Arts and Social Sciences, Irving K. Barber Faculty of (Okanagan)
DSpace
UBCO
Botterill, Lindsay
Master of Arts - MA
University of British Columbia
In this research I ask: How effectively have Canadian federal and provincial policies shifted to meet the needs of Non-Governmental Organisations and non-profits in British Columbia that serve those who have experienced Intimate Partner Violence (IPV), following the COVID-19 pandemic? Secondly, what can be done to improve the situation? Little research currently exists on this subject, as Canada continues to recover from the implications of the pandemic. To best answer these questions, I examined Gender-Based Violence policies over the past several decades created by the federal government and provincial government of British Columbia. In particular, I employed a policy trajectory approach to consider whether policy adaptations were implemented to meet the increased needs of non-profits and NGOs as a result of challenges brought upon by COVID-19. In tandem with policy trajectory analysis, I utilised an intersectional feminist framework rooted in the scholarship of those like Angela Davis, Kimberlé Crenshaw, and Patricia Hill Collins, as well as supporting literature from Indigenous activists who wrote the MMIWG report, work of disability scholars, LGBTQ2S+ researchers, and others. The inclusion of these authors demonstrates the disproportionate experiences of partner violence, as well as the additional barriers members of marginalised communities face when seeking services. Importantly, I drew upon this work to highlight the ways in which government policies have failed to address gaps in support systems for survivors. Ultimately, the findings of my research have underlined the ways in which policies implemented during the pandemic were largely reactive. Instead, recommendations produced here suggest that governments must: (1) proactively engage with non-profits, survivors and other stakeholders to not only stop partner violence, but proactively prevent it; (2) governments at all levels must acknowledge their role within systems of oppression and work collaboratively with impacted communities to address barriers; and (3) government officials find ways to shift leadership to those on the frontlines, as well as survivors, to guide policy creation and consultation moving forward.
Gender-Based Violence and COVID-19: How the pandemic has shifted GBV policies, and implications for non-governmental organisations and non-profits by Lindsay Botterill B.A., University of British Columbia, 2020 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE COLLEGE OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Interdisciplinary Studies) (Global Studies) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Okanagan) January 2024 © Lindsay Botterill, 2024 ii The following individuals certify that they have read, and recommend to the College of Graduate Studies for acceptance, a thesis/dissertation entitled: Gender-Based Violence and COVID-19: how the pandemic has shifted GBV policies, and implications for non-governmental organisations and non-profits Submitted by Lindsay Botterill in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Arts. Dr. James Rochlin, Irving K. Barber Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences Supervisor Dr. Monica Good, Faculty of Creative and Critical Studies Supervisory Committee Member Dr. Adam Jones, Irving K. Barber Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences Supervisory Committee Member Dr. Silvia Tomášková, Irving K. Barber Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences Supervisory Committee Member Dr. Marie Tarrant, Faculty of Health and Social Development University Examiner iii ABSTRACT In this research I ask: How effectively have Canadian federal and provincial policies shifted to meet the needs of Non-Governmental Organisations and non-profits in British Columbia that serve those who have experienced Intimate Partner Violence (IPV), following the COVID-19 pandemic? Secondly, what can be done to improve the situation? Little research currently exists on this subject, as Canada continues to recover from the implications of the pandemic. To best answer these questions, I examined Gender-Based Violence policies over the past several decades created by the federal government and provincial government of British Columbia. In particular, I employed a policy trajectory approach to consider whether policy adaptations were implemented to meet the increased needs of non-profits and NGOs as a result of challenges brought upon by COVID-19. In tandem with policy trajectory analysis, I utilised an intersectional feminist framework rooted in the scholarship of those like Angela Davis, Kimberlé Crenshaw, and Patricia Hill Collins, as well as supporting literature from Indigenous activists who wrote the MMIWG report, work of disability scholars, LGBTQ2S+ researchers, and others. The inclusion of these authors demonstrates the disproportionate experiences of partner violence, as well as the additional barriers members of marginalised communities face when seeking services. Importantly, I drew upon this work to highlight the ways in which government policies have failed to address gaps in support systems for survivors. Ultimately, the findings of my research have underlined the ways in which policies implemented during the pandemic were largely reactive. Instead, recommendations produced here suggest that governments must: (1) proactively engage with non-profits, survivors and other stakeholders to not only stop partner violence, but proactively prevent it; (2) governments at all levels must acknowledge their role within systems of oppression and work iv collaboratively with impacted communities to address barriers; and (3) government officials find ways to shift leadership to those on the frontlines, as well as survivors, to guide policy creation and consultation moving forward. v LAY SUMMARY Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) has been an ongoing experience for women globally, and in Canada. Currently, local organisations provide support to survivors; however, the commencement of the COVID-19 pandemic had a significant impact on the women experiencing violence, and non-profit’s abilities to provide services. Several policies at a federal and provincial level have developed over the previous decades to confront the issue. With new challenges brought upon by the pandemic, this dissertation asks whether policies have shifted to meet the needs of non-profits and similar organisations. vi PREFACE This research has been entirely conducted and written by Lindsay Botterill, with support from the supervisor and supervisory committee in adhering to university guidelines. Before interviewing participants, this research project was considered a minimal-risk study and approved by the Okanagan Campus Behavioural Research Ethics Board under certificate number: H22-03447. vii TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ............................................................................................................................................................................. III LAY SUMMARY .................................................................................................................................................................... V PREFACE ................................................................................................................................................................................ VI TABLE OF CONTENTS .................................................................................................................................................... VII DEDICATIONS ...................................................................................................................................................................... IX CHAPTER 1 .............................................................................................................................................................................. 1 INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................................................................................... 1 1.1 RESEARCH PURPOSE .......................................................................................................................................................................... 1 1.2 BACKGROUND ....................................................................................................................................................................................... 3 1.3 POSITIONALITY .................................................................................................................................................................................... 4 1.4 WRITING STRUCTURE ....................................................................................................................................................................... 5 1.5 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND METHODOLOGY .............................................................................................................. 7 1.5.1 Definitions and Clarifications ................................................................................................................................................... 7 1.5.2 Criticisms of White Feminism ................................................................................................................................................ 13 1.5.3 Intersectionality as Theory ....................................................................................................................................................... 14 1.5.4 Intersectionality Meets Feminism ......................................................................................................................................... 16 1.5.5 The Neoliberal state and the role of NGOs and non-profits ..................................................................................... 17 1.5.5 Policy Development and Analysis ......................................................................................................................................... 22 1.6 METHODOLOGY ................................................................................................................................................................................ 24 CHAPTER 2 ........................................................................................................................................................................... 28 DETERMINANTS OF VULNERABILITY: INTERSECTIONS OF IDENTITY ................................................ 28 2.1 INDIGENOUS WOMEN ..................................................................................................................................................................... 29 2.2 WOMEN WITH DISABILITIES ........................................................................................................................................................ 32 2.3 WOMEN OF COLOUR ....................................................................................................................................................................... 34 2.4 LGBTQ2S+ ........................................................................................................................................................................................ 37 2.5 ADDITIONAL FACTORS ................................................................................................................................................................... 40 2.5.1 Housing and Income Instability ............................................................................................................................................ 40 2.5.2 Substance Use ................................................................................................................................................................................ 42 2.5.3 Young Women and Women with Children ....................................................................................................................... 43 CHAPTER 3 ........................................................................................................................................................................... 45 POLICY ANALYSIS ............................................................................................................................................................ 45 3.1 POLICIES AND PLANS: 2000-2010 .............................................................................................................................................. 46 3.2 PROVINCIAL POLICY: 2011-2020 ............................................................................................................................................... 50 3.3 FEDERAL POLICY: 2011-2020 ..................................................................................................................................................... 55 3.4 FEDERAL POLICY: COVID RESPONSES .................................................................................................................................. 59 3.5 PROVINCIAL POLICY: COVID RESPONSES ............................................................................................................................ 65 viii 3.6 RECENT UPDATES ............................................................................................................................................................................ 66 CHAPTER 4 ........................................................................................................................................................................... 68 HEARING FROM THE FRONTLINES ......................................................................................................................... 68 4.1 GOVERNMENT RESPONSES ........................................................................................................................................................... 69 4.2 SERVICE PROVIDERS AND REFLECTIONS ON THE PANDEMIC ........................................................................................ 76 4.3 ISSUES WITH FUNDING ................................................................................................................................................................... 80 4.4 ISOLATION, COMPETITION, AND COLLABORATION ............................................................................................................ 83 4.5 CONSULTATION ................................................................................................................................................................................. 84 4.6 PREVENTION AND PREPAREDNESS ............................................................................................................................................ 85 4.7 INTERSECTIONAL EXPERIENCES AND TACKLING SYSTEMIC ISSUES ........................................................................... 86 CHAPTER 5 ........................................................................................................................................................................... 90 MOVING FORWARD ......................................................................................................................................................... 90 5.1 FINDINGS ............................................................................................................................................................................................. 91 5.2 GLOBAL COMPARISONS AND IMPLICATIONS ........................................................................................................................ 92 5.3 RECOMMENDATIONS ...................................................................................................................................................................... 94 5.3.1 Proactive Engagement ............................................................................................................................................................... 95 5.3.2 Intersectional Approach ............................................................................................................................................................ 97 5.3.3 Shifting Leadership ..................................................................................................................................................................... 98 5.4 CONCLUDING REMARKS ................................................................................................................................................................ 98 REFERENCES ................................................................................................................................................................... 100 ix DEDICATIONS I would like to start this section by dedicating this dissertation to women. All women. But in particular, women who are experiencing abuse of any kind, or have survived it. Throughout this process, I have been truly blessed to meet incredibly strong, resilient, and powerful women, who despite everything, continue to work to improve their own lives, and those around them. I have been continuously inspired by the advocacy and passion in this community. I am honoured to be even a small part of this work, and thank all of the women who, whether knowingly or not, gave me the courage to keep pushing. Thank you for always reminding me of the importance of this work. Thank you to my supervisor James Rochlin for taking on this task over the past few years. Your critical eye has pushed me to continuously improve my work to its best. Thank you to my committee for bringing your unique perspectives to the table and providing me with endless avenues to address my questions. Finally, I would like to thank my friends, family, and partner for their unshakable support during this time. To Emilie, for all of our endless voice notes, coffee dates, and never-ending rants; I know I would not be finishing this without your friendship. To my long-distance friends, thank you for always being with me in spirit, and over FaceTime. To my parents, for always assuring me that I would have a safe place to fall. Finally, to my wonderful husband, Chris, there truly are no words for the endless love and encouragement you gave me at every step of the way. I will be forever grateful for how you gave me the space to be my messiest self and my most vulnerable self, and for inspiring me to be my best self. 1 CHAPTER 1 Introduction 1.1 Research Purpose This dissertation question will ask: How effectively have Canadian federal and provincial policies shifted to meet the needs of Non-Governmental Organisations and non-profits in British Columbia that serve those who have experienced Intimate Partner Violence (IPV), following the COVID-19 pandemic? Secondly, what can be done to improve the situation? To answer these questions, the dissertation will consider whether policies implemented by the Canadian federal and provincial government are effectively addressing the needs of non-profits and NGOs serving abuse survivors in British Columbia. Due to the ongoing effects on the pandemic, there is relatively little data attending to this issue in the context of COVID-19. An examination of policies and strategies implemented before, as well as in relation to the pandemic is included. Following this initial examination, further discussion will occur to assess the implications of the current conditions and what measures can be employed to improve the situation moving forward. Although the research question is situated in a provincial scope, the findings brought forward here speak to the issue at an international level. Evidently, partner violence is a persistent problem that is present in all societies. Ultimately, the central argument of this work is that government responses to partner violence throughout the pandemic at both federal and provincial levels are inadequate; therefore, if governments want to make meaningful change they must introduce strong research-based policies that actively consider systemic issues, that are supported thorough consultation with key community actors and that are backed with sufficient, consistent funding. 2 Since its introduction in 2017, Canada’s Strategy to Prevent and Address Gender-Based Violence has been one of the principal federal initiatives to tackle partner violence. The strategy includes three main pillars in which distinct projects and funding are dedicated to GBV elimination. The first pillar focuses on prevention, specifically targeting youth and families (Government of Canada, 2021). The second pillar addresses support systems and their families, and the third pillar encompasses various implementations of knowledge mobilisation among professions such as police officers and others in places of first contact with survivors (Ibid). The annual reports, along with interviews from government officials will aid in the assessment of this strategy. Additional discussion will consider the Liberal Party’s National Action Plan to End Gender-Based Violence and British Columbia’s action plan, along with other supplementary policy-based resources. Ultimately, this research highlights the perpetual need for resources at all levels of Canadian society, by drawing attention to organisations’ inability to provide consistency due to lack of funding and ineffective policy support. Women within abusive relationships face numerous obstacles that cannot be confronted alone. In addition to direct physical injuries, this type of violence can be catastrophic for women’s long-term wellbeing. Survivors can experience various challenges such as drug and alcohol misuse, desires to self-harm, post-traumatic stress disorder, and suicidal tendencies (Moulding et al., p.1066). Without the creation of policies that are both responsive to organisation needs and actionable at both provincial and federal levels, non-profits and NGOs may not be able to provide the crucial resources needed by women within their local communities. 3 1.2 Background Gender-Based Violence (GBV) is a global issue. Despite a growing understanding of the problem, there are still crucial gaps within the existing data. According to the World Health Organization, approximately 1 in 3 women have experienced physical or sexual violence in their lifetime (2021). Intimate Partner Violence (IPV), commonly referred to as domestic abuse or violence, is just one of many facets of gender violence. Briefly, IPV is defined as any behaviour that perpetuates a relationship of control over an intimate partner (United Nations 2021). This includes “physical, sexual, [and] emotional” abuse, “economic or psychological actions or threats of actions that influence another person” (Ibid). Further studies done by the World Health Organization demonstrate that a third of women between 15-49 will experience at least one form of violence from a partner in their lifetime (2021). Consequently, 38% of the murders of women are carried out by an intimate partner (Ibid). In Canada, the data regarding partner violence mirrors global trends. Statistics Canada reported that in 2018, an estimated 44% of Canadian women over the age of 15 endured some form of IPV (2021). More recent studies highlight specific demographics of the population are increasingly susceptible to this violence. An additional study done by the Canadian government stated that in the year prior to the survey, three in ten women between the ages of 15 and 24 had experienced violence from their partner (2021). The risk of partner violence increases further for those who are part of marginalised communities. Indigenous women, women in the LGBTQ2S+ community, and women with disabilities, all experience a significantly higher amount of partner violence as a result of their identity (Ibid). Emerging data from the commencement of the Covid-19 pandemic has indicated an increased rate of IPV. Coined the “Shadow Pandemic” by UN Women, the information collected during this period demonstrates a lack of ability to access resources due to isolation and lockdowns 4 (2020). Shelters and similar organisations across Canada reported seeing an increase in calls to their crisis lines, as well as higher demand for services like safe accommodation (Statistics Canada 2022). While research considering the impacts of the pandemic is new, it is clear that further information is necessary to fully understand the potential consequences on resources for survivors, and direct consequences for present survivors of partner violence. Despite increasing reports highlighting the increase of violence, very little data regarding government policy responses has been made available. This dissertation will aim to fill this gap. Whether on an international scale, or national level in Canada, academic articles have emerged with the intent to examine policies related to the pandemic. The focus remains on the public health policy that informed government interventions regarding the prevention of the spread of COVID-19. In particular, much of this work underlines the relation of pandemic lockdowns to an increase in IPV (Agüero, 2021; Mantler et al, 2022; Walters, 2020); however, there appears to be no work aimed at the policy responses introduced to combat the larger issues that have become increasingly evident in light of the pandemic. Although it is necessary to study the impacts of COVID related policies, as we continue to transition to a period beyond the pandemic, data is needed to inform policy in addressing the wider systemic issues that have been exacerbated over the previous three years. 1.3 Positionality As a researcher coming from a Political Science background, positionality statements were not a common aspect within my field. However, as I entered the Master’s interdisciplinary program, the idea of stating the various influences on one’s perspective grew increasingly important. Despite academic debate on the inclusion of positionality, due to the nature of this dissertation, I find such a statement vital to the work I present here. With this in mind, I want to 5 respectfully acknowledge that I live and work in the unceded and ancestral territory of the Syilx and Splatsin peoples. As a settler of European descent, I cannot overstate the privilege I hold while writing this dissertation. Deciding on a research topic was not a linear path for me. However, once chosen, I recognized the significance of my question, and the reasons behind it. I am a woman, and I am someone who has both experienced and survived Intimate Partner Violence. Although I will not recount the details of this previous relationship, it is because of my lived experience that I have a relentless passion and dedication to this work. I adamantly support institutions, organisations, and practices whose ultimate goal is to provide education, prevention, intervention, and resources to all women experiencing any forms of abuse. The dissertation presented here is merely one aspect of the challenges that must be tackled. I cannot speak for all women, nor will this work provide all-encompassing answers. However, it aims to add one more piece to the growing body of literature. It does not ask women to share their stories. It asks what more can institutions and organisations do to prevent violence, and support and provide for survivors. It calls upon those able and willing, to take actionable steps that will amplify the voices of those who have so commonly been silenced by both their abuser, and the lack of space within existing institutions. This research is by women, for women. 