Science, Faculty of
Computer Science, Department of
DSpace
UBCV
Iqbal, Faqia
Master of Science - MSc
University of British Columbia
Many of us have experienced the need to filter the information we share with the world. There is a dearth of research in the field of privacy in the context of non-WEIRD populations and immigrants living in WEIRD (Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic) societies. In this thesis, I explore how Punjabi Canadian adults navigate the potential conflicts between their two cultural identities and how this affects their digital privacy decisions. I identify the social and cultural factors that influence the privacy choices of Punjabi Canadians, and how these individuals react to the resulting social sanctions. These sanctions may limit their freedom and their right to privacy both in physical and virtual settings. I conducted 12 interviews with Punjabi Canadians and used constructivist grounded theory to elicit themes related to the “What,” “Why,” and “How” of their privacy choices and behaviours. I found that the collectivist nature of the Punjabi culture is reflected in their privacy regulation practices, which involve the family as well as the individual. There was an asymmetry of information flow between the Punjabi and Canadian sides of an individual’s social circle. This was highlighted by the norm of physical and social gender segregation among Punjabi Canadians, where the Punjabi side was more often kept in the dark about activities that involved gender mixing. I also found that women participants were especially fluent in privacy-preserving practices, which may be due to their being held to a higher standard than men, facing greater surveillance, and having more familial responsibilities and restrictions on their clothing and mobility. The Punjabi culture represents a significant portion of South Asian culture while the Canadian culture represents North American culture. Hence, the findings of this study are relevant to immigrants in North America, especially from South Asia. Apart from immigrants, they are also transferable to other populations experiencing conflicting identities.
Privacy and Conflicting Identities inthe Context of Punjabi CanadiansbyFaqia IqbalB.Sc., Lahore University of Management Sciences, 2019A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OFTHE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OFMASTER OF SCIENCEinThe Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies(Computer Science)THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA(Vancouver)December 2022© Faqia Iqbal 2022The following individuals certify that they have read, and recommend tothe Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies for acceptance, the thesisentitled:Privacy and Conflicting Identities in the context of Punjabi-Canadianssubmitted by Faqia Iqbal in partial fulfillment of the requirements for thedegree of Master of Science in Computer ScienceExamining Committee:Dr. Ivan Beschastnikh, Associate Professor, Computer Science, UBCSupervisorDr. Dongwook Yoon, Assistant Professor, Computer Science, UBCSupervisory Committee MemberiiAbstractMany of us have experienced the need to filter the information we share withthe world. There is a dearth of research in the field of privacy in the contextof non-WEIRD populations and immigrants living in WEIRD (Western,Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic) societies. In this thesis,I explore how Punjabi Canadian adults navigate the potential conflicts be-tween their two cultural identities and how this affects their digital privacydecisions. I identify the social and cultural factors that influence the privacychoices of Punjabi Canadians, and how these individuals react to the result-ing social sanctions. These sanctions may limit their freedom and their rightto privacy both in physical and virtual settings. I conducted 12 interviewswith Punjabi Canadians and used constructivist grounded theory to elicitthemes related to the “What,” “Why,” and “How” of their privacy choicesand behaviours.I found that the collectivist nature of the Punjabi culture is reflectedin their privacy regulation practices, which involve the family as well asthe individual. There was an asymmetry of information flow between thePunjabi and Canadian sides of an individual’s social circle. This was high-lighted by the norm of physical and social gender segregation among PunjabiCanadians, where the Punjabi side was more often kept in the dark aboutactivities that involved gender mixing. I also found that women participantswere especially fluent in privacy-preserving practices, which may be due totheir being held to a higher standard than men, facing greater surveillance,and having more familial responsibilities and restrictions on their clothingand mobility. The Punjabi culture represents a significant portion of SouthAsian culture while the Canadian culture represents North American cul-ture. Hence, the findings of this study are relevant to immigrants in NorthAmerica, especially from South Asia. Apart from immigrants, they are alsotransferable to other populations experiencing conflicting identities.iiLay SummaryMy thesis looks at how people from Punjabi backgrounds living in Canadamanage their cultural identities as both Punjabi and Canadian and how thisimpacts