’s descriptions of fear and terror were awarded credibility. During Sheldon Stanley’s testimony, he described the fear and terror his father experienced. According to Sheldon Stanley, he turned and looked at me like he was going to be sick, and he said, I – I don’t know what happened, it – it just went off, I just wanted to scare them. ... He said, I don’t know opposition to expert evidence given at trial that this delay between the trigger pull and the bullet firing in handguns can only last half a second. Charles Hamilton for CBC News (2018) reported that Wayne Popowich contacted the defence team after reading about the case in the newspaper. He said a hang fire happened to him 40 years earlier with a delay lasting at least twelve seconds. Nathan Voinorosky told the court he once experienced a seven-second hang fire while target shooting. Crown prosecutor Bill Burge made no objection about this evidence being included at trial nor addressed that this evidence pertained to a different type of firearm (R v. Stanley, 2018). 111 what happened, I bumped him, and then it went off. (R v. Stanley, 2018, pp. 258, 278; see also Hill, 2018i) The prosecution did not question Gerald Stanley about bumping the victim with the handgun, and the media only sparingly mentioned prosecutor Burge’s attempt to interrogate Stanley about his handling of the handgun at close range to Boushie’s head (Cunliffe, 2020). Instead, media reporting on the court proceedings repeatedly presented Sheldon Stanley’s testimony and Spencer’s narratives suggesting that this rendition of events was true. An idea invoked by the defence was that Gerald Stanley’s actions were reasonable. According to Spencer, “this case comes down to what’s reasonable” (R v. Stanley, 2018, p. 607). Ideas about Stanley’s experience of his home being invaded were part of that explanation. In his address to the jury, Judge Popescul stated Stanley’s resort to warning shots was reasonable. The Judge’s address implied, contrary to Indigenous testimonies, that Stanley fired warning shots and that these were reasonable based on “a self-defence factor,” used by Spencer in Stanley’s defence to say “what can you do to protect yourself in those circumstances?” (p. 607; Roach, 2020). This line of reasoning that represents Stanley’s actions with his gun (resulting in Boushie’s death) as ‘reasonable’ leading to an unfortunate accident dominated reporting (139 times across the PostMedia Network). Stanley’s actions were presented as reasonable due to his fear and terror of a home invasion. The defence was able to reduce Boushie’s death (the one absolute fact) to the idea of an accidental shooting. Since the standard of proof for criminal conviction needs to be ‘beyond a reasonable doubt’, that the accused is guilty of both the actus reus (guilty act) and mens rea (guilty mind) of the alleged offence, the accident narrative cast doubt as to find Stanley guilty of second-degree murder. The defence was also able to present reasonable doubt to the charge of 112 manslaughter, despite attempts from Crown prosecutor Bill Burge to question Stanley’s handling of the gun as negligent. The defence had to create reasonable doubt about the characters of Indigenous witnesses and successfully argue for Gerald Stanley’s experience of terror and the accidental discharge of his gun. The defence’s discrediting of the Indigenous witnesses’ characters, victim blaming, and suggestive evidence about a hang fire therefore, became tools for Stanley’s acquittal that the prosecution did not successfully challenge. Given Canada’s history and existing theories of racism and settler colonialism, the defence’s story about what happened on Stanley’s farm more readily resonates with White Saskatchewan jurists from the same region. 4.5 Stereotypes, Criminalization, and Laissez-faire Racism The Boushie case and Stanley’s trial revealed racial stereotypes that criminalized Indigenous witnesses. Court and media representations revealed overt and covert aspects of relative group positioning and prejudice, juxtaposing Indigenous and White witnesses along racial lines and based on stereotypical descriptions. This also problematizes the local court as perpetuating the oppositional order of this case, as courts play a powerful role in the predetermined ordering of relations reflective of societal elements of opposition (Arno, 1985). The court transcripts and the representations of proceedings in the media revealed a collective process by which groups defined each other. The media’s representations of the court case presented information from Stanley’s defence as objective information about the case, while at the same time embedding criminalizing racialized group stereotypes in that reporting. The underlying tensions the court case exposed is in the ways various witnesses were presented. Apart from overt racial comments and hate speech, articles featured covert racialized interpretations of crime and intent that were structured by wider cultural and historical processes marked by cross-cultural group tensions and power dynamics. The portrayal of the people 113 involved in the case repeated RCMP and court narratives that the Indigenous people involved had criminal intent without an evidence base. Indigenous people were presented as criminals and rural landowners were presented as victims to crime as a mechanism of laissez-faire racism. The bail hearing, preliminary hearing, and jury trial transcripts revealed how truth was structurally communicated and assigned to Sheldon and Gerald Stanley’s testimonies that discredited Indigenous testimonies. One aspect of laissez-faire racism is the pervasive power of negative stereotypes pertaining to Indigenous people that held sway in this case that presented Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples as bad and good. In the space of the court room and the judicial system, it is relevant to look at the work of Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak (1988), Can the Subaltern Speak, as it provides an important lens to view the ability to witness and provide testimony in court under Canadian law. Similar to Spivak’s claim that marginalized and oppressed groups in society are unable to speak due to their lack of power and their subjugation under dominant structures, Indigenous witnesses in Stanley’s trial were not heard because of dominant interpretations about their intoxication and criminal intent. Although Indigenous witnesses were asked to speak about their experiences, they were not heard or equally represented in the media. Family members and allies were quoted during the jury trial, asserting that the defence was putting the Indigenous witnesses on trial. However, these counter-frames about the victim-blaming of Indigenous witnesses were neutralized in favour of narratives about home invasion that dominated reporting. The five Indigenous young adults were predefined by “the authority of white Eurocentric knowledge and philosophy within which the identity, experience and knowledge of non-white people have been historically racialized as inferior” (Rose & Kalathil, 2019, p. 3). In the context of this case, this racialization incriminated Indigenous witnesses a priori and reflects a form of 114 epistemic racism that “consists in devaluing the humanity of certain people by dismissing it” (Dabashi, 2015, p. xi). As a feature of laissez-faire racism, it also presents non-Indigenous testimony as superior or more trustworthy (R v. Stanley, 2017; R v. Stanley, 2018). Rosanne Kennedy (2008) argues a problematic feature of providing testimony is the “adversarial process of cross-examination … meant to reveal whether the witness is reliable” (p. 59; Report of the Aboriginal Justice Inquiry, 1991, vol. II).42 In a court situation where Indigenous witnesses are easily made to fit pre-existing stereotypes, this more easily leads to the invalidation of Indigenous testimony and the criminalization of Indigenous folks. These asymmetric power dynamics produce a trial in which it is questionable if people were able to hear Indigenous experiences (Starblanket & Hunt, 2020, p. 11). Stanley’s trial and the defence’s criminalization of Indigenous witnesses built on previous narratives that presented Boushie and his friends as rural criminals. Stanley’s defence reinforced stereotypes available in the collective memory and frames of Indigenous deviance (Gargett, 2005, p. 8). The media’s descriptions of predominantly the defence’s narratives, connections to cases of rural crime, and assumptions about life on reserves reproduce geographies of segregation and containment that invite criminality of Indigenous peoples, in which “aboriginality appears as a symptom of anachronism, criminality, and poverty” (Buffam, 2011, p. 337). This is juxtaposed to the virtue of the rural private property owner and farmer (CBC Radio, 2018; Starblanket & Hunt, 2020). Stanley was presented as protecting his family and framed as a symbol of farmer morals (Starblanket & Hunt, 2020, pp. 75, 86). As per Starblanket and Hunt (2020), “there is the 42 This inquiry established in 1988 investigated the deaths of Helen Betty Osborne and J.J. Harper and concluded there was systemic racism within Manitoba’s criminal justice system. It made recommendations on how to improve Indigenous-settler relations and Indigenous treatment in the criminal justice system (Aboriginal Justice Implementation Commission, 1991). 115 language of industriousness and productiveness used to describe Sheldon Stanley, the diligent son who came home and ‘naturally went to work’ on the ranch” (p. 85). The five people in the SUV were framed as the antithesis to the Stanley family: drinking, swimming, shooting targets, and engaging in criminal activity (Ibid.). The undermining of Indigenous voices through the criminalization of their behaviour affirmed pre-existing stereotypes of the Indigenous other and the settler self (Furniss, 1999; Rose & Kalathil, 2019). This stereotyping meant that Indigenous witnessing and testimony in a settler court invited confirmation bias in favour of settler interpretations, a framework uncontested by the prosecution (Kennedy, R., 2008). In turn, Stanley’s defence was able to rely on a narrow interpretation of ‘reasonableness’ as offered through the adversarial Canadian legal tradition. The intersections of race and criminal deviancy brought forward in responses to Boushie’s death and court documents often referred to the five individuals in the SUV as lacking reason. Common-sense or reason is heralded by “conventional, if unsupportable, notions of objectivity,” and not associated with the five people in the SUV (Rose & Kalathil, 2019, p. 4; Winter, 2012, p. 209; CBC Radio, 2020). According to Louise Harmon (1990), a reasonable person is a concept that is based on racialized assumptions about reason, and, in the Canadian legal tradition, this assumption reflects a hypothetical person of legal fiction (Harmon, 1990).43 This person, crafted by the courts and communicated through jury instructions, is, consequently, problematic when people from cross-cultural groups are involved. It assumes a universally intelligible concept of reasonableness that is normative and “operates within assumptions and philosophies that privilege reason as well as white, Eurocentric thinking” (Rose & Kalathil, 2019, p. 2). When reason is informed by stereotypes about 43 In addition, in Canadian law, “Indians” were not even considered to be enfranchised until the 1950s. Under the Indian Act, they are treated as children or wards of the state.. 116 Indigenous groups and individuals, this means that in a case such as R v. Stanley (2018), confirmation of stereotypes more easily skews in favour of the dominant culture. This discrediting of Indigenous testimonies showcased how the defence was able to attribute ‘guilty acts’ and ‘guilty minds’ to the Indigenous witnesses (Carlson & Frazer, 2020). In addition to Rose and Kalathil’s (2019) explanation of reason, settler colonial laws of Canada, and its connection to property, are biased in favour of those holding private property, which historically favours homesteaders (Starbanket & Hunt, 2020; Carter, 1989, 1990, 1999). This means the property owner is more likely to be seen as reasonable than the Indigenous witness in a court of Canadian law. When the prosecution, at trial, is unable to prove that the accused is guilty beyond a reasonable doubt, allowing the admission of non-expert witnesses and failing to discredit the defence’s hang fire claim, reasonable doubt is more likely to occur if not only the accused is sharing in cultural background with both the jury and the institution but more so if the adversary is Indigenous and fits negative stereotypes. 4.6 Conclusions This chapter addresses the criminalization of Indigenous witnesses in R v. Stanley (2018). My analysis of the media’s representations of the court proceedings, particularly the defence’s narratives, shows the criminalization of the four young adults. The portrayal of Boushie and his male friends as criminals differs from the portrayal of Stanley as property owner and victim to a home invasion. In repeating narratives from the defence, the media’s engagement with R v. Stanley (2018) discloses the compound ramifications of criminalizing those who are already racialized. The defence’s interrogation of Boushie’s friends mobilized historical stereotypes that criminalize the racialized Indigenous stranger as a danger to settler property. Intersecting 117 processes of criminalization and racialization present Boushie’s death as an accident in the context of Stanley’s fear for the invasion of his property. The sources ascribe various levels of criminality to Indigenous and non-Indigenous individuals. Although Stanley was occasionally described as a criminal prior to the jury trial, this narrative was overpowered by reporting on the jury trial that followed the narratives presented by Stanley’s defence team. Relative to other media organizations, PostMedia Network repeated the criminalization of Boushie’s male friends in R v. Stanley (2018). This chapter has addressed how media representations reveal perceptions about rural space that invite the criminalization of Indigenous victims involved in incidents of violence. In particular, this analysis addresses how laissez-faire racism becomes apparent through pre-existing stereotypes that persisted in the defence’s interrogation of Indigenous witnesses, unchallenged by the prosecution. News media repeated court proceeding narratives from the defence as facts of what happened on Stanley’s farm. These narratives, presented as facts, are reproduced across editorials and opinion pieces. These media descriptions repeated narratives presented by Stanley’s defence that the Indigenous men on his property had the intention to steal. While a few articles in the Canadian Press critique the defence’s interrogation of witnesses as victim-blaming, the majority of articles do not offer this perspective. In diagnostically framing these Indigenous young men as criminals, the defence also established the innocence of Sheldon and Gerald Stanley. Framing advanced the racial tension narratives and criminality of Indigenous witnesses. This focus shifts after the all-White jury acquits Stanley for both second-degree murder and manslaughter, leading to claims of injustice that propel rallies and discussions on judicial reform related to anti-Indigenous discrimination in the Canadian criminal justice system. 118 Chapter 5: Judicial Interpretations and Notions of Justice The media’s representations of the case generally included questions about justice. Yet, after Stanley’s acquittal, reporting on the case foregrounded debates about justice and injustice. This chapter addresses the ways in which justice and injustice were framed in this reporting. In general, justice is addressed in legal and social terms: justice in legal terms is concerned with the letter of the law and justice in social terms is concerned with discussions on morality and ethics (Rawls, 1972; Hare, 1973; Monchalin, 2016). Engagements with Stanley’s trial also reflected concerns about procedural or epistemic injustice.44 Epistemic injustice, per Fricker (2007), refers to the exclusion or misrepresentation of certain knowledges based on status, distinctions in authority, and distrust. Epistemic injustice is twofold as it describes 1) testimonial injustice, when someone is ignored because of their identity, and 2) hermeneutical injustice, based on a lack of understanding someone’s experiences due to the historic exclusion of some groups of people. Legal scholar Kent Roach (2019c) addresses the Stanley trial through the lens of procedural justice. An example of epistemic injustice was the jury selection in R v. Stanley (2018). Both the selection of a jury pool and the selection of jurors were critiqued in terms that reflect notions of testimonial and hermeneutical injustice (Roach, 2019c). In a case marked by racial tension, the jury pool contained a disproportionate number of non-Indigenous individuals from the area. The jury selection excluded potential Indigenous jurors through peremptory challenges. Sources about the jury selection generally criticized the formation of what was referred to as an ‘all-White jury’. To many, this jury selection reflected a kind of testimonial exclusion based on 44 The literature on procedural justice not only focuses on the fairness of final outcomes but also on the fairness of the methods and processes used to arrive at those outcomes. Epistemic injustice focuses on failed procedural justice (Roach, 2019c). 119 Indigenous identity. To some, this selection also reflected a hermeneutical injustice based on the White jury’s potential bias against Indigenous witnesses. This chapter examines how the public debates were structured by different interpretations of legal and social justice and concerns about epistemic injustice, of both the testimonial and hermeneutical kinds. It foregrounds interpretations of justice and injustice after Stanley’s acquittal. The first three sections address the media’s framing of justice. I categorized representations of justice by province and population centre and analyzed if debates presented a geographic distribution, linked to laissez-faire racism. The time periods before, during, and after R v. Stanley (2018) reflect changes in these narratives about legal and social interpretations of justice. The last two sections engage with discussions about political interference and Bill C-75, the jury selection process, and the all-White jury.45 5.1 Representations of Justice before R v. Stanley (2018) From August 16, 2016, to January 28, 2018, 423 sources mention ‘justice’ or the Canadian justice system. Table 8 shows how these sources are distributed per publisher in small, medium, and large population centres for the provinces of Alberta, Ontario, and Saskatchewan.46 For the period before Stanley’s trial, the biggest news distributer was the PostMedia Network as it dominated the medium centres in Alberta, Ontario, and larger urban centres in Saskatchewan. 45 Bill C-75 refers to "An Act to amend the Criminal Code, the Youth Criminal Justice Act and other Acts and to make consequential amendments to other Acts," and was introduced by the federal government to reduce case backlog, modernize processes, and increase the efficiency and fairness of the system. The bill was hailed in the media as judicial reform in response to Stanley’s acquittal because of amendments and abolition of the use of peremptory challenges in jury selection that were described as unfair and discriminatory in the context of the case. The bill received Royal Assent on June 21, 2019. 46 The table reflects the distributions for Alberta, Ontario, and Saskatchewan only, as other provinces had less than ten sources on this topic in this period. The Canadian Press Enterprises, Canadian Broadcasting Company, and CTV Television refer to broadcast news, wire feeds, and televised news broadcast across Canada. 120 Table 8: Crosstabulation of Sources in Alberta, Ontario, and Saskatchewan concerned with ‘Justice’ and the case (Pre-trial) Period pre-trial (August 16, 2016 – January 28, 2018) * Province AB ON SK Small population centres Publisher PostMedia Network Inc. - 11 13 CEDROM-SNi INC. - 0 4 Total 0 11 17 Medium population centres Publisher PostMedia Network Inc. 9 32 0 FolioJumpline Publishing, Inc. 0 0 9 Total 9 32 9 Large population centres Publisher PostMedia Network Inc. 11 40 163 Torstar Syndication Services 0 1 0 The Globe and Mail 0 27 0 Total 11 77 163 Canadian Press Enterprises Inc.** - (93) - Canadian Broadcasting Company** - (4) - CTV Television, Inc.** - (2) - *Exclusion of provinces and territories with less than 10 sources (n<10); **Publishers or broadcast services that are headquartered in Ontario and distribute across Canada. The PostMedia Network sources published in small population centres of Ontario referenced perceptions of ‘justice’ according to interpretations offered by Boushie’s family and supporters and those offered by White commenters on the case. On the one hand, these sources framed justice as lacking, often referencing rallies held by Boushie’s family members asking for justice. On the other hand, these sources promoted the public’s trust in the justice system to properly address Boushie’s shooting (Brean, 2016; Warick, 2016a). In a news article for the National Post, Joseph Brean anticipated “distrust, racism and antipathy between Saskatchewan’s white and indigenous people” (2016). This distrust is visible in a column from Colby Cosh who reports on rallies with “photo-waving supporters of Boushie” and on the organization of a steak dinner fundraiser for Stanley (2016). Douglas Quan’s article for the Canadian Press, published by the National Post included references to law enforcement urging “the public to let the justice system run its course” (2018b). Similarly, Jennifer Graham’s article for the Canadian Press appeared in small population centres in Saskatchewan and referred to ‘justice’ through representations of both the ‘Justice for Colten’ rallies, and the call for calm amidst “comments on 121 social media sites [that] have been anti-First Nation, while others have supported vigilante justice against the suspect [i.e., Stanley]” (2016b; 2016c). In Saskatchewan, sources referenced the RCMP’s requests that residents not take the law into their own hands (Moose Jaw Times Herald, 2016). The majority of the 32 sources published by the PostMedia Network in medium population centres of Ontario referenced ‘justice’ in the same manner as those in smaller centres. Jason Warick’s article, published across the PostMedia Network, framed justice by centering the ‘Justice for Colten’ or ‘#IndigenousLivesMatter’ rallies in photographs and in his article’s narrative. The reporting in Alberta, meanwhile, relied on the files from reporters in Saskatchewan. This cross publishing and file sharing points to a network of information that reporters and population centres shared across provinces and newspaper publications. Consequently, most of these sources relied on information from the Canadian Press’s wire feeds and articles. At times, the same story was slightly altered in format (Warick, 2016e). Nine sources by FolioJumpline Publishing referenced in Table 8 reflect sources in the medium population centres in Saskatchewan. These sources contain statements from for instance Alvin Baptiste who referenced ‘justice’ as something that needs to be guarded to make sure “we [Indigenous people] have a voice as well in the justice system” (quoted in Adam, 2017a; see also Lozinski, 2017). FolioJumpline Publishing includes the duplication of news stories that also appear in the Postmedia Network during this pre-trial period. This means that sources published by PostMedia Network in Ontario were almost identical to the sources published in Alberta and Saskatchewan. The exception were sources from the PostMedia Network published in Ontario that promoted the idea of trust in the justice system (Brean, 2016; Quan, 2018a; Warick, 2016e). 122 The 27 sources published by The Globe and Mail during this period represented ‘justice’ as rallies demanding ‘Justice for Colten’ (Friesen, 2017d; Tait, 2016a). But, different from PostMedia Network sources, Joe Friesen and Carrie Tait’s articles for The Globe and Mail more often included interviews with family members and Indigenous people in the community (Friesen, 2016a; 2016d; 2017b; 2018a; Tait, 2016b; 2016c). Simultaneously, these Globe and Mail journalists also presented the question of ‘justice’ in polarizing terms, juxtaposing comments from Boushie’s family members with comments from local farmers expressing rural crime concerns. For example, Friesen quotes Alvin Baptiste, who states “that the justice system treats them unfairly,” and “almost no one believes that the justice system will be applied to Mr. Stanley as it is to First Nations people,” since “First Nations people never get a fair shake in the justice system at all” (2016a). This is juxtaposed to statements from Friesen describing “angry protests and signs that the white community is fearful of a backlash” (Ibid.). As Friesen summarizes “either Colten was the victim of a racially motivated killing, or Colten’s friends were trespassers and thieves who met swift, vigilante ‘justice’” (Ibid.). Publications in large population centres of Saskatchewan were dominated by sources from the PostMedia Network (Table 8). One of the first sources included the FSIN statement from vice-chief Kimberly Jonathan, stating “Colten Boushie deserves justice and anything less is unacceptable” (quoted in Warick, 2016b). John Gormley’s column for the Regina Leader-Post connects Boushie’s shooting to a rural crime case in 2005, to which Saskatchewan Crown prosecutor Mr. Justice Ron Barclay responded: We do not want to see rural Saskatchewan turn into the Wild West where farm owners arm themselves to protect themselves because they don’t feel the justice system will do it 123 for them. … Allowing the courts, the rule of law and justice to prevail is the correct first step. (2016b). PostMedia sources in large centres in Saskatchewan differed from the PostMedia sources published Saskatchewan’s small and medium population centres and those published in Alberta and Ontario. PostMedia sources in Saskatchewan’s large centres, similar to The Globe and Mail, addressed ‘justice’ in the pre-trial period through Indigenous perspectives (Hill, 2017a; 2017b; 2017d; 2017e; 2017f; 2017g). This reporting included multiple narratives that directly engaged with members of the Red Pheasant First Nation and the Boushie/Baptiste family members (Ibid.). Sources quoted Sheldon Wuttunee, Chief of Red Pheasant First Nation, who “said their priority is healing and justice, not revenge” (Warick, 2016e; 2016g). At the same time, sources contained photos of Stanley hiding his face in handcuffs, leaving Battleford Court of Queen’s under police escort surrounded by “angry crowds” chanting “Justice for Colten” (Warick, 2016e; 2016g; see also Cuthand, 2016a). Broadcasts by the Canadian Press shaped news across Canada and centered ‘justice’ as related to ‘vigilante justice’ and repeatedly mentioned how “some comments on social media sites have been against First Nations, while others have supported vigilante justice against the suspect” (Canadian Press, 2016e; 2016g; 2016h). Highlighting vigilante justice, sources addressed calls for peaceful protest and requests for ‘justice’ as “hundreds of people rallied outside, holding signs and chanting ‘Justice for Colten’” (Graham, 2016b; 2016c; 2017b). These broadcasts often present as objective news segments and were used in the other publishing networks reporting. The Canadian Press news referred to the anti-First Nations sentiments and the vigilante justice visible online, highlighting the racial tension narratives of “distrust, racism and antipathy” between settler and Indigenous people (Brean, 2016). These broadcast news 124 segments presented episodic framing without context beyond the oppositional framing of anti-First Nations sentiments and ‘Justice for Colten’ initiatives. A handful of sources addressed how “there’s not much that inspires indigenous confidence in the justice system” (Canadian Press, 2016b; see also Graham, 2017c). Reporting in this pre-trial period referenced ‘justice’ through descriptions of rallies and the need for trust in the judicial process. These articles reflect a complex relationship between perceived justice for Boushie and justice as provided by the criminal justice system. This contrast in interpretations is more evident in the opinion pieces published during this period. For example, the bail release for Stanley was framed as indicative of “the justice system ... showing its bias against indigenous people” (Warick, 2016g; see also Paul, L. J., 2016). Although bail release followed juridical process, it was simultaneously interpreted as unjust. In another example, Ken MacDougall in his column for the Regina Leader-Post asserts “both sides in this racial divide perceive that built-in biases in our legal system will preclude justice being delivered” (2016). According to Eleanor Sunchild, “the case brings to light the disparity in how the justice system has treated native and non-native people” (quoted in Charlton, 2016; see also Adam, 2017b). Various sources addressed concerns that “there’s no trust in the justice system for First Nations people” (Adam, 2017b). Both news and editorial reporting point at the discrepancies between procedural justice and Indigenous experiences of injustice. Sources in this pre-trial period framed justice through rallies for Indigenous justice and uncertainty about what transpired on Stanley’s farm. The Canadian Press mentioned the theme of ‘vigilante justice,’ without explaining this vigilante 125 aspect of justice.47 The Globe and Mail in Ontario and the PostMedia Network in large urban locations of Saskatchewan made the most direct references to the lack of justice for Indigenous people. Other sources from the PostMedia network promoted ‘faith in the justice system’ based on news advisories from the Canadian Press. 5.2 Representations of Justice during R v. Stanley (2018) From January 29, 2018, to February 9, 2018, 499 sources mention ‘justice’ or the Canadian justice system. Media descriptions of ‘justice’ during R v. Stanley (2018) shifted based on direct reporting of court proceedings. Table 9 reflects the distribution of those sources in the small, medium, and large population centres of Alberta, Ontario, and Saskatchewan. The PostMedia Network dominated publishing in small population centres, the medium sized population centres of Alberta and Ontario, and the larger urban centres in Saskatchewan. Larger centres in Ontario saw more diversity in publishing including reporting from The Globe and Mail (Table 9). The Canadian Press broadcast multiple times a day to provide updates about the trial. Table 9: Crosstabulation of Sources in Alberta, Ontario, and Saskatchewan concerned with ‘Justice’ and the case (During Trial) Period during trial (January 29 – February 9, 2018) * Province AB ON SK Small population centres Publisher PostMedia Network Inc. - 4 1 Total 0 4 1 Medium population centres Publisher PostMedia Network Inc. 8 15 0 FolioJumpline Publishing, Inc. 0 0 4 Total 8 15 4 Large population centres Publisher PostMedia Network Inc. 7 27 114 Torstar Syndication Services 0 4 0 The Globe and Mail 0 35 0 Total 7 66 114 Canadian Press Enterprises Inc.** - (117) - Canadian Broadcasting Company** - (6) - CTV Television, Inc.** - (7) - *Exclusion of territories with less than 20 sources (n<10); **Publishers or broadcast services that are headquartered in Ontario and distribute across Canada. 47 Without a clear description of what type of ‘vigilante justice’ the articles refer to, this can refer to risk that Stanley could be targeted by Boushie’s allies or alternatively, that farmers could resort to violence toward First Nation’s residents. 126 Sources published by PostMedia Network in the small population centres of Ontario were based on information from the Canadian Press. A widely circulated article by Douglas Quan for the Canadian Press addressed ‘justice’ as a system ‘stacked against Indigenous peoples’ in which “the media is ‘victim blaming’” (2018d). Quan described how R v. Stanley (2018) prompted “accusations of racial bias within Canada’s justice system, and the news outlets that cover the courts” (Ibid.). Quan’s article appeared in larger population centres across the PostMedia Network, such as Winnipeg, Toronto, Saskatoon, Calgary, Edmonton, Vancouver, and Montreal, in print and online formats. According to Quan, “critics express a shared anger: that the complexities of the Indigenous experience are not reflected in these trials, and that without a deeper understanding of the victims and their communities, justice cannot be served” (2018d). For example, Senator Murray Sinclair tweeted: “without Indigenous people on the jury, how will they understand?” Another critic is Boushie’s family lawyer Chris Murphy, who indicated that the selection of an all-White jury exemplified “the systemic exclusion of Indigenous people from the justice system” (Ibid.). PostMedia Network sources published during Stanley’s trial in Ontario’s and Alberta’s medium population centres referred to an often-cited article that questioned the jury selection process. The article, written by Doug Cuthand, was published in print in small towns Kenora, Brockville, Pembroke, Kirkland Lake, and in medium population centres such as Stratford, Sarnia, Woodstock, Owen Sound, and North Bay. According to Cuthand, “the subplot to this tragic story is the rampant racism that is coming to the surface in social media. These anonymous trolls are fanning the flames and, in the process, Indigenous Peoples have been placed on trial” (2018a). Cuthand critiques the selection of the jury, as “[Scott Spencer] challenged every 127 identifiable Indigenous person. The result is a jury for a racially charged case with no identifiable Indigenous People” (Ibid.). Sources published by FolioJumpline in Saskatchewan referenced ‘justice’ in descriptions of the judicial procedures, such as jury selection, and the day-to-day court proceedings. Journalist Thia James cites Boushie’s mother, who “doesn’t have faith justice will be served because the seven-woman, five-man jury does not include any visibly Indigenous people” (2018a). FolioJumpline also included files from the Canadian Press that were used by the PostMedia Network, such as an article titled “Two crown witnesses admit to lying to police” that describes Stanley’s defence lawyer’s interrogation of Indigenous witnesses (2018). The PostMedia Network and The Globe and Mail published the most sources in large population centres of Ontario (Table 8). In most publications, the PostMedia Network relied on files from Morgan Modjeski and Quan’s article for the Canadian Press (2018c). As a result, most of the reporting during the trial outside of Saskatchewan was informed by Modjeski and Quan’s reporting on court proceedings. Their reporting often centered legal procedure. Reporting within large centres in Saskatchewan was dominated by journalist Andrea Hill and included quotes from Boushie’s mother and questions of “fair justice” (2018h). Reporting on the court proceedings by The Globe and Mail questioned what ‘justice’ means from the perspective of Boushie’s family members. Reporting by Friesen and Roach reflected on ‘injustice’ through the jury selection (Friesen, 2018c). In addition, Friesen and Roach contextualised that, if not for the defence’s peremptory challenges, other barriers deter Indigenous representation on juries. According to Roach, “many would have had to travel long distances [and] have simply lost faith in a criminal justice system that disproportionately imprisons their sons and daughters … while failing to protect them from disproportionate rates of 128 victimization” (2018a). Friesen referenced then Justice Minister Jody Wilson-Raybould voicing her concerns “about the under-representation of Indigenous people on Canadian juries that ‘need to be carefully studied and considered’” (2018g). In an article published on the day of Stanley’s acquittal, Friesen describes how Jace Baptiste, Boushie’s brother, stated “‘this ain’t right, this ain’t justice. The law system failed my family’” (2018i). In addition, Friesen describes the resolve among Boushie’s family members and allies that the acquittal will “not stop [the] pursuit of justice” (Ibid.). The political responses from the Federation of Sovereign Indigenous Nations (FSIN) and from Jody Wilson-Raybould determined that the trial’s outcome and the all-White jury were a “gross miscarriage of justice” that did not “ensure justice for all Canadians” (Ibid.). The National on CBC, and CTV news reporting during the trial also repeatedly mentioned that all visible Indigenous jurors were challenged (Graveland, 2018a). This shifted during witness testimonies as news broadcasts highlighted “Justice Martel Popescul’s mid-trial instructions to the jury” drawing attention to witnesses admitting “they made last-minute changes to their stories and lied to investigators” (Canadian Press, 2018h; 2018i; 2018j). Later references to ‘justice’ published on February 9th, reflected mostly the call and fight for justice from Boushie’s family members (Graveland, 2018c). People were filmed standing outside in the cold “holding ‘Justice for Colten’” signs (Canadian Press, 2018n; Graveland, 2018f; 2018h). Bystanders quoted in the Canadian Press linked ‘justice for Colten’ to injustice for Indigenous people in the justice system (Canadian Press, 2018g). Broadcasts and wire feeds included reactions from bystanders reported to have lost faith in the justice system, as “Boushie’s uncle Alvin Baptiste said there is no justice for his nephew, adding … ‘How First Nations are treated in the justice system is not right’” (Canadian Press, 2018o). TV reports repeatedly stated that 129 “there was no justice served here today” (Canadian Press, 2018o; see also Purdy, 2018a; 2018b). TV reporting echoed statements circulated in The Globe and Mail from Boushie’s family members that they “will never give up on justice for First Nations” (Graveland, 2018g). Sources published in larger urban centres of Saskatchewan by the PostMedia Network referenced ‘justice’ as problematic (Hill, 2018d; 2018e; 2018f; 2018g). During the trial, online reporting through the PostMedia Network in Saskatoon and Regina were repeating the calls for justice from Boushie’s family members as well as providing live updates about court proceedings. As a response to hate speech in the website comment sections, the Saskatoon StarPhoenix and the Regina Leader-Post turned off comment options, while continuing to report on the court proceedings (Coolican, 2018). Similar to reporting in larger urban centres of Ontario, sources in Saskatchewan between January 29th and February 2nd reflected concerns “that no jurors are visibly Indigenous” pointing to “the systemic discrimination of Indigenous people in the justice system” (Hill, 2018m). The sources’ descriptions of the courthouse proceedings and the jury verdict contain “‘concerns of frustration and ... inequality within the justice system’” voiced by Boushie’s family and Indigenous leaders (Hill, 2018w). The framing of ‘justice’ in sources published during R v. Stanley (2018) revealed a shift in focus. Previously, reporting centered the justice rallies led by Indigenous people and allies and the relative trust in the justice system among predominantly non-Indigenous bystanders to provide answers. Between January 29th and February 2nd, this focus shifted to concerns voiced by Indigenous bystanders, allies, and sources from larger population centres about the selection of an ‘all-White jury.’ These concerns criticized the inaccessibility of justice because of the all-White jury (CTV National News, 2018a). This jury selection meant more media attention went to previous narratives that problematized the experiences for Indigenous peoples in the justice 130 system. Mostly in reporting by The Globe and Mail, sources questioned overall judicial fairness. Different from pre-trial reporting, both the PostMedia Network and Canadian Press no longer featured requests for people to trust in the judicial process. After the jury selection and during reporting on the witness testimonies, the focus of sources shifted again. After February 2nd most reporting presented narratives by Stanley’s defence lawyer. This focus replaced earlier reporting that highlighted concerns about the ‘all-White jury’. Instead, sources from the PostMedia Network and Canadian Press pivoted to court proceedings, increasingly describing Indigenous witnesses as liars. This focus on Indigenous witnesses and the defence’s rationale for claiming Stanley’s innocence shifted again on February 9th with Stanley’s acquittal. 5.3 Representations of Justice after R v. Stanley (2018) Publishing increased exponentially with Stanley’s trial and acquittal on February 9th of 2018. Table 10 provides an overview of the sources published in three provinces.48 The next subsections engage with three provinces in more detail. Output is organized by province for Alberta, Ontario, and Saskatchewan and includes differences among population centres to distinguish the framing differences in sources featuring post-trial debates about justice. These frames about justice and injustice after Stanley’s acquittal are complex and involved the continuation of some narratives also seen prior to the trial. Sources include sentiments about perceived political interference with the case and proposed judicial reforms. 48 The provinces of BC and Manitoba presented more than 50 sources after Stanley’s acquittal and are addressed briefly for relevance in connection to the other provinces. 131 Table 10: Crosstabulation of Sources in Alberta, Ontario, and Saskatchewan concerned with ‘Justice’ and the case (After Trial) Period after trial (February 10, 2018 – April 29, 2020) * Province AB ON SK Small population centres (Between 1,000 and 29,999) Publisher PostMedia Network Inc. 41 57 35 Torstar Syndication Services 0 7 0 Alberta Weekly Newspapers 8 0 0 Total 49 64 35 Medium population centres (Between 30,000 and 99,999) Publisher PostMedia Network Inc. 91 135 0 Torstar Syndication Services 0 0 0 FolioJumpline Publishing, Inc. 0 0 4 F.P. Canadian Newspapers 0 0 0 Total 91 135 4 Large population centres (100,000 and over) Publisher PostMedia Network Inc. 185 367 586 Torstar Syndication Services 0 239 0 The Globe and Mail 0 173 0 F.P. Canadian Newspapers 0 0 0 Total 185 779 586 PR Newswire Association LLC** - (5) - Canadian Press Enterprises, Inc.** - (419) - Canadian Broadcasting Company** - (17) - CTV Television, Inc.** - (23) - *Focus is on Alberta, Ontario, and Saskatchewan; **Publishers or broadcast services that are headquartered in Ontario and distribute across Canada. 5.3.1 Alberta After February 9th of 2018, sources in small population centres reported on the rallies and demonstrations that were organized to demand justice for Boushie and an end to Indigenous injustice (Clancy, 2018; McCutcheon, 2018). Douglas Quan’s news article supported by information from the Canadian Press linked Boushie’s death and Stanley’s acquittal to “divisions across rural communities” and “heated debates over the need for criminal justice reform” (2018e). These debates focused on local concerns about rural crime and extensive police response times (Wakefield, 2018a; 2018b). For example, Josh Aldrich’s column for the Camrose Canadian questioned the criminal justice system for not charging Boushie’s friends for trespassing and linked this to concerns about easy sentencing of rural crime offenders (2018). 132 In March of 2018, Albertan news linked Stanley’s acquittal to the case of Edouard Maurice, a landowner in rural Okotoks charged with assault for shooting at people on his property, harming one perceived trespasser with a ricocheting bullet. According to Ryan Rumbolt’s article, “people gathered outside the Okotoks courthouse … to support a man charged with shooting at trespassers on his property” (2018b). In multiple sources, the case in Okotoks was connected to Stanley and referenced Boushie and his friends. In particular, Boushie and his friends were framed as examples of individuals escaping justice, indicating a criminal justice system does not take property crime seriously (Bell, J., 2019; Dawson, 2018a; 2018b; Parsons & Wakefield, 2018e). Sources in Alberta’s rural publications connected a lack of justice for property owners to earlier efforts in Saskatchewan by the Saskatchewan Association of Rural Municipalities (SARM) to lobby for increased self-defence rights (Drinkwater, 2018). Some sources from small centres focussed on political interference. In a letter to the High River Times, Mary Campbell critiqued comments from political leaders after Stanley’s acquittal, which she claims encouraged distrust in the justice system and fed into tensions surrounding the verdict (2018). The Alberta Weekly Newspapers Association’s eight sources framed the acquittal as the catalyst for the rallies against injustice experienced by Indigenous peoples, while also critiquing statements from political leaders responding to the acquittal as interfering with the administration of justice (Connolly, 2018a; 2018b; McCrae, 2019; Schwenk, 2018). PostMedia dominated publishing in medium-sized population centres in Alberta.49 Of these 91 sources, more sources dedicated space to reporting on Indigenous injustice rallies than sources in the smaller population centres (Canadian Press, 2018ab; Graveland, 2018m; Omand, 49 Alberta’s medium population centres per 2016: Red Deer, Lethbridge, Airdrie, Fort McMurray, Medicine Hat, Grande Prairie, Spruce Grove, Leduc, Cochrane, and Lloydminster. 133 2018a). A few sources linked the rallies to the acquittal of Cormier in the death of Tina Fontaine and the need for “change in the Canadian justice system” (McDermott, 2018). According to Mosquito First Nation Chief Daniel Starchief, acquittals in both cases meant “justice crumbled” (quoted in Deibert, 2018b; see also Cuthand, 2018e; Kuhl, 2018c). About half of the 91 sources addressed the fight for judicial reform after Stanley’s acquittal (Graveland, 2018m), as articles referenced Baptiste and Tootoosis’s fight for justice and their meetings with members of parliament and presentation at the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (Malone, 2018c; Smith & Omand, 2018; Wright, 2018). Most PostMedia Network sources that referenced Indigenous injustice were supported by the files from the Canadian Press. In these sources, writers described the verdict as “an example of how the justice system fails Indigenous people” and how Boushie’s family members met with the prime minister “to talk about what they considered a travesty of justice” (Canadian Press, 2018ak; see also Graveland, 2018l; Omand, 2018a). This reporting linked to previous inquiries in the criminal justice system and the words of former Supreme Court Judge Frank Iacobucci, who stated in 2013 “that the justice system generally as applied to First Nations peoples … is quite frankly in a crisis” (quoted in Perkel, 2018). Articles in 2018 connected Stanley’s acquittal to the acquittal in R v. Khill (2018) as two Indigenous deaths “unanswered by the Canadian justice system,” which, according to Tootoosis, “fits into a pattern of discrimination against Indigenous victims and exoneration of white settlers” (quoted in Goffin, 2018b). In contrast, the majority of opinion pieces in medium population centres in Alberta argued not only “that justice was served in the non-guilty verdict of Mr. Stanley” (Schneider, 2018), but also that the Prime Minister’s comments about the verdict presented a “political threat for the justice system” (Gunter, 2018e). Trudeau’s comments included a solidarity statement 134 with the Boushie family over Twitter and comments that the case points at systemic issues in Canada’s criminal justice system. Direct connections to rural crime concerns were less frequent in sources in Alberta’s medium population centres if based on reporting from the Canadian Press. However, when sources were not linked to files from the Canadian Press, they linked injustice for Saskatchewan property owners like Stanley to local property owner’s experiences of rural crime and injustice in Alberta. PostMedia publications in Calgary and Edmonton showed similar patterns to the medium population centres (Edmonton Journal, 2019; Olson, 2019a). Letters and columns published in these large centres voiced misgivings about political commentary on Stanley’s acquittal (Bonokoski, 2018a; 2018b; 2018c; Gunter, 2018b; Hudson, 2018). Some referenced local claims for expanded self-defence rights and amendments to the Trespass to Property Act, also seen in the small and medium population centres (Blatchford, 2018d; 2018f; MacPherson, 2018h). Lorne Gunter’s asserted that: many rural residents feel vulnerable [and] compelled to defend themselves and families. Rural crime has nearly doubled since 1995, rural RCMP staffing and budgets are down, response times can be appalling and when criminals are caught, the justice system slaps their wrists, especially Indigenous offenders who are required, by law, to receive leniency in sentencing. (2018a; 2018b; 2018c; 2018d) Gunter’s statements claim an increase in rural crime and connect that to police response times and perceived leniency towards Indigenous offenders.50 Christie Blatchford’s article for the Calgary Herald and Edmonton Journal and Alex MacPherson’s article for the Calgary Herald 50 The perception that Indigenous offenders are by law required to receive leniency in sentencing is based on a misinterpretation of the Gladue principles through which 1996 sentencing reforms were meant to decrease harsh sentencing and overincarceration of Indigenous offenders (MacIntosh & Angrove 2012, p. 33). 135 connect to Edouard Maurice – the Okotoks property owner charged with aggravated assault for hitting trespasser Watson with a ricocheting bullet. Both authors connect Stanley with Maurice as an example of why some feel self-defence rights and the Trespass to Property Act ought to be changed (Blatchford, 2018d; 2018f; MacPherson, 2018h). In Tyler Dawson’s article for the Calgary Herald and Juris Graney’s article for the Edmonton Journal, Jessica and Edouard Maurice link their experience of injustice to Stanley’s trial (Dawson, 2018a; Graney, J., 2018a). Overall, the number of sources in Alberta after R v. Stanley (2018) grew exponentially. Many sources connected questions of ‘justice’ to interpretations of Indigenous injustice and rural crime (Corbella, 2018a; Drinkwater, 2018; Gerein, 2019). Sources from the smaller population centres in Alberta were preoccupied with rural crime concerns and interpreted the Stanley case in Saskatchewan as exemplary of their rural crime concerns. Sources in Alberta’s medium and large urban population centres engaged with discussions about judicial reform, peremptory challenges, and Indigenous overrepresentation in the Canadian criminal justice system and underrepresentation on juries. Those in favour of judicial reform discussed Stanley’s acquittal in a negative light and referenced R v. Stanley (2018) as an example of anti-Indigenous discrimination in the criminal justice system. Those against judicial reform discussed Stanley’s acquittal in a more positive light and linked descriptions of Stanley’s acquittal to rural crime concerns. Whether in favour of judicial reform or not, almost all sources critiqued the Liberal government. Even sources in favour of judicial reform argued that the Liberal government’s suggestions were a ‘knee-jerk’ reaction to R v. Stanley (2018) that do not adequately address issues with the criminal justice system (Baumberg, 2019; Langston, 2018; Milke, 2018; Nelson, C., 2018). This framing distribution in Alberta, where virtually all sources were from the 136 PostMedia network, reflect the mediation of certain narratives over others in connection to different audiences in small, medium, and large size centres in Alberta. 5.3.2 Ontario After Stanley’s acquittal, PostMedia Network published 57 sources in Ontario’s small population centres that mentioned justice. These focused on the themes of political interference, bias among jurors, and judicial reform. The majority of the same sources (over 70%) were published in medium and larger population centres as well (Blatchford, 2018c). Sources often linked Indigenous injustice to the ‘Justice for Colten’ movement (White-Crummey & Hill, 2018a). After Stanley’s acquittal, Baptiste and Tootoosis met with Liberal politicians in Ottawa and addressed the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues to present the movement’s goals to a broader audience (Carmichael, 2018; D’Andrea, 2018; Hughes, 2018; Michael-Allen, 2018). Different from other provinces, sources in Ontario specifically discussed Bill C-75. Discussions included different views on peremptory challenges and Indigenous underrepresentation on juries exemplified by the ‘all-White’ jury in R v. Stanley (2018) (Blatchford, 2018b; Caverly, 2018; Charlebois, 2018; Chute, 2019; Hill, 2018aa; Robson, 2018a). Apart from attention for anti-Indigenous discrimination in the Canadian justice system, sources focussed on Prime Minister Trudeau and other ministers’ comments that justice had failed Indigenous peoples as an example of political interference (Blatchford, 2019; Polk, 2018; Turner, B., 2018). According to Peter Jensen in his letter to the National Post, political commentary on the acquittal from Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and several ministers reflected an “effective public repudiation of the integrity of the court [and] contempt for the jury” (2018b; see also Kirby, 2018; St-Jacques, N., 2018; St-Jacques, G., 2018). According to Jane Sims’ 137 article for the London Free Press, Bill C-75 was “a reaction to last year’s high-profile acquittal of a Saskatchewan farmer” (2019b; see also Blatchford, 2018a; PostMedia Network, 2018b). A few sources in Ontario’s small population centres highlighted aspects of the racial tensions in rural Indigenous-settler relations and policing. According to Glen Luther, a professor of law, “you have farmers complaining about under-policing and you tend to have an Indigenous population complaining about over-policing” (quoted in Quan, 2018e). Seven sources published in small centres by Torstar expressed less concern about political interference and focussed on Indigenous experiences of discrimination in Canada’s criminal justice system (Grimsby Lincoln News, 2020; New Hamburg Independent, 2018; Niagara This Week, 2018a). A source for the Fort Erie Post referenced Stanley’s acquittal as a reminder that “Indigenous people are failing to get a fair trial” in a “justice system … fixed against Native communities” (Culic, 2018; see also Smith., S., 2018). Torstar sources also framed the acquittal as a potential catalyst for the government to address “systemic flaws in its courts” (Niagara This Week, 2018b). Sources in medium population centres of Ontario by the PostMedia Network presented the same concerns as the province’s smaller population centres. Concerns about political interference included comments that accused politicians of a ‘popular vote’ contest that undermine the ‘fundamental principles’ of Canada (Bonokoski, 2018b; Caverly, 2018; Colgan, 2019; Croker, 2018; Gillis, 2018; Korpan, 2018; Mackay, 2018). More so than in the smaller population centres, letters and opinions of people published in medium centres proclaimed the failure of justice for Indigenous peoples in Canada after Stanley’s trial. For example, Max FineDay’s article in the Sun Times denounced critiques of Bill C-75 and, instead, called for 138 reform to “help dismantle systems that have supported injustice” (2018).51 Sources in favour of judicial reform and Bill C-75 did so through a focus on the ‘all-White’ jury and racial tensions surrounding Stanley’s acquittal (Broadley, 2018; Gillis, 2018; Kataquapit, 2018; Kula, 2018; Mirasty, 2018; Woplin, 2018). Large centres population centres in Ontario saw sources from PostMedia Network (335), Torstar Syndication Services (239), and The Globe and Mail (173) after the trial (Table 10). PostMedia sources published in the large centres, similar to small and medium population centres, debated judicial independence and the problem of political interference (Caverly, 2018; see also Blatchford, 2019). In contrast, several other sources identified a lack of justice for Indigenous peoples in Canada following the verdict, claiming this lack actually requires more attention from the government (Canadian Press, 2018aa; Forrest & Thomson, 2018; Munro, 2018; Omand, 2018a; Pattison, 2018; Stockland, 2018; Walkom, 2018). Still, other sources dispelled the need for judicial reform altogether (Malcolm, 2018a; Pattison, 2018). PostMedia sources showed their disdain for judicial reform through Bill C-75 by statements implying a continued faith in the justice system (Brodbeck, 2018a; Jensen, 2018a). Some framed the reactions from political actors following Stanley’s acquittal and proposals for judicial reform as ‘Liberal’ measures (Sam Pazzano Courts Bureau, 2018). A few articles included a rebuttal from political leaders, stressing their comments about injustice for Indigenous peoples were unrelated to the verdict. According to Geordon Omand’s article for the Canadian Press, political leaders spoke about “a justice system that has been part of a colonial reality” (2018a). Anthony Gerein stressed judicial independence to dissipate concerns about political 51 Even though Max FineDay is an Indigenous writer from Saskatchewan, his narratives were published in medium and large population centres in Saskatchewan and Ontario, not smaller population centres in Saskatchewan. 139 interference (White-Crummey & Hill, 2018a). Nevertheless, PostMedia sources predominantly criticized political interference (Berthiaume, 2018a; 2018b; Bonokoski, 2018b; 2018c; Robson, 2018c; Roos, 2018a; Sims, 2019a), and linked this criticism to Liberal reform Bill C-75 (Kennedy, J., 2018; Roach, 2018c; Smith, J., 2018b; Warnica, 2018a; 2018b). Although some acknowledged the reforms in Bill C-75 were a step forward, most agreed the bill was partial and problematic (Appel, 2018; Blatchford, 2018a; Smith, J., 2018a). The 239 Torstar sources published in large population centres in Ontario similar to those in small population centres highlighted concerns about Indigenous injustice. At times, these sources also expressed concern with some of the changes proposed in Bill C-75 (Bianchi, 2018; Clairmont, 20018a; 2018b; Gallant, 2018; Graveland, 2018o; MacCharles, Gallant & Campion-Smith, 2018; MacCharles, 2018). Different from the PostMedia Network, Torstar sources contained sentiments that Stanley’s acquittal revealed a “failure of the criminal justice system” (Toronto Star, 2018a; see also Coyle, 2018; MacCharles, 2018; McKeen, 2018; Morin, 2019; Paradkar, 2018c; Roach, 2019a; Seucharan & Ball, 2019). A few Torstar sources connected R v. Stanley (2018) to other cases in Canada. According to an article by Claire Theobald, Stanley’s case connected to questions about property owner rights in Alberta. Theobald addressed that Albertan politician Jason Kenney successfully lobbied for changes to trespass legislation in the aftermath of the Maurice case in Okotoks, Alberta (Bell, R., 2019; Theobald, 2019). Fifteen other sources published by Torstar linked R v. Stanley (2018) to R v. Khill (2018) and discussed justice for property owners. Some of the 173 sources published by The Globe and Mail, also linked R v. Stanley (2018) to other cases. Concerns about Indigenous injustice exemplified by Stanley’s trial connected to Cormier’s acquittal in Tina Fontaine’s death (Keller, J., 2019). Other sources 140 observed similarities between Boushie’s killing and the killing of Jonathan Styres in rural Hamilton (Hayes, 2018c), and the changes to Albertan laws to protect homeowners like Maurice in Okotoks (Hayes, 2018a). In direct response to the verdict, multiple articles and editorials addressed the continued fight of Boushie’s relatives for justice for Indigenous peoples (Friesen, 2018i; 2018j; Galloway, 2018b; Ligeti, 2018b; Quan & Ligeti, 2018a; Tanovich, 2018a). Similar to the PostMedia Network, letters and articles framed political responses to the jury verdict as improper (Galloway, 2018a). Sources identified this political interference as having a potential negative impact on future jury trials and on the public’s confidence in the criminal justice system (Brandl, 2018; Evans, 2018; Fine, 2018; Ibbitson, 2018a; Lugosi, 2018). Overall, the majority of sources in Ontario considered Stanley’s acquittal a failure of justice. More so than other provinces, sources in Ontario connected the theme of justice to discussions about political interference and Bill C-75. 5.3.3 Saskatchewan Sources in Saskatchewan focused on the legal and social implications of Stanley’s acquittal. Most of the 34 PostMedia Network sources published in small centres described the decision of the Attorney General not to appeal R v. Stanley (2018) (Hill, 2019a; Liboiron, 2018; Mandryk, 2018k; 2018l). Other sources questioned judicial reform, including 1) the proposed changes to trespassing laws (Fraser, 2018a; Mandryk, 2018m; Short, 2019b); 2) the introduction of armed conservation officers (Hill, 2019a); 3) the proposed increase in self-defence rights for property owners (MacPherson, 2018h); and 4) the lack of Indigenous representation on juries (Litke, 2018; MacPherson, 2018f). Different from other provinces, sources in Saskatchewan reported on the Justice for Our Stolen Children protest camp. This camp was erected in Regina after Stanley and Cormier’s 141 acquittals (Mandryk, 2018i; 2018j). FolioJumpline Publishing journalists Peter Lozinski and Jason Kerr reported Section 35’s failure to recognize and affirm Indigenous peoples’ voices and experiences in the Canadian criminal justice system (Lozinski, 2018a; 2018b; Kerr, 2018a; 2018b; 2018c).52 Lozinski and Kerr criticized the judicial process followed in R v. Stanley (2018) and questioned the overall capacity of the Canadian criminal justice system to hear Indigenous testimonies. The PostMedia sources published in the large population centres refer to sources in the Regina Leader-Post and the Saskatoon StarPhoenix (Table 10). Common themes in these newspapers were Stanley’s acquittal, the lack of appeal,53 the call for judicial reform, the amendment of trespass laws, and the discussions of strained Indigenous-settler relations in the province. Sources commented on the acquittal, often repeating the defence’s incriminating narratives about Indigenous witnesses published during the trial (Hill, 2018w). Twenty percent of the 586 sources presented Stanley’s acquittal as an example of systemic injustice that caused disbelief and a loss of faith in the justice system (Adam, 2018a; 2018b; Craig, 2018a; 2018b; 2018c; Hill, 2018q; Mandryk, 2018c; 2018d; Martin & Hill, 2018; Petrow, 2018a; Spray, 2018; Switzer, T., 2018a; 2018b; 2018c). Some of these 586 sources discussed legal procedures. After the jury trial, Stanley faced gun charges (Hill, 2018x; 2018ac; 2018ad). News sources reported that Stanley received a $3,900 fine and 10-year weapons prohibition (Hill, 2018ae). Many sources reported that the Crown declined to appeal the case. Sources described a media conference held by Assistant 52 Section 35’s failure refers to section 35 of the Canadian Constitution Act (1982) that recognizes and affirms the existing Aboriginal and treaty rights of the Aboriginal peoples of Canada, referring to Indian, Inuit, and Métis peoples. This section provides a constitutional foundation for the protection of Indigenous rights in Canada; in Stanley’s trial these rights were not mentioned or acknowledged (see also Starblanket & Hunt, 2020). 