1.4 Writing Structure To begin, the first chapter of this dissertation will provide the theoretical framework and methodology employed throughout the remainder of the work. This will include a clarification of the various definitions to be used, a discussion of intersectionality and intersectional feminism, strategies for policy analysis, and consideration of the State, power, and the existing dynamic between states, non-profits/NGOs, and how this intersects with certain responsibilities to serve 6 communities. There will also be an explanation of methods used during the research process, and why these methods were chosen, specifically, the choice to interview experts. The second chapter aims to highlight the key identifiers of vulnerability to partner violence. This will be done with the acknowledgement that work of this size is not capable of truly encapsulating the significance of this topic for the various groups to be mentioned, nor can it address the nuances of the experience of partner violence within each community. With this in mind, the second chapter will pay particular attention to Indigenous women, disabled women, women of colour, women with various immigration statuses, women with children, women experiencing homelessness and/or substance use challenges, LGBTQ2S+ women or those who identify as women, and younger women. Following this, the third chapter will dive into the various policies and supporting initiatives that exist to address partner violence and GBV more broadly. This chapter will begin with a section outlining policies in the 2000 to 2010 range. It will then move to discuss provincial policies from 2011 to 2020, prior to the beginning of the pandemic. The same will be done with federal policies, including the identification of gaps to be addressed in another section. The analysis will then move to examine any changes that occurred to existing policies, or new policies that were introduced with the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic. Chapter 4 will then take the information synthesised in the previous chapter and critically consider the gaps, challenges, and any inadequacies that appear. This chapter will be of significance in building a foundation for the concluding chapter. The final chapter, Chapter 5, will end with an overview of all prior discussions. It will take the information collected and turn it towards both the present and future of policy in British Columbia and in Canada. It will ponder 7 the meaningful actions the government can take to ensure true implementation of the policies created, and share the various improvements to be made moving forward. 1.5 Theoretical Framework and Methodology The following section aims to encapsulate the theoretical influences that inform this work. It will commence with an overview of significant definitions and needed clarifications, then move to examine several pillars of intersectional feminism, including critiques of first-wave or white feminism, important contributors and critical addendums. Before I begin, I want to explicitly state that there are numerous theories that could be used to examine these issues, namely, decolonial, anti-racist, CRT, and queer theories. While these are all extremely valuable to consider, for the purposes and scope of this project, I have chosen to employ intersectional feminism in order to best cover the material within the limits of a Master’s framework. This is not to say that work from these retrospective fields will not be used to support the primary theory in other chapters. In short, I employ intersectional feminism because it aims to center the lived experiences and needs of women, while also ensuring a critical consideration of all aspects of women’s identities that impact their experiences with partner violence and various support systems. 1.5.1 Definitions and Clarifications Organisations such as the Center for Family Justice defines DV as, "a pattern of coercive, controlling behavior that is a pervasive life-threatening crime affecting people in all our communities regardless of gender, age, sexual orientation, race, ethnicity, religion, social standing and immigration status" (2023). Women’s Aid provides a similar definition stating that, “we define domestic abuse as an incident or pattern of incidents of controlling, coercive, threatening, degrading and violent behaviour, including sexual violence, in the majority of cases by a partner or ex-partner, but also by a family member or carer”. In the context of this research, I utilise the 8 term Intimate Partner Violence (IPV), to anchor the discussion in the relations between significant others such as, spouses, girlfriends, boyfriends, partners and/or similar romantically involved relationships. Accordingly, the United Nations defines IPV as, “a pattern of behavior in any relationship that is used to gain or maintain power and control over an intimate partner”, clarifying that the abuse can be, “physical, sexual, emotional, economic or psychological actions or threats of actions that influence another person” (What is Domestic Abuse?). Significant to this research, the Government of British Columbia refers to this type of violence as domestic violence while primarily referring to partner violence. They state, “it includes any form of violence within a relationship (marriage, common law or dating) - sexual, emotional, financial and psychological, including threats” (Government of British Columbia). While the average person may assume physical abuse is the most common, it is crucial to examine the other forms of partner violence that enable control. In the context of this dissertation, moving beyond the physical forms of abuse is critical for understanding exactly what policies must be created, and how they are implemented. Although I will briefly cover physical power, the following paragraphs will also examine other forms of control such as, emotional, social/relational, economic, and the use of children as a form of manipulation. These categories do not encompass all variations of abuse. The Center for Disease Control and Prevention describes physical violence as situations where “a person hurts or tries to hurt a partner by hitting, kicking, or using another type of physical force” (2022). Organisations such as Women Against Abuse list several examples, including: “hitting, slapping, punching, kicking, burning, [and] strangulation” (Types of Abuse). However, the organisation also provides other examples such as “damaging personal property, refusing medical care and/or controlling medication, coercing partner into substance abuse, [and] use of 9 weapons”, that demonstrates how physical abuse can often include the threat of violence, or physical aggression in proximity to the survivor (Ibid). This form of power is a strong form of intimidation and control. It can have both immediate and long-term consequences for the person experiencing the violence. In terms of policy, this type of violence is often more visible than others because it can result in interventions by institutions such as police and medical staff in more extreme cases. Emotional abuse can be defined as abuse that “involves comments and actions intended to undermine the victim’s self-respect and sense of worth” (Outlaw, 2009, p.264). Examples of this can include: “name calling, insulting, blaming, extreme jealousy, intimidation, shaming, humiliating, isolation, controlling what the partner does and where the partner goes, [and] stalking” (Women Against Abuse, Types of Abuse). While similar in some aspects, emotional abuse differs from psychological and social control. The purpose of psychological abuse “is to undermine the security of the victim’s own logic and reasoning”, often taking the form of gaslighting (Outlaw, 2009, p.264). In addition to these typologies, “social abuse generally involves an imposed isolation—victims are cut-off from family and friends, whether by threat, force, or persuasion” (Ibid). Social and relational controls frequently occur in tandem with the previously mentioned types of abuse because outside relationships with friends and family can act as potential deterrents to the perpetrator; thus, the abuser makes efforts to isolate their partner from others (Beland et al., 2020). In this modern period, this type of control can extend to technology, including monitoring texts, calls, and social media. Addressing these less obvious types of control through policy can be highly challenging. It requires policymakers to identify ways in which they can actively reach both those who will or are experiencing violence, as well as those who do or may perpetrate it. 10 Strong educational and preventative measures are needed to address toxic belief systems that contribute to these types of partner violence. Utilising children as an “abusive mechanism” is ultimately a form of emotional abuse (The Hotline). However, I distinguish this form of control from other types of emotional abuse because it requires particular attention when it comes to policy approaches. Although in some cases, women may choose to leave the relationship to protect their children, other studies indicate that children play a large role in the decision to stay as well. As demonstrated by Stephens and Melton, there are two primary reasons why women with children will stay in abusive partnerships (2017). One of the most compelling arguments women make for staying with the perpetrator is fear that they will lose custody of their children if the issue proceeds to the court process (Stephens and Melton, 2017, p. 193). In addition, women often feel compelled to stay in order to keep their family together, assuming this is better for their children (Ibid). Though there is no singular way to address this challenge through policy, focusing on improving the legal framework for survivors is a start. Economic or financial abuse “involves imposed economic dependence of the abused by the abuser, if not outright stealing by the abusive spouse” (Outlaw, 2009, p.264). This can range from impacting a partner’s employment, harassing them in the workplace, all the way to directly controlling their finances. This particular form of control makes those experiencing the abuse especially limited in their choices to leave the relationship. When considering this from a policy perspective, and in the context of the province of British Columbia, other factors play a large role in this type of abuse. Specifically, policy must aim to address larger systemic issues including the housing crisis, as well as employment issues exacerbated by the pandemic. Although IPV is the central focus of the dissertation, I now move to situate partner violence in the broader scope of violence experienced by women and girls. 11 Another critical qualification to make is the distinction between Gender-Based Violence (GBV), and Violence Against Women (and Girls) (VAW(G)). While assumed by many to be the same, and often used interchangeably, there are key differences that must be addressed. GBV is defined as, “harmful acts directed at an individual based on their gender. It is rooted in gender inequality, the abuse of power and harmful norms” (UNHCR). While women are disproportionately impacted by GBV, men and boys can experience violence based on their gender identity (Sinacore et al, 2017). Therefore, distinguishing the two terms is necessary, particularly when categorising those who experience what violence, and when collecting data. With that being said, Violence Against Women is defined as, “ any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life” (United Nations, Article 2, 1993). This leads me to my final point of clarification. Similar to other disciplines, feminist theorists critically debate the definitions of key terminology within the field. In specific, this paragraph will demonstrate with the support of several academic pieces why the shift from ‘victim’ to ‘survivor’ is a critical aspect of this work. Often, certain definitions are chosen to reflect the goals of various organisations and institutions. A study done by Papendick and Bohner clearly demonstrates the importance of particular nomenclature. While their central theme surrounds sexual violence and rape, the authors exemplify the perception of cases when victim was used, versus when survivor was used (Papendick and Bohner, 2017). Although their results were not entirely clear-cut, the researchers hypothesised that the victim label was related by participants more strongly to the immediate experience of the woman, while survivor represented the continuous experience of healing and coping (Ibid). Dunn provides another perspective, suggesting that “victims are presented as trapped, and survivors, 12 conversely, are shown as making choices, they are constructed in ways that place them at opposite poles of an agency continuum” (p.2, 2005). The perceived level of agency inherent in each of these terms not only impacts outside perspectives, but can have a powerful influence on how women move forward from partner violence. While emphasising agency is in no way meant to imply women who experience violence have control over the actions of the perpetrator, it is meant to underline that survivors can maintain agency in their own self-perceptions (Delker et al., 2020; Schwark and Bohner, 2019). Before continuing, I will insert a brief addendum regarding heteronormativity. While there will be specific acknowledgement in the second chapter of the vulnerabilities faced by those in the LGBTQ2S+ community, this dissertation will more generally address the issue through a heteronormative perspective. There are three primary reasons for this choice. One, in the current system, supports for those experiencing violence largely target cis-women. Although this is a significant gap in services, for the purposes of this research this limits the extent to which services can be examined. Secondly, an overwhelming number of perpetrators of partner violence are men, thus, the need to address the epistemological framings of heteronormativity (Romans et al, 2000). Finally, and most importantly, the impact of partner violence on the LGBTQ2S+ community, as well as other marginalised communities is nuanced. It requires an in-depth consideration of systemic issues, historical contexts, and a larger confrontation of the lack of support; therefore, employment of other theories beyond intersectional feminism, such as queer theory, warrant their own dedicated space. Applying queer theory would require a deeper focus on the question of the lack of inclusivity for this community. It would also require a consideration of queer-specific organisations. While these questions are absolutely valid, the limitations of the dissertation at hand does not permit me to explore this further. 13 1.5.2 Criticisms of White Feminism It is evident from the subject matter at hand that feminism will ultimately play a key role in the theoretical lens to be employed throughout this dissertation. Feminism is broadly understood as the belief in the social, political, and intellectual equality of men and women (Perry, 2017, p.142). Although this may be true the various factions and nuances within the feminist movement make this definition appear much too simplistic. In particular, feminism has come under fire for being centred around the experiences of white, upper and middle class women (p.143; Collins, 2019). As so poignantly shared by Accapadi, “white women can also be so invested in our oppression as women that we resist addressing our privilege as white” (2007, p.208 as cited in Phipps, 2021, p.84). Hence, the progress made for white women in this category often came at the cost of exclusionary practices for numerous other communities of women. Therefore, I turn to the work of those who have commonly resisted from the margins. In particular, this section will review literature with the aim of critiquing exclusively white feminism. By doing so, I hope to set the foundations for the subsequent discussions of intersectional feminism. Significantly, an entire dissertation could be dedicated to the discussion surrounding the challenges with feminist theory as it pertains to its proximity to whiteness. The discussion here merely scratches the surface in its attempt to decenter the white perspective, while simultaneously being impossible as it is written by a white author. In order to mitigate this challenge, I primarily reference the tireless work of feminists who are Black, Indigenous, women of colour, and others whose contributions continue to push for inclusive feminism. First-wave feminism largely focused on legal victories and political equality of sorts, primarily the right to vote and workplace participation (Marino and Ware, 2022, p.812). Feminist movements often faced significant opposition through forms of “trivialising, vilifying, and admonishing it for ‘unladylike’ [...] behaviour, particularly when [it had] a face of colour” 14 (Runyan, 2020, p. 327-328). While this movement focused on a so-called, collective identity for women, it is difficult to point to a ‘universal feminism’ or single coalescing of all women when the first-wave failed to include women outside of the confines of whiteness and participation in the upper and middle classes (Crenshaw, 1991; Faupel and Werum, 2011, p.181; Nelson, 2022). Although women in marginalised communities did eventually receive the right to vote decades later, this was not a goal of the initial movement. In Canada, white women were able to vote in 1917, while Indigenous women gained this right in 1949 (Legislative Assembly of British Columbia). Similarly, white women in the United States were extended the right to vote in 1920, while Black and Indigenous women waited several decades for the same ability (National Archives, 2021). Despite significant progress in the years to follow, exclusionary tactics continue to segregate feminist theories. As pointed out by Davis (2008), terms like intersectionality have become appropriated by white feminists within academia and remarketed in a more palatable form (cited in Christoffersen and Emejulu, 2022, p.3). Therefore, in an effort to avoid this appropriation, I now turn to the works of scholars such as Crenshaw, Collins, Davis, along with others, to explore intersectional feminism as it relates to this dissertation. 1.5.3 Intersectionality as Theory The theoretical underpinnings of this dissertation have important histories. They have been produced by marginalised voices of both academics and activists, as well as those whose stories and experiences inspired the work; yet who may never be recognised. While this dissertation is not situated to explore the depth of the theories shared here, I do want to make a point of acknowledging the dedication and work committed to dismantling existing paradigms through such work. While Kimberlé Crenshaw has most commonly been referred to as the person to ‘coin’ the term intersectionality, Collins highlights the inherent colonial narrative deeply embedded 15 within the ‘claiming’ of academic jargon (2019). Her argument does not aim to take away from Crenshaw’s part in the rise of intersectionality in theorising critical social sciences, but rather, Collins pushes the notion that the original mention of intersectionality was rooted in the very theories that it represents, including anti-racist movements, decolonial theories, queer theories, Black feminism, and others (Crenshaw, 1991; Collins, p.120-124). Though the term is technically born from Crenshaw, the contributions and collaborations that have occurred to push the praxis of intersectionality are much larger than one individual. With this in mind, the following paragraphs will aim to answer: What is intersectionality? How does intersectionality relate to feminism? And how does intersectional feminism function in this dissertation? In her book Intersectionality as Critical Social Theory, Patricia Hill Collins lays out the core principles of intersectionality (2019). She refers to six key terms that act as the main constructs of intersectionality as a social theory, including: (1) relationality, (2) power, (3) social inequality, (4) social context, (5) complexity, and (6) social justice (p.44). In addition, Collins details four guiding principles. First, she states that “race, class, gender, and similar systems of power are interdependent and mutually construct one another” (Ibid). Second, “intersecting power relations produce complex, interdependent social inequalities of race, class, gender, sexuality, nationality, ethnicity, ability, and age” (Ibid). However, Collins does caution that “the tendency to replace terms such as oppression with the term power, offers an empty signifier that minimizes the effects of political domination” (2017, p. 1465). Continuing, Collins highlights that "the social location of individuals and groups within intersecting power relations shapes their experiences within and perspectives on the social world" (2019, p.44). Finally, she contends that “solving social problems within a given local, regional, national, or global context requires intersectional analyses” (Ibid). While the concept of intersectionality as a theory still continues to develop, the 16 tenets described here contribute to an ever-growing perspective on systemic power relations and subsequent consequences for marginalised groups. In addition to Collins, numerous other scholars have contributed to the larger understanding of intersectionality. Aguayo-Romero for example, criticises the focus others have placed upon the interactions of various social identities rather than systems of privilege. They state, “the distinction that intersectionality focuses on intersecting systems of privilege and oppression rather than on intersecting social identities is key; everyone has intersecting social identities, but not everyone belongs to historically marginalized groups or experiences intersecting systemic oppression” (2021, p.101). Subsequently the author highlights that intersectional “analysis should be centered on those with intersecting marginalized identities and not on those belonging to only dominant groups”, and while “this does not mean that the participants involved should have only marginalized social identities; it means that the discussions should prioritize the systems of oppression affecting them” (p. 102). Aguayo-Romero concludes by underlining how intersectionality “calls on researchers to ensure that they are working with historically marginalized people from start to finish in the development, implementation, analysis, and dissemination of research” (Ibid). This final argument will be of particular importance in latter examinations of the consultation process during policy creation. In the following paragraphs I will underscore how in relation to feminism, intersectionality enables scholars such as myself to reconcile some of the challenges created by the centering of whiteness within the early feminist discourse by instead centering voices of those who are too often excluded. 1.5.4 Intersectionality Meets Feminism Angela Davis once shared, “one woman cannot stand in for all women” (YouTube, 2018, 5:09). First and second wave feminism often laid claim to the concept of universality; however, 17 Black women and women of colour challenged this long before the word intersectionality saturated academic works. Since “colonial encounters [...] understanding how race, class, gender, sexuality, disability, and legal status interact in ways that advantage some groups and disadvantage others has formed the basis of Black women’s politics” (Collins 1990; Emejulu 2022 as cited in Christoffersen and Emejulu, 2022, p. 633). While white women took a step back from the patriarchy to perceive the enforced binary of man and woman, the position of Black women, queer women, and women of colour within the existing social hierarchy enables them to perceive the various institutional, systemic, and societal forces of power which perpetuate vulnerabilities for women who diverge from ableness, straightness, and whiteness. Angela Davis’ comments further support this as she states, “the most vibrant forms of feminism today are not what we once called mainstream, white, bourgeois feminism […] but rather what is currently referred to as intersectional feminism. It is not carceral feminism, a feminism that has learned to rely on the police and prisons to solve the problems of gender violence, but rather abolition feminism. Feminism that recognizes the interconnections between gender violence and racist violence, between intimate violence and institutional violence, between individual violence and structural violence” (YouTube, 2018, 1:13-2:14). In the specific context of this dissertation, drawing upon such frameworks is critical if one aims to identify the dialectical relationships between federal and provincial policies, marginalised and vulnerable communities, and individuals experiencing partner violence. Ultimately, considering the effectiveness of policy creation and implementation cannot be done without accounting for overarching systems of oppression. 