their decisions about their digital privacy. I interviewed 12 PunjabiCanadians in Canada and discovered that their culture affects how theyhandle their privacy. The research found that the amount of informationthat is shared with the people in a person’s social network who identify withthe Punjabi culture and those who identify with the Canadian culture is notequal. I also found that women were especially good at protecting theirprivacy and proposed some explanations for this. The results of this studywill be useful for understanding how other groups with mixed identitieshandle their digital privacy.iiiPrefaceThis dissertation is an original, unpublished, independent work by the au-thor, Faqia Iqbal. This study was approved by BREB (UBC Research EthicsBoard) under UBC BREB number H21-00285 and PAA number H21-00285-A001.ivTable of ContentsAbstract . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iiLay Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iiiPreface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ivTable of Contents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vList of Tables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . viiAcknowledgements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . viiiDedication . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 Background . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 Methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63.1 Why Study Punjabi Canadians? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63.2 Study Design . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73.2.1 Ethical Considerations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83.3 Participant Recruitment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83.4 Analysis Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93.5 Researcher Positionality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104 Findings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124.1 Collectivist nature of privacy regulation in Punjabi-Canadians124.1.1 Monitoring of smartphones by authority figures . . . 134.1.2 Interference by authority figures in everyday social ac-tivity. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 134.1.3 Gatekeeping of social media posting by family . . . . 14v4.1.4 Self-imposed censorship . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 154.2 Physical and social gender segregation as a norm for Punjabi-Canadians . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164.2.1 Gender segregation in Punjabi culture . . . . . . . . . 164.2.2 Discouraging gender mixing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 174.2.3 The role of tech in gender mixing . . . . . . . . . . . 184.2.4 Privacy leakage and its consequences . . . . . . . . . 194.3 Privacy fluency in Punjabi-Canadian women as a defensemechanism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 204.3.1 Rules of public conduct for women . . . . . . . . . . . 204.3.2 Restrictions on women’s clothing and mobility . . . . 214.3.3 Creating Online Safe Spaces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 235 Related Work . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 275.1 Privacy Concerns and Privacy Management . . . . . . . . . . 275.2 Conflicting Identities and their effect on Privacy Management 295.3 Cultural Identity in the context of Immigrants . . . . . . . . 305.4 Technology Use and Privacy Perceptions outside the West . 316 Design Implications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 347 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37viList of Tables3.1 Interviewed participants. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9viiAcknowledgementsThis thesis could not have taken shape without the immense support andguidance of Dr. Ivan Beschastnikh. I am grateful for the time and efforthe dedicated to my development, for his patience and encouragement as Inavigated through the challenges of grad school, and for simply making thisentire process easier for me.I am grateful to Paul H. Bucci for his invaluable advice and insightthroughout, and for making time for brainstorming sessions.I thank Dr. Dongwook Yoon for his valuable feedback and his time.I would also like to thank Dr. Margo Seltzer for being so kind to mewhen I first started at UBC and for her support along the way.viiiFor my parents, Asma and Iqbal: for giving me wingsFor my sister, Paloma: for her silent supportAnd for Ozair: for his love and patienceixChapter 1IntroductionPrivacy is a multifaceted concept that is influenced by a number of factorsand holds importance for different individuals and fields of research for avariety of reasons. For an individual, protecting their informational privacyis a way to assert control of how they wish to present themselves to whoeverthey want, to whatever extent and in whichever context [14] [40]. This iswhy privacy is a key issue in the context of social media, which can be apowerful tool for self-expression and self-identity. How a person managestheir privacy and self-disclosure on social media is related to their need forself-identity, as supported by Goffman’s theory of self-presentation [17]. Inother words, their decisions about what personal information they share onsocial media are related to their desire to have a clear sense of themselvesand to