53 This refers to the debated decision that there was a lack of reasonable grounds on which the Crown could appeal Stanley’s acquittal, which was based on the decision that no error in law or adjudication occurred that would lead to a different verdict. 142 Deputy Attorney General Anthony Gerein to explain why the Crown did not pursue an appeal (Saskatoon StarPhoenix, 2018c). The Crown’s decision not to appeal was connected to, on the one hand, sources arguing justice in R v. Stanley had prevailed, and on the other hand, sources arguing that the Crown should have filed for an appeal (Bates, 2018; Gormley, 2018a; 2018b; Robson, 2018b; 2018c; Saskatoon StarPhoenix, 2018a; 2018c). Other sources referenced legal steps taken by Boushie’s family, as they filed civil lawsuits against Stanley and the RCMP (Hill, 2018af; 2018ag). These sources in Saskatchewan, similar to other provinces, included questions about judicial reform. Various letters from the public, sent to the Regina Leader-Post and the Saskatoon StarPhoenix, argued that people should not second-guess the jury verdicts in R v. Stanley (2018) or R v. Cormier (2017) (Adam, 2018c). Other sources, to a lesser extent than those in newspapers in Ontario, questioned judicial reform and Bill C-75 (Forrest & Thomson, 2018; Korpan, 2018; Kossick, 2018; Quan, 2018e; Roach, 2018c; White-Crummey, 2018b; 2018c). At times, sources mentioned judicial reform in conjunction with the concerns about political interference, like sources published in Ontario (Blatchford, 2018a; 2018c; Deibert, 2018b; Hill, 2018y; 2018z; 2018aa; 2018ab). Some sources proposed the adoption of a jury selection model mirroring the province’s coroner’s juries. This would create juries based on two jury pools to achieve an equal number of Indigenous and non-Indigenous jurors (Saskatoon StarPhoenix, 2018b). Another suggestion proposes a cross-cultural criminal justice system that incorporates Indigenous laws and principles of justice (Ibid.). PostMedia Network sources also discussed the proposed amendments to trespass legislation in Saskatchewan. Both Doug Cuthand and D. C. Fraser reported concerns raised by Indigenous leaders that these amendments go against treaty rights and cater to rural landowners 143 (Cuthand, 2019b; 2019c; Fraser, 2018a; 2018b). Sources that addressed trespass regulations often referenced the potential impact of amendments on already strained Indigenous-settler relations (Cuthand, 2018c; 2018d; 2019a; Malone, 2020a). Similar to sources in medium population centres, several sources mentioned the protest camp in Regina. The camp, erected “in the shadow of the Saskatchewan Legislative Building” reportedly was in conflict with local bylaws stating protestors were trespassing on public grounds (White-Crummey, 2018d; see also Ackerman, 2018; Davis & Fraser, 2018; Harder, 2018; Martin, A., 2018b; 2018c; White-Crummey, 2018a). The PostMedia sources’ descriptions of the protest camp as a nuisance to the public and its subsequent removal from the grounds highlighted the strained Indigenous-settler relations in the province (White-Crummey, 2018e). Overall, sources in Saskatchewan after Stanley’s acquittal framed that acquittal as emblematic of injustices against Indigenous peoples in Canada’s criminal justice system and more so than other provinces connected this to discussions about strained Indigenous-settler relations amidst various protests and bylaw amendments. After the acquittal, wire feed reporting from the Canadian Press (456) increased. The acquittal also sparked more televised items through the Canadian Broadcasting Company (28), and CTV Television (25). Wire feed reporting from the Canadian Press does not just refer to news advisories for other news platforms, but included articles by Bill Graveland, Dave Deibert, Kerry Geraldine Malone, Geordon Omand, Peter Goffin, Ryan McKenna, and others published in other networks. Televised sources engaged with the lack of real and perceived justice for Indigenous peoples in Canada. In particular, CTV Television focussed on Bill C-75 in the aftermath of the verdict (Power Play with Don Martin, 2018b; 2018c; 2018d; 2018e). 144 Overall, sources in online, print, and broadcast format after Stanley’s acquittal dealt with prominent discussions on justice. The divergent perspectives on jury selection and perceived justice and injustice that I note above complicated Indigenous-settler relations, fuelled discussions about political interference, and highlighted concerns about federal policy reform in the criminal justice system. An analysis of these framing networks revealed differences between publishing networks, population centres, and provinces. In the large urban centres in BC, Saskatchewan, and Ontario, the media described a lack of justice for Indigenous peoples in Canada.54 Sources from the PostMedia Network in Alberta and Ontario reflected on the crumbling of justice based on concerns about political interference and justice reforms proposed by the Liberal government. Smaller population centres in Alberta, Manitoba, and Saskatchewan featured concerns about a lack of justice for property owners.55 More urban media representations revealed how Stanley’s acquittal became part of a fight for justice led by 54 Sources in BC addressed injustices against Indigenous peoples in Canada’s criminal justice system (Ahearn, 2019; Loreto, 2018; Neatby, 2018; Prince George Citizen, 2018a; 2018b; 2018c; Zinchuk, 2018). Sources in BC did not mention rural crime concerns. In BC’s large population centres, the 55 PostMedia sources display a marked difference with the PostMedia publications in Alberta, as these 55 sources focussed on judicial reform as overdue, enabling “the travesty of justice in the Colten Boushie case” (Stoppi, 2018; see also Forrest & Thomson, 2018; Furminger, 2019; Kotyk, 2019). Reporting in BC’s large population centres connected Stanley’s acquittal to “much broader and deeper issues ... of how the criminal justice system does not resonate with Aboriginal peoples” (Kines, 2018; see also Blatchford, 2018a; see also Blatchford, 2018c; Mulgrew, 2018; Vibert & Marks, 2018). Eighteen sources published by Torstar discussed the failure of the criminal justice system and criticized amendments to the Trespass Act in Saskatchewan (Bronskill, 2018; Goffin, 2018c; Malone, 2018b; 2020a; McKenna, 2018e; Omand, 2018a; Parnell, 2018; Smith, J., 2018a). About half of Torstar’s sources relied on files from the Canadian Press (Graveland, 2018s; Smith, J., 2018a; 2018b). 55 Small town publications in Manitoba referencing ‘justice’ critiqued the need for political reform and addressed Stanley’s acquittal in connection to Cormier’s acquittal (Brodbeck, 2018a; 2018b; 2018c). Sources from medium population centres mentioned the need for judicial reform following the all-White jury acquittal in R v. Stanley (2018), connecting to Manitoba’s Aboriginal Justice Inquiry of 1991 (Auriat, 2018; Froese, 2018a; May, 2018; Brandon Sun, 2018a; Clarke, 2018). A few of the 27 sources framed Indigenous individuals as perpetrators of rural crime, comparing rural crime rates in Saskatchewan to Manitoba’s crime rates (Brandon Sun, 2018d). Some letters to The Brandon Sun criticized the concerns about an all-White jury as presenting the implication that the jurors were ‘racists’ (2018b; 2018d). Sources published in Winnipeg engaged with concerns about judicial reform and addressed both Fontaine and Boushie in discussions about Indigenous injustice in the criminal justice system (Adam, 2018a; 2018b; 2018c; 2018d; Brodbeck, 2018b; 2018c). PostMedia sources in Winnipeg made connections to the Aboriginal Justice Inquiry, which stipulated that “juries need to be more representative of their communities” (King, 2018; see also Dawkins, 2018). At the same time, about sixty percent of the PostMedia sources framed responses to the Stanley verdict as political interference (Briggs, 2018; Hamm, 2018a; Lilley, 2019; Malcolm, 2018d; Prutschi, 2019; Teskey, 2018; Winnipeg Sun, 2018). The 94 F.P. Canadian Newspapers sources in Winnipeg criticized the ‘all-White’ jury in R v. Stanley (2018) (Kossick, 2018; Lett, 2018a; MacDonald, 2018b; Mazur, 2019; Winnipeg Free Press, 2018). These 94 sources reported on the need for judicial reform in the aftermath of the Fontaine and Boushie’s deaths (Paul, A., 2018a; 2018b; 2018c; see also Koncan, 2019). 145 Boushie’s family members and allies to address the systemic issues in the criminal justice system. These patterns overlap with laissez-faire racist ideology visible in the diagnostic framing of the case and descriptions of race and criminalization discerned in previous chapters. 5.4 Judicial Reform and Concerns about Political Interference Stanley’s acquittal led to debates about political interference and judicial reform. The first thirty days after the verdict, Boushie’s family members and allies proclaimed the injustice and anti-Indigenous discrimination in the criminal justice system. Sources from Liberal and progressive commentators connected the case to anti-Indigenous discrimination and urged for judicial reform. These sentiments became complicated by commentary from Prime Minister Trudeau and various Liberal ministers that led to accusations of political interference with the case (Friesen, 2018k). While some sources proclaimed the need for judicial reform given the anti-Indigenous discrimination in the criminal justice system, others denounced the need for such reform as wrongfully based on political statements and the outcome of R v. Stanley (2018). Suggested reform through Bill C-75 became a focal point in debates about justice and linked to Stanley’s trial. Many sources condemned comments from Prime Minister Trudeau and other ministers in response to Stanley’s acquittal (Canadian Press, 2018p; 2018q; Givetash, 2018). According to Robert W. C. Jack’s letter to the Globe and Mail, “Mr. Trudeau’s interjection of himself into this affair only worsens an already tense situation” (2018). To many, politicians should never comment on legal cases (Berthiaume, 2018a; 2018b; Connor, 2018; Friesen, 2018i; Graveland, 2018k; Harper, 2018; Hudson, 2018; Jenkins, 2018; Korpan, 2018; Lilley, 2019; Lugosi, 2018). According to John Ibbitson, “you and I have every right to question the verdict in the Stanley trial. … but ministers of the Crown cannot and must not question the verdict of a trial” (quoted in 146 Quan & Ligeti, 2018b). Ibbitson asserts that “with their prejudicial tweets, [politicians] undermined the justice system they are charged with upholding” (Ibid.).56 According to Mike Roos’s opinion piece for the Windsor Star, politicians “have no business commenting on the outcome of a trial. It undermines the independence of the judicial branch” (2018b; see also Caverly, 2018; Fine, 2018; Lugosi, 2018). Similarly, Bernard Bradford’s opinion piece in the Calgary Herald (2018), Brett Bundale’s writing for the Canadian Press (2018), and Dan Lett for the Winnipeg Free Press (2018b) contended that political expressions about Stanley’s acquittal tainted the legal process and future proceedings (Bradford, 2018; Bundale, 2018; Lett, 2018b). According to media reporting later in 2018, the Liberal government further responded to anti-Indigenous discrimination in the justice system and Stanley’s acquittal through Bill C-75. Reporting continued to link the case, systemic injustice, and political responses. Bill C-75 was framed as “a new legislative framework for Indigenous rights” to address “systemic racism plaguing the Canadian criminal justice system” (Canadian Press, 2018s; 2018t; see also Campion-Smith, 2018), often referencing Boushie and Stanley (MacCharles, Gallant & Campion-Smith, 2018; Power Play with Don Martin, 2018d; CBC, 2018j). Reforms set up through this bill were framed as part of “the emotionally charged aftermath of the Colten Boushie case” (Northeast Sun, 2018; see also MacCharles, 2018; Sims, 2020). Sources framed Stanley’s acquittal as exposing Indigenous experiences of injustice in the justice system, causing political discussions about Bill C-75, peremptory challenges, and the inability to change anti-Indigenous discrimination in Canada’s criminal justice system. 56 Bob Weindorfer’s article for the Toronto Sun asserted that Trudeau’s “criticism of the justice system’s handling of the Colten Boushie trial is actually a criticism of [the] government’s handling of the justice system itself,” and indicates how previous legislation and reform so far has failed to address anti-Indigenous discrimination in the justice system (2018). 147 Source descriptions of the bill linked anti-Indigenous discrimination in the justice system to a fear about specific, yet unrefined, changes to the justice system (White-Crummey, 2018b; 2018c). According to Jade Tootoosis, people need “to be critical of what those peremptory challenges are replaced with, to question whether it is just “a different mask on the same face” (quoted in Plonka, 2019). According to Don Weitz, “the system needs radical surgery, not just liberal reformist tinkering such as abolishing the pre-emptory jury challenge” (cited in Abdigir et al., 2018). The media’s engagement reduced Bill C-75 to the abolition of peremptory challenges triggered by Stanley’s trial, rather than addressing the other points of reform that were part of the bill (Fine, 2019; Ligeti, 2019b). The abolition of peremptory challenges was only one aspect of the twelve-point judicial reform bill, but became the most frequently debated topic. In these debates, the media referenced Stanley’s acquittal by an all-White jury as the event to set this bill in motion. In response, sources also framed the bill and the abolition of peremptory challenges as a ‘knee-jerk’ reaction to the case (MacCharles, 2018; Purdy, 2018d). Other representations of Bill C-75 presented arguments against peremptory challenge abolition and discredited the need for Bill C-75 as a whole. Some implied that the all-White jury in R v. Stanley (2018) is uncommon. Legal experts were quoted in newspaper articles framing peremptory challenges as a tool against homogeneous juries, as some legal defence counsels “actually use their peremptory challenges to increase a jury’s racial diversity” (Spratt, 2018c). The Canadian Bar Association issued a statement saying they “share the concern that peremptory challenges may be misused to racially discriminate against Indigenous people,” arguing “that [peremptory challenges] are more frequently used to the benefit of Indigenous and other racialized persons” (Gallant, 2018). In response to the racial diversity argument, a Toronto Star 148 and Ryerson School of Journalism investigation critiqued claims of racial diversity on juries as referring to jurors considered non-White, but not necessarily Indigenous (Abdigir, et al., 2018). 5.5 Jury Formations and Questions about Justice Juries presented a common theme in descriptions of the case and issues in Canada’s criminal justice system. Several articles, like Irene Hanuta’s article for Guelph Mercury Tribune, framed Stanley’s trial as the case in which “indigenous persons were rejected as jurors … leaving an all-white jury of ‘peers’,” demonstrating to some that Indigenous jurors were not considered ‘peers’ (2018; see also Berthiaume, 2018a). According to Colby Cosh’s article for the National Post, the rule of law made it possible “to arrange for a jury, not only of social equals, but of individuals situated pretty similar to him [Stanley] economically …, politically …, [and] ethnically” (2018). Stanley’s defence counsel’s actions, despite following the rule of law, revealed how peremptory challenges can be used as a tool for segregation and presented tensions with public perceptions of justice. While some interpreted Stanley’s lawyers’ use of peremptory challenges as an acceptable feature of the judicial system, others interpreted the use of peremptory challenges as discriminatory to Indigenous peoples (Guess, 2006). This tension between justice in legal and social terms sparked debate about the use of peremptory challenges. Legally, the Jury Act and provincial precedent set the parameters for the selection of jurors in criminal case law. Socially, the jury selection process is a series of exclusions and barriers employed to select people deemed representative of the community (Saskatchewan Law Courts, 2021; CBC, 2018b). Many sources criticized the legal, yet discriminatory use in the context of Stanley’s trial (Smith R., 2018 [17:11-17:48]; Syed, 2018; Saskatchewan Law Courts, 2021; R v. Stanley, 2018, pp. 24-82; Theobald, 2018b). 149 Legally, according to Kyle Edwards’s article for Maclean’s, Stanley’s jury pool selection was not in accordance with the province’s Jury Act.57 This act stipulates that “provincial officials were required by law to go through two separate random selections of names” (Edwards, 2018b). However, the second random draw never occurred. When prompted about this omission, government official Noel Busse argued only one draw “meets the ‘overall legislative intent’” of the Jury Act (cited in Edwards, 2018b). Edwards quotes Anthony Gerein of the Crown’s office saying how “a second selection isn’t going to increase the randomness; it’s just going to give you fewer people … it’s not an error by the court” (Ibid.). Nevertheless, according to Edwards, this omission “raises the question of who’s in charge of ensuring everything is done by the book” (Ibid.). This diversion from the legal parameters set up in the Jury Act points at some of the discretionary power assigned to officials to determine how to interpret the law. In the social sense, more sources reflected on how the legal process for jury selection for R v. Stanley (2018) presented various barriers that excluded Indigenous jurors (Spratt, 2018a). Apart from legal parameters, such as juror exclusions based on criminal records and positions in band councils, Indigenous people faced geographic and economic constraints (Friesen, 2018b; 2018c). Such constraints disproportionately excluded Indigenous representation in the jury pool. In addition, court documents revealed that legal grounds for exclusion based on family ties were applied differently, based on interpretations of familiarity. Specifically, such exclusion does not address affiliations of occupational and geographic proximity (R v. Stanley, 2018, pp. 22-42; 48-9). In R v. Stanley (2018) potential jurors that lined up to be excused for bias for farming in the same area were not excused, whereas relational and familial ties excluded various potential Indigenous jurors (pp. 22-42). 57 This also presents friction with Supreme Court interpretations of jury selection in R v. Kokopenace (2015). 150 Some sources addressed that the use of peremptory challenges was to be expected. Since the selection of an ‘all-White’ jury was in accordance with the letter of the law, some claimed no injustice was done (Gormley, 2018a; 2018b). As David Butt for The Globe and Mail asserts, “the system gave him [Stanley’s defence lawyer Scott Spencer] peremptory challenges, to use as he chose” (2018a). Butt’s interpretation of peremptory challenges asserts Stanley’s defence acted as it should, since “the law allowed precisely the racist use of peremptory challenges” (Ibid.; see also Dhillon, 2018). According to Butt’s discussion of peremptory challenges, a narrow and traditional understanding of justice as applying the law, and distinct from an understanding of law as social justice, also reflects the issue with such an understanding of justice (2018a; 2018b). The failure to move beyond this sole application makes people “doubt the integrity of the verdict. And when it comes to justice, appearance is pretty much reality” (2018b; see also Purdy, 2018c). In the aftermath of Stanley’s acquittal, some sources assessed this as an opportunity to abolish trial by jury altogether. According to Werner Antweiler, quoted in Colin Perkel’s article for the Canadian Press, “one potential route is to abolish juries completely, leaving judging to judges. Another possibility … is a ‘hybrid’ system in which ordinary citizens in judicial proceedings advise judges” (2018). Proponents of the abolition of trial by jury argued this would eliminate the disruption and trauma experienced by jury members (Lett, 2018a; 2018b), and the complexity of conveying intricate knowledge of the law to jurors (Perkel, 2018). Arguments for abolishing juries also connected to comments about the need for a complete overhaul of the justice system (Braun, 2018; Davidson, 2018; Edmiston, 2018; Hamm, 2018b; Kuhl, 2018b; May, 2019; Smith S., 2018). According to Ian Mulgrew’s article for the Vancouver Sun, the abolition of juries does not address other ways Indigenous people experience discrimination in the justice system (2018; 151 Abdigir et al., 2018), nor incorporate Indigenous legal traditions. These sources referenced past inquiries regarding Indigenous discrimination in the justice system.58 According to Jonathan Rudin, writing for the magazine Policy Options, already prior to R v. Stanley (2018) commissions and inquiries concluded the criminal justice system in Canada was failing Indigenous people (2018). Arthur White-Crummey’s article in the Regina Leader-Post, quotes Allan Kakakaway at a ‘Justice for Colten’ rally in Regina: “First Nations had their own justice system before colonialism came. When colonialism came, it became a one-sided affair [or] ‘colonial justice system’ that Indigenous people can’t count on” (2018b). Similarly, Don Worme at a National Symposium on First Nations Policing and Indigenous Justice in Saskatoon argued “for the incorporation of First Nations traditions and laws,” including a two-part justice system that acknowledges “Indigenous laws and Indigenous legal traditions” (quoted in Mazur, 2019). According to Worme, such a system would acknowledge the oral traditions and Indigenous legal orders that pre-date the advent of settler legal traditions (quoted in Olson, 2019b). 5.5.1 Trial by Jury in Historical Context In the Canadian legal tradition, criminal justice adjudicated by a jury is based on the historical formation of trial by jury in England, later adapted in Canada and the United States. According to Terry Skolnik (2018), trial by jury “can be traced to the time of William the Conqueror in 1066 A.D” (p. 16; R v. Bryant, 1984). In this legal tradition, trial by a jury of peers referred, in Magna Carta, to the lords from the House of Lords in England being tried by their peers – a privileged group of property-owning White men. Sadakat Kadri (2007) argues that the transition of trial by ordeal previously administered by the clergy to trial by jury administered by twelve 58 The Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples of 1996, the Manitoba Aboriginal Justice Inquiry of 1991, the First Nations Jury Review Ontario of 2013, the National Inquiry into Murdered and Missing Indigenous Women and Girls of 2019, and the Public Inquiry Commission on Relations Between Indigenous Peoples and Certain Public Services in Québec of 2019 most notably. 152 property-owning men, transformed those law-abiding men, “twelve men good and true,” into justice ‘ministers’ (p. 87). These peers were the direct witnesses to the crime, speaking their truth before God, and thereby providing justice (p. 89). The tradition established “a notion of justice” that turned “the trial from an oath-taking ritual into a dynamic contest of fundamental political and social significance” (pp. 91-2). According to Kadri, it also instilled the idea of impartiality of jury members, making decisions “so sacrosanct as to be unquestionable” (pp. 104-5). The institutionalization of the jury trial meant “judgement by twelve men ‘indifferently chosen, and superior to all suspicion’ was the ‘sacred bulwark’ of the nation’s liberties” (p. 112). King James, I, ensured trial by jury applied to colonial America and eventually jury trials were used in favour of magistrate courts (Ibid.; Gavigan, 2012). The promise of a trial by peers was institutionalized in the thirteen colonies and the U.S. federal constitution in 1787 (Ibid.; Normey, 2019, pp. 7-10). According to Rob Normey (2019), in Canada “it was the advent of our Charter of Rights and Freedoms in 1982 that enshrined a ‘right’ to a jury trial” (p. 7). Although no longer solely comprised of twelve property owning White men, the trial by jury process maintained the symbolic sanctity of its members and their decision-making. This status allotted to jurors coexists with them being representative of the accused or “the ‘conscience of the community’, bringing a fresh and … common-sense quality to the decision-making process” (Normey, 2019, p. 8). Although this history suggest that parts of the jury system have been historically responsive – shifting from twelve property-owning peers of the realm to contemporary interpretations of peers – this process in Canada was presented with criticism through the discriminatory use of peremptory challenges in R v. Stanley (2018). Another contemporary critique of the trial by jury is the ability of jurors to denunciate their bias. According to Miranda Fricker (2007), this ability has remained a part of the legal 153 tradition, which produces internal contradictions. These contradictions produce, what Fricker (2007) terms epistemic injustice. This refers to the exclusion, silencing, and systematic distortion or misrepresentation of certain knowledges – based on testimonial injustice (identity-based exclusion) and hermeneutical injustice (historic exclusion). In the context of Canada, such injustices disproportionately affect Indigenous people. According to Jean-Denis David and Megan Mitchell (2021), trial by jury is part of a judicial tradition and colonial bias. This perpetuates the epistemic injustice experienced by Indigenous people in Canada, especially when considered that in Canada, juries disproportionately consist of non-Indigenous jurors.59 The jury as representatives of the community and inhabiting ‘common-sense qualities’ in the context of R v. Stanley (2018) proved contradictory to Indigenous communities. Historically, the right to a trial by jury protected accused persons from undue influence on proceedings exerted by the monarchy (R v. Lee, [1989] 2 S.C.R. 1384 at paragraph 29). This was in part to ensure individual liberty (R v. Turpin, [1989] 1 S.C.R. 1296 at paragraph 11; Blackstone, 1753), because an accused’s guilt is better determined by “equals and neighbours, indifferently chosen, and superior to all suspicion” than those in positions of power (R v. Kokopenace, [2015] 2 S.C.R. 398 at paragraph 144). This jury system presents an internal contradiction when the accused and the victims inhabit different spheres of power. In a Canadian context, power rests with the non-Indigenous interpretation and legal tradition and in a racially oppositional trial, the all-White jury presented an epistemic injustice. Some other discrepancies, both legal and provincial, further problematize representative juries. According to Anthony and Longman (2017), in R v. Kokopenace (2015), the Supreme 59 See also Afilalo, N. (2018). Jury Representation in Canada: Systemic Barriers and Biases in the "Conscience of the Community." Report of the Canadian Institute for the Administration of Justice. https://ciaj-icaj.ca/wp-content/uploads/page/2019/02/r83_preliminary-report_jury-representation-in-canada.pdf. 154 Court established “that ‘jury representativeness’ was assured through the process of compiling the jury list and ‘not its ultimate composition’” (Summerville, 2018; Zinchuk, 2018).60 According to Tracy Summerville’s column for the Prince George Citizen, this means that “barriers that prevent individuals from participating on the jury were not considered to be part of the state’s obligation” (2018). The Supreme Court asserted that the process of jury list compilation should avoid discrimination regardless of a specific demographic make-up of the ultimate selection of jurors.61 Systematic barriers that the Supreme Court ignored in establishing the importance of jury lists in R v. Kokopenace (2015) are present in the differences in how each province compiles its jury lists that complicate notions of representativeness.62 In reference to R v. Newborn (2016), Simon Renouf argues it is not uncommon for the jury list and pool to already exclude Indigenous people, which is “indicative of a systemic problem” (cited in Theobald, 2018b; see also Friesen & Fine, 2018a; Mulgrew, 2018; Parsons, P., 2018), that was linked to R v. Stanley (2018). The defence’s proclamation of a fair trial in R v. Stanley (2018) does not acknowledge a history of discrimination against Indigenous peoples in the court of law (Roach, 2018b). According to defence lawyer Scott Spencer, “if jurors feel that they have to pick a ‘side,’ then it will be very difficult for there to be a fair trial” (PostMedia Network, 2018a). According to Arik Ligeti’s article for the Globe and Mail, Spencer’s statement ignores that to many observers, an ‘all-White’ jury in the Battleford region indicates that sides were already picked (2018a). This 60 The Supreme Court in R v. Kokopenace (2015) refined stipulations made in R v. Sherratt (1991). In R v. Sherratt (1991) the Supreme Court stated that “the modern jury … was envisioned as a representative cross-section of society” (Mah, 2018). R v. Kokopenace (2015) thereby set precedent that a representative jury refers to the jury list compilation, not the jury’s composition. 61 This further complicates the ‘legislative intent’ asserted in the single draw for the jury pool in Saskatchewan as addressed by Edwards in an article for Maclean’s (2018). 62 The compilation of jury lists or arrays are province specific and historically prone to exclude Indigenous people, especially individuals living on reserves. Several provinces use the provincial voters list to randomly select citizens for jury service, while others use health card information or previous to 2018 relied on property ownership or vehicle registration. 155 perspective takes into account “the ways in which one’s credibility is negatively affected by bias,” that negatively impact White jurors’ ability to make sense of Indigenous experiences (Fricker, 2007 addressed in Koggel, 2018, p. 240). Similarly, Boushie’s family and allies referred to the problematic adjudication of justice by a judge and jurors from the dominant group, prone to whitewash Indigenous experiences (Canadian Press, 2018r; Friesen, 2018j; Graveland, 2018j; Kines, 2018; Petrow, 2018a; 2018b). According to an article by David Tanovich, this juror bias points at a tension that exists in the justice system. While the Supreme Court has acknowledged systemic discrimination, it has not dealt with how that impacts juror’s abilities to form unbiased decisions when the accused is White (2018b). The impact of systemic racism on people and juries was recognized in R v. Williams (1998) when the Supreme Court of Canada expressed how “racism against Aboriginals includes stereotypes that relate to credibility, worthiness and criminal propensity” (Tanovich, 2018b). According to Tanovich, R v. Williams (1998) addressed how “widespread racism has translated into systemic discrimination in the criminal justice system” which can “predispose the juror [to the party] perceived as representative of the ‘white’ majority against the minority-member ... inclining the juror, for example, to resolve doubts about aspects of the ... case more readily” (2018b). However, R v. Williams (1998) refers to a case where the accused was Indigenous, not White like R v. Stanley (2018). In R v. Rogers (2000), “the trial judge stated that “racism will be at work on the jury panel as soon as the victim is described as an Aboriginal” (Ibid.). Despite these previous cases, the Stanley case enabled racial bias to impact the jury. In addition, Tanovich explains that, this very public and racially charged battle between White farmers and residents and Indigenous communities could have predisposed some jurors to engage in jury 156 nullification despite the judge’s instructions that they must not use their ‘own ideas about what the law is or should be’. (2018b) This process of jury nullification had previously occurred in three prominent cases in Canada (R v. Morgentaler, R v. Latimer, and R v. Krieger). All three cases, like R v. Stanley, are marked by public debate and moral questions, as they addressed abortion, mercy killing, and medicinal marijuana. The public debate and moral questions visible through these cases was similarly visible in R v. Stanley (2018) through (1) the pre-trial publicity, (2) the prosecution and defence’s interrogation of Indigenous witnesses fitting negative stereotypes of Indigenous criminality, (3) the lack of challenge for cause questions imposed during jury selection, (4) the acceptance of non-expert laymen’s evidence regarding hang fires, and (5) the quasi-reliance on self-defence and the protection of property, which could have sparked an internal judicial crisis. The fact that the jury in R v. Stanley (2018) did not find disagreement with the law is a potential feature of implicit racial bias or laissez-faire racism as White jurors are asked not to recognize the epistemic injustices (testimonial and hermeneutical) in the application of the law (Koggel, 2018; Denis, 2020). If the verdict presented ‘nullification’, it would imply that the “jury acquitted because of a belief that Stanley was entitled to defend his property as he did, even though the law did not give him that right” (Tanovich, 2018b). As will be addressed in Chapter Seven, the quasi-claim of defence of trespass and property justified Stanley’s use of a gun that led to the acceptance of the defence of accident that resulted in Stanley’s acquittal. Moreover, the belief that twelve jurors’ different biases will cancel each other out in an all-White jury from the Battleford region raises questions about their critical engagement with evidence presented by the Stanley’s defence and Judge Popescul. In turn, the social mobilization, the heated debates, and societal pressures surrounding the case arguably undermined the judicial 157 process. Especially taking into consideration how, according to Andrew Taslitz, that “racial features trigger an unconscious process of stereotyping and selective inattention” in people, leading a jury to “more likely conclude that … flawed evidence is in fact credible” which can be argued in the context of Stanley’s hang fire defence (cited in Tanovich, 2018b). Specifically in R v. Stanley (2018), this raises questions about the colonial context and the jurors’ ability to consider Indigenous-settler dynamics. The Indigenous experiences of injustice in Canada’s criminal justice system can be interpreted as a tangible consequence of institutionalized laissez-faire racism. Although the majority of sources engaging with regulations around jury selection procedures and peremptory challenges omit outright racist language, its functions reinforce the existing condition of Indigenous discrimination. Many sources do not acknowledge the systematic oppression presented by the jury pool selection and juror selection associated with Stanley’s acquittal. However, public engagement and discussions triggered by Stanley’s trial reflect various critiques and counternarratives to this institutional laissez-faire racism that acknowledge barriers to Indigenous representation and at times questionable legal procedure, as seen in Kyle Edwards’ article and other counternarratives. Some sources display persistent negative racial stereotypes that explain the lack of Indigenous representation on juries and injustice as a feature of the individual deficiencies of Indigenous people to explain the problems of entire social group. Other sources actively engaged with the injustices experienced by Indigenous people in the criminal justice system in the aftermath of Stanley’s trial. 5.6 Conclusions This chapter focuses on interpretations of justice. Scattered discussions emerged about the legacy of the Stanley trial and Indigenous discrimination in the criminal justice system. There are 158 identifiable differences between the types of media that reported on ‘justice’ before, during, and after Stanley’s trial. Before Stanley’s trial, media described a concern for justice among Boushie’s family members and allies, as expressed in rallies and protest and reflected concern about the justice system’s ability to adjudicate justice. During the initial days of Stanley’s trial, framing emphasized the selection of an all-White jury. Reporting about court proceedings shifted this framing to a preoccupation with the defence’s arguments disclosed in the courtroom. After Stanley’s acquittal, reporting on the case increased significantly and reflected concern about a lack of justice and Indigenous discrimination in the justice system. This reporting about Stanley’s trial and narratives about justice were geographically distributed. Sources in large urban centres in BC, Saskatchewan, and Ontario reflected on a lack of justice for Indigenous peoples in Canada. In Alberta, Manitoba, and Ontario, sources reflected concerns about political interference and the Liberal government’s judicial reforms in Bill C-75. Journalists invoked Boushie and Stanley as examples in debates about judicial reform and Indigenous discrimination. Stanley’s acquittal became part of a fight for justice led by Boushie’s family to address the systemic issues faced by Indigenous peoples in the Canadian criminal justice system. Simultaneously, small population centres in Alberta and Saskatchewan referenced the case in concerns about rural crime. The different dominant narratives appeared divided into camps. All defined justice and injustice in their own way. Boushie’s family, friends, and allies addressed a lack of justice in the social sense, supported by claims of epistemic injustice, of both the testimonial and hermeneutical kinds. The ‘Justice for Colten’ movement sought the reform of the justice system to avoid Indigenous discrimination. Liberal and progressive authors from larger urban centres acknowledged epistemic injustice presented by Stanley’s trial and echoed concerns about 159 Indigenous discrimination in the justice system. Rural property owners and conservative writers from smaller communities asserted justice was served, in legal and social terms. Some claimed experiences of injustice applied to Stanley and other landowners experiencing rural crime. Decolonial writing proclaimed the need for a complete judicial overhaul as Stanley’s trial provided another example of the systemic injustices inherent to the Canadian criminal justice system. Conservative critiques from larger population centres voiced concerns about judicial reforms in response to the case. Other opinions and articles acknowledged Indigenous discrimination in the Canadian justice system but were critical about judicial reform presented through Bill C-75. These broadly defined clusters of opinions all linked the case and specifically Stanley’s acquittal to bigger questions about justice and Indigenous-settler relations in Canada. This chapter showed how interpretations of justice fit into discussions about Indigenous-settler relations and experiences of epistemic injustice (Koggel, 2018). The media’s presentation of these legal and social discourses on justice shape specific legal and political orders. This public engagement and the discussions triggered by Stanley’s trial reflect an institutional laissez-faire racism that acknowledge barriers to Indigenous representation and at times questionable legal procedure. This case and its aftermath both confirmed the existence of laissez-faire racism in legal institutions and interpretations of justice. My analysis of them brings nuance to theories of laissez-faire racism in Canada as many sources engaging with the Stanley trial do acknowledge Indigenous discrimination in Canada’s criminal justice system, without framing prognoses or motivations to truly reform the justice system in ways that incorporate Indigenous legal knowledges or treaty rights. 160 Chapter 6: Perspectives of Rural Crime Concerns and Law Enforcement Concerns about rural crime are evident in an iterative reading of sources published between August 2016 and April 2020. This chapter focuses on reporting that conveyed these concerns. Rural property owners, people from First Nation’s reserves, and sources published in larger population centres present very different views. Representations in publications from rural Saskatchewan and Alberta emphasize fears of rural crime and feature discussions around increased policing and self-defence rights. This chapter engages with those sources and counternarratives. I address how these rural crime concerns led to the reinstatement of crime watch programs and policy reform initiatives in Saskatchewan and Alberta. The first chapter section presents the media’s reporting on the dynamics of policing and rural crime concerns. Subsections address the diagnostic frames that blame rural crime on reserves, and address prognostic and motivational frames that present Criminal Code amendments to assuage rural crime concerns. The second section considers the at times problematic use of crime statistics to vocalize rural crime concerns. The third and fourth sections engage with media reports on crime watch programs in Saskatchewan and Alberta and provincial policy reforms. The final section addresses the intersections of perspectives about the case, law enforcement, and rural crime through laissez-faire racism theory. 6.1 Media Perspectives of Policing and Rural Crime Concerns From August 2016 to April 2020, Boushie and Stanley became linked to concerns about rural crime. As per Table 6 in Chapter Four, the five major publishing networks presented crime narratives in 672 of 3780 sources (17.8%).63 Although this reflects a smaller percentage of the 63 PostMedia Network 502/2416 (20.8%), Torstar 15/294 (5.1%), Globe and Mail 31/256 (12.1%), Canadian Press 103/671 (15.4%), F.P. Canadian Newspapers 21/143 (14.7%). 161 complete sample, this crime narrative warrants a closer analysis because of its relevance in rural Saskatchewan and Alberta, where concerns led to amendments to trespass bylaws and new policing strategies. Figure 11 relates how sources in small population centres in Alberta and Saskatchewan more often contained crime narratives than in sources published in Ontario.64 Figure 11: Crime Narratives in Sources published in Alberta, Ontario, and Saskatchewan from August 2016 to April 2020 per Population Centre ALBERTA Sources % Small population centres (1,000 to 29,999) Yes 32 65.3 No 17 34.7 Total 49 100.0 Medium population centres (30,000 to 99,999) Yes 27 23.7 No 87 76.3 Total 114 100.0 Large population centres (100,000 and over) Yes 72 34.0 No 140 66.0 Total 212 100.0 ONTARIO Sources % Small population centres (1,000 to 29,999) Yes 13 15.1 No 73 84.9 Total 86 100.0 Medium population centres (30,000 to 99,999) Yes 36 17.6 No 168 82.4 Total 204 100.0 Large population centres (100,000 and over) Yes 230 13.1 No 1524 86.9 Total 1754 100.0 SASKATCHEWAN Sources % Small population centres (1,000 to 29,999) Yes 30 46.2 No 35 53.8 Total 65 100.0 Medium population centres (30,000 to 99,999) Yes 9 31.0 No 20 69.0 Total 29 100.0 Large population centres (100,000 and over) Yes 194 19.7 No 791 80.3 Total 985 100.0 Figure 11 copyright author Initially, crime narratives centered the RCMP’s statement of what transpired on Stanley’s farm (Weidlich, CBC News, 2016). On August 16th, an article by Joseph Brean published across 64 Other provinces had limited reporting or sources engaging with rural crime narratives: British Columbia, 15; Manitoba, 30; New Brunswick, 2; Nova Scotia, 5; Quebec, 12; Yukon, 3. 162 the PostMedia network titled “Distrust looms over probe into man’s shooting,” questioned the RCMP’s focus on theft-related charges. Similarly, the Canadian Press reported on this theft-related investigative focus as problematic (FSIN, 2016). Despite these initial critiques of the RCMP’s investigation, multiple sources echoed the RCMP’s focus on theft (Warick, 2016g). In response to crime concerns, media reported that the RCMP assured the public that “the safety and security of the people of Saskatchewan [was their] number one priority” (Canadian Press, 2016b; see also Canadian Press, 2016c; Warick, 2016d; 2016e; 2016f). As part of this public safety strategy, rural municipalities and the RCMP held various town halls in Saskatchewan. Town halls meant to address concerns about rural crime brought up by Boushie’s shooting (Mandryk, 2016e; 2016f). In an APTN Investigates episode, various farmers vented their frustrations in a town hall. According to narrator Rob Smith, “anger and fear is on full display post-verdict as the RCMP held town hall meetings [to] discuss property crime” (2018, [19:32-19:51]). Smith’s narration is followed by a close-up from an angry man at the town hall comparing Boushie and his friends to meth heads. In their annual convention, 93 per cent of the 2,000 delegates of the Saskatchewan Association of Rural Municipalities (SARM) mobilized a lobby to increase self-defence rights for property owners and increase RCMP staffing in rural areas (Chabun, 2016). Even though various articles stated that SARM denied that their lobby and petition were connected to events on Stanley’s farm, the media reporting of this denial still linked SARM’s initiatives to the case. In another example, sources described how a councillor’s message on Facebook, that Stanley should have shot everyone, was justified as his “family has had thousands of dollars’ worth of tools and gas stolen from their farm in the past” (Canadian Press, 2016d). According to another councillor’s explanation, this sentiment aligns with “many farmers [that] have been 163 victims of theft, and it gets their ‘dander up’” (quoted in Canadian Press, 2016d). Articles feature statements from various commentors, like Ray Orb, president of SARM, that connect the shooting to “increasing crime in rural Saskatchewan,” and how the case is raising concerns from land owners about ‘out of control’ property crime (Hill, 2017i; see also MacPherson, 2017f; Warick, 2016e). The rural crime narrative implied Boushie and his friends were out stealing vehicles (Charlton, 2016; Friesen, 2016c; Hill, 2017d; 2018h; Sawatzky, 2016). The rural crime narrative was also strengthened by early reporting about farmers arming themselves to protect their property, forming rural patrols, padlocking their doors, and hanging surveillance cameras (O’Connor, 2016). According to Joe Friesen for The Globe and Mail, public reporting fostered rural crime narratives “by linking the news of Colten’s death to a recent surge in thefts in the area” (2016a; see also Markusoff, 2017). This blaming of Boushie’s death on rural crime continued throughout the period of my analysis. Reporting on Stanley’s defence lawyer’s reasoning at trial reinforced the narrative that the group was “going to steal his ATV” (CTV National News, 2018b), was “trying to steal a vehicle” (Canadian Press, 2018c), or “had attempted to steal a vehicle” (Jensen, 2018a). News reports also presented the problem of rural crime together with insufficient police budgets and staffing (Hamilton, 2016b). Joe O’Connor’s article for the National Post argued the lack of staffing in rural areas causes tension between RCMP and residents. According to O’Connor, “the Mounties have asked farmers to let them do ‘their jobs.’ But farmers feel that the job isn’t getting done” (2016). According to some commentators, a lack of faith in the ability of local law enforcement to address rural crime concerns led Stanley to his actions (MacPherson, 164 2017b; 2017c; 2017f; Murphy, 2017a; 2017b). According to Chris Murphy’s editorial in the Regina Leader-Post: I have fielded many calls since the SARM resolution. A number have been from Saskatchewan farmers who genuinely fear for their families’ safety and who are frustrated with their property being damaged and stolen. Clearly, none of these farmers wants to shoot another human being, but some of them just don’t know what options – short of arming themselves – they have left. It is generally understood that relying on the RCMP to deal with trespassers isn’t a valid option. (2017a) In response to concerns about slow police response times, media cite RCMP statements to the public to discourage landowners taking the law into their own hands (Moose Jaw Times Herald, 2016). In turn, these police statements were met with scepticism from local property owners (Graham, 2017a; MacPherson, 2016; 2017e; Mandryk, 2016g; 2016h). News reports after Stanley’s acquittal in February 2018 continually referred to the absence of law enforcement and rural property crime concerns (Canadian Press, 2018u). The RCMP, quoted in media representations, again took the opportunity to claim a proactive approach “in addressing the issue of rural property crime” (Ibid). Nevertheless, according to Ian Froese’s article for the Brandon Sun, “rural residents … believe the police are too far away to adequately respond to isolated homesteads. It’s a belief behind some of the people who have come to the defence of Gerald Stanley” (2018b). These sentiments are echoed in 2018 town hall meetings, as “several people … told police they are confused about the rights they have to defend their property” as “one rancher … complained he wouldn’t bother calling the RCMP because it takes them too long to respond” (Canadian Press, 2018w). Media reported that these townhalls were meant to field “more questions about property rights” to remind people to “report 165 crimes to police rather than try to take matters into their own hands” (Canadian Press, 2018w), but led to disgruntled property owners denouncing the RCMP’s suggestions. According to Lauren Krugel for the Canadian Press, one attendee commented that “between the time that the crime occurs and the time that the cops get there, well, the criminals are long gone” (2018a). Krugel’s reporting connects to Stanley’s case, as “the RCMP have been fielding more and more queries … due to high-profile cases like Stanley’s” (Ibid.; see also MacPherson, 2018d). Media representations of inadequate policing referred specifically to policing in rural areas. The framing of an absence of law enforcement and rural crime concerns often contained headlines such as the ‘Saskatchewan Farm Shooting,’ ‘rural shooting,’ and ‘rural Saskatchewan.’ After Stanley’s trial, this type of reporting expanded to Alberta. According to Nancy Mereska’s opinion piece in the Edmonton Journal, The worst fear of anyone living in rural areas is a home invasion. If an SUV full of young people drives into a yard and one jumps out to get on a quad, that is not someone asking for help. Farm homes are far apart and often quite a distance from local RCMP. (2018) Kent Roach’s article for The Globe and Mail, observes that the case and rural crime narrative became associated with other incidents in places like Spiritwood, Saskatchewan, Okotoks, Alberta, and Hamilton, Ontario. According to Roach, “farmers continue to fire warning shots to ward off rural crime” in the absence of law enforcement (2019b; see also Deibert, 2018d; Ligeti, 2019a). Two examples were the harming of Watson in Okotoks, Alberta, 65 and the death of 65 The case of Edouard Maurice occurred in Okotoks, Alberta, Canada in 2018. In February 2018, Maurice, a rural landowner in Okotoks, caught two intruders rummaging through one of his vehicles. Maurice left his house and from his porch fired a warning shot into the ground, which ricocheted and hit Ryan Watson in the arm. Maurice was subsequently charged with aggravated assault, pointing a firearm, and careless use of a firearm. The case sparked a heated debate about property rights and self-defence in Alberta. People argued that Maurice had a right to defend his property and family, while others contended that Maurice’s actions were excessive, putting the intruders’ lives at risk. In July 2018, the charges against Maurice were dropped by the Crown Prosecutor, citing the fact that there was no reasonable likelihood of conviction. The case prompted the Albertan government to review its trespass laws and led to amendments to better protect property owners who defend themselves and their property. 166 Jonathan Styres in rural Hamilton, Ontario.66 Similar to Stanley, sources framed Maurice and Khill as property owners and victims of rural crime. Rural crime narratives named Stanley, Maurice, and Khill as quasi-victims of what could happen without a clear policy against rural crime. Rural Albertan media interpretations echoed the rural crime concerns in Saskatchewan, wondering about “rural crime on the Prairies, and what landowners are allowed to do about it” (Canadian Press, 2018v; see also Mandryk, 2018d; Rushworth, 2018a; 2018b).67 Both Maurice and Stanley came to symbolize a “simmering debate about what rights rural residents have to use force against a perceived intruder” (Krugel, 2018b; see also White-Crummey, 2019). Some narratives described rural crime as distinct from urban crime (StarPhoenix, 2017c). These ideas about crime were notable in letters and articles stating most people do not understand rural crime (Dahlman, 2018). This is visible in Murray Mandryk’s column titled “Rural crime an issue most don’t understand,” which was published in 35 newspapers. Mandryk’s column described rural crime in Saskatchewan as distinct and neglected (Graham, 2017a; Persson, 2018d; 2018e). Ironically, Mandryk’s description is indirectly confirmed in sources from the greater Toronto area that framed rural crime narratives as simply symptomatic of racism on the Prairies. 66 The case of Peter Khill is a high-profile legal case that occurred in Hamilton, Ontario, Canada in 2016. In February 2016, Khill, a homeowner in Hamilton, heard someone outside his home. Khill grabbed his shotgun, went outside, and confronted Jonathan Styres, who was rummaging through a truck. Khill, claiming self-defence, fired two shots, killing Styres. Khill was charged with second-degree murder. The case was controversial, with some people arguing that Khill had acted in self-defence and others contending that his actions were excessive and unjustified. In June 2018, Khill was acquitted of second-degree murder by a jury. The verdict was based on the defence of “necessity,” which argued that Khill had to use lethal force to protect himself and his property. The case prompted discussions about the use of force in self-defence in Canada and led to calls for a clearer understanding of the legal concept of self-defence. The case was appealed in 2021. 67 In another comparison, the Boushie case was compared to the death of Karman Willis (Mason, 2018b). In 1999, Willis, 16-years-old, was in a vehicle that drove onto Wiebo Ludwig’s farm in Trickle Creek, Alberta, when shots were fired that killed Willis (Kenny, 2018; Nikiforuk, 2002). These comparisons made by reporters notably framed these cases in light of rural crime concerns and the rights of farmers in dealing with such invasions (Kenny, 2018; Smith K., 2018). Framing does not discuss the death or harming of people, but rather whether farmers should have to face repercussions at all (Krugel, 2018b; see also Babych, 2019; Mason, 2018b). 167 Various larger population centre sources mentioned ‘gun-toting’ farmers as a symbol of this racial tension on the Prairies (O’Connor, 2016; Persson, 2018d; 2018e). According to David Ebner writing for The Globe and Mail, reporting in urban areas “[turned] its eye to Saskatchewan” because of the shooting (2016). Gary Mason’s article for The Globe and Mail described “the sensational case” that revealed “a corrosive rift between First Nations communities and non-Indigenous people” (2018a). Rather than acknowledging the ‘rural crime epidemic’ described in Mandryk’s column and reporting from smaller population centres, Ebner and Mason emphasized racial tensions (Fraser, 2016). This reporting confirms the frustration from rural populations that their concerns about crime are misunderstood (Aldrich, 2018; Canadian Press, 2017a; Dahlman, 2018; Maimann, 2019c; Roach, 2019a). Kyle Edwards’s article for Maclean’s titled ‘Battleground Saskatchewan’ reported on this local frustration (2018a). According to Edwards, rural narratives that “things are out of control” in terms of crime are obscured by reporting from large urban centres that focus on “racial overtones.” According to Edwards, local frustration “has led to a rising sentiment among farmers and rural folks that they’re on their own, that they should have the right to arm themselves and, if they have to, shoot trespassers” (2018a). According to an editorial in the Brandon Sun, “the Stanley family, and many farmers in Saskatchewan, have the feeling that their property is not respected and people come on to their farms and steal their stuff” (2018a).68 This reflects a disconnect in some of the framing of the case between reporting from smaller population centres and larger population centres and between provinces. 68 In total, 89 of the 3998 sources published between August 2016 and April 2020 referenced the Colten Boushie case and themes of rural crime, gun violence, RCMP and policing, self-defence, and trespass at the same time. Thirty-one were published in Alberta, 29 in Ontario, and 19 in Saskatchewan. 168 6.1.1 Racialization of Rural Crime Concerns Some sources racialized rural crime as an Indigenous issue. The perception that rural crime emanates from reserves is most directly addressed in opinion pieces and published letters from members of the public. As Cuthand argued “rather than see the killing as an alleged crime against a young First Nations man, the issue became one of rural crime caused by natives,” which was further supported by “anti-gang and crime prevention strategies” (2017a). Cuthand’s interpretation is confirmed by opinion pieces from authors such as Mandryk. According to Mandryk, “the long-standing issue of crime [spills] over from nearby impoverished First Nations” (Mandryk, 2018l; see also Bailey, 2019; Robertson D., 2018). While some reporters addressed the social condition of poverty in rural Canada in relation to rural crime (McKenna, 2018a), most connect this condition to rural reserves, which were framed as hotbeds for unemployment, poverty, and drug abuse (Hutchins, 2018; Giesbrecht, 2018b; Graney, J., 2018a). Even when historical, socio-economic, and political contexts are acknowledged, rural crime and division remain linked to First Nation reserves. On the show First Contact, “Episode 3: Bridging the Divide,” producers addressed negative ideas about First Nation reserves.69 On the TV show, six non-Indigenous Canadians with strong opinions about Indigenous-settler relations visited the Red Pheasant First Nation and spoke with Debbie Baptiste and the family’s legal team. The show provides context to the conditions in Saskatchewan and experiences of a racial divide between Indigenous reserves and White communities (APTN, 2020). While participants acknowledge these conditions, they place accountability for this divide with First Nations and Indigenous people (2020 [19:15-19:21]). 69 https://www.tvo.org/video/documentaries/bridging-the-divide. 169 This idea of crime connected to racial paradigms (Spratt, 2018a). According to Gormley’s column for the Regina Leader-Post, “racism, tension and life in rural Saskatchewan,” reveal a “context of life in rural Saskatchewan … where increasingly vandalism, thefts and occasionally grotesque acts of violence befall some farm families that are alone and living miles away from help” (2016a). Gormley’s column presents farm families as victims. Gormley sums up the past “execution style slaying of two men … on a nearby farm in 1994,” the “recently stolen cars from Wilkie [that] appear on Red Pheasant [First Nation],” and “a family at Cando, fed up after eight attacks in a year, … being driven off their farm after two Red Pheasant men and several youths trashed their farm, set vehicles ablaze and looted their house” (2016b). Gormley’s column highlights cases involving members of Red Pheasant First Nation over a timespan of 22 years and presents people from the Red Pheasant First Nation reserve as a threat to farm families in the area. Gormley’s narrative is also reflected in Stanley’s trial as Stanley links his fear for the people in the SUV to the 1994 execution in Cando (R v. Stanley, 2018).70 This reporting on violence that befalls farm families continued. According to Heather Polischuk, the death of Boushie at the hands of Stanley led “to increased anxiety, and even outright fear, about rural crime” (2017; see also Ruddell & O’Connor, 2021). The reporting on rural crime issues in the Battlefords region and other rural spaces linked to reports about “growing tensions between some First Nations, rural residents and the RCMP” (Warick, 2016e; 2016h). According to Cuthand, these media representations of racial tension framed rural properties as “vulnerable to theft and [the assumption that] it’s probably Indians” that are the 70 The 1994 case in Cando refers to Gordon Alex Tetarenko and Bryan James Kipp who were found shot dead in the former’s farmhouse near Cando, about 40 kilometres south of North Battleford. Colin Leonard Baptiste and Ron Francis Caldwell were accused of two accounts of second-degree murder in what was described as an attempt to steal gas that led to an armed robbery. Kyle Edwards in Maclean’s states “Caldwell was sentenced to life in prison without parole for 18 years, while Baptiste received manslaughter” (2018; see also R. v. Baptiste, 1998 CanLII 12353 (SK CA); R. v. Baptiste (C.), (1998) 168 Sask. R. 189 (CA)). 