1.5.5 The Neoliberal state and the role of NGOs and non-profits Although a significant portion of resources provided to women come from a grassroots level, policies are typically implemented from the top-down. Therefore, an integral aspect of this 18 dissertation is understanding the place of the neoliberal state, as well as why the state has significant reliance on the non-profit sector. The substantial literature on neoliberalism cannot be condensed in such a small space; therefore, this section will aim to touch upon three primary issues. First, I will ask what is the neoliberal state? Second, how does the neoliberal state interact with NGOs and non-profits, or more specifically, what void do these organisations fill, and how did this relationship transform historically? Finally, how does policy function as an intermediary between the two? This will ultimately demonstrate the necessity for proper collaboration and consultation. Broadly speaking, neoliberalism in the context of a state can be defined as one which “values individual freedom and privileges the primacy of the market over collective claims to welfare” (Ready, 2012, p.28). This includes supporting “strong individual private property rights, the rule of law, and the institutions of freely functioning markets and free trade” (Harvey, 2005, p.64). While neoliberalism has existed in various countries, its prevalence grew during the post-World War two era. In Canada, this was particularly true in the 1970s (Collier, 2008; Ready, 2012). Although neoliberal policies are argued by some to contribute to economic growth, technological development, and an overall boost to entrepreneurial enterprises, the consequences on the welfare state can be substantial. Authors like Ready underline that a primary tenet of neoliberal governments is the act of cutting social welfare services, particularly impacting marginalised groups (2012, p.29). Cuts in Canada took place in the form of “privatization, familialization, decentralization, commodification and criminalization” (p.32). In spite of several central-left governments following neoliberalisation, Canada continues to perform poorly in comparison to other nations (such as Iceland and Norway discussed in Chapter 5) as a result of its failure to acknowledge “that the voluntary and non-profit sector plays a necessary social advocacy role, by 19 advancing the rights and concerns of disadvantaged citizens” (Bonisteel and Green, 2005, p.3). Although the period between 1960 and 1990 saw a tripling of registered charities in Canada, neoliberal policies resulted in cuts to “core funding and a shift to contracts and grants by neoliberal governments led this sector to suffer a crisis of identity as it became more state-driven, hindering its ability to act independently on behalf of citizens” (Miller 1998 as cited in Ready, 2012, p.32). Overall, perceptions of the government’s duties and responsibilities to its citizens have greatly fluctuated over time. The battle between the neoliberal and welfare state models has been non-linear, shifting back and forth over the course of centuries. During its conception, the voluntary sector typically had religious influences and aimed to fill gaps in services for lower-class populations. In many regards, the government perceived people accessing services as those who failed at an individual level; thus, only providing funding to early non-profits when absolutely required, and typically, to reduce social unrest rather than as a means of providing resources (Elson, 2007). Strengthening of the welfare state occurred as early as 1700s, when laws such as the Nova Scotia and New Brunswick Poor Laws of 1763 and 1786, the government “allowed for the collection of property taxes for the purpose of caring for the poor” (Youness, 2021, p.8). At this time, welfare provisions were considered part of the “Traditional Public Governance (TPG) model, wherein agencies of the state are responsible for funding and addressing social causes” (p.9). Although individual responsibility persisted, demands for a stronger social security net grew following the Great Depression. Documents like the Marsh Report worked to address social security through minimum wages, employment planning, and healthcare (Elson, 2007). Several reports followed to support housing and community planning. However, tension still existed between these ideals and neoliberal ideologies. 20 In addition to economic implications, neoliberalism as an ideology transcends nearly all aspects of the societal sphere, and in many ways is responsible for the current reliance on the voluntary sector. In particular, Suzan Ilcan (2009) describes neoliberalism in Canada as ‘privatization of responsibility that governs through “the entrepreneurship of autonomous actors, such as individuals, families, firms, corporations, and nongovernmental organizations’” (as cited in Polzer et al., 2016, p.11). This so-called privatisation of responsibility has significant impacts on health, safety, and overall well-being. In many ways, the discourse revolving around personal responsibility of health has been transformed by the government to reflect a certain “moral obligation, thus creating new expectations in relation to the maintenance of one’s own health, the health of one’s family, and the health of the population” (p.12). Simultaneously, the neoliberalisation of Canadian policies and the social safety net acts to both create and perpetuate socioeconomic inequalities, ultimately creating conditions of vulnerability for already marginalised communities. Although governments such as Mulroney placed increasing responsibility on the voluntary sector to provide necessary services, they also failed to act preventatively by cutting funding for government services and to non-profits (Elson, 2007). Within a human rights context, the Canadian government at all levels ultimately bears the responsibility as a state entity to protect the lives of rights holders (in this case women), within the Canadian borders, regardless of their legal citizenship (Dale et al., 2021, p.112). While not a part of government institutions, local organisations like NGOs and non-profits, such as those included in this dissertation (ex. Kelowna Women’s Shelter, NOWCanada etc.) continuously work to provide protections to women, often acting as the intermediary between government and civilians. Due to the shift of state welfare to individual responsibility, the non-profit sector has “stepped into the vacuum in social provision left by the withdrawal of the state from such activities” (Harvey, 21 2005, p.177). Several authors have suggested that by stepping into the vacuum, NGOs and non-profits have ultimately taken on the role of “shadow state or a para-state apparatus” (Milligan and Conradson, 2006; Wolch, 1990, as cited in Ready 2012, p.33). As stated by Wolch (1990, p.41), “the shadow state carries out welfare state functions, providing essential human services, financial and in-kind benefits, and surveillance of clients. In these activities, it is enabled, regulated and subsidized by the state. But shadow activities are not formally part of the state. They do not involve the same kinds of direct accountability and oversight procedures characteristic of internal state apparatus. Instead, they are subject to state-imposed direct and indirect constraints on their autonomy” (Cited in Ready 2012). The constraints Wolch refers to have had dire consequences for organisations that typically advocate for marginalised groups, including women. In particular, the neoliberal attack on feminist organisations has occurred through various methods including: legal restrictions; restraints on funding sources; and gender-neutral language use in policy and other government documents. According to the Canadian court system via interpretation of Pemsel’s 4th category, organisations whose purpose is to lobby for legislation changes will not be considered charitable organisations, despite any “public benefits that may flow from their advocacy efforts” (Harvie, 2002; Bridge, 2000 as cited in Bonisteel and Green, 2005, p.4). Restrictions created through legal means such as this work in direct opposition of the actions of NGOs and non-profits aiming to fill the state’s void. Bonisteel and Green critically point out that these exclusionary tactics “[redefine] the purposes of feminist organizations and seriously [limit] their capacity to fulfil those purposes” while also, “[limiting] the freedom of these organizations to be self-determining in their activities. This translates to the control of feminist civil society and the exclusion of feminists from decision-making, disempowerment in its most real sense” (p.6). Monetary restrictions have also had wide-reaching impacts on various 22 organisations. While this will be discussed in further depth in later chapters, it is important to note that during neoliberal shifts significant cuts to funding resulted in “the elimination of core funding, and [an increased] reliance on short-term project funding.” (Bonisteel and Green, 2005, p.12). In addition, specific funding necessary for basic operation of feminist organisations was “diverted into generic and institutional programming, such as domestic violence courts and police and Crown-controlled generic victim service programs” (p.9). To make matters worse, neoliberalism claims to take a so-called “gender-neutral” stance when writing policy; however, actions of neoliberal governments continuously disprove this sentiment by “[de-funding] women’s organizations, marginalizes women’s activist groups, and appropriates feminist discourse for its own ends” (Ready, 2012, p.33). Although this dissertation acknowledges the considerable progress in present-day government in relation to feminist agendas, when analysing federal and provincial policies in the coming chapters, it is critical to keep the neoliberal influences in the foreground. 1.5.5 Policy Development and Analysis In order to analyse policy in the upcoming chapters, we must first work to define policy. Dye describes policy as “the actions taken by government in response to social problems and, in the area of violence against women, how these actions contribute to the reduction of intimate partner and sexual violence against women” (2005, as cited in Rossiter, 2011, p. 20). From a more theoretical standpoint, Ball posits that there are variations, including, “policy as text” and “policy as discourse” (1993, p.10). Policy as text, as Ball describes, is much more complex than simply encoding words in a document. Policy as discourse builds on this. Ball underlines that in this context, “discourses are about what can be said, and thought, but also about who can speak, when, where and with what authority” (p.14). In this sense, policy is no longer something written down; rather, it is a process that shapes how readers, think of problem solving. Because “policies enter 23 existing patterns of inequality”, there are significantly different relationships to policy and the discourses that surround it (p.11-12). With this understanding in mind, I move to examine the five stages included in the policy trajectory approach. Authors Yorke and Vidovich (2016), outline work done by authors Bowe, Ball, and Gold, which seeks to categorise the various steps in policy creation. The stages include: (1) influences which focus “on the various drivers and interactions that influence policy development” (Yorke and Vidovich, 2016, p.77); (2) text production, “where policy text is created”; (3) practices, “where policy is re-created and produced” (Ibid). In later work, Ball went on to include two additional stages: (4) outcomes as “impacts on equity and social justice”; and (5) political strategy, meaning “actions to improve matters” (Ball 1994a, as cited in Yorke and Vidovich, 2016, p.77). Stages one and two are particularly important in the analysis done in Chapter 3. The latter stages, specifically four and five, are useful in identifying how the described policies relate to marginalised communities disproportionately experiencing partner violence. With these definitions of policy in mind, I will now outline the parameters to be utilised in measuring policy efficacy. To examine the potential efficacy of the policies to be discussed, I will employ three categories of reference. The first will consider the level of due diligence done in the consultation process. In later chapters, this will take the form of discussing what organisations or individuals were, or were not brought into the initial phases of policy development. I will ask questions such as: What organisations were included? Were enough organisations included? Are the included organisations representative of their constituents? The second measure of efficacy will go beyond the documents of gender violence to evaluate whether larger systemic issues were thoroughly considered when creating policy. Does the policy take marginalised groups into account? Does the policy hope to move beyond feminist organisations and collaborate with other 24 organisations? Finally, policy examination will consist of dissecting the real-world implications. Are targeted organisations aware of the existing policies and their impacts? Do the policies move beyond theoretical and make meaningful change? Do policy creators intend to evaluate the effects of their policies in due time? The process of determining efficacy will largely consist of carefully reviewing existing policies, while being supported by evidence from interviews with community experts. 1.6 Methodology The following section outlines the details of the research process, along with various methods employed to complete this dissertation. This is done with a qualitative approach, supported by secondary quantitative data when needed. In particular, I chose a qualitative approach for data collection to focalise the experience of frontline workers in this context. Furthermore, assessing the impacts of the pandemic in a quantitative manner is far beyond the capabilities of a Masters project and will likely require a review of several years. Prior to beginning interviews with participants, I applied for, and successfully received approval from the ethics committee in the month of February, 2023. For the purposes of this research, participants were considered experts, which were subsequently divided into two primary categories. First, were those in leadership positions at NGOs that provide resources for women experiencing violence. A second group included government officials that I considered to have relevant experience and/or knowledge of policies regarding GBV, particularly those implemented during the pandemic. In this context, an expert is defined as someone who is publicly recognized as a dependable source of information and skill regarding a certain field. Ultimately, this choice was made in order to abide by the minimal risk requirements put forth by the TCPS2 (TriCouncil Policy Statement). Minimal risk is defined as, “research in which the probability and magnitude 25 of possible harms implied by participation in the research are no greater than those encountered by participants in those aspects of their everyday life that relate to the research” (TCPS2, 2022, p. 25). Although I had hoped to include interviews from women who had experienced partner violence, the challenges associated with risk mitigation were far too difficult to overcome at an MA level. Therefore, only experts were included. Upon receiving approval, interview invitations were sent via email to potential participants. I located contact information on the public websites of each respective website attached to the organisation, or through the government’s website. The email included a brief description of the project, as well as attempts to set up an agreed-upon interview time. Semi-structured interviews took place in a variety of locations in person, including Kelowna. When conducting interviews in person was not plausible, Zoom was provided as another option. Once consent was obtained from each participant, the interview was then recorded for accuracy using Zoom, and later transcribed for future reference. On average, interviews were an hour long. The choice to include interviews was made for two reasons. One, because the Covid-19 pandemic is extremely new, and still ongoing, research on the topic in question here is minimal. Therefore, it was crucial to supplement the secondary information I collected during the literature review with primary data provided by participants. In addition, by including interviews, not only was I able to ask questions missing in the current literature, but it also allowed participants to emphasise information that they deemed critical to the topic. With their expert knowledge and frontline experience aiding survivors, interview participants were able to address significant gaps in the research, as well as highlight what needs must be met moving forward. As a qualitative researcher, I chose to utilise semi-structured interviews (SSIs). Though other forms of interviewing such as unstructured interviews can be beneficial in particular cases 26 such as ethnographic and long-term research, the lack of formality meant I would risk glossing over key questions (Jamshed, 2014). In essence, semi-structured interviews provide preliminary questions that can guide the discussion in a particular direction, while still leaving flexibility in responses and further probing (McIntosh and Morse, 2015). In relation to the research question at hand, SSIs permitted me as the researcher to receive more robust data by providing the same prompts, while still enabling responses to differ, and thus, showcasing any potential differences among answers. A limitation I encountered was the lack of response of some organisations, or inability to interview due to understaffing and time constraints. Following the conclusion of all interviews, I proceeded to synthesize the necessary information and separate it into various chapters. This primary data was then paired with a literature review of any existing scholarship relevant to the topic. In addition to the various theoretical framings explained earlier, I employed the techniques from the content analysis method. In particular, this method was applied within the policy analysis section. While often compared to thematic analysis, Moretti and her fellow authors state, “content analysis techniques seek to classify the discussion material into an effective number of categories that represent similar meanings” (2011, p.420). This differs from thematic analysis as it functions from a predetermined set of codes or assumptions. Although technically a qualitative method, it can also use quantitative factors, such as occurrence of words or themes. In this context, I examined various policies with a preconceived notion that quantifiable shifts would occur over time; for example, as noted in Chapter 3, I highlighted the general increase of reference to certain vulnerable women, like Indigenous women. Within the content analysis method, authors Hseih and Shannon highlight the “summative approach” that begins with, “identifying and quantifying certain words or content in text”, and results in a deeper interpretation of the content (2005, p.1284). On the other 27 hand, thematic analysis which tends to begin with a blank slate, aims to draw attention to overarching themes that emerge as analysis occurs (Clarke and Braun, 2017). Thus, to complement the flexible nature of semi-structured interviews, I chose to employ thematic analysis when examining interviews. Ultimately, the themes that became apparent across interviews were then utilised to inform the recommendations made in the final chapter that are reflective of the theoretical underpinnings described prior. 28 CHAPTER 2 Determinants of Vulnerability: Intersections of Identity The purpose of the following chapter is to highlight the various aspects of identity that contribute to a woman’s level of vulnerability to partner violence. By centering the discussion of identity within the context of intersectionality, this chapter will ultimately argue that policies do not sufficiently serve women in communities that commonly experience systemic barriers, various forms of oppression, and disproportionate violence. In line with the theoretical framework shared in the first chapter, the explanations given below will rely heavily on statistics, as well as work written by the voices of those identifying with each particular community. The groups included here are Indigenous women, disabled women, women experiencing homelessness, those who struggle with substance misuse, women of colour (including immigrant women), female youth, and women with children. In no way does this list cover all factors leading to vulnerability; however, the goal of examining those mentioned is to more broadly highlight the existing systemic issues that must be considered when producing meaningful policy. It is also acknowledged that many of the identities here associated with vulnerability are often intersecting aspects of women’s lives. It is important to note before continuing that the information discussed here merely scratches the surface. While each of the various identities are deserving of their own dissertation, this chapter aims to give an overview in order to provide a foundational understanding for the latter examination of gaps within policy developments. While it is nearly impossible to discuss one as an isolated category, I do so for the purposes of citing key literature. 29 2.1 Indigenous Women While violence impacts all women in Canada, the extreme manifestation of violence in the form of femicide disproportionately targets Indigenous women and girls. I have chosen to place Indigenous women at the forefront of this chapter due to the historical relationship of violence and oppression created by government policies against women in Indigenous communities. Although this discussion specifically references the Canadian government, the experiences of Indigenous women in other regions like Australia, the United States, and countries throughout Latin America to name a few, are reflective of the colonial experiences in Canada (Cripps 2023; McKinley and Liddell, 2022; Wands and Marzoev, 2022). The colonisation of Canada and its continuing legacy to the present day has set the precedent for how Indigenous women are perceived in this country. Femicide is defined by the World Health Organisation as the “intentional murder of women because they are women, but broader definitions include any killings of women or girls” (2012). Although statistics often minimise the realities for survivors, I utilise numerical data here to emphasise the magnitude of this issue. In Canada, of the gender-related homicides between 2011 and 2021, an average of 66% were committed by an intimate partner (Statistics Canada, 2023). For Indigenous women, approximately 81% knew the perpetrator (Burczycka and Cotter, 2023). According to statistics, in the years 2019 to 2021, years largely occupied by the pandemic, there was an overall increase in femicides by 26% (Canadian Femicide Observatory for Justice and Accountability, 2021 as cited in BWSS, 2021, p.8). To provide perspective, Indigenous women in Canada are three times more likely to experience violence and six times more likely to be murdered than their non-Indigenous counterparts (Beattie, David, and Roy 2017; Government of Canada 2017 as cited in Huhndorf, 2021, p.563). Despite these staggering numbers, there is an overarching failure by government and community organisations to acknowledge why these trends continue. 30 Before considering present factors, recognition of colonial legacies must occur. As underlined in the Reclaiming Power and Place: The Final Report of the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, acknowledgement of colonialism “provides links with the present and still-existing structures that contribute to targeting Indigenous women, girls, and 2SLGBTQQIA people. These aren’t just things that happened in the past. Viewing colonization as a structure means that we can’t dismiss events as parts of the past, or as elements of someone else’s history” (2019, p.233). Briefly defined, colonisation “refers to the processes by which Indigenous Peoples were dispossessed of their lands and resources, subjected to external control, and targeted for assimilation and, in some cases, extermination.” (p.231). The forceful introduction of Western ideologies contributed to the current state of violence in numerous aspects; for overview purposes, I will name two key ways in which European impositions still exist today. First is the breaking down of the central role of Indigenous women in their communities. In order to successfully colonise Indigenous communities, missionaries and similar figureheads needed to introduce “patriarchal European values [...] that [exerted] control and dominance” over Indigenous women (p.238). Because the leadership and self-determination exercised by Indigenous women in their communities directly opposed colonial ideals, it was necessary to enforce legislation such as the Indian Act of 1876, to diminish their power. As a result of this act, the very definition of “Indian” was “tied to a male bloodline, even though many Nations traced lineage through the mother, or through both bloodlines. Its definition of ‘Indian’ maintained that the Status of an Indian woman depended on the Status of her husband” (p.250). The Act persists to this day. A secondary legacy of colonialism is the fear of losing one’s children to the welfare state as a result of residential schools and the subsequent sixties scoop (p.39). The loss of children was identified by the Battered Women's Support Services as one of the “main barriers preventing Indigenous women from 31 escaping violent situations and reporting abuse [...]” (2021, p.13). The devastating impacts of colonialism have now compounded with present-day challenges to perpetuate Indigenous women’s vulnerability. In addition to fear of the welfare state and increased levels of partner violence, Indigenous women are met with barriers when attempting to seek help within the system, all of which has been further exacerbated by the pandemic. In 2020, the Native Women’s Association of Canada (NWAC) collected data through a survey of 750 Indigenous women in which 85% of participants indicated they had experienced an onset or increase in partner violence since the commencement of the pandemic (p.23). Despite this staggering information, adequate support for Indigenous women is lacking. For example, as Allary and their fellow authors demonstrate, in 2023 there are only three second-stage shelters in all of Canada to serve over 600 reserves (2023, p.27). These were significantly underfunded. Even when services for survivors are available, several accounts highlight the hesitancy Indigenous women have in reaching out for help through Western institutions. Interviews conducted with Indigenous women demonstrate a favouring of white, male partners within social services, court settings, and with police interactions; and while NGOs and non-profits may hold good intentions, some argue they only act to solidify the state’s existing framework by heavily relying on child services and police intervention (Gagnon-Dufresne et al., 2021; Harvison, 2016; Maxwell 2020). Additional factors, such as location, magnify their vulnerability further. Women who live in rural areas are more likely to experience partner violence than their urban counterparts due to isolation and lack of access to necessary resources (Peek-Asa et al., 2011). Specifically, homicides related to gender are 2.5 times greater in rural regions of Canada (Statistics Canada, 2023). While only a third of non-Indigenous Canadians live in remote areas, approximately 66% of Indigenous peoples live in rural areas, only acting to increase 32 women’s vulnerability to violence (OECD, 2020; Statistics Canada, 2022). In the context of British Columbia, factors such as homelessness and substance use also contribute to Indigenous women’s vulnerability to violence; however, these will be discussed at a later time, as they intersect with the other identities highlighted below. 