present a certain image of themselves to others [40].Privacy, by virtue of being a social construct, varies across different cul-tures and time periods. In collectivist societies, where the emphasis is onthe needs and goals of the group rather than on the individual, individualsmay be more willing to sacrifice their personal privacy for the good of thegroup, whereas in individualistic societies, individuals may place a highervalue on their own personal privacy. In immigrant communities, where indi-viduals from one culture have assimilated in another culture, their prioritiesmight vary depending on their bicultural identities. Therefore, the conceptof privacy is not fixed, but rather it is shaped by the cultural context inwhich it is understood and practiced.The problem, however, is that most major social media platforms arebased in the United States and their privacy settings were designed basedon western privacy values, catering to those from WEIRD societies. West-ern societies have been dominant in the production and dissemination ofknowledge, allowing them to impose their values and perspectives on othersocieties. This has led to a bias towards Western perspectives in the studyof privacy and a lack of attention to the privacy values and traditions of non-Western cultures. This is the collective result of the dominance of Westernacademic institutions and research methodologies, and the privileged posi-tion of Western societies in the global hierarchy.1As the world becomes increasingly interconnected and globalized, it isimportant for privacy technology to be able to operate across different cul-tural and geographic boundaries, and value dimensions. This includes notjust non-western communities but a distinct and gradually growing usergroup of immigrants in western cultures with non-western backgrounds whoface a conflict of cultural identities. To develop inclusive privacy technol-ogy, it is necessary to engage in dialogue with people from different culturalcontexts to provide a nuanced and accurate understanding of the privacyissues they face. In recent years, there has been an effort to understandthe privacy perspectives and practices and use of technology in non-westerncultures. I have discussed some of the important works in the related workin Chapter 5. My study is aligned with the goal of these studies but focuseson a different population.In my thesis, I aim to bring clarity to the privacy concerns and privacy-preserving practices of young adults belonging to the Punjabi community ofCanada. Even though the individuals of this community are living in thewestern, individualistic culture of Canada, they are still connected to theirPunjabi, collectivist roots. I inspect how Punjabi Canadian adults balancetheir two cultural identities and investigate how their identities may or maynot conflict with each other. Further, I explore how this impacts their digitalprivacy decisions. For the purpose of this study, privacy is defined as theright to being free from intrusion, disturbance, or interference by others, inone’s communication with others, online activity, decisions, and everydayactivities. This definition encompasses the right to both information andindividual privacy.The Punjabi Canadian population is unique in that it consists of indi-viduals from a South Asian, collectivist culture living in a western, individ-ualistic culture. We need to be familiar with their social system to get asense of their privacy concerns and the reasons behind their privacy choices.Since the individuals in this population are at varying stages in the processof acculturation, the existing literature is not enough to develop an under-standing of the social structures that influence their everyday lives. Hence,my first research question is: 1. What are the social structures thatimpose sanctions on Punjabi Canadians (PCs) when they makedigital privacy choices?Once we know what social structures impose sanctions on PCs, we needto know what privacy hurdles they face as a result of them. What rulesand restrictions do they need to follow, why do they need to follow them,what different forms do these restrictions take, and which aspects of anindividual’s life do they apply to? All of these questions are summarized2in my second research question, which is: 2. What is the nature of thesanctions that PCs experience in the privacy context as a resultof social structures?Finally, we need to investigate how PCs respond to the sanctions theyface. What steps do they take to safeguard their privacy and freedom, whatare they willing to compromise or not compromise on and how do theybalance their culture with Canadian culture? I intend to examine all of theabove in the last research question: 3. How do PCs adapt their privacychoices in response to such sanctions?Overall, by investigating the social structures that impose sanctions onPCs, the sanctions they experience, and how they adapt their privacy choicesin response, we can gain a better understanding of the challenges and com-plexities they face in safeguarding their privacy. I conducted this investiga-tion by interviewing 12 PCs living in Vancouver. I then utilized construc-tivist grounded theory to uncover themes connected to this topic [10].I found that the collectivist nature of the Punjabi culture is reflected intheir practices of