170 perpetrators (2016a). Some of these narratives stoked hostility toward First Nations people. An article from Carrie Tait in The Globe and Mail included statements from farmer John Nesdoly claiming, “First Nations come on to our property and they steal” (2016c). Nesdoly further stereotypes First Nation residents as “thieves and vandals” (Ibid.). Tait’s article connects Nesdoly’s sentiment to the GoFundMe page for Stanley, which included a statement that “these dirty Indians off the Rez stopped in at our farm and tried to steal our vehicles and when they couldn’t, they vandalized it” (Ibid.). Connections between rural crime fears and Boushie’s death, seem to “justify the covertly racist suggestion that aboriginal citizens are more likely to commit crime” (Marie Baptiste quoted in Tait, 2016c). Anti-Indigenous sentiments and racist comments were most visible in comments on Reddit, Facebook, and Twitter. A Facebook page “Saskatchewan Farmers Group,” now offline, included “Ku Klux Klan-like racist comments, including ‘shoot them, breed like rabbits [sic] anyways’ and ‘He should have shot all five of them (and) given a medal’ and ‘his only mistake was leaving three witnesses’” (Mandryk, 2016c). Reporters quoting such posts, like columnist Mandryk, repeated their violence, denounced racist comments as hate speech, and placed ‘the problem’ of rural crime with reserves. According to Mandryk, it is “crime and violence on reserves” that lead to “racism in white Saskatchewan” (2016d). These types of framing asserted that rural reserves are ‘violent and crime ridden,’ and promoted the idea that rural crime is a conflict “between the neighbouring white community and the local reserve” (Mandryk, 2016a; see also Mandryk, 2017d). Another example of online racist remarks is a Facebook post by an off-duty RCMP officer. The message asked, “How many of us work on or near reserves and are getting fed up with the race card being used every time someone gets caught breaking the law … Too bad the 171 kid died but he got what he deserved” (Martin M., 2018). This post is a violent example of racism and the nature of racist discourse in which Boushie’s death is framed as his comeuppance. Gabrielle Scrimshaw relates the experience of growing up as an Indigenous person in rural Saskatchewan: A young man … declared one night that he wanted to be a police officer so that he ‘could shoot’ some Indians …. [When] I mentioned the incident to a person there that evening, he told me that the comment wasn’t about race, but the fact that ‘natives just commit more crime’. (2018) In an article for the New York Times, Scrimshaw describes how many were surprised by racist comments in response to Boushie’s shooting. She relates tensions between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people run several generations deep. Rural Saskatchewan is marked by a racial and urban-rural divide: “Eighty percent of Canadians live in cities, and half of indigenous people reside in rural areas, leaving many urbanites unaware of the systemic and longstanding racism plaguing indigenous people” (Ibid.). According to Elizabeth Comack in Windspeaker magazine, continuous narratives of violence and racial tension in rural spaces made the death of an Indigenous man more likely. According to Comack, the RCMP’s focus on rural crime framed Boushie’s death a result of crime tensions that absolved Stanley’s action. The crime scenario of a vehicle entering a farmyard is contextualised by: the history of theft in the neighbourhood, which was noted in the RCMP news release …. Then … it’s a group of youth, teenagers, which are trouble, because all teenagers are trouble, right? And then if you add on to that they’re Indigenous teenagers …. (Narine, 2016) 172 Comack shows that in the local context, frames of rural crime reduced Boushie’s death to a case of rural crime. The context of theft made other commentators claim they “knew it was going to come to this” (quoted in Warick, 2016b). Such responses trivialized Boushie’s death as sad but a logical result of “rising crime in the area [that] has everyone feeling scared” (Ibid.; see also Graham, 2016a). According to an editorial in the Saskatoon StarPhoenix, the ideas presented in the media “that Boushie’s group was there to steal … gave ammunition to those who linked the shooting to rising property crime rates in the area,” and they fuel “frustration of area residents whose gas or other items have been stolen from their yards” (2016). Various counternarratives noted that fear for property theft is not legal grounds for killing. Some sources connected the fear of crime from reserves with the lack of police support (Moose Jaw Times Herald, 2016). Interviewed farmers in an article by Colby Cosh described living “outside the immediate reach of law enforcement,” coupled by “an omnipresent tension between reserve natives and non-native farmers in the western rural hinterland” (2016; see also Brandon Sun, 2018a; Canadian Press, 2018r). The dependence on guns to repel potential thieves was pinned on inadequate rural policing and farmers being easy targets (MacPherson, 2017c). Fear of becoming easy targets guided concerns over personal safety, “as farms get bigger and communities are getting smaller in the rural areas” (CBC, 2018a). In a letter to the editor, Schwenk expressed: These people [from the reserves] have been terrorizing their neighbours and ransacking the farm yards for years. It had got to the point that people did not feel safe to go out of their house or into the field without having a gun in their possession. (2018) Similar narratives normalized Boushie’s death (Auriat, 2018; Hill, 2018n; Mackay, 2018; Smith D., 2018; Purdy, 2018c). It is the rural crime aspect of these interpretations that presented 173 Boushie’s death as regretful, yet justified, as Stanley had to “repel attackers who had besieged his family” just as other farmers claimed they would have (Gormley, 2018b; see also Graveland, 2018k; Hamm, 2018a). Counternarratives questioned the severity of the proclaimed rural crime. Keith McNeill expressed doubt as to the extent of the rural crime accusations, as “it would be quite easy for just a few individuals to create the impression of a crime wave” (2018). In an APTN Investigates episode “Justice for Colten,” from May 10, 2018, local property owner Christine Freethy relativized the rural crime concerns: “If we shot every trespasser who comes into our yard, I’d have a mile-long fence of human corpses [husband chuckles]. It happens all the time” [19:08-19:32]. Freethy reframes some of the trespass and rural crime concerns as nothing out of the ordinary, contrary to the surge in reporting after Stanley’s acquittal. Other counternarratives focussed on “Indigenous groups worried about decades of systemic injustice and rural landowners concerned about crime” (MacPherson, 2018c). These items explained the case as part of a continuous, not incidental or abrupt, “tension that exists between a rural community and a nearby native reserve [that] reflects the reality of Native/White relations” (McDevitt, 2018; see also Cox & Keller, 2020; Graveland, 2018i; Kuhl, 2018a; MacDonald, 2018a; Roach, 2018e; Sinclair, 2018a). These sources addressed rural crime narratives as presenting one aspect of racial tensions (Mereska, 2018; Omand, 2018a; Pattison, 2018; Schneider, 2018), and denounce Stanley’s actions, regardless of whether his “actions were born out of the thefts and other incidents his neighbours in the region had experienced” (Graveland, 2018k). These narratives denounced more extreme opinions that suggest “to simply shoot them dead so they can’t testify in court, preventing a media storm like the recent Colten Boushie case” (Bowling, 2018; see also Persson, 2018f; Purdy, 2018c). 174 6.1.2 Notions of Self-Defence Rural crime narratives contained discussions as to what extent farmers can rely on self-defence in the absence of law enforcement (Brean, 2016). The rights of farmers to defend themselves according to their own interpretations conflicted with legal interpretations presented by the Criminal Code. According to Canadian law, attacks in the home entitle people to defend themselves and the home. This right emphasises that force must be proportionate to the actual threat. As legally stipulated in the Criminal Code and the Citizen’s Arrest and Self-Defence Act (2012), this explicitly rules out deadly force in protection of private property. However, in public discussions about self-defence, attacks ‘in the home’ and ‘proportionate force’ appear ambiguous. Sources reflect this in presenting questions about how far someone can go to defend their property (Blaquiere, 2018; Friesen, 2016b; Montreal Gazette, 2016). Narratives from farmers sympathetic to Stanley blurred the line between the protection of the home and the farmyard and what is an appropriate response to perceived intruders to that outdoor property. Most sources referencing self-defence came from other property owners (Charlton, 2016). Sources mentioned how many felt the need to carry “rifles and shotguns for ‘personal protection’ and [the] organizing [of] rural patrols to protect their properties after Boushie’s death” (MacPherson, 2016; see also Hamilton, 2016c; MacPherson, 2017c). This is also visible in online comments where “some people suggest[ed] farmers had the right to use fatal force to protect their property from Indigenous people” (Hill, 2018d). One property owner explained “as a male, I have to protect my family” when referring to “the rights and justification for people to defend themselves, people under their care and their property” (Purdy, 2018c; see also Isai, 2018). The local property owners sympathetic to Stanley, aligned self-defence to their fear and feelings of isolation, being “on their own to protect their property” (Rumbolt, 2018b; see also 175 Bowling, 2018; Wakefield, 2018d). To some, Boushie’s death proved that rural spaces have collapsed to “a lawless state” (Turner, R., 2018a), in which “a man should be able to protect his family” (CBC, 2018c; see also Canadian Press, 2018l; Cherepak, 2018; CTV National News, 2018d). Some likened the experience of rural property owners to a state of war, as “self-defending property owners … have to make … split-second, life-and-death, frontline decisions,” in the absence of law enforcement (Gunter, 2018i; see also Bhaskar, 2018; Cheevers, 2018b; Kenny, 2018; Schneider, 2018; Wells, 2018). This self-defence narrative was in part propelled by political actors, such as SARM’s lobby for increased self-defence rights for property owners. Six days after Boushie’s death, media report on the SARM initiative, led by president Ray Orb, and linked Boushie’s death to rural crime frustrations and the lobby for increased self-defence rights (Warick, 2016c). SARM official resolution for the lobby to extend self-defence passed by 93 per cent of the roughly 2,000 delegates (Graham, 2017a; see also MacPherson, 2017c; Canadian Press, 2017b). SARM’s clamouring for increased self-defence rights was based on ambiguity in the Criminal Code about “reasonable force” (Malone, 2020b). Sources connected SARM’s resolution to U.S. legislation on self-defence and the “stand-your-ground” resolution (Austen, 2018; Friesen, 2018b; Kuhl, 2018a; Loreto, 2018; Roach, 2018e).71 This stand-your-ground reference was complemented by “defend-your-castle” narratives also visible in Stanley’s trial (Mandryk, 2017a; 2017b; see also Ackerman, 2017; Austen, 2018; Quan & Ligeti, 2018b; Starblanket & Hunt, 2018). 71 Nora Loreto in her opinion piece compares SARM’s lobby for amendments to the Criminal Code with “Florida’s stand-your-ground law [which] rose to international prominence when George Zimmerman was acquitted in the 2012 shooting death of African American teenager Trayvon Martin” (2018). Loreto asserts that although similar to U.S. self-defence laws, Canadian self-defence law is open to interpretation. According to Loreto, SARM’s interpretation was predisposed to “broadly held racist ideals of who is dangerous and who must be policed” (Ibid.). Such self-defence narratives were present in reporting on R v. Stanley (2018) and R v. Khill (2018). Loreto claims both cases were framed by racist ideals that stipulate “who is considered dangerous, and therefore who is justified in shooting” especially when this intersects with private property (Ibid). 176 In particular, reporting on R v. Stanley (2018) referenced aspects of self-defence. Even though Stanley’s defence never officially used self-defence, his lawyer and Stanley’s testimony presented several phantom claims of self-defence (R v. Stanley, 2018; Roach, 2019b). Media reported on Stanley’s defence lawyer’s address to the jury that for a farmer ‘his yard is his castle’ (R v. Stanley, 2018; see also Flynn & Van Wagner, 2018; Kuhl, 2018b; Starblanket & Hunt, 2018). The defence’s claim of a farmer’s yard being his castle contained the idea “a man’s home is his castle, he has a right to defend it by any means necessary” creating “false equivalencies between homicide and property crime” (Godfrey, 2018b; see also Kirby, 2018). Although Stanley’s defence argued that the farmyard could be considered part of the ‘castle’ or ‘home’, this ‘fortress mentality’ (Cuthand, 2018c; 2018d) is at odds with law and precedent where a dwelling-house can be considered, but a farmyard cannot. Another statement from Stanley’s defence lawyer referenced self-defence, when he said “it would have been way better for Stanley to claim self-defence and to say the driver pointed the gun barrel at him” (Hill, 2018o; Liboiron, 2018). Stanley’s own testimony also reflected a phantom claim of self-defence when he stated he thought his wife was in danger (Canadian Press, 2018l; Roach, 2019b). This testimony presents Stanley as “a knight protecting his castle” as he feared his wife was hit by the SUV attempting to leave the yard (Quan & Ligeti, 2018b; see also Blaquiere, 2018; Deibert, 2018a; Froese, 2018a; Lindberg, 2018; Malone, 2018a; Pattison, 2018; Trimble, 2018; Weisbord, 2019). In addition, Stanley’s testimony connects his actions to fears of people from Red Pheasant First Nation based on a 1994 murder on a nearby farm hinting at self-defence (Hanes, 2018). Despite these references, Stanley’s defence team did not pursue self-defence. The legal claim of self-defence requires proof that alternatives to violent confrontation were unavailable, 177 which explains Stanley’s defence council’s choice to steer away from self-defence (Mandryk, 2018e; 2018f). However, according to Paula Simons’s article for the Edmonton Journal “the idea that a man could use a gun to defend his own property was implicit - if unspoken” (2018; see also Anderson M. R., 2018; Lindberg, 2018; Moger, 2018; Trimble, 2018; Turner B., 2018). Other sources similarly asserted that the rural crime context meant that the defence did not need to argue self-defence or defence of property directly to invoke those imaginaries to the jury (Spratt, 2018b; Kuhl, 2018b). Reporting about self-defence connected to both Maurice in Okotoks, Alberta and Khill in Hamilton, Ontario. Stanley, Maurice, and Khill were framed as homeowners defending themselves, their family, and their property against intruders (Gunter, 2018f; 2018g; 2018h; Hayes, 2018c; Jamieson, 2018).72 Even though all cases had divergent outcomes, with charges dropped against Maurice and Khill later convicted, framing practices presented all three men as defending themselves (Keller, J., 2019; Wakefield, 2018e). In addition, Stanley, Maurice, and Khill were repeatedly framed as defending their wives or children (Blatchford, 2018c; Clairmont, 2018e; 2018f; Corbella, 2018a; Dawson, 2019a; Goffin, 2018a; 2018c; Hayes, 2018b). Media sources did not consider that in these three cases the men’s defensive responses to perceived threats required them to seek confrontation (Goffin, 2018a; Wells, 2018a).73 Instead, most reporting appeared to consider whether the perceived threat of crime presents reasonable or proportional cause for violence (Wakefield, 2018e; see also CBC Radio, 2018, [23:18-24:07]; 72 The irony of this framing was addressed by Shree Paradkar, who notes that, in a settler colonial system, it is the settlers who are intruders on Indigenous land (2018b). 73 This aspect of seeking confrontation became grounds for appeal in R v. Khill (2018). The Supreme Court ruled that the judge in R v. Khill (2018) did not properly instruct the jury to consider if Khill’s prior conduct leading up to his use of lethal force was excessive. The self-defence articles in the Criminal Code, require a trial judge to instruct the jury “to determine whether [Khill] had a ‘role in the incident’ and, if so, how that role may have affected the reasonableness of his use of lethal force” (R v. Khill, 2021, SCC 37). According to the case in brief, “Mr. Khill’s conduct increased the risk of a fatal confrontation with Mr. Styres outside the home,” and jurors were not instructed to consider that “decision to advance into the darkness against other alternatives … such as calling 911, shouting from the window or turning on the lights” (R v. Khill, 2021, SCC 37). 178 Dafoe, 2018; Gormley, 2016a; 2016b; Moose Jaw Times Herald, 2016; O’Connor, 2016; Tait, 2016c). Various counternarratives emerged in response to arguments for self-defence (Blaquiere, 2018). According to a column by Mandryk, “property is just property. Human life, whether it be your life or the life of someone invading your property, is something we need to value more” (2017c). As one police chief described “protecting property is not protecting life. … Not saying that it’s not a priority, but it’s not the same priority as protecting life” (Jamieson, 2018). According to Heather Persson’s column in the Saskatoon StarPhoenix, “the idea that protection of private property trumps the sanctity of human life … is indefensible” (2018b; 2018c). According to Naiomi Metallic’s writing for the Canadian Press, “placing defence of property above a human life,” is a complicated rhetoric subject to stereotyping and victim-blaming (2018). Various opinion pieces on the self-defence narrative critique the power given to property owners in those narratives as they ostensibly exonerate men like Stanley, Maurice, and Khill from Criminal Code offences (Aldrich, 2018; Cox, 2018; Dixon, 2018; Froese, 2018a; Frohlick, 2018; Malone, 2018a; Sinclair, 2018a). According to a critique in the Globe and Mail, this self-defence image reflects how “castles (and now farms) have served as sites of capitalist accumulation and protectionism, as romanticized spaces wherein white knights protect against incursion from hostile outside forces” (Chittley et al., 2018; see also Economist, 2018; Hudes, 2018c; Mcculloch, 2018; Starblanket & Hunt, 2018). These more rural self-defence narratives are inflected with nostalgic visions of a rural past where crime concerns were non-existent (Cuthand, 2018c; 2018e). Combined with narratives of rural decline through increased rural crime, rural property owners are restricted to save themselves in a context of the absence of law enforcement. Boushie getting shot on 179 Stanley’s property is an example that has brought this idyllic rural lifestyle in sharp contrast with rural crime concerns (Gunter, 2018a). Self-defence of that romanticized space or pastoral was built “on the need for a farmer not only to protect his kingdom, but also the need to save his ‘maiden’ from the inevitable threat posed by racialized outsiders” (Ibid; see also Flynn & Van Wagner, 2018). An important part of this reporting on the need for extended self-defence rights was the use of crime statistics. 6.2 The Ambiguity of Rural Crime Statistics Representations of rural crime narratives often used crime statistics. Such statistic distinctions conveyed narratives of ‘increased’ crime in ambiguous terms (Charlton, 2016; Friesen, 2016a; 2016b; Talvila, 2016). For example, Jason Warick wrote that, “the region [North Battleford] had one of Canada’s highest crime rates” (2016d). Although Warick does not mention numbers, his narrative suggests ‘one of Canada’s highest crime rates.’ Similarly, Charles Hamilton argued that “the crime rate in the rural area around Biggar has more than doubled” (2016a). This statement neither tells the reader the period in which this doubling occurred, nor the baseline from which the rate is doubled (i.e., from 1 to 2 cases). Hamilton’s article further links the doubling of crime rates to “the tension between the reserve and the surrounding area” (Ibid.). Reporting of rural crime statistics often referenced the national crime severity index (CSI). According to Warick’s article in the Regina Leader-Post, “North Battleford also currently ranks first on a national crime severity index” (2016h). While the CSI does not provide causes of these crimes, Warick mentions “racial tension, poverty, addictions and other factors” (Ibid.), without explaining what the CSI measures. According to Statistics Canada (2009), CSI is calculated to reflect the severity of crime and not just its frequency. This calculation process means offences are assigned a weight derived from average sentences handed down by criminal 180 courts. However, the CSI does not consider that policing and sentencing are racialized practices (Johnson, 2019; Comack, 2012). Higher average sentences for some offenders affect the CSI. This means a high ranking on the CSI index does not necessarily reflect an increase in rural crime and could reflect an increase in the weight of sentences. In addition, the CSI does not concern itself with petty theft cases and reveals a slippage in what type of crime sources are referring to. Rural crime concerns in writing by for instance Warick conflate vandalism and a threat to property with a CSI rate that reflects violent crime rates.74 A recurring indiscriminate use of statistics in rural crime narratives created a quantification with the potential to add to fears for rural crime. According to Mandryk’s column, “small urban areas had 43 per cent more crime than large urban areas nationwide,” in which “especially prevalent were violent and property crime” (2016i; 2016j). Statements such as Mandryk’s readily affirm rural fears about crime and theft of property while discussing the case. These numbers of ‘small urban areas’ in rural areas are linked to “the plethora of socially disadvantaged First Nation reserves in rural Saskatchewan, from which crime and violence occasionally spills over to neighbouring farms and towns” (Ibid.). The causality between the case and crime increases presumes numerical increase is connected to crimes from reserves. Even when sources admit that rural crime rates are hard to measure, some still linked rural crime to First Nation reserves. This is reflected in O’Connor’s article for the National Post in which he wrote, while “there are no hard data on rural crime rates” since “numbers don’t distinguish between urban and rural areas … it is a certain segment of the population that is responsible for most of the crime” (2016). Sources describing statistical increase do so without 74 A consideration omitted in the use of CSI in reporting on rural crime increases is that Stanley would have been considered in the index, had he been found guilty to second-degree murder or manslaughter and sentenced. 181 proper consideration of crime rates and reflect a bias toward reserves or a ‘certain segment of the population’ (Giesbrecht, 2018a; Hamilton, 2016c). According to Giesbrecht’s column in the Whitehorse Star “alarming statistics” are explained by the severe problems near reserves since “rural crime statistics reflect differences in conviction rates between Indigenous and non-Indigenous residents” (2018a). Giesbrecht’s argument considers an overrepresentation of convictions for Indigenous people without addressing systemic issues or how repeat offenders might skew crime statistics and conviction rates. In 2017 and 2018 sources increasingly reported “out of control” rural crime (MacPherson, 2017b; 2017d; Graham, 2017a). Even though there were no crime rates available for comparison between urban and rural centres between 2016 and 2018, reporters still made those distinctions. According to Friesen’s article in The Globe and Mail, “statistics show that Saskatchewan’s crime severity index rose by 10 per cent between 2014 and 2015, driven in part by an increase in break-and-enters” (2017a). This statistic referred to all of Saskatchewan. Friesen contextualized this increase by asserting that even though “Saskatchewan still has the highest crime rate in Canada … over the last decade crime has been in significant decline in the province … and from 2005 to 2015 the crime severity index … is down 25 per cent” (2017a). Friesen’s reports on both the case and high crime rates, but neither notes an increase or decrease in rural crime, nor that these numbers are not connected to Boushie’s death (Roth, 2017). In a later assessment of rural crime in 2018, Friesen presented specific rural crime data. Answering to the “threat of crime in rural areas,” Friesen asserted that “Saskatchewan is the most rural Canadian province,” followed by the statement that “rural crime is relatively high in Saskatchewan compared with other provinces, according to Statistics Canada” (2018b). Referencing the case, Friesen does not explain whether this relatively high rural crime rate in 182 Saskatchewan is because the province is mostly rural. Friesen contended “the crime severity index is higher in the province’s rural areas than in urban areas, which is unusual for Canada, but not for the Prairie provinces” (Ibid.). Friesen made these claims without clarifying if this severity is higher because Prairie provinces are more rural, and his writing does not distinguish whether the higher CSI had correlation to the severity of sentencing in these spaces. The reporting on different crime rates also presented confusing information. According to various publications in the Postmedia Network, rural crime was either not measured, increased, or decreased. These distinctions depend on the interpretation of either StatsCan or RCMP jurisdictional crime data. Whereas MacPherson described an increase: “Property crime rose by 18 per cent in the province’s central district, and fell by nine per cent in the south and five per cent in the north - where overall rates are typically highest” (2017f; see also Fitzpatrick, 2017); according to Ackerman, there is also a decrease as “rural property crime is down 10 per cent compared to last year but violent crimes in RCMP jurisdictions are up seven per cent, with the exception of homicide rates, which are down 25 per cent” (2017). Then, according to Hill, there still is “rising crime in rural Saskatchewan” (2018a; 2018c). Publications more seem to reflect an increase in the reporting on rural crime, while conflating homicides and property theft, using Boushie’s death as an example. The implication is that Boushie’s death adds to the idea of an increase in property-theft and rural crime. The conflicting use of statistics and CSI information reinforces the idea that rural crime is connected to the Boushie case at all. One such example comes from Maclean’s, who according to Ian Austen, “found that North Battleford, Battleford’s sister community across the North Saskatchewan River, is the most dangerous place in Canada,” where “car theft is common” (2018; see also Parsons R., 2019). The dangers of car theft in Austen’s conclusions connect those 183 crime inferences with Boushie’s death. Some sources connect car theft, rural crime, and death in reference to ‘all’ rural areas. According to the Hamilton Spectator, Alberta had seen the same increase as “property crime in rural areas has increased 23 per cent over the last five years” (Krugel, 2018b). Similarly, Sandra Stanway referenced the shooting in Saskatchewan and crime statistics in an article for the Brooks Bulletin titled ‘Person crimes named as a local police priority’ to assert increased crime statistics in Alberta as “rural landowners … told media rural break-ins have been increasing over the past five years” (2018a). Some proclaimed increases in rural crime were undermined by sources drawing on RCMP crime rates. According to RCMP jurisdictional statistics, numbers related to property crime in rural districts were down. According to MacPherson, “property crime in the region rose between 2011 and 2016, but has since fallen back to 2011 levels. The number of reported crimes … is very low” (2018d; see also Canadian Press, 2018aa). These numbers were disconnected from experiences referenced in other sources that reported “rampant crime and ineffective policing” (Robson, 2018c; see also Aldrich, 2018; Krugel, 2018a). According to French’s article for The Nanton News, “statistics showing decreasing reports of rural crime are inaccurate because people have given up reporting the crimes, assuming police will never come” (2019). As a result, RCMP crime reports that indicated lower crime rates were criticized by rural residents who had lost faith in law enforcement (Krugel, 2018a). In contrast, numbers from the Alberta RCMP showed how “rural RCMP detachments have seen a 16 per cent increase in Criminal Code offences over the past five years,” and according to Sammy Hudes, this is caused by a “group of very similar people that keep creating the same rural property crimes” (2018a; see also Wakefield, 2018d). 184 A small number of sources acknowledged the bias inherent to the rural crime narrative. According to Wakefield, “The thought that young white men could be stealing from farms was never really a factor, the whole focus was Aboriginal people” (2018a). When police-reported crime rates tended to be higher near some First Nations reserves, these created “the illusion that Indigenous people are wantonly creating violent crime that threatens the neighbouring communities” (Wakefield, 2018b). However, almost all sources referenced in this chapter accepted the assumption that Boushie and his friends present elements of a rural crime increase. Both opinion pieces and news articles claiming to present objective data on crime increase aligned the case with rural crime concerns in predominantly Saskatchewan and Alberta (Table 11 and 12). Table 11: A crosstabulation of rural crime narratives with themes of RCMP or policing, gun violence, and self-defence in the 234 sources for Saskatchewan Reference to policing or RCMP Reference to guns and violence Reference to self-defence Small centres Count 16 29 12 % 51.6% 93.5% 38.7% Medium centres Count 8 9 2 % 88.9% 100.0% 22.2% Large urban centres Count 156 187 82 % 80.4% 96.4% 42.3% Total Count 180 225 96 % 76.9% 96.2% 41.0% Table 12: A crosstabulation of rural crime narratives with themes of RCMP or policing, gun violence and self-defence in the 131 sources for Alberta Reference to policing or RCMP Reference to guns and violence Reference to self-defence Small centres Count 24 32 14 % 75.0% 100.0% 43.8% Medium centres Count 26 27 18 % 96.3% 100.0% 66.7% Large urban centres Count 66 72 51 % 91.7% 100.0% 70.8% Total Count 116 131 83 % 88.5% 100.0% 63.4% 185 Following Sally Engle Merry’s (2016) research in The Seductions of Quantification, the use of statistics is a technique to relate the importance of rural crime to the public. This quantification of rural crime is done in ways that strip rural crime of context and meaning, at times hiding or distorting aspects of the case. These statistics organize knowledge about the case and rural crime often “in the absence of more detailed, contextual information” (Merry, 2016, p. 1). By indicating rural crime is increased any amount, this reporting served an agenda for increased funding for police services. In addition, media report an increase in citizen-led crime watch patrols in Alberta and Saskatchewan. Sources use numbers to present a representation of rural crime, often based on anecdotal evidence from local RCMP and property owners. By presenting rural crime concerns as something that can be quantified, this reporting conveyed an impression of “objective truth and scientific authority despite the extensive interpretive work that goes into their construction” (p. 1). These aspects of quantification are important as this type of framing helped mobilize action that ultimately led to changes in provincial legislation. 6.3 Reinstated Rural Crime Watch Programs and Policy Reform Sources reported on the reinstatement of crime watch programs in Alberta and Saskatchewan. Rural crime concerns led to action plans from residents, at times in collaboration with law enforcement (White-Crummey, 2017; see also MacPherson, 2016). SARM was a leading organization for the development of rural crime watch groups. According to Will Chabun’s article for the Regina Leader-Post, local SARM initiatives promoted “community safety officers … trained to handle ‘low-and medium-risk’ issues like traffic and alcohol offences” (2016). Similarly, Alex MacPherson’s article for the Prince Albert Daily Herald states SARM responded to “out of control” crime in remote areas “to correct a legal imbalance for landowners” (2017c; 2017e). The resulting rural crime watch programs and Community Safety Officer programs 186 pushed for more RCMP funding and support from provincial government (MacPherson, 2017e; Canadian Press, 2017a). Crime watch initiatives were meant to fill a void left by the RCMP. Local landowners argued that “seeing patrols on rural roads would be a deterrent for most criminal activities” (Roth, 2017). Media reported on the friction between residents’ request for increased policing and available resources. The RCMP news releases often reminded local landowners to not leave keys in their vehicles and to start locking their cars, secure their property, and start “reporting crime and suspicious activity” (Ibid.). Local willingness to pay more for policing as suggested by SARM did not mean police resources could reach rural areas. The RCMP reported that funding does not solve the geographic constraints presented by rural policing and reasserted they rely on “individuals and groups that report suspicious activity” (MacPherson, 2017f). This also promoted the reintroduction of citizen crime watch initiatives. Some groups such as the Saskatchewan’s Coalition Against Racism and Colonialism No More criticized the reintroduction of these programs, claiming they perpetuate “racist violence and misconceptions” (Fitzpatrick B., 2017). Another critique of civilian crime watch initiatives was that these initiatives often proceed without consultation with Indigenous communities, despite describing rural crime as an issue in Indigenous-settler relations (Parsons & Wakefield, 2018; Rushworth, 2018a; 2018b). FSIN leadership stated it is “inappropriate for anyone to characterize rural crime as First Nations issues” (cited in MacPherson, 2018b). According to the FSIN, the media problematically presented the need for increased policing in response to Boushie’s death (cited in Canadian Press, 2017j). Others expressed worry that crime watch initiatives and increased policing would result in racial profiling (Fitzpatrick & MacPherson, 2017). Media reported that local initiatives collaborated with other crime watch groups and the 187 RCMP rather than with Indigenous groups or people on reserves (Graveland, 2018n; Griwkowsky, 2018; Mandryk, 2018e). Other sources reported that crime watch programs offered non-violent responses from local residents. After Stanley’s acquittal, citizen surveillance dealt with potential property crime as an alternative to “the use of potential lethal force” (Mandryk, 2017c). Douglas Quan for the Canadian Press reported that some farmers in the Battleford region “have started rural crime watch programs and installed surveillance cameras” supported by the RCMP (2018e). In Alberta, the Alberta Citizens on Patrol Association recruited “volunteers that do patrols in pairs and report anything suspicious to law enforcement” (Canadian Press, 2018aa). Like Saskatchewan initiatives, the Citizens on Patrol Association reiterated that rural crime responses should not involve violence (Krugel, 2018b). According to Lauren Krugel’s article for the Lethbridge Herald, the previous 50 to 55 Alberta communities with patrol groups “grew to 70 in 2017 and another 16 are being added” (Ibid.; see also MacPherson, 2018d; Maimann, 2019c). Other organizations in Alberta included ALERT and the Alberta Provincial Rural Crime Watch Association (Corbella, 2018a). These efforts were put in direct connection with Stanley’s case to remind people not to resort to gun violence (Deibert, 2018d; Canadian Press, 2018aa). Some organizations signed memorandums of understanding with local RCMP. Such MoU’s delineated the “roles and responsibilities of both the crime watch group and the RCMP,” in which passive patrols by unarmed volunteers were key (Hudes, 2018c; 2018d). These agreements meant to address rural crime concerns that previous to the Stanley and Maurice cases had not received proper consideration in Alberta (Hudes, 2018a; Wakefield, 2018a; 2018b). On the heels of Stanley’s acquittal, Wakefield reported “Alberta Mounties and rural community crime watch groups inked a formal deal … to have residents serve as the ‘eyes and ears’ for 188 police” (2018a; see also Griwkowsky, 2018). Some sources problematized crime monitoring by civilians. According to some, local economic downturn caused “rural unemployment … particularly among young men’” (Cuthand cited in Wakefield, 2018b), that presented tension as both downturn and surveillance were linked to reserves (Stanway, 2018a). These potential racialized tensions were deflected by watch groups and initiatives claiming they intent to protect all Albertans or all Saskatchewanians (Griwkowsky, 2018). Local success stories of crime watch groups entered the public sphere in 2018. Citizens on Patrol was lauded in the protection of settlers in Olds, “a town of 9,000 people [as] one of the largest and most enthusiastic of the roughly 70 patrol groups” (Dawson, 2018c). Olds’s patrol is highlighted as “everyone in town seems to feel a little safer knowing the patrollers are there,” without specifying if this includes Indigenous or First Nations in the area (Ibid.). The media connected these efforts of the patrollers to rural crime issues and the high-profile cases of Stanley and Maurice. The landowners’ fear was the driving force behind the Patrol’s efforts, as “everybody in Olds seems to know someone who’s been robbed - if they haven’t been themselves” (Ibid.). The RCMP’s absence was mediated by the government who “gave the Alberta Citizens on Patrol Association $30,000 - up from $10,000 in previous years - to provide training programs and other support” (Ibid.). Other success stories came from the rural municipalities of Corman Park and Edenwold, Saskatchewan. These two municipalities were guarded by phone trees and signs warning those with ill-intent that, ‘the neighbours are watching’ (MacPherson, 2018e). The growth in membership and reporting on crime watch successes reflected a reactiveness to Boushie’s shooting to protect homeowners not feeling protected by RCMP. According to the Saskatoon StarPhoenix, “while there are no clear data on the effectiveness of 189 Rural Crime Watch, the Saskatchewan RCMP has for months been promoting the ‘observe and report’ groups at town hall meetings held in rural communities across the province” (Ibid.; see also MacPherson, 2018i). According to one local, these meetings and crime watch groups seem to primarily provide a “sense of empowerment, where [farm owners] can do something to take some control over whatever perceived threat they see in that area” (MacPherson, 2018e; see also Corbella, 2018a; Hudes, 2018c). 6.4 Policy Reform in Response to Rural Crime Concerns Apart from civilian initiatives, sources report the installment of various formal crime reduction teams. Crime reduction strategies and policy directed initiatives were most visible in sources from smaller population centres in Alberta and Saskatchewan (Canadian Press, 2017b; Murphy, 2017a; 2018a; 2018b). SARM’s push for federal policy reform proved complicated, but the push for policy reform was effective in local and provincial governments (Graney, J., 2018d). Underlining justifications for policy reform presented rural crime crises that referenced the case. Sources about reform efforts stated that “rural crime is obviously getting noticed by governments to some degree” (Dahlman, 2018), as increased funding and policing were rolled out in Alberta and Saskatchewan (Canadian Press, 2018ac). Rural crime concerns and claims of inadequate policing led to extensive funding as the RCMP rolled out a “Protection and Response Team (PRT)” (Fitzpatrick & MacPherson, 2017). The Saskatoon StarPhoenix reported the PRT was perceived as a positive step for farmers and ranchers in the Saskatchewan Cattleman’s Association (Fitzpatrick & MacPherson, 2017; MacDougall, 2017a; Mandryk, 2071g; 2017h). The arming of highway patrol and conservation officers in partnerships with the RCMP and municipal police ensured predominantly non-Indigenous Saskatchewan communities felt safe (MacDougall, 2017a; MacPherson, 2018d). This implementation of extensive policing 190 linked to the case and reflected a one-sided response to crime concerns. Policy changes to improve policing in remote areas did not mention First Nations’ consultation. The focus on improving policing in which “all of the officers, regardless of their official role, will have arrest and detention powers” did not reference intercommunal dialogue (White-Crummey, 2017). According to Heather Bear from FSIN, “there are other measures that could be taken to prevent crime other than giving out more authority, essentially a license to kill” (Ibid.). Although articles quoted Bear and other Indigenous leaders’ calls for dialogue, these calls were drowned out by news articles highlighting White politicians and residents pushing the rural crime agenda (MacDougall, 2017b). This framing helped fuel the belief that “increasing officer visibility is the key to deterring offenders” (Ibid.). The PRT, according to RM Reeve Don Fyrk “is a step that [had] to be taken, because we don’t want a repeat of what went on in Biggar [Stanley’s farming region]” (quoted in White-Crummey, 2017; see also Canadian Press, 2017j; Hill, 2017j). Several counternarratives criticized increased policing. According to Edwards, “not all rural landowners share the outrage” about rural crime as promoted in the news (2018a). Edwards provides contrast to sources from rural residents in Alberta and Saskatchewan that revealed property-based concerns (MacDougall, 2016; Renzetti, 2016). According to Katie Derosa’s article for the Times-Colonist policing strategies reflect “the country’s most high-profile case of alleged police bias against Indigenous people” (2018). Police interactions were scrutinized given the history of ‘starlight tours’ – the well documented police practice of abandoning Indigenous people outside city limits in the bitter cold Saskatchewan winter to freeze and die (Balkissoon, 2019; Nicoll, 2020). Tasha Hubbard, who produced Two Worlds Colliding (2005), a documentary “about … now-infamous ‘starlight tours’,” talks about continued bias and racism within Indigenous-RCMP interactions (Fraser G, 2019; see also Furminger, 2019). Even though 191 “the police have to now take Indigenous awareness training,” Hubbard notes, this does not address “their existing bias and racism” in interactions with Indigenous members of the public (quoted in Mullen, 2019). The RCMP’s decision to respond to complaints of under-policing by arming conservation officers added to the Indigenous communities’ experiences of over-policing (Canadian Press, 2018ag). First Nations leaders expressed concern about this new policy. According to Andrea Hill, it was not clear whether increased armed policing by conservation officers was sensitive to treaty rights and hunting and fishing practices (2018ai; see also Fraser, 2018b; 2018f; Mandryk, 2019a; Canadian Press, 2018aj). In response, some First Nation communities used their bylaws to ban conservation officers from their reserves (Persson, 2018d; 2018e). According to Kelly Geraldine Malone, experiences of bias and racialized interactions with the RCMP led some Indigenous people to question new policing strategies and whether “the police are going to protect them” (2018d). To some, armed conservation officers posed concern, as “many conservation officers have negative views of Indigenous people” (Ibid.). In Saskatchewan, increased funding and policing supports came with $5.9-million in financial resources dedicated to “258 armed officers – including 30 new positions – aimed at curbing rural crime” and RCMP initiatives for an “intelligence-based ‘targeted enforcement’ Crime Reduction Team [CRT] and a reservist program made up of retired officers who maintain their training” (StarPhoenix, 2018b). Thia James described crime reduction efforts of this team close to Onion Lake Cree Nation executing “targeted enforcement blitzes” (2019a). These enforcement blitzes presented CRT’s ability to stalk individuals and watch their movements, specifically surrounding reserves – without any sign of collaboration with those reserves (Ibid.). This crime reduction initiative, referenced as Saskatchewan’s solution to the rural crime 192 epidemic confirmed the idea that crime is flowing out from First Nations’ reserves (Ibid.). Reporting on CRT efforts in 2019 and 2020 invoked Boushie and his friends, while assuaging rural crime fears through the policing of reserves (Ibid; James, 2019b; 2020a; Aldrich, 2019). These new measures were met with optimism from the provincial government and RCMP (Fraser, 2018a; MacPherson, 2018g). The NDP opposed these measures and asserted that the arming of conservation officers is ineffective at addressing rural crime (Fraser, 2018c; McKenna, 2018b). New measures mostly introduced more guns to various levels of surveillance in which commercial vehicle enforcement officers carried sidearms and conservation officers carried rifles (Fraser, 2018d). Apart from introducing more firearms, the province’s new trespassing law “place the onus on individuals who want to access property to seek [the owner’s] permission” (Ibid.; see also Mandryk, 2019a). According to D. C. Fraser, the trespassing amendments and arming of conservation officers “[leave] the door open for many altercations” (2018b; 2018d). In Alberta, increased funding and policing supports came with the announcement of $10-million-dollar spending “to hire more RCMP, Crown prosecutors and other staff to crack down on rural crime” (Canadian Press, 2018ac). Financial resources were distributed to “launch a new strategy to tackle crime across rural Alberta” (Graney, J., 2018b; 2018c). Some sources contained critiques of this new provincial strategy, as more resources should be dedicated to “look at the root causes of why rural crime happens” (Ibid.). Critique of the new policing strategy was overshadowed by enthusiasm for increased measures against rural crime (Maimann, 2019c). In addition to funding 39 new RCMP officers and 10 Crown prosecutors, Alberta introduced bait vehicles and an intelligence unit (Wakefield, 2018c; 2018d). The introduction of a seven-point plan was accentuated by news reports containing statistics on rural crime to address how “some communities in rural Alberta are experiencing the highest property crime 193 rates they’ve seen in five years” (Wakefield, 2018d; see also Omand, 2018b). Forty civilian staff members were hired to staff police support centres and “Six additional intelligence-focused RCMP officers plus four crime analyst positions will allow the RCMP to identify prolific offenders and target organized crime” (Kerr & Kelly, 2018; Wakefield, 2018d). The organization of these new positions into four RCMP districts were referred to as Crime Reduction Units (CRU), to specifically address “break and enters, vehicle thefts and property crimes” (Kerr & Kelly, 2018). Albertan conservation officers, like their Saskatchewanian counterparts, gained extra responsibilities, and like crime watch initiatives these officers “act as additional ‘eyes and ears’ for RCMP officers in rural districts” (Canadian Press, 2019c; see also Kerr & Kelly, 2018). These 400 peace officers “will be part of a Rural Alberta Integrated Defence Force (RAP-ID) prepared to respond to 911 calls” (Maimann, 2019a; see also French, 2019; French & Morey, 2019; Nelson, J., 2020). Policies in the Prairie provinces appeared to follow one another in their bids to fight rural crime in the aftermath of Stanley’s acquittal.75 These policies went relatively unchecked for potential bias. Sources referenced various ‘out of control’ statistics, stating “rural crime is a political hot button in Western Canada” (Tait, 2020). After the publication of a federal report on police-reported crime rates, sources confirmed again that “the rate of rural crime was 36 per cent to 42 per cent higher than rates in urban zones” (Ibid.). Sources continually framed rural crime narratives in relation to Stanley’s acquittal in Boushie’s death (Cox & Keller, 2020). 75 Both Manitoba’s policy reform and $1.9M in funding for rural crime fighting were also connected to the Stanley’s acquittal (Aldrich, 2019). Sources in Manitoba presented similar rural crime concerns and statistics as present in Saskatchewan and Alberta. The case was used as an example for rural property owners in Manitoba being plagued by farm lootings. According to the Brandon Sun, this type of reporting reflected the tension between communities as rural crime “pitted rural residents who claimed to be protecting their homes and families against Indigenous rural and northern residents of these same regions” (2019; see also Katz, 2018). 194 6.5 Law Enforcement and Rural Crime Concerns Rural crime narratives reflected tension with policing in rural spaces. Sources reflect how law enforcement failed to provide a sense of security to both local property owners and Indigenous people. According to Emma Cunliffe (2020), police bias revealed both cognitive and contextual bias (p. 270). The RCMP’s response to the case and its depiction in the media spoke to social conditions that preserve these biases. The RCMP lacked “standards of basic police work in terms of preserving the crime scene and the evidence,” which sustained the reality that violence against Indigenous people do not receive the same amount of consideration in police investigations (Derosa, 2018; see also Brewer, 2018; Clarke, 2018; Gignac, 2018). According to Darcy Lindberg’s article for the Canadian Press, bias against Indigenous people is not just visible in police conduct, but speaks to a societal bias, that gives “licence for armed police officers to stand atop buildings at protests” referencing police surveillance during Stanley’s trial (2018). Societal bias in the context of local dynamics connect Boushie’s death to an absence of law enforcement and rural crime concerns. As per Sherene Razack’s research (2015), these dynamics in reporting on rural crime present a ‘killing indifference’ towards Indigenous victims. This ‘killing indifference’ (see also Berlant, 2011) was evident in representations that favour rural crime assumptions that accepted Boushie’s death as theft-related. Rather than address Boushie’s death, Stanley’s trial mobilized action to address the lack of adequate rural policing and staffing. Local dynamics informed amendments to trespass regulation and increased policing initiatives, sidestepping intercommunal dialogue with First Nations reserves. Rural crime narratives most dominant in reporting from smaller population centres in Alberta and Saskatchewan treated reserves as spaces in need of surveillance to assuage rural 195 crime concerns. This framing is visible in what Simone Browne (2015) refers to as “repressive policing practices” (p. 5). As per Browne’s discussion of surveillance, regional citizen initiatives and policing presented repressive policing practices. In response to the case, reporting from Saskatchewan and Alberta revealed the perceived threat of reserves in narratives about rural crime that required informal and formal surveillance practices for rural property owners to feel safe in the absence of law enforcement. This, at times, racialized surveillance enacted and reified community boundaries along racial lines (Browne, 2015, p. 8). Several sources and representations of policing revealed that settler perceptions of adequate policing on the Prairies requires the surveillance of public space and reserves. These engagements with the case bring to mind the Foucauldian concept of the carceral archipelago, originally used to address disciplinary models in Europe. According to Axster et al. (2021), in the context of colonial relations in North America, this carceral archipelago captures “a wider set of disciplinary relations and practices that have emanated from empire and racial capitalism” (p. 417). Rural crime narratives in Alberta and Saskatchewan represented a set of disciplinary relations in which reserves are seen as hotspots for crime that require containment and the surveillance of public space for the security of private property owners. Media representations by for instance Murray Mandryk present reserves as ‘boiling over’ with crime, affecting neighbouring settler communities (2017c). According to property owners, disciplinary practices were absent as they proclaimed they cannot rely on law enforcement. The absence of law enforcement and rural crime statistics mobilized citizen policing practices and other policies; allotting extended powers to citizens and conservation officers to mitigate the perceived crime flowing from the carceral archipelago – reserves – into the public space threatening private property. This reporting framed the case as a rural crime case, which 196 presented a racialized neoliberal order that required a policing and surveillance system with minimal federal state investment. Instead, crime watch initiatives take up the role of policing these rural public spaces – later complemented by additional provincial funding to police the borders of private property and public space. This framing of the case in smaller population centres mobilized action distinct from framing and action in larger population centres. Surveillance and law enforcement initiatives from smaller and medium population centres express concerns not dominant in reporting from larger population centres. A couple of counternarratives expressed by Indigenous leaders, communities, and allies expressed concern about over-policing. However, most reporting from large urban centres focussed on the perspective of racial tension and judicial reform. Whereas early reporting on the case from larger population centres scrutinized RMCP officer conduct, later reporting on the case did not engage with the implications of RCMP officer conduct and rural resolutions for surveillance and policing. Most sources did not address the rural crime dynamics (Cunliffe, 2020; Roach, 2019c). Similarly, reporting from other provinces, like Ontario and B.C. often appeared unaware of citizen crime watch initiatives and policing strategies linked to the case. These crime narratives reflected racialized dynamics in Saskatchewan and Alberta that can be explained as aspects of laissez-faire racism. Rural crime narratives invoked the assumption that such issues are to blame on Indigenous communities. It is Boushie and his friends’ identity and theft-related assumptions about the case that guided RCMP conduct and rural crime narratives. The assumptions and collective process of assigning rural crime to one racial group, defined and redefined antagonistic group relations. This framing of the case reflects the power of laissez-faire racism in these interpretations that present information as objective, 197 while relying on racialized group stereotypes in that reporting. The consequences of such racialized framing become visible in the repressive surveillance initiatives and policing practices. Rural crime narratives implied a racialized neoliberal order that in the context of rural Alberta and Saskatchewan highlighted disciplinary relations that stereotyped the reserve system as hotspots for crime that required the surveillance of public space. Supported by the ambiguous use of crime statistics, this served provincial political agendas that led to increased funding for police services and crime watch patrols, often without intercommunal dialogue with First Nation leadership and reserves in the area. Rural crime narratives linked to the Boushie case reveal the overt and covert aspects of relative group positioning and prejudice that operate based on laissez-faire racism that effectively blames Indigenous communities for not just their economic and socio-political status, but presents them as a threat to rural space and settler communities. 6.6 Conclusions This chapter addresses rural crime concerns. Sources presented questionable crime statistics aligning the Boushie case with fears about rural crime and ideas about self-defence for property owners. Historical and contemporary Indigenous-settler distrust became magnified in Alberta and Saskatchewan. Although Stanley’s defence did not rely on self-defence, narratives about self-defence permeated writing on the case and rural crime narratives. Framing of the case as a rural crime case led to the reinstatement of crime watch groups. Narratives about rural crime often did not address Indigenous experiences of crime or over-policing. Provincial political involvement reimagined Stanley’s acquittal as grounds for reform and amendments to provincial laws benefitted property owners and ignored First Nations communities. Reporting connects the rural crime fears in Saskatchewan to the rural crime concerns in Alberta through personal anecdotes and crime statistics. Relatively few sources dedicate space to 198 why crime might have increased or the wrongful frame alignment of CSI rates and the Boushie case. Farmer accounts of rural crime invoke images of isolated Prairies and farmers being powerless against theft and vandalism imagined to emanate from reserves. Rural landowners were quoted describing their experiences with rural crime, often equating property damages with a danger to themselves and their families. The perceived increase in rural crime and descriptions of ‘the rural criminal’ are presented in abstract terms as well as embodied through the image of Boushie and his friends. Media representations of rural property concerns and those sympathetic to those concerns reflect 1) the remoteness of rural properties, seen in quotes such as ‘no one can hear you scream’, 2) the lack of police presence or protection, seen in quotes that the police won’t show up in time, 3) rural crime concerns and perceived increases in crime, seen in the use of statistics, and 4) framing that fear in relation to reserves and Indigenous peoples. The case and conservative interpretations emphasize these four elements and framed them as building beneath the surface for years. This supports the call for: increased police funding (millions in Alberta and Saskatchewan); rural crime watches (predominantly in Alberta and Saskatchewan); increased rights for property owners to act in self-defence (SARM’s federal lobby to increase self-defence rights and various amendments to trespass bylaws in Alberta and Saskatchewan); and increased policing of Indigenous peoples and reserves (Crime Response Teams, armed conservations officers, and other surveillance strategies). This chapter reflects how media representations lend power to fears about rural crime, facilitating a laissez-faire racism that forgives racialized violence based on rural crime concerns and inadequate policing. This can be linked to settler-colonial theory in which perceived precarity on the Prairies marked by rural crime hints at a contestation of settler claims to land and land ownership. 199 Chapter 7: The Power of Property and Material Assets This chapter addresses the theme of property visible in descriptions of the Boushie case. Most sources between 2016 and 2020 contained explicit and implicit ideas about private property. These ideas informed discussions of trespass and references to guns, trucks, and farm equipment. Some implicit representations of private property connected to rural isolation and fear for home invasion. Often, rural descriptions of property referred to the house and the farmyard, including material assets that stand on that private property. Sources represented rural property as different from urban property. Media descriptions of Stanley’s experience of home invasion and trespass reflected a perceived precarity of rural property. This framing of private property also involved ideas about the use of guns on the Prairies, including their use for the protection of property. This chapter addresses how media representations of the Boushie case reflect and transform notions of private property, trespass, and gun violence. The first section unpacks the framing of private property and ownership. The second section connects the media’s descriptions of property to the territorialization of property and how those dimensions were present in Stanley’s trial. The third section addresses the regulation of private property through descriptions of trespass. The fourth section addresses the media’s engagement with Stanley’s hang fire defence, guns as forensic objects, and rural gun culture. The conclusion problematizes how notions of private property in the context of the Prairies contained aspects of laissez-faire racism. 