2.2 Women with Disabilities As stated by Brownridge, “it must be understood that an examination of victim-related characteristics does not equate to a victim-blaming approach” (2006, p. 807). Therefore, prior to going any further, I must note that this section does not in any form mean to highlight disability as a cause, reason, or excuse for abuse or violence. The purpose of highlighting having a disability or disabilities in relation to vulnerability here seeks to point to aspects of identity that perpetrators may take particular advantage of. Moreover, this section also aims to underline the numerous ways in which current policies and services fail to provide proper resources and support mechanisms that adequately address the distinct needs of survivors who identify themselves as part of the disabled community. Unlike other identities covered in this chapter, research on violence against women with disabilities continues to have major gaps. Barrett and Pierre argue that one “barrier to accurately understanding the victimization and help-seeking experiences of women with disabilities lies in the homogenizing of women’s experiences across disability categories” (2011, p.51). Due to the “range of disabling conditions (e.g., physical, cognitive, learning, and developmental disabilities), women with disabilities face varying vulnerabilities for violence as well as distinct barriers to help seeking in response to violence” (Ibid). Some scholars suggest that this lack of particular attention to women with disabilities as those who experience partner violence is perpetuated by the “societal myths of these women as single and asexual (Barnett, Miller-Perrin & Perrin, 2005 as cited in 33 Brownridge, 2006, p.806). In spite of this, existing research points to disabled women existing in a state of double vulnerability as a consequence of living in a society predicated on both patriarchal and ableist values (Barrett and Pierre, 2011; Breiding and Armour, 2015; Brownridge, 2006; McConnell and Phelan, 2022). As highlighted in the subsequent chapter, this group is distinctly underrepresented in policy considerations. Broadly speaking, the research done thus far provides evidence that women with disabilities experience more violence than able-bodied women. More research is needed to highlight experiences of partner violence across the varying disabilities women have. Partner violence against disabled women may occur for numerous reasons, “including potential physical dependence on an intimate partner, as well as higher levels of poverty, social isolation, and perceived vulnerability by perpetrators” (Breiding and Armour, 2015, p.455). This is often coupled with the fact that women with disabilities “live in [a] community without specialised services” (McConnell and Phelan, 2022, p.5156). In addition, when compared to able-bodied women, those with a disability “are more likely to experience multiple forms and incidents of violence, over a longer period of time and with a greater number of partners” (Cotter, 2018; Plummer & Findley, 2012; Powers et al., 2009 as cited in McConnell and Phelan, 2022, p.5157). As a consequence of increased dependency on a partner, “those who have a disability and wish to leave a violent relationship may have greater difficulty leaving” (Breiding and Armour, 2015, p. 457). Therefore, emphasis in policy must be placed on various efforts to “enhance the independence of all people with a disability” as both “a key primary and secondary prevention strategy” (Ibid). Alongside primary barriers of dependency, further challenges are presented by service providers and as a result of the recent pandemic. A study done by Milberger and their fellow researchers highlighted that women with disabilities are less likely to seek help than their able- 34 bodied counterparts (as cited in Barrett and Pierre, 2011). They estimate that approximately only a third of women with disabilities actively seek assistance for partner violence (p.52). This can be assigned to numerous factors, but in particular, the study attributes this to the inability of services to adapt to the specific needs of the range of disabilities (Ibid). While not providing adequate services is one aspect of the problem, women interviewed in this article noted that they often felt their experiences were minimised or the help provided did not meet their distinct needs; thus, only acting to re-victimise survivors (McConnell and Phelan, 2022, p.5158). With the emergence of the COVID-19 pandemic, women with disabilities faced increased vulnerabilities in the form of “inaccessibility and disability-based discrimination” in places such as shelters and community spaces (Shelton, 2021; Maryland Coalition Against Sexual Assault, 2020). In particular, Shelton emphasises those without disabilities “[prioritised] their own lives, well-being, and comfort above even the most basic access considerations” throughout the pandemic (Ibid). This in turn was reflected in the plans implemented in the service sector. Although the pandemic was difficult for all, the level of preparedness was evident in the “lack [of[ ability to protect the health and well-being” of women with disabilities in spaces that are purportedly meant to protect them (Ibid). I will further address his overall gap in support with specific attention to the ways in which policies do or do not focus on disability barriers. 2.3 Women of Colour The term Women of Colour, or WOC, will be used here to refer to literature examining the experiences of non-white women with partner violence. Particular attention is paid to the most marginalised communities, such as Black women, Hispanic women, and immigrant women of colour. I caution that the sources cited only provide a glimpse into the existing data, and that the lived experiences of WOC surviving partner violence are diverse and extremely nuanced; however, 35 the purpose of the following section is to highlight overarching themes within those experiences - namely, increased susceptibility to partner violence, challenges with service providers, and, dismissal and violence from police forces. As a result of the lack of data in a Canadian context, supplementary information from studies done in the United States will also be included. It is evident that women of colour are disproportionately impacted by partner violence. Although statistics are often underestimated, those depicting rates of partner violence are still alarming. Schmidt et al., demonstrate that in the United States, almost 50% of Black women will be exposed to violence from their intimate partner at some time in their lives (2023). Similar numbers are reflected for multiracial women. Hispanic-identifying women experienced IPV at a rate of 32.3% during their lifetimes (Ibid). This data is mirrored across numerous accounts, ultimately highlighting that WOC experience violence more frequently, in more forms, and more aggressively than their white counterparts (Burton and Guidry, 2021; Gepshtein and Burton, 2023; Harper et al., 2021). While the supports in place for women more broadly are far from ideal, women of colour ultimately encounter multiple challenges when interacting with institutions deeply rooted in racist and colonial practices; thus, perpetuating several compounding factors that increase their vulnerability to violence. A key theme mentioned in the majority of literature is the tension existing between WOC and police forces. Structural racism is a primary aspect of police interactions for women of colour. In particular, previous interactions and anecdotal evidence from others in their community can often deter women from reaching out for help until their experiences of violence become more extreme. Duhaney notes that in several instances, Black women were detained or arrested when calling for protection from their partners, contributing to further traumatisation (2022). Other examples echoed this sentiment, stating that WOC noted frequent uses of excessive force in their 36 encounters with police, despite being the one asking for help (Lee et al., 2002). Beyond the disturbing use of physical violence against survivors of IPV, women interviewed emphasised feelings of dismissal, ambivalence, and total disregard projected by law enforcement personnel and other service providers (Burton and Guidry, 2021; Harper et al., 2021). Even during instances where the women attempted to process formal restraining orders and similar documents, they were often met with delays or outright refusals (Harper et al., 2021). As a consequence, the most extreme manifestations of partner violence, namely homicide, are catastrophically higher for women of colour (Ibid). To complicate matters further, various legal and institutional fears cause women of colour to avoid formal streams of assistance. Resulting directly from distrust in government institutions, non-white women stated that they feared accessing help from the police and similar organisations due to the potential of child services becoming involved (Duhaney, 2022; Schmidt et al., 2023). While this is not necessarily a common occurrence, the violent and oppressive histories shared between marginalised communities and police forces speaks to the reality. This fear was especially prominent among Black women. WOC who also identified themselves as immigrants were also less likely to attempt to access help due to their immigration status. Schmidt et al., noted that one aspect of this may be due to the women’s inability to receive certain social services or health care, as these require residency or citizenship (2023). Another study conducted with Latina immigrants “found that fear of immigration services, especially when combined with lack of economic resources, was a powerful deterrent to seeking services related to IPV (Reina and Lohman, 2015 as cited in Burton and Guidry, 2021, p.371). Thus, forcing women to risk potential deportation or staying with an abusive partner. 37 In the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, research once again demonstrates that pandemic conditions only worsened the vulnerability women of colour experienced. Thus, leading to what Singer called a “double emergency”, denoting that marginalised women who were already structurally disadvantaged were then doubly susceptible to negative health and safety outcomes as a consequence of their experiences of violence and oppression (1996, as cited in Jones, 2021, p.541). Prior to the commencement of the pandemic, data highlights that information and resources for survivors was not always successfully shared with marginalised communities; therefore, WOC are much less likely to be aware of the resources accessible to them, if any (Schmidt et al., 2023). Moreover, as a consequence of distrust in institutions, marginalised women typically rely on members of their community to support them when their partner is violent; however, various pandemic measures and lockdowns greatly increased isolation from support networks (Sabri et al., 2020). Therefore, when a WOC did make the choice to seek help, her options were limited significantly, making the true impact of the pandemic on these communities immeasurable. 2.4 LGBTQ2S+ Within the LGBTQ2S+ community, there are a wide range of identities including, but not limited to: (L)esbian, (G)ay, (B)isexual, (T)ransgender, (Q)ueer/(Q)uestioning, (T)wo-spirit, and others. Given this diversity, conducting significant research on partner violence has proven challenging. Data on relationship violence within this community has many gaps, which in turn influences policy-making effectiveness. Given the level of nuance in sexual orientation, this section will be narrowed in scope to cover literature relevant to the question at hand. Although “ LGBTQ+ IPV resembles IPV within the heterosexual cisgender (agreement between one’s sex assigned at birth and one’s sense of gender identity) community in some ways”, it is unique in others (Decker et al., 2018, p.265). In the context of this dissertation, primary attention will be 38 assigned to cis-gender LGBTQ2S+ women, transwomen, and those who present as women. Within the evidence that exists, these groups are specifically at risk for higher levels of partner violence. In addition, while there is emerging exploration of why partner violence occurs within same-sex couples, and other queer-identifying couples (such as sexual minority stress (Edwards and Sylaska, 2013)), it is not within the scope of this dissertation to examine this topic in significant depth. While the majority of research concurs that larger data sets need to be collected, statistics thus far highlight distinctly high rates of partner violence among women who identify as bisexual. Coston notes that “while 55% of heterosexual women and 67% of lesbian women will experience violence at the hands of an intimate or dating partner in their lifetime, 83% of bisexual women will” (2021, p.382). Similar studies demonstrate that the risk if particularly prevalent for bisexual women who have opposite-sex partners (Balsam et al., 2005 as cited in Furmen et al., 2017). One argument suggests that having a male-identifying partner generally increases risk regardless of sexual orientation (Decker et al., 2018). However, others contend that a male partner who subscribes to heteronormative standards of patriarchal values and hegemonic masculinity may hold beliefs that manifest as biphobia or binegativity (Coston, 2018, p.381). This can be further exacerbated if the bisexual woman (who in reaction to experiencing biphobia in other arenas of her life) seeks to gain social power through means of income or education, thereby shifting the perceived dynamic of the relationship (Coston, 2018; Decker et al., 2018). Several women noted that when in heteronormative couples they often felt pressured by their partners to fit feminine archetypes (Coston, p. 387). In addition, preliminary research demonstrates that LGBTQ+ women in hetero-presenting relationships feared the loss of “jobs, custody of their children, or a loss of the heterosexual privileges they reaped by [...] not disclosing their sexual identity” in certain social 39 settings (Coston, p.386). The ongoing stigmatisation and stereotyping of bisexual women creates conditions of vulnerability both in intimate relationships and at an institutional level. Transgender women are also extremely vulnerable to violence within all aspects of society. Decker and their fellow authors underline that “at least one study has shown that trans women face a higher risk of IPV than trans men, which mirrors gender patterns seen within the cisgender community” (2018, p.268). Though transgender women’s experiences may reflect cisgender women in this example, their experiences with service providers are considerably different. Trans women described fear of refusal from women’s services such as shelters and transition home, noting outright discrimination in some instances (Calton et al., 2016, p.592). Even during initial experiences, common themes of dismissal or claims of conflict with workers’ personal views were present (Furman et al., 2017; Scheer and Poteat, 2021). Interviews demonstrated a direct need to hire “more self-identified LGBTQ2S staff with appropriate credentials to help catalyze advocacy for sexual- and gender-diverse communities” (Furman et al., p.371). Moreover, some suggested reviewing organisation’s policies and procedures with a client-centred approach is crucial in order to reflect the unique needs of both trans and cisgender women (Ibid). While this will be expanded on in Chapter 4, procedures in the majority of women’s organisations presently do not consider these concerns. While often compared to various Western categories of sexual expression and identity, the experience of Indigenous people who identify as Two-Spirit is unique due to the intersection of gender fluidity, sexual orientation, and deeply rooted beliefs (Walters et al., 2006). Alarmingly, “there have been no published studies on relationship violence in the Canadian Indigenous Two-Spirit/LGBTQ population” (Ristock et al., 2017, p.770). Given the disproportionate levels of partner violence that Indigenous women and women in the LGBTQ2S+ community experience, it 40 is troubling that no research has been conducted in regard to the particular needs of Two-Spirit people. Furthermore, the complete lack of statistical analysis on rates of violence against this community directly translates to a significant gap in policy creation and subsequent support for non-profits and non-governmental organisations serving Two-Spirit people. 2.5 Additional Factors The following sections highlight various experiences of women that intersect with the previously discussed identities to further increase their level of vulnerability to partner violence. The factors considered below cannot be separated as either the cause or result of partner violence. Things such as housing, income instability and substance use often occur concurrently with additional aspects of a woman’s identity. On average, women’s organisations estimate it takes a woman seven attempts to leave an abusive relationship; this number is even higher if financial independence is lacking (Barrios et al., 2021; Martin et al., 2000; VPFW, 2019). In many cases, there are several compounding factors that contribute to a woman’s vulnerability to violence, ultimately demonstrating the need for intersectional and holistic approaches to policy creation and implementation. 2.5.1 Housing and Income Instability Intimate Partner Violence (IPV), housing instability (HI), and fluctuations of income are all mutually reinforcing barriers to women’s safety (Wood et al., 2023). Homelessness or housing instability are not necessarily the initial cases of vulnerability to abusive relationships; however, they are secondary outcomes, and can often lengthen the time women stay in relationships. As underlined by Wood and their fellow authors, housing stability is one of the most requested services by women fleeing violence; yet, it is one of the most unmet needs due to the affordability 41 crisis, urgently low vacancy rates, and often low credit scores or criminal records (Ibid). Rates of housing instability are particularly high among IPV survivors. One study done by Employment and Social Development Canada in 2017 demonstrated that approximately 25% of women “cited intimate partner violence as the main reason for their most recent episode of homelessness” (Flynn et al., 2023, p.605). Another study conducted in California stated that women who reported experiences of partner violence were four times as likely to simultaneously report a crisis of housing (Pavao et al., 2007 as cited in Gilroy et al., 2016). Broadening of the definition of homelessness and housing instability increases these numbers further. Several researchers have argued simply being in an abusive partnership can be considered as housing instability due to the lack of safety via threats of violence or even threats of eviction from the perpetrator (Flynn et al., 2023). Robyn describes “homeless with a shelter” as a state of technically having “a place to live, but whose living conditions threaten their safety” (2001 as cited in Flynn et al., p.605-606). Others suggest that “most women who separate from abusive partners move into a homeless situation by definition: Most often, they leave their homes for unstable alternative accommodations with friends, family, or strangers or in emergency shelters” (Meyer, 2016; Tutty et al., 2013 as cited in Flynn et al). Consequently, women are often faced with a choice of living with or returning to their abuser, being at risk for different forms of violence on the streets, or attempting to find housing in temporary places such as shelters (Gilroy et al., 2016). In one study, 31% of survivors interviewed in a women’s shelter intended to return to the abusive household due to their inability to access other stable housing options (Taylor-Butts, 2007 as cited in Daoud et al., 2016). Therefore, advocates who have a “survivor-centered approach” push for housing stability as a top priority to provide women agency when making decisions for their future (Decker et al., 2022). 42 2.5.2 Substance Use The use of substances by women as well as their partners is “bidirectionally linked to IPV risk and experiences” (Pallatino et al., 2021, p.197). Substance (mis)use creates yet another factor of vulnerability that further compounds and hinders women from creating a stable environment. In their study, Pallatino, Chang, and Krans interviewed numerous women who revealed how substance use in their relationship either acted to increase the frequency of violent altercations, and/or made the experiences of abuse more severe than previous interactions (2021). For example, women cited that while their partners may have been solely emotionally abusive before, the introduction of substances correlated with the subsequent use of physical violence. Significantly, the use of physical violence is repeatedly demonstrated as a precursor for intimate partner homicide (Matias et al., 2020; Serran and Firestone, 2004; Smith et al., 1998). The complexity of this risk must be reflected in the protocols of service providers. However, many shelters and transition homes are often substance-free zones; thus, making it extremely challenging for substance-using women to find refuge. Not only is substance use understood to be a risk factor for partner violence, it is also commonly referenced as one of many coping mechanisms for those actively experiencing violence and survivors, particularly those with high levels of depression, PTSD, and other mental health challenges resulting from abuse (Gezinski et al., 2021, p.116). The use of substances presents a distinct challenge for women seeking to change their circumstances, and for service providers attempting to assist survivors. Along with increased risk for violence, women using substances may have higher chances of interacting with law enforcement, difficulties maintaining employment and stable income, issues regarding their children and social services, and housing instability (Radcliffe et al., 2021). Women’s organisations must then be acutely aware of the distinct needs of this marginalised group. However, strict regulations within non-profits and NGOs 43 can make finding safety an even bigger obstacle. Specific shelter rules surrounding substance use may result in a denial of entry, or being made to leave depending on the circumstance (Glenn and Goodman, 2015). In British Columbia specifically, the public health crisis of substance misuse and overdoses means this vulnerability factor is highly prevalent and thus, is crucial to consider in policy implementation. 2.5.3 Young Women and Women with Children Although broad statistics measuring partner violence consider all women, certain age categories are particularly vulnerable to violence. According to information collected in surveys by Wage and Gender Equity, approximately 3 in 10 women between the ages of 15 and 24 had experienced some form of partner violence within the 12 months preceding the survey (2021). In comparison, the data indicated 10% of those 25 and older had (Ibid). If deconstructed by type of violence, numbers demonstrate that women in this age category were “five times more likely than women aged 25 years and older to have been sexually assaulted [...], three times more likely to have been physically assaulted [...], and almost three times more likely to have been emotionally, financially or psychologically abused by an intimate partner in the previous 12 months preceding the survey” (Ibid). In addition, “young women were also four times more likely to report that their partner made them perform sex acts that they did not want to perform” (Savage, 2021). Savage’s report for Statistics Canada highlights that women and girls aged 15 to 19 were even more vulnerable, citing that 40% had experienced some form of IPV in the 12 months prior to data collection (Ibid). This data represents a direct need for policy support of early prevention education. Women who have children under 18 are also at increased risk for partner violence. In couples where IPV is prevalent, “studies estimate more than 40% have children under the age of 44 18 living in the home” (Cerulli et al. 2003; Gjelsvik et al. 2003 as cited in Rhodes et al., 2010, p.485). Although many women interviewed “saw motherhood as central to their lives and a source of empowerment, which helped them to care for their children and survive an abusive relationship”, the presence of children does not always motivate women to leave the relationship (Jones and Vetere, 2017, p.75). In some cases, experiences specific to motherhood were employed by perpetrators to further abuse their partners. For example, one woman shared a story of how her partner felt jealous of her bonding with the child through the act of breastfeeding, and demanded that she stop breastfeeding the child (Ibid). Threats directly against the children can also push women to stay, for fear of their life. In addition, external pressures from family and other community members to maintain the family unit can influence a woman’s choice to stay in the relationship (Sigalla et al., 2018). While mothers were quick to note their desire to spare their children from the experiences of IPV, they also feared the instability that may come with fleeing, including interactions with child services and similar institutions (Rhodes et al., 2010). Several other factors such as financial instability, inaccessible childcare for working mothers, and fear of violence in retaliation for leaving and taking the children were all cited as considerations when staying in the relationship (Hendy et al., 2003; Rhodes et al., 2010). Ultimately, all of the previously listed intersections of identity play a heavy role in the ways in which women experience violence and the ways they choose to move forward. Although it is impossible to separate any of these sections in real life experiences, the various identities examined here provide a foundation necessary for those in policy creation that must be understood in order to implement effective and holistic policies. What is evident from the studies cited here, is the distinct need for inclusion of survivors’ lived experience in policy development. As will be discussed in the following chapter, many of the existing policies fail in many regards to do so. 45 CHAPTER 3 Policy Analysis Historically, incidents of partner violence or “spousal abuse”, have been considered a “private matter” that should be confined to the domestic sphere (Department of Justice, 2006). Although a shift in attitudes allowed for prosecution policies to be implemented throughout Canada in the 1980s, additional resources and support frameworks only began to develop in the decades to follow. Similarly, substantive data regarding incidents of violence, along with information about survivors was first collected in 1980 (Ibid). The Canadian Advisory Council on the Status of Women was the first organisation to produce this data, which estimated national rates of spousal abuse. While the Department of Justice demonstrated significant strides made throughout the years leading up to 2000, it also emphasised the need for increased support for survivors. The following section will include several policies introduced at both a federal and provincial level between 2000 and 2020. The purpose of the subsequent paragraphs will be to distinguish a clear ‘pre-COVID’ timeframe. This will allow for an understanding of policy introduction, development, and implementation prior to the pandemic. Secondly, it will also set the stage for an examination of any policies newly introduced in response to the pandemic, or any shifts which occurred in existing policies. Although the scope of the following discussion centralises Canadian federal and provincial policy, it is foregrounded in the understanding that policies introduced to decrease the severity of COVID-19 were endorsed by international actors, and ultimately had global implications. Governments and NGOs moved quickly to implement rules for pandemic safety. Yet, this reaction time has not been reflected in the efforts to eradicate violence against women. Therefore, despite the necessity of restricting movement throughout the 46 pandemic, it is critical to situate the evaluation of Canadian gender violence policies within this larger context. 