privacy regulation, which are not limited to the individ-ual but involve the family as well. There was an asymmetry of informationflow between the Punjabi and Canadian sides of an individual’s social circle,highlighted by the contradictory norm of physical and social gender segre-gation among PCs. I further found that women participants were especiallyfluent in privacy-preserving practices which can be attributed to their beingheld to a higher standard than men, facing greater surveillance, having morefamilial responsibilities and more restrictions on their clothing and mobility.This topic is especially interesting to me because I myself am part of thePC community as I will elaborate on later in my positionality statement inSection 3.5. The findings of this study are not just relevant to immigrantsbut are transferable to any population experiencing conflicting identitiessince such individuals are motivated to develop creative security strategiesthat stretch the limits of existing privacy settings in typical applications. Istudy their strategies to provide insight into privacy issues faced by all suchimmigrant communities from collectivist societies in Canada.In the next chapter, I introduce the reader to Punjab, Punjabis inCanada, and the Punjabi culture, to provide context to the research ques-tions.3Chapter 2BackgroundThe region of Punjab comprises of an area located in northwestern Indiaand an area situated in present day northeastern Pakistan. The province ofPunjab was divided between India and Pakistan in 1947 at the time of theirindependence from the British Empire, but the Punjabi culture of both sidesof the border remains similar. Cultural aspects such as dress, food, films andfolklore to music, poetry, and dance, are common but perhaps the biggestuniting factor is the Punjabi language. Punjabi identity has conventionallybeen characterized by linguistic, geographical, and cultural factors. It is nottied to historical origin or religion, but rather refers to individuals who re-side in the Punjab region or have a connection to its population, and thosewho speak Punjabi as their first language. This includes both Pakistani andIndian individuals [36]. Before the partition, even the religions were evenlydistributed in Punjab, but now the Pakistani side holds a majority of Mus-lims, with a minority of Christians, while the Indian side holds a majorityof Sikhs and a minority of Hindus. The culture of Punjab is influenced byall the major religions of the region.There is a large population of Punjabis living outside of Punjab, espe-cially in the UK and Canada. Punjabi immigrants first arrived in Canadain the late 19th century and initially had a hard time due to their smallnumbers and the discrimination and racism they often encountered [39]. Asa result, many immigrants felt the need to bend in favour of the majorityculture to be accepted. Today Canada has the 2nd highest number of Pun-jabis living outside India and Pakistan [19]. There are a total of 942,170PCs, making up 2.593% of the total Canadian population, the 2nd highestnumber of which is present in Vancouver, British Columbia, with the 1stand 3rd highest being in Toronto and Calgary respectively [20].Punjabi culture is highly collectivist, with an emphasis on social harmonyand conformity. In collectivist cultures, people often have a strong sense ofbelonging and identity based on their group membership, and they mayprioritize group goals and norms over their own personal desires and needs[38]. People take pride in their family’s history and traditions and may seetheir family connections as an important part of who they are. Strong family4ties are considered your social capital and independence from the family isnot considered a strength, but is perceived as selfish. Since the family unitis so closely-knit, any action that vilifies the individual reflects badly onthe entire family [37]. This is why decisions are made with the good of thefamily in mind, with a greater consideration of social norms than individualattitudes [38]. This means that the family plays a role in decision-making,especially when it comes to important life events, such as marriage and careerchoices [37]. In Punjab, like in most collectivist cultures, uniqueness is notcelebrated but is made to conform to family and social pressure. Childrenare given the lesson of staying true to their cultural values and not strayingoff the beaten path. Overall, there is a greater regard for society’s opinion,and an effort to maintain a good reputation and healthy social connections.All in all, Punjabi culture is characterized by the Punjabi language anda strong emphasis on community and social cohesion. Cultural practicessuch as language, clothing, food, and others are shared by individuals onboth sides of the India-Pakistan border. There is also a significant popula-tion of Punjabis living outside of the Punjab region, particularly in the UKand Canada. Punjabi families are typically close-knit, with family ties andtraditions being held in high regard. Family members are often involved indecision-making around significant life events. Despite the political divisionbetween India and Pakistan, the shared culture of the Punjabi people servesto bring people together across national boundaries.5Chapter 3MethodologyI used constructivist grounded theory [10] in my study since I required aqualitative research method that was well-suited to the study of complexsocial phenomena and was useful for generating a theory that is groundedin the data. Constructivist grounded theory is a variation of grounded the-ory [16] that combines the principles of grounded theory with constructivism.I favoured constructivist grounded theory over traditional grounded theorysince it recognizes that the researcher’s own perspective and preconceptionsinfluence the data collection and analysis process. I was thus encouragedto be reflexive and transparent about my Punjabi background [Section 3.5]which was bound to colour my position since it is such a huge part of myidentity and one of the main reasons why I chose this topic in the first place.This ensured that the theories generated were grounded in the data andwere not simply the result of my own biases. By contrast, in traditionalgrounded theory, the researcher is generally expected to be objective andunbiased in the construction of the theory.The study was conducted in Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada, withparticipants who identified as Punjabi – belonging to the province of Punjabin either India or Pakistan. This chapter is divided into five sections. Firstof all, in Section 3.1 I present the reasons behind PCs as my choice ofpopulation. Then, I expand upon the Study Design in Section 3.2, i.e theframework for conducting the study and collecting data. Next, I describe themethod and the criteria for participant recruitment in Section 3.3. This isfollowed by Section 3.4, Analysis methods, which explain how the data wasanalyzed to answer the research questions. Finally, I present my ResearcherPositionality as it relates to my research in Section 3.5 .3.1 Why Study Punjabi Canadians?I chose PCs as my population because it holds a personal significance for me.Since I am a part of this community, I understand it from within and theirprivacy concerns resonate with me. I was also better equipped to conduct6research on PCs as opposed to any other immigrant community for the samereason.Pakistan and India both consist of various different ethnicities, differentregional languages, and a variety of different cultures. Since the aim of thestudy is to explore the effect of conflicting cultures, and not nationalities,Punjabis are an ideal choice. National and cultural identity is often con-flated, hence it is convenient to dismiss the same nationality as the causefor the similarities between our participants from the very start.Additionally, Punjabis in Canada make up a significant portion of thetotal population, with almost a million PCs accounting for 2.6% of Canada’spopulation [19] [20]. The culture of Punjab represents a major chunk of thepopulation of South Asia, while the Canadian culture is representative ofNorth American culture. As such, the results of this study would be directlyapplicable to a much larger population of immigrants living in North Amer-ica and indirectly applicable to non-western immigrants living in westerncountries, all of whom deserve attention from the research community.3.2 Study DesignI used a qualitative approach for this study and conducted semi-structuredinterviews with 12 PC individuals. The interviews were conducted one-on-one and the participants were encouraged to be alone during that time sothat they would be comfortable speaking freely, without interruptions orfear of being overheard. All meetings were held over zoom. The interviewswere approximately one hour long and were conducted in either English,Urdu, Punjabi, or Hindi, as per the participants’ preference.Each interview started by asking general questions about the partici-pant’s academic and professional background, when and how they movedto Canada, and their family structure. This was followed by more personalquestions about the person’s childhood, rules and restrictions set by theirguardians and their religious and cultural practices. Finally, the conversa-tion shifted to their use of technology and social media, specifically theirprivacy practices and behaviours. They were encouraged to share incidentsrelated to privacy breaches and their struggles with surveillance or snooping.In December 2021, I conducted a pilot study consisting of 10 interviewsusing a different set of questions. This not only gave me a chance to refine theinterview questions but also allowed me to better structure my interview andhighlight potential gaps or wastage in data collection by helping me gaugehow the questions were received and how much information I was getting7out of them. I will not detail the findings of these pilot interviews.3.2.1 Ethical ConsiderationsThe study was approved by UBC’s Behavioural Research Ethics Board(BREB). Prior to the interviews, the participants were briefed on the typeof information that would be collected and how it would be used throughan Introduction Letter. The interviews were recorded with the participants’consent. Instead of recording names, each participant was given a uniqueID which was used to refer to them. The recordings of the interview werestored in a local server at UBC where only the researchers working on thestudy could access them.3.3 Participant RecruitmentI recruited participants who were 18 years or older, were of Punjabi descent,and were living