7.1 Framing Property and Ownership Between August 2016 and April 2020, 2382 of 3998 sources (59.6%) referenced or described property. Table 11 presents the theme of property per province. Table 12 provides a crosstabulation of sources that contained the theme of property as well as the theme of violence and guns per province. A frame analysis of those themes and descriptions reflects different 200 narratives in small population centres in Alberta and Saskatchewan, the larger population centres in all provinces, and in B.C. and Ontario. Descriptions from smaller population centres highlight intrusion to property, whereas descriptions from larger population centres mention property but highlight racial tensions regardless of ideas about intrusion to property. Table 13: Sources concerned with ‘Property’ per Province Frequency Percent ALBERTA Yes 260 69.3 Total 375 100.0 BRITISH COLUMBIA Yes 76 61.3 Total 124 100.0 MANITOBA Yes 106 49.8 Total 213 100.0 NEW BRUNSWICK Yes 18 46.2 Total 39 100.0 NOVA SCOTIA Yes 17 70.8 Total 24 100.0 ONTARIO Yes 1214 59.4 Total 2044 100.0 QUEBEC Yes 33 61.1 Total 54 100.0 SASKATCHEWAN Yes 633 58.6 Total 1080 100.0 YUKON Yes 14 53.8 Total 26 100.0 Table 14: Crosstabulation between Sources concerned with ‘Property’ and ‘Guns’ or ‘Violence’ Reference to guns or violence Yes Total ALBERTA Count 258 260 % 99.2% 100.0% BRITISH COLUMBIA Count 75 76 % 98.7% 100.0% MANITOBA Count 104 106 % 98.1% 100.0% NEW BRUNSWICK Count 18 18 % 100.0% 100.0% NOVA SCOTIA Count 17 17 % 100.0% 100.0% ONTARIO Count 1211 1214 % 99.8% 100.0% QUEBEC Count 33 33 % 100.0% 100.0% SASKATCHEWAN Count 625 633 % 98.7% 100.0% YUKON Count 14 14 % 100.0% 100.0% 201 Source descriptions from all population centres described property as Stanley’s private property trespassed upon by Boushie and his friends. Most descriptions feature Stanley’s farmyard and the “arrival of the vehicle to the yard” (Warick, 2016a). Headlines described the case as the ‘Saskatchewan Farm Shooting’. Most sources described the driving onto property or into the yard (Kurtenbach, 2016; Narine, 2016). Both property and the yard were described as private spaces (Canadian Press, 2017a; Hill, 2017i; White-Crummey, 2019). The framing of private property focussed on the borders of that property and how the act of uninvited entry presented an offence to property and property owners (Brean, 2016; Mandryk, 2016a). Sources described, “Colten Boushie was fatally shot on his [Stanley’s] property,” and consistently presented the death of an Indigenous man in relation to that private property (Warick, 2016e). Sources described events through the RCMP’s property theft investigation (Brean, 2016; Warick, 2016a). Subsequent framing of private property presented farms as isolated and emblematic of tense rural relations with First Nations (Cox, 2018; Cold Lake Sun, 2018; Metallic, 2018; Moose Jaw Times Herald, 2016; Murphy, 2017b; Paul L. J., 2016). The framing of Stanley’s private property as rural and isolated from law enforcement connected to a fear of intrusion and potential violence toward property owners. This framing of the property yard in particular (as easily entered and isolated) is historically relevant and reinforced notions of threats to rural property in the absence of law enforcement (Leader-Post, 2016; Mandryk, 2016k; Moose Jaw Times Herald, 2016; O’Connor, 2016). While some reporters addressed treaty relationships and spoke to the historical and contemporary need to share the land, more often, treaty relations were overshadowed by narratives about private property (Benjoe, 2016a; Cosh, 2016; Friesen, 2016b), effectively colonizing the conceptual space. Since the majority of sources stemmed from non-Indigenous 202 authors and publishers, this meant most conceptualizations of property were imagined through that lens (Heroux, 2016; Tait, 2016a; Warick, 2016d). Even before details of events were discussed through legal avenues, basic descriptions of those events as a group of Indigenous people on a farmer’s property carried assumptions of property crime (Gormley, 2016b) from the perspective of the property owner (Cheevers, 2018b; Narine, 2016). Private property in the context of this case became specifically characterized as farm property (Graham, 2016c; National Post, 2016a; Tait, 2016b). The farmyard is described as the extension of the home and domestic space, which invited narratives that the home and hearth were under threat (Chittley & Slobodian, 2018; Tait, 2016c; Warick, 2016g). At times, this threat was in contrast with descriptions of rural private property ‘from before’, imbuing farms with a pastoral vision that romanticizes and idealizes it as a previously peaceful place. According to one farmer; ‘I never use to be on edge about what’s been stolen or what’s broken into, but over the last three or four years, every time I come to the farm I’m thinking, what am I going to find?’ ‘You’re never at ease anymore - never at ease - and it seems like it doesn’t matter what it is, they’ll steal whatever is not nailed down’. (quoted in Graney, J., 2018a) Juris Graney’s article appeared in small population centres in Alberta in publications like The Cold Lake Sun, The Lacombe Globe, The Stoney Plain Reporter, Pincher Creek Echo, Vermilion Standard, and Sherwood Park News. This quote from a farmer presents a vision of rural private property jeopardized by increased rural crime in the absence of law enforcement (see also Zinchuk, 2018). In another example in Jonny Wakefield’s article in the Edmonton Journal “Jeff Wagar, an electrician who lives and farms near Redwater, described a once-peaceful community forced to lock its doors and build fences to keep out thieves” (2018d). 203 This image is contrasted somewhat by other statements. According to RCMP sergeant Morton, “As long as farmers have lived on the land, there have been people out there stealing from them. What feels different … is the way rural crime is talked about via social media and the passion that it stirs” (quoted in Graney, J., 2018a). According to Doug Cuthand, land politics and property fears are affected by Indigenous peoples increasingly buying land in urban and rural spaces, which feeds into the sensation that “farmyards are vulnerable” (Cuthand, 2016b; see also Griwkowsky, 2018). As “farms get bigger and communities are getting smaller,” increased rural fears and isolation amplified the narrative that farmers need to “protect their land and their life’s work” (CBC, 2018a; see also Cuthand, 2018e; McNeill, 2018). The media’s descriptions revealed that the valuation of property does not apply equally to all property. The treatment of Stanley’s property versus Baptiste’s Red Pheasant First Nation property revealed that distinction. Newspapers reported how RCMP officers surrounded and entered Debbie Baptiste’s home without a warrant (Friesen, 2017e; Hill, 2018c; Canadian Press, 2018y). Sources addressed how police officers without a warrant “surrounded Baptiste’s home,” to conduct a “search of her home,” and even how they “searched Debbie Baptiste’s microwave” (James, 2018b; see also Friesen, 2016a). Reporting reflected how RCMP conduct and intrusion on reserve land and into Indigenous property was different from their engagement with Stanley’s property (Canadian Press, 2016e; Hill, 2017k; 2017l). Private property narratives about off-reserve acreages implied that the protection of property is or should be a human right (Canadian Press, 2017c; Roth, 2017). Reporters quoted people in Alberta and Saskatchewan asserting their need to defend themselves and their property (Cowan, 2017a; 2017b; Kirby, 2018; Leader-Post, 2017). According to Liberal MP Robert-Falcon Ouellete, quoted in a Brandon Sun editorial, 204 ‘Where the state is no longer able to respond to problems in society ... where the police aren’t able to respond to all of the complaints by citizens in a timely manner, citizens start thinking to themselves well, if they can’t do it, I have to protect my own property’. (2018a) Statement like Ouellete’s were linked to R v. Stanley (2018) and other narratives of farmers feeling under siege (Ackerman, 2017; Friesen, 2017a; Kenny, 2018; Loreto, 2018; MacPherson, 2017c; Polischuk, 2017). The case sparked sustained public debate about the value of private property in comparison to the value of human life. While online hate speech and letters written to newspapers reflected a solidarity with Stanley for shooting specifically Indigenous intruders, counternarratives included statements that “no private property is worth a human life” (Cuthand, 2016b; see also Canadian Press, 2017a; 2017b; Central Plains Herald-Leader, 2017; MacPherson, 2017c; Wiegers, 2016). According to Jason Leach, quoted in Kevin Maimann’s article for the Toronto Star, “‘I want to protect myself and my family. For me, property is secondary. I’m not going to die over a pickup, and I’m not going to go out and shoot somebody over a pickup either’” (2019c). Several sources stated that even if property crime is suspected, it does not give proper cause for gun violence (Flynn & Van Wagner, 2018; Persson, 2018a). According to Richard Blaquiere, in an article for the Bugle-Observer, reports that claimed Stanley’s actions were justified in the protection of his property are outrageous since “ATVs are replaceable, exploded brains aren’t” (2018; see also CTV Television, 2018; Godfrey, 2018b). These counternarratives were visible in reporting from predominantly large urban centres. In an article for the Canadian Press, Darcy Lindberg argued that the claim that Boushie’s death had nothing to do with Indigeneity and everything to do with property concerns 205 “ignores the century plus of evidence planted in the imagination of the prairie settler, one materially aided by law” that came to define the case (2018). According to Friesen’s article for The Globe and Mail, private property has been largely reserved for European immigrants, who are “more likely to own land and resources” (2018b).76 This is also addressed by David MacDonald, as “it did not just ‘mysteriously’ happen that most of the farmers in Saskatchewan are white or that the legal system is dominated by settlers” referencing how the 1876 Indian Act prohibited Indigenous individuals from homesteading while settlers could gain free land (2018a). The protection of property narrative connects to a larger settler colonial context. According to Ebyan Abdigir and others in the Toronto Star, in this context, the social structure of property has legal implications, since “the jury selection process skews towards property owners” (2018; see also Peterson, 2018). Land, property, territoriality, and peoples’ relations to and with each are codified by legal traditions that have commodified the land (i.e., as property) for non-Indigenous people (Cuthand, 2018c; Day, 2018; Godbout, 2018; Kanji, 2018; MacDonald, 2018b; McDevitt, 2018). 7.2 Dimensions of Property Sources described property in specific ways. The framing of property in much of the discussions of this case has a specifically rural character. I analyze this specificity based on the territorial dimensions as per Blomley (2016). According to Blomley, “the territory of property … has a specificity, a presence, and a consequentiality” (593). Blomley approaches property and territory as relational and describes territory and property as mutually recursive. Territoriality emphasizes the “discrete, sharply bounded and spatially fixed area, premised on spatial exclusivity,” while 76 Under the Indian Act (R.S.C., 1985), land on reserves is managed by the Crown (Government of Canada) and given to the First Nation to hold as a community. Aboriginal title is a collective right, rather than private property (Borrows, 2015). On-reserve members do not earn equity on their home. Historically, members that sought to own private property were enfranchised; meaning a loss of status rights (Gradual Civilization Act, 1857; Gradual Enfranchisement Act, 1869). 206 property, or private property, is “developed within the modern liberal system, including both its formal and technical dimensions, and its socio-political aspects” (p. 593). Blomley argues that territory and property are often assumed to be synonymous, but adds that property is more than a spatially fixed bordered area defined by ownership, as it reflects relations between people and contains multiple meanings and practices. This territory of property assumes the “right to govern the access of others” by violent means, if necessary, as private property implies a delegation of state power to the property owner (Ibid.). Property reflects a relation between people in regard to land that is historical, social, economic, and political, mediated by law. Often these settler relations with the land ignore eyewitness and Indigenous accounts that reflect Treaty 6 territory was never surrendered or sold (Cardinal & Hildebrandt, 2000; Krasowski, 2019; Venne, 2007). Property and its spatial dimensions reflect connections between “law, space and corporeal violence, including its role in colonial dispossession” (Ibid.). I adopt Blomley’s (2016) conceptualization that “the territorialization of property serves as a particularly effective means to serve property’s multiple functions, most directly in relation to the work of classification, communication and enforcement” (pp. 596-7). Private property is a classification that is communicated and enforced in relation to the state and other people. Following Blomley’s (1998; 2004; 2013; 2016) engagement with property, I assert that the sensibility, presence, and consequentiality of rural private property in descriptions of the Boushie case revealed a power and politics specific to the isolation of property. This framing of rural property, isolated and outside the reach of law enforcement, imagines that property and the farmyard in particular as a protective domestic space. This rural territorialization of property means the farmyard became imagined as the castle in need of protection against outside forces; classified, enforced, and communicated on the ground and in the media. 207 In turn, the territorialization of rural private property meant those outside forces were overwhelmingly imagined as Indigenous forces, presenting Boushie and his friends in the SUV as an example of the threat experienced by farmers in isolated rural spaces dotted with reserves. This territorialization of property presented an exclusionary practice specific to people from reserves, while other neighbouring farms are imagined in inclusive neighbourly ways. In the absence of law enforcement, people owning property are ascribed extra legal, political, social, or cultural means to guard their private property. The narratives in relation to Boushie’s death, and cases linked to his death, reveal a fear for rural private property that justified gun violence. This is, I argue, a rural territorialization narrative that is contested by Indigenous peoples and counternarratives also visible in media representations. This rural territorialization narrative became most visible through Stanley’s trial. His defence lawyer Spencer invoked the farmyard as a domestic space, referring to “one of the oldest and most deeply rooted principles in Anglo American jurisprudence … that continues to resonate” (Blomley, 2016, p. 601). This rural sensibility became clear when lawyer Spencer framed Stanley’s farmyard as his castle. Defence lawyer Spencer introduces, but does not explain, the castle metaphor, to invoke the rights of a property owner to defend his farmyard or castle. Spencer’s use of this metaphor is conceptual and deployed as if self-explanatory.77 The castle doctrine imagined in this case designates the property owner a level of immunity in using 77 According to Flynn and Van Wagner (2020), common law has allowed landowners to lawfully defend their property against trespass. The duty to retreat from a threat, rather than to respond with lethal violence, has been a core element of English law for centuries, upholding the role of the state in meting out justice in a “civilized” society. However, the “castle doctrine” which emerged as a crucial exception, can be traced back to the comments of Lord Coke in the 1604 Semayne’s Case. He stated, ‘the house of every one [sic] is to him as his castle and fortress, as well for his defence against injury and violence, as for his repose.’ The doctrine provides legal protections for those who defend their property from an intruder rather than retreat. Under common law, a person could use deadly force to defend their home, but only after using every reasonable means to avoid the danger. (p. 364) Furthermore, in Canadian criminal law, a defence of trespass requires the defence of self-defence to address if the private property owner’s response to perceived intruders was reasonable and proportional. 208 force to defend the farmyard against intruders, instead of a common law duty to retreat or call for law enforcement in the defence of a dwelling/domestic house. The effect, according to Blomley (2016), “is to convey ‘an image of property as a source of security whose sacredness acts as a barrier even to the state’” (Nedelsky, 1990, p. 162, quoted on p. 602). As Flynn and Van Wagner (2020) argue, the castle doctrine is legally and socially ambiguous as it does not provide legal justification for killing another person, but does carry a moral justification in the defence of oneself and one’s home against invasion (p. 365). Moreover, historically this moral justification applies only to certain types of homes and homeowners (Ibid.). This implied a set of rights and led to discussions about the appropriate amount of force a property owner is allowed to use in defence of private property. Reporting in smaller population centres represented ideas that justify violence by any means necessary, even if leading to death, while sources from larger urban centres reflected a denunciation of such violence as disproportionate. It appears then that in more urban writing on the case, the castle metaphor does not present a justifiable argument for violence that could lead to death. Arguably, this can be explained by a difference between rural and urban private property and the absence of law enforcement inviting rural violence for the protection of property. This aligns with Blomley’s (2016) claim that “the territory of property, similarly, must be thought of as a form of learned and practised geographic disposition and action” (p. 603). This is an important intervention as legal considerations of the case in the context of Stanley’s trial represent an understanding of private property that accepts the metaphor that to farmers, one’s yard is one’s castle, inviting its sacredness and need for violent protection against intrusion if necessary.78 78 See Defence’s opening and closing address (R v. Stanley 2018, pp. 606-607; 851-852). 209 These dynamics of rural property and its protection were key elements in media representations and explain in part why sources from larger population centres did not consider property in the same way. According to Alexandra Flynn and Estair van Wagner’s article for the Toronto Star, public engagement with R v. Stanley (2018) reflect a “troubling relationship between trespass narratives, the protection of property, and the foundational role of colonization and racism in shaping our relationships to land” (Flynn & Van Wagner, 2018; see also Graham, 2017a). Flynn and Van Wagner assert that debates over property rights and gun violence contrasts with precedent set in R v. Gee (1982) that “it cannot be reasonable to kill another merely to prevent a crime which is directed only against property” (Flynn & Van Wagner, 2018; see also Switzer, T., 2018a). Media representations and R v. Stanley (2018) reflect the different interpretations of private property, trespass, and reasonable action in protection of property. In particular, interpretations of rural private property altered the legal considerations of the case. During his address to the jury in R v. Stanley (2018), Judge Popescul stated “it is not disputed that Mr. Stanley was legally justified in defence of his property” (R v. Stanley, 2018, p. 23; lawful excuse according to section 86 (1) Criminal Code RSC, 1985, c. C-46). In R v. Stanley (2018), Judge Popescul accepts a validation of private property and the defence’s argument that Stanley fired warning shots in an effort to get the group, assumed to be trespassers to leave his property.79 The statement that Stanley was justified in firing warning shots in his farmyard meant the court accepted the farmyard as the extension of the home under threat by perceived intruders 79 According to Flynn and Van Wagner (2020), the Judge’s statement to the jury was based on an agreement between the defence, Crown, and the court that relaying the defence of property to the jury in Stanley’s firing of warning shots based on assumptions of trespass would present confusing information to the jury (R v. Stanley 2018, p. 808): Chief Justice Popescul proposed, ‘would it be fair to say that in the circumstances of this case, the Crown and defence agree that Mr. Stanley’s actions in getting the gun was—was lawful, and that if you find he fired them in the air, that in and of itself is lawful, as well?’ Burge agreed to ‘make the concession that this is—this is within his right as a property owner.’ In doing so, the Crown implicitly condoned the defence’s racist trespass narrative and the presumptive reasonableness of Stanley’s fear-driven violent response, which simultaneously became both core elements of the case and immune from further questions or critiques. (Flynn and Van Wagner, 2020, p. 376) 210 and meant that Judge Popescul discounted Indigenous witness testimonies claiming these shots were directed at them. In the context of Stanley’s farmyard, the court accepted the argument for the protection of private property to include one’s farmyard, independent of mens rea or state of mind (R v. Stanley, 2018, pp. 768-769), i.e., the state of mind required for murder was absent and enabled a hang fire defence in which Boushie’s death was framed as an accident. In turn, this defence of accident discounted the negligent use of a firearm as Judge Popescul referenced R v. Creighton (1993).80 The territorialization of rural property accepted through the castle doctrine and Stanley’s proclaimed fear of home invasion validated him introducing a gun to the crime scene under the assumption of firing warning shots.81 It is the interpretation of private property and trespass that are pivotal here as this was presented as rural property, imagined as isolated. The metaphor of defending his castle presents Stanley’s behaviour as reasonable in the protection of that property (R v. Stanley, 2018; see also Valverde, 2003, p. 24). However, this castle metaphor did not resonate with some sources from large population centres published in response to the trial. The ideological power invoked through this castle rhetoric, as Starblanket and Hunt reflect in an article for The Globe and Mail, references to how “castles (and now farms) have served as sites of capitalist accumulation and protectionism, as romanticized spaces wherein white knights protect against incursion from hostile outside forces” (2018). The assumption held within the castle metaphor speaks to a “settler entitlement to enact violence to protect their claims to land and property” that aligns the rural with the need to protect the rural 80 R v. Creighton (1993) is a Canadian criminal law case that highlights the responsibility of firearm owners to ensure they are using their firearms safely and responsibly. Mr. Creighton, a firearms owner, had invited a friend over to his home to show him a new rifle. While handling the rifle, Mr. Creighton negligently discharged the firearm, killing his friend. The Supreme Court of Canada ruled that Mr. Creighton was guilty of criminal negligence causing death, as he had failed to take reasonable steps to ensure the safety of his friend and had acted with a wanton or reckless disregard for the life and safety of others. The case reinforces the importance of responsible firearm ownership and the potential criminal consequences of careless use of firearms. 81 This also implied an acceptance of the alleged criminal intent of the group on Stanley’s property, rather than the group’s intent to get help to return to the Red Pheasant First Nation. 211 (Starblanket & Hunt, 2018). The frequently published statement, asserting that “for farm people, your yard is your castle,” connected this case to early twentieth century government efforts that, according to Kristene Quan and Arik Ligeti writing for The Globe and Mail implied to “settlers [that] the Prairies were theirs” (Quan & Ligeti, 2018b). The local media’s reporting on the castle metaphor through Stanley’s defence lawyer combined with anecdotes from farmers about the fear and terror of intrusion carries rhetorical power to assert that perceived intruders on the rural property posed a threat to rural ownership (Abdigir et al., 2018; Gunter, 2018j; 2018k; 2018l). This blurs the distinction between threat to the home and the yard and material assets, as “the castle and its attendant imagery … absolved Gerald Stanley of being responsible for the death of Mr. Boushie” (Starblanket & Hunt, 2018). Historical land politics and previous legal interpretations supported these considerations of reasonable and lawful action because of the idea of rural isolation (Starblanket & Hunt, 2020). The degree of isolation affirms and reinforces, what Abdigir et al., discuss in the Toronto Star as the stereotype that farmers have a right and duty “to defend themselves and their property from marauding outsiders” (2018). Stanley’s testimony reflects this sentiment as he referred to a double murder on a farm in Cando in 1994 associated with people from Red Pheasant First Nation. According to Kimberly Wilson’s (2018) commentary in the magazine Canadian Dimension, the acquittal of violence committed against Indigenous bodies in R v. Stanley (2018) is “a harsh reminder that the criminal justice system has been deployed ever since Canada’s inception to protect the use of the land for European settlement … that serves the paramount aim of protecting settler property” (p. 25). Judge Popescul’s statement that Stanley was justified in defence of his property obscured a rural valuation of property “without regard for social, political and economic contexts” (Hewitt & Senthe, 2019, pp. 261-81). Contrary to the assumption that 212 the jury and the law are neutral, this prioritization of property in the absence of law enforcement has never been neutral (Hewitt & Senthe, 2019, pp. 261-81). This framing of rural property also became visible in the connections made between the Stanley case and R v. Khill (2018). Peter Khill faced trial for killing Six Nations Indigenous man, Jonathan Styres, on his property in Hamilton, Ontario that was framed as rural in comparison with Stanley’s case (Clairmont, 2018b). Media articles specifically connected the two cases based on the jury selection process in R v. Khill (2018) where potential jurors were screened for racial bias in ways absent in R v. Stanley (2018). However, according to McMaster professor Joseph Ameil writing for the Canadian Press, screening for racial bias in R v. Khill (2018) creates the false idea that individuals are able to discern their own biases (2018). In Khill’s trial, jury selection still “produced ... a mostly male, mostly white jury who was told to deny race and racism as a fact of the case” (Ameil, 2018). Similar to R v. Stanley (2018), R v. Khill (2018) centered the reasonable use of gun violence for the protection of property and excluded racial considerations embedded in the protection of property (Krugel, 2018b). The rural territorialization of property in the framing of these cases revealed a racial interpretation of private property that described Boushie and Styres as accidental deaths in the protection of property and generalized Indigenous men and reserves as a threat to rural property. This powerful rhetoric is a racial neoliberal construct in which both rural private property and reserves are marked materially and symbolically. According to MacDonald, those inhabiting reserves are imagined “as bodies who [are] ‘not up to the challenge of modern life,’ a condition that leaves the settler as ‘legitimate heir to the land’” (MacDonald, 2018b).82 Whereas some 82 Historically, Indigenous peoples were to work “their tenuous land base to compete with non-Indigenous crop production [unequal capitalism and monopoly claimed by homesteaders] and “peasant farming systems,” where reserve farmers were 213 sources from large urban centres connect the current challenges faced by reserve communities (Dubois & Stewart, 2018) to criticism about property crime narratives, these do not alter the interpretations of local property owners using the case as an example in their fight against rural decline and perceived increases in crime. 7.3 The Regulation of Property through Trespass The territory of property became visible in mostly academic and legal discussions about trespass.83 According to Flynn and Van Wagner (2020), “the police and the media immediately adopted the language of trespass to describe the incident” (p. 360). Reporting between August 2016 and April 2020 referenced the five people entering Stanley’s property in an SUV as trespassers 357 times (Cuthand, 2016a; Friesen, 2016b; Hill, 2017h; Hopper, 2018a; Murphy, 2017a; 2017b). Sources referenced trespass symbolically, as threat to property, and legally to describe criminal intent (Gormley, 2016a; 2016b; Montreal Gazette, 2016). According to Charles Hamilton’s article for the Regina Leader-Post, trespass signs appeared after the shooting in the form of “spray painted … tires that line farm fences along the rough gravel road …. They seem to represent a divide, a tension that was once simmering and has now boiled over” (2016a). Trespassing signs represented local fears (Mandryk, 2016a; 2016b) and letters to newspapers and columns echoed the divisive tension described by Hamilton. According to Jonathan Charlton’s article in the Regina Leader-Post and the Saskatoon StarPhoenix, trespass associations flagged solidarity with Stanley as “those completely behind Stanley say Boushie and the four others were trespassers and up to no good, and that Stanley was stripped of modern forms of farming equipment in favour of rudimentary tools and given smaller acreage so they ostensibly would learn the value of “individual labour” (Carter, 1989 cited in Lindberg, 2018; see also MacDonald, 2018a). The failure of Indigenous farming, enforced by the Canadian government, enabled current settler colonial farming systems. This historical context informs the territorialization of rural land that also inform the public and legal knowledges in the twenty-first century and the conceptualization of private property. 83 Trespass as a term occurred less often. Instead, sources repeated the notions of home invasion and intrusion. 214 defending himself on his relatively remote farmyard” (2016; see also Metallic, 2018). Sources justified the use of violence because of those ideas about of trespass. According to Andrea Hill’s article for the Saskatoon StarPhoenix, “some suggested [Boushie] deserved to be killed for trespassing” (2017k; 2017l). The media’s framing of the case as a trespassing case also connected to the lobby for changes to the Trespass to Property Act (Mandryk, 2017h). This lobby in Saskatchewan, led by SARM, focussed on alterations to the provincial act that required “all members of the public to obtain permission from property owners before venturing onto private land” while those property owners are not obliged to hang up signs or indicate the borders of property (MacPherson, 2016; see also Murphy, 2017a). Ultimately, the Trespass to Property Act was amended. Public engagements with the case frequently described trespass to explain aspects of the case, although the word trespass was never mentioned in R v. Stanley (2018). According to Flynn and Van Wagner (2020), Stanley did not expressly assert self-defence, or defence of property, and instead formally relied on the defence of accident. However, the defence repeatedly invoked concerns about trespass and rural crime (particularly property crime), much of which was of limited relevance to whether or not the shooting was an accident. (p. 360) By extension, public representations framed Boushie and his friends as home invaders, regardless of Stanley’s defence of accident. According to Andrea Hill’s article for the Saskatoon StarPhoenix ideas of trespass became visible in a local “effort to make would be criminals ‘think twice’ before trespassing on people’s property” (2018c). Especially reporting after January 2018 linked trespass to the “ability to defend … property from armed, drunk and violent trespassers” (Hill, 2018b; 2018e; Bowling, 2018; Quan, 2018b). Infrequent counternarratives stated that 215 deathly confrontation is not a proportional or reasonable response even if trespassing occurs (Kirby, 2018; Mandryk, 2018a; 2018b; Brandon Sun, 2018c). Some sources that labelled Boushie and his friends as trespassers linked to Stephanie Ann Martens and Ryan Watson. In February of 2018, Watson and Martens were charged with trespassing by night on Edouard Maurice’s farm in Okotoks, Alberta, during which Watson was hit by a ricochet bullet (Hudes, 2018a; 2018b; 2018c; Pincher Creek Echo, 2018). According to Dave Deibert’s article in the Regina Leader-Post both cases concerned rural property owners’ attempts “to scare away trespassers” (2018a; see also Rumbolt, 2018c; 2018e). The connection to the Maurice case in Alberta intensified discussions about proper responses to trespassers. In this debate, some endorsed what Emma Graney for the Edmonton Journal describes as “shooting trespassers in cold blood if you possess a firearm” (2018). Others, like Marilyn Mcculloch’s column for the Calgary Herald, referred to how “every Canadian citizen has the right to protect themselves from intruders and trespassers” (2018; see also Kuhl, 2018b). In response, some counternarratives by for instance John Gaynes’s article in the London Free Press rectified the illegitimate framing of Boushie and his friends as trespassers, since Boushie wasn’t an intruder nor trespasser, he was merely in the vehicle that went onto Stanley’s property. To label him an intruder or trespasser would imply Boushie went onto the property with intent to violate the law, and there is no proof he intended to violate the law. (2018) Nevertheless, sources continued the framing of the Boushie case together with overall concerns about trespassers in Alberta and Saskatchewan (Table 15; see also Quan, 2018f; Simons, 2018). 216 Table 15: A crosstabulation of the theme of property with the theme of trespass for Alberta and Saskatchewan Reference to trespass Reference to trespass ALBERTA Small centres Count 10 SASKATCHEWAN Small centres Count 13 % 23.3% % 28.9% Medium centres Count 8 Medium centres Count 0 % 10.0% % 0.0% Large urban centres Count 33 Large urban centres Count 126 % 24.1% % 22.1% Total Count 51 Total Count 139 % 19.6% % 22.0% The public debate about rural crime, trespass, and property gained political and legislative power in Alberta and Saskatchewan through changes to the Occupiers Liability Act in Alberta and The Trespass to Property Amendment Act, 2019, and The Trespass to Property Consequential Amendments Act, 2019 in Saskatchewan (Canadian Press, 2018ah; McKenna, 2018b). In Saskatchewan, “the law requires people to ask permission from rural landowners before entering private land -- instead of residents having to post ‘no trespassing’ signs” (Canadian Press, 2019b). In Alberta, “the legislation would provide legal protection for landowners against property damage caused by a trespasser” or being sued by a trespasser (Canadian Press, 2018ai; see also Dawson, 2019b). Alberta retroactively introduced Bill 27 that altered the Occupiers Liability Act and bans trespassers from suing property owners for violence inflicted on them, unless the property owner commits a Criminal Code offence (French, 2019). The bill was accompanied by increased trespassing fines and supported by premier Jason Kenney in direct connection to the Maurice who was sued by trespasser Watson (Ibid.). Bill 27 qualified firing a firearm as a reasonable action in the effort of scaring off perceived trespassers in Alberta, and media sources connected this change to trespassing law in Saskatchewan and R v. Stanley (2018). Public discourses frame 217 both provincial amendments as connected to the events related to Stanley and Maurice (Canadian Press, 2018ah; 2019a; Junker, 2018; Taylor, 2019a). The relationship between trespass narratives, the protection of property, and the interpretation of the farmyard as the castle meant these amendments served mostly local property owners (Canadian Press, 2018ag; Fraser, 2018b; McKenna, 2018b). According to Kevin Maimann, Treaty 6 Grand Chief Wilton Littlechild, wants to know whether Indigenous people are being portrayed as the perpetrators or the victims in the province’s emerging narrative. ‘I agree that homeowners should be able to lawfully defend their property, and that same principle should apply to us. But we’re not in this discussion at all. So it leaves us with the question – are they targeting us, or what’s going on?’. (2019c) Maimann discusses legislative changes unfolding in both Alberta and Saskatchewan that affect Indigenous and non-Indigenous communities alike. Littlechild asserts “Most reserves are isolated, they’re in remote areas and they’re rural. So are we going to be given the same kind of protection that’s being proposed, if safety is the concern?” (2019c). A lack of consultation with reserves according to Littlechild means “we’re left with the suspicion that we’re the offenders. It’s kind of like code talk, in a way, to not refer to us at all but go ahead and do this unilaterally” (Ibid.). Maimann also brings University of Regina Professor James Daschuk into the conversation. According to Maimann, Daschuk describes how “the Maurice situation and government response echoes the fatal shooting of Boushie in that it sparked the creation of new rural crime strategies” (Ibid.) Maimann paraphrases Daschuk’s observations about the two cases and legislative changes leading to “a proliferation of ‘No Trespassing’ signs and the belief 218 among some that they have the right to shoot people who come onto their property” (Ibid.). According to Maimann, Daschuk said he believes Saskatchewan’s changes were racially motivated. Although the Maurice case did not have a racial overtone, he said he worries both provincial governments are playing to a rural base where attitudes are hardening, and said the situation hints at growing tensions between First Nations and other rural communities. (2019c) Other sources state that these provincial legislative changes seek to “better address the appropriate balance between the rights of rural landowners and members of the public” (Hill, 2019a; Short, 2019b). As FSIN argues, these amendments do not consider treaty rights (Canadian Press, 2019a; 2019b; Cuthand, 2019b; 2019c; Malone, 2020b; Short, 2019a; White-Crummey, 2019). The appropriate balance between rights of rural land owners and members of the public appeared to refer to White private property-owning members of the public. 7.3.1 Court Reflections on Trespass and Academic Discourse There are many inconsistencies regarding the treatment of trespass in Canada. According to Flynn and Van Wagner (2020), based on the same actions, an individual deemed a ‘trespasser’, can meet with consequences ranging from a civil award of damages, to a modest fine where trespass is proven by the Crown and enforced by the police; to the application of force, including the use of firearms, by a private citizen prior to arrest; to the involvement of the police or criminal justice system, and any resulting form of trial. (p. 361) In the context of Boushie’s death, aspects often omitted in court transcripts and media representations are that the group was never asked to leave before the introduction of violence, 219 and the police was not called until after Boushie’s death. Public discussions about the right to defend private property often implied specific interpretations of trespass to property. In particular, it presents entry into a yard as trespass, which is contradictory to Saskatchewan’s Trespass to Property Act (2009) that does not include a requirement for entry into a yard, garden, or broadly defined enclosed land (Flynn & Van Wagner, 2020, p. 363).84 Symbolically, defence lawyer Scott Spencer invoked trespass during R v. Stanley (2018). Even though the word ‘trespass’ does not appear in the court transcripts, the defence depicts the group of five in the SUV as a threat to Stanley’s ‘peaceable possession’ and private property (R v. Stanley, 2018).85 Stanley’s defence, in the cross-examination of Cross-Whitstone and Meechance, asserts trespass indirectly, as legally determined through an assumed criminal intent. The Crown prosecutor did not discuss the issue of implied trespass or criminal intent. In turn, this assertion about criminal intent was referenced in media representations of court proceedings. The changes in the Canadian Criminal Code during the Harper government does allow for the use of force against trespassers (2012). Bill C-26 (S.C. 2012 c. 9) Reforms to Self-Defence and Defence of Property hereafter referred to the use of ‘reasonable’ force for those in peaceable possession. This clause means that force can be used as “reasonable in the circumstances,” which is reflected in the court transcripts and Judge Popescul’s reference to the 84 The amendment to the Saskatchewan Trespass to Property Act (2019) now means any one person entering a property unannounced or without previously acquired permission from the property owner, is now considered a trespasser. 85 Court transcripts of the preliminary hearing did mention trespass (R v. Stanley, 2017). Although this mention of trespass was not explored further, its assertion does hint at some potential legal implications for the mindset of the people on the farm, and how they responded to what they perceived as intruders or trespassers. Jackson mentioned the group had entered the Stanley’s yard and how she did not “recall any words being exchanged between the owner saying that it was trespassing,” before the escalation (p. 301). Upon smashing the windshield, Jackson realized they were perceived as intruders. Jackson testified that after Boushie was shot, she “started screaming towards Lisa [sic] because she said, that’s what you get for trespassing” (R v. Stanley, 2017, p. 308; see also Friesen, 2018h). Leesa Stanley’s statement reflects a connection between Boushie’s death and trespass that indicate blame for Boushie’s shooting as a violent repercussion for trespass. According to Wuttunee, Leesa Stanley referred to trespassing in their interaction saying “something about her property or trespassing” (R v. Stanley, 2017, p. 280). This implication of trespass was not revisited or part of the prosecution or defence’s line of questioning during the jury trial in 2018. Leesa Stanley and Kiora Wuttunee did not appear on the witness stand to provide testimony of that day, which meant property related concerns were not corroborated as illegitimate reasons for gun violence. 220 firing of warning shots in his charge to the jury (R v. Stanley 2018). In Stanley’s case, trespassing was invoked through a quasi-claim of self-defence that the defence lawyer built up in Stanley’s fear narrative. This narrative normalized the need for rural landowners to defend their private property and yards against trespassers. The previously mentioned castle doctrine in the isolated context of Stanley’s farm invoked a trespass narrative where the crossing of the private property boundaries meant the group in the SUV moved beyond the protection of the law into a space where the state’s monopoly of violence was suspended. In turn, as Flynn and Van Wagner critique “Popescul did not address how racism could influence their view about how a ‘reasonably prudent person’ may react to Indigenous strangers entering a yard uninvited” (Flynn & Van Wagner, 2018). In R v. Stanley (2018) the jury was not asked to consider the relationship between the trespass narratives, the protection of property, and self-defence. Media representations of trespassing link those representations to property defence narratives, as trespass is a state of physical movement from what is considered public to what is considered private. In other words, trespass is the transgression of private property with criminal intent. Sources consistently portray Indigenous peoples and their bodies as trespassers not just to private property, but as trespassers to public order. The group and at times First Nations people from reserves are criminalized as trespassers in public rural spaces when venturing off the designated reserve (Zinchuk, 2018). These rural property concerns garnered more credibility through the introduction of new trespass legislation on a provincial level (Bennett, 2019; Keller, J., 2019). Trespass regulations provide a legal technology that, according to theory by Mariana Valverde (2003), allows governments to ensure that certain spaces, activities, and people … are subject to immediate disciplinary measures but without state officials (or centralized state 221 knowledges) being involved in this micromanagement of those dimensions of everyday [rural] life that are regarded as problematic. (p. 144). Bylaw regulations for the perceived safety of rural property owners invited the policing and surveillance of those considered outsiders to private property by policing public spaces and reserves. Various counternarratives in the media criticized these regulations as violations of treaty rights. According to Tasha Hubbard, “this means our people will potentially be breaking the law every time they go hunting,” which breaks treaty promises that Indigenous people “would be able to maintain our traditional lifestyle by hunting, fishing and gathering in our traditional territories” (2019). The trespass legislations in Alberta and Saskatchewan were framed as examples of continued erosion of treaty promises, which Doug Cuthand describes as “provincial governments solidifying their dominance over the Indigenous people and their claim to the land and resources” (Cuthand, 2019b). These trespass amendments imposed interpretations of land and property that perpetuate the tension and divide proclaimed in connection to the case. According to Carleton, these bylaws support how the 0.2 percent of the land owned by Indigenous peoples is contested by the other 99.8 percent owned by settlers and the state (Carleton, 2018; see also Hewitt & Senthe, 2019; Loreto, 2018). Some journalists explored the premise of trespass in connection to Indigenous experiences within the criminal justice system. In historical context, Shree Paradkar in her article for the Toronto Star asserts that “if death is an acceptable outcome for trespassing and attempting to steal, then it should follow that Indigenous people be allowed a free hand with settlers who have grabbed their land and stolen its resources” (Paradkar, 2018b; see also Godbout, 2018). The dimensions of territoriality, land, and property are complex and assertions 222 of trespass to property in connection to the case to Flynn and Van Wagner raised “questions about private property rights as a justification or explanation for the use of lethal force in Canadian law” (Flynn & Van Wagner, 2018). Arguments from sympathy groups such as “Farmers with Firearms” suggest that trespass laws, like self-defence rights, lack adequate law enforcement (Maimann, 2019b). Framing Boushie’s death as a result of trespass has a moral and pseudo-legal presence in R v. Stanley (2018) and most of the media’s reporting. The legislative amendments reinforce divisive dimensions of property ownership. These amendments to provincial legislation are not enacted fairly and equally (Taylor, 2019b). According to Anderson, institutionalized ideas behind property and trespass are settler colonial (2018). The focus of the amendments is predominantly to appease settler anxiety in what is perceived as private property in rural outposts underserviced by policing practises. Provincial and legal interpretations of property and trespass do not acknowledge First Nations and Indigenous narratives of treaty and hunting rights, and they have, as Murray Mandryk asserts in his column, “First Nations people rightly worried about deteriorating relationships between white and Indigenous Saskatchewan” (Mandryk, 2019b). These legislative amendments, instead, support settler territoriality (Bakker & Bakker-Rabdau, 1973, p. 27). This territoriality and threat to property is tied up with “identity, security, and freedom …, for – to paraphrase and old saying – territory makes the man” (p. 37). The rural property condition invokes a territoriality supported by the legislative regimes to combat the imagined threat of the Indigenous intruder that points to an imperial mindset and a desire for control over territory. Legislative regimes support a territorialization of property that normalizes racial, gendered, and capitalist dimensions of private property (Lipsitz, 2006). 223 7.4 Ideas about Guns and Gun Culture The media frequently referenced guns in connection to the case. Central to many descriptions was Stanley’s defence of accident through hang fire. Stanley’s gun became infamous for what was variously described as a malfunctioning, hang fire, or magic. The case became known for the use of hang fire to explain Boushie’s death as an accident (Canadian Press, 2018n; Graveland, 2018f; Hill, 2018n). Stanley’s defence of accident and hang fire relied on two laymen testimonies about prolonged hang fire in .22 long barrel rifles. This entry of laymen testimonies contradicted expert testimony about the unlikelihood of a prolonged hang fire in Stanley’s semi-automatic gun. The introduction of anecdotal evidence helped the defence in promoting Stanley’s shooting as accidental. Stanley’s defence lawyer Spencer created a defence narrative that implied that hang fire is a more common phenomenon than it is, and that it is the logical explanation for the events that led to Boushie’s death (Hill, 2018n; Deibert, 2018c; StarPhoenix, 2018c; Canadian Press, 2018u). This defence strategy held sway in court and carried into newspaper narratives (Mandryk, 2018g; White-Crummey & Hill, 2018a). Crown prosecutor Bill Burge’s counter arguments for negligence in holding the gun in close proximity to Boushie when it fired were cited less often in news reports about the case (Hill, 2018o; 2018p; Godfrey, 2018a; Graveland, 2018g; 2018h; 2018i; Paradkar, 2018b; Sinclair, 2018a). Already during the preliminary hearing, Gregory Williams, a forensic firearms specialist of the RCMP, spoke about the “functional assessment of firearms components, ammunition and devices, firearms identification, comparison and identification of firearm tool marks on ammunition components, and impact damage, assessment and range determination” (R v. Stanley 2017, p. 341). Similarly, Williams’s expert testimony in R v. Stanley (2018) reflected the 224 mechanical aspects for misfire or hang fire in front of the jury without mention of how hang fires almost solely occur in rifles and not in handguns (Hopper, 2018b; Blaquiere, 2018). Williams testified he was unable to emulate the circumstances of Stanley’s gun that led to the potential hang fire (Hopper, 2018b; @Hickok45, 2022, [1:40]). Both the preliminary hearing and the jury trial transcripts reference Stanley’s Tokarev model TT-33 from 1947 that was “not found to be susceptible to shock discharge” (pp. 344-352; R v. Stanley, 2018). However, this information was presented amidst highly technical language about hang fires. During cross-examination by Stanley’s defence, moreover, the technical expert had no conclusive answer to explain the bulge in the bullet casing from Stanley’s gun, which together with Spencer’s use of ‘low status’ laymen knowledges (Valverde, 2003) led to persuasive reasoning that hang fire was the most logical explanation for this now accidental shooting. This altered the forensic narrative to include “nonexpert knowledges … that are the everyday currency of legal discussions and adjudications” (Valverde, 2003, p. 2). The defence in R v. Stanley (2018) established the inconclusive securing of the crime scene by RCMP specialists and forensic investigation, complemented by a questionable bulge in a casing, which, together with nonexpert knowledges, left room for alternative theories such as hang fire to create doubt as to Stanley’s criminal intent and promoted Boushie’s shooting as accidental.86 Stanley’s defence lawyer’s use of laymen testimonies reveals “legally successful knowledges are not always the most scientific” (Cole, 2001 cited in Valverde, 2003, p. 2). These low-status or nonscientific knowledges are used to classify people and objects, limiting “expert domination” (p. 3). This 86 Gun ballistics indicate a bulged bullet casing can be explained by a variety of circumstances, including: overpressure in the chamber of the firearm, obstruction in the barrel, chamber issues of the firearm due to wear and tear, defects, or damage from use, weak or defective casing associated with old ammunition or due to reloading ammunition, excessive head space that allows the cartridge to move too much upon firing, leading to uneven expansion in the casing, and finally incorrect ammunition like rounds that are too powerful or the wrong caliber. 225 case, then, provides an example of what Valverde (2003) discusses about extralegal knowledge and how “investigation is often cursory or biased, the evidence ambiguous or insufficient, and the reasoning used to generate the decision peculiar or prejudiced” (p.4). Specifically, the hang fire defence relied on extralegal knowledge based on hearsay. In an article by Tristin Hopper for the National Post, circulated across the PostMedia Network, Hopper explains that “no firearms expert has been able to fully explain or reproduce the ‘freak accident’ that Gerald Stanley claims caused his gun to fire unexpectedly into the head of Colten Boushie” (2018b). Nevertheless, the possibility of a hang fire did cast doubt on Stanley intentionally firing the gun (Hopper, 2018b). According to David Tanovich, writing for The Globe and Mail, the defence rested on a case of a “magical gun” (2018). The magic capacity of the gun referenced by Tanovich rests on the technically farfetched incidence that Stanley’s gun discharged the cartridge several seconds after being struck by the firing pin, causing a delay of more than a couple of seconds, and this all while Stanley claimed to have disarmed his gun (as he testified that the slide on the Tokarev was pushed back), and that he was not pointing the gun at Boushie’s head (R v. Stanley, 2018; Cunliffe, 2020). According to Hopper, past Canadian case law only mentions hang fire once in the “1989 negligence case against the Remington Arms Company,” related to a .22 cartridge exploding with a 10 second delay (2018b). Stanley’s defence of hang fire similarly relied on a .22 cartridge malfunction mentioned in nonexpert Wayne Popowich’s testimony, who called Stanley’s defence team following the media blast surrounding Boushie’s death to offer up his hunting story from 40 years ago. A story, as Hopper relates, “in which he fired an unmaintained rifle” that caused the same delayed hang fire as Stanley’s defence ascribed to his semi-automatic gun (Hopper, 2018b). During Stanley’s trial, the RCMP expert did not debunk the possibility for 226 hang fire completely as Williams confirmed that Stanley’s 64-year-old Czechoslovakian cartridges could be ‘more prone’ to misfires due to age and poor storage. The forensic firearms specialist could not 100 percent guarantee that a hang fire was impossible based on the bulged bullet found at the crime scene. The unusually bulged casing found at the crime scene was considered as potential grounds for the discharge of Stanley’s gun out-of-battery meaning the cartridge detonated rather than being discharged within the chamber, which, Hopper argues, “is still not a given that the cartridge would have been able to propel a bullet down the gun barrel with enough velocity to kill” (Hopper, 2018b). Lawyer Scott Spencer pushed the “freak accident” rhetoric in relation to the intrusion of the people in the SUV (Forrest & Thomson, 2018; Thomson & Platt, 2018). Many newspaper publications repeated the defence’s notion that the “fatal Saskatchewan farm shooting” was “not justified but a ‘freak accident’” (Canadian Press, 2018l; 2018m). According to Spencer, the case “comes down to a freak accident that occurred in the midst of an unimaginably scary incident one afternoon” (R v. Stanley, 2018, pp. 838, 849-50, 854; Friesen, 2018h). This notion of Boushie’s death being a “freak accident” dominated news reporting on the court proceedings until the acquittal (Wilson, K., 2018; see also Fitzpatrick, 2018; Graveland, 2018j; Hill, 2018x; McKeen, 2018). In part, hang fire as a phenomenon made it appear as though the gun shot on its own. This refers to how descriptions of Stanley’s gun ascribed that gun and the bullet that killed with object agency. Many sources described Stanley’s gun from the perspective of Sheldon Stanley’s testimony, in which he described his dad’s gun as ‘the gun that just went off’, discharging ‘a bullet that killed’ (Canadian Press, 2018e; 2018f; Hill, 2018i; 2018x; Korpan, 2018). The bullet that killed was never found, but the bullet and its ascribed agency to kill loomed large in the 227 narratives about the case (Hill, 2018ac). The ‘bullet that killed’ is also referenced in the APTN Investigates episode Justice for Colten (2018, [5:35-6:20]). The implicit understanding portrayed in the media suggests that the gun and the bullet killed. This suggestion combined with the hang fire defence negates Stanley’s accountability, making Boushie’s death appear accidental (Hill, 2018i; Graveland, 2018c; James, 2018a), rather than acknowledge, what Friesen, Graveland, and Theobald’s articles for The Globe and Mail and the Canadian Press acknowledge as Stanley’s actions of reaching inside the vehicle with his left hand to “grab the keys out of the ignition” while the other hand holding the gun “bumped” against Boushie (Friesen, 2018d; Graveland, 2018k; Theobald, 2018a). The prosecution led by Bill Burge did not effectively question Stanley’s accountability for holding the gun in close proximity to Boushie’s head (R v. Stanley, 2018; see also Cunliffe, 2020). In the majority of reporting on the hang fire defence and the accident of Boushie’s death, Stanley’s Tokarev T33 became ‘the gun that killed’ and Boushie became the intruder who provoked a ‘freaky gun accident’ (Friesen & Fine, 2018b; Galloway, 2018a; Mccorrister, 2018; Quan & Ligeti, 2018a; Turner, R., 2018a; 2018b). Scholar and architect Eyal Weizman (2017) in his research on the ways in which the built environment can be used to exert power refers to guns and structures on the land being made to speak as a way to describe power inherent in objects as to obscure human agency. Weizman’s conceptualization of object agency explain the power in narratives that ascribed agency to Stanley’s gun rather than to Stanley. In connection to hang fire narratives, Stanley’s gun had a life of its own, its agency is imagined outside the scope of human actions (Weizman, 2017). Hang fire became a central argument in reducing the accountability of the gun wielding property owner and language interpretations of hang fire shifted the accountability of the person wielding the gun to the inanimate objects of the gun and the bullet (Weizman, 2017). In other words, 228 Stanley’s gun was “made to speak” (p. 67), and the legal and public interpretations of the gun’s hang fire imbued this gun and a bulged casing with a subject position (p. 83). According to Weizman (2017), forensic objects are signified through forensic speech in a court of law as “an object … ‘made to speak’,” and in this discourse an expert “functions as the translator from the language of objects to that of people, and the forum or assembly in which such claims can be made” (p. 67). However, in Stanley’s trial, it is the extralegal and nonexpert testimonies that made Stanley gun and the bullet that killed ‘speak’. The bullet casing as an element launched by the gun was made to speak “to demonstrate that … the interpreter is biased, or that the translation is unfaithful” as is seen in the defence’s critique of expert testimony about the bulged casing (p. 67). In the process, both the gun and the bulged casing were “referred to as if they were human subjects” (Ibid.). This means that “attention has shifted from the physiological intricacies of the subject position to narratives led by things, traces, objects, and algorithms” (p. 83; see also Valverde 2003, p.6). The defence in R v. Stanley (2018) managed “to incorporate not only eyewitness evidence but other facts (e.g., scientific knowledge) into its own framework by transmuting such alien knowledges into legal formats and frameworks” showing the “law-as-subsystem framework of systems theory” (Valverde, 2003, pp. 6; 7). This incorporation of extralegal knowledge about hang fires that made the gun and bullet casing as objects into speaking subjects in a rhetorically convincing way cast doubt on Stanley’s criminal intent as a hybrid epistemological exercise (pp. 14, 20; Weizman, 2017). The framing of hang fire and guns by experts, nonexperts, Stanley’s defence, the prosecution, and the media connected to bigger ideas about rural gun culture. Representations reflected and transformed ideas about gun violence in relation to property, that led to discussions about rural gun culture. In part, these representations of guns distinguished between rural 229 property owners needing guns in light of rural crime developments and a rural gun culture asserting guns had always been part of the environment. The assertion that rural gun culture normalized the presence of guns is not extended to a .22 rifle belonging to one of Boushie’s friends. The presence of this rifle gained attention in January and February of 2018 as a piece of property that was used to interrogate the behaviour and movement of the five young people in the SUV. The foreign rifle’s presence on Stanley’s property in court cross-examination established a level of criminal intent for the five in the SUV as ‘armed’ and ‘up to no good’. The broken rifle and ammunition in the SUV presented grounds for reprimand, while the compromised ammunition of Stanley’s weapon did not (Zinchuk, 2018). The symbolic power of the presence of a broken loaded rifle, despite forensics stipulating the .22 rifle was disabled and Stanley testifying he did not notice the rifle, implicated the people in the SUV (who testified they were previously shooting targets in a backyard) as dangerous and criminal, as it places them at the Fouhy farm prior to entering Stanley’s property (R v. Stanley, 2017, p. 343; see also Hill, 2018n). This criminalization of having a gun by the group is juxtaposed to rural gun culture that normalizes the presence of guns and .22 rifles for settlers (Lines of Fire 2019). While Spencer repeatedly framed Jackson, Cross-Whitstone, and Meechance as driving around in an SUV full of spent rounds, no inferences were made by the prosecution about the rounds and spent casings on Stanley’s property from his .22 rifle (R v. Stanley, 2018). However, through media engagement with the court transcripts, and promoted by Stanley’s defence counsel, the presence of a .22 rifle (that neither Sheldon nor Gerald Stanley had seen) incriminated the people in the SUV (Charlton, 2016; Friesen, 2018c; Hill, 2018h; 2018i; 2018j; James, 2018a). The group’s shooting of targets earlier in the day was rarely mentioned. 