3.1 Policies and Plans: 2000-2010 To begin, the section will begin with consideration of a literature review conducted by the Justice Institute of British Columbia (JIBC), which synthesised policy data in the province between 2000 and 2010. This will be followed by the evaluation of policies executed in the last decade. In 2011 the Justice Institute of British Columbia published Katherine R. Rossiter’s report titled, Domestic Violence Prevention and Reduction in British Columbia. Rossiter states at the outset that the purpose of the review is to: [...document] domestic violence prevention and reduction efforts in British Columbia from 2000–2010. The review includes law reform, policy development and review, as well as program and service delivery throughout the province. Where relevant, recent initiatives (i.e., those launched since 2010) have been included to ensure a comprehensive review of efforts to prevent and reduce domestic violence. Relevant national and international documents and initiatives have also been included in the review to provide a broader national and international context for BC’s efforts in domestic violence prevention and reduction (p.4). Although the report is not all-encompassing, this research contributes information needed to create a foundational understanding of policy developments leading up to the pandemic. Prior to commencing the literature review, Rossiter highlights key terminology and corresponding definitions utilised at various levels of government. She first notes that the provincial government often refers to the term domestic violence (2011, p.6). Though it acknowledges the applicability to all persons experiencing violence in the home, provincial 47 policies such as the Domestic Violence Action Plan simultaneously refer to this type of violence as “violence against women in relationships” (Ibid). At a federal level, the government adopted the term family violence. Though the language of this term is more inclusive to all family members experiencing domestic violence, Rossiter notes that it fails to encapsulate the gendered aspect (Ibid). Contrarily, both international and feminist jargon make the distinction in gendered aspects of domestic violence, employing terms such as violence against women and gender-based violence. While it may appear arbitrary to discuss terms that are often used interchangeably, the subtle nuances in their meaning have a fundamental impact on policy. This will be discussed further on regarding BC’s provincial policies. Addressing partner violence within the community requires both active intervention and prevention measures. According to Rossiter, there are three predominant categories. Primary prevention methods, or “universal interventions”, are those typically aimed at an entire community with the intent of stopping the violence before it starts (2011, p.17). This can include various forms of education in schools, media campaigns, or other public awareness projects. Secondary prevention measures, or “selective interventions”, focus on reducing violence both in frequency and severity by targeting those who may perpetuate it, or be at risk for experiencing violence (Ibid). This type of intervention often occurs in earlier stages, such as programming for youth who have experienced violence in their home. The final category of intervention is known as tertiary prevention, or “indicated interventions” (Ibid). Tertiary strategies are more commonly known to the public. They include various institutions like domestic violence courts, shelters, and other various supports for survivors, along with punishment-oriented practices for perpetrators. While these are more frequently used than primary and secondary measures, they are often the least 48 effective (Ibid). Administration of all three strategies can be seen in the various policies to be discussed. In the years 2000 until 2010, the predominant policy addressing IPV was termed Violence Against Women in Relationships (VAWIR). Originally known as the Wife Assault policy, it was first introduced in 1986 and subsequently updated in 1993, to its new name, then again in 1996, 2000, 2004, and 2010 (p.20). This policy was written in order to uphold a commitment to the Domestic Violence Action Plan. Specifically, the VAWIR policy outlines key responsibilities held by each sector in their response to partner violence. Sectors include police, crown counsel, corrections branch, and the varying victims’ services organisations. While responses by each of these sectors is necessary and valuable, and may be referenced within the discussion, the primary focus on the subsequent policy examination will solely focus on those regarding victims’ services. Community-based programs are defined as those that typically operate out of non-profit organisations and primarily serve survivors of various forms of family and relationship violence (Government of British Columbia, 2010, p.31). Community-based services are particularly useful in reaching those who may, “initially be reluctant to engage the criminal justice system” (Ibid). Depending on the community, victims’ services can take many different forms. Therefore, their purpose and key duties can vary greatly. A multitude of services are necessary to properly meet the differing needs of each community. Three primary services include: Victim Safety Unit, Crime Victim Assistance Program, and Victim Court Support. The Victim Safety Unit is responsible for notifying “victims” of the status of the accused or prosecuted person(s), especially when there is a high concern for safety (p.34). Following violent experiences, the Crime Victim Assistance Program helps with the recovery process. Including things such as coordinating protection services 49 or counselling. Finally, the Victim Court Support service is said to give further support throughout the legal process. In addition to these primary victims’ services, there are numerous others worth addressing that are far more relevant to this discussion due to their direct participation during the interview process. Though they can look and perform differently throughout the province, women’s organisations function as multifaceted service providers to the women and their children who are experiencing or have experienced partner violence or abuse. Services can include but are not limited to, counselling programs, child-specific programming, outreach services, immigrant settlement services, and housing services (p.33, 34). Housing services, namely women’s shelters, transition housing, and second-stage housing, are all crucial aspects of violence intervention. In essence, these forms of housing provide invaluable safety for women and their dependents. This safety can be given in the form of a physical roof over their heads, but also in numerous other ways such as, “emotional support, crisis intervention, safety planning”, as well as “child care, schooling, parenting support, and financial, medical and legal assistance” (p.34). Furthermore, the advocacy work done by shelters and similar organisations has become “essential in local and global efforts to end violence against” women because their “efforts to address violence against women are closely linked to the work of survivors and advocates who established” other resources for women such as “women’s shelters, rape crisis centres, telephone hotlines and neighbourhood support groups” (UN Women, 2012). Due to the necessity of these services within communities, corresponding policies such as the VAWIR policy must work to adequately support them. Despite the robustness of the VAWIR policy, there are some crucial gaps throughout the document that need to be addressed. Specific to victim services, there are two issues not covered. Firstly, although the policy provides a variety of initiatives and steps both non-profits and NGOs 50 ‘should’ be undertaking, there is little to no explanation of the actions the government or provincial-level institutions will be taking to support the listed expectations. Although I will examine funding provided in newer policies, this particular policy does not explicitly mention any funding support to be made available, nor does it highlight potential spaces to apply for funding. In addition, nowhere in the policy does it outline recommendations on how to best implement the practices suggested. Consequently, the policy leaves significant room for misunderstandings or various interpretations by different organisations. Therefore, the VAWIR policy fails in many ways to move beyond the theoretical realm. This undeniable gap is best described by Ball who states that policies are both, “processes and outcomes” (1993, p.11). Thus, a policy is not simply a document, but rather an ongoing process that should have real-world implications. Adaptations and differing interpretations of policies are not inherently a negative outcome; however, without an adequate understanding of how interpretations are executed at a local level, introducing improvements in the future can be difficult. Jann and Wegrich highlight previous policy frameworks that consisted of four primary stages, the final stage being “evaluation” (Cited in Yorke and Vidovich, 2016, p.77). What is unclear throughout the VAWIR policy is whether evaluations were made on previous versions of the policy and its implications prior to the creation of the 2010 version. It is also unspecified as to whether any method of evaluation would take place at any given point following the publication of the updated version, and if so, how the evaluation would be done. With these problems in mind, it brings into question the efficacy of future policies that would eventually be developed. 3.2 Provincial Policy: 2011-2020 The following section will briefly outline the provincial policies published between the year 2011 until 2020. Due to unknown circumstances, policies or subsequent reports are not 51 available for each year leading up to the pandemic. However, I was able to access information from 2012 and 2014-2016. With this in mind, the documents mentioned will include: Taking Action on Domestic Violence in British Columbia (2012), British Columbia’s Provincial Domestic Violence Plan (2014 and, both the 2015 and 2016 reports assessing the plan), and the Violence Free BC Strategy (2015). Discussion of these documents will highlight notable gaps, as well as any improvements made since the prior policy was published. The plan titled Taking Action on Domestic Violence in British Columbia, was implemented in 2012 in response to the 2012 Representative for Children and Youth Report, which was created to honour the lives of three children (Kaitlynne, Max, and Cordon), who were killed by their father after being exposed to domestic abuse. Although this report turns its focus to children experiencing abuse and/or violence in domestic settings, it highlights the increased awareness brought to domestic abuse, partner violence, and comparable experiences. Similarly, it demonstrates the crucial intersections of partner violence when children are involved, and the substantial barriers and complexities women face when attempting to escape abusive relationships when they share children with the abuser. As emphasised at the outset, the report states, “the impact of domestic violence when there are children involved compounds the unacceptable and damaging effects” (Government of British Columbia, 2012, p.5). The subsequent establishment of the Provincial Office of Domestic Violence (PODV) in 2012, responsible for this report and those to follow, underlines the province’s commitment to prevent this violence from reoccuring. While some of the subsequent sectors and complementary recommendations are not in the non-profit or NGO sector, any improvements made to address partner violence ultimately support this sector by increasing overall capacity within the anti-violence system. For example, the 2012 report explains improvements made in the justice sector through changes in legislation. The Family 52 Law Act stated to be introduced in 2013 addresses gaps in previous laws by explicitly defining family violence (p.8). By going beyond physical violence in the definition, the law enables the court’s ability to more adequately prosecute perpetrators. Consequently, women in vulnerable positions at shelters or transition houses can hope to create more safety for themselves and dependents if the law is utilised correctly. Importantly, the 2012 plan highlights various gaps within the provided services, ultimately creating a foundational starting place for the subsequent policies to refer to for development. Significantly, the report states that although there is crucial work being done at all levels of society, “the system of supports and services is fragmented” (p.10). The emphasis on the collaborative and coordinated action against domestic abuse and partner violence is evident throughout all policies discussed here. Despite the continued need for improvement (even presently), there are observable efforts made on this front. Building on the stated need for collaboration in the 2012 document, the Provincial Domestic Violence Plan put forward in 2014 emphasised a cross-ministry approach, sector consultations, and underlined the need to listen to recommendations, introduce an overarching approach, as well as take action to standardise practices (Provincial Office of Domestic Violence, p.7). In the next year, coordination increased further by producing “Interagency Case Assessment Teams” (ICATs), responsible for responding to the cases considered high-risk (2015, p.16). Finally, information from the 2016 report demonstrates additional improvements. While there were only 24 ICATs in the previous year, that number increased to 40 by 2016. In addition, staff in these teams came together to produce a best practices manual to be used by all ICATS (2016, p.24). The creation of this type of manual underlines not only the ability for collaboration, but also the need for such work in other sectors of violence prevention. 53 Another key development that occurred over the course of these policies was the desire to improve upon supports and services that act to “address the needs of offenders” (Government of British Columbia, 2012, p.10). A call for this enhancement led to an additional call for campaigns that specifically, “target and involve men and boys with an intention to reach potential offenders” (Provincial Office of Domestic Violence, 2014, p. 12). Secondly, the 2014 report placed emphasis on the issue of services for perpetrators in order to have a truly holistic approach to “address domestic violence” (p.21). The demand for campaigns was met in the following year. The first campaign titled Moose Hide Campaign directly encouraged men to speak up against violence committed against both women and children (2015, p.10). Secondly, in partnership with the BC Lions, was the Be More than a Bystander Campaign. Players were asked to approach schools to offer training on violence against women and respectful relationships (Ibid). The next year, the province invested $1 million in programming to assist perpetrators before they were “charged, convicted, or sentenced for an offence” (2016, p.12). Programming included attention to culturally appropriate measures. Focus was placed on stakeholder consultation, community interviews, and literature reviews. There was also specific emphasis placed on Indigenous men and their communities. Between 2012 and 2016, there was significant improvement to the policies concentrated on vulnerable women. In Taking Action on Domestic Violence, there is no specific mention of communities considered most vulnerable, such as immigrants, refugees, or women with disabilities; however, it does state that the PODV would, “work closely with the Ministry of Aboriginal Relations and Reconciliation (MARR), First Nations, Métis and Aboriginal communities and organisations, to build a BC Aboriginal specific strategy [...] that will be ready for implementation in 2013” (Government of British Columbia, 2012, p.11). Building on the 54 continued cooperation with groups like MARR, training opportunities meant to enhance Indigenous cultural competency were made available to victims service workers, counsellors, and government officials (Provincial Office of Domestic Violence, 2014, p.19). Significantly, the 2014 report acknowledged that much more in-depth work needed to be done in the context of the historical relationship between various Indigenous communities and the Canadian government. This was especially emphasised with regard to building trust between communities and government agencies like the RCMP. In addition, it does briefly touch upon engagements that occurred with organisations and advocates for those who identify as having disabilities. Given the data referenced in the second chapter regarding women with disabilities, this quick mention does not demonstrate a serious commitment to the specific challenges of disabled women. Although there are positive actions to note in both 2015 and 2016, there are missing links. On the positive side, 2015 saw a government-funded project in collaboration with the BC Society of Transition Houses (BCSTH) and the Affiliation of Multicultural Societies and Services Agencies of BC (AMSSA), to produce the Knowledge Exchange Toolkit, which aimed to assist settlement workers and other professionals in responding to immigrant and refugee families impacted by domestic abuse (p.12). Despite limited progress, the 2015 report did state that online training was made available with specific information regarding women with disabilities experiencing partner violence (p.18). As well, more staff were provided with Cultural Competency Training, with specific plans included to develop cultural training within domestic abuse contexts. Significantly, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada’s “Calls to Action” Report is mentioned in relation to domestic abuse and partner violence. In 2016 there were several positive steps taken to assist Indigenous women who had experienced violence. In specific, funding was provided to several “Aboriginal partner agencies”, including transition houses and shelters to 55 improve and create programs (p.11). On the other hand, there was little to no mention in the 2016 report of other vulnerable populations, thus leaving a crucial gap unaddressed. In addition to the policies and subsequent reports discussed in the previous paragraphs, the Violence Free BC strategy, published in 2015, is worth examining. Though it is not a policy in and of itself, it was introduced as an overarching approach to violence against women more broadly, and encompassed the work done on the aforementioned policies regarding domestic violence. The strategy outlined the government’s ten-year commitment with the plan to “[establish] a vision for collective action and [set] a direction for change in pursuing shared goals of preventing violence before it starts, responding effectively when it happens, and helping to rebuild from its impacts” (Government of British Columbia, 2015, p.3). Despite being directly connected to the other policies, the strategy implies a much heavier focus on vulnerable women throughout the province. Moreover, the strategy underlines the need for increased support to various victims' services, particularly highlighting non-profits like transition houses, counselling, and other frontline work, which is mentioned much less in the previous policies. Consequently, the implementation of support over the past decade appears to be increasingly fragmented. 3.3 Federal Policy: 2011-2020 Comparable to the provincial policies and strategies, detailed data on federal initiatives addressing IPV are scattered. In 2017, the Canadian federal government introduced the Strategy to Prevent and Address Gender-Based Violence. As noted in the preliminary report, “the strategy became the first in Canadian history to put in place a federal action plan to end gender-based violence” (p.4). Despite a commitment to enact the strategy until 2023 and a mention of the pandemic in the latter section of the website, there have only been two reports summarising the progress made, including 2017-2018 and 2018-2019. In addition, the government’s website 56 responsible for compiling resources from each province provides sources published no later than 2010 (Government of Canada, 2021). Although policies like the previously discussed Violence Against Women in Relationships (VAWIR) are extremely useful for reference, the lack of updated materials demonstrates a clear issue with the relevancy of information. The government department titled, Women and Gender Equality Canada (WAGE), outlines the three pillars in which the project aimed to carry out various initiatives and supports. The three pillars include: (1) preventing gender-based violence, (2) supporting survivors and their families, and (3) Promoting responsive legal and justice systems (WAGE, 2017). A primary goal of the strategy was to, “fill gaps in supports for diverse populations, including: women and girls; Indigenous women and girls; LGBTQ2 (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer, Two-Spirit) and gender diverse individuals; women living in Northern, rural, and remote communities; women and girls with disabilities; immigrant and refugee women; children and youth; and senior women” (Ibid). Unfortunately, the website itself does not outline any specific initiatives or funding specifically for non-profits or NGOs. Therefore, in the following paragraphs, I will explore the subsequent reports to find any relevant support for IPV-oriented organisations. Throughout the 2017-2018 report, there were three primary developments that benefited organisations supporting survivors. Importantly the government made changes in order to improve funding opportunities. This was done by making funding “more accessible and sustainable for organizations than the traditional call for proposals” (WAGE, 2018, p.8). The updated process includes “two stages, whereby applicants who are successful in the concept stage [received] a small funding grant for the development of a full proposal. Eligible organizations [could] receive up to $1 million over 5 years for full project implementation” (Ibid). While this appears to be a positive change, there was no further information provided on what organisations successfully 57 received funding, and what projects the grants were eventually utilised for. A second focus discussed in the report was the action taken regarding housing accessibility. As part of the National Housing Strategy, the government assisted with the repair and creation of a total of 7000 shelter beds across Canada (p.9). Moreover, a symposium was held to lead discussions surrounding the lived experience of women fleeing partner violence, particularly in the context of their needs to access affordable and safe housing, as well as barriers preventing attaining this goal (Ibid). The report also mentions an Indigenous-specific approach to shelters. Indigenous Services Canada collaborated with the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation (CMHC) in an effort to “expand the network of on-reserve shelters for those fleeing domestic violence” (p.11). Finally, in direct coordination with numerous victims’ services, Justice Canada developed Family Information Liaison Units (FILU) in each province and territory to work with Indigenous families who had experienced the loss of a female relative (p.10). These units were trained with culturally grounded and trauma-informed protocols. The 2018-2019 report demonstrated critical progress made in various sectors of law enforcement, the justice department, and family and child services; however, information specific to local organisations was scattered and clearly highlighted a need for continued work to increase support. With that being said, there were positive steps taken to assist non-profits and NGOs. First, the Gender-Based Violence Knowledge Centre launched an online platform to enable more collaborative work and accessibility. As stated in the report, “this online tool compiles resources and research into a single platform providing information on federal funding opportunities [...] and searchable databases that bring together existing data, evidence, and federal initiatives on GBV” (2019, p. 13). Notably, due to some of the ongoing challenges to provide support, the report does acknowledge that while some work has been done, there is a greater need for more tools and 58 information particularly for frontline service providers regarding technology’s role in perpetuating certain types of partner violence (p.16). On this same issue, “service providers have expressed a need for guidance and training to help recognize the signs of violence, to engage safely and effectively, and to provide support that does not stigmatize or re-traumatize survivors” (p.30). Although there are initiatives like this in place, reports continue to demonstrate a consistent approach to the implementation of training for frontline support workers and related sectors. Increasing financial investments and committing to more consistent funding was another significant focus on this policy. First, in 2019 a “$100 million invest [was made] in Capacity-Building Fund in over 250 projects across Canada from Women’s organizations and Indigenous organizations serving women” (p.24). Additionally, to build on the previous year’s funding, the National Housing strategy proposed transforming their plan into a ten-year commitment, with $55 billion in funding to address the housing crisis for all vulnerable populations (p.29). Within this commitment, the strategy specifically acknowledged the need for an approach to support those fleeing domestic violence, due to the challenges women and their dependents may face leaving an abusive partner. Various efforts, including improvements on funding availability were also implemented in an Indigenous-specific context. Increased “funding [was] also provided to the National Aboriginal Circle Against Family Violence, which acts as a national coordinator by supporting shelters and their staff through training forums, prevention activities, research and collaboration” (p.37-38). Furthermore, informed by the two-volume version of, Reclaiming Power and Place: The Final Report of the National Inquiry Into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, funding was directed toward health support and victim services for survivors, as well as their families (p.36). The government also took steps to expand the time frame for FILU work, as well as funding 59 directed to Indigenous community-based organisations, NGOs, and victim services to support the creation and delivery of culturally-responsive, trauma-informed services (p.36). Apart from the report, it was not made apparent as to which Indigenous communities or what members were consulted during this process. 