230 Reporting explained rural gun culture through the use of guns for the defence of rural property (Corbella, 2018b; 2018c; Cosh, 2019). Sources contained discussions about the increase in rural crime, the lack of law enforcement, and the need to protect rural property with guns. Licia Corbella addresses this in her article for the Calgary Sun, presenting hypothetical scenarios for property owners: “Can you throw a rock at him? Can you kick him in the arse with a heavy boot? Is a farm woman allowed to use a gun to discourage a burglar?” (Corbella, 2018c; see also Cosh, 2019). Rather than concern for the use of guns in the absence of law enforcement, people wondered how much violence different property owners in a variety of scenarios could legally use (MacPherson, 2017f). This focus on guns in sources referencing the case connected to ideas of farm security, where farming requires the use of guns to protect livestock, and by extension family and private property. News reports like O’Connor’s in the National Post included quotes from property owners stating, “we have always carried guns,” and some reports include photos of rifles in combine harvesters (O’Connor, 2016). The complexity of rural property appeared to justify the presence of guns for farming, hunting, protection (against wildlife or trespassers), and social status. Gun uses and gun morality for property management and for making a statement of armament is amplified by news reports citing local landowners, that I have cited in Chapter Six (Braun, 2018; CBC, 2018a; Cuthand, 2017a; Dawson, 2018a; Ledding, 2016; MacDougall, 2017a; Mandryk, 2016f; Moro, 2018; Paradkar, 2018c; Robertson, D., 2018; Sinclair, 2018b). In most of these sources, references to rural gun culture focussed on property crime that promoted firearms as the solution. Sporadically, sources discussed the use of guns for wildlife management and hunting (CBC, 2018a; see also Cosh, 2016). 231 Some of these sources referencing guns for protection against wildlife referenced Boushie’s shooting in comparison. Stanley himself made this connection as he referred to defence narratives against wildlife to justify the presence of guns on his property “to fire warning shots from his deck to scare coyotes,” so “the coyotes will run away and leave his cows and calves alone” (Hill, 2018n; 2018t; 2018u; 2018v; 2018x; 2018ak). Previously, these wildlife defence narratives were met with concern from Indigenous communities describing violent rural relations as ‘open season’ on them (Warick, 2016a). Some public outrage emerged in media reporting regarding the gun malfunction or accident defence in R v. Stanley (2018) that included questions such as presented by Dave Sawa’s column for the Regina Leader-Post. Sawa asks “is not a person responsible for his own weapon? Is it OK to shoot someone and say ‘Oops, I was not aware that gun would go off’” (Sawa, 2018; see also Dafoe, 2018; Huselak, 2018; Melnychuk, 2018). Other letters to newspapers, columnists, and articles discussed how a gun in any situation is dangerous and questioned why a farmer needs a semi-automatic handgun (Kennedy, 2018; see also Kuhl, 2018b; Metallic, 2018). This debate on rural gun culture also featured the Canadian gun lobby, linked to the American NRA and sport and hunting associations. These associations disclaimed stricter gun regulations as a solution and referenced a right to bear arms in Canada that actually does not exist per the Supreme Court of Canada (R v. Hasselwander, 1993; R v. Wiles, 2005; Hudson v. Canada, 2009). Despite assumptions from rural property owners and interpretations of the case, Pamela Palmater asserts that “the only people with constitutionally-protected rights to bear arms are First Nations whose treaties and Aboriginal rights guarantee them the right to hunt and own rifles” (2019). No such right is reserved for private property owners, although public engagement 232 with the case desired otherwise. Discussions about gun rights and gun safety were linked to gun control (Bonokoski, 2018d; 2018e; Cheevers, 2018a; Spence, 2018); as for instance, Joe Spence states in a letter to the Toronto Star that “the federal government must find a way to make it either illegal or extremely expensive to collect such firearms, whether on a farm or in city homes. We are sliding into the same deadly morass the Americans are in” (Spence, 2018; see also Davis, 2018). This bid for gun control was met by statements that people have a right to own arms, and reporting circled back to the argument that rural property owners require guns for their protection (Persson, 2018d; 2018e). According to Ryan Rumbolt, the problem is with law enforcement and the Canadian justice system, “not firearms owners” (2018f; see also Charach, 2018). Other perspectives from Indigenous activists and liberal progressives argued that the presence of loopholes in gun laws established in Bill C-71 during the Harper government played into a “rise of white nationalism” mixing gun lobbies with “often racist, sexist and anti-human rights” sentiment (Palmater, 2019; see also Roach, 2018d; 2018e). Reporting in predominantly rural provinces in 2019 sought to shift this relatively negative image of guns. According to Andrea Hill’s article for the Saskatoon StarPhoenix, guns are “often part of the wedge driven between First Nations, farmers and the provincial government” (2019a). This wedge can be seen in different gun intentions, as Hill references Doug Cuthand, who explains, both Indigenous and non-Indigenous people own guns, but do so with different intentions (Ibid.). According to Cuthand, “People still hunt for food. … But it’s not a gun culture in the same way” (quoted in Hill, 2019a; see also Hill, 2018ah; 2018ai). Similarly, Indigenous documentarian Tasha Hubbard provides a distinction about gun ownership, as she shares, she “grew up being taught about guns at an early age and was taught to have respect for guns and what they can do” (quoted in Mullen, 2019). These counternarratives from Cuthand and Hubbard 233 presented gun ownership by Indigenous people as more respectful than gun ownership by rural property owners. The Postmedia network published the Lines of Fire series to improve the image of guns. This series looked at gun culture in Saskatchewan “from the points of view of Indigenous people, gun owners, police and others. The November 2018 project had its roots in the shots fired on the farm of Gerald Stanley” (Leader-Post, 2019). It was published in formats suitable for print, online, and mobile apps. The series nevertheless emphasized the perspective of the rural property owner and sports hunters, in which the case functioned as a cautionary tale for gun use. Gun culture was promoted as a connection to the great outdoors and the thrill of hunting as sport, simultaneously drawing on NRA’s propaganda for hunting tourism in Saskatchewan (Persson, 2019a; 2019b). This presentation intertwines capitalist venture with gun culture on the Prairies “generating around $40 million in direct revenue” and “around $300 million … of secondary revenue” (Ibid.). The multi-page Lines of Fire series’ attempt to include points of view of Indigenous people in their coverage between November 27th and December 1st, 2018 resulted in two paragraphs on the divisive issue of gun ownership and Indigenous hunting traditions. As a result, the Lines of Fire special seemed to consider hunting and gun culture from a predominantly rural and commercial perspective that trivializes the case as an anomaly to gun ownership on the Prairies (Persson, 2018d; 2018e). 7.5 Conclusions This chapter addresses the dimensions of property featured in reporting on the case. Interpretations of rural private property point to a normative understanding of property that shape R v. Stanley (2018) and Indigenous-settler relations on the Prairies. Rural property concerns led to amendments in trespass legislation that highlight fear for intruders. Amendments point to the 234 surveillance of public space and those considered outsiders to that space and private property. This rural private property ownership is territorial in the absence of law enforcement and according to some necessitates the use of guns for protection. As Flynn and Van Wagner (2020) state, these narratives were racialized: Narratives about property, trespass, and rural crime ran through the trial and media coverage. Indeed, the logic of the defence rests squarely on the status of the Indigenous youths as trespassers and the right of Stanley to respond to trespass and the mere fear of property crime with a firearm. …these narratives were used to draw the unique and complex land-based tensions in rural Saskatchewan into the courtroom. (p. 360) Dimensions of rural private property and the regulation of property with or without guns demonstrate the significance of laissez-faire racism in which various ‘groups’ define each other. The media’s framing of property in relation to the case revealed a disconnection between rural and urban ideas about private property, trespass, and guns. Both ideas of colour blindness and divisive framing connect to rural Indigenous-settler relations. Various news articles repeat what opinion pieces and letters from local conservatives wrote about the case in which they frame First Nations in the area as problematic and blame those deemed part of that group responsible for the rural economic and socio-political tension that present private property concerns which invites the defence of rural gun culture and amended trespass regulations. Counternarratives from First Nations in the area voiced concerns about changes to trespass legislation and increased policing of rural property and First Nations. Other narratives from more urban areas report on these tensions between local conservatives and Indigenous groups and allies while commenting on gun regulations that complicate the local media framing. However, this reporting from more liberal and progressive 235 publications did not impact the reproduction of unequal relations in Alberta and Saskatchewan’s social and legal landscapes. At the provincial and local level, unequal relations were reproduced and concerns about rural private property became further solidified in legal landscapes because of R v. Stanley (2018) and changes in trespass regulations, the arming of conservation officers, and increased surveillance and policing of reserves. 236 Chapter 8: Conclusions This dissertation considers the normative powers of the media in representing events surrounding the Colten Boushie case. I address media representations that framed the case as indicative of settler-Indigenous tensions and animosity, which motivated calls for political, judicial, and societal change. I use critical discourse and frame analysis to textually examine sources published between August 2016 and April 2020. The sources reflect the public circulation of narratives which critique and perpetuate violence towards Indigenous peoples. Sources repeat and promote the legal and political orders that reveal a racially divisive and spatially divisive engagement with the case and Indigenous-settler relations in Canada. The empirical data and analysis reflect the significance of frame analysis as a research method. When used as part of a CDA, frame analysis exposes contradictory patterns in meaning-making that point to the complexity of cross-cultural group relations. The coding of framing narratives by their geographic distribution across provinces and population centres reflect a group positioning and rural sensibility that complicates prevailing understandings of Indigenous-settler relations in Canada. In addition, my theoretical exploration of how laissez-faire racism is present in various framing narratives in both news articles and opinions pieces helps further unpack the tensions and racial prejudices circulating in the Canadian public sphere. This exploration reveals how different interpretations of the case mobilized divergent types of collective action. 8.1 Frame Analysis Findings The previous chapters present my frame analysis findings and discussions of these findings through CDA and laissez-faire racism theory. Chapters thematically engage with public debates about 1) racial tension and racism, 2) group identity politics and criminalization, 3) notions of 237 justice and Indigenous discrimination in the Canadian justice system, 4) rural crime and self-defence narratives and the absence of law enforcement, as well as 5) dimensions of private property, trespass, and gun violence triggered by the case. Conducting this frame analysis reveals some general tendencies. Diagnostic framing and the problematization visible in interpretations of the case appeared in both ‘objective’ reporting and opinionated engagement. Chapter Three relates how basic sentence structures and word choice led to racialized narratives about ‘an Indigenous man shot by a farmer’. Such framing, often episodic and without context, set the stage for a case that was said to have ‘exposed’ or ‘unveiled’ racial tensions. Subsequent thematic framing of the case pathologized Boushie, his friends, his families, and his allies; Stanley, his friends, his family, and his allies; and the respective groups that Boushie and Stanley came to symbolize. Apart from a racialized framing, this early reporting also criminalized various actors, which is addressed in Chapter Four. Notions of crime and criminality dominated various interpretations of events with some blaming cross-cultural animosity on the Prairies and systemic racism while others blamed rural crime concerns and the absence of law enforcement. Similarly, Chapter Five relates how framing of justice and interpretations of injustice defined people’s responses to Stanley’s trial and acquittal. These diagnostic framing narratives and the placing of blame also informed framing and counternarratives that suggest solutions and actions. This framing shift to prognostic suggestions for action occurred with Stanley’s second-degree murder trial. After Stanley’s acquittal, previously descriptive reporting moved to reporting characterized by prognostic and motivational framing that led to action or inaction in different spaces. Diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational framing led to different initiatives, with provincial policies and suggested solutions differing from federal political concern and suggestions for judicial reform. 238 The case and framing interpretations created various networks of meaning linking past and present events to Boushie’s death, Stanley’s acquittal, and Indigenous-settler relations on the Prairies and in Canada. Boushie and Stanley were linked to many discussions that aligned their names with other cases, concerns, and political platforms. Sources reveal a disconnect between interpretations in smaller population centres and larger population centres despite the general consolidation of the media landscape. This landscape is dominated by broadcast information from the Canadian Press and sources from the PostMedia Network; yet, differences in their publications and provincial output in population centres reflect the latent and manifest power of source distribution and the mediation of certain narratives over others. The effect of these framing and narrative patterns is fragmented and diverse, yet polarised due to the relative homogeneity of the source output per provinces and population centre. The case and its interpretations can be divided into conservative, liberal and progressive, and decolonial leanings that impact the suggested placing of guilt and blaming (diagnostic), suggested solutions to the identified ‘problem’ (prognostic), and suggested ameliorative action (motivational) framing patterns promoted in news reporting and opinionated writing. 8.2 Critical Discourse Analysis and Laissez-faire Racism The media’s framing of the case presented Stanley and Boushie as the central figures in debates about tension in Saskatchewan and Canada. Reporting often presented this dynamic as racial tension. This is visible in discussions about local and systemic forms of racism. The media’s framing of unveiled racial tension presents in- and out groups. Prevalent frames linked to race reflect processes of antagonism between groups, variously defined as farmers, settlers, First Nations, Indigenous people, the RCMP, and the judicial system. Apart from overt racism and hate speech identified online, news articles’ descriptions revealed covert racialized 239 interpretations indicative of laissez-faire racism (Denis, 2020). These latent descriptions of group differences also generated overtly racist responses that reveal how racialized group animosity existed just below the surface and erupted when news of the shooting became public. Group position theory and the concept of laissez-faire racism help to assess how different groups, while having cross-group relations, maintain conflicting perspectives that lead to racialized conflict and experiences of racism. While various sources spoke about reconciliation efforts, other sources revealed racist generalizations disproportionately expressed toward First Nation or Indigenous residents. Such narratives confirm animosity between farmer and First Nation communities and systemic Indigenous-settler racism in Canada. The media’s descriptions of unveiled racial tension in this case hint at how the case is described as disturbing the previous surface level appearance of ‘racial harmony’ (Denis, 2020, p. 73). Media representations gave voice to various ‘groups’ responding to the case in interviews, reflecting different explanations of racial tensions. This diagnostic framing, or problematization, contain discursive logics blaming racial tensions on local, Prairie, or systemic racism and Indigenous-settler animosity. Reporting from smaller population centres was more prone to downplay frames of racial tension. In line with Denis’s (2020) research, this points at a tendency to trivialize racism, which is as a key aspect of laissez-faire racism. It entails a “probabilistic ... stereotyping of Indigenous peoples ..., and ‘resistance to meaningful policy efforts to ameliorate [Canada’s] racist social conditions and practices’” (p. 9). This reluctance is visible in columns and opinion pieces, instead presenting a concern about rural crime. Descriptions in opinion pieces asserted Boushie’s death was unfortunate, yet self-inflicted in the context shaped by rural crime. These opinion pieces were complemented by representations of court proceedings in the media that revealed a process of criminalizing Indigenous witnesses. The media’s representations of the court case 240 presented information from Stanley’s defence team as objective information, while repeating the defence’s use of embedded racialized group stereotypes mobilized in court. This indicates the power of media framing in distributing aspects of legal discourses to different audiences. Stereotypes about Indigenous criminality and crime on First Nation reserves meant socio-economic disparity on reserves were rarely acknowledged as symptoms of historic and systemic inequality and discrimination. Rural crime narratives presented a form of racial group ideology, reflecting racial prejudices embedded in rural crime concerns that were present in court, yet not acknowledged in the legal discourse of Stanley’s court proceedings. The pervasive power of negative stereotypes meant that Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples were presented as bad and good. Indigenous witnesses in Stanley’s trial were not heard because of dominant interpretations about their intoxication and criminal intent. Although Indigenous witnesses were asked to speak about their experiences, they were not heard or equally represented in the media. Sporadic counter frames in media reporting criticized the victim-blaming tactics of Stanley’s defence team but were neutralized in favour of more dominant narratives about home invasion. The compound effect of criminalization and racialization meant Indigenous testimonies were not deemed credible as Indigenous witnesses were made to fit pre-existing stereotypes (Starblanket & Hunt, 2020, p. 11). This stereotypical framing of Indigenous witnesses as criminal intruders strengthened Stanley’s legal position, as well as the presentation of his character as a virtuous rural private property owner and farmer (CBC Radio, 2018; Starblanket & Hunt, 2020). The undermining of Indigenous voices through the criminalization of their characters also affirmed pre-existing stereotypes of the settler self (Furniss, 1999; Rose & Kalathil, 2019). This stereotyping meant that Indigenous witnessing and testimony in a settler court invited confirmation bias in favour of 241 settler interpretations, a framework uncontested by the prosecution (R v. Stanley, 2018; Kennedy, R., 2008). In the aftermath of Stanley’s acquittal by an all-White jury, claims of injustice mobilized collective action against Indigenous discrimination in the criminal justice system. This did not include the questioning of Stanley’s, farmers’, or private property owners’ characters, leaving in tact relative group positioning and stereotypes. These disparate experiences in Canada’s criminal justice system and reporting on those experiences can be interpreted as an institutional form of laissez-faire racism. Although sources denounce jury selection procedures and the discriminatory use of peremptory challenges, its continued function reinforced the existing condition of Indigenous discrimination. Academic sources that reflect counternarratives to this institutional laissez-faire racism acknowledged barriers to Indigenous representation and questioned racial bias inherent to legal procedures. At the same time, persistent negative racial stereotypes in other sources explain the lack of Indigenous representation as a problematic feature of Indigenous people, not the system. At times, representations from large population centres framed racial tensions as rural tensions. This helps distance urban centres from the problem of racism and colonialism. It deflects attention away from how racism and colonialism also operate in large urban centres. Framing from large urban centres reflected a problematization of racial tension as animosity between farmers and First Nations that is specific to Saskatchewan, marked by economic downturn on reserves. Recognizably, racial remarks were framed as unacceptable while linked to ‘Saskatchewan’s racial divide’. As an indirect form of laissez-faire racism, such narratives appeared to prevent people from direct engagement with the case, employing specific stereotypes about rural First Nations’ reserves and twenty-first century narratives of reconciliation and systemic racism (St. Denis, 2011). This research reveals a spatial sensibility to the theory of 242 laissez-faire racism, that effectively blames the experience of racism and unveiled tension associated with Boushie’s case on cross-group relations in rural Saskatchewan. These representations obscure why rural spaces and reserves experience socio-economic disparities and do not mobilize tangible action to address socio-economic disparities. Other narratives treated reserves as spaces in need of surveillance to assuage rural crime concerns. Reporting from Saskatchewan and Alberta revealed the perceived threat of reserves in narratives about rural crime that required informal and formal surveillance practices for rural property owners to feel safe in the absence of law enforcement. This, at times, racialized surveillance enacted and reified community boundaries along racial lines (Browne, 2015, p. 8). Racialized rural crime narratives in Alberta and Saskatchewan represented a set of disciplinary relations in which reserves are seen as hotspots for crime that require containment and the surveillance of public space for the security of private property owners. This framing of the case in Alberta and Saskatchewan mobilized action distinct from other provinces. Sources from Ontario and B.C. focussed on the racial tensions brought forward by the case and judicial reform suggested after Stanley’s acquittal. This reporting from Ontario and B.C. often appeared unaware of crime watch initiatives and policing strategies linked to the case in Alberta and Saskatchewan. The case became imagined as an example in judicial reform debates and as an example in rural crime debates. In the latter, assumptions and the collective process of assigning rural crime to one racial group defined and redefined antagonistic group relations. Rural crime narratives blamed Indigenous communities for their economic and socio-political status and presented them as a threat to rural space and settler communities, revealing laissez-faire racism informed by relative group positioning and prejudice. 243 Specific to this laissez-faire racism are notions of private property. Rural private property, and the laws regulating its dimensions, point to ways in which laissez-faire racism informs a normative interpretation of private property that shaped both R v. Stanley (2018) and publishing in smaller and larger population centres. Media representations reflect ongoing cross-cultural and group positions when referring to property, trespass, and gun violence. Dimensions of property and the regulation of property with or without guns reflect an aspect of laissez-faire racism in which various ‘groups’ define private property, the territorialization of property, and the use of guns to protect property against those perceived as intruders or trespassers. Interpretations of guns and private property from smaller population centres in Alberta and Saskatchewan repeat the racially divisive framing of the case. Local farmers and property owners present an interpretation of their property and farmyards as domestic spaces in need of protection. These sources are juxtaposed to sources from more urban and liberal and progressive circles that do not correspond to local farmers’ fears for crime and, instead, reference guns as problematic in what is described as a rural Indigenous-settler animosity. These different perspectives reflect the geo-political dynamics of framing and laissez-faire racism. Descriptions of the case from larger population centres propelled discussions about reconciliation and awareness about racial tension and systemic racism. This is where my research adds nuance to the theory of laissez-faire racism in the Canadian context of settler colonialism. Whereas laissez-faire racism theory assumes an attitude of indifference or inaction “to meaningful policy efforts to ameliorate racist social conditions and practices” (Denis, 2020, p. 9), sources reflected this indifference or inaction through generic diagnostic framing of the case as part of systemic racism in Canada. The case provoked people in and outside of Saskatchewan to take issue with racism in Canada and contest the idea of racial harmony, while simultaneously 244 revealing a level of indifference or inaction. Although sources from larger population centres criticized Indigenous discrimination in the criminal justice system, Stanley’s all-White jury, and systemic racism, these critiques were performative as those voices from larger population centres, with the exception of efforts of Boushie’s family and allies, appeared to remove people and their statements from any actionable consequences. Efforts to change systemic racism and descriptions of Indigenous criminalization and discrimination in the justice system were often just descriptive, episodic frames highlighting or diagnosing a problem without meaningful prognostic or motivational frames leading to action. Some sources denounced systemic racism and Indigenous-settler animosity presented by Stanley’s trial and proclaimed Indigenous discrimination in the criminal justice system and condemned proposed actions based on concerns about political interference and Bill C-75. This does not reflect the same indifference to ameliorate racist social conditions as identified in research by Bobo et al. (1997) and Bobo & Tuan (2006), but operates to seemingly placate discussions about racist social conditions and practices, as also identified in Denis’s (2020) research. Assumptions about the case as symbolic of systemic racism led to claims for judicial reform without actionable efforts to ameliorate racist social conditions and practices. When it comes to material and tangible action, it was the problematized rural relations that led to changes to trespass regulations and policing. According to Indigenous groups and allies, these actions disproportionately led to surveilling First Nations for the appeasement of settler concerns. Such policies have a staying effect on social conditions and cross-group relations marked by laissez-faire racism. Reporting from more liberal and progressive publications did not impact the reproduction of unequal relations in Alberta and Saskatchewan’s social and legal landscapes. Unequal relations were reproduced and concerns about rural private 245 property became further solidified in legal landscapes because of precedent set in R v. Stanley (2018) and changes in trespass regulations, the arming of conservation officers, and increased surveillance and policing of reserves. This research acknowledges how laissez-faire racism shaped interpretations of the case and should be considered as a dominant ideology that coexists with settler-colonial theory. I conclude that the media’s descriptions of this case expose the socio-legal friction of contemporary Indigenous-settler relations in Canada. Looking closely at the framing rhetoric, my analysis affirms the presence of laissez-faire racism in the public engagement with the case while it also problematizes this lens as dominant dichotomous attitudes circulated in news media were contested by perspectives from liberal progressive reporting on the case and Indigenous-settler relations. However, regardless of the added complexity I discern in testing laissez-faire racism as a theory, dominant representations of the case in news reports often reinforce colonial biases present in the public sphere, policy, and legal systems. The collected sources reflect how narratives both problematize and perpetuate violence towards Indigenous peoples. CDA and frame analysis provide relevant tools in discerning the repetitive patterns and spatial distribution of the various frames associated with the case. The case, legal discourse, and the media’s framing led to the mobilization of a justice movement to address the lack of Indigenous representational justice in Canada as well as the mobilization of rural initiatives and legislative changes to address rural crime concerns. The media’s engagement with this case and its collective imageries promotes the legal and political orders that reveal racially divisive and spatially divisive interpretations of the case and Indigenous-settler relations in Canada. 246 The legal discourses, visible in the language of law and policy, legitimized the structures and practices of settler colonialism that govern settler property ownership. The media framing and discourses reinforced these legal frameworks thereby contributing to the normalization of settler colonial practices. Media representations influence public perceptions of the legal issues related to Boushie’s death and did not rectify the settler colonial ideologies embedded in legal or public engagement with the case apart from reasserting Indigenous discrimination in the Canadian criminal justice system after Stanley’s acquittal. Media framing significantly impacted the visibility of Boushie’s death and Stanley’s acquittal that shape cross-cultural group perspectives in public consciousness. The way media outlets chose to report on R v. Stanley (2018) did not amplify Indigenous voices or witnesses but rather rendered them hyper visible through colonial stereotypes or invisible. Similarly, most legal engagement and discourse related to the case did not acknowledge treaty relations, Indigenous legal traditions and perspectives, or their importance for broader societal contexts. The legal system upheld the interests of the settler colonial state, and together with media discourses and through laissez-faire racial ideology, supported these power structures. Some media framing served as a space for Indigenous resistance and resurgence to challenge settler colonial narratives, but these fell behind the dominant diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational framing visible in the legal and media discourses represented in the source sample of this research. 8.3 Considerations for Future Research My considerations for future research derive from some of the limitations I encountered undertaking this project. Despite efforts to use AI technologies to present a more expansive CDA and frame analysis of online media landscapes, such tools were not available for this analysis. The application of social listening tools that are used in marketing and business sectors could 247 enable sociological research to engage with click culture and the viewership of online sources. Content related privacy regulations and financial barriers limited such an endeavour in the space of my research. Future research should include a social media analysis to bolster a more robust CDA of online engagement with the case linked to interpretations of Indigenous-settler relations in public discourses in Canada. Current social media listening tools are geared to the economic incentives of marketing and merchandise in the business world and not readily available for sociological research. For future research, these data mining or scraping tools could be operationalized to gain greater understanding of the public discourses and overt and laissez-faire racism present in online spaces. This can include algorithms to look at patterns in audience engagement with news items, social media posts, tweets and retweets, and other forms of engagement that reflect which news items and narratives garner more attention from audiences than others. Such anonymized data can reveal the representation and distribution of certain news narratives over others and further elucidate the spatial dimensions to public discourses and overt and laissez-faire racism. The mapping of public discourses and its narrative distribution also invites the potential for mixed-methods research. An interdisciplinary consideration and the merging of both qualitative and quantitative research methods could further engage with both textual and visual output. Political polling, surveys, and community-engaged research through semi-structured interviews could engage with the relevant groups and stakeholders described in the sources engaging with the Boushie case. Such a place-based analysis can incorporate public histories and discourses in Saskatchewan and the Battlefords to elucidate the commemorative landscapes and realities of cross-cultural group relations. Future research can assess the power of language and the rhetorical sway of stereotypes and biases as they are circulated in those landscapes. To 248 address these circulations can help us gain a greater understanding of the rhetorical power and presence of stereotypes and biases that define intergroup and cross-cultural group relations. Such a larger research initiative could add to CDA scholarship, and help elucidate the staying power of colonial imaginations and settler colonial interpretations of property, people, and power. Other future research can center local bureaucratic and administrative powers to expand our understanding of the socio-economic and cultural knowledges in rural Canada. Such an analysis should focus on the grassroots and municipal policies that shape the everyday context of community relations. In this dissertation, the study of language in narrative forms and the public sphere reveals the need for continued critical analysis of grassroots movements, such as Crimewatch groups and town halls as they inform and shape collective action. In particular, this can expose in what ways local public discourses perpetuate racism to help understand aggressions towards marginalized groups. Future research regarding localized sentiments about important developments in Indigenous-settler relations would benefit from research into the local and provincial bylaws and administrators as they inform the regulation of public and private space. This will support a more critical understanding of some of the rural-urban divisions also visible in my research that can inform a decolonial research agenda in Canada. As set out in this research, laissez-faire racism in our everyday realities requires more analysis in the context of settler-Indigenous relations in Canada and the reconciliation or decolonization agenda in the twenty-first century. Research into local public discourses should aim to subvert the culturally dominant interpretations of social events by testing the complexity at times obscured in reconciliation narratives. A critical consideration of the legal and judicial notions of common-sense is necessary, given the influence of dominant narratives in the public sphere. Especially in a climate of polarizing tension between conservative resurgence and more 249 radical activism labelled as ‘woke’, any research into the framing of these relative camps and engagement with Indigenous-settler relations in Canada is a worthy contribution to contemporary sociology and critical race theory. Another limitation that can be addressed in future research is the closer analysis of sources outside the scope of this research. As included in Appendix A and discussed in the methodology, there is a plethora of sources available in unindexed mediascapes in different languages across Canada that are underrepresented in discourse analyses. Further research would do well in addressing these sources and their narrative formations and representations. An application to federal funding and the formation of a culturally sensitive research group can conduct a jurisdictional scan to look at the distribution and reach of media narratives. Research collaboration can address the ‘periphery’ or marginalization within the media that should be studied to better understand cross-cultural group relations and relative isolation to highlight otherwise marginalized interpretations and narratives. My research, finally, connects to a research aim to study rural landscapes and their criminal justice systems. Rural stakeholders, and what MacDonald describes as ‘Prairie law’ enforcement would benefit from a closer analysis to reveal how ideas about private property and domestic space lead to the territorialization of property that inform policing, provincial courts, and jurisprudence (2018a). As Valverde (2003) argues, “the social study of legal knowledges shows that there are many in-between practices of power/knowledge that take us beyond the dichotomy of science versus experience” (p. 27). Such in-between practices in the socio-legal landscape gain material and immaterial power in the public sphere and the court system. Future research should focus on what are often considered ‘low-status’ knowledges and local 250 interpretations of rights and justice that also inform the court system to understand the different tensions and rural sensibilities that distinguish ‘Prairie law’ from other legal interpretations. My assessment of sources and the portrayal of the people involved in the case reveals the normative dimensions of property and the continued violence towards Indigenous people in cross-cultural group interactions and the public sphere. This dissertation made a start in an effort to reflect on cross-cultural group and Indigenous-settler relations in the twenty-first century to debunk the myths and stereotypes that continue to shape our public discourses and policies. My media discourse analysis addresses the normative power of legal discourse and partial representations of those discourses in the media to various publics. The relationship between legal and media discourses in the context of Boushie’s death and Stanley’s acquittal reflects laissez-faire racism in an intricate and multifaceted interaction that shapes perceptions, legitimizes authority, and repeats societal norms and policies related to a settler colonial status quo. 251 References [@hickok45]. (2022). hickok45. Retrieved from YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCvB3solmhqtgDeLpD-yTtfg Abdigir, E., Bijons-Ebacher, K., Magnat, P., Cribb, R., & Rankin, J. (2018, February 16). How a broken jury list makes Ontario justice whiter, richer and less like your community. Retrieved from Toronto Star: https://www.thestar.com/news/investigations/2018/02/16/how-a-broken-jury-list-makes-ontario-justice-whiter-richer-and-less-like-your-community.html?rf Aboriginal Justice Implementation Commission. (1991). Report of the Aboriginal Justice Inquiry. Manitoba: Aboriginal Justice Implementation Commission. Ackerman, J. (2017, November 9). Rural residents amplify call to defend property; RCMP official rejects SARM's push for relaxed property-defence law. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.1. Ackerman, J. (2018, May 9). Seventy-days in, justice camp has no intention of pulling up stakes. Retrieved from Regina Leader-Post: https://leaderpost.com/news/local-news/seventy-days-in-justice-camp-has-no-intention-of-pulling-up-stakes Adam, B. A. (2017a, November 21). MMIW begins in Saskatoon. Prince Albert Daily Herald, p. A.12. Adam, B. A. (2017b, December 27). Cameron reflects on successes, challenges for First Nations in 2017. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.2. Adam, B. A. (2018a, February 12). ‘Injustice’ linked to ongoing issue of colonialism; ‘Rage’ following trial outcome can fuel change, advocate says. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.1. 252 Adam, B. A. (2018b, February 12). ‘Injustice’ linked to ongoing issue of colonialism; ‘Rage’ following trial outcome can fuel change, advocate says. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.1. Adam, B. A. (2018c, February 24). FSIN calls for royal commission into Cormier, Stanley verdicts. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.5. Adam, B. A. (2018d, March 14). Cross-cultural justice system contemplated at conference; Indigenous peoples did not surrender right to own laws, professor says. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.2. Adam, B. A., & Warick, J. (2016, September 6). Media’s coverage of indigenous issues to be examined. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.7. Adams, R. (2017, November 17). Key concept. Michel Foucault: Discourse. Retrieved from Critical Legal Thinking: Law and the Political: https://criticallegalthinking.com/2017/11/17/michel-foucault-discourse/ Ahearn, V. (2019, April 23). Colten Boushie documentary examines history of racism, oppression on the Prairies. Retrieved from Global News: https://globalnews.ca/news/5194869/colten-boushie-documentary-racism-prairies/ Ahenakew, E. (1997). Voices of the Plains Cree. University of Regina Press. Alberta, T. L. (2019). Bill 27: Trespass Statutes (Protecting Law-Abiding Property Owners) Amendment Act. Alberta: The Minister of Justice and Solicitor General. Aldrich, J. (2018, March 15). Vigilantism leads to justice for no one. The Camrose Canadian, p. A.8. Aldrich, J. (2019, November 27). Crime in The Country; Province announces $1.9M in funding for rural policing. The Winnipeg Sun, p. A.3. 253 Altheide, D., & Schneider, C. (2013). Qualitative Media Analysis (Second ed.). SAGE Publications. Ameil, J. (2018, July 6). Erasing race but not racism in the Peter Khill trial. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/erasing-race-not-racism-peter-khill-trial/docview/2065966913/se-2 Andersen, C., & Walter, M. (2013). Indigenous Statistics: A Quantitative Research. Routledge. Anderson, M. C., & Robertson, C. (2014). Seeing Red: A History of Natives in Canadian Newspapers. University of Manitoba Press. Anderson, M. R. (2018, August 1). Why Canadians need ‘the right to roam’. Sherbrooke Record, p. A.5. âpihtawikosisân. (2012, Ocotober 26). The stereotype of the drunken Indian. Retrieved from âpihtawikosisân: Law. Language. Culture: https://apihtawikosisan.com/2012/10/the-stereotype-of-the-drunken-indian/ Appel, J. (2018, December 22). Principles of justice should be at centre of jury selection process. The Medicine Hat News, p. B.11. APTN. (2020). First Contact Season 2, Episode 3: Bridging the Divide. Retrieved from First Contact : https://www.tvo.org/video/documentaries/bridging-the-divide Arndt, L. (2022, February 23). Indigenous Peoples and the Injustice of Injustice. Retrieved from Maytree Series: Advancing Justice: https://maytree.com/publications/indigenous-peoples/ Arneil, B. (1996). The Wild Indian's Venison: Locke's Theory of Property and English Colonialism in America. Political Studies, 44(1), 60-74. 254 Arno, A. (1985). Structural Communication and Control Communication: An Interactionist Perspective on Legal and Customary Procedures for Conflict Management. American Anthropologist, 40-55. Auriat, K. (2018, February 17). Kerry Nation -- Trespassing is not a death sentence. Retrieved from The Brandon Sun: https://www.proquest.com/newspapers/kerry-nation-trespassing-is-not-death-sentence/docview/2002717279/se-2 Austen, I. (2018, February 10). Trial Reflects on Canada’s Relations with Indigenous Population; Canada’s troubled history with its Indigenous people. The New York Times, p. A.7. Avenanti, A., Sirigu, A., & Aglioti, S. M. (2010). Racial Bias reduces Empathic Sensorimotor Resonance with Other-Race Pain. Current Biology, 20(11), 1018-1022. Babych, S. (2019, October 9). Rancher files $150K countersuit against trespasser he shot in 2018. Edmonton Journal, p. A.8. Bailey, C. (2019, January 3). Canaries in a Coal Mine – Beyond Colten Boushie. Retrieved from Montreal Serai: https://montrealserai.com/article/canaries-in-a-coal-mine-beyond-colten-boushie/#.Y6TQTnbMJD8 Bakker, C. B., & Bakker-Rabdau, M. K. (1973). No Trespassing: Explorations in Human Territoriality. Chandler & Sharp Publishing. Balkissoon, D. (2019, May 30). Colten Boushie's family wants an inquiry. What they deserve is action. The Globe and Mail, p. A.13. Bates, G. (2018, March 12). Raw emotions hold sway after verdict. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.4. Battiste, M., & Youngblood Henderson, J. (2000). Protecting Indigenous Knowledge and Heritage: A Global Challenge. Purich. 255 Baumberg, P. (2019, March 7). Not so perfect. The Calgary Sun, p. A.14. Beal, B., & Macleod, R. C. (1994). Prairie Fire: The 1885 North-West Rebellion. McClelland & Stewart. Beam, M. A., & Kosicki, G. M. (2014). Personalized News Portals: Filtering Systems and Increased News Exposure. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 91(1), 59-77. Bell, J. (2019, October 11). Take That! Eddie Maurice Fights. The High River Times, p. A.6. Bell, R. (2019, September 25). Kenney calls Eddie Maurice lawsuit harassment. Retrieved from The Calgary Sun: https://calgarysun.com/opinion/columnists/bell-kenney-calls-eddie-maurice-lawsuit-harassment Benford, R. D., & Snow, D. A. (2000). Framing Processes and Social Movements: An Overview and Assessment. Annual Review of Sociology, 26(1), 611-639. Benjoe, K. (2016a, August 23). ‘We have always known racism was here': chief. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.1. Benjoe, K. (2016b, September 19). Racism still hurts, say grandmothers; Education holds key to addressing the ignorance of people, one asserts. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.4. Benjoe, K. (2017, April 10). Powwow Chance to Share Culture and Build Bridges. Retrieved from Regina Leader-Post : https://leaderpost.com/news/local-news/powwow-is-an-opportunity-to-share-culture-and-build-bridges Bennett, D. (2019, November 7). Allow homeowners to defend lands: minister. National Post, p. A.5. Berlant, L. G. (2011). Cruel Optimism. Duke University Press. Berthiaume, L. (2018a, February 12). Tories critical of Trudeau’s response to shooting acquittal. Toronto Star, p. A.1. 256 Berthiaume, L. (2018b, February 18). Tories accuse PM of 'political interference' after comments on Boushie case. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/tories-accuse-pm-political-interference-after/docview/2001644266/se-2 Bhandar, B. (2018). Colonial Lives of Property. Duke University Press. Bhaskar, R. (2018, July 17). Fear and Loathing in the Lakeland: the rural crime problem and what to do about it. Cold Lake Sun, p. A.7. Bianchi, E. (2018, February 17). Boushie trial shows our justice system isn't working; Anger over Colten Boushie hold important lessons for Canada, Editorial, Feb. 12. The Toronto Star, p. IN.11. Bjornstrom, E. E., Kaufman, R. L., Peterson, R. D., & Slater, M. D. (2010). Race and Ethnic Representations of Lawbreakers and Victims in Crime News: A National Study of Television Coverage. Social Problems, 57(2), 269-293. Blaquiere, R. (2018, February 16). By design or defect, Colten is dead. The Bugle-Observer, p. A.7. Blatchford, C. (2018a, March 1). The verdict is in on the jury; Despite recent pontificating, it's a system that works. The Vancouver Sun, p. N.3. Blatchford, C. (2018b, June 12). 'Representative' juries firmly in a grey area; Race, courts again tested in shadow of Colten Boushie. The Vancouver Sun, p. NP.4. Blatchford, C. (2018c, June 27). Jury acquits Hamilton homeowner Peter Khill of murder in shooting of Indigenous man. Retrieved from The National Post: https://www.proquest.com/blogs-podcasts-websites/jury-acquits-hamilton-homeowner-peter-khill/docview/2060921150/se-2 257 Blatchford, C. (2018d, July 18). Damned one way or the other; The dilemma of handling 'teepee' protests. The Calgary Herald, p. NP.1. Blatchford, C. (2019, February 23). The burning question still remains; Why didn't Wilson-Raybould resign her post? The National Post, p. A.13. Blomley, N. (1998). Lanscapes of Property. Law & Society Review, 32(3), 567-612. Blomley, N. (2004). The Boundaries of Property: Lessons from Beatrix Potter. The Canadian Geographer, 48(2), 91-100. Blomley, N. (2013). Performing Property: Making the World. The Canadian Journal of Law and Jurisprudence, 26(1), 23-48. Blomley, N. (2016). The Territory of Property. Progress in Human Geography, 40(5), 593-609. Blumer, H. (1958). Race Prejudice as a Sense of Group Position. The Pacific Sociological Review, 3-7. Bobo, L. D., & Tuan, M. (2006). Prejudice in Politics: Group Position, Public Opinion, and the Wisconsin Treaty Rights Dispute. Harvard University Press. Bobo, L. D., Kluegel, J., & Smith, R. A. (1997). Laissez-Faire Racism: The Crystallization of a Kinder, Gentler, Anti-Black Ideology . In J. M. Tuch, Racial Attitudes in the 1990s (pp. 15-44). Greenwood. Bonokoski, M. (2018a, February 12). BONOKOSKI: Trudeau and his gang have no business in the jury box. Retrieved from The Toronto Sun: https://torontosun.com/opinion/columnists/bonokoski-trudeau-and-his-gang-have-no-business-in-the-jury-box Bonokoski, M. (2018b, February 13). Wither goes democracy; PM, ministers way out of line to so overtly castigate a verdict. The Edmonton Sun, p. A.10. 258 Bonokoski, M. (2018c, February 13). Wither goes democracy; PM, ministers way out of line to so overtly castigate a verdict. The Ottawa Sun, p. A.10. Bonokoski, M. (2018d, March 7). BONOKOSKI: Holstering the gun problem in wake of political opportunism. Retrieved from The Toronto Sun: https://torontosun.com/opinion/columnists/bonokoski-holstering-the-gun-problem-in-wake-of-political-opportunism Bonokoski, M. (2018e, March 8). Keep illegal handguns out; Also, take aim at stores that indiscriminately sell pistols. The Winnipeg Sun, p. A.7. Borrows, J. (2015). Aboriginal Title and Private Property. The Supreme Court Law Review: Osgoode’s Annual Constitutional Cases Conference. 71. Osgoode Digital Commons. Botelho-Urbanski, J. (2018, March 6). ‘Ask me anything Indigenous,’ teachers say. Winnipeg Free Press, p. B.3. Bourgeault, R. (1994). The killing of Leo LaChance. Canadian Dimension, 28(2), 21. Bowling, E. (2018, March 13). You’re not the Punisher. The Westlock News, p. A.6. Bradford, B. (2018, February 15). Verdicts often upset losing side. The Calgary Herald, p. A.15. Brandl, A. (2018, February 19). Deliberations on Juries. The Globe and Mail, p. A.12. Brandon Sun. (2018a, February 16). Indigenous voices deserve to be heard. Retrieved from The Brandon Sun: https://www.brandonsun.com/opinion/indigenous-voices-deserve-to-be-heard-474254373.html Brandon Sun. (2018b, February 24). Careful about making changes to justice system. Retrieved from The Brandon Sun: https://www.brandonsun.com/opinion/2018/02/24/careful-about-making-changes-to-justice-system 259 Brandon Sun. (2018c, March 3). Sound Off -- March 3, 2018. Retrieved from The Brandon Sun: https://www.proquest.com/newspapers/sound-off-march-3-2018/docview/2545904995/se-2 Braun, W. (2018, March 12). Who is my neighbour? Thoughts on the Colten Boushie case. Canadian Mennonite, 22(6), p. 12. Brean, J. (2016, August 16). Distrust Looms over Probe into Man's Shooting; First Nations Incident Symbol of Racial Divide in Saskatchewan. The Windsor Star, p. N.3. Brewer, G. L. (2018, February 16). The killing of Colten Boushie: Why the shooting of a Canadian Cree man has so many people angry. Retrieved from High Country News: https://www.hcn.org/articles/indian-country-news-the-death-of-colten-boushie Briggs, J. (2018, February 16). I Was In The Courtroom. The Toronto Sun, p. A.16. Broadley, L. (2018, March 2). Indigenous justice co-ordinators call for inquiry into Colten Boushie death. St. Thomas Times-Journal, p. A.2. Brodbeck, T. (2018, February 15). Jury diversity could be tough to achieve. The Valley Leader, p. A.7. Bronskill, J. (2018, February 16). RCMP member launches appeal to avoid new hearing over alleged harassment. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/rcmp-member-launches-appeal-avoid-new-hearing/docview/2002885316/se-2 Browne, S. (2015). Dark Matters: On the Surveillance of Blackness. Duke University Press. Buffam, B. (2011). Can't Hold Us Back! Hip-Hop and the Racial Motility of Aboriginal Bodies in Urban Spaces. Social Identities, 17(3), 337-350. 260 Bundale, B. (2018, February 12). Aboriginal politicians seek action: ‘We can stand together even if we are apart’. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/aboriginal-politicians-seek-action-we-can-stand/docview/2002025431/se-2 Butt, D. (2018a, February 10). How the justice system let race taint the Stanley verdict. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/how-the-justice-system-let-race-taint-the-stanley-verdict/article37931748/ Butt, D. (2018b, February 12). How Canada's justice system let race taint the Stanley verdict. The Globe and Mail, p. A.13. Cairns, J. (2018, February 10). First Nations groups decry Colten Boushie murder trial verdict. Retrieved from Vancouver Is Awesome: https://www.vancouverisawesome.com/courier-archive/news/first-nations-groups-decry-colten-boushie-murder-trial-verdict-3067410 Calder v British Columbia (AG), 313 (SCR January 31, 1973). Campbell, M. (2018, February 23). Letter to the Editor. The High River Times, p. A.6. Campion-Smith, B. (2018, February 14). Justin Trudeau promises new focus on rights of Indigenous Peoples. Retrieved from Toronto Star: https://www.thestar.com/news/canada/2018/02/14/justin-trudeau-promises-new-focus-on-rights-of-indigenous-peoples.html Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, Part 1 of the Constitution Act, c 11 (Schedule B to the Canada Act 1982 (UK) 1982). Canadian Press. (2016a, August 14). Brad Wall says ‘racist and hate-filled’ comments after fatal shooting must stop. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/brad-wall-says-racist-hate-filled-comments-after/docview/1811661344/se-2 261 Canadian Press. (2016b, August 20). Judge grants bail to Saskatchewan farmer charged with murder of First Nations man. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/judge-grants-bail-saskatchewan-farmer-charged/docview/1812849452/se-2 Canadian Press. (2016c, August 20). Mounties in Saskatchewan warn some social media comments could be criminal. Retrieved from Lethbridge News Now: https://lethbridgenewsnow.com/2016/08/20/mounties-in-saskatchewan-warn-some-social-media-comments-could-be-criminal/ Canadian Press. (2016d, August 21). Saskatchewan councillor regrets online post about killing of aboriginal man: wife. Retrieved from CTV News: https://www.ctvnews.ca/canada/saskatchewan-councillor-regrets-online-post-about-killing-of-aboriginal-man-wife-1.3037420 Canadian Press. (2016e, October 25). 'The gun just went off:' Documents describe deadly Saskatchewan farm shooting. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/gun-just-went-off-documents-describe-deadly/docview/1832963072/se-2 Canadian Press. (2016f, October 30). Top News Advisory for Sunday, Oct. 30. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/top-news-advisory-sunday-oct-30/docview/1834644239/se-2 Canadian Press. (2016g, November 23). Accused of shooting First Nations man: Gerald Stanley faces firearms charges. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/accused-shooting-first-nations-man-gerald-stanley/docview/1843145318/se-2 262 Canadian Press. (2016h, November 24). Prep-Agriculture-Report. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/prep-agriculture-report/docview/1846365326/se-2 Canadian Press. (2017a, March 14). Rural crime frustration palpable, but don’t take law into own hands: minister. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/rural-crime-frustration-palpable-dont-take-law/docview/1878046584/se-2 Canadian Press. (2017b, March 16). Rural group’s resolution to expand rights to defend about crime, says president. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/rural-groups-resolution-expand-rights-defend/docview/1878493249/se-2 Canadian Press. (2017c, March 18). --Prairie Update--. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/prairie-update/docview/1878746144/se-2 Canadian Press. (2017d, April 3). Prairie Audio 1:00 PM MT. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/prairie-audio-1-00-pm-mt/docview/1884225699/se-2 Canadian Press. (2017e, April 4). Prep-Agriculture-Report. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/prep-agriculture-report/docview/1884429731/se-2 Canadian Press. (2017f, April 4). The Canadian Press News Agenda for Wednesday, April 5. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/canadian-press-news-agenda-wednesday-april-5/docview/1897396556/se-2 Canadian Press. (2017g, April 6). --Prairie Update--. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/prairie-update/docview/1885293139/se-2 263 Canadian Press. (2017h, April 6). Prep-Agriculture-Report. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/prep-agriculture-report/docview/1885212253/se-2 Canadian Press. (2017i, April 7). --Prairie Update--. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/prairie-update/docview/1885511911/se-2 Canadian Press. (2017j, August 24). Saskatchewan Indigenous group wants province to rethink rural crime task force. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/saskatchewan-indigenous-group-wants-province/docview/1932423093/se-2 Canadian Press. (2017k, November 2). --Prairie Update--. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/prairie-update/docview/1959762786/se-2 Canadian Press. (2017l, November 3). Top News Advisory for Friday, Nov. 3. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/top-news-advisory-friday-nov-3/docview/1960029888/se-2 Canadian Press. (2018a, January 16). Media want to broadcast murder trial of farmer charged with in Indigenous man’s death. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/media-want-broadcast-murder-trial-farmer-charged/docview/1988769967/se-2 Canadian Press. (2018aa, March 12). Editorial Exchange: The challenge ahead for Brenda Lucki, the country’s new top cop. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/editorial-exchange-challenge-ahead-brenda-lucki/docview/2013691413/se-2 Canadian Press. (2018ab, March 13). Rural residents worried about crime, property rights. The Medicine Hat News, p. A.7. 264 Canadian Press. (2018ac, March 15). RCMP in southern Alberta charge second suspect in rural theft case. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/rcmp-southern-alberta-charge-second-suspect-rural/docview/2014572086/se-2 Canadian Press. (2018ad, April 18). --Prairie Update--. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/prairie-update/docview/2027528572/se-2 Canadian Press. (2018ae, August 10). Saskatchewan RCMP defends relationship with Indigenous people following lawsuit. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/saskatchewan-rcmp-defends-relationship-with/docview/2087318857/se-2 Canadian Press. (2018af, August 11). --Prairie Update--. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/prairie-update/docview/2087548658/se-2 Canadian Press. (2018ag, November 4). Sask-Trespassing-Laws. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/sask-trespassing-laws/docview/2130103697/se-2 Canadian Press. (2018ah, November 15). Most survey respondents support changes to Saskatchewan trespassing legislation. Retrieved from National Post: https://nationalpost.com/pmn/news-pmn/canada-news-pmn/most-survey-respondents-support-changes-to-saskatchewan-trespassing-legislation Canadian Press. (2018ai, November 27). Prairie Audio 1:40 PM MT. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/prairie-audio-1-40-pm-mt/docview/2139179505/se-2 265 Canadian Press. (2018aj, November 28). A look at CP’s end-of-year coverage plans. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/look-at-cps-end-year-coverage-plans/docview/2139682690/se-2 Canadian Press. (2018ak, December 11). YEAR IN BRIEF-February 2018. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/year-brief-february-2018/docview/2155236870/se-2 Canadian Press. (2018b, January 29). In the news today, Jan. 29. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/news-today-jan-29/docview/1992725511/se-2 Canadian Press. (2018c, January 30). Murder trial begins for farmer in fatal shooting. The Medicine Hat News, p. A.6. Canadian Press. (2018d, January 30). Top News Advisory for Tuesday, Jan. 30. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/top-news-advisory-tuesday-jan-30/docview/1993162462/se-2 Canadian Press. (2018e, January 31). --Prairie Update--. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/prairie-update/docview/1993351220/se-2 Canadian Press. (2018f, January 31). ‘Just went off:’ farmer’s son describes night Indigenous man shot. The Whitehorse Star, p. A.10. Canadian Press. (2018g, February 1). Prairie Audio 11:50 AM MT. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/prairie-audio-11-50-am-mt/docview/1993636270/se-2 266 Canadian Press. (2018h, February 2). --Fifteenth NewsWatch--. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/fifteenth-newswatch/docview/1993884713/se-2 Canadian Press. (2018i, February 2). Critics of Kinder Morgan pipeline prepare to greet Trudeau. The Whitehorse Star, p. A.17. Canadian Press. (2018j, February 2). Witness says he lied about farm shooting. The Medicine Hat News, p. A.6. Canadian Press. (2018k, February 3). --Fourth Newswatch--. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/fourth-newswatch/docview/1993942470/se-2 Canadian Press. (2018l, February 5). Fatal Saskatchewan farm shooting not justified but a 'freak accident:' defence. The Whitehorse Star, p. A.8. Canadian Press. (2018m, February 5). In the news today, Feb. 5. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/news-today-feb-5/docview/1995771633/se-2 Canadian Press. (2018n, February 8). A look at key events in the investigation and murder trial of Gerald Stanley. Retrieved from paNOW: https://panow.com/2018/02/08/a-look-at-key-events-in-the-investigation-and-murder-trial-of-gerald-stanley-2/ Canadian Press. (2018n, February 6). No murder trial today for Saskatchewan farmer Gerald Stanley. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/no-murder-trial-today-saskatchewan-farmer-gerald/docview/1999285787/se-2 Canadian Press. (2018o, February 9). --Nineteenth NewsWatch--. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/nineteenth-newswatch/docview/2000940251/se-2 267 Canadian Press. (2018p, February 11). --Prairie Update--. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/prairie-update/docview/2001347936/se-2 Canadian Press. (2018q, February 12). Sask-farm-shooting. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/sask-farm-shooting/docview/2002081356/se-2 Canadian Press. (2018r, February 13). Some farmers support murder acquittal of Gerald Stanley; Boushie’s family meets federal ministers after acquittal in murder trial; Scott Moe says he’s open to talks on jury selection. The Medicine Hat News, p. A.6. Canadian Press. (2018s, February 14). Excerpts from Trudeau’s House of Commons speech on new Indigenous policy. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/excerpts-trudeaus-house-commons-speech-on-new/docview/2002582680/se-2 Canadian Press. (2018t, February 15). Mountie believed to have posted to Facebook saying Colten Boushie ‘got what he deserved’. Retrieved from Victoria News: https://www.vicnews.com/news/rcmp-officer-posts-to-facebook-saying-colten-boushie-got-what-he-deserved/ Canadian Press. (2018u, February 19). Shot fired at home on rural property west of Battleford in Saskatchewan. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/shot-fired-at-home-on-rural-property-west/docview/2006875696/se-2 Canadian Press. (2018v, February 25). Alberta RCMP say shooting happened when rural homeowner confronted suspects. Retrieved from Saskatoon StarPhoenix: https://thestarphoenix.com/news/national/alberta-rcmp-say-shooting-happened-when-rural-homeowner-confronted-suspects 268 Canadian Press. (2018w, March 6). Colten Boushie shooting death: Police watchdog launches probe into RCMP investigation. Retrieved from Saskatoon StarPhoenix: https://thestarphoenix.com/news/local-news/colten-boushie-shooting-death-police-watchdog-launches-probe-into-rcmp-investigation Canadian Press. (2018x, March 7). 'No justice' after crown won't appeal acquittal in farm shooting: Father. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/no-justice-after-crown-wont-appeal-acquittal-farm/docview/2012338760/se-2 Canadian Press. (2018y, March 7). ‘No justice’ Crown won’t appeal acquittal in Sask. farm shooting: father. The Medicine Hat News, p. A.7. Canadian Press. (2018z, March 8). ‘Not a happy day:’ Farmer’s family relieved no Crown appeal in murder acquittal. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/not-happy-day-farmers-family-relieved-no-crown/docview/2012669797/se-2 Canadian Press. (2019a, May 9). Saskatchewan toughens trespass law. Times-Colonist, p. A.7. Canadian Press. (2019b, May 13). Prep-Agriculture-Report. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/prep-agriculture-report/docview/2225049436/se-2 Canadian Press. (2019c, November 6). New rural crime measure in Alberta will prevent lawsuits against homeowners who lawfully defend their property. Retrieved from National Post: https://nationalpost.com/news/alberta-to-prevent-lawsuits-against-homeowners-protecting-property#:~:text=New%20rural%20crime%20measure%20in%20Alberta%20will%20prevent,2019%20%E2%80%A2%203%20minute%20read%20Join%20the%20conversation 269 Cardinal, H., & Hildebrandt, W. (2000). Treaty Elders of Saskatchewan: Our Dream Is That Our Peoples Will One Day Be Clearly Recognized as Nations. Calgary: University of Calgary Press. Carlson, B., & Frazer, R. (2020). “They Got Filters”: Indigenous Social Media, the Settler Gaze, and a Politics of Hope. Social Media + Society, 6(2). Carlson, J. (2015). Citizen-Protectors: The Everyday Politics of Gun in an Age of Decline. Oxford University Press. Carmichael, H. (2018, February 13). Justice for Colten Boushie; During visit to Sudbury, premier asked about verdict in controversial murder trial. The Sudbury Star, p. A.1. Carter, S. (1989). Two Acres and a Cow: ‘Peasant’ Farming for the Indians of the Northwest, 1889–97. The Canadian Historical Review, 70(1), 27-52. Carter, S. (1990). Lost Harvests: Prairie Indian Reserve Farmers and Government Policy. McGill-Queen's University Press. Carter, S. (1999). Aboriginal People and Colonizers of Western Canada to 1900. University of Toronto Press. Caverly, R. (2018, February 14). Changing jury selection could add racial element to verdicts. The Ottawa Citizen, p. A.9. CBC. (2018a, January 28). Saskatchewan: Tensions build around Colten Boushie case as trial nears. Retrieved from The National - CBC Television: https://www.proquest.com/other-sources/saskatchewan-tensions-build-around-colten-boushie/docview/1991927542/se-2 CBC. (2018b, January 30). Trial for Colten Boushie's alleged killer divides community. Retrieved from The National - CBC Television: https://www.proquest.com/other-sources/trial-colten-boushies-alleged-killer-divides/docview/1992587226/se-2 270 CBC. (2018c, February 11). Outrage sparked by Gerald Stanley’s acquittal could turn into something positive. Retrieved from The National - CBC Television: https://www.proquest.com/other-sources/outrage-sparked-gerald-stanley-s-acquittal-could/docview/2001000708/se-2 CBC. (2018d, March 5). Police neglected duty in investigating Indigenous man's death. Retrieved from The National - CBC Television: https://www.proquest.com/other-sources/police-neglected-duty-investigating-indigenous/docview/2010741285/se-2 CBC. (2018e, August 9). Family’s civil suit claims Gerald Stanley recklessly caused Colten Boushie’s death. Retrieved from The National - CBC Television: https://www.proquest.com/other-sources/familys-civil-suit-claims-gerald-stanley/docview/2086207661/se-2 CBC. (2021, March 22). Pain, vindication for Colten Boushie’s mother. Retrieved from The National – CBC Television: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=H4TVbRzTdaA CBC News. (2016, August 13). RCMP respond to FSIN statement on fatally shot Indigenous man. Retrieved from CBC News: https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/saskatchewan/rcmp-response-indigenous-man-death-1.3719518 CBC Radio. (2018, March 3). Boushie. Retrieved from CBC Radio: https://www.cbc.ca/listen/live-radio/1-180-boushie CBC Radio Canada. (2020, July 9). What Systemic Racism in Canada Looks Like. Retrieved from YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7GmX5stT9rU Central Plains Herald-Leader. (2017, March 23). NFU finds SARM resolution deeply concerning; will not solve rural problems. Central Plains Herald-Leader, p. A.15. 271 Chabun, W. (2016, August 24). Shooting shows communication is vital, SARM president says. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.1. Charach, R. (2018, February 15). Time to focus on the issue of guns. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.6. Charlebois, K. (2018, February 12). Kenora community rallies for justice for Colten Boushie after trial verdict. Retrieved from Kenora Daily Miner and News: https://www.proquest.com/blogs-podcasts-websites/kenora-community-rallies-justice-colten-boushie/docview/2191138677/se-2 Charlton, J. (2016, October 22). RCMP showed ‘racist’ attitude toward Boushie's family: lawyer. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.4. Cheevers, M. (2018a, February 15). Community comes together at vigil for Colten Boushie. Retrieved from Niagara This Week: https://www.niagarathisweek.com/news-story/8137611-community-comes-together-at-vigil-for-colten-boushie/ Cheevers, M. (2018b, February 27). Blanket walk to honour Tina Fontaine. Retrieved from Niagara This Week: https://www.niagarathisweek.com/news-story/8287779-blanket-walk-to-honour-tina-fontaine/ Cherepak, G. (2018, February 14). Letters and comments, Feb. 14. Winnipeg Free Press, p. A.6. Chilton, P. (2005). Missing Links in Mainstream CDA: Modules, Blends and the Critical Instinct. In R. Wodak, & P. Chilton, A New Agenda in (Critical) Discourse Analysis: Theory, Methodology and Interdisciplinarity (pp. 19-51). John Benjamins Publishing Co. Chittley, J., & Read, D. (2018, February 9). Evening Update newsletter: Jobs drop, Winter Olympics, Philippines cancels helicopter deal. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: 272 https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/evening-update-newsletter-jobs-drop-winter-olympics-philippines-cancels-helicopter-deal/article37927037/ Chittley, J., & Slobodian, S. R. (2018, January 29). Evening Update newsletter: Alleged serial killer, NAFTA, Doug Ford. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/evening-update-newsletter-alleged-serial-killer-nafta-doug-ford/article37778172/ Chittley, J., Alaz, M., Rana, K., & Slobodian, S. R. (2018, February 15). Evening Update newsletter: Florida shooting, New South Africa president, Olympics. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/evening-update-newsletter-florida-shooting-new-south-africa-president-olympics/article38000949/ Chute, C. (2019, October 1). Jury in murder trial picked by lottery under new rules. Strathroy Age Dispatch. Clairmont, S. (2018a, June 11). ‘Triers of fact’ being chosen for Peter Khill murder trial. Retrieved from The Hamilton Spectator: https://www.thespec.com/opinion/2018/06/12/triers-of-fact-being-chosen-for-peter-khill-murder-trial.html?rf Clairmont, S. (2018b, June 12). ‘Triers of fact’ being chosen for Peter Khill murder trial: Jury selection is charged because the accused is white and the victim, Jon Styres, is Indigenous echoing the Colten Boushie case. The Hamilton Spectator, p. A.1. Clairmont, S. (2018c, June 28). Peter Khill found not guilty: Reactions in courtroom ranged from tears of relief from his supporters to angry swearing from the Styres' side. Retrieved from The Hamilton Spectator: https://www.thespec.com/opinion/2018/06/28/peter-khill-found-not-guilty.html 273 Clairmont, S. (2018d, June 28). Peter Khill found not guilty: Reactions in courtroom ranged from tears of relief from his supporters to angry swearing from the Styres' side. The Hamilton Spectator, p. A.1. Clancy, C. (2018, February 28). 'We are seen as disposable': Edmonton rally demands justice for Tina Fontaine and Colten Boushie; More than 200 people gathered in Edmonton's Churchill Square before marching downtown, brandishing signs that read "justice for Tina and Colten". Wetaskiwin Times Advertiser, p. A.6. Clark, S. (2019). Overrepresentation of Indigenous People in the Canadian Criminal Justice System: Causes and Responses. Ottawa: Research and Statistics Division, Department of Justice Canada. Clarke, T. (2016, August 13). Cycle of discrimination continues: Discrimination. Prince Albert Daily Herald, p. A.3. Clarke, T. (2018, April 17). Many see justice system as unfair to Indigenous people. Retrieved from The Brandon Sun: https://www.brandonsun.com/local/2018/04/17/many-see-justice-system-as-unfair-to-indigenous-people Clayton, R. (2018, February 22). Tragic events of a summer day in a Saskatchewan farm yard serve as a catalyst for social justice. Lake of the Woods Enterprise, p. A.6. Cold Lake Sun. (2018, March 13). Demand action on rural crime. Cold Lake Sun, p. A.6. Colden, C. (1755). The History of the Five Indian Nations of Canada. Retrieved from Canadiana. Colgan, G. (2019, September 23). ANALYSIS: Changes to jury selection praised and panned by lawyers. The Woodstock Daily Sentinel Review. Collins, R. E. (2018). The Construction of Race and Crime in Canadian Print Media: A 30-year Analysis. Criminology & Criminal Justice, 14(1), 77-99. 274 Comack, E. (2012). Racialized Policing: Aboriginal People's Encounters with the Police. Fernwood Publishing. Connolly, C. (2018a, February 22). “No representation” rally. Echville Echo, p. A.5. Connolly, C. (2018b, February 22). “No representation” rally. Sylvan Lake News, p. A.7. Connor, K. (2018, February 10). Toronto's Indigenous Communities protest not-guilty verdict in Colten Boushie case. Retrieved from The Toronto Sun: https://torontosun.com/news/local-news/torontos-indigenous-communities-protest-not-guilty-verdict-in-colten-boushie-case Coolican, L. (2018, February 2). Editorial: In age of social media, balancing free and responsible speech difficult. Retrieved from Saskatoon StarPhoenix: https://thestarphoenix.com/opinion/editorials/editorial-balancing-free-and-responsible-speech-difficult Corbella, L. (2018a, February 28). Rural landowners ‘afraid in their homes’ as crime spikes. Calgary Herald, p. A.1. Corbella, L. (2018b, June 22). Corbella: Rural crime a “meth-fuelled epidemic”. Retrieved from Calgary Herald: https://calgaryherald.com/news/local-news/corbella-rural-crime-a-meth-fuelled-epidemic/wcm/5017b0ec-c35d-42f4-ba7b-8c06d848ba53 Corbella, L. (2018c, June 23). Ricochet heard far and wide; Eddie Maurice’s ordeal brought needed attention to scourge of rural crime. Calgary Sun, p. A.13. Coroners Act, c C-38.01 (Saskatchewan 1999). Cosh, C. (2016, August 16). A Saskatchewan shooting, racial tension and a steak dinner. National Post, p. A.9. 275 Cosh, C. (2018, February 12). Colby Cosh: Gerald Stanley being tried by his peers isn’t a bug, it’s a feature. Retrieved from National Post: https://nationalpost.com/opinion/colby-cosh-gerald-stanley-being-tried-by-his-peers-isnt-a-bug-its-a-feature Cosh, C. (2019, October 3). Alberta shooting case is back in the headlines. National Post, p. A.11. Cowan, P. (2017a, August 5). Ugly racial divide persists across land of living skies; Recent incidents underline lingering distrust between white and First Nations people. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.3. Cowan, P. (2017b, August 5). Ugly racial divide persists across land of living skies; Recent incidents underline lingering distrust between white and First Nations people in province. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.3. Cox, B. (2018, February 16). Voice of The People. Shared blame for tragedy. Halifax Chronicle-Herald, p. A.10. Cox, W., & Keller, J. (2020, January 25). Western Canada: Fears about rural crime boil over in Alberta as province vows crackdown. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/british-columbia/article-western-canada-fears-about-rural-crime-boil-over-in-alberta-as/ Coyle, J. (2018, February 16). Colten Boushie case a reminder that justice system’s biases go beyond race. Retrieved from The Toronto Star: https://www.thestar.com/opinion/star-columnists/2018/02/16/colten-boushie-case-a-reminder-that-justice-systems-biases-go-beyond-race.html 276 Craig, G. (2018a, February 22). Letters to the editor: February 22, 2018. Retrieved from Regina Leader-Post: https://www.proquest.com/blogs-podcasts-websites/letters-editor-february-22-2018/docview/2007385540/se-2 Craig, G. (2018b, February 26). Letters to the editor: February 26, 2018. Retrieved from Regina Leader-Post: https://leaderpost.com/opinion/letters/letters-to-the-editor-february-26-2018 Craig, G. (2018c, March 1). Letters to the editor: March 1, 2018. Retrieved from Regina Leader-Post: https://leaderpost.com/opinion/letters/letters-to-the-editor-march-1-2018 Criminal Code, RSC c. C-46 (1985). Croker, G. (2018, February 13). Redirect anger to make a positive change. Daily Press, p. A.4. CTV National News. (2016, August 18). Justice for Colten Boushie. Retrieved from CTV National News - CTV Television: https://www.proquest.com/newspapers/justice-colten-boushie/docview/1812349745/se-2 CTV National News. (2018a, January 29). Gerald Stanley Trial. Retrieved from CTV National News - CTV Television: https://www.proquest.com/newspapers/gerald-stanley-trial/docview/1992180769/se-2 CTV National News. (2018b, January 31). Gerald Stanley Trial. Retrieved from CTV National News - CTV Television: https://www.proquest.com/newspapers/gerald-stanley-trial/docview/1992813946/se-2 CTV National News. (2018c, February 2). Gerald Stanley Murder Trial. Retrieved from CTV National News - CTV Television: https://www.proquest.com/newspapers/gerald-stanley-murder-trial/docview/1993894243/se-2 CTV National News. (2018d, February 5). Gerald Stanley Takes Testifies In His Own Defence. Retrieved from CTV National News - CTV Television: 277 https://www.proquest.com/newspapers/gerald-stanley-takes-testifies-his-own-defence/docview/1994232381/se-2 CTV National News. (2018e, February 14). An End To Costly Legal Battles. Retrieved from CTV National News - CTV Television: https://www.proquest.com/newspapers/end-costly-legal-battles/docview/2002097749/se-2 CTV Television. (2018, February 18). The Scrum, Part I. Retrieved from Question Period - CTV Television: https://www.proquest.com/newspapers/scrum-part-i/docview/2002904119/se-2 Culic, J. (2018, March 5). Powwow celebrates 35 years for Fort Erie Native Friendship Centre. Retrieved from Fort Erie Post: https://www.niagarathisweek.com/news-story/8300288-powwow-celebrates-35-years-for-fort-erie-native-friendship-centre/ Cunliffe, E. (2020). The magic gun: Settler Legality, Forensic Science, and the Stanley Trial. Canadian Bar Review, 98(2), 270-314. Cunneen, C. (2011). Indigeneity, Sovereignty, and the Law: Challenging the Processes of Criminalization. South Atlantic Quarterly, 98(2), 309-327. Cuthand, D. (2016a, August 19). Boushie shooting marks backward step on the path to progress. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.7. Cuthand, D. (2016b, August 20). Boushie shooting marks backward step on the path to progress. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.7. Cuthand, D. (2016c, September 8). Let's hope Tories move past Harper's policies. Retrieved from Saskatoon StarPhoenix: https://www.proquest.com/newspapers/lets-hope-tories-move-past-harpers-policies/docview/2181690815/se-2 278 Cuthand, D. (2017a, August 26). ‘Rural crime’ crackdown aimed at Aboriginals. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.8. Cuthand, D. (2017b, August 26). ‘Rural crime’ crackdown aimed at Aboriginals. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.8. Cuthand, D. (2018a, February 3). First Nations traditions tested at Stanley trial. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.8. Cuthand, D. (2018b, February 9). Fatal shooting case puts entire province on trial. Sudbury Star, p. A.10. Cuthand, D. (2018c, February 10). We can only ask for justice, peace for all concerned; Trial highlights divide between settler community, First Nations. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.9. Cuthand, D. (2018d, February 10). We can only ask for justice, peace for all concerned; Trial highlights divide between settler community, First Nations. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.8. Cuthand, D. (2018e, February 12). Cuthand: Race relations deteriorate in wake of Stanley verdict. Retrieved from St. Thomas Times-Journal: https://www.proquest.com/blogs-podcasts-websites/cuthand-race-relations-deteriorate-wake-stanley/docview/2195435502/se-2 Cuthand, D. (2019a, February 8). Racial tensions still high year after Stanley verdict. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.1. Cuthand, D. (2019b, May 25). Trespass law goes against treaty rights; It Caters to rural landowners who form Sask. Party base. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.10. Cuthand, D. (2019c, May 25). Trespass law goes against treaty rights; It Caters to rural landowners who form Sask. Party base. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.10. 279 Dabashi, H. (2015). Can Non-Europeans Think? Zed Books. Dafoe, I. (2018, February 15). Deadly Force. The Globe and Mail, p. A.14. Dahlman, R. (2018, March 16). Hopefully those in government understand...even from their urban offices. Swift Current Prairie Post East, p. A.11. D'Andrea, T. (2018, February 14). Tipping the scales of justice. The National Post, p. A.8. D'Angelo, P. (2018). Doing News Framing Analysis II: Empirical and Theoretical Perspectives. Routledge Taylor & Francis Group. Daschuk, J. (2019). Clearing the Plains: Disease, Politics of Starvation, and the Loss of Indigenous Life. University of Regina Press. David, J.-D., & Mitchell, M. (2021). Contacts with the Police and the Over-Representation of Indigenous Peoples in the Canadian Criminal Justice System. Canadian Journal of Criminology and Criminal Justice, 63(2), 23-45. Davidson, D. (2018, February 15). Dawsonites march to support Boushie family. Whitehorse Star, p. A.5. Davis, A. M., & Fraser, D. C. (2018, September 8). Court orders protest camp in Wascana Park to leave. Retrieved from Regina Leader-Post: https://leaderpost.com/news/local-news/court-orders-protest-camp-in-wascana-park-to-leave Davis, B. (2018, March 24). Local voices join thousands worldwide in call to end gun violence. Retrieved from Waterloo Region Record: https://www.therecord.com/news/waterloo-region/2018/03/25/local-voices-join-thousands-worldwide-in-call-to-end-gun-violence.html Dawkins, G. (2018, February 11). ‘Justice for Colten’; Hundreds gather to call for change after Stanley verdict. The Winnipeg Sun, p. A.4. 280 Dawson, T. (2018a, October 19). 'The RCMP are losing the trust of the people'; How an Albertan became symbol of rural crime fight. The Vancouver Sun, p. NP.1. Dawson, T. (2018b, October 19). New Mantra shoot, shovel, and shut up. National Post, p. A.6. Dawson, T. (2018c, October 27). Citizens In Cars On Patrol; How People In A Small Alberta Town Are Helping Police Fight Rural Crime. National Post, p. A.12. Dawson, T. (2019a, September 24). Alberta father ‘shocked’ by property intruder’s lawsuit. Calgary Herald, p. A.8. Dawson, T. (2019b, October 9). Man files countersuit against trespasser; Alberta. National Post, p. A.9. Day, N. (2018, September 4). A treaty is more important than a bylaw; Government’s claim to authority over land is problematic, Nick Day writes. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.5. Deibert, D. (2018a, February 8). A day-by-day breakdown of Stanley trial. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.4. Deibert, D. (2018b, February 12). 'Difficult discussions' must take place following Boushie shooting, Stanley trial: Premier Moe. Retrieved from Saskatoon StarPhoenix: https://thestarphoenix.com/news/local-news/difficult-discussions-must-take-place-following-boushie-shooting-stanley-trial-premier-moe Deibert, D. (2018c, March 9). Stanley ‘relieved’ not to face appeal in murder acquittal; But ‘this is not a happy day,’ his lawyer says. National Post, p. A.4. Deibert, D. (2018d, March 14). No charges against Sask. property owner who fired gun in air during break and enter: RCMP. Retrieved from Saskatoon StarPhoenix: https://thestarphoenix.com/news/local-news/no-charges-against-saskatchewan-property-owner-who-fired-gun-in-air-during-break-and-enter-rcmp 281 Demmers, J. (2017). Theories of Violent Conflict: An Introduction . Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group. Denis, J. (2020). Canada at a Crossroads: Boundaries, Bridges, and Laissez-Faire Racism in Indigenous-Settler Relations. University of Toronto Press. Dennett, J. F. ([18-?] 2012). The Voyages and Travels of Captains Ross, Parry Franklin, and Mr. Belzoni: forming an interesting history of the manners, customs, and characters of various nations. Retrieved from Canadiana. Derosa, K. (2018, March 13). Biased policing a reality for Indigenous people, critic says. Times-Colonist, p. A.1. Dhillon, S. (2018, February 27). Court case highlights concerns about Indigenous representation on juries. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/british-columbia/first-nations-challenge-jury-representation/article38142075/ DiAngelo, R. (2018). White Fragility: Why it's so Hard for White People to talk about Racism. Beacon Press. Dickason, O. P., & McNab, D. T. (2009). Canada's First Nations: A history of founding peoples from earliest times. Oxford University Press. Dijk, T. A. (2005). Contextual Knowledge Management and Discourse Production: A CDA Perspective. In R. Wodak, & P. Chilton, A New Agenda in (Critical) Discourse Analysis: Theory, Methodology and Interdisciplinarity (pp. 71-100). John Benjamins Publishing Co. Dixon, B. (2018, February 15). Right to self-defence? The Province, p. A.15. Doyle, D. G. (2017). Louis Riel: Let Justice be done. Ronsdale Press. 282 Drinkwater, R. (2016a, October 30). Family of man shot on Saskatchewan farm calls for out-of-province investigator. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/family-man-shot-on-saskatchewan-farm-calls-out/docview/1834631516/se-2 Drinkwater, R. (2016b, October 31). Family of man shot on Saskatchewan farm calls for out-of-province investigator. Fort McMurray Today, p. A.6. Drinkwater, R. (2018, February 28). Okotoks RCMP detain rural homeowner after shots fired during confrontation. Pincher Creek Echo, p. A.11. DuBois, R., & Stewart, M. (2018). Colonial Courts and Settler Justice. Briarpatch, 47(3), 22-25. Ebner, D. (2016, August 26). Review: Duncan McCue's The Shoe Boy is an exploration of identity. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/arts/books-and-media/book-reviews/review-duncan-mccues-the-shoe-boy-is-an-exploration-of-identity/article31571170/ Economist. (2018, February 17). Canada’s Trayvon Martin moment. Retrieved from The Economist: https://www.economist.com/the-americas/2018/02/17/canadas-trayvon-martin-moment Edmiston, J. (2018, March 7). Police watchdog launches probe into how RCMP handled the shooting death of Colten Boushie. Retrieved from National Post: https://nationalpost.com/news/canada/police-watchdog-launches-probe-into-saskatchewan-farm-death-rcmp-investigation Edmonton Journal. (2019, June 1). Three to see Saturday. The Edmonton Journal, p. A.2. Edmonton Sun. (2018, March 2). Demand action on rural crime. The Edmonton Sun, p. A.14. 283 Edwards, K. (2018a, April 1). Battleground Saskatchewan. Retrieved from Maclean's: https://archive.macleans.ca/article/2018/4/1/battleground-saskatchewan Edwards, K. (2018b, May 1). Has the right jury reached a verdict?: In the Stanley trial, a step was skipped in the jury-picking process. Maclean's, pp. 12-13. Entman, R. M. (1993). Framing: Toward Clarification of a Fractured Paradigm. Journal of Communication, 43(4), 51-58. Environics Institute for Survey Research. (2016, June 30). Public Opinion About Aboriginal Issues in Canada 2016. Retrieved from Environics Institute: https://www.environicsinstitute.org/projects/project-details/public-opinion-about-aboriginal-issues-in-canada-2016 Epp, H. T., & Dyck, I. G. (1983). Tracking Ancient Hunters: Prehistoric Archaeology in Saskatchewan. Regina: Saskatchewan Archaeological Society. Esqueda, C. W., & Swanson, K. (1997). The influence of alcohol use and crime stereotypicality on culpability assignment for Native Americans and European Americans. American Indian Culture and Research Journal, 21(2), 229-254. Evans, G. M. (2018, February 13). The Stanley Verdict. The Globe and Mail, p. A.16. Fairclough, I., & Fairclough, N. (2012). Political Discourse Analysis: A Method for Advanced Students. Routledge. Fairclough, N. (2005). Critical Discourse Analysis in Transdisciplinary Research. In R. Wodak, & P. A. Chilton, A New Agenda in (Critical) Discourse Analysis: Theory, Methodology, and Interdisciplinarity (pp. 53-70). John Benjamins Publishing Co. Federation of Saskatchewan Indigenous Nations. (2016, August 13). RCMP fanned racial tensions. Prince Albert Daily Herald, p. A.4. 284 Fine, S. (2018, February 20). Lawyers decry PM’s tweets on Stanley trial. The Globe and Mail, p. A.3. Fine, S. (2019, November 6). Jury trials at risk as judge strikes down federal ban on peremptory challenges enacted after Boushie case. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-ontario-judge-strikes-down-federal-ban-on-peremptory-jury-selection/ FineDay, M. (2018, February 28). Rural reconciliation needs more attention. The Owen Sound Sun Times, p. A.5. Fingas, G. (2016a, September 15). Call out racism and prejudice when it happens. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.6. Fingas, G. (2016b, September 15). Call out racism and prejudice when it happens. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.8. Fisher, R. (1980). Contact & Conflict: Indian European relations in British Columbia. Simon Fraser University. Fitzpatrick, B. (2017, April 4). As Stanley hearing gets underway, Regina groups rally against SARM resolution on self-defence. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.7. Fitzpatrick, B., & MacPherson, A. (2017, August 24). Rural crime team more punitive than preventive. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.3. Fitzpatrick, K. (2018, February 20). Calls for education, justice reform as group gathers for teach-in following trial. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.3. Flanagan, T. (1992). Louis Riel. Canadian Historical Association. Fleras, A. (2011). The Media Gaze: Representations of Diversities in Canada. UBC Press. 285 Flynn, A., & Van Wagner, E. (2018, March 2). Killing should not be justified to protect property. Toronto Star, p. A.13. Flynn, A., & Van Wagner, E. (2020). A Colonial Castle: Defence of Property in R v Stanley. The Canadian Bar Review, 359-387. Forrest, M., & Thomson, S. (2018, February 13). Canada ‘must do better’; Trudeau weighs in amid indigenous protests over controversial shooting verdict. Calgary Herald, p. N.1. Foster, H., Raven, H., & Webber, J. (2007). Let Right Be Done: Aboriginal Title, the Calder Case, and the Future of Indigenous Rights. UBC Press. Foucault, M. (1961). Archaeology of Knowlegde and the Discourse on Language. (A. Sheridan Smith, Trans.) Pantheon Books. Foucault, M. (1981). The Order of Discourse. In R. Young (ed), Untying the Text: A Post-Structuralist Reader. Routledge. Frankenberg, R. (1993). Growing up White: Feminism, Racism and the Social Geography of Childhood. Feminist Review, 45(1), 51-84. Fraser, D. C. (2016, August 24). FSIN urges education to help combat racism. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.6. Fraser, D. C. (2018a, November 15). Sask. residents say permission needed before entering land: Report. Retrieved from Regina Leader-Post: https://leaderpost.com/news/saskatchewan/sask-residents-say-permission-needed-before-entering-land-report Fraser, D. C. (2018b, November 28). Trespassing legislation ‘dog-whistle politics’: NDP. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.3. 286 Fraser, D. C. (2018c, December 1). Province wants to smooth relationship, ‘work together’ with First Nations: AG. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.3. Fraser, D. C. (2018d, December 24). Year in review 2018. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.2. Fraser, G. (2019, March 19). Colten Boushie killing inspires Hot Docs opening-night film. Retrieved from The Toronto Star: https://www.thestar.com/entertainment/movies/2019/03/19/colten-boushie-killing-inspires-hot-docs-opening-night-film.html Fraser, N. (1990). Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually Existing Democracy. Social Text, 25/26, 56-80. French, J. (2019, November 13). Amped up fines, peace officer training to help combat rural crime 'crisis'. The Nanton News, p. A.10. French, J., & Morey, L. (2019, November 15). Province increases fines and peace officer training; to tackle rural crime 'epidemic'. Sherwood Park News, p. A.4. Fricker, M. (2007). Epistemic Injustice: Power and the Ethics of Knowing. Oxford University Press. Friesen, J. (2016a, October 20). The night Colten Boushie died: What family and police files say about his last day, and what came after. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/colten-boushie/article32451940/ Friesen, J. (2016b, October 21). Downie praised for putting Trudeau on the Spot about Indigenous Issues. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/downie-praised-for-putting-trudeau-on-spot-about-indigenous-issues/article31484250/ 287 Friesen, J. (2016c, October 24). RCMP handling of Boushie car may have implications for trial. The Globe and Mail, p. A.1. Friesen, J. (2016d, October 30). Colten Boushie's sister alleges RCMP officer injured her. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/boushies-sister-alleges-rcmp-officer-injured-her/article32588335/ Friesen, J. (2017a, March 20). Colten Boushie's mother fears rise in racial tension: Saskatchewan group's resolution compared to 'stand your ground' laws in U.S. The Globe and Mail, p. A.5. Friesen, J. (2017b, April 3). High security surrounds preliminary Boushie hearing in Saskatchewan. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/high-security-surrounds-preliminary-boushie-hearing-in-saskatchewan/article34573064/ Friesen, J. (2017c, April 4). High security surrounds preliminary Boushie hearing: Police expected a large crowd to gather for hearing of Gerald Stanley, who is accused of killing a young Indigenous man shot to death last summer. The Globe and Mail, p. A.6. Friesen, J. (2017d, April 6). Gerald Stanley, accused in Colten Boushie case, ordered to stand trial. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/gerald-stanley-accused-in-colten-boushie-case-ordered-to-stand-trial/article34625006/ Friesen, J. (2017e, November 2). RCMP probe clears force for its conduct after Boushie shooting. The Globe and Mail, p. A.1. 288 Friesen, J. (2018a, January 28). Trial begins for death of Colten Boushie, a killing that exposed racial divide in Saskatchewan. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/trial-begins-for-death-of-colten-boushie-a-killing-that-exposed-racial-divide-in-saskatchewan/article37763962/ Friesen, J. (2018b, January 29). Trial begins for death of Colten Boushie, a killing that exposed racial divide in Saskatchewan. The Globe and Mail, p. A.1. Friesen, J. (2018c, January 30). Family upset as jury selected for Colten Boushie murder trial. The Globe and Mail, p. A.4. Friesen, J. (2018d, January 31). Man accused of killing Colten Boushie only intended to scare him, son testifies. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/man-accused-of-killing-colten-boushie-only-intended-to-scare-him-son-testifies/article37804131/ Friesen, J. (2018e, January 31). RCMP left vehicle in which Colten Boushie was shot in rain with door open, court told. The Globe and Mail, p. A.1. Friesen, J. (2018f, February 4). Justice Minister Wilson-Raybould concerned about low number of Indigenous people on juries. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/justice-minister-wilson-raybould-concerned-about-low-number-of-indigenous-people-on-juries/article37850722/ Friesen, J. (2018g, February 5). Indigenous jurors' numbers 'concerning'. The Globe and Mail, p. A.3. Friesen, J. (2018h, February 6). Shooting death of Colten Boushie a ‘freak accident,’ Stanley defence argues in laying out its case. The Globe and Mail, p. A.1. 289 Friesen, J. (2018i, February 10). Stanley acquitted in shooting death of Boushie: Members of slain man's First Nation community react to verdict with anger, disbelief. The Globe and Mail, p. A.4. Friesen, J. (2018j, February 12). Boushie family moves from anger to action in wake of acquittal: Mother, relatives seek meeting with Trudeau, pushing for end to jury selection peremptory challenges. The Globe and Mail, p. A.1. Friesen, J. (2021, March 22). RCMP destroyed police records from the night Colten Boushie died. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-rcmp-destroyed-police-records-from-the-night-colten-boushie-died/ Friesen, J., & Fine, S. (2018a, February 13). The ins and outs of juries, challenges and potential reforms: Amid the backlash against the verdict in the shooting death of Colten Boushie, The Globe looks at a process that some say needs fixing. The Globe and Mail, p. A.12. Friesen, J., & Fine, S. (2018b, February 16). Stanley murder acquittal inflames Indigenous people’s loss of faith in Canada’s justice system. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/stanley-murder-acquittal-just-the-latest-case-to-test-indigenous-peoples-faith-in-canadas-courts/article38013859/#:~:text=Stanley%20was%20acquitted%20of%20second,visible%20in%20social%20media%20chatter. Froese, I. (2018a, February 14). Round dance, vigil in honour of Colten Boushie to be held in Brandon. Retrieved from The Brandon Sun: https://www.brandonsun.com/local/2018/02/14/round-dance-vigil-in-honour-of-colten-boushie-to-be-held-in-brandon 290 Froese, I. (2018b, February 17). RCMP advise handling confrontation lawfully. Retrieved from The Brandon Sun: https://www.brandonsun.com/local/2018/02/17/rcmp-advise-handling-confrontation-lawfully Frohlick, L. (2018, February 15). PM, others shouldn’t have played race card in Stanley trial. The Province, p. A.15. Furminger, S. (2019, May 30). Film explores death of Colten Boushie and treatment of Indigenous people; nîpawistamâsowin: We Will Stand Up screens at Vancity Theatre. Vancouver Courier, p. A.17. Furniss, E. (1999). The Burden of History: Colonialism and the Frontier Myth in a Rural Canadian Community. UBC Press. Gallant, J. (2018, October 1). Federal government facing pushback over bill to transform justice system. Retrieved from Toronto Star: https://www.thestar.com/news/canada/2018/10/01/federal-government-facing-pushback-over-bill-to-transform-justice-system.html Galloway, G. (2018a, February 12). Liberals to examine jury-selection rules after acquittal in Boushie killing. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/colten-boushies-family-meets-federal-ministers-after-stanleys-acquittal/article37939245/ Galloway, G. (2018b, May 3). First Nations chiefs urge UN to examine Canada’s justice system. The Globe and Mail, p. A.8. Gargett, A. (2005). A Critical Media Analysis of the Redfern Riot. Indigenous Law Bulletin, 6(10), 8-11. 291 Garrard, G., Goodbody, A., Handley, G. B., & Posthumus, S. (2019). Climate Change Scepticism: A Transnational Ecocritical Analysis. Bloomsbury Academic. Gavigan, S. A. (2012). Hunger, Horses, and Government Men: Criminal Law on the Aboriginal Plains, 1870-1905. UBC Press. Gaynes, J. M. (2018, February 14). Searching for honesty. The London Free Press, p. A.7. Gerein, K. (2019, October 3). Kenney’s ‘compassion’ blurs the line between government and politics. Edmonton Journal, p. A.2. Giesbrecht, B. (2018a, May 24). Justice reform can’t just be knee-jerk. Whitehorse Star, p. A.7. Giesbrecht, B. (2018b, December 5). Roots of western rural crime can’t be ignored. Whitehorse Star, p. A.8. Gignac, J. (2018, March 22). Camp at Old City Hall set up for Indigenous people impacted by justice system. Retrieved from Toronto Star: https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2018/03/20/camp-at-old-city-hall-set-up-for-indigenous-people-impacted-by-justice-system.html#:~:text=For%20almost%20three%20weeks%2C%20protesters,close%20to%20the%20courthouse's%20walls. Gilder Lehrman Collection. (1493, May 4). Doctrine of Discovery. Inter Caetera. Pope Alexandre VI Demarcation Bull. Retrieved from https://www.gilderlehrman.org/history-resources/spotlight-primary-source/doctrine-discovery-1493 Gillis, L. (2018, February 16). Local First Nations hold rally for an end to racism. Retrieved from The Daily Press: https://www.proquest.com/blogs-podcasts-websites/local-first-nations-hold-rally-end-racism/docview/2350481108/se-2 292 Givetash, L. (2018, February 11). Political commentary on court verdicts hurts views of justice system: lawyers. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/political-commentary-on-court-verdicts-hurts/docview/2001354828/se-2 Godbout, N. (2018, February 14). Editorial Exchange: On stolen native land. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/editorial-exchange-on-stolen-native-land/docview/2002527602/se-2 Godfrey, D. (2018a, February 13). Penticton rally planned in solidarity with family of Colten Boushie. Retrieved from Penticton Western News: https://www.pentictonwesternnews.com/news/penticton-rally-planned-in-solidarity-with-family-of-colten-boushie/ Godfrey, D. (2018b, February 17). Column: Disappointed by comments about local rally. Retrieved from Penticton Western News: https://www.pentictonwesternnews.com/opinion/column-disappointed-by-comments-about-local-rally/ Goffin, P. (2018a, June 14). Jury hears 911 call made after shooting: Death of Indigenous man was self-defence, accused has said. Waterloo Region Record, p. A.3. Goffin, P. (2018b, June 27). Ontario homeowner acquitted in shooting death of man who broke into his truck. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/ontario-homeowner-acquitted-shooting-death-man/docview/2061675212/se-2 Goffin, P. (2018c, June 28). Acquittal in death of Indigenous man; First Nations leaders react with dismay after Hamilton verdict. Toronto Star, p. A.1. Goffman, E. (1974). Frame Analysis: An Essay on the Organization of Experience. Harvard University Press. 293 GoFundMe. (2018). Gerald Stanley Support Fund. Retrieved from GoFundMe: https://www.gofundme.com/f/gerald-stanley-support-fund Goldberg, D. T. (2002). The Racial State. Blackwell Publishers. Gormley, J. (2016a, August 19). Racism, tension and life in rural Saskatchewan. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.8. Gormley, J. (2016b, August 19). Racism, tension and life in rural Saskatchewan. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.2. Gormley, J. (2016c, October 28). On election aftermath and the Boushie case. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.6. Gormley, J. (2018a, February 16). Based on evidence, verdict not ‘perverse’; Guilt or innocence is decided by law, not the wishes of family or activists. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.7. Gormley, J. (2018b, February 16). Based on evidence, verdict not ‘perverse’; Guilt or innocence is decided by law, not the wishes of family or activists. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.8. Government of Canada. (2021, July 7). Court and Trial. Retrieved from Department of Justice Canada: https://www.justice.gc.ca/eng/cj-jp/victims-victimes/court-tribunaux/trial-proces.html Graham, J. (2016a, August 13). First Nations man fatally shot on farm property; seeking help. National Post, p. A.4. Graham, J. (2016b, August 19). Bail decision reserved for suspect in shooting death of First Nations man on farm. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/bail-decision-reserved-suspect-shooting-death/docview/1812678864/se-2 294 Graham, J. (2016c, August 19). Bail decision reserved in racially charged. Times Colonist, p. A.8. Graham, J. (2017a, March 16). Rural crime resolution pits property rights against human life: lawyer. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/rural-crime-resolution-pits-property-rights/docview/1878442473/se-2 Graham, J. (2017b, April 3). Preliminary hearing starts in case of fatal Saskatchewan farm shooting. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/preliminary-hearing-starts-case-fatal/docview/1884362755/se-2 Graham, J. (2017c, November 4). Boushie family unhappy RCMP officers cleared. The Medicine Hat News, p. A.7. Graney, E. (2018, February 17). Social media watch: Self-defence and David Suzuki. Retrieved from Edmonton Journal: https://edmontonjournal.com/news/politics/social-media-watch-self-defence-and-david-suzuki Graney, J. (2018a, November 1). Rural crime spurs new RCMP approach to tackling root causes. The Lacombe Globe, p. A.10. Graney, J. (2018b, November 6). ‘Never at ease’: Rural crime spurs new RCMP approach to tackling root causes. Cold Lake Sun, p. A.2. Graney, J. (2018c, November 7). ‘Never at ease’: Rural crime spurs new RCMP approach to tackling root causes. Pincher Creek Echo, p. A.22. Graney, J. (2018d, November 7). ‘Never at ease’: Rural crime spurs new RCMP approach to tackling root causes. Vermilion Standard, p. A.2. 295 Graveland, B. (2018a, January 29). Family of Cree man shot on Saskatchewan farm upset with jury selection. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/family-cree-man-shot-on-saskatchewan-farm-upset/docview/1992784993/se-2 Graveland, B. (2018b, January 30). Family of victim upset with jury selection. The Lethbridge Herald, p. A.1. Graveland, B. (2018c, January 31). Friend of man shot on Saskatchewan farm breaks down at photos of his body. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/friend-man-shot-on-saskatchewan-farm-breaks-down/docview/1993496457/se-2 Graveland, B. (2018d, January 31). Three shots fired the night Indigenous man died, court told. Prince George Citizen, p. A.3. Graveland, B. (2018e, February 1). Trial continues in fatal farm shooting in Sask. The Lethbridge Herald, p. A.1. Graveland, B. (2018f, February 6). Saskatchewan farmer tells murder trial gun ‘went off’. the Lethbridge Herald, p. A.1. Graveland, B. (2018g, February 9). ‘Not right:’ Outrage after jury finds Saskatchewan farmer not guilty in shooting. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/not-right-outrage-after-jury-finds-saskatchewan/docview/2000939112/se-2 Graveland, B. (2018h, February 9). Calls for calm as jury in Stanley trial deliberates. Retrieved from The Hamilton Spectator: https://www.thespec.com/news/canada/2018/02/09/calls-for-calm-as-jury-in-stanley-trial-deliberates.html Graveland, B. (2018i, February 9). Saskatchewan farmer's trial in death of Indigenous man marked by racial tension. Retrieved from Global News: 296 https://globalnews.ca/news/4015756/saskatchewan-trial-death-racial-tension-colten-boushie-gerald-stanley/ Graveland, B. (2018j, February 10). ‘Absolutely perverse’ - Outrage after white farmer found not guilty in Indigenous death. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/absolutely-perverse-outrage-after-white-farmer/docview/2001242881/se-2 Graveland, B. (2018k, February 10). ‘We’re going to fight back’: Rallies across Canada following shooting death acquittal. Retrieved from Hamilton News: https://www.hamiltonnews.com/news-story/8128512--we-re-going-to-fight-back-rallies-across-canada-following-shooting-death-acquittal/ Graveland, B. (2018l, February 11). ‘We’re going to fight back,’ says mother of Colten Boushie. The Province, p. A.25. Graveland, B. (2018m, February 11). Shooting acquittal sparks outrage. The Lethbridge Herald, p. A.1. Graveland, B. (2018n, March 9). Alberta man charged after farm shooting met with applause outside courthouse. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/alberta-man-charged-after-farm-shooting-met-with/docview/2012707035/se-2 Graveland, B. (2018o, December 30). 'Knee-jerk reaction:' Lawyers worry about proposed changes following Colton Boushie case. The News. Grimsby Lincoln News. (2020, March 27). Take the time to read Indigenous history. The Grimsby Lincoln News. Griwkowsky, C. (2018, February 16). Rural crime watch groups will be ‘eyes and ears’ for Alberta RCMP under formal agreement. Retrieved from Edmonton Journal: 297 https://edmontonjournal.com/news/crime/rural-crime-watch-groups-will-be-eyes-and-ears-for-alberta-rcmp-under-formal-agreement Guess, T. J. (2006). The Social Construction of Whiteness: Racism by Intent, Racism by Consequence. Critical Sociology, 32(4), 649-673. Gunter, L. (2018a, February 12). Boushie didn’t deserve to die, but activist responses aren’t the answer. The Daily Herald-Tribune, p. A.7. Gunter, L. (2018b, February 12). Boushie didn’t deserve to die, but activist responses aren’t the answer. The Edmonton Sun, p. A.15. Gunter, L. (2018c, February 12). Boushie didn’t deserve to die, but activist responses aren’t the answer. The Ottawa Sun, p. A.19. Gunter, L. (2018d, February 12). Boushie didn’t deserve to die, but activist responses aren’t the answer. The Toronto Sun, p. A.15. Gunter, L. (2018e, February 14). Are we headed for Gladue 2.0? The Winnipeg Sun, p. A.11. Gunter, L. (2018f, March 4). Self-defence is a right, especially for rural residents. The Edmonton Sun, p. A.5. Gunter, L. (2018g, March 4). Self-defence is a right, especially for rural residents. The Ottawa Sun, p. A.18. Gunter, L. (2018h, March 6). Self-defence is a right, especially for rural residents. Sault Star, p. A.6. Gunter, L. (2018i, June 26). Right of self-defence sorely misunderstood. The Calgary Sun, p. A.15. Gunter, L. (2018j, June 27). The right of self-defence is sorely misunderstood in Canada. The Daily Herald-Tribune, p. A.7. 298 Gunter, L. (2018k, June 27). The right of self-defence is sorely misunderstood in Canada. The Ottawa Sun, p. A.17. Gunter, L. (2018l, June 27). The right of self-defence is sorely misunderstood in Canada. The Winnipeg Sun, p. A.11. Gunter, L. (2019, September 26). Misfortune Self-Inflicted; The burglar suing farmer who fired warning shots is no victim. The Edmonton Sun, p. A.5. Haan, R. L. (1973). Another Example of Stereotypes on the Early American Frontier: The Imperialist Historians and the American Indian. Ethnohistory, 20(2), 143-152. Hamilton, C. (2016a, August 27). 'Critical Juncture'; Pastor says Colten Boushie is 'the Rodney King of Western Canada'. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.2. Hamilton, C. (2016b, September 23). Atchison on offensive over crime claim. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.4. Hamilton, C. (2016c, November 30). Crime task force urged to take broad approach; Group must look beyond police issues to have impact, expert says. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.1. Hamm, M. (2018a, February 15). Letters: February 15, 2018. Retrieved from The Winnipeg Sun: https://www.proquest.com/blogs-podcasts-websites/letters-february-15-2018/docview/2207940909/se-2 Hamm, M. (2018b, April 16). Justice is fair to Indigenous people, say majority of Manitobans: poll. Retrieved from Winnipeg Sun: https://winnipegsun.com/news/provincial/justice-is-fair-to-indigenous-people-say-majority-of-manitobans-poll Hammack, P. L., & Toolis, E. E. (2015). Putting the Social into Personal Identity: The Master Narrative as Root Metaphor for Psychological and Developmental Science. Human Development, 58, 350-364. 299 Hanes, A. (2018, February 15). Boushie death must prompt soul-searching. Montreal Gazette, p. A.1. Hänggli, R., & Kriesi, H. (2012). Frame Construction and Frame Promotion (Strategic Framing Choices). American Behavioral Scientist, 56(3), 260-278. Hanuta, I. (2018, February 13). Honour Colten Boushie by fixing broken justice system. Retrieved from Guelph Mercury Tribune: https://www.proquest.com/blogs-podcasts-websites/honour-colten-boushie-fixing-broken-justice/docview/2007947622/se-2 Harder, B. (2018, February 10). GALLERY: Protestors gather in Regina following Gerald Stanley acquittal. Retrieved from Regina Leader-Post: https://leaderpost.com/news/saskatchewan/gallery-protestors-gather-in-regina-following-gerald-stanley-acquittal Hare, R. M. (1973). Rawls’ Theory of Justice. The Philosophical Quarterly, 23(91), 144-155. Harmon, L. (1990). Falling off the Vine: Legal Fictions and the Doctrine of Substituted Judgment. The Yale Law Journal, 100(1), 1-71. Harper, T. (2018, February 10). Tim Harper: Liberals must honour the memory of Colten Boushie by fixing a broken justice system. Retrieved from Toronto Star: https://www.thestar.com/opinion/star-columnists/2018/02/10/liberals-must-honour-the-memory-of-colten-boushie-by-fixing-a-broken-justice-system.html Harris, C. (2015). Creating Space in Early Canada. Journal of Canadian Studies, 49(2), 7-24. Harris, C. I. (1993). Whiteness as Property. Harvard Law Review, 106(8), 1707-1791. Hayes, M. (2018a, July 10). After acquittal, family of dead Indigenous man calls for appeal, reforms in Ontario. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: 300 https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-after-acquittal-family-of-dead-indigenous-man-calls-for-appeal/ Hayes, M. (2018b, June 12). Jury selection begins in Hamilton for trial of homeowner charged with Indigenous man’s second degree murder. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-jury-selection-begins-in-hamilton-for-trial-of-homeowner-charged-with/ Hayes, M. (2018c, June 19). Shooting of Indigenous man was act of self-defence, Peter Khill testifies in court. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-shooting-of-indigenous-man-was-act-of-self-defence-peter-khill/ Hayes, M. (2018d, June 25). Court hears closing arguments in Peter Khill trial. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-court-hears-closing-arguments-in-peter-khill-trial/ Heroux, D. (2016, August 18). Gerald Stanley pleads not guilty to 2nd-degree murder in Colten Boushie shooting. Retrieved from CBC News: https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/saskatoon/rally-shooting-colten-boushie-court-apperance-1.3725296 Hesse, B. (2004). Im/plausible Deniability: Racism's Conceptual Double Bind. Social Identities, 10(1), 9-29. Hewitt, J., & Senthe, S. E. (2019). Disrupting Business as Usual: Considering Teaching Methods in Business Law Classrooms. Dalhousie Law Journal, 42(2), 261-281. Hildebrandt, W. (2008). Views from Fort Battleford: Constructed Visions of an Anglo-Canadian West. University of Regina Press. 301 Hill, A. (2016, August 18). Supporters to rally at court for Boushie family. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.1. Hill, A. (2017a, January 18). Pain of loss endures for Boushie family; Relatives hold vigil outside court as lawyers meet to discuss case. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.2. Hill, A. (2017b, January 18). Pain of loss endures for Boushie family; Relatives hold vigil outside court as lawyers meet to discuss case. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.3. Hill, A. (2017c, April 3). Prelim hearing to begin in Boushie murder case. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.1. Hill, A. (2017d, April 4). Security tight as Stanley's preliminary hearing begins; Lawyer for Colten Boushie's family surprised by strong police presence. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.1. Hill, A. (2017e, April 4). Tight security as hearing begins in Boushie shooting; Accused Gerald Stanley in court to determine if case will go to trial. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.1. Hill, A. (2017f, April 7). Boushie family relieved trial ordered; Judge rules murder case against Gerald Stanley will go forward. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.1. Hill, A. (2017g, April 7). Boushie family relieved trial ordered; Judge rules murder case against Gerald Stanley will proceed. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.1. Hill, A. (2017h, August 8). ‘I cannot keep living with hatred’; Family of Colten Boushie forgive farmer charged with killing him. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.1. Hill, A. (2017i, August 9). Boushie ‘bloodshed’ brought racism to light. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.1. Hill, A. (2017j, September 18). Policing goes to the ballot in Langham; Police response times in rural areas have become a hot-button issue lately. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.1. 302 Hill, A. (2017k, November 3). Boushie family disappointed by RCMP probe; Response to insensitivity complaint leaves group feeling hopeless. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.1. Hill, A. (2017l, November 3). Boushie family disappointed by RCMP probe; Response to insensitivity complaint leaves group feeling hopeless. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.1. Hill, A. (2018a, January 17). Media requests cameras in courtroom for Stanley trial. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.4. Hill, A. (2018aa, February 28). Canadians divided on Stanley trial, Trudeau’s remarks; Sask. Farmer. The Ottawa Citizen, p. N.4. Hill, A. (2018ab, February 28). Canadians divided on Stanley trial, Trudeau’s remarks; Sask. Farmer. The Vancouver Sun, p. N.6. Hill, A. (2018ac, March 19). Gerald Stanley now due back in court in April on firearm charges from day of Colten Boushie shooting. Retrieved from Saskatoon StarPhoenix: https://thestarphoenix.com/news/local-news/acquitted-of-murder-gerald-stanley-returns-to-court-on-firearms-charges-following-fatal-shooting-of-colten-boushie Hill, A. (2018ad, April 16). Gerald Stanley expected back in court on firearms charges. Retrieved from Saskatoon StarPhoenix: https://thestarphoenix.com/news/local-news/gerald-stanley-expected-back-in-court-on-firearms-charges Hill, A. (2018ae, April 16). Sask. farmer Gerald Stanley receives $3,900 fine, 10-year weapons prohibition after firearm storage guilty plea. Retrieved from Saskatoon StarPhoenix: https://thestarphoenix.com/news/local-news/sask-farmer-gerald-stanley-receives-3900-fine-10-year-weapons-prohibition-after-firearm-storage-guilty-plea Hill, A. (2018af, August 9). Family of Colten Boushie files lawsuits against Gerald Stanley, RCMP. Retrieved from Saskatoon StarPhoenix: https://thestarphoenix.com/news/local-303 news/two-years-after-a-fatal-shooting-on-a-sask-farmyard-that-captivated-the-country-the-family-of-colten-boushie-has-filed-lawsuits-against-the-rcmp-and-gerald-stanley Hill, A. (2018ag, August 13). The Boushie family has filed two lawsuits. What happens now? Regina Leader-Post, p. A.2. Hill, A. (2018ah, December 1). When it comes to guns, Indigenous groups want treaty rights recognized. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.6. Hill, A. (2018ai, December 1). When it comes to guns, Indigenous groups want treaty rights recognized. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.8. Hill, A. (2018c, January 27). Stanley trial 'not a referendum on racism': defence lawyer. Retrieved from Regina Leader-Post: https://thestarphoenix.com/news/local-news/stanley-trial-not-a-referendum-on-racism-defence-lawyer Hill, A. (2018d, January 29). Gerald Stanley trial - 'It's something that we feared:' Colten Boushie family frustrated by all-white jury. Retrieved from Saskatoon StarPhoenix: https://thestarphoenix.com/news/local-news/gerald-stanley-trial-as-jury-selection-begins-saskatchewan-farmer-pleads-not-guilty-in-colten-boushie-death Hill, A. (2018e, January 29). Gerald Stanley trial: As jury selection begins, Saskatchewan farmer pleads not guilty in Colten Boushie death. Retrieved from Saskatoon StarPhoenix: https://www.proquest.com/blogs-podcasts-websites/gerald-stanley-trial-as-jury-selection-begins/docview/1992329043/se-2 Hill, A. (2018f, January 30). Gerald Stanley trial: As testimony begins, mother of shooting victim Colten Boushie wants ‘justice for my son.’. Retrieved from Saskatoon StarPhoenix: https://www.proquest.com/blogs-podcasts-websites/gerald-stanley-trial-as-testimony-begins-mother/docview/1992713686/se-2 304 Hill, A. (2018g, January 30). Gerald Stanley trial: Mother of shooting victim wants 'justice for Colten'. Retrieved from Saskatoon StarPhoenix: https://thestarphoenix.com/news/local-news/gerald-stanley-trial-mother-of-shooting-victim-wants-justice-for-colten Hill, A. (2018h, January 31). ‘We need fair justice for Colten’ Farmer's trial for killing Indigenous man begins in Saskatchewan. National Post, p. A.1. Hill, A. (2018i, January 31). Gerald Stanley trial: Colten Boushie was asleep when vehicle arrived at farmyard, friend testifies. Retrieved from Saskatoon StarPhoenix: https://www.proquest.com/blogs-podcasts-websites/gerald-stanley-trial-colten-boushie-was-asleep/docview/1993170764/se-2 Hill, A. (2018j, February 1). Gerald Stanley trial: Woman in car with Colten Boushie says Stanley told son to ‘go get a gun.’ Gerald Stanley trial: Witness admits lying to police about rifle, group’s alcohol consumption. Retrieved from Saskatoon StarPhoenix: https://thestarphoenix.com/news/local-news/gerald-stanley-trial-witness-admits-lying-to-police-about-rifle-groups-alcohol-consumption Hill, A. (2018k, February 2). Gerald Stanley trial: Chief justice instructs jurors after conflicting witness testimony in Colten Boushie death. Retrieved from Saskatoon StarPhoenix: https://thestarphoenix.com/news/local-news/gerald-stanley-trial-chief-justice-instructs-jurors-after-conflicting-witness-testimony-in-colten-boushie-death Hill, A. (2018l, February 2). Gerald Stanley Trial: Witnesses have conflicting, changing stories about Colten Boushie's shooting. Retrieved from Saskatoon StarPhoenix: https://thestarphoenix.com/news/local-news/gerald-stanley-trial-witness-admits-lying-to-police-about-rifle-groups-alcohol-consumption/ 305 Hill, A. (2018m, February 4). Gerald Stanley trial: Defence to make its case this week. Retrieved from Saskatoon StarPhoenix: https://thestarphoenix.com/news/local-news/gerald-stanley-trial-defence-to-make-its-case-this-week Hill, A. (2018n, February 6). Gerald Stanley trial: Closing arguments scheduled for Thursday. Retrieved from Saskatoon StarPhoenix: https://thestarphoenix.com/news/local-news/gerald-stanley-trial-closing-arguments-scheduled-for-thursday Hill, A. (2018o, February 8). Gerald Stanley trial: After closing arguments and judge’s instructions, jury deliberations underway. Retrieved from Saskatoon StarPhoenix: https://www.proquest.com/blogs-podcasts-websites/gerald-stanley-trial-after-closing-arguments/docview/1999802683/se-2 Hill, A. (2018p, February 8). Gerald Stanley Trial: Jury expected to begin deliberations Thursday. Retrieved from Saskatoon StarPhoenix: https://thestarphoenix.com/news/local-news/gerald-stanley-trial-jury-expected-to-begin-deliberations-thursday Hill, A. (2018q, February 10). Farmer cleared in shooting; Tears, screams in courtroom after not guilty verdict in death of indigenous man. Calgary Herald, p. N.1. Hill, A. (2018r, February 10). Farmer cleared in shooting; Tears, screams in courtroom after not guilty verdict in death of indigenous man. Edmonton Journal, p. N.1. Hill, A. (2018s, February 10). Farmer cleared in shooting; Tears, screams in courtroom after not guilty verdict in death of indigenous man. Montreal Gazette, p. N.1. Hill, A. (2018t, February 10). Farmer cleared in shooting; Tears, screams in courtroom after not guilty verdict in death of indigenous man. The Ottawa Citizen, p. N.1. Hill, A. (2018u, February 10). Farmer cleared in shooting; Tears, screams in courtroom after not guilty verdict in death of indigenous man. The Vancouver Sun, p. N.1. 306 Hill, A. (2018v, February 10). Farmer cleared in shooting; Tears, screams in courtroom after not guilty verdict in death of indigenous man. The Windsor Star, p. N.1. Hill, A. (2018w, February 10). Farmer found not guilty in shooting death of Aboriginal; Anguish in courtroom as verdict delivered. National Post, p. A.6. Hill, A. (2018x, February 12). Found not guilty in Colten Boushie death, Gerald Stanley still faces firearm charges next month. Retrieved from Saskatoon StarPhoenix: https://thestarphoenix.com/news/local-news/following-not-guilty-verdict-in-colten-boushie-death-gerald-stanley-faces-firearm-charges-next-month Hill, A. (2018y, February 28). Canadians divided on Stanley trial, Trudeau’s remarks; Sask. Farmer. Calgary Herald, p. N.4. Hill, A. (2018z, February 28). Canadians divided on Stanley trial, Trudeau’s remarks; Sask. Farmer. Edmonton Journal, p. N.4. Hill, A. (2019a, January 25). Why guns are part of the wedge forming between First Nations, others in Saskatchewan. The Melfort Northeast Sun, p. A.16. Hill, A. (2019b, February 9). ‘We’re not the boogeymen of the Prairies’; Colten Boushie’s uncle is pushing for First Nations museum in North Battleford. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.4. Hill, A. (2019c, February 9). ‘We’re not the boogeymen of the Prairies’; Colten Boushie’s uncle is pushing for First Nations museum in North Battleford. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.3. Holland, J. J. (2014). Narrative Fidelity to the Little Red Book in the Framing Efforts of the Red Guard Movement: A Theoretical Model for Foundational Documents. Discourse & Society, 25(3), 383-401. Hopper, T. (2018a, February 14). Gerald Stanley’s ‘magical gun’: The extremely unlikely defence that secured his acquittal. Retrieved from National Post: 307 https://nationalpost.com/news/canada/gerald-stanleys-magical-gun-the-extremely-unlikely-defence-that-secured-his-acquittal Hopper, T. (2018b, February 15). Stanley’s ‘magical gun’; The Extremely Unlikely Defence That Secured His Acquittal. The London Free Press, p. N.2. Howell, P. (2019, May 30). Nipawistamasowin: We Will Stand Up reveals stirring activism in wake of headline-making death. Retrieved from Toronto Star: https://www.thestar.com/entertainment/movies/review/2019/05/30/nipawistamasowin-we-will-stand-up-reveals-stirring-activism-in-wake-of-headline-making-death.html Hubbard, T. (2005). Two Worlds Colliding. Briar Patch, 34(1), 29. Hubbard, T. (Director). (2019). nîpawistamâsowin: We will stand up [Motion Picture]. Hudes, S. (2018a, February 26). RCMP charge Okotoks homeowner after shots fired during confrontation with intruder. Retrieved from The Calgary Sun: https://calgarysun.com/news/crime/rcmp-charge-okotoks-homeowner-and-alleged-intruder-after-shots-fired-during-confrontation Hudes, S. (2018b, March 2). RCMP charge Okotoks homeowner after shots fired during confrontation with intruder. Retrieved from Calgary Sun: https://calgarysun.com/news/crime/rcmp-charge-okotoks-homeowner-and-alleged-intruder-after-shots-fired-during-confrontation Hudes, S. (2018c, March 7). Crime watch group urges rural Albertans to stay vigilant. The Nanton News, p. A.10. Hudes, S. (2018d, March 7). Crime watch group urges rural Albertans to stay vigilant. Vulcan Advocate, p. A.10. 308 Hudson, M. (2018, February 12). Letters to the Editor, Feb. 13. Retrieved from The Calgary Sun: https://calgarysun.com/opinion/letters/letters-to-the-editor-feb-13 Hughes, C. (2018, February 22). Colten Boushie case has many questioning how far we have come. The Espanola Mid-North Monitor, p. A.8. Hurley, R., Jensen, J., Weaver, A., & Dixon, T. (2015). Viewer Ethnicity Matters: Black Crime in TV News and Its Impact on Decisions Regarding Public Policy. Journal of Social Issues, 71(1), 155-170. Huselak, J. (2018, March 27). Letters and comments, March 27; Boushie family disgusted by publisher pitch. Winnipeg Free Press, p. A.6. Hutchins, A. (2018, September 9). What’s killing rural Canada. Maclean's, p. 38. Ibbitson, J. (2018a, February 12). You and I can question the Stanley verdict - politicians should not. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/you-and-i-can-question-the-gerald-stanley-verdict-politicians-should-not/article37954500/ Ibbitson, J. (2018b, February 13). You and I can question the Stanley verdict - politicians should not. The Globe and Mail, p. A.13. Indian Act, c I-5 (RSC 1985). Isai, V. (2018, February 16). RCMP investigating post in officers’ Facebook group claiming Colten Boushie ‘got what he deserved.’. Retrieved from Toronto Star: https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2018/02/15/rcmp-to-investigate-internal-facebook-post-that-said-colten-boushie-got-what-he-deserved.html Iyengar, S. (1991). Is Anyone Responsible? How Television Frames Political Issues. The University of Chicago Press. Jack, R. W. (2018, February 14). Political Interference? The Globe and Mail, p. A.12. 309 James, T. (2018a, January 31). Gerald Stanley trial: Details about Colten Boushie’s shooting emerge in court. Prince Albert Daily Herald, p. A.2. James, T. (2018b, February 15). RCMP’s handling of Boushie family’s complaint to be independently reviewed. Retrieved from Saskatoon StarPhoenix: https://thestarphoenix.com/news/local-news/rcmps-handling-of-boushie-familys-complaint-to-be-independently-reviewed James, T. (2019a, August 22). Community connection key asset in crime reduction team’s arsenal; Specialized RCMP units lead targeted enforcement blitzes across the province. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.2. James, T. (2019b, September 30). Rural policing; The Regina Leader-Post and the Saskatoon StarPhoenix are delving into some of the most pressing issues on the minds of Saskatchewan voters during the federal election campaign. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.3. Jamieson, N. (2018, March 13). RCMP urge rural homeowners not to engage with suspected thieves. The Sunny South News, p. A.2. Jenkins, A. (2018, June 2). Marie Henein ‘wanted a woman’s name first on the letterhead’. Saint John Telegraph-Journal, p. A.4. Jensen, P. J. (2018a, February 23). Keep emotions out of justice system. Thunder Bay Chronicle Journal. Jensen, P. J. (2018b, March 3). Contempt for juries. The National Post, p. A.17. Johnson, H. R. (2007). Two Families: Treaties and Government. Purich Publications. Johnson, H. R. (2019). Peace and Good Order: The Case for Indigenous Justice in Canada. McClelland & Stewart. 310 Junker, A. (2018, March 19). Okotoks farmer has trial delayed for fifth time; Scores show up at court to support man charged with shooting trespasser. Calgary Herald, p. A.7. Jury Act, c J-4.2 (SS 1998). Kadri, S. (2007). The Trial: A History from Socrates to O.J. Simpson. HarperCollins. Kanji, A. (2018, February 22). Gerald Stanley acquittal yet another guilty verdict for Canada. Toronto Star, p. A.17. Kataquapit, X. (2018, February 21). COLUMN: We all need healing. Retrieved from The Daily Press: https://www.proquest.com/blogs-podcasts-websites/column-we-all-need-healing/docview/2350480617/se-2 Katz, D. (2018, April 11). MP Stubbs appeals for rural crime study. Vermilion Standard, p. A.2. Keller, J. (2019, November 6). Alberta introduces law to protect rural landowners who use force to defend their property. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/alberta/article-alberta-introduces-law-to-protect-rural-landowners-who-use-force-to/ Keller, R. (2011). The Sociology of Knowledge Approach to Discourse (SKAD). Human Studies, 34(1), 43-65. Kennedy, J. (2018, February 16). Politicians obliged to find better justice system. Thunder Bay Chronicle. Kennedy, R. (2008). Subversive Witnessing: Mediating Indigenous Testimony in Australian Culture and Legal Institutions. Women's Studies Quarterly, 36(1/2), 58-75. Kenny, J. R. (2018, February 15). What rights do farmers have? Calgary Herald, p. A.15. Kerr, J. (2018a, February 13). Hundreds rally in support of Boushie family: INDIGENOUS ISSUES. Prince Albert Daily Herald, p. A.1. 311 Kerr, J. (2018b, February 13). PAGC to give $10K to Colten Boushie's family: INDIGENOUS ISSUES. Prince Albert Daily Herald, p. A.2. Kerr, J. (2018c, February 14). Sitting down with Tracey Lindberg. Prince Albert Daily Herald, p. A.15. Kerr, L., & Kelly, L. (2018, March 31). Yes, law schools must be political. The Globe and Mail, p. O.9. Kines, L. (2018, February 18). Acquittal a symptom of justice woes: critic; Verdict in Aboriginal man’s shooting raises ‘outcry of anguish.’. Times-Colonist, p. A.1. Kirby, P. (2018, February 13). PM Trudeau should learn restraint. Kenora Daily Miner and News, p. A.5. Knafla, L. A., & Westra, H. J. (2010). Aboriginal Title and Indigenous Peoples: Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. UBC Press. Koggel, C. M. (2018). Epistemic Injustice in a Settler Nation: Canada’s History of Erasing, Silencing, Marginalizing. Journal of Global Ethics, 14(2), 240-251. Koncan, F. (2019, July 4). Pain past, pain present. Retrieved from The Winnipeg Free Press: https://www.proquest.com/newspapers/pain-past-present/docview/2546305752/se-2 Korpan, J. (2018, February 24). Korpan: Changes to justice system cannot be rushed. Retrieved from Regina Leader-Post: https://leaderpost.com/opinion/columnists/korpan-changes-to-justice-system-cannot-be-reactionary Kossick, D. (2018, February 26). Justice for Colten can be achieved. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.6. Kotyk, A. (2019, April 11). Indigenous justice explored at forum. Richmond News, p. A.13. 312 Krugel, L. (2018a, March 6). Property rights questions dominate RCMP town hall in Biggar, Sask. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/property-rights-questions-dominate-rcmp-town-hall/docview/2011725514/se-2 Krugel, L. (2018b, March 12). ‘Landowners are free prey’: Rural residents worried about crime, property rights. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/landowners-are-free-prey-rural-residents-worried/docview/2013705957/se-2 Kuhl, N. (2018a, February 19). TOAST: To our MP, our PM, our MLAs, our premier, our local councillors and mayor for your hard work. The Lethbridge Journal, p. A.6. Kuhl, N. (2018b, February 26). TOAST: To the police officers, the EMS crew, the hospital staff and the victim/witness services people. The Lethbridge Herald, p. A.6. Kuhl, N. (2018c, March 13). Special SACPA today to discuss jury selection. The Lethbridge Herald, p. A.3. Kula, T. (2018, March 2). Sarnia's indigenous justice coordinator is one of five calling for action. Retrieved from The Sarnia Observer: https://www.proquest.com/newspapers/sarnias-indigenous-justice-coordinator-is-one/docview/2197348514/se-2 Kurtenbach, L. (2016, September 9). Saddened by outpouring of racism. Prince Albert Daily Herald, p. A.4. Kwak, L. J. (2019). Problematizing Canadian Exceptionalism: A Study of Right-Populism, White Nationalism and Conservative Political Parties. Oñati Socio-Legal Series, 10(6), 1166-1192. Langston, D. (2018, March 12). Jury system can be improved. The Calgary Herald, p. A.9. 313 Leblanc, D. (2018, March 8). Trudeau to appoint RCMP’s first permanent female commissioner. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/trudeau-to-appoint-rcmps-first-permanent-female-commissioner/article38253109/ Ledding, A. (2016, August 27). How much have things changed, really? Prince Albert Daily Herald, p. A.4. Leeuwen, T. V. (2005). Three Models of Interdisciplinarity. In R. Wodak, & P. Chilton, A New Agenda in (Critical) Discourse Analysis: Theory, Methodology and Interdisciplinarity (pp. 3-18). John Benjamins Publishing Co. Legg, H. (2022, February 22). Canadian Media Ownership Index. Retrieved from The Institute for Quantiative Social Research: The Future of Media Project: https://projects.iq.harvard.edu/futureofmedia/canadian-media-ownership Lett, D. (2018a, February 19). Failing jury system in need of reform. Retrieved from Winnipeg Free Press: https://www.winnipegfreepress.com/breakingnews/2018/02/19/failing-jury-system-in-need-of-reform Lett, D. (2018b, February 20). Failing jury system in need of reform: Stanley acquittal an example of flawed selection process. Winnipeg Free Press, p. B.3. Liboiron, D. (2018, February 15). Gerald Stanley verdict will bring changes to justice system. Maple Creek News, p. A.5. Ligeti, A. (2018a, January 31). Morning Update: B.C.'s new Trans Mountain tactic; Trump's State of the Union. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: https://www.proquest.com/blogs-podcasts-websites/morning-update-b-c-s-new-trans-mountain-tactic/docview/2382966922/se-2 314 Ligeti, A. (2018b, February 26). Morning Update: Ottawa not banning MP-staff relationships; farewell to Pyeongchang Games. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/morning-update-newsletter-ottawa-not-banning-mp-staff-relationships-farewell-to-pyeongchang-games/article38109830/ Ligeti, A. (2019a, February 11). Morning Update: Attorney-General says SNC settlement possible; Grammy Awards highlights. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: https://www.proquest.com/blogs-podcasts-websites/morning-update-attorney-general-says-snc/docview/2382584105/se-2 Ligeti, A. (2019b, November 7). Morning Update: Bondfield Construction audit; jury trials at risk; expropriation for Sahota buildings. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-morning-update-bondfield-construction-audit-jury-trials-at-risk/ Lilley, B. (2019, September 1). Feds’ jury tampering; Meddling with selection could cause big problems. The Calgary Sun, p. A.11. Lindberg, D. (2018, March 2). The myth of the Wheat King and the killing of Colten Boushie. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/myth-wheat-king-killing-colten-boushie/docview/2010117376/se-2 Lindekilde, L. (2014). Discourse and Frame Analysis: In-Depth Analysis of Qualitative Data in Social Movement Research. In D. d. Porta, Methodological Practices in Social Movement Research (pp. 195-227). Oxford: Oxford Academic. Retrieved from https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198719571.003.0009 Lindgren, A., Jolly, B., Sabatini, C., & Wong, C. (2022). Good News, Bad News: A Snapshot of conditions of small-market newspapers in Canada. Retrieved from Good News Bad 315 News Toronto Metropolitan University: https://portal.journalism.torontomu.ca/goodnewsbadnews/ Lipsitz, G. (2006). The Possessive Investment in Whiteness: How White People Profit from Identity Politics. Temple University Press. Litke, W. (2018, March 13). War of Words. Maple Creek & Southwest Advance Times, p. A.4. Little, W., & McGivern, R. (2016). Introduction to Sociology. BCcampus. Locke, J. (2018 [1689]). Second Treatise of Government. Charles River Editors. Loeppky, B. (2018, February 16). Crime is the main issue - and it’s lost in Boushie case. The Province, p. A.21. Longman, N., & Morgan, P. D. (2018). Distinct Histories, Shared Solidarity. Briarpatch, 47(4), 4-9. Loppie, S., Reading, C., & Leeuw, S. D. (2014). Social Determinants of Health: Indigenous Experiences with Racism and it Impacts. National Collaboration Centre for Indigenous Health. Loreto, N. (2018, July 12). Canada remains a settler state. Prince George Citizen, p. A.6. Lozinski, P. (2017, May 18). Chiefs gather in PA. Prince Albert Daily Herald, p. A.1. Lozinski, P. (2018a, February 13). Where do we go from here?: Saskatchewan. Prince Albert Daily Herald, p. A.5. Lozinski, P. (2018b, February 16). Federal government promises new Indigenous rights framework. Prince Albert Daily Herald, p. A.11. Lugosi, C. (2018, February 20). There’s no need for criticism. Canada’s jury system works. The Globe and Mail, p. A.13. 316 MacCharles, T. (2018, February 14). Liberals say reforms coming ‘very soon’ to address Indigenous justice concerns. Toronto Star, p. A.1. MacCharles, T., Gallant, J., & Campion-Smith, B. (2018, March 18). ‘A start’ to diverse jury panels: New reforms will allow more representative criminal justice system. Toronto Star, p. A.6. MacDonald, D. (2018a, February 12). ‘Clearing the plains’ continues with the acquittal of Gerald Stanley. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/clearing-plains-continues-with-acquittal-gerald/docview/2002024840/se-2 MacDonald, D. (2018b, February 13). Indigenous men can’t rely on settler law: Larger context of Stanley acquittal is cultural genocide. Winnipeg Free Press, p. A.9. MacDougall, K. (2016, August 29). Apply cross-cultural justice measure to heal racism in province; Both sides of racial divide assume built-in biases block justice, writes Ken MacDougall. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.5. MacDougall, K. (2017a, September 9). Mr. Wall’s clown car getting full. Prince Albert Daily Herald, p. A.4. MacDougall, K. (2017b, October 17). The Sask. Party’s rural Texas strategy. Prince Albert Daily Herald, p. A.5. Mackay, C. (2018, February 14). Jury selection process requires examination. The Intelligencer, p. B.2. Macleod, R. C. (1976). The North-West Mounted Police and Law Enforcement, 1873-1905. University of Toronto Press. MacPherson, A. (2016, November 10). Rural group seeking new police strategy; Group asks for more officers, crime watch areas, better communication. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.3. 317 MacPherson, A. (2017a, January 20). Panel puts role of media under scrutiny: Discussion to review how reporters covered shooting of Colten Boushie. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.7. MacPherson, A. (2017b, March 15). RMs want laws relaxed on defence of property; After shooting of Colten Boushie, FSIN is ‘disgusted’ by resolution. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.1. MacPherson, A. (2017c, March 16). RMs discuss property defence: Crime. Prince Albert Daily Herald, p. A.15. MacPherson, A. (2017d, March 17). Self-defence resolution called ‘a slap in face’; Boushie family lawyer, indigenous leaders say it won't help bridge divisions. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.4. MacPherson, A. (2017e, March 21). Rural municipalities open to paying more for policing: SARM. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.4. MacPherson, A. (2017f, April 1). ‘Put down the firearm and pick up your phone’: RCMP commander urges residents. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.6. MacPherson, A. (2018a, February 12). Acquittal of Gerald Stanley in death of Colten Boushie ‘a defining moment,’ says Saskatoon Mayor Charlie Clark. Retrieved from Saskatoon StarPhoenix: https://thestarphoenix.com/news/local-news/acquittal-of-gerald-stanley-in-death-of-colten-boushie-a-defining-moment-says-saskatoon-mayor-charlie-clark MacPherson, A. (2018b, February 14). Watch group urges peaceful solutions to rural crime issues. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.4. MacPherson, A. (2018c, February 16). Sask. religious leaders call for reconciliation after Stanley verdict. Retrieved from Saskatoon StarPhoenix: 318 https://thestarphoenix.com/news/local-news/sask-religious-leaders-call-for-reconciliation-after-stanley-verdict MacPherson, A. (2018d, March 6). Rural property crime reports ‘low’, RCMP tells public meeting in Biggar; Residents say they are still worried but are urged to avoid confrontations. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.1. MacPherson, A. (2018e, July 11). Rural Crime Watch surging, new groups launching every month. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.2. MacPherson, A. (2018f, July 20). Rural Crime Watch surging in Saskatchewan. Northeast Sun, p. A.17. MacPherson, A. (2018g, August 24). Government, RCMP optimistic about new rural crime prevention measures. Retrieved from Saskatoon StarPhoenix: https://thestarphoenix.com/news/local-news/government-rcmp-optimistic-about-new-rural-crime-prevention-measures MacPherson, A. (2018h, August 25). 'Too soon to tell' if Sask. rural-crime plan working; Province's justice minister says added police presence 'going in right direction'. The Calgary Herald, p. A.5. MacPherson, A. (2018i, November 15). ‘We are finding it harder to recruit people’: RCMP say staffing rural Sask. still a problem. Retrieved from Saskatoon StarPhoenix: https://thestarphoenix.com/news/local-news/we-are-finding-it-harder-to-recruit-people-rcmp-say-staffing-rural-sask-still-a-problem Magna Carta of King John (From an original in the British museum: Cotton ms. Augustus II. 106; given to Sir Robert Cotton by Humphrey Wyems in 1629 1215). 319 Mah, B. (2018, March 1). Opinion: When is the last time you saw an Indigenous juror? Retrieved from Edmonton Journal: https://edmontonjournal.com/opinion/columnists/opinion-when-is-the-last-time-you-saw-an-indigenous-juror Mahony, B. (2000). Don't Forget RCMP's History. Saskatchewan Sage, 4(5), 12. Retrieved from Saskatchewan Sage: https://ammsa.com/publications/saskatchewan-sage/dont-forget-rcmps-history Maimann, K. (2019a, November 6). Alberta government ends right to sue ‘law-abiding’ property owners for causing injury while ‘defending’ their land. Retrieved from The Toronto Star: https://www.thestar.com/edmonton/2019/11/06/alberta-government-ends-right-to-sue-law-abiding-property-owners-for-causing-injury-while-defending-their-land.html#:~:text=EDMONTON%E2%80%94The%20Alberta%20government%20will,criminal%20act%20in%20the%20process. Maimann, K. (2019b, November 9). You still can’t shoot trespassers in Alberta despite ‘common misconception,’ criminal lawyer says. Retrieved from The Toronto Star: https://www.thestar.com/edmonton/2019/11/09/you-still-cant-shoot-trespassers-in-alberta-despite-common-misconception-criminal-lawyer-says.html#:~:text=%E2%80%9CThere's%20this%20common%20misconception%20that,'re%20on%20your%20property.%E2%80%9D Maimann, K. (2019c, November 16). ‘Are they targeting us?’: Alberta’s changes to rural-crime law met with some suspicion in Indigenous community. Retrieved from The Toronto Star: https://www.thestar.com/edmonton/2019/11/16/are-they-targeting-us-albertas-changes-to-rural-crime-law-met-with-some-suspicion-in-indigenous-community.html 320 Malakieh, J. (2018, June 19). Adult and youth correctional statistics in Canada, 2016/2017. Retrieved from Statistics Canada: https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/85-002-x/2018001/article/54972-eng.htm Malcolm, C. (2018a, February 13). MALCOLM: Half of prospective Boushie jurors were Aboriginal, says member of jury pool. Retrieved from Toronto Sun: https://torontosun.com/news/national/malcolm-half-of-prospective-boushie-jurors-were-aboriginal-says-member-of-jury-pool Malcolm, C. (2018b, February 14). Jury Pool Diverse; Prospective juror says Aboriginals made up large percentage of group. The Ottawa Sun, p. A.8. Malcolm, C. (2018c, February 14). Jury Pool Diverse; Prospective juror says Aboriginals made up large percentage of group. The Toronto Sun, p. A.6. Malcolm, C. (2018d, February 14). Prospective juror: Aboriginals made up large percentage of group. The Winnipeg Sun, p. A.5. Malone, K. G. (2018a, February 15). ‘He took my heart:’ Colten Boushie’s father remembers kind, goofy son. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/he-took-my-heart-colten-boushies-father-remembers/docview/2002633603/se-2 Malone, K. G. (2018b, March 5). ‘I feel scared:’ Indigenous youth call for change after high-profile acquittals. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/i-feel-scared-indigenous-youth-call-change-after/docview/2011394826/se-2 Malone, K. G. (2018c, April 18). Family and supporters of a young Indigenous man shot and killed on a Saskatchewan farm used the international stage of the United Nations Tuesday to advocate for change in the Canadian criminal justice system. The Lethbridge Herald, p. A.1. 321 Malone, K. G. (2018d, November 4). Indigenous people worry Saskatchewan trespassing plan may stoke racial tensions. Retrieved from National Post: https://nationalpost.com/news/canada/indigenous-people-worry-saskatchewan-trespassing-plan-may-stoke-racial-tensions Malone, K. G. (2020a, February 7). ‘Tore my world apart’: Indigenous Bar Association to honour Colten Boushie. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/tore-my-world-apart-indigenous-bar-association/docview/2352507406/se-2 Malone, K. G. (2020b, February 8). Indigenous Bar Association to honour Boushie. The Globe and Mail, p. A.11. Mandryk, M. (2016a, August 16). Racism and violence require a multi-pronged effort; Premier right to condemn social media comments about shooting. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.6. Mandryk, M. (2016b, August 16). Racism and violence require a multi-pronged effort; Premier right to condemn social media comments about shooting. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.4. Mandryk, M. (2016c, August 20). Wall fighting Sask. racism on both fronts. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.7. Mandryk, M. (2016d, August 20). Wall fighting Sask. racism on both fronts. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.6. Mandryk, M. (2016e, August 25). Province needs a direct anti-racism strategy. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.5. Mandryk, M. (2016f, August 25). Province needs a direct anti-racism strategy. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.5. 322 Mandryk, M. (2016g, September 23). Rural crime a serious issue most don’t get. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.12. Mandryk, M. (2016h, September 23). Rural crime a serious issue most don’t get. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.12. Mandryk, M. (2016i, September 26). Rural crime an issue most don’t understand. Chatham Daily News, p. A.4. Mandryk, M. (2016j, September 26). Rural crime an issue most don’t understand. The Beacon Herald, p. A.5. Mandryk, M. (2016k, September 26). Rural crime an issue most don’t understand. Kenora Daily Miner and News, p. A.8. Mandryk, M. (2017a, March 18). Self-defence resolution a sad affair all around. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.10. Mandryk, M. (2017b, March 18). Self-defence resolution a sad affair all around. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.8. Mandryk, M. (2017c, April 11). Tensions in Saskatchewan need to cool down. The Shaunavon Standard, p. A.4. Mandryk, M. (2017d, July 11). Better First Nations understanding needed by everyone. Maple Creek & Southwest Advance Times, p. A.4. Mandryk, M. (2017e, October 13). '60s Scoop tells us we remain far away from reconciliation. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.8. Mandryk, M. (2017f, October 13). '60s Scoop tells us we remain far away from reconciliation. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.8. 323 Mandryk, M. (2017g, November 14). Leaders must address rural issues. Maple Creek & Southwest Advance Times, p. A.4. Mandryk, M. (2017h, November 15). Leaders must address rural issues. The Shaunavon Standard, p. A.4. Mandryk, M. (2018a, February 6). There is only one victim in the Colten Boushie murder trial; Rather than a referendum on racism, it’s simply about determining the truth. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.5. Mandryk, M. (2018b, February 6). There is only one victim in the Colten Boushie murder trial; Rather than a referendum on racism, it’s simply about determining the truth. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.5. Mandryk, M. (2018c, February 14). Credit Moe for facing tough conversations in Stanley trial aftermath. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.6. Mandryk, M. (2018d, February 14). Credit Moe for facing tough conversations in Stanley trial aftermath. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.7. Mandryk, M. (2018e, February 20). Trial has made for tough conversations. Maple Creek & Southwest Advance Times, p. A.4. Mandryk, M. (2018f, February 21). Trial has made for tough conversations. The Shaunavon Standard, p. A.4. Mandryk, M. (2018g, March 9). Mandryk: Knee-jerk reactions to Stanley-Boushie won’t produce change. Retrieved from Regina Leader-Post: https://leaderpost.com/opinion/columnists/it-is-time-for-us-to-learn-something-from-death-of-colten-boushie 324 Mandryk, M. (2018h, March 17). Moe must show real commitment to tackle racism. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.6. Mandryk, M. (2018i, July 10). Best to understand why teepees are there. Maple Creek & Southwest Advance Times, p. A.4. Mandryk, M. (2018j, July 10). Best to understand why teepees are there. The Shaunavon Standard, p. A.4. Mandryk, M. (2018k, July 31). Rural crime stats a wakeup call. Maple Creek & Southwest Advance Times, p. A.4. Mandryk, M. (2018l, July 31). Rural crime stats a wakeup call. The Shaunavon Standard, p. A.4. Mandryk, M. (2018m, November 27). Trespassing law needs reasonable update. The Shaunavon Standard, p. A.4. Mandryk, M. (2019a, April 30). Merriman’s ‘lobbyist’ remark a step backward; Indigenous leaders deserve more respect from Sask. Party. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.4. Mandryk, M. (2019f, July 26). Mirasty As New Lg Should Command Respect And Open Dialogue. Melfort Northeast Sun, p. A.4. Markusoff, J. (2017, December 1). North Battleford’s Longest war. Maclean's. Martin, A. (2018a, February 28). Justice for Our Indigenous Children: Camp pitched near legislature in Regina. Retrieved from Regina Leader-Post: https://leaderpost.com/news/local-news/justice-for-our-indigenous-children-camp-pitched-near-legislature-in-regina Martin, A. (2018b, March 1). Camp aims to shine light on justice for Indigenous kids. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.1. 325 Martin, A. (2018c, March 1). Camp aims to shine light on justice for Indigenous kids. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.4. Martin, A., & Hill, A. (2018, February 15). Stanley verdict, Boushie death on Sask. school divisions' radar. Retrieved from Regina Leader-Post: https://leaderpost.com/news/local-news/stanley-verdict-boushie-death-on-sask-school-divisions-radar Martin, M. (2018, February 17). Where's the will to change?: What happened on that Saskatchewan farm in 2016 has split Canada at its seams. Winnipeg Free Press, p. D.3. Marubbio, M. E., & Buffalohead, E. L. (2013). Native Americans on film: Conversations, teaching, and theory. The University Press of Kentucky. Mason, G. (2018a, January 29). Wall’s successor vows carbon-tax fight: Scott Moe get elected to lead government of Saskatchewan while it's still reeling from downturn in oil prices. The Globe and Mail, p. A.4. Mason, G. (2018b, March 9). Rural anger jumps the fence to Alberta: There are likely to be more confrontations that test the will of those living in the country. The Globe and Mail, p. A.15. Mattoon, A. (2018, March 9). Everyone has the same rights. Calgary Herald, p. A.11. May, K. (2018, February 16). A call for justice. Retrieved from The Brandon Sun: https://www.proquest.com/newspapers/call-justice/docview/2545948243/se-2 May, K. (2019, January 21). Author probes context of Boushie killing: Book suggests jury selection, dearth of Indigenous judges threaten legitimacy of legal system. Winnipeg Free Press, p. B.3. Mazur, C. (2019, March 9). Justice denied: Author explores systemic racism against Indigenous people in Canadian court system. Winnipeg Free Press, p. D.3. 326 Mccorrister, C. (2018, February 14). Jury Objective? The Winnipeg Sun, p. A.10. McCrae, J. (2019, November 7). Reserve Life Is Not Healthy, Especially For Young People; Three People With Red Pheasant Cree Nation No. 108 Backgrounds. Three Stories. One Inescapable Conclusion. Brooks Weekend Regional, p. A.4. Mcculloch, M. (2018, February 24). People have right to protect themselves. Calgary Herald, p. A.13. McCutcheon, A. G. (2018, February 19). Rally held in support of Colten Boushie. Retrieved from Pincher Creek Echo: https://www.proquest.com/blogs-podcasts-websites/rally-held-support-colten-boushie/docview/2170635714/se-2 McDermott, V. (2018, February 27). MCFN woman elected Alberta Regional Chief. Retrieved from Fort McMurray Today: https://www.proquest.com/blogs-podcasts-websites/mcfn-woman-elected-alberta-regional-chief/docview/2186137475/se-2 McDevitt, I. (2018, February 12). Changing the game. Sherbrooke Record, p. A.6. McIntosh, P. (2005). White privilege: Unpacking the invisible knapsack. . In M. B. Zinn, P. Hondagneu-Sotelo, & M. A. Messner, Gender through the Prism of Difference (pp. 278-282). Oxford University Press. McKeen, A. (2018, February 11). Thousands gather to protest verdict: Outcry against justice system at vigils, rallies nationwide held to honour Boushie. Toronto Star, p. A.4. McKenna, R. (2018a, October 24). Five things to watch as Saskatchewan legislature returns for fall sitting. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/five-things-watch-as-saskatchewan-legislature/docview/2125231968/se-2 McKenna, R. (2018b, November 27). Saskatchewan proposes controversial trespass law requiring landowner permission. Retrieved from National Post: 327 https://nationalpost.com/pmn/news-pmn/canada-news-pmn/saskatchewan-proposes-controversial-trespass-law-requiring-landowner-permission McLean, K. C., & Syed, M. (2015). Personal, Master, and Alternative Narratives: An Integrative Framework for understanding Identity Development in Context. Human Development, 58, 318-349. McNeill, K. (2018, February 23). Saskatchewan trial reveals flaws in Canadian system. The Clearwater Times. McPherson, A. E. (1966). A History of the Battlefords to 1914 . University of Saskatchewan. Saskatoon: University of Saskatchewan. Retrieved from http://hdl.handle.net/10388/etd-03022011-125458 Melnychuk, M. (2018, May 11). Noel Starblanket is precious to Saskatchewan’s Indigenous community. Retrieved from Regina Leader-Post: https://leaderpost.com/life/qc/irreverent-politician-respected-elder-noel-starblanket-is-precious-to-saskatchewans-indigenous-community/ Mereska, N. (2018, February 13). Reverse racism doesn’t work either. Edmonton Journal, p. A.8. Merry, S. E. (2016). The Seductions of Quantification: Measuring Human Rights, Gender Violence, and Sex Trafficking. University of Chicago Press. Metallic, N. (2018, March 19). I am a Mi’kmaq lawyer, and I despair over Colten Boushie. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/i-am-mikmaq-lawyer-despair-over-colten-boushie/docview/2015926280/se-2 Meyer, D., & Russell, D. (2004). "So Fine and Pleasant, Beyond Description": The Lands and Lives of the Pegogamaw Crees. Plains Anthropologist, 49, 217-252. 328 Michael-Allen, M. (2018, February 14). Six Nations calls for national strategy to combat racism. Retrieved from Brantford Expositor: https://www.proquest.com/blogs-podcasts-websites/six-nations-calls-national-strategy-combat-racism/docview/2195673986/se-2 Milke, M. (2018, February 16). Prime minister, justice minister shouldn't divide people by race. The Calgary Herald, p. A.13. Miller, R. J. (2009). Compact, Contract, Covenant: Aboriginal Treaty-Making in Canada . University of Toronto Press. Milloy, J. (1999). National Crime: The Canadian Government and the Residential School System. University of Manitoba Press. Mirasty, R. (2018, March 2). Challenging challenges; It's time to get rid of peremptory challenges for jury selection. The Owen Sound Sun Times, p. A.5. MMIWG. (2019). The National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls (MMIWG) Final Report. Reclaiming Power and Place. Retrieved from https://www.mmiwg-ffada.ca/final-report/ Modjeski, M. (2018, February 8). Gerald Stanley trial: Closing arguments draw crowds to Battleford Court of Queen’s Bench. Retrieved from Saskatoon StarPhoenix: https://thestarphoenix.com/news/saskatchewan/court Moger, A. (2018, February 24). Society is too quick to judge and label people. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.11. Monchalin, L. (2016). The Colonial Problem: An Indigenous Perspective on Crime and Injustice in Canada. University of Toronto Press. Montreal Gazette. (2016, August 19). Everyday Racism. Montreal Gazette, p. A.8. 329 Moose Jaw Times Herald. (2016, September 23). Don't take law into own hands. Retrieved from Moose Jaw Times Herald: https://www.proquest.com/newspapers/dont-take-law-into-own-hands/docview/1999705816/se-2 Moran, R., & Starzyk, K. (2016, September 13). We must confront truth on journey to reconciliation. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.5. Morin, B. (2019, November 6). 'These are my babies': First Nation in shock after alleged threats to 'shoot up' school. Retrieved from The Toronto Star: https://www.thestar.com/edmonton/2019/11/06/these-are-my-babies-first-nation-in-shock-after-alleged-threats-to-shoot-up-school.html Moro, T. (2018, July 31). Shot dead asking for help: The Karl Staats story. Retrieved from Hamilton News: https://www.hamiltonnews.com/news-story/8771654-shot-dead-asking-for-help-the-karl-staats-story/ Morton, E. (2019). White Settler Death Drives: Settler Statecraft, White Possession, and Multiple Colonialisms under Treaty 6. Cultural Studies, 33(3), 437-459. Mulgrew, I. (2018, February 15). Fairer justice system will take great effort; Being under-represented on juries is just tip of the iceberg when it comes to problems. The Vancouver Sun, p. A.3. Mullen, P. (2019). Justice for Colten. Point of View, 36. Munro, D. (2018, March 1). Courts need to overcome biases. Thunder Bay Chronicle Journal. Murphy, C. (2017a, March 28). Farmyard light could show the way forward; Rural residents worried about crime need empathy, writes Chris Murphy. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.5. Murphy, C. (2017b, March 28). Farmyard light could show the way forward; Rural residents worried about crime need empathy, writes Chris Murphy. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.5. 330 Murphy, C. (2018a, August 14). Boushie lawyer is haunted by stint with RCMP; Policing Indigenous people was focus, Chris Murphy says. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.5. Murphy, C. (2018b, August 14). Boushie lawyer is haunted by stint with RCMP; Policing Indigenous people was focus, Chris Murphy says. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.5. Nagy, R., & Gillespie, E. (2015). Representing Reconciliation: A News Frame Analysis of Print Media Coverage of Indian Residential Schools. Transitional Justice Review, 3(1), 1-40. Narine, S. (2016). ‘Normal crime’ scenario fuels racism accusations in Boushie shooting. Windspeaker, 34(10). Retrieved from https://www.ammsa.com/publications/windspeaker/%E2%80%98normal-crime%E2%80%99-scenario-fuels-racism-accusations-boushie-shooting National Police Federation. (2021, March 21). CRCC report overlooks key facts and evidence in RCMP Investigation of Colten Boushie's death. Retrieved from CNW Group: https://www.newswire.ca/news-releases/crcc-report-overlooks-key-facts-and-evidence-in-rcmp-investigation-of-colten-boushie-s-death-856936986.html National Post. (2016a, August 19). Bail decision reserved for murder suspect; Man charged in native man’s farmyard death. National Post, p. A.2. National Post. (2016b, August 20). Saskatchewan Man Charged with Farmyard Murder Gets Bail. National Post, p. A.3. Neatby, S. (2018, February 15). March honours missing, murdered women. Prince George Citizen, p. A.1. Nelson, C. (2018, February 15). Yes, Canada can do better than the Trudeau gang; PM equates tweets with making difficult choices. The Calgary Herald, p. A.15. 331 Nelson, J. (2020, January 24). High rural crime rates and slow emergency response times leave Alberta residents feeling vulnerable. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/alberta/article-wheres-a-cop-when-you-need-one/ Nemattanew, C. R. (2002). The North American Genocide. Powhatan Press. New Hamburg Independent. (2018, February 14). Justice can't be blind to a fundamental unfairness. The New Hamburg Independent. Ngai, E. W., Tao, S. S., & Moon, K. K. (2015). Social Media Research: Theories, Constructs, and Conceptual Frameworks. International Journal of Information Management, 35(1), 33-44. Niagara This Week. (2018a, February 15). Community comes together at vigil for Colten Boushie. The Niagara This Week. Niagara This Week. (2018b, February 27). Blanket walk to honour Tina Fontaine. The Niagara This Week. Nicoll, D. (2020). Indigenous Film Captures Resistance to Racism. Herizons, 34(1), 9. Nikiforuk, A. (2001). Saboteurs: Wiebo Ludwig’s War against Big Oil. Macfarlane Walter & Ross. Normey, R. (2019, January 3). Juries as the great democratic hope of the criminal trial. Retrieved from LawNow: https://www.lawnow.org/juries-as-the-great-democratic-hope-of-the-criminal-trial/ Northeast Sun. (2018, April 6). Justice reform bill may prove too broad. Melfort Northeast Sun, p. A.4. Retrieved from Melfort Northeast Sun. 332 Occupiers Liability Act; Revised Statutes of Alberta 2000 Chapter O-4 (Alberta Queen’s Printer 2019). O'Connor, J. (2016, September 28). Fear on the farm: Rural Saskatchewan takes up arms; Response to report of armed masked gangs. National Post, p. A.3. O'Donnell, D. P. (2018, January 31). Jurors And Race. The Globe and Mail, p. A.14. Olson, M. (2019a, February 11). Vigil pays tribute to Colten Boushie. The Calgary Sun, p. A.4. Olson, M. (2019b, November 7). Lawyer Don Worme says Indigenous traditions needed in justice system. Retrieved from Saskatoon StarPhoenix: https://thestarphoenix.com/news/local-news/lawyer-don-worme-says-indigenous-traditions-needed-in-justice-system/ Omand, G. (2018a, February 12). Boushie’s family meets federal ministers after acquittal in murder trial. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/boushies-family-meets-federal-ministers-after/docview/2002025468/se-2 Omand, G. (2018b, March 9). First permanent female RCMP leader vows to leave no stone unturned. Retrieved from The Hamilton Spectator: https://www.thespec.com/news/canada/2018/03/09/first-permanent-female-rcmp-leader-vows-to-leave-no-stone-unturned.html Omrow, D. (2018). It is Not Easy being Green: A Critical Discourse and Frame Analysis of Environmental Advocacy on American Television. Journal of Media and Communication Studies, 10(3), 14-24. Ottawa Citizen Editorial Board. (2018, February 16). Today’s letters: Olympic medals, police duties, the Colten Boushie case. Retrieved from The Ottawa Citizen: 333 https://ottawacitizen.com/opinion/letters/todays-letters-olympic-medals-police-duties-the-colten-boushie-case Out in the Open. (2018, February 21). 'I was blind to the racial tension': Colten Boushie's family speaks out about the aftermath of his death. Retrieved from CBC News: https://www.cbc.ca/radio/outintheopen/i-was-blind-to-the-racial-tension-colten-boushie-s-family-speaks-out-about-the-aftermath-of-his-death-1.4445326 Pacholik, B. (2018, February 9). Court of contention: A look back at crimes that divided a province. Retrieved from Regina Leader-Post: https://leaderpost.com/news/crime/court-of-contention-a-look-back-at-crimes-that-divided-a-province Palmater, P. (2019, November 12). Guns and White Supremacists Don’t Mix. Retrieved from Maclean's: https://www.macleans.ca/opinion/guns-and-white-supremacists-dont-mix/ Panagos, D. (2016). Uncertain Accommodation: Aboriginal Identity and Group Rights in the Supreme Court of Canada. UBC Press. Paradkar, S. (2018a, February 10). Our reaction to injustice for Colten Boushie is a reflection of our soul as individuals and Canadians. Retrieved from The Toronto Star: https://www.thestar.com/opinion/star-columnists/2018/02/10/our-reaction-to-injustice-is-a-reflection-our-soul-as-individuals-and-canadians.html Paradkar, S. (2018b, February 11). ‘Justice for Colten’ - rage over a verdict: Anger builds across country over acquittal in fatal shooting of young Indigenous man. Toronto Star, p. A.1. Paradkar, S. (2018c, February 21). Post Colten Boushie verdict, is Twitter taking sides? Retrieved from The Toronto Star: https://www.thestar.com/opinion/star-columnists/2018/02/21/post-colten-boushie-verdict-is-twitter-taking-sides.html 334 Parnell, K. (2018, February 11). BC Aboriginals: 'There are two systems of justice in this country'. Kelowna Capital News. Parsons, P. (2018, February 15). Scrap peremptory jury challenges, lawyer says. Edmonton Journal, p. A.3. Parsons, P., & Wakefield, J. (2018, March 11). NDP’s rural crime fighting plan gets mixed reviews. Retrieved from Edmonton Journal: https://www.proquest.com/blogs-podcasts-websites/ndps-rural-crime-fighting-plan-gets-mixed-reviews/docview/2013120571/se-2 Parsons, R. (2019, January 31). Re: Author probes context of Boushie killing (Jan. 21). Retrieved from The Winnipeg Free Press: https://www.proquest.com/newspapers/letters-comments-jan-31/docview/2546214158/se-2 Pattison, I. (2018, February 24). Justice demands politics be kept out of the courtroom. Thunder Bay Chronicle Journal. Paul, A. (2018a, February 10). Hundreds attend peace rally after acquittal verdict in shooting death of Boushie. Retrieved from The Winnipeg Free Press: https://www.proquest.com/newspapers/hundreds-attend-peace-rally-after-acquittal/docview/2545624811/se-2 Paul, A. (2018b, February 13). Manitoba senator calls for review of laws. Winnipeg Free Press, p. A.2. Paul, A. (2018c, February 23). Camp at Legislature calls for justice for Indigenous people. Retrieved from The Winnipeg Free Press: https://www.proquest.com/newspapers/camp-at-legislature-calls-justice-indigenous/docview/2545603581/se-2 Paul, L. J. (2016, August 26). Ugliness exposed by shooting death. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.8. 335 Perkel, C. (2018, February 13). No shortage on jury-fix ideas over the decades, but reform elusive. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/no-shortage-on-jury-fix-ideas-over-decades-reform/docview/2002265092/se-2 Perreault, S. (2015). Criminal victimization in Canada, 2014. Ottawa: Juristat Statistics Canada Catalogue 85-002-X. Persson, H. (2018a, February 12). Persson: After the Stanley verdict, it’s time to listen with compassion, to work on reconciliation. Retrieved from Regina Leader-Post: https://leaderpost.com/opinion/columnists/persson-after-the-stanley-verdict-its-time-to-listen-with-compassion-to-work-on-reconciliation/wcm/98fe6620-b7a0-4a3c-94e4-339a38ac81cd/#:~:text=Persson%3A%20After%20the%20Stanley%20verdict%2C%20it%27s%20time%20to Persson, H. (2018b, February 12). Saskatchewan is better than this callous ugliness. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.5. Persson, H. (2018c, February 13). Saskatchewan is better than this callous ugliness. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.6. Persson, H. (2018d, November 27). How Do guns fit into Saskatchewan today?; Few things underline urban-rural divide more strongly than firearms. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.1. Persson, H. (2018e, November 27). How Do guns fit into Saskatchewan today?; Few things underline urban-rural divide more strongly than firearms. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.1. Persson, H. (2018f, December 1). The shot that divided a province; Few things in saskatchewan underline the urban-rural divide more strongly than firearms by Heather Persson. National Post, p. A.6. 336 Persson, H. (2019a, January 12). The Shot that Divided A Province; Few Things In Saskatchewan Underline The Urban-Rural Divide More Strongly Than Firearms. Calgary Herald, p. A.8. Persson, H. (2019b, January 26). The Shot that divided a province; stalking the perfect animal; Few Things in Saskatchewan underline the urban-rural divide more strongly than firearms. Edmonton Journal, p. B.2. Peterson, B. (2018, February 20). Is Saskatchewan a racist haven? Are First Nations relations there a disaster? Toronto Star, p. A.11. Petrow, E. (2018a, February 12). ‘I’ve lost faith in the justice system’: Rallies in Saskatoon, across Canada, call for change after Stanley verdict. Retrieved from Ottawa Citizen: https://ottawacitizen.com/news/local-news/ive-lost-faith-in-the-justice-system-rally-in-saskatoon-calls-for-change-after-stanley-verdict/wcm/8cd3780b-0960-4e7c-bf45-7e4ca435b074/ Petrow, E. (2018b, February 12). Rallies in Saskatoon, across Canada, call for change after Stanley verdict. Retrieved from Saskatoon StarPhoenix: https://thestarphoenix.com/news/local-news/ive-lost-faith-in-the-justice-system-rally-in-saskatoon-calls-for-change-after-stanley-verdict/ Pincher Creek Echo. (2018, March 14). Demand action on rural crime. Pincher Creek Echo, p. A.4. Plonka, G. (2019, September 25). ‘I wish my brother was still with us’. Whitehorse Star, p. A.2. Polischuk, H. (2017, December 27). Boushie death underlines tensions in rural areas; Indigenous hunters once welcome on farms note mood has shifted. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.1. 337 Polk, D. (2018, February 15). Some questions about our justice system. The Pembroke Observer, p. A.5. PostMedia Network. (2018a, January 27). 'Not a referendum on racism', says lawyer for accused. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.3. PostMedia Network. (2018b, March 21). Rural crime watch groups will be ‘eyes and ears’ for Alberta RCMP under formal agreement. The Vermilion Standard, p. A.6. Power Play with Don Martin. (2018a, March 6). RCMP Watchdog Examining Boushie Case. Retrieved from CTV Television: https://www.proquest.com/other-sources/rcmp-watchdog-examining-boushie-case/docview/2013319147/se-2 Power Play with Don Martin. (2018b, March 14). Strategy Session. Retrieved from CTV Television: https://www.proquest.com/other-sources/strategy-session/docview/2015702249/se-2 Power Play with Don Martin. (2018c, March 21). View from the Hill. Retrieved from CTV Television: https://www.proquest.com/other-sources/view-hill/docview/2018449094/se-2 Power Play with Don Martin. (2018d, March 29). Reforming the Justice System. Retrieved from CTV Television: https://www.proquest.com/other-sources/reforming-justice-system/docview/2022042075/se-2 Power Play with Don Martin. (2018e, December 18). Press Gallery. Retrieved from CTV Television: https://www.proquest.com/other-sources/press-gallery/docview/2161615429/se-2 PR Newswire. (2018, March 6). CRCC Chairperson initiates complaint and public interest investigation into the RCMP’s investigation of the death of Mr. Colten Boushie. 338 Retrieved from PR Newswire: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/crcc-chairperson-initiates-complaint-public/docview/2010877575/se-2 Preston, R. J. (2021, October 27). Nehiyawak (Cree). Retrieved from The Canadian Encyclopedia: https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/cree Price, J. (2011). Orienting Canada: Race, Empire, and the Transpacific. UBC Press. Prince George Citizen. (2018a, February 27). Rally demands justice in Fontaine case. The Prince George Citizen, p. A.1. Prince George Citizen. (2018b, March 20). Stanley facing firearms charges in Boushie case. Prince George Citizen, p. A.3. Prince George Citizen. (2018c, August 10). Boushie family sues farmer. The Prince George Citizen, p. A.5. Prutschi, E. (2019, February 14). PMO's meddling past; An entrenched habit of manipulating the course of justice. The Winnipeg Sun, p. A.12. Purdy, C. (2018a, February 9). Experts renew call for challenge changes, jury lists with more indigenous names. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/experts-renew-call-challenge-changes-jury-lists/docview/2000939321/se-2 Purdy, C. (2018b, February 9). Gerald Stanley acquittal: What are peremptory challenges and why are they so controversial? Retrieved from National Post: https://nationalpost.com/news/canada/experts-renew-call-for-challenge-changes-jury-lists-with-more-indigenous-names Purdy, C. (2018c, February 13). ‘It could have been me:’ Some farmers support murder acquittal of Gerald Stanley. The Lethbridge Herald, p. A.1. 339 Purdy, C. (2018d, March 9). 'Two separate piles:' saskatchewan inquests allow for indigenous jury pools. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/two-separate-piles-saskatchewan-inquests-allow/docview/2012714372/se-2 Quan, D. (2018a, January 26). 'Scared how bad it could get': Racial tension hangs over Sask. as trial for farmer who allegedly killed Indigenous man looms. Retrieved from National Post: https://nationalpost.com/news/canada/scared-how-bad-it-could-get-racial-tension-hangs-over-sask-as-trial-for-farmer-who-allegedly-killed-indigenous-man-approaches Quan, D. (2018b, January 27). ‘Scared how bad it could get’; Tensions high in Saskatchewan as trial to begin in killing of indigenous man. The Vancouver Sun, p. N.4. Quan, D. (2018c, February 7). Is 'deck stacked' against Indigenous victims? Trials raise jury diversity, media bias concerns. Retrieved from National Post: https://nationalpost.com/news/canada/is-deck-stacked-against-indigenous-victims-trials-raise-jury-diversity-media-bias-concerns Quan, D. (2018d, February 8). Murder trials prompt accusations of racial bias. National Post, p. A.1. Quan, D. (2018e, February 16). What the Boushie jury was told. National Post, p. A.9. Quan, D. (2018f, February 17). ‘What is the family supposed to think?’; RCMP faces tough questions after controversial Stanley trial. Calgary Herald, p. N.6. Quan, D. (2018g, March 10). Taking on the ‘old boys’; New RCMP head faces challenge of shaking up established culture. The London Free Press, p. N.3. Quan, K., & Blackley, S. (2018, February 15). Morning Update: Florida shooting; Zuma resigns; Patrick Brown. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: 340 https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/morning-update-florida-shooting-zuma-resigns-patrick-brown/article37989233/ Quan, K., & Ligeti, A. (2018a, February 13). Morning Update: Ottawa orders national-security review of Aecon’s sale; Boushie family's visit to Ottawa. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/morning-update-ottawa-orders-national-security-review-of-aecons-sale-boushie-familys-visit-to-ottawa/article37957891/ Quan, K., & Ligeti, A. (2018b, February 14). Morning Update: NAFTA; Boushie’s mother hopeful after Trudeau meeting; Zuma refuses to step down. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/morning-update-nafta-boushies-mother-hopeful-after-trudeau-meeting-zuma/article37973922/ Quenneville, G. (2018a, February 6). What happened on Gerald Stanley's farm the day Colten Boushie was shot, as told by witnesses. Retrieved from CBC News: https://www.cbc.ca/news/ Quenneville, G. (2018b, February 9). Shouts of 'murderer' in courtroom after Gerald Stanley acquitted in Colten Boushie shooting. Retrieved from CBC News: https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/saskatoon/gerald-stanley-colten-boushie-verdict-1.4526313 R v. Bryant, 6 O.A.C. 118 (CA) (O.A.C. 1984). R v. Cormier, 10 (NBCA 2017). R v. Creighton, 3 (S.C.R. 1993). R v. Gladue, 688 (S.C.R. 1999). R v. Hasselwander, 2 S.C.R. 398 (S.C.R. 1993). R v. Khill, 4149 (ONSC 2018). 341 R v. Khill, 39112 (SCC 37 2021). R v. Kokopenace, 35475 (SCC 28 2015). R v. Krieger, 30950 (SCC 47 2006). R v. Latimer, 26980 (SCC 1 2001). R v. Morgentaler, 19556 (SCR 30 1988). R v. Newborn, 13 (ABQB 2016). R v. Rogers, O.J. No. 3009, 38 C.R. (5th) 331 (OSCJ 2000). R v. Sherratt, 21501 (SCR 509 1991). R v. Stanley [Preliminary] court transcripts (SCQB 2017). R v. Stanley, 27 (SKQB 2018). R v. Stanley, 27 (SKQB January 23, 2018). R v. Williams, 1128 (S.C.R. 1998). R. v. Stanley [Show Cause] court transcripts (2016). Raibmon, P. (2008). Unmaking Native Space: A Genealogy of Indian Policy, Settler Practice, and the Microtechniques of Dispossession. In A. H. (ed), The Power of Promises: Rethinking Indian Treaties in the Pacific Northwest (pp. 56-85). University of Washington Press. Rawls, J. (1972). A Theory of Justice. The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. Razack, S. (2015). Dying from Improvement: Inquests and Inquiries into Indigenous Deaths in Custody. University of Toronto Press. Razack, S. H. (1998). Looking White People in the Eye: Gender, Race, and Culture in Courtrooms and Classrooms. University of Toronto Press. 342 Renzetti, E. (2016, September 9). Many of the world’s most potent protests have involved stillness. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/many-of-the-worlds-most-potent-protests-have-involved-stillness/article31806961/#:~:text=Weirdly%2C%20the%20calmness%20of%20that%20defiance%20often%20provokes,lesson%20that%20is%20being%20played%20out%20even%20now. Report of the Independent Review Conducted by The Honourable Frank Iacobucci. (1980). First Nations Representation on Ontario Juries. Contact & Conflict: Indian European relations in British Columbia. Simon Fraser University. Roach, K. (2018a, January 30). Colten Boushie’s family should be upset: Our jury selection procedure is not fair. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/colten-boushies-family-should-be-upset-our-jury-selection-procedure-is-not-fair/article37787115/ Roach, K. (2018b, January 31). Jury selection is efficient, but it’s not fair. The Globe and Mail, p. A.15. Roach, K. (2018c, April 3). A good first step towards diverse, impartial Canadian juries. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/good-first-step-towards-diverse-impartial/docview/2021790179/se-2 Roach, K. (2018d, July 3). Khill verdict should make us think twice about our self-defence laws. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/article-khill-verdict-should-make-us-think-twice-about-our-self-defence-laws/ 343 Roach, K. (2018e, July 4). Khill verdict should make us think twice about our self-defence laws. The Globe and Mail, p. A.9. Roach, K. (2019a, January 20). Colten Boushie, Gerald Stanley and a case that’s hard to defend. Toronto Star, p. A.9. Roach, K. (2019b, February 9). One year after the acquittal of Gerald Stanley, little has changed. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/article-one-year-after-the-acquittal-of-gerald-stanley-little-has-changed/ Roach, K. (2019c). Canadian Justice, Indigenous Injustice: The Gerald Stanley and Colten Boushie Case. McGill-Queen's University Press. Roach, K. (2020, February 10). Gerald Stanley Case. Retrieved from The Canadian Encyclopedia: https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/gerald-stanley-and-colten-boushie-case Robertson, D. (2018, October 19). Rural crime rising, worried residents tell Ottawa. Winnipeg Free Press, p. A.1. Robson, J. (2018a, February 14). John Robson: Stoking fiery division over the Boushie verdict doesn’t show you care. Retrieved from National Post: https://nationalpost.com/opinion/john-robson-stoking-fiery-division-over-the-boushie-verdict-doesnt-show-you-care Robson, J. (2018b, February 17). Stoking divisions hurts reconciliation efforts; What happened on Stanley farm was a tragedy for everyone, John Robson says. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.10. 344 Robson, J. (2018c, February 17). Stoking divisions hurts reconciliation efforts; What happened on Stanley farm was a tragedy for everyone, John Robson says. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.10. Roos, M. (2018a, February 16). Don’t mettle with our judicial system. The Windsor Star, p. A.6. Roos, M. (2018b, February 19). Politicians shouldn’t be commenting on Stanley verdict. Retrieved from The Windsor Star: https://windsorstar.com/opinion/letters/reader-letter-politicians-shouldnt-be-commenting-on-stanley-verdict Rose, D., & Kalathil, J. (2019). Power, Privilege and Knowledge: The Untenable Promise of Co-production in Mental “Health”. Frontiers in Sociology, 4(57), 1-11. Roth, M. (2017, March 21). Saskatchewan residents want better self-defence laws. Maple Creek & Southwest Advance Times, p. A.3. Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples. (1996). People to people, nation to nation: Highlights from the report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples. Ottawa: Minister of Supply and Services Canada. Royal Proclamation, App II, No. 1 (reprinted in RSC 1985, October 7, 1763). Ruddell, R., & O'Connor, C. (2022). What do the Rural Folks Think? Perceptions of Police Performance. Policing: A Journal of Policy and Practice, 16(1), 107-121. Rudin, J. (2018, April 30). The (in)justice system and Indigenous people. Retrieved from Policy Options: https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/april-2018/the-injustice-system-and-indigenous-people/ Rumbolt, R. (2018a, March 1). Trespassing case stirs up fears over rural crime; Alberta Ranchers. National Post, p. A.4. 345 Rumbolt, R. (2018b, March 9). Rural homeowners rally for man charged with shooting suspected thief. Retrieved from The Calgary Sun: https://calgarysun.com/news/provincial/rural-homeowners-voice-support-for-man-charged-with-shooting-at-suspected-thief Rumbolt, R. (2018c, March 14). Rural homeowners rally for man charged with shooting suspected thief. Pincher Creek Echo, p. A.11. Rumbolt, R. (2018d, March 16). Second person arrested in Okotoks rural break-in, shooting. Retrieved from Calgary Sun: https://calgarysun.com/news/crime/second-person-arrested-in-okotoks-rural-break-in-shooting Rumbolt, R. (2018e, March 20). Second suspect arrested in Okotoks rural break-in, shooting. The High River Times, p. A.16. Rumbolt, R. (2018f, October 19). 'Your neighbours cannot hear you scream': Maurice family take rural crime concerns to Ottawa committee. Retrieved from Calgary Herald (Online): https://calgaryherald.com/news/local-news/your-neighbours-cannot-hear-you-scream-maurice-family-take-rural-crime-concerns-to-ottawa-committee Rushworth, K. (2018a, March 4). Rural crime fears voiced at open house. Retrieved from The High River Times: https://www.proquest.com/blogs-podcasts-websites/rural-crime-fears-voiced-at-open-house/docview/2169922092/se-2 Rushworth, K. (2018b, March 6). Rural crime fears voiced at open house. The High River Times, p. A.8. Said, E. W. (1993). Culture and Imperialism. Knopf. Salhany, R. E. (2019). A Rush to Judgment: The Unfair Trial of Louis Riel. Dunburn. 346 Sam Pazzano Courts Bureau. (2018, March 29). Liberals’ law reforms going backwards at ‘breakneck speed’: lawyers. Retrieved from The Toronto Sun: https://torontosun.com/news/local-news/liberals-law-reforms-going-backwards-at-breakneck-speed-lawyers Sampson, C. (1995). Buried in the silence. NeWest Press. Sandelowski, M. (2000). Whatever happened to qualitative description? Research in Nursing & Health, 334-340. Saskatchewan Herald. (1885, December 14). Judging a Judge. The Saskatchewan Herald. University of Saskatchewan Library. Saskatchewan Law Courts. (2021, October 26). Jury Information. Retrieved from Courts of Saskatchewan; Jury Information; Court of Queen’s Bench: https://sasklawcourts.ca/queens-bench/jury-information/ Saskatoon StarPhoenix. (2016, August 16). Mistrust must end. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.4. Saskatoon StarPhoenix. (2018a, March 2). Lawyers’ advocacy group urges province to appeal Stanley verdict. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.4. Saskatoon StarPhoenix. (2018b, March 9). PM’s Indigenous rights agenda must include all. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. BR.5. Saskatoon StarPhoenix. (2018c, March 27). Province gets 'nearly 1,000' correspondence items about Stanley trial. Retrieved from Saskatoon StarPhoenix: https://www.proquest.com/blogs-podcasts-websites/province-gets-nearly-1-000-correspondence-items/docview/2018611222/se-2 Sawa, D. (2018, March 1). Court system flaws are a sad reality. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.6. Sawatzky, K. D. (2016). Going to J-school: my walk of protest. Canadian Mennonite, 20(18), 9. 347 Schick, C., & St. Denis, V. (2005). Troubling National Discourses in Anti-Racist Curricular Planning. Canadian Journal of Education, 28, 295-317. Schiffer, A. J. (2017). Evaluating Media Bias. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. Schneider, S. (2018, February 23). Fair Verdict For Stanley. The Grande Prairie Daily Herald-Tribune, p. A.6. Schwenk, H. (2018, March 8). A Canadian is a Canadian. East Central Alberta Review, p. A.6. Scrimshaw, G. (2018, February 16). A Killing in Saskatchewan; If Canada is to fix its systemic inequalities, it needs to address racism. The New York Times, p. A.29. Seesequasis, P. (2018, February 13). A made-in-Saskatchewan crisis: The Stanley verdict fallout has deep roots going back to the signing of Treaty 6. The Globe and Mail, p. A.17. Seucharan, C., & Ball, D. P. (2019, April 24). Jody Wilson-Raybould and Jane Philpott say Liberals have ‘fallen back’ on grand Indigenous pledges. Retrieved from The Toronto Star: https://www.thestar.com/news/canada/2019/04/24/jody-wilson-raybould-and-jane-philpott-say-liberals-have-fallen-back-on-grand-indigenous-pledges.html Short, A. (2019a, March 10). FSIN ready to challenge trespassing legislation. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.4. Short, A. (2019b, May 3). FSIN calls for RCMP action on Ochapowace First Nation trespassing incident. Melfort Northeast Sun, p. A.8. Simons, P. (2018, February 14). Paula Simons: Colten Boushie case exposes a rural Canada tipping to anarchy. Retrieved from Edmonton Journal: https://edmontonjournal.com/news/crime/paula-simons-colten-boushie-case-exposes-a-rural-canada-tipping-to-anarchy 348 Sims, J. (2019a, September 23). ANALYSIS: Changes to jury selection praised and panned by lawyers. Retrieved from The London Free Press: https://lfpress.com/news/local-news/changes-to-jury-selection-praised-and-panned-by-lawyers Sims, J. (2019b, October 3). New jurypicking rules face first test. Strathroy Age Dispatch, p. A.5. Sims, J. (2020, January 25). Convictions in question; Court of Appeal decision on jury selection gives killers a chance to appeal. The London Free Press, p. A.3. Sinclair, N. (2018a, February 11). A hostile verdict for Colten Boushie. Winnipeg Free Press, p. A.2. Sinclair, N. (2018b, August 4). New cabinet, same neglect of Indigenous issues. Winnipeg Free Press, p. A.1. Skolnik, T. (2018). The Jury System in Canada. Sistemas Judiciales, 16-22. Retrieved from https://sistemasjudiciales.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/947.pdf Skrepnek, D. (2018, February 15). Letters: February 15, 2018. Retrieved from Winnipeg Sun: https://winnipegsun.com/opinion/letters/letters-february-15-2018 Smith, D. (2018, February 21). Leave our justice system alone, broken mandate in Cayuga and other letters to the editor. Retrieved from The Hamilton Spectator: https://www.thespec.com/opinion/letters-to-the-editors/2018/02/21/feb-22-leave-our-justice-system-alone-broken-mandate-in-cayuga-and-other-letters-to-the-editor.html Smith, J. (2018a, February 14). Time for 'rights-based approach' to Indigenous affairs, PM Trudeau says. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/time-rights-based-approach-indigenous-affairs-pm/docview/2002582215/se-2 349 Smith, J. (2018b, March 29). Five things to know about Liberal justice reforms in Bill C-75. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/five-things-know-about-liberal-justice-reforms/docview/2020217643/se-2 Smith, J., & Omand, G. (2018, March 30). Justice revamped; Liberals set to reform jury selection process, pre-trial hearings. The Calgary Sun, p. A.10. Smith, R. (2018, May 10). Justice for Colten: APTN Investigates. Retrieved from YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=T9ebosPIa-Y Smith, S. (2018, February 16). Six Nations Elected Council comments on Colten Boushie verdict. Retrieved from The Sachem/Glanbrook Gazette: https://www.sachem.ca/news-story/8139098-six-nations-elected-council-comments-on-colten-boushie-verdict/ Snow, D. A., & Benford, R. D. (1988). Ideology, Frame Resonance and Participant Mobilization. International Social Movement Research(1), 197-217. Snow, D. A., Benford, R. D., McCammon, H. J., Hewitt, L., & Fitzgerald, S. (2014). The Emergence, Development, and Future of the Framing Perspective: 25+ Years Since ‘Frame Alignment'. Mobilization: An International Quarterly, pp. 489-512. Snow, D. A., Vliegenthart, R., & Ketelaars, P. (2019). The Framing Perspective on Social Movements: Its Conceptual Roots and Architecture. In S. A. David A. Snow, The Wiley Blackwell Companion to Social Movements, Second Edition (pp. 392-410). Wiley Blackwell. Spence, J. (2018, February 12). PM shouldn’t challenge a jury verdict. Toronto Star, p. A.10. Spivak, G. C. (1988). Can the subaltern speak? . Macmillan. 350 Spratt, M. (2018a, February 14). Spratt: Canada has the opportunity to fix its justice system. Retrieved from The Ottawa Sun: https://ottawasun.com/opinion/columnists/spratt-canada-has-the-opportunity-to-fix-its-justice-system Spratt, M. (2018b, February 15). Time to fix the system; Canadian justice needs work. The Ottawa Sun, p. A.17. Spratt, M. (2018c, April 2). Why the new justice reform bill, C-75, is anything but just. Retrieved from Ottawa Citizen: https://ottawacitizen.com/opinion/columnists/spratt-why-the-new-justice-reform-bill-c-75-is-anything-but-just Spray, H. (2018, February 19). Teach-in focuses on systemic injustices towards Indigenous people in wake of Stanley verdict. Retrieved from Saskatoon StarPhoenix: https://thestarphoenix.com/news/local-news/teach-in-focuses-on-systemic-injustices-towards-indigenous-people-in-wake-of-stanley-verdict St. Denis, V. (2011). Silencing Aboriginal Curricular Content and Perspectives through Multiculturalism: "there are other children here". The Review of Education/Pedagogy/Cultural Studies, 33(4), 306-317. Stanway, S. M. (2018a, March 6). Person crimes named as a local police priority. The Brooks Bulletin, p. A.4. Stanway, S. M. (2018b, April 3). Landowners reminded to lock doors, turn on lights. The Brooks Bulletin, p. A.2. Starblanket, G., & Hunt, D. (2018, February 13). How the death of Colten Boushie became recast as the story of a knight protecting his castle. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/how-the-death-of-colten-boushie-became-recast-as-the-story-of-a-knight-protecting-his-castle/article37958746/ 351 Starblanket, G., & Hunt, D. (2020). Storying Violence: Unravelling Colonial Narratives in the Stanley Trial. ARP Books. Statistics Canada. (2009). Measuring Crime in Canada: Introducing the Crime Severity Index and Improvements to the Uniform Crime Reporting Survey. Ottawa: Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics, Minister of Industry. Retrieved from https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/85-004-x/2009001/aftertoc-aprestdm1-eng.htm Statistics Canada. (2019, October 29). Canadian Internet Use Survey. Retrieved from Statistics Canada: https://www23.statcan.gc.ca/imdb/p2SV.pl?Function=getSurvey&SDDS=4432 Steen, E. (2018, July 1). Against Performative Sharing. Briarpatch, 47(4), 40. St-Jacques, G. (2018, April 10). Objection, Your Honour. The Brockville Recorder and Times, p. A.6. St-Jacques, N. (2018, February 13). The Colten Boushie killings. The National Post, p. A.12. Stockland, P. (2018, March 1). Systemic racism or a protected, impartial process?: The Boushie case has touched off a firestorm that reveals a misunderstanding of how our legal system works. The Waterloo Region Record, p. A.8. Stonechild, B., & Waiser, W. A. (2010). Loyal Till Death: Indians and the North-West Rebellion. Fifth House Books. Stoppi, J. (2018, April 1). Reforms will help prevent injustice. Times-Colonist, p. A.11. Summerville, T. (2018, May 5). Composition of juries a complex question. Prince George Citizen, p. A.6. Surette, R. (2011). Media, Crime and Criminal Justice: Images, Realities and Politics. Wadsworth Cengage Learning. 352 Surette, R. (2015). Performance Crime and Justice. Current Issues in Criminal Justice, 27(2), 195-217. Switzer, M. (2016, October 18). Artist’s work always political; ‘Education is something that can connect us. The art has given me success so people will listen to what I say.' . North Bay Nugget, p. A.5. Switzer, T. (2018a, February 11). AFN Chief Perry Bellegarde calls for national strategy to address racism following Stanley verdict. Retrieved from Regina Leader-Post: https://leaderpost.com/news/local-news/afn-chief-perry-bellegarde-calls-for-national-strategy-to-address-racism-following-stanley-verdict Switzer, T. (2018b, February 12). Hundreds rally in Regina after Stanley verdict. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.1. Switzer, T. (2018c, February 27). Opinion: Reconciliation must include rural communities. Retrieved from Regina Leader-Post: https://leaderpost.com/opinion/columnists/reconciliation-must-include-rural-communities Syed, F. (2018, February 14). Indigenous media site hacked: Media Indigena went offline 'shortly after' Stanley article. The Toronto Star, p. A.2. Tait, C. (2016a, August 18). Tension outside court as suspect pleads not guilty in killing of First Nations man. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/suspect-pleads-not-guilty-in-fatal-shooting-of-first-nations-man/article31454429/ Tait, C. (2016b, August 19). Boushie case ignites racial tensions: Mounties hold watch inside and outside court as Gerald Stanley pleads not guilty in the killing of 22-year-old First Nations man. The Globe and Mail, p. A.3. 353 Tait, C. (2016c, August 19). Saskatchewan's racial divide. Retrieved from The Globe and Mail: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/fatal-shooting-on-saskatchewan-farm-inflames-racial-tensions/article31478846/ Tait, C. (2020, February 1). Wildlife agents to join battle against rural crime: Peace officers from various branches to get first-responder roles added to existing duties. The Globe and Mail, p. A.7. Talaga, T. (2019, February 5). The legacy of Colten Boushie is that Canadian justice means something entirely different for Indigenous peoples. Retrieved from Toronto Star: https://www.thestar.com/politics/political-opinion/2019/02/05/representative-juries-would-be-a-good-first-step-if-we-are-serious-about-justice-for-indigenous-peoples.html?utm_source=Twitter&utm_medium=SocialMedia&utm_campaign=830am&utm_campaign_id=Opinion Talvila, T. (2016, October 24). Canadian Tragedy. The Globe and Mail, p. A.10. Tanovich, D. M. (2018a, March 9). With so many unanswered questions, why no Stanley appeal? The Globe and Mail, p. A.15. Tanovich, D. M. (2018b, April 6). How racial bias likely impacted the Stanley verdict. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/how-racial-bias-likely-impacted-stanley-verdict/docview/2022845773/se-2 Tattrie, J. (2019). Media Bias in Canada. Retrieved from The Canadian Encyclopedia: https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/media-bias-in-canada Taylor, S. (2019a, March 6). NDP says proposed Saskatchewan trespass law changes are divisive. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/ndp-says-proposed-saskatchewan-trespass-law/docview/2189129720/se-2 354 Taylor, S. (2019b, March 8). Saskatchewan’s trespass law passes; visitors need consent from rural landowners. Retrieved from The Canadian Press: https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/saskatchewans-trespass-law-passes-visitors-need/docview/2222822619/se-2 Teillet, J. (2019). The North-West is Our Mother: The Story of Louis Riel's People, the Métis Nation. HarperCollins Publishers Ltd. Telegraph-Journal. (2018, August 10). Canada/World Briefs; Family of Colten Boushie files lawsuits. Saint John Telegraph-Journal, p. B.5. Teskey, R. (2018, February 20). Boushie Talk Simplistic. The Winnipeg Sun, p. A.12. The British North America Act, c 3 (SS 1867). Theobald, C. (2018a, February 13). MacEwan University’s discussion series focuses on Colten Boushie case. Retrieved from The Edmonton Journal: https://edmontonjournal.com/news/local-news/macewan-universitys-discussion-series-to-focus-on-colten-boushie-case Theobald, C. (2018b, May 22). Lack of Indigenous jurors undermines faith in Canadian justice system, experts warn. Retrieved from The Toronto Star: https://www.thestar.com/edmonton/2018/05/17/lack-of-indigenous-jurors-undermines-faith-in-canadian-justice-system-experts-warn.html Theobald, C. (2019, October 2). Jason Kenney donated $100 to a defence fund for an Alberta farmowner who shot a tresspaser. He calls it an act of ‘compassion.’ An ethics expert calls it bad judgment. Retrieved from The Toronto Star: https://www.thestar.com/edmonton/2019/10/01/jason-kenney-donated-100-to-a-defence-fund-for-an-alberta-farmowner-who-shot-a-tresspaser-he-calls-it-an-act-of-compassion-an-ethics-expert-calls-it-bad-judgment.html 355 Thomson, S., & Platt, B. (2018, February 14). ‘Reforms are coming’, justice minister says; Boushie killing. National Post, p. A.7. Tolley, E. (2017). Framed: Media and the Coverage of Race in Canadian Politics. UBC Press. Toronto Star. (2018a, February 12). Liberals must honour the memory of Colten Boushie by fixing a broken justice system. Retrieved from The Hamilton Spectator: https://www.proquest.com/blogs-podcasts-websites/liberals-must-honour-memory-colten-boushie-fixing/docview/2001104519/se-2 Toronto Star. (2018b, March 11). The appointment of Brenda Lucki as new commissioner of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police was just cause for celebration. The Toronto Star, p. A.16. Trespass Statutes (Protecting Law-Abiding Property Owners) Amendment Act, 23 (SA 2019). Retrieved from https://canlii.ca/t/5443x Trespass to Property Amendment Act, Chapter 26: An Act to amend The Trespass to Property Act and to make consequential amendments to the Snowmobile Act (May 15, 2019). Retrieved from https://publications.saskatchewan.ca/api/v1/products/101570/formats/112305/download Trimble, K. (2018, February 16). Facebook comment probed by RCMP; Post saying Boushie deserved to die believed to be written by officer. Halifax Chronicle-Herald, p. A.11. Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada. (2015). Final report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada. Ottawa: James Lorimer & Company Ltd., Publishers. Tuch, S. A., & Martin, J. K. (1997). Racial Attitudes in the 1990s: Continuity and Change. Praeger. 356 Tully, J. (1993). Placing the 'Two Treatises'. In Political Discourse in Early Modern Britain (pp. 253-280). Cambridge University Press. Turner, B. (2018, February 19). PM and minister undermined jury. The Vancouver Sun, p. A.9. Turner, R. (2018a, February 12). MP ‘sorry for the Stanley family’. Retrieved from The Winnipeg Free Press: https://www.winnipegfreepress.com/breakingnews/2018/02/12/mp-sorry-for-the-stanley-family Turner, R. (2018b, February 12). MP 'sorry for the Stanley family'. Winnipeg Free Press, p. A.1. Valverde, M. (2003). Law's Dream of a Common Knowledge. Princeton University Press. Venne, S. H. (2007). Treaties made in good faith. Can Rev Comparative Literature, 34:1. Vibert, E., & Marks, L. (2018, February 14). First Nations suffer under stacked system. Times-Colonist, p. A.11. Wakefield, J. (2018a, February 18). Gerald Stanley verdict reignites simmering rural crime debate. Retrieved from The Edmonton Journal: https://edmontonjournal.com/news/local-news/stanley-verdict-reignites-simmering-rural-crime-debate Wakefield, J. (2018b, February 18). Safety Concerns; Stanley verdict reignites simmering rural crime debate. The Edmonton Sun, p. A.3. Wakefield, J. (2018c, March 9). NDP invests in new rural RCMP officers and prosecutors as fed up rural residents take matters into their own hands. Retrieved from The Edmonton Journal: https://edmontonjournal.com/news/politics/ndp-promises-beefed-up-funding-in-fight-against-rural-crime Wakefield, J. (2018d, March 10). NDP provides $10M for more police, prosecutors, staff to combat rural crime; Seven-point plan includes 39 officers, ‘bait’ vehicles and intelligence unit. The Edmonton Journal, p. A.3. 357 Wakefield, J. (2018e, August 25). Sights on security; UCP: Rural landowners want 'clarity' onwhen they can shoot to protect their property. The Edmonton Sun, p. A.6. Wakefield, J. (2018f, August 28). When can you shoot someone to protect your property? UCP rural crime plan says rural landowners want ‘clarity’ on that question. Cold Lake Sun, p. A.14. Walker, K. (2008, October 22). The ‘drunken Indian’ stereotype and social healing. Retrieved from CBC News: https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/the-drunken-indian-stereotype-and-social-healing-1.729514 Walkom, T. (2018, June 29). Khill acquittal does not prove justice system is racist. The Toronto Star, p. A.17. Warick, J. (2016a, August 12). Shock, grief for family after fatal shooting; 54-Year-old man faces murder charge after incident at farm. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.1. Warick, J. (2016b, August 13). Fatal shooting highlights simmering racial tensions; 'Things need to change ,'says lawyer of historical racism and stereotyping. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.3. Warick, J. (2016c, August 15). ‘This land is meant to be shared’. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.4. Warick, J. (2016d, August 17). Calling for calm after shooting; Home invasion victim wants an end to the racist rhetoric in Boushie case. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.1. Warick, J. (2016e, August 18). As hundreds rally outside courthouse, man pleads not guilty to killing First Nations man. Retrieved from Toronto Sun: https://torontosun.com/2016/08/18/as-hundreds-rally-outside-courthouse-man-pleads-not-guilty-to-killing-first-nations-man Warick, J. (2016f, August 22). Farm killing tests limits to laws on hate speech; Colten Boushie. The London Free Press, p. N.4. 358 Warick, J. (2016g, August 20). Man accused in fatal shooting granted bail. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.3. Warick, J. (2016h, September 23). North Battleford’s incoming mayor faces no competition for tough job. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.11. Warick, J. (2016i, October 8). A long way to go; Healing requires admission of Saskatchewan’s racist past and present, U of S prof says. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. D.1. Warner, M. (1990). The Letters of the Republic: Publication and the Public Sphere in Eighteenth-Century America. Harvard University Press. Warner, M. (2002). Publics and Counterpublics. Zone Books. Warnica, R. (2018a, February 12). Putting Justice On Trial; Lawyers Say Politicians Put Judiciary At Risk With Comments On Boushie Case. Montreal Gazette, p. N.1. Warnica, R. (2018b, February 12). Putting Justice On Trial; Lawyers Say Politicians Put Judiciary At Risk With Comments On Boushie Case. The Windsor Star, p. N.1. Weindorfer, B. (2018, February 17). You Are Questioning Yourself. The Toronto Sun, p. A.14. Weisbord, N. (2019). Self-Defense in Climates of Fear. Revue Québécoise de Droit International, suppl. Special Issue, 11-18. Weizman, E. (2017). Forensic Architecture: Violence at the Threshold of Detectability. Zone Books. Wells, J. (2018, February 16). Boushie verdict elevates looming murder trial in Hamilton: defence lawyer. Retrieved from The Hamilton Spectator: https://www.thespec.com/news/hamilton-region/2018/02/16/boushie-verdict-elevates-looming-murder-trial-in-hamilton-defence-lawyer.html 359 White-Crummey, A. (2017, August 23). Province to create rural crime team. Prince Albert Daily Herald, p. A.1. White-Crummey, A. (2018a, February 12). 'This is for Colten': Protesters march on legislature as Stanley verdict anger still runs raw. Retrieved from Regina Leader-Post: https://leaderpost.com/news/local-news/this-is-for-colten-protesters-march-on-legislature-as-stanley-verdict-anger-still-runs-raw White-Crummey, A. (2018b, February 25). At Regina rally for Tina Fontaine, protesters promise fight to the end against ‘colonial justice.’. Retrieved from Regina Leader-Post: https://leaderpost.com/news/local-news/at-regina-rally-for-tina-fontaine-protesters-promise-fight-to-the-end-against-colonial-justice White-Crummey, A. (2018c, April 5). Sask. lawyers take different tacks on post-Stanley justice reforms. Retrieved from Regina Leader-Post: https://leaderpost.com/news/local-news/sask-lawyers-take-different-tack-on-post-stanley-justice-reforms White-Crummey, A. (2018g, August 9). Justice for our Stolen Children camp attendees mark second anniversary of Colten Boushie’s death. Retrieved from Saskatoon StarPhoenix: https://thestarphoenix.com/news/local-news/justice-for-our-stolen-children-camp-attendees-mark-second-anniversary-of-colten-boushies-death White-Crummey, A. (2018h, August 24). Province, protesters take teepee dispute to court; Judge defers ruling but offers hint into 'root'cause of controversy. Regina Leader-Post, pp. A.1, A.4. White-Crummey, A. (2019, May 9). FSIN vice-chief vows to fight trespass law. Regina Leader-Post, p. A.2. 360 White-Crummey, A., & Hill, A. (2018a, March 8). ‘No basis’ to appeal Stanley verdict; Boushie family disappointed but vows to keep fighting, lawyer says. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.1. Wiegers, W. (2016, October 29). Tragedy affects all of us. Saskatoon StarPhoenix, p. A.6. Wilkes, R., Corrigall-Brown, C., & Richard, D. (2010). Discourses of Denial: Mediations of Race, Gender, and Violence. American Indian Culture and Research Journal, 34(4), 41-59. Wilson, B. (1921). Our Betrayed Wards: A Story of "Chicanery, Infidelity, and the Prostitution of Trust". Peel's Prairie Archives: Osiris. Wilson, K. (2018). The criminalized lives of others. Canadian Dimension, 52(3), 25. Wilson-Raybould, J. (2018, april 1). Interview with Jody Wilson Raybould. (E. Solomon, Interviewer) CTV Television. Winnipeg Free Press. (2018, February 14). Letters and comments, Feb. 14. The Winnipeg Free Press, p. A.6. Winnipeg Sun. (2018, February 13). Trudeau has no business in jury box. The Winnipeg Sun, p. A.8. Winseck, D. (2021a). Growth and Upheaval in the Network Media Economy in Canada, 1984-2020. Carleton University. Global Media and Internet Concentration Project. Retrieved from http://www.cmcrp.org/growth-and-upheaval-in-the-network-media-economy-in-canada-1984-2020/ Winseck, D. (2021b). Media and Internet Concentration in Canada, 1984-2020. Carleton University. Global Media and Internet Concentration Project. Winter, A. (2012). Memory: Fragments of a Modern History. University of Chicago Press. 361 Winterbotham, W. (1796). An Historical, Geographical, Commercial, and Philosophical View of the United States of America: and of the European Settlements in America and the West Indies. Retrieved from Canadiana. Wodak, R., & Weiss, G. (2005). Analyzing European Union Discourses: Theories and Applications. In R. Wodak, & P. C. (ed), A New Agenda in (Critical) Discourse Analysis: Theory, Methodology and Interdisciplinarity (pp. 121-136). John Benjamins Publishing Co. Wolfe, P. (2006). Settler Colonialism and the Elimination of the Native. Journal of Genocide Research, 8(4), 387-409. Woplin, J. P. (2018, February 16). Verdict in shooting case is troubling. The Windsor Star, p. A.6. Wright, T. (2018, May 2). Indigenous chiefs weary of federal foot-dragging; Trudeau pleads for patience. Retrieved from National Post: https://nationalpost.com/pmn/news-pmn/canada-news-pmn/trudeau-to-first-nations-chiefs-we-can-do-this-quickly-or-we-can-do-this-right?fb_comment_id=1407135066059538_1408364415936603%3Fs%3D?s= Zada, J. (2021). Veils of Distortion: How the News Media Warps our Minds. Terra Incognita Press. Zakreski, D. (2017, December 15). Iain Stables given conditional sentence for stealing $1.2M in farm equipment. Retrieved from CBC News: https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/saskatoon/iain-stables-conditional-sentence-farm-equipment-1.4450845 Zinchuk, B. (2018, March 13). Both sides wrong about Stanley trial. Prince George Citizen, p. A.4. 362 Appendix A Source Selections and Range Canadian Newsstream Publication Publisher Place of Publication Print Range Available Online Range available 100 Mile House Free Press Torstar Syndication Services 100 Mile House, BC Aug. 4, 2004 - present Not available Airdrie Echo PostMedia Network Inc. Airdrie, AB Mar. 26, 2008 - present May 14, 2015 - present Barrie - Advance Torstar Syndication Services Barrie, ON Feb. 16, 2003 - present Not available Bow Valley Cray & Canyon PostMedia Network Inc. Banff, AB Mar. 25, 2008 - present May 15, 2015 - present Burnaby Now PostMedia Network Inc. Burnaby, BC Jun. 12, 2002 - present Not available Calgary Herald PostMedia Network Inc. Calgary, AB Dec. 7, 1988 - present Nov. 30, 2017 - present Castlegar News Torstar Syndication Services Castlegar, BC Jul. 28, 2004 - present Not available Central Plains Herald - Leader PostMedia Network Inc. Portage La Prairie, MN May 28, 2011 - Jul. 16, 2020 Not available Chatham Daily News PostMedia Network Inc. Chatham, ON Feb. 10, 1999 - present Jul. 25, 2007 - present Cochrane Times PostMedia Network Inc. Cochrane, AB Mar. 26, 2008 - present May 14, 2015 - present Cochrane Times-Post PostMedia Network Inc. Cochrane, AB Apr. 23, 2015 - present May 14, 2015 - present Cold Lake Sun PostMedia Network Inc. Cold Lake, AB May 17, 2011 - present May 14, 2015 - present Daily Gleaner PostMedia Network Inc. Fredericton, NB Jan. 2, 1998 - Dec. 29, 2020 Not available Daily Miner and News PostMedia Network Inc. Kenora, ON ApR 27, 2007 - present May 14, 2015 - present Daily Press PostMedia Network Inc. Timmins, ON May 4, 1999 - present May 15, 2015 - present Delhi News - Record PostMedia Network Inc. Oakville, ON May 18, 2011 - Jul. 23, 2020 May 14, 2015 - present East Central Alberta Review PostMedia Network Inc. Coronation, AB Mar. 26, 2009 - present Not available Eckville Echo PostMedia Network Inc. Sylvan Lake, AB Apr. 3, 2009 – Mar. 26, 2020 Not available Edmonton Journal PostMedia Network Inc. Edmonton, AB Mar. 10, 1989 - present Nov. 30, 2017 - present Edmonton Sun PostMedia Network Inc. Edmonton, AB Apr. 23, 2007 - present May 14, 2015 - present Expositor PostMedia Network Inc. Brantford, ON Jan. 2, 1999 - present May 14, 2015 - present 363 Publication Publisher Place of Publication Print Range Available Online Range available Fort Erie Post Torstar Syndication Services Thorold, ON Sep. 12, 2013 - present Not available Fort McMurray Today PostMedia Network Inc. Fort McMurray, AB Apr. 20, 2007 - present May 14, 2015 - present Grand Bend Lakeshore Advance PostMedia Network Inc. Grand Bend, ON Apr. 29, 2015 - Dec. 1, 2021 May 14, 2015 - present Grimsby Lincoln News Torstar Syndication Services Thorold, ON Sep. 8, 2013 - present Not available Guelph Mercury Tribune Torstar Syndication Services Guelph, ON Not available Jul. 6, 2017 - present Hamilton Spectator Torstar Syndication Services Hamilton, ON Oct. 7, 1991 - present Dec. 7, 2016 - present Kelowna Capital News Torstar Syndication Services Kelowna, BC Sep. 26, 2004 - present Not available Kingston Whig - Standard PostMedia Network Inc. Kingston, ON Jan. 14, 1985 - present Apr. 27, 2007 - present Waterloo Region Record Torstar Syndication Services Kitchener, ON Oct. 1, 1990 - present Dec. 6, 2016 - present Lake of the Woods Enterprise PostMedia Network Inc. Kenora, ON May 28, 2011 - Jan. 23, 2020 Not available Leader-Post PostMedia Network Inc. Regina, SK Jan. 1, 2000 - present Nov. 30, 2017 - present Lethbridge Herald PostMedia Network Inc. Lethbridge, AB Mar. 2, 2017 - present Not available Londoner PostMedia Network Inc. London, ON Apr. 22, 2010 - present May 15, 2015 - present Maple Creek & Southwest Advance Times PostMedia Network Inc. Maple Creek, SK Jan. 5, 2017 - present Not available Melfort Journal PostMedia Network Inc. Melfort, SK May 17, 2011 - Jul. 24, 2019 May 14, 2015 - present Montreal Gazette PostMedia Network Inc. Montreal, QC Jan. 2, 1985 - present Nov. 30, 2017 - present Maple Creek News PostMedia Network Inc. Maple Creek, SK Jan. 12, 2017 - present Not available Moose Jaw Times Herald Gordon Brewerton Moose Jaw, SK Jul. 29, 1999 - Dec. 6, 2017 Not available National Post PostMedia Network Inc. Don Mills, ON Oct. 27, 1998 - present Nov. 28, 2017 - present New Hamburg Independent Torstar Syndication Services New Hamburg, ON Sep. 8, 1999 - present Not available Niagara This Week Torstar Syndication Services Thorold, ON Sep. 17, 2004 - present Not available Nipawin Journal PostMedia Network Inc. Nipawin, SK May 18, 2011 - Jul. 24, 2019 May 14, 2015 - present North Bay Nugget PostMedia Network Inc. North Bay, ON Jan. 2, 1999 - present May 14, 2015 - present 364 Publication Publisher Place of Publication Print Range Available Online Range available Northeast Sun PostMedia Network Inc. Melfort, SK May 20, 2011 - Jan. 1, 2021 Not available Northern News PostMedia Network Inc. Kirkland Lake, ON Jan. 2, 2002 - present Not available Pembroke Observer PostMedia Network Inc. Pembroke, ON Apr. 6, 2000 - Jul. 9, 2019 May 15, 2015 - present Penticton Western News Torstar Syndication Services Penticton, BC Aug. 3, 2004 - present Not available Petrolia Topic PostMedia Network Inc. Petrolia, ON Apr. 29, 2015 – Apr. 4, 2018 May 14, 2015 - May 4, 2020 Pincher Creek Echo PostMedia Network Inc. Pincher Creek, AB May 20, 2011 - present May 15, 2015 - present The Times Colonist PostMedia Network Inc. Victoria, BC Jan. 4, 1993 - present Not available Prairie Post East PostMedia Network Inc. Swift Current, SK Jan. 6, 2017 - present Not available Prince Albert Daily Herald FolioJumpline Publishing, Inc. Prince Albert, SK Aug. 3, 1999 - May 9, 2019 Not available Prince George Citizen PostMedia Network Inc. Prince George, BC Aug. 17, 1999 - present Not available Record - Gazette PostMedia Network Inc. Peace River, AB May 18, 2011 - present May 14, 2015 - present Record PostMedia Network Inc. Sherbrooke, QC Nov. 29, 1999 - present Not available Prairie Post West PostMedia Network Inc. Swift Current, SK Jan. 6, 2017 - present Not available Richmond News PostMedia Network Inc. Richmond, BC Apr. 10, 2002 - present Not available Rocky Mountain Outlook PostMedia Network Inc. Canmore, AB Mar. 26, 2009 - Dec. 12, 2019 Not available Sarnia Observer PostMedia Network Inc. Sarnia, ON May 21, 1999 - present May 15, 2015 - present St Thomas Times - Journal PostMedia Network Inc. Saint Thomas, ON May 25, 2007 - present May 15, 2015 - present The Beacon Herald PostMedia Network Inc. Stratford, ON Apr. 30, 2007 - present May 15, 2015 - present The Daily Sentinel Review PostMedia Network Inc. Woodstock, ON Apr. 30, 2007 - present May 15, 2015 - present The Examiner PostMedia Network Inc. Barrie, ON Not available May 15, 2015 - Jun. 7, 2018 The London Free Press PostMedia Network Inc. London, ON Apr. 27, 2007 - present May 14, 2015 - present The Sudbury Star PostMedia Network Inc. Sudbury, ON Jul. 8, 1999 - present May 15, 2015 - present The Sun Times PostMedia Network Inc. Owen Sound, ON Mar. 2, 1998 - present May 14, 2015 - present Sault Star PostMedia Network Inc. Sault Ste. Star, ON Jan. 2, 1997 - present May 15, 2015 - present 365 Publication Publisher Place of Publication Print Range Available Online Range available Selkirk Journal PostMedia Network Inc. Selkirk, MB Apr. 27, 2007 - May 7, 2020 Not available Sherwood Park News PostMedia Network Inc. Sherwood Park, AB Apr. 25, 2007 - present May 14, 2015 - present Shoreline Beacon PostMedia Network Inc. Port Elgin, ON Apr. 25, 2007 - present May 14, 2015 - present Standard PostMedia Network Inc. Vermilion, AB May 18, 2011 - present May 15, 2015 - present Standard - Freeholder PostMedia Network Inc. Cornwall, ON Feb. 25, 1999 - present Feb. 25, 2008 - present Star - Phoenix PostMedia Network Inc. Saskatoon, SK May 1, 1996 - present Nov. 30, 2017 - present Strathroy Age Dispatch PostMedia Network Inc. Strathroy, ON Apr. 30, 2015 - present May 15, 2015 - present Sylvan Lake News PostMedia Network Inc. Sylvan Lake, AB Apr. 3, 2009 - present Not available Telegraph - Journal PostMedia Network Inc. Saint John, NB Jan. 2, 1998 - Dec. 29, 2020 Not available Terrace Standard Torstar Syndication Services Terrace, BC Aug. 1, 2004 - present Not available The Brandon Sun FP Canadian Newspapers Limited Partnership Brandon, MB Nov. 28, 2007 - present Jan. 2, 2011 - present The Brooks Bulletin PostMedia Network Inc. Brooks, AB Mar. 31, 2009 - present Not available The Bugle - Observer PostMedia Network Inc. Woodstock, NB Apr. 25, 2008 - Dec. 22, 2020 Not available The Calgary Sun PostMedia Network Inc. Calgary, AB Mar. 23, 2018 - present May 15, 2015 - present The Camrose Canadian PostMedia Network Inc. Camrose, AB May 19, 2011 - Aug. 9, 2018 May 14, 2015 - Jul. 26, 2018 The Courier Press PostMedia Network Inc. Wallaceburg, ON Apr. 22, 2010 - present May 15, 2015 - present The Courtenay Comox Valley Record Torstar Syndication Services Courtenay, BC Aug. 4, 2004 - present Not available The Daily Herald - Tribune PostMedia Network Inc. Grand Prairie, AB Apr. 24, 2007 – Apr. 30, 2021 May 14, 2015 - present The Globe and Mail The Globe and Mail Toronto, ON Nov. 14, 1977 - present Jan. 1, 2000 - present The High River Times PostMedia Network Inc. High River, AB Apr. 21, 2015 - present May 14, 2015 - present The Ingersoll Times PostMedia Network Inc. Ingersoll, ON May 18, 2011 - Jul. 11, 2018 May 14, 2015 - Jul. 16, 2018 The Intelligencer PostMedia Network Inc. Belleville, ON Jul. 16, 2005 - present May 14, 2015 - present The Lacombe Globe PostMedia Network Inc. Lacombe, AB May 19, 2011 - Jan. 16, 2020 May 14, 2015 - Jun. 13, 2018 366 Publication Publisher Place of Publication Print Range Available Online Range available The Mayerthorpe Freelancer PostMedia Network Inc. Mayerthorpe, AB May 18, 2011 - present May 14, 2015 - present The Medicine Hat News PostMedia Network Inc. Medicine Hat, AB Jan. 26, 2017 - present Not available The Mid-North Monitor PostMedia Network Inc. Espanola, ON Mar. 13, 2013 - present May 14, 2015 - present The Nanton News PostMedia Network Inc. Nanton, AB May 11, 2011 - present May 14, 2015 - present The News Torstar Syndication Services Abbotsford, BC Aug. 3, 2004 - present Not available The Ottawa Citizen PostMedia Network Inc. Ottawa, ON Sep. 3, 1985 - present Nov. 30, 2017 - present The Ottawa Sun PostMedia Network Inc. Ottawa, ON Apr. 28, 2007 - present May 14, 2015 - present The Paris Star PostMedia Network Inc. Paris, ON Apr. 23, 2015 - May 7, 2020 May 14, 2015 - present The Province PostMedia Network Inc. Vancouver, BC Mar. 20, 1989 - present Nov. 30, 2017 - present The Provost News PostMedia Network Inc. Provost, AB Apr. 8, 2009 - present Not available The Recorder and Times PostMedia Network Inc. Brockville, ON Apr. 23, 2007 - present May 14, 2015 - present The Sachem / Glanbrook Gazette Torstar Syndication Services Caledonia, ON Jun. 2, 2010 - present Not available The Shaunavon Standard PostMedia Network Inc. Shaunavon, SK Jan. 4, 2017 - present Not available The Simcoe Reformer PostMedia Network Inc. Calgary, AB Apr. 30, 2007 - present May 14, 2015 - present The Stony Plain Reporter PostMedia Network Inc. Stony Plain, AB Apr. 27, 2007 - present Jan. 5, 2018 - present The Sunny South News PostMedia Network Inc. Coaldale, AB Apr. 7, 2009 - present Not available The Times-Transcript PostMedia Network Inc. Moncton, NB Jan. 2, 1998 - Dec. 29, 2020 Not available The Timmins Times PostMedia Network Inc. Timmins, ON Apr. 25, 2007 - present May 15, 2015 - present The Toronto Star Torstar Syndication Services Toronto, ON May 23, 1985 - present Dec. 7, 2016 - present The Toronto Sun PostMedia Network Inc. Toronto, ON Apr. 30, 2007 - present May 14, 2015 - present The Tribune PostMedia Network Inc. Campbellton, NB Apr. 30, 2008 - Dec. 18, 2020 Not available The Valley Leader PostMedia Network Inc. Carman, MB Dec. 1, 2011 - May 7, 2020 Not available The Vancouver Sun PostMedia Network Inc. Vancouver, BC Jan. 2, 1987 - present Nov. 30, 2017 - present The Westlock News PostMedia Network Inc. Westlock, AB Aug. 10, 2009 - Dec. 10, 2019 Not available 367 Publication Publisher Place of Publication Print Range Available Online Range available The Whitehorse Star PostMedia Network Inc. Whitehorse, YT Nov. 1, 1999 - present Not available The Windsor Star PostMedia Network Inc. Windsor, ON Oct. 20, 1986 - present Nov. 30, 2017 - present The Winnipeg Sun PostMedia Network Inc. Winnipeg, MB Apr. 30, 2007 - present May 14, 2015 - present Thunder Bay Chronicle Journal PostMedia Network Inc. Thunder Bay, ON Feb. 25, 2017 - present Not available Tillsonburg News PostMedia Network Inc. Tillsonburg, ON May 18, 2011 - present May 15, 2015 - present Waterloo Chronicle Torstar Syndication Services Waterloo, ON Sep. 8, 1999 - present Not available Vancouver Courier PostMedia Network Inc. Vancouver, BC Sep. 15, 2002 - Sep. 29, 2022 Not available Vulcan Advocate PostMedia Network Inc. Vulcan, AB May 18, 2011 - present May 15, 2015 - present Weekend Regional PostMedia Network Inc. Brooks, AB May 27, 2009 - Nov. 28, 2019 Not available West Elgin Chronicle PostMedia Network Inc. West Lorne, ON Apr. 30, 2015 - present May 15, 2015 - present Wetaskiwin Times Advertiser PostMedia Network Inc. Wetaskiwin, AB May 18, 2011 - present May 15, 2015 - present Whitecourt Star PostMedia Network Inc. Whitecourt, AB May 18, 2011 - present May 15, 2015 - present Winnipeg Free Press FP Canadian Newspapers Limited Partnership Winnipeg, MB May 1, 2006 - present Jan. 2, 2002 - present Canadian Business & Current Affairs Database Publisher Place of Publication Print Range Available Online Range available Anglican Journal Anglican Church of Canada Toronto, ON Jan. 1993 (Vol. 119, no. 1) - Jun. 2009 (Vol. 135, no. 6) Vol. 144, Iss. 4 (Apr. 2018), MacDonald, M. Vol. 144, Iss. 4 (Apr. 2018), Kid, J. BC Studies Pacific Affairs. The University of British Columbia Vancouver, BC Summer 1999 (no. 122) - present Not available 368 Publisher Place of Publication Print Range Available Online Range available Briarpatch Briarpatch Inc. Regina, SK Dec. 1996 (Vol. 25, no. 10) - present Not available Canada Newswire PR Newswire Association LLC Ottawa, ON Not available Jan. 1, 1999 - present Canadian Broadcasting - The National CBC News Canadian Broadcasting Corporation Toronto, ON Not available Sep. 4, 1995 - present Canadian Dimension Canadian Dimension Winnipeg, MB Jan. 1993 (Vol. 27, no. 1) - Summer 2019 (Vol. 53, no. 1) Not available Canadian Encyclopedia Historica Canada Toronto, ON 2019 Not available Canadian Journal of Education Canadian Society for the Study of Education Toronto, ON Winter 1993 (Vol. 18, no. 1) - present Not available Canadian Journal of Law and Society Cambridge University Press Cambridge, UK Apr. 2014 (Vol. 29, no. 1) - present Not available Canadian Lawyer - Aurora HAB Press Limited Toronto, ON Feb. 1986 (Vol. 10, no. 1) - present Not available Canadian Literature - Pacific Affiars Pacific Affairs. The University of British Columbia Vancouver, BC Autumn 2001 (no. 170/171) - present Not available Canadian Mennonite Mennonite Publishing Service Waterloo, ON Sep. 15, 1997 (Vol. 1, no. 1) - present Not available Canadian Press Canadian Press Enterprises Inc. Toronto, ON Not available Jul. 1, 1994 - present Chatelaine St. Joseph Communications Toronto, ON Jan. 1993 (Vol. 66, no. 1) - present May 31, 2018 - present Chronicle Herald CNW Group Ltd. Halifax, NS Jan. 2, 2014 - present Not available Criminal Law Quarterly - Aurora Canada Law Book Inc. Aurora, ON Mar. 1981 (Vol. 23, no. 2) - present Not available CTV National News CTV Television, Inc. Scarborough, ON Jun. 6, 1997 - present Not available Dalhousie Law Journal Dalhousie University on behalf of the Schullich School of Law Halifax, NS Spring 2005 (Vol. 28, no. 1) - present Not available 369 Publisher Place of Publication Print Range Available Online Range available Herizons Herizons Magazine, Inc Winnipeg, MB Jul. 31, 1992 (Vol. 6, no. 2) - present Not available International Contemporary Art C the Visual Arts Foundation Toronto, ON Feb/Apr 1997 (no. 52) - present Not available JD Northern Review Yukon College Whitehorse, YT 2015 (no. 39) - present Not available Law Now University of Alberta. Faculty of Extension Edmonton, AB Dec. 1995/Jan. 1996 (Vol. 20, no. 3) - Sep/Oct 2010 (Vol. 35, no. 1) Vol. 43, Iss. 3 (Jan/Feb 2019), Gallardo-Ganaban, C. Vol. 43, Iss. 3 (Jan/Feb 2019), McKechney, R Literary Review of Canada Literary Review of Canada Toronto, ON Apr. 2005 (Vol. 13, no. 3) - Dec. 2009 (Vol. 17, no. 10) Vol. 27, Iss. 3 (Apr 2019), Johnson, H.R Marketwired Intrado Digital Media Canada Inc. Toronto, ON Jan. 3, 2005 - Jun. 7, 2018 Not available McGill Journal of Education McGill Journal of Education Montreal, QC Not available Winter 2007 (Vol. 42, no. 1) - present Montreal Serai Montreal Serai Montreal, QC Winter 1993 (Vol. 7, no. 1) - present (abstract only) Vol. 31, Iss. 4, Clayton, B New Internationalist New Internationalist Co-operative Ottawa, ON Jan. 1993 (no. 239) - present Not available Our Times Our Times Publishing Inc. Toronto, ON Mar. 1993 (Vol. 12, no. 1) - Winter 2018/Spring 2019 Not available Point of View Documentary Organization of Canada Toronto, ON Spring 1999 (no. 37) - present (Abstract Only Iss. 110 (Spring/Summer 2019), Mullen, P. Quill & Quire St. Joseph Communications Toronto, ON Jan. 1982 (Vol. 48, no. 1) - present (Abstract only) Apr. 2019, Ferguson, J. 370 Publisher Place of Publication Print Range Available Online Range available Religious Studies and Theology Equinox Publishing Ltd. London, ON Dec 1997 (Vol. 16, no. 2) - 2019 (Vol. 38, no. 1/2) Not available Revue Quebecoise de Droit International Societe quebecoise de droit international Universite du Quebec a Montreal Montreal, QC 2017 (Vol. 30, no. 1) - present Not available The Hill Times Hill Times Publishing Ottawa, ON Dec. 22, 1997/Jan. 7, 1998 (no. 418) - present (Abstract only) Iss. 1682 (Nov. 18, 2019), Moss, N. Iss. 1604 (Feb. 11, 2019), Ryckewaert, L. Iss. 1512 (MaR 5, 2018), Mazereeuw, P. The House Canadian Broadcasting Corporation Toronto, ON Jun. 6, 2009 - present Not available This This Magazine Toronto, ON Jun/Jul 1986 (Vol. 20, no. 2) - present (Abstract only) Vol. 52, Iss. 2 (Sep/Oct 2018), Anonymous Vol. 51, Iss. 6 (May/Jun 2018), Panneton, D. Vol. 51, Iss. 6 (May/Jun 2018), Van Den Berg, A. Windspeaker Aboriginal Multi-Media Society Edmonton, AB Jan. 4, 1993 (Vol. 10, no. 20) - Jan. 2017 (Vol. 35, no. 1) Oct. 20, 2020 - present ABI INFORM Collection Publisher Place of Publication Print Range Available Online Range available Asia News Monitor Thai News Service Group Bangkok, TH Jul. 30, 2008 - present Not available 371 Publisher Place of Publication Print Range Available Online Range available Maclean’s St. Joseph Communications Toronto, ON Jan. 6, 1992 (Vol. 105, no. 1) - present Jun. 4, 2018 - present Publishers Weekly Pwxyz, LLC New York, NY Jan. 1, 1996 (Vol. 243, no. 1) - present Not available The Economist The Economist Intelligence Unit N.A., Incorporated London, UK Jan. 4, 1992 (Vol. 332, no. 7740) - present Sep. 26, 2008 - present ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Global ProQuest Dissertations Publishing ProQuest Dissertations and Theses: Global (PQDTGlobal) Print not available Online access 1861 - present ProQuest Recent Newspapers: The New York Times The New York Times New York Times Company New York, NY Jan. 1, 2008 - present Not available Agricultural &Environmental Science Collection High Country News High Country News Paonia, CO Dec. 23, 2002 (Vol. 34, no. 24) - Nov. 2020 (Vol. 52, no. 11) Not available E-book central Canadian Justice, Indigenous Injustice McGill-Queen’s University Press Montreal, QC 2019 A Space for Race Oxford University Press North York, ON 2018 Structures of Indifference University of Manitoba Press Winnipeg, MB 2018 Until We Are Free University of Regina Press Regina, SK 2020 PAIS Index Antipode Wiley Subscription Services, Inc. Oxford, US 2018 Vol. 50, Iss. 5 (Nov 2018), Nunn, N. International Indigenous Policies Journal University of Western Ontario London, ON 2019 372 Publications not included in ProQuest databases, listed online [Retrieved Sep. 30, 2022] Broadcast Media/Digital Outlets outside the scope of this research GTA Weekly CBC News 24 Heures Montréal Global News 40-Mile County Commentator Radio-Canada Abbotsford Times TVA Nouvelles Abitibi Express Télé-Québec (Montréal) Aboriginal Voices En Beauce Accès Laurentides Advance Gazette Agassiz Harrison Observer Ajax News Advertiser Alaska Highway News Aldergrove Star Alliston Herald Almaguin News Almonte Gazette Ancaster News Anishinabek News Arnprior Chronicle-Guide Arnprior Weekender News Arrow Lakes News Arthur Enterprise News Ashcroft-Cache Creek Journal Assiniboia Times Atikokan Progress Aurora Banner Auroran Avenir de l’est Aylmer Express Ayr News Bancroft This Week Bancroft Times and North Hastings Advertiser Bashaw Star Bassano Times Beach and South Riverdale Mirror Beaumont News Beaverlodge Advertiser Bedford-Sackville Observer Beeton Record Sentinel 373 Publications not included in ProQuest databases, listed online [Retrieved Sep. 30, 2022] Broadcast Media/Digital Outlets outside the scope of this research Biggar Independent Blood Tribe News Bloor West Villager Boundary Creek Times Bow Island Commentator Bracebridge Examiner Brampton Guardian Brighton Gazette Brighton Independent Broadview Express Brock Citizen Brooks & County Chronicle Bugle Publications Bulletin d’Aylmer Burlington Post Caledon Citizen Caledon Enterprise Caledonia Courier Calmar Community Voice Cambridge Times Campbell River Mirror Camrose Booster Canora Courier Cape Breton Post Carberry News Express Cariboo Advisor Carillon News Carleton Place Almonte Canadian Gazette Carlyle Observer Carnduff Gazette Post News Carstairs Courier Castor Advance Central Alberta Advisor Chatham This Week Chestermere Anchor Chilliwack Progress Cités Nouvelles City Centre Mirror 374 Publications not included in ProQuest databases, listed online [Retrieved Sep. 30, 2022] Broadcast Media/Digital Outlets outside the scope of this research Claresholm Local Press Clarington This Week Cloverdale Reporter Coast Independent Coast Mountain News Coast Reporter Cochrane Eagle Colborne Chronicle Cold Lake Courier Collingwood Connection Community News Comox Valley Echo Consort Enterprise Contact Coquitlam Now Coronation Review Coup d’Oeil Courrier Ahuntsic & Bordeaux-Cartierville Courrier du Saguenay Courrier Frontenac Courrier Laval Cover Story Cowichan Valley Citizen Craik Weekly News Cranbrook Daily Townsman Creston Valley Advance Crossroads This Week Crowsnest Pass Herald Current Affairs & History of National Events of All Countrie Dartmouth Tribune Dauphin Herald Davidson Leader Dawson Trail Dispatch Deep South Star Delta Optimist Desert Connections Devon Dispatch News 375 Publications not included in ProQuest databases, listed online [Retrieved Sep. 30, 2022] Broadcast Media/Digital Outlets outside the scope of this research Didsbury Review Drayton Valley Western Review Driftwood Drumheller Mail Dundas Star News Durham Chronicle East Central Connection East Kootenay Weekly East York Mirror Echo Pioneer Édition Beauce Elk Island Triangle Elk Valley Miner Elliot Lake Standard Erin Advocate Esquimalt News Essex Voice Esterhazy Miner-Journal Estevan Mercury Eston-Elrose Press Review Etobicoke Guardian Exeter Times-Advocate Fairview Post Fergus Elora News Express Fernie Free Press First Perspective Five Village Weekly Flamborough Review Foam Lake Review Fort Frances Daily Bulletin Fort Frances Times Fort Macleod Gazette Fort Nelson News Fort Qu’Appelle Times Fort Saskatchewan Record Fort Saskatchewan This Week Fox Creek Times Frontenac This Week Gabriola Sounder 376 Publications not included in ProQuest databases, listed online [Retrieved Sep. 30, 2022] Broadcast Media/Digital Outlets outside the scope of this research Gananoque Reporter Gaspésie Nouvelles Gazette of the Similkameen Gazette Vaudreuil-Soulanges Georgia Straight Georgina Advocate Glengarry News Goderich Signal Star Golden Star Goldstream News Gazette Granby Express Grand Forks Gazette Grand River Sachem Grande Cache Mountaineer Gravelbourg Tribune Gravenhurst Banner Grenfell Sun Grimsby Lincoln Independent Guide Montréal-Nord Gulf Islands Driftwood Gull Lake Advance Guysborough Journal Haliburton Echo Halifax Citizen Hamilton Mountain News Hanna Herald Hanover Post Ha-Shilth-Sa Healing Words / Le premier pas Hebdo Rive Nord Herbert Herald Hope Standard Hornby-Denman Island Grapevine Houston Today Humboldt Journal Huntsville Forester Hythe Headliner Independent and Free Press Indian Head-Wolseley News 377 Publications not included in ProQuest databases, listed online [Retrieved Sep. 30, 2022] Broadcast Media/Digital Outlets outside the scope of this research Indo-Canadian Voice Info07 Innisfail Booster Innisfil Journal Innisfil Scope inSide Drumheller Interior News Inuvik Drum Island Tides Ituna News Journal Beauport Express Journal Charlesbourg Express Journal de l’habitation Journal de Rosemont – La Petite-Patrie Journal de St-Michel Journal L'Actuel Journal L'Appel Journal L'Autre Voix Journal L'Avantage Journal le Courrier Journal Le Jacques-Cartier Journal le Lac St-Jean Journal Le Nord Journal Le Québec Express Journal les Versants Journal Nouvelles Hebdo Kahtou Kamloops This Week Kamsack Times Kawartha Lakes This Week Kelvington Radio Kemptville Advance Keremeos Review Kerrobert Citizen Kimberley Daily Bulletin Kincardine News Kindersley Clarion King Connection King Sentinel 378 Publications not included in ProQuest databases, listed online [Retrieved Sep. 30, 2022] Broadcast Media/Digital Outlets outside the scope of this research Kings County Record Kingston This Week Kingstonist KinistinoKinistino-Birch Hills Post-Gazette Kitchener Post Kootenay News Advertiser Kootenay Weekly Express La Frontière La Liberté La Nouvelle Étudiant / L'Express Étudiant La Nouvelle Union La Petite-Nation La Relève La Revue La Sentinelle de Chibougamau La Tribune La Voix de l'Est La Voix du Restigouche La Voix du Sud La Voix Pop Lac Ste. Anne Bulletin L’Acadie Nouvelle L’Action Ladysmith Chronicle Lake Country News Lake Cowichan Gazette Lake District News Lakeshore News Lakeside Leader Lamont Leader Langley Advance Langley Times Lanigan Advisor Last Mountain Times Laurentides Express L'Avant-Poste L'Avenir et des Rivières L'Aviron 379 Publications not included in ProQuest databases, listed online [Retrieved Sep. 30, 2022] Broadcast Media/Digital Outlets outside the scope of this research Le Bulletin Le Canada Français Le Citoyen de la Vallée de l'Or Le Citoyen de l'Abitibi-Ouest Le Citoyen de l'Harricana Le Citoyen Rouyn-Noranda Le Courrier Du Sud Le Courrier Sud Le Devoir Le Droit Le Flambeau de l'Est Le Gaboteur Le Guide Le Jamésien Le Journal de Montréal Le Journal de Québec Le Journal de Sherbrooke Le Journal des Pays-d'en-Haut La Vallée Le Magazine Île-des Soeurs Le Messager Lachine & Dorval Le Messager LaSalle Le Messager Verdun Le Messager Week-End Le Mirabel Le Nord-Est Le Nouvelliste Le Peuple de la Côte-Sud Le Peuple de Lévis Le Peuple Lotbinière Le Plateau Le Port Cartois Le Progrès de Coaticook Le Quotidien Le Reflet du Lac Le Riverain Le Trait d'Union Le Voyageur Leader News Leader-Spirit 380 Publications not included in ProQuest databases, listed online [Retrieved Sep. 30, 2022] Broadcast Media/Digital Outlets outside the scope of this research L'Écho Abitibien L'Écho de Frontenac L'Écho de La Tuque L'Écho de Maskinongé L'Écho de Saint-Eustache L'Écho du Nord L'Éclaireur Progrès Leduc & County This Week Leduc Representative Leduc-Wetaskiwin Pipestone Flyer Les Actualités Les Affaires L'Étoile L'Étoile Chaleur L'Étoile Dieppe L'Étoile du Lac L'Étoile Kent L'Étoile Shediac L'Étudiant Outaouais L'Éveil et La Concorde L'Express L’Express (Toronto) L’Express de Timmins L’Express Montcalm L’Hebdo du St-Maurice L’Hebdo Journal L’Hebdo Mékinac Des Chenaux Lifestyles This Week Lincoln Post Express L’Informateur de Rivière-des-Prairies L’Information du Nord Mont-Tremblant L’Information du Nord Sainte-Agathe L’Information du Nord Vallée de la Rouge L’information Mont-Joli Lloydminster Meridian Booster Lloydminster Source London Community News Lucknow Sentinel 381 Publications not included in ProQuest databases, listed online [Retrieved Sep. 30, 2022] Broadcast Media/Digital Outlets outside the scope of this research Lumby Valley Times Macklin Mirror Maidstone Mirror Main Street Manning Banner Post Manotick News Maple Ridge-Pitt Meadows News Maple Ridge-Pitt Meadows Times Markdale Standard Markham Economist and Sun MAZINA’IGAN Meadow Lake Northern Pride Melville Advance Merrit Herald Merritt News Métis Voyageur Métro Micmac Maliseet Nation News Mid Coast Beacon Midland Penetanguishene Mirror Mile Zero News Milton Canadian Champion Minden Times Minto Express Miramichi Leader Mission City Record Mississauga News Mississauga This Week Mitchell Advocate Monday Magazine Montréal Express Montreal Times Moosomin World-Spectator Morinville Free Press Mount Forest Confederate Mountain View County News Mountainview Weekly Muskoka Sun Naicam News 382 Publications not included in ProQuest databases, listed online [Retrieved Sep. 30, 2022] Broadcast Media/Digital Outlets outside the scope of this research Neepawa Banner Neepawa Press Nepean This Week New Westminster Record Newmarket Era Nickel Belt News Nord Info et Voix des Mille-Iles Norquay North Star North Delta Sentinel North Essex News North Huron Citizen North Island Gazette North Peace Express North Renfrew Times North Shore News North Thompson Star/Journal North Thompson Times North York Mirror Northeast Chronicle Northern Life Northern Light Northern Sentinel Northumberland News Northwest Herald Northwest Neighbors Northwest Territories News/North Northwest Weekly/Prince Rupert This Week Nouvelles Hochelaga-Maisonneuve Nouvelles Saint-Laurent News Nova News Now NOW Magazine Nunatsiaq News Nunavut News North Nuns’ Island Magazine Oak Bay News Oakville Beaver Okanagan Advertiser Okanagan Falls Review 383 Publications not included in ProQuest databases, listed online [Retrieved Sep. 30, 2022] Broadcast Media/Digital Outlets outside the scope of this research Okotoks Western Wheel Olds Albertan Olds Gazette Onoway Community Voice Orangeville Banner Orillia Today Oshawa Express Oshawa This Week Oxbow Herald Oyen Echo Parc-Extension Parc-Extension News Parkdale Liberty Villager Parry Sound Beacon Star Parry Sound North Star Peachland View Peninsula News Review Penticton Herald Perth Courier Petawawa News Peterborough This Week Pickering News Advertiser Picton County Weekly News Picton Gazette Plein Jour de Baie-Comeau Point de vue Sainte-Agathe Ponoka Herald Ponoka News Pontiac Journal du Pontiac Port Perry Star Post Gazette Powell River Peak Prairie Dog Prince Edward Free Press Progrès Saint-Léonard Quebec Chronicle-Telegraph Québec Hebdo Queen Charlotte Islands Observer Quesnel Cariboo Observer 384 Publications not included in ProQuest databases, listed online [Retrieved Sep. 30, 2022] Broadcast Media/Digital Outlets outside the scope of this research Radville Star Raven’s Eye Red Deer Advocate Redwater Review Redwater Tribune Regina Sun Renfrew Mercury Réseau Montérégie Revelstoke Times-Review Richmond Hill Liberal Rimbey Review River Town Times Rivers Banner Rive-Sud Express Rocky Mountain House Mountaineer Rocky View Weekly Rosetown Eagle Rossland Telegraph Rycroft Central Peace Signal Saanich News Saint Albert Gazette Saint City News Saint Croix Courier Salmon Arm Observer Saskatchewan Sage Saskatchewan Valley News Saskatoon Bridges SAY Magazine Scarborough Mirror Scugog Standard Seaforth Huron Expositor Seaway News Sedgewick Community Press Shellbrook Chronicle Shuswap Market News Similkameen Spotlight Slave Lake Scope Smiths Falls Record News Smoky River Express 385 Publications not included in ProQuest databases, listed online [Retrieved Sep. 30, 2022] Broadcast Media/Digital Outlets outside the scope of this research Sooke News Mirror South Asian Focus South Peace News Southeast Trader Express Southwest News/Le Suroit Springwater News Spruce Grove Examiner Squamish Chief St. Catharines Standard St. Walburg & Area Gazette Stayner Sun Stettler Independent Stirling Community Press Stoney Creek News Stouffville Sun-Tribune Sturgeon Creek Post Sumas & Matsqui Times Summerland Review Summerland/Peachland Bulletin Taber Times Tavistock Gazette Temiskaming Speaker The Advance The Advocate The Annapolis County Spectator The Aurora The Battlefords News Optimist The Booster The Brome County News The Bulletin The Buzz The Caledon Underground The Chester Times The Chronicle The Citizen-Record The Clinton News-Record The Clipper Weekly The Coast The Coast Guard 386 Publications not included in ProQuest databases, listed online [Retrieved Sep. 30, 2022] Broadcast Media/Digital Outlets outside the scope of this research The Country Press The Daily Courier The Digby Courier The Drum The Eastern Door The Eastern Graphic The Equity The Express The Express Weekly News The Fitzhugh The Four-Town Journal The Gaspé Spec The Gazette The Georgia Straight The Gleaner/La Source The Grapevine The Grassroots News The Grizzly Gazette The Guardian The Hants Journal The Highlander The Hub The Inverness Oran The Laval News The Light The Low Down to Hull and Back News The Minnedosa Tribune The Mirror The Morinville News The Morning Star The Morning Star Daily The Morning Sun The Morrisburg Leader The Muskokan The Nation The North Shore News The Northern Visions Gazette The Northerner The Opasquia Times 387 Publications not included in ProQuest databases, listed online [Retrieved Sep. 30, 2022] Broadcast Media/Digital Outlets outside the scope of this research The Orono Weekly Times The Outlook The Parkland Review The Parksville Qualicum News The Peterborough Examiner The Preeceville Progress The Progress Enterprise The Record The Recorder The Reminder The Reporter The Review The River Valley News The Rocky Mountain Goat The Russell Banner The Scope The Seeker The Shoreline Journal The Southwest Booster The Sou’Wester The Spruce Grove/Stony Plain This Week The Star The Star and Times The Stonewall Teulon Tribune The Suburban The Surrey Now News Leader The Telegram The Townships Outlet The Townships Sun The Turtle Island News The Two Row Times The Valley Echo The Valley Gazette The Valley Sentinel The Valleyview Town & Country The Victoria Standard The Victoria Star The View in Lake Country The Voice of Bowden 388 Publications not included in ProQuest databases, listed online [Retrieved Sep. 30, 2022] Broadcast Media/Digital Outlets outside the scope of this research The West Prince Graphic The Westerly News The Western Star The Winkler Morden Voice Thompson Citizen Thornbury Courier-Herald Thornhill Liberal Three Hills Capital Thunder Bay Source Times Chronicle Tisdale Recorder Today’s Farmer Tofield Mercury Tottenham Times Trail Daily Times Transcript and Free Press Trent Hills Independent Trenton Trentonian Tri Area News Tumbler Ridge Observer Turtle Island News Tusaayaksat Two Hills and County Chronicle Two Hills Town & Country Undercurrent UpFront Ottawa Uptown Uxbridge Cosmos Uxbridge Standard Uxbridge Times Journal Vanderhoof Omineca Express Vaughan Citizen Vauxhall Advance Vegreville News and Advertiser Vermilion Voice Veteran Eagle Victoria News View Magazine Viking Weekly Review 389 Publications not included in ProQuest databases, listed online [Retrieved Sep. 30, 2022] Broadcast Media/Digital Outlets outside the scope of this research Virden Empire-Advance Vision Voir Wabamun Community Voice Wadena News Wainwright Edge Wainwright Review Wainwright Star Chronicle Wakaw Recorder & Cudworth Progress Walkerton Herald-Times Wallaceburg News Wasaga Sun Watrous Manitou Weekender Weekly Anchor Welland Tribune Wellington Advertiser West Lorne Chronicle West Quebec Post Westman Journal Westmount Independent Westside Weekly Westwinds Community News Weyburn Review Weyburn This Week Whistler Pique Whistler Question Whitby This Week Whitecourt Press Whitewood Herald Wiarton Echo Wilkie Press Williams Lake Tribune Wingham Advance Times Winnipeg River Echo Wolseley Bulletin Woodbridge Advertiser Woodstock Sentinel-Review Woolwich Observer 390 Publications not included in ProQuest databases, listed online [Retrieved Sep. 30, 2022] Broadcast Media/Digital Outlets outside the scope of this research Worldwide News Yellowknifer YGK News York Commonwealth York Guardian Yorkton This Week Your Local Journal Zeballos Privateer
Thesis/Dissertation
eng
Interdisciplinary Studies
Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library
Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International
Graduate
Buffam, Bonar
Evans, Mike, 1961-
Media representations of the Colten Boushie case : a critical discourse analysis of property, rural crime, and laissez-faire racism
Text