3.4 Federal Policy: COVID responses The following paragraphs will aim to summarise the key points from the National Action Plan to End Gender-Based Violence, published in 2021. Due to the significant length of the report, I will not be able to address every point in great detail; however, I will discuss those most relevant to the dissertation topic. Ultimately three authors in the Women’s Shelters Canada (WSC) group were funded by WAGE, or the Women and Gender Equality federal department to “develop a strategic engagement process with anti-violence leaders across Canada to inform the development of a National Action Plan to End Violence against Women and Gender-Based Violence (NAP)” (Dale et al, 2021, p.7). I will first outline the major points of discussion, and follow with an inclusion of some criticisms, both from my own standpoint and from involved organisations. To start, the report states that, “Canada is at cross-roads when it comes to violence against women and gender-based violence (VAW/GBV): a perfect storm of colliding pandemics—COVID-19, and the pre-existing WHO declared pandemic of VAW/GBV1—has created both the conditions for escalating harms of violence, and the aperture for real and lasting change. This report lays the groundwork for answering the question: What will real change require?” (p.7). Initially, the first mention of the idea for the plan was in 2013. This was followed by an official Call for a national plan in 2015. Finally, in 2020, another push was put forward that was ultimately endorsed by over 250 organisations and various entities (Ibid). The emergence of the COVID-19 pandemic emphasised the desperate need for movement on the plan. The report referenced here 60 clarifies that the report itself is “not the fulfilment of the state’s obligation to implement a NAP” (p.9). Significantly, the authors underscore the need for the state to commit its efforts to the plan through both “sustained and escalating investment” by means of budgets that truly “prioritize women’s lives” (p.11). There is also specific emphasis on a commitment from the government, beyond party and political lines. This is rooted in the need to address larger systemic causes at all levels of government and society. With this in mind, the report states that the overarching vision of the National Action Plan is to see that “Canada fulfils its state obligation to ensure that all individuals within its borders are free from VAW/GBV and from threats of such violence. Canada is a place where everyone is safe to pursue their human rights and fundamental freedoms irrespective of their citizenship or geography” (p.18). Meaning, that the desired outcome is the total elimination of all VAW and GBV. In line with the vision of the action plan, the authors contend that to sufficiently tackle partner violence and gender violence more broadly, there must be “a universal, coordinated, and integrated system of support services [that] must be adequately funded, offered across all geographic locations and accessible to all women who have experience any form of VAW/GBV. This should include the development and implementation of service and practice standards and guidelines for all sectors that respond to violence against women, such as health, child protection, social assistance, and housing, to name a few” (p.9). In order to properly address the report, I offer five main themes that more broadly encompass the proposed actions and areas of improvement examined by the authors. These include: funding; victim services; communication and collaboration; evaluation and training; and support for frontline workers. All of the recommendations discussed within the report are reinforced by the impact of the pandemic that is clearly noted by service providers through government surveys (p.108). The information collected 61 during the earlier months of the pandemic clearly indicated that these calls are crucial to improving the situation. One of the major challenges that local organisations face when attempting to support women throughout the community, is funding. A major pillar of this report calls upon the government to aggressively step up in its action on this front. For one, the report highlights the need for sustainable funding commitment, meaning, the need for continuous and guaranteed funding (p.42). In other words, funding must move away from being “project-based”, and towards a steady stream that can provide organisations the monetary security to focus on running their operations more effectively. Currently, a significant portion of funds given to non-profits and similar organisations is severely limited in scope, both in what it can be used for, and for how long. This often restricts organisations from implementing any long-term programs that can be beneficial to the community. Moreover, it presents the difficult challenge of maintaining long-term, full-time employees, due to unfavourable wages and unstable working hours (p.42). The authors further stress this point by drawing attention to the need for consistency within the provincial/territorial and federal budgets in order to support these organisations (p.96). Finally, the importance of funding is also emphasised in relation to various types of housing for survivors; however, this is just one of many facets suggested to improve the current state of housing options. The proposed outcome for housing includes, “improved, consistent, responsive, and inclusive access to permanent, affordable and supportive housing – including emergency and transitional housing for women, girls, and gender-diverse individuals” (p.26). Dale and their fellow authors outline numerous measures that can be put in place to improve housing support. First, they state that there is an identified need to increase funding in order to support the reduction of barriers in the process of accessing emergency shelters and other wrap-around services (p.27). In addition, 62 the authors highlight the need for guaranteed housing options in all communities, including: “emergency shelters/safe spaces for those seeking immediate safety from violence [...]” that has 24/7 accessibility, second stage housing with increased capacity through funding, affordable housing units for the “most marginalized, including those fleeing violence”, and removal of barriers such as immigration status for housing services (Ibid). Although housing is crucial, other key services are also outlined as requiring further support. Along the service continuum, the authors emphasise a need for “all levels of government to ensure” complete and comprehensive wrap-around care to all women and gender-diverse people, in all communities across Canada (p.81). Though not all encompassing, the authors list several necessary services: “a) Shelters/safe place/second stage housing; b) Sexual assault centres/rape crisis centres; survivor-led, frontline feminist independent community sexual assault centres/rape crisis centres which allow frontline, survivor-directed advocates to expand autonomous SACs/RCCs into areas without current access; c) Campus-based sexual assault response programs and centres; d) 24/7 Helplines staffed by those with training in trauma-informed and violence-specific interventions; e) Specialized services in hospitals; also accessible via referral from health care providers and settings (these may include abortion access, forensic examination kits, STI testing, harm reduction); f) Services (including counselling and safe childcare) for children experiencing sexual abuse, exposure to domestic violence; training for practitioners in recognition and safe response; g) Peer-to-peer programs on VAW/GBV; h) Specialized, feminist, violence-specific crisis, and long-term counselling for all survivors, including children, and their families. This includes access to long-term, trauma-specific, individual counselling and group counselling options available at no cost to survivors; i) Emergency Fund to meet the basic needs of survivors and families in emergency situations including transportation, childcare, and other costs for accessing services. j) The need for better supported community-based first response; k) Ensure appropriate services including counselling and safe childcare for children affected by domestic violence” (p.96-97). 63 It is crucial that the services listed above are supported by continuous collaboration, coordination, and information sharing at municipal, provincial, and federal levels. Several examples of this are listed in the final report. First, the authors “call upon the federal government to build a national data collection framework on VAW/GBV in Canada” (p.46). Their hope is that this would include information on “adolescent dating violence, femicide, hate crimes, elder abuse, sexual violence, workplace violence, and police violence” (Ibid). This would be particularly useful to community-based organisations to assess what services need to be prioritised. In consultation with community-based, feminist organisations, the authors suggest funding for these groups to “create standards and adaptations to support the sharing of knowledge and resources and [...] prevention education efforts across jurisdictions” (p.49). In addition, the report calls for a specific improvement through consultation of grassroots organisations, frontline workers, and feminist legal experts, as well as survivors, to create better and well supported processes that allow for information to better move between criminal and family courts (p.95). The accessibility of data is of particular importance in this effort, due to the scattered nature of existing information. While the production and availability of information is critical, supporting these mechanisms with training and evaluation is equally necessary. First, training must occur to “increase knowledge of adults across the board, but especially in key caring economy roles (health, education, early learning, community organizations, frontline workers etc.) on VAW/GBV (58). Furthermore, with the goal of better serving frontline organisations, the authors call on the government to have various involved departments and correlating agencies “conduct evidence-based evaluations to ensure that funding programs are working to identify and meaningfully serve the needs of persons experiencing VAW/GBV, frontline services, community organizations and their employees” (p.59). They also contend that the government at both federal and 64 provincial/territorial levels should generate an expert advisory group made up of various experts, frontline workers, survivors, and other community interest groups to examine the efficacy of the criminal code, and how it could be shifted to address VAW/GBV. Beyond structural changes and additional support for the overarching system, the authors underline the necessity to implement protections for workers who commonly encounter forms of VAW/GBV. Their first recommendation is a recognition of the impacts of working in this sector, including experiencing burnout, and “vicarious trauma” (p.100). Secondly, the authors recommend a method of ensuring that workers in this field receive adequate compensation through competitive wages, benefits, and pensions. Third, in line with the previous section, the authors suggest providing access to continuous training and learning opportunities. Finally, the authors note the need for specific funding to support those considered experts in the process of sharing their work with other fields including policy development, training for law enforcement, reviewing cases, and further types of consultation (Ibid). Following the release of this report in 2021, the Government of Canada officially provided a five-pillar action plan, similar to their GBV Strategy. Posted on their website in the following year, the plan draws on various aspects of the report and its subsequent calls for action (WAGE, 2022). While this plan is certainly a strong step in the right direction, many community collaborators involved in the report have openly criticised the plan in a joint statement. One of the main critiques of the plan is that in and of itself, it is not an action plan. Rather, the organisation Women’s Shelters Canada, a key contributor to the development of the calls to action, highlights that the document shared is more of a framework that lays the foundation for action, negotiation, and further suggestions (2022, p.1). On the contrary, the organisation underlines that an action plan would include “concise actions that each province and territory commits to rather than a menu 65 of opportunities for action” (Ibid). Additionally, the statement highlights concerns that the “plan is too high-level, not far-reaching enough, and therefore insufficient to reach its stated goals and effectively address the systemic nature of GBV” (Ibid). Ultimately, the statement acknowledges the potential the action plan has, but is sure to address the gaps still in need of further work. 3.5 Provincial Policy: COVID responses On November 25th, 2021, the Government of British Columbia released a statement outlining its aims to tackle Gender-Based Violence in the province. In the statement there was a commitment made to “deliver a multi-year action plan to address gender-based violence by the end of 2022” (Gender Equity Office, 2021). At the time I am writing this, in October of 2023, no action plan currently exists. The pandemic is mentioned very briefly, in reference to its exacerbation of current conditions for those experiencing partner violence throughout the province. The statement also notes that the plan will align with other similar initiatives like the federal government’s plan discussed previously. Members of other political parties have been critical of the lack of progress on the proposed plan. In particular, Adam Olsen, leader of the Green Party in British Columbia was quick to draw attention to the failure to meet the targeted time frame for the action plan, as well as highlighting that there is no apparent funding in the 2023 budget (2023). Despite experiencing several lockdowns over the course of the pandemic, it is unclear whether the current government intends to acknowledge the impacts on those experiencing violence, and whether or not this will influence the forthcoming plan. While the data on the lockdowns and partner violence is still emerging, it is evident that increases in the frequency and type of violence occurred. The BC Centre for Disease Control states that, “the COVID-19 pandemic and response measures to limit the spread of COVID-19 increased the risk, and likely also the prevalence and 66 severity, of gender-based violence (GBV) in BC, while reducing access to related support services” (2022, p.1). Although there is not a singular explanation for the increase in violence, several factors, mainly relating to an overall rise in stress levels are clear catalysts. Examples could include loss of a job, more time spent in the home together - thus resulting in more conflicts, children being home often due to closing of schools, and inability to seek support (Ibid). In addition, the CDC notes that women may have been fearful of reaching out to certain services, such as transition homes, for fear of contracting the virus (p.4) Moreover, for marginalised groups, these issues were further exacerbated due to the socioeconomic and systemic issues that existed prior to the pandemic. For example, 85% of survey responses from Indigenous women identified some form of IPV beginning during the pandemic, while 77% experienced an increase in the severity or frequency of the violence (p.5). Although certain measures during the pandemic were necessary, it is evident from this information that proper precautions or support mechanisms were not considered during the implementation of lockdowns. This will be discussed further in the subsequent chapter. 3.6 Recent Updates Since beginning the writing and data collection for this dissertation in early 2023, there have been a couple of announcements regarding funding to prevent Gender-Based Violence at the federal and provincial level. On September 15th, 2023, Women and Gender Equality (WAGE) made an announcement sharing that the Government of Canada would be committing funding to organisations that specifically supported “Indigenous women, girls, and 2SLGBTQQIA+ people”. A total of $3.1 million would be provided to seven different organisations in order to help increase their capacity in supporting these marginalised communities (WAGE, September 2023). Other provinces like Prince Edward Island have now signed bilateral agreements for funding and 67 logistical support to implement the National Action Plan at a provincial level. According to the news release, “the federal government will be investing $9.6 million over four years to support the implementation” process (WAGE, August 2023). In addition to this movement on a federal front, the Government of British Columbia has also announced funding increases. In an effort to support those fleeing a violent partner with legal protections, the provincial government has provided $1 million to Rise Women's Legal Centre. The centre helps to assist low-income women and gender-diverse people access legal services for free (Dino, 2023). Despite this progress, British Columbia has yet to publish their own provincial action plan. It is hoped that beyond the completion of this dissertation, that the province of BC will publish and implement its action plan. 68 CHAPTER 4 Hearing From the Frontlines Responses to the severity of Intimate Partner Violence in British Columbia, and in Canada as a whole, have broadly been inadequate. The onset of the COVID-19 pandemic only served to exacerbate this issue. A common narrative that emerged surrounding partner violence and COVID-19 was that the pandemic was suddenly responsible for the violence. While stressors such as economic instability, being at home more, or illness certainly contributed to the conditions for partner violence, IPV is not new. In my conversation with the executive director of the Kelowna Women’s Shelter, Alison Mclauchlan, she emphasised the false narrative being perpetuated in the media, and made clear that when discussing the pandemic, she and her team were adamant about the fact that partner violence was not caused by COVID-19; nor, should the stress factors introduced by the pandemic be utilised as an excuse (Interview, March 8, 2023). Supporting this statement, Grace Lore the Minister of State for Childcare and previous Parliamentary Secretary for Gender Equity in Victoria, British Columbia, underlined how the pandemic served to draw much-needed attention to Gender-Based Violence, by really “shining a light” on the topic (Interview, April 21, 2023). Reflecting upon Lore’s statement, it has become evident throughout the interviews conducted for this dissertation that responses to partner violence during the pandemic were largely reactionary. Using primary data collected from interviews, the following chapter will call attention to challenges noticed by service providers during the pandemic, discuss government officials’ responses, as well as highlight areas of success. As previously stated, interviewees included experts from local organisations in British Columbia, and government officials with knowledge of GBV and IPV policies. 69 4.1 Government Responses The purpose of this section is threefold. First, I will briefly introduce the government officials interviewed for this dissertation, including their credentials and relevance to this work. Second, within the context of their responses I will consider the strengths of both the federal and provincial governments’ responses to non-profit needs during the pandemic. Lastly, this section will critically analyse discrepancies in their responses. Addressing gaps and inconsistencies in government responses will create a foundational understanding in which I will conduct a dialogical examination of frontline experiences and realities in relation to the prescribed actions of the government. While policies have improved vastly over the previous two decades, a critical lens is essential if subsequent policies are to meet the needs of organisations and communities in a “post-pandemic” world. During my interviews, I received responses from two members of the Canadian government. As previously stated, Grace Lore is the current Minister of State for Child Care. She was of particular relevance to this research due to her previous role as the Parliamentary Secretary for Gender Equity. During her time in this position, she was involved in the early stages of the action plan for the province. Prior to her work in parliament, she worked in tandem with the Victoria Sexual Assault Centre and similar anti-violence organizations across the province in an effort to support services for communities and survivors (Legislative Assembly of British Columbia). Due to scheduling conflicts, I was not able to speak to Marci Ien in person; however, she and her team provided a written response to the questions I sent via email. Ien currently serves as a Member of Parliament (MP). More specifically, she serves as the Minister for Women and Gender Equality and Youth. In her role, Ien has worked in coordination to support the Liberal government’s National Action Plan. 70 At a federal level, there are several policies and supporting programs that have been implemented in the previous three years to confront Gender-Based Violence. In 2021, the Minister for Women [...], “was mandated to develop a National Action Plan to End Gender-Based Violence” (Interview, May 1, 2023). It is described by Ien as a plan: Informed by over 1,000 recommendations through years of engagement with Indigenous partners and a wide range of stakeholders including survivors, front line organizations, and experts, in November 2022, the Federal-Provincial-Territorial Ministers responsible for the Status of Women endorsed and launched the National Action Plan to End Gender-based Violence. The National Action Plan is a 10-year commitment from federal/provincial and territorial governments to work together towards a Canada free from gender-based violence. Currently, Women and Gender Equality Canada (WAGE) is working with each province and territory to establish bilateral funding agreements to support implementation of the National Action Plan (Ibid). This plan was created in alignment with other action plans, such as the federal 2SLGBTQI+ Action Plan; National Strategy to Combat Human Trafficking; 2021 Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls and 2SLGBTQQIA+ National Action Plan; and the Federal Pathway to Address Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women, Girls and 2SLGBTQQIA+ People (Ibid). Although there are critiques of the plan’s lack of pragmatic procedures for local governments and organisations, which will be discussed later, it is the first “federal-provincial-territorial framework to address gender-based violence in Canada” (Ibid). Thus, the plan demonstrates a significant step in the right direction. During the pandemic, the federal government dedicated significant amounts of funding to women’s shelters and similar organisations. While I will discuss the critiques regarding funding 71 consistency and regulations in the coming sections, it is necessary to outline funding successes thus far. In 2021, the Federal Budget [...] committed $601.3 million over the course of five years in order to advance towards a new national action plan to end gender-based violence, and subsequently the 2022 Budget “proposed an investment of $539.3 million over five years, starting in 2022–23, to support provinces and territories in their efforts to implement the National Action Plan to End Gender-Based Violence” (Women and Gender Equality Canada, 2022). This funding is supported by increases in other departments such as Justice Canada, where “Budget 2021 provided $85.3 million over five years to support a national program for independent legal advice and independent legal representation for victims of sexual assault, as well as to support pilot projects for victims of intimate partner violence” (Interview, May 1, 2023). Similarly, the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation (CMHC) stated it would contribute a total of $250 million to construct and update at least 560 shelter beds and transitional housing units, to priortise partnerships with local organisations and government leadership to best “support women and their children fleeing violence” (Ibid). In addition, in collaboration with Indigenous Services Canada (ISC), CMHC will invest “$724.1 million to support Indigenous women, children and 2SLGBTQQIA+ people escaping GBV”, with a specific focus on emergency shelters and transition homes (Ibid). $279 million in emergency funding was also made available in direct response to organisational needs during the pandemic; however, as will be highlighted later, this funding posed its own challenges for non-profits once the pandemic period ended. Responses shared by Minister Ien also demonstrated positive progress regarding consultation efforts. According to Ien, prior to the official launch of the action plan, “Women and Gender Equality Canada held engagements with Indigenous partners, Indigenous community organizations and leaders, and National Indigenous Leaders and Representatives. Indigenous 72 partners were engaged in the development of Pillar 4 of the National Action Plan. This Pillar specifically recognizes a focus on preventing and addressing gender-based violence against Indigenous women, girls, and 2SLGBTQI+ people through Indigenous-led approaches” (Ibid). Organisations such as the Young Women's Christian Association (YWCA) confirmed this, acknowledging that they had carried out consultations with grassroots groups within the community to provide recommendations for the action plan (2023). Engagement has also occurred on an international level, through various partnerships with the United Nations. Currently, Canada holds several international commitments, including, “the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women and the Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women” (Interview, May 1, 2023). Alongside these conventions, numerous national and international bodies have called for Canada to have a national action plan, including, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women; thus, the National Action Plan, is in part a response to the various international agreements Canada has signed (Ibid). Moreover, Canada has also shared its work at the 67th Session of the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women (UNCSW) in New York City. During the session, Canadian officials shared their work on Canada’s Feminist International Assistance Policy, developed in 2017 (Global Affairs). It is not within the scope of this project to consider this policy in significant depth; however, it serves to reiterate Canada’s work towards gender equity goals on a national and global stage. Although the response from Marci Ien, and the work done by Women and Gender Equality on behalf of the federal government illustrates meaningful progress in confronting IPV and GBV more broadly, there are glaring issues that must be grappled with. First, several portions of the response I received were copied directly from the government website. While I acknowledge the 73 time constraints government officials and their staff have when replying to a multitude of email requests, as a representative for their constituents, MPs are a direct point of contact for the government. Although including information from the website for accuracy may be useful, copying paragraphs demonstrates a lack of initiative in supporting research that ultimately contributes to further development within the sphere of gender equity. In addition, the response utilised certain buzzwords and phrases, such as “intersectional approach”, when referencing the action plan’s framework (Interview, May 1, 2023). The action plan defines this approach as one that “recognizes that people often experience multiple oppressions due to the combined effects of systemic discrimination (e.g., ableism, classism, colonialism, a collective history of trauma, poverty, racism, sexism, and discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation, gender identity and expression). Intersectionality considers historical, social, and political contexts and centres the unique experiences of the individual and/or group in relation to their identity factors” (Ibid). While the definition itself is not inaccurate, the plan fails to address intersectionality from a positionality standpoint. Positionality is a powerful methodology that “requires researchers to identify their own degrees of privilege through factors of race, class, educational attainment, income, ability, gender, and citizenship, among others” (Duarte, 2017, p.135). Given both the historical role the government has played in creating systems of oppression for those with intersecting identities, as well as the government’s ongoing position in upholding those systems, failing to take accountability within federal policies demonstrates a lack of dedication to the work that needs to be done. It raises the question of who is best equipped to tackle systemic issues like gender violence, and whether those in roles of power are willing to act reflexively as part of their contribution to the cause. 74 A second major challenge that appears is the lack of coordination from both federal and provincial leadership with municipalities. According to the Battered Women’s Support Services (BWSS), a significant contributor in government engagements and policy creation, there are currently no municipal governments in British Columbia who have, or are currently developing locally-based action plans (Suarez and Nassar, 2023). Key international institutions like the World Health Organisation acknowledge gender violence as a public health crisis (2021). Research conducted by Dale et al., demonstrates through a case study of climate change that in societal emergencies, local governments play a critical role in the implementation of relevant adaptations and “are on the front line of identifying indicators of change in current development paths and policy innovations to effect the necessary changes for transformation” (2019, p.866). Given the nuanced experiences of survivors in municipalities based on demographic variations, housing costs, and accessibility of services, engaging with local leadership is vital to tackle IPV. During our interview on April 21, I posed similar questions to Grace Lore and received several responses reflecting these nuanced experiences. When asked about the National Action Plan, she stated that the provincial plan currently in development will be reflective of the mandates included at the federal level; however, she noted that the national plan is not enough on its own (2023). Therefore, the British Columbia plan will build upon the federal plan to develop actionable steps relevant to the province. In addition, Lore noted that much of the work being done for the plan is occurring across ministries to consider larger issues like housing affordability, mental health, addiction, and public safety. Although the plan was technically underway prior to the pandemic, Lore noted that the crisis acted to amplify the existing barriers and challenges faced by survivors and service providers throughout the province. Thus, increasing the urgency for the plan. 75 Most importantly Lore recognised the intersection of several crises taking place due to the pandemic, the economy, and gender violence. In regard to supporting women she stated: I'd say the other like, key feature of this last bit in terms of support for women who experience violence in their family, is the housing crisis. Like housing costs are so high. vacancies are low. Folks’ ability to leave, to live with financial independence and autonomy is really challenging. It backlogs, transition houses and second stage houses and third stage houses because folks can't go on. Obviously, the pandemic, again turned up the volume on the housing crisis, but I think that remains like a really present feature of getting people the services and the safety they need (Ibid). In addition to the province’s action plan, Lore insisted that the provincial government could do more to improve the collaboration that occurs across ministries. When describing structuring within government she stated, “Like housing is here, and public safety is here, and the Attorney General is here and social development and poverty reduction is over here [...] but that's not how people's lives are. And they are in all of these places. They are navigating, you know, poverty and housing, and the justice system all at the same time” (Ibid). While she noted how challenging it is to “[try] to do it all”, Lore argued that officials may not be as “good at pulling those [pieces] together in a way that matches people's lives than I think we all would like” (Ibid). Considering Lore’s comments in the context of partner violence policies, it is evident that beyond support for non-profits, examining internal processes and restructuring political procedures may be necessary to meet the drastically changing needs of British Columbians in light of pandemic impacts. With this in mind, subsequent sections address ways in which frontline service providers believe the government can adapt to best support them. 76 4.2 Service Providers and Reflections on the Pandemic The emergence of the global pandemic hit non-profits and nongovernmental organisations particularly hard; thus, requiring a high level of adaptability from directors and their staff (Maher et al., 2020). This was demonstrated by the work done at the Kelowna Women’s Shelter (KWS). During our interview, Alison Mclauchlan stated that KWS is the only shelter specifically for women with their children leaving family and partner violence. So, they are best known for their transition house or emergency shelter (Interview, March 8, 2023). In addition to housing for survivors, KWS offers further supports such as their: Outreach program which supports women living in community who either do not need to want to or have to come to shelter but still are living with us or have experienced abuse and violence to our reach workers will go and meet with women and community and do that one on one support advocacy, or resources really, whatever the women need. Then we have our Peace program, which is for children and youth who have experienced or witnessed abuse. So we have two staff who work one on one with children. So provide resources to mom or family members to help support kids. To deal with the trauma that you've experienced. Then we also have a new program, which is our education and prevention, where we hope to grow our community and work with our community partners to train their staff on what domestic abuse is [...]. Oh, and we also have her fabulous thrift store, where all of the money that we collect in our thrift store comes back to help support with our programs (Ibid). Understanding the impact of the pandemic on IPV was and is crucial; however, as Michelle Dickie from KWS noted, “I don’t think we’ll ever have a true picture of what that would look like” (Interview, March 2, 2023). Despite this missing data, service providers like Alison and Michelle were able to point out some tangible shifts that occurred due to the pandemic. Housing in shelters 77 provided a significant challenge because of distancing measures. Dickie stated that “in our shelter there are 8 bedrooms. Pre-COVID, it was shared accommodation but because of COVID they couldn’t share rooms anymore. In response, BC Housing worked with shelters across the province to fund hotel rooms. 16 bed shelter down to 8 rooms, cut in half… so BC Housing provided funding for 10 additional rooms” (Ibid). Accessibility to certain programs also posed a barrier when lockdowns were implemented. However, KWS took this as a chance to provide services like the PEACE program virtually. Given the technological barriers many non-profits face, this pivot was an option other organisations did not have (Loomis, 2020). Although both women interviewed noted the benefit of in-person counselling to have a trauma-informed practice, the flexibility of online programming made a significant difference to those facing barriers to in-person meeting, both during and after the pandemic. Deborah Klassin at Karis Support Society reflected similar challenges. Karis is described by Klassin as a “37-bed-based addictions-based recovery program for women who are either single, have no dependents, as well as perinatal women who have been using substances during their pregnancy. We accept any women who are 19 and over. We receive referrals from Corrections Canada, parole, hospitals, health authorities, social workers, psychiatrists, personal referrals and we have a long-term recovery-based program with wraparound services with very person-centred care” (Interview, March 7, 2023). While Karis provides support for addiction recovery, an environmental scan done during the pandemic revealed that 96% of the women in the program identified as having experienced themselves or a witness to partner violence or familial violence (Ibid). In regard to the pandemic, Klassin suggested that “any policies that we’ve changed have been around accessibility, and we see the priority for connection and then, we didn’t think Zoom therapy could happen and that it would be impactful and it actually was, it was better than 78 not having anything, and some people actually preferred it” (Ibid). Despite these anecdotes demonstrating positive experiences with connection, the pandemic also negatively impacted connection and relationships. For example, Klassin shared that “there are women who we have not heard from since the pandemic, we don’t know where they are” (Ibid). In addition, these women who are already facing so much have an enormous amount of “grief coming up, whether its loss of people or loss of connection, grief is the other huge one coming up” (Ibid). From a logistical perspective Klassin also underlines the strain on their organisational resources when required to fill out supplementary reports for government funding and data collection. The issues did not stop there. Liz Talbott from NOW Canada reflected on yet another challenge in our conversation, speaking to the lack of information surrounding COVID-19’s effects at the beginning of the pandemic. Briefly, NOW Canada provides women and youth who have or currently struggle with addictions, abuse, and other similar challenges with various forms of housing and programming; including, an emergency shelter, transitional housing, and affordable housing options. Talbott described how during the start of the pandemic she: Really noticed the need to clean, clean, clean, clean all the time. To be honest, I mean, we, when you had to at the beginning, it was like what do you do? You're an emergency shelter. You know, you've got someone coming in coughing, they're in addiction, they don't want to test. You've got staff saying I don't want to work in this environment. If people aren't wearing masks, they're not testing because I have to take it home to my family. So it was very difficult at the beginning [...] (Interview, March 6, 2023). Similarly, due to the rapid spread of the virus, staffing continuously challenged the logistical capabilities of providers like NOW Canada. Talbott noted that she and her staff needed to take on 79 split shifts, and reduced the number of clients from 20 down to 15 for a period of time due COVID-19 (Ibid). Several studies done with various non-profits across North America reflected this struggle. Jang et al., emphasised “complying with practices recommended by public health experts, such as washing hands frequently, maintaining social distance, and avoiding touching potentially affected surfaces, is difficult” for populations that may experience addiction or homelessness (2020). As described in Chapter 2, these are common factors among women who survive partner violence. While some policies do exist to help support non-profits facing these additional challenges, it is evident from the interviews that there is not a significant awareness of these policies or their contents. A critical component of policy efficacy I highlighted in Chapter 1 is whether community organisations like those interviewed here, were aware of the government policies pertaining to their services. One question I asked interviewees was: What government policies at a federal or provincial level are you familiar with that pertain to gender violence? Michelle Dickie at the Kelowna Women’s Shelter indicated she had little to no knowledge of these policies, and suggested I refer to Alison Mclauchlan for this question. However, even as executive director Mclauchlan’s knowledge of policies such as the National Action Plan was limited to a broader understanding. She stated that through her several decades of experience, she had seen several shifts in legislation and policy over the years, such as a call for implementing Clare’s Law (legislation based on an English woman murdered by her partner who was known to be violent by police); however, both women were not aware of specifics related to how policies could benefit the KWS (Ghania, 2023; Interview, March 8, 2023). Reflections from others like Deborah Klassin call attention to the top-down approach that continues to play out in government consultation. In her comments she stated, “it just seems so 80 ivory tower. That there's these policymakers and these policies and I'm not a social worker, so I'm not connected to some of the social work, the associations. And so that's a challenge I think for not for profits as well as wanting to provide support to fill a gap, you know, in a community where providing safety for women” (Interview, March 7, 2023). In exacerbation Klassin shared “I don't know even know who to talk to in government about is there more funds that we could be receiving because we're housing women who are fleeing violence or that we're housing BC housing doesn't want to call us a transition house. They won't give us any money. So I don't know who I talk to about that” (Ibid). Despite the critical role non-profits and NGOs play in their respective communities, many leaders like Klassin feel frustrated with the lack of information provided to them. Notably, the discontinuity in communication is bidirectional; meaning, it is not only reflected in leaders’ knowledge of policy, but also in the organisation of power and decision-making. Work by Azvedo et al., highlights that “community foundations are uniquely positioned within their localities to provide immediate needs and realize their communities' strengths, resources, and challenges, affording them opportunities to be highly effective in responding to crises” (2021, p.475). Yet, the information collected during interviews clearly demonstrates that policymakers are not following the lead of communities. Although my argument highlights the lack of leadership power provided to organisations by the federal and provincial government, this challenge is not solely due to COVID-19. Existing problems created by insufficient communication only worsened throughout the pandemic. 4.3 Issues with Funding A shared frustration amongst interviewees was the issue of funding prior to the pandemic, but in particular, once shifts had occurred during the pandemic. More generally, there were and continue to be three large challenges with funding. The first problem organisations confront is not 81 receiving enough funding, and facing continued inconsistency with the amount they are given and for how long. Talbott specifically noted that, “funding consistency needs to improve to pay people properly, especially when we are trying to hire folks with degrees etcetera, who are specialised in this area. We all have to keep reapplying and negotiating salary without having any guarantee so it makes staff retention challenging” (Interview, March 6, 2023). She also shared that funding came in waves, stating, “one year it was five years, one year it was for two, once it was [...] for three years worth of funding, civil forfeitures every year City of Kelowna, United Way, various foundations for every year, everything. If you can get multi-year funding, you feel like you've won the lottery” (Ibid). When asked if funding inconsistency impacts the ability to provide certain resources, Dickie highlighted how “we have for example a waitlist for PEACE, we would love to be able to have full-time PEACE counsellors [...], ideally with funding we would be able to increase caseloads and groups, this would also increase support to parents, typically to the mom” (Interview, March 2, 2023). Authors Addison and Rubin support this, stating that it “[threatens] non-profits’ abilities to maintain the appropriate staffing capacity and effective outreach, as well as to contribute adequate resources to the baseline mission of serving clients” (2023, p.42). Organisations are continuously asked to reapply for funding from a variety of sources. Not only does this result in differing amounts of money each year, making budget estimations for upcoming expenditure more difficult, it also depletes already strained resources by pulling staff focus to applications and paperwork. Regulations and restrictions around funding, particularly during the pandemic also created problems for non-profits. Importantly, Mclauchlan commended both BC Housing and the Wage and Gender Equality (WAGE) branch within the provincial and federal government for the funding as well as flexibility they provide (Interview, March 8, 2023). However, several interviewees 82 underlined the challenge presented when funding came with certain stipulations, such as what it had to be used for. Dickie stated, “one was wage funding to add another position in the transition house during COVID, but it had to meet specific requirements. It can be harder if you need to pivot the use of the funding. We also have funding for positions, but if we aren’t able to fill them. With the funding, you need a variety to be able to operate. Stipulations and controls on where the funding can be used, sometimes we have leeway to shift it, and sometimes we can put in a request to use it elsewhere but that isn’t always granted” (Interview, March 2, 2023). Similarly, Klassin at Karis Society shared that she did not know how long funding would continue. Therefore, she “didn't want to put it into jobs because I didn't want to tell someone they didn't have a job after that. And so we put it into spaces, curriculum, things like that, that we that didn't have to attach to employment” (Interview, March 7, 2023). Liz Talbott also expressed her frustration with the pandemic funding, questioning why changes meant they needed to provide more data and use the funding so narrowly. National statistics reflect these complaints. In 2020, the overall economy saw an 8.2% decline in employment; however, the non-profit sector experienced a drop of 9.3% (Tam et al., 2021). Other organisations also shared this frustration. Surveys conducted by Tam et al., for Statistics Canada demonstrated that “almost two-fifths of non-profit organizations expect recruiting skilled employees (37.6%) to be an obstacle, while about than one-third expect retaining skilled employees (32.6%) to be an obstacle over the next three months” (2021, p.5). Another survey done in partnership with the Ending Violence Association of Canada demonstrated the toll funding took on non-profit organisations. Responses indicated that at least 25% of organisations had to lay-off staff or decrease hours (Trudell and Whitmore, 2020). Stable core funding was noted as a top priority to combat this issue moving forward. 83 4.4 Isolation, Competition, and Collaboration Ultimately these conditions have compounded to create competition between organisations that desperately need to be collaborating and supporting their community together. Competition is perceived in direct opposition of non-profits, due to the inherent community-driven nature of their mandates. However, as stated by Klassin, “we’re still fighting for funding even though we are all friends” (Interview, March 7, 2023). This form of competition not only makes receiving the already limited funding more challenging, but it also puts other organisations that do not receive the funding at risk (Curley et al., 2021). Consequently, taking funding away from another non-profit in the community by receiving funding, actually harms the support systems in places for the women these organisations serve. Demonstrated by Klassin, “Liz [at NOWCanada] and I are still applying for the same bucket of money. We are similar organisations but we provide different aspects on the continuum of care for women, she has a shelter. Lots of the women from Karis, when they relapse, they go to that shelter, I need that shelter. The women that are in that shelter who are starting to stabilise [...] put applications in at Karis. When they are finished at Karis they can go to NOWCanada’s housing. We need both of us in the community because we offer that continuum, and with HOPE because they are right on the frontlines” (Interview, March 7, 2023). Despite this existing competition, Mclauchlan noted that there has been a significant effort by all to move forward with a focus on collaboration (Interview, March 8, 2023). All the women interviewed underlined the importance of collaboration at a local level with specific examples. Michelle Dickie described work the Kelowna Women’s Shelter did with various immigration services as a result of rising immigration levels in the Okanagan (Interview, March 2, 2023). Immigrant women can experience greater risk of partner violence when their status is connected to their spouse (Scheer et al., 2022). Other collaborative efforts include sharing Bad Date reports between NOWCanada, Hope Outreach, and Karis Society. Klassin stated that 84 she ensures reports are posted in their buildings to increase the women’s awareness (Interview, March 7, 2023). She further shared an instance where Karis was asked to sit on a task force for women with perinatal substance use issues, ultimately creating new connections for the organisation throughout the province. Klassin highlighted various benefits to building this relationship, including an exchange of information and support, increased funding opportunities, and an opportunity to address partner violence through an intersectional lens by taking substance use and pregnancy into account (Ibid). Although everyone acknowledged there is still a long way to go in this arena, with government support, better collaboration is possible. 4.5 Consultation In the National Action Plan, only two organisations (Battered Women’s Support Services and Prince George Sexual Assault Centre) in British Columbia were listed as working groups (Dale et al., 2021, p.158-159). Although it is impossible to include every single organisation, assuming that only two can accurately represent the experiences of all organisations in the entire province is severely misguided and exclusionary. With this in mind, I made sure to ask each participant, “If you were to communicate with those making policies, what would be the things you would emphasise as needing to be addressed? To support non-profits and NGOs?”. To this, I received several responses all of which shared a similar thread of consultation. Klassin stated, “I'd say engage with us and we'd love to sit on a task force to speak to people with lived experience as policy is being created” (Interview, March 7, 2023). She further highlighted that there are numerous women within their programs who have shared their desire to make a difference for the women to come, because “they don’t want anybody to live through what they’ve lived through” (Ibid). While in-person discussion groups are preferred, Klassin noted that even questionnaires or surveys would be beneficial to gather input on policy. She was also reflective of the need for 85 increased collaboration, particularly with Indigenous communities, within her own work. Talbott echoed similar thoughts asking, “why don’t you get all of the local non-profits around the table to talk? That’s how it used to be done” (Interview, March 6, 2023). She even suggests recruiting “local students who know the area” to do research that is reflective of local needs (Ibid). Mclauchlan also agreed that the government has “to invite the right people to the table when they’re making these policies and decisions”; however, she took it a step further, arguing that while talking about policy is a move in the right direction, it is necessary to ask “who's going to enforce it? What's the penalties for breaking it? Where's the support? Where's the money?” (Interview, March 8, 2023). Ultimately, the need for consultation has always existed, yet, with the increasing systemic pressures heightened by the pandemic, community engagement is now more crucial than ever. 4.6 Prevention and Preparedness During interviews, another prominent theme touched upon was the lack of proactive action regarding both violence prevention, and pandemic preparedness. Research clearly demonstrates that partner violence (and GBV more broadly) escalates during times of crisis, such as disease outbreaks, natural disasters, and war (Clark et al., 2023; Kofman and Garfin, 2020; World Bank, 2019). However, while the need for non-profits continues to grow, it is not reflected in the support they receive. Liz Talbott argued that this attitude needs to change, otherwise, local communities will feel the impacts. She stated, “I think sometimes, honestly, with a non-profit, you're sort of expected to make do. You're sort of expected to figure it out and be grateful for every money you've been given as though it's like your personal money [...]” (Interview, March 6, 2023). When framed in this way, it is evident that local non-profits and similar organisations are not perceived as a societal necessity and therefore, are failed on several fronts. 86 As already demonstrated, numerous non-profits felt excluded from consultations that directly impacted their ability to navigate the pandemic. Without clearly defined protocols existing pre-COVID-19, non-profits were faced with unknown after unknown, forced to find their own solutions. To highlight this, Talbott commented, “I have to have an earthquake policy, what happens in an earthquake, what happens in this, that and the other? They should now be working on what happens in the next pandemic. How are we going to better do the funds?” (Ibid). Beyond the immediate logistical protocols, Talbott also underlined the pressing need for support mechanisms on a larger scale including the immense challenges facing British Columbia on the provincial level. Talbott strongly questioned how the procedures would help “set up [things like] day cares? You know, if for children that have got COVID? If the parents have then got to go to work or if the parents are staying at home? How are we going to support that? You know, because a lot of it was a financial thing. Parents were sending their kids to school who kids weren't well, they didn't want to test them because the parent had to go to work, because that you know, there was a limit” (Ibid). She further highlighted barriers faced by those on income assistance or who struggled due to a disability, asking how the government would consider these factors for the next time. The need for an intersectional approach to pandemic preparedness is particularly relevant when social inequalities and systemic issues like childcare and housing are taken into consideration. 4.7 Intersectional Experiences and Tackling Systemic Issues Systemic issues like racism, structural violence, and other barriers due to discriminatory practices did not originate during the COVID-19 pandemic; however, similar to IPV, the pandemic further exacerbated existing societal inequalities. Following the H1N1 pandemic, research done by DeBruin et al., indicated that during public health crises like pandemics, those considered 87 “socially disadvantaged groups” (based on factors like race, sex, ability), fared significantly worse than their more privileged counterparts (p.586, 2012). Policies like the National Action Plan have been created specifically to address these gaps for survivors and those actively experiencing partner violence; however, Women’s Shelters Canada (WSC) who contributed to earlier consultation stages, were highly critical of the final report. In specific, the organisation noted that the plan is not so much a plan, but a framework (2022). Furthermore, their statement also denounced the lack of an intersectional approach in several sections of the plan. For example, WSC noted that the action plan left services as “optional”, specifically in Northern and rural regions which lack even basic supports (p.3). In addition, WSC critiqued the lack of concrete actions to “move forward on consistent, affordable housing across Canada”, which is a profoundly intersectional issue (p.4). As pointed out by WSC, the action plan also needs to develop its approach to social infrastructure, overrepresentation of women and girls of colour in the child welfare and legal system, and the intersectionality of substance use. By failing to include tangible actions for government branches and non-profits, organisations are once again left without a clear strategy of implementation, as well as a lack of clarity on how federal and provincial governments will work to tackle the systemic challenges. Despite this, non-profits are making efforts on the frontlines to increase the intersectionality of their work. Approaches to intersectionality can vary based on an organisation’s capabilities. In general, the non-profits interviewed here are increasingly working to include policies that are reflective of the women they serve. For example, Michelle Dickie at the Kelowna Women’s Shelter noted how they are “following a more harm-reduction approach to open up eligibility for [the shelter]. So not, is the woman a fit for us, but let her decide if our space is right for her” (Interview, March 2, 2023). This has resulted in an overall increase of women with substance use issues in their transition 88 houses. There has also been an increase in women who identify as Indigenous in their care. In the last fiscal year, 28% of women were Indigenous; within the last three months (prior to the interview), this jumped to 31%. She also acknowledged that Indigenous women may not wish to stay in their housing, so offering programming virtually could help to bridge the divide. Moreover, Dickie stated that with the introduction of the new West Kelowna location, KWS would definitely like to work closely with Westbank First Nation to improve services for Indigenous communities (Ibid). Service providers also discussed the considerations they must make in light of the increased vulnerabilities LGBTQ2S+ women experienced during the pandemic. Alison Mclauchlan was adamant that “we need to be looking at understanding the reasons and the needs of these populations before we run off and build things or create things. Because like I said, when it began [with] governments not bringing us to the table, then if we're not bringing the people to the table and asking them what they want [...] we’re” going to repeat the same mistakes (Interview, March 8, 2023). To avoid this, the Kelowna Women’s Shelter has “applied for a three year, three stage grant to consider those who identify as women [...] in the transition house DV sector, because sometimes physically they [transgender women] present as quite masculine, so they themselves can be at risk for further abuse or stigma walking into a transition house” (Interview, March 2, 2023). Currently the women’s shelter does not receive many women who identify themselves as LGBTQ2S+, which Dickie noted as a concern because “we know it’s happening” (Ibid). If provided the grant, they hope to examine how to best support those identifying as women within spaces like the emergency shelter and transition house, as well as training frontline support workers, creating specific policies and procedures, and building a support program accessible both in-house and virtually (Ibid). 89 In regard to the housing crisis, Deborah Klassin from Karis Society highlights several ways in which the organisation has impacted the local community. First, she shared that when connecting with new RCMP officers in Kelowna, they would comment on how few women were on the streets. Klassin attributed this to the dedication of “NOWCanada and Karis and HOPE Outreach and the women’s shelter, we’re all doing the work to keep these women safe” (Interview, March 7, 2023). In order to maintain this, Karis tries to “focus on women who have burned all their bridges and have nowhere else to go and have no more supports left” because “100% of them have been couch-surfing, having housing precariousness” and are trying to “leave addiction and the IPV experiences they have had” (Ibid). In direct response to the pandemic, Karis changed their standard 2-year program to 3 years to accommodate the increased demand for housing. However, there is ultimately only so much non-profits can do without government action confronting the housing crisis and other systemic barriers. 90 CHAPTER 5 Moving Forward At the outset of this dissertation, I asked two questions. Firstly, how effectively have Canadian federal and provincial policies shifted to meet the needs of Non-Governmental Organisations and non-profits in British Columbia that serve those who have experienced Intimate Partner Violence (IPV), following the COVID-19 pandemic? Secondly, what can be done to improve the situation? To answer this question, I analysed several federal and provincial policies through an intersectional feminist perspective, in hopes of contextually framing the dialectical relationship between government policymakers and frontline service providers pre-pandemic, mid-pandemic, and post-pandemic. This involved consideration of policies from the year 2000 onward, as well as an in-depth discussion of interviews with executive directors, government officials, and program managers at various non-profits in British Columbia and Ottawa. My examination has been supported by a wide span of literature on the topic, including reports published by nongovernmental organisations in the province, and international institutions such as the United Nations and World Health Organisation. What the research conducted throughout this project has demonstrated, is that while there is valuable work being done to combat Intimate Partner Violence, and other forms of gender violence, there is still extensive work that must be done in the coming years. Within this final section I will briefly reiterate the findings of the research in respect to the theoretical underpinnings of this work. Furthermore, I will include a brief section to highlight successful policies implemented globally to highlight ways in which Canadian governments can model future legislation. In addition, I will conclude this dissertation with several recommendations for government policy moving forward as supported by the data collected here. 91 Ultimately, despite the tragedies brought on by the pandemic, it drew attention to existing areas requiring improved support. Therefore, it is our job to listen to the needs of those on the frontlines, and learn from where communities faced challenges before and during the pandemic, in order to best serve them from now on. 5.1 Findings At the outset of this dissertation, I described several measures of policy efficacy including examination of consultation, inclusion of intersectional perspectives, and applicability. Informed by the theoretical underpinnings of this work, I considered policy developments over the course of the previous two decades with the intent of understanding if and where improvements had occurred. More importantly, this overview of existing policies helped to inform the question of whether crises, like the global pandemic COVID-19, caused policies to shift to meet increased demands within communities. In conducting this research, two things have become evident. One, the government at both a federal and provincial level were not doing enough to either support the voluntary sector, or to lessen the burden organisations in this sector. Secondly, governments were not prepared for the challenges brought on by the pandemic for gender violence organisations and those they serve. Although Canada has experienced instability and uncertainty throughout various global and national events, it was clear from reactive responses that the government was not prepared for the crisis caused by COVID-19. Not only did the pandemic directly impact Canadian’s health outcomes, there were also significant impacts on the economy, education system, and of course, the non-profit sector. The National Action Plan introduced in 2021, while a critical step forward, does not demonstrate preparedness, rather, reactionary policies building off of already existing challenges faced by non-profits. Additionally, the province of British Columbia has yet to formally 92 introduce policy measures, despite the height of the pandemic being long past. Therefore, it follows that the pandemic in fact, did not shift current policies; rather, it stressed the need for meaningful, systemic change–supported by federal, provincial, and municipal policies. In 2022, the Minister of Health, Honourable Jean-Yves Duclos announced the creation of the Centre for Research on Pandemic Preparedness and Health Emergencies (CRPPHE) (Government of Canada, 2022). While later in this chapter I include several policy recommendations specific to gender violence, in line with the CRPPHE, I argue that future policies regarding non-profits supporting survivors must come from things learned during the pandemic. Beyond strengthening partner violence prevention efforts, governments at all levels must work to conduct robust research regarding pandemic implications, and utilise collected data to inform new policies and action plans for the next occurrence of a crises. Though it cannot be certain when Canada will experience another crisis, or what exactly it may be, it is certain that there will be one. Therefore, creating clear and effective procedures before it occurs, that outline how government entities will act to support vulnerable sectors is necessary to reduce strain on non-profits and communities. 5.2 Global Comparisons and Implications As demonstrated from the work presented here, the province of British Columbia and Canada more broadly faced numerous challenges when attempting to confront IPV in a pandemic context; similarly, nations worldwide struggled to grapple with all forms of gender violence while simultaneously trying to protect the population from COVID-19. Although there is not a single country that handled the situation without difficulty, there are several examples of policy successes. The policies included here come from Norway and Iceland, two countries that are commonly ranked in the top ten regarding gender equality (World Economic Forum, 2023). 93 Similar to the Canadian experience, Iceland did not fully shut down public life. Thus, existing services for survivors remained open during the midst of the pandemic. However, Iceland differs from Canada in two significant measures. First, the Icelandic population is largely homogenous, with almost 82% identifying as Icelandic; while just under 70% of Canadians identified as white (Central Intelligence Agency, 2023; Statistics Canada, 2023). Therefore, approaches to service provision and policy will differ to meet the needs of the population. Secondly, Icelandic women experience partner violence at lower rates than the average, with estimates stating 22.4% experience IPV during their lifetime, versus one-third of women globally (Jónasdóttir et al., 2021). Reflective of their relative successes thus far in gender equity, the Icelandic government implemented several strategies. First, a temporary action team lead was appointed to direct the pandemic-specific “Anti-Violence Action Team”, which was tasked with introducing measures to support women in vulnerable communities, and to provide consistent data reports on progress (Papagiannopoulou, 2022, p.32). Iceland also paid particular attention to accessibility, by creating agreements with hotels in cases where shelters did not provide suitable accommodations for women with disabilities (Ibid). Their intersectional approach was also prevalent in the government’s choice to keep schools open for younger children; thus, reflecting the specific needs of mothers experiencing partner violence. Similar to Iceland, quantitative data demonstrates that unlike the global average, Norwegian women experience less partner violence, measuring around 21.6% (Jónasdóttir et al., 2021). The Norwegian government differed from Canada and Iceland in that it ordered much stricter lockdowns for the general population. Though services for survivors were still functioning, many of them, such as counselling, took place online. In an effort to combat the potential harm caused by significant restrictions, Norway took several precautions. An example of particular 94 importance is the campaign to create safety within pharmacies. Due to the frequency in which people visited pharmacies during the pandemic, Norway implemented a policy to connect women with the police through pharmacists by using the code word “Mask 19” (p. 39). In addition, services for women were deemed as essential personnel, requiring police coordination with frontline workers. Furthermore, when pandemic regulations were introduced, the government quickly introduced an apparatus to identify potential risks to the public, including gender violence. This committee subsequently shared recommendations and weekly statistics to monitor the evolution of the situation. While the actions taken in Iceland and Norway represent general successes, these sources do not provide the full story. Evaluations done by Group of Experts on Action against Violence against Women and Domestic Violence (GREVIO), a committee within the European Council, highlighted sections of improvement in Iceland’s policies. These suggestions included a need to strengthen supports for abuse that is not physical, such as stalking or cyber harassment (2022). Work done by the World Bank ultimately argues that Gender-Based Violence more broadly is a hindrance to development (2023). Despite progress in countries like Iceland, Norway, and Canada, violence against women has impacts on all aspects of social life. Therefore, it is critical that when policies are successful, countries share their experiences with others; or, that challenges are shared as learning opportunities for improvement moving forward. This can occur at both a local and global scale. 5.3 Recommendations Ultimately, the scope of this section cannot include all recommendations necessary for ending gender violence in Canada. Therefore, in this final section I have chosen to focus on the three I argue are the most important moving forward. These will fall under broader categories of 95 (1) proactivity, (2) intersectionality, and (3) leadership. First, I will contend that governments at federal, provincial, and municipal levels must actively and continuously engage with non-profits, survivors and other stakeholders to not only stop partner violence, but proactively prevent it. Second, governments at all levels must acknowledge their role within systems of oppression and work collaboratively with impacted communities to address barriers hurting the most marginalised. Finally, I propose that government officials find ways to shift leadership to those on the frontlines, as well as survivors, to guide policy creation and consultation moving forward. The following recommendations will be presented through a care ethics framework. Rooted in feminist work, care ethics is a moral theory that aims to understand “care” through a relational lens by including the needs of the individual within the current societal system (Schultz, 2022). Within the context of intersectionality, care ethics moves beyond the gender dichotomy to consider the dimensions of care when implicated by other identity factors such as race, ability, immigrant status and so forth. Even further, this intersectional approach to care ethics allows for the inclusion of historical contexts, such as colonialism, that directly define who provides care and who is given care (Raghuram, 2019). Authors Martino et al., demonstrate through their research that while care ethics has most commonly been applied to public health policy, it should also be used to inform various other social policies such as violence prevention (2020). Ultimately, employing this theory of care would allow policymakers to shift their perception of partner violence as an aspect of the private sphere, to a holistic lens that views individual experiences of IPV as reflective of society as a whole. 5.3.1 Proactive Engagement Intimate Partner Violence has devastating costs for both the individual, and community. Evidence clearly indicates that survivors of partner violence can experience short and long-term 96 physical and mental health consequences. In a holistic sense, this costs them emotionally, physically, spiritually, mentally, and even monetarily when healthcare, counselling, and loss of employment is accounted for. At a societal level, the impacts of partner violence are widespread. A study done in 2009 estimated that partner violence had an overall economic impact of $7.4 billion (Department of Justice). While investing in services for survivors is necessary, it is equally critical to direct efforts to prevention. In 2022, the Standing Committee on the Status of Women created a report of recommendations with input from numerous witnesses, including several suggestions for preventative work. Prevention efforts can take numerous forms, such as, educating school-aged youth on healthy relationships. Recommendation 24 states, “that the Government of Canada, respecting the jurisdictions of provinces and territories, develop educational tools regarding bodily autonomy and consent for children and youth using an intersectional lens and informed by social context, for public availability and distribution, to support Canadian parents, and continue to fund organizations who provide these services, as well as implement early prevention campaigns in relation to intimate partner violence, adolescent relationships, healthy relationships, and mental health in high schools and post-secondary institutions” (2022, p.80). Research demonstrates that comprehensive sexual education produces positive outcomes regarding the reduction and prevention of partner violence (Goldfarb and Lieberman, 2021; Moulin-Stozek, 2021). When considered through the lens of care ethics, by providing holistic education to all potentially involved in a relationship, the moral responsibility is thereby shifted from the vulnerable partner to both parties (Farhall et al., 2022). Addressing systemic vulnerabilities such as women’s immigration status is another measure of prevention. The Standing Committee’s 28th recommendation suggests “that the 97 Government of Canada, in partnership with community organizations and ethnic community associations, offer support and fund services for newcomers, and provide pathways for women with precarious immigration status who might be vulnerable to exploitation and abuse, as offered through language resources and settlement supports, temporary resident status, and open work permits, in a way that is consistent with the cultural and social context of these communities” (2022, p.81). In addition to decreasing the vulnerability to violence, improving flexibility for visas and work permits also increases immigrant women’s’ abilities to seek resources without the fear of legal repercussions or potential deportation (Sabri et al., 2020). Examples such as this serve as a demonstration of the direct need for inclusion of intersectional policies. 5.3.2 Intersectional Approach As demonstrated in Chapter 2, women and gender-diverse people experience partner violence at disproportionate rates as a result of overlapping systems of oppression. Puig de la Bellacasa highlights that in order to create policy with care, policymakers must act “with awareness of oppression, and with commitments to neglected experiences” (2011, p. 96 as cited in Martino et al., 2020, p.2). With this understanding in mind, I argue that moving forward, when governments state they are utilising an intersectional approach, their work must go beyond stating that intersectional experiences of oppression exist. Governments must ensure that “individuals are recognised” and acknowledge that “they coexist in mutually interdependent, interconnected, and often unequal relationships” (p.2). To do this, it is critical that the gender violence policies in a Canadian context unequivocally recognise and take responsibility for the role of the state in systemic oppression, particularly referencing colonial legacies. Moreover, governments at municipal, provincial, and federal levels should work collaboratively to solve public crises impacting gender violence. This includes combatting the 98 rising cost of living, housing affordability and availability, substance use and addiction, mental health services, and accessibility in remote communities. Furthermore, combatting partner violence against Indigenous women means that the Canadian government needs to act in accordance with the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) by respecting and upholding Indigenous sovereignty, including during treaty and resource negotiations. Ultimately, upholding an intersectional approach requires the utmost dedication throughout all aspects of government, not just those directly engaging gender policies. 5.3.3 Shifting Leadership During interviews with frontline service providers, it became increasingly clear that executive directors along with the staff at each local organisation had years of first-hand experience serving survivors of partner violence. Although consultations can provide valuable insights when creating policies, I argue it is simply not enough. As demonstrated by the continuous development of the action plan in British Columbia, policies take time, sometimes years to fully implement. If consultations occur in the beginning stages, aspects of the policy may not be reflective of more current issues within the field. Therefore, with government support, policy development and future directions of research needs should be led by those actively serving on the frontlines to better reflect present-day conditions. 5.4 Concluding Remarks At the beginning of this dissertation, I questioned whether the federal and provincial policies had effectively shifted to meet the needs of non-profits and similar organisations within British Columbia as a result of pandemic-based challenges. Throughout the previous five chapters I have examined the extensive barriers that exist when attempting to create meaningful policies. By considering the nuanced lived experiences and vulnerabilities of survivors, as well as the 99 barriers faced by service providers, it has become increasingly clear that there is significant work still to be done. 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Thesis/Dissertation
eng
Interdisciplinary Studies
Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library
Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International
Graduate
Rochlin, James Francis, 1956-
Gender-based violence and COVID-19 : how the pandemic has shifted GBV policies, and implications for non-governmental organisations and non-profits
Text