in Metro Vancouver, British Columbia. The participantswere recruited through i) social contacts, ii) word-of-mouth, and iii) Face-book community groups. I targeted young (under 35 years of age) and ed-ucated (attended a post-secondary institution) participants since they weremore likely to use and understand social media and have experience withprivacy settings. This theoretical sampling was followed so that I might getbetter insight into the research questions. Some latter participants snow-balled from earlier participants.I initially shared the Introduction Letter briefing the purpose of thestudy with the participants via email. If they responded favourably, I sentthem the consent form to sign. The interviews were scheduled based on theavailability of both the interviewee and interviewer. No compensation wasprovided to any of the participants.I took care to recruit a group of participants that belonged to both theIndian and Pakistani sides of Punjab, were representative of the religiousmajorities of the region, and were gender-balanced. Six participants eachbelonged to the Indian and Pakistani sides of Punjab. All participants fromPakistan were Muslim, while there were four Sikhs and two Hindus fromIndia. Two participants belonged to low-income backgrounds, while theothers were from mid to high-income families. All the participants identifiedas cisgender. A total of seven women and five men were interviewed. Theirage range was 20-34 years old. The participant information is summarizedin Table: 3.1, with the names anonymized. I reference the names when I8quote what different participants said during their interviews in Chapter4 : Findings.Participant Gender Age Religion Origin country Status in CanadaAli M 34 Islam Pakistan 2nd-generation immigrantAditi W 25 Hinduism India International studentSimran W 23 Sikhism India 1st-generation immigrantShaarif M 25 Islam Pakistan International studentWali M 31 Islam Pakistan 1st-generation immigrantMinahil W 25 Islam Pakistan International studentAmreek M 24 Sikhism India 1st-generation immigrantManpreet W 20 Sikhism India International StudentSartaj M 32 Sikhism India 1st-generation immigrantSanjana W 30 Hinduism India 1st generation immigrantAyesha W 23 Islam Pakistan International studentMaha W 25 Islam Pakistan International studentTable 3.1: Interviewed participants.3.4 Analysis MethodsThe interviews were first transcribed and translated into English. Any cul-turally specific terms were written down in brackets in front of their Englishtranslations.I followed an inductive approach [10] and allowed the themes to emergefrom the data without letting my research questions sway me. I first famil-iarized myself with the data by reading through the interview transcripts. Ithen conducted open coding, which led to a rough codebook of categoricalcodes. Each interview transcript was discussed with my fellow researchersin collective memoing sessions.Next, I performed semantic and interpretive coding in excel sheets. Thisstep was done with one excel sheet per interview where each row containedthe transcription of one response and the columns mirrored the categoricalcodes derived during the first round of open coding. A response was definedas an answer or set of statements made by the participant after a questionis asked by the interviewer. The ‘question’ could also be a prompt or acontinuation of an earlier question such as “..and does this happen often?”or “can you give me an example of that?”. The coder listened to the mp49recording of the interview while coding to get a more nuanced knowledge ofeach response.I also conducted affinity diagramming to develop and refine the codebookfurther. Once I had the final codebook, themes were defined by grouping therecurrent and most interesting codes together. In further iterative roundsof coding, I went back to each participant and scanned the data for eachtheme. Since only one researcher did the coding process, I did not calculateinter-rater reliability.3.5 Researcher PositionalityI am a young woman from Punjab, Pakistan studying at a Canadian uni-versity. I am the first woman in my family to leave my country to studyabroad. I have many identities and I have been balancing them all for a longtime but moving to Canada was my first experience with living in a placewhere the culture and the language were not my own. The PC communityis of special interest to me since I myself am a part of it. I not only sharethe culture but am also fluent in Urdu, Hindi, and Punjabi, which helpedme connect with the target population.My first contact with PCs was with the international students at UBCwho were exploring a whole new way of life for the first time, just like myself.What interested me, and pushed me towards this particular research study,was how they decided to curate their online social life such that they sharedwith each of their social group only what was ‘culturally acceptable’ to thatparticular group. From here on out, I started to notice the nuances anddifferences in the family culture of second and third-generation PCs andmy mind turned toward my present research questions. I thought it wasfitting to conduct research that focuses on a non-WEIRD population usingthe platform of a western university.Being a part of the Punjabi culture and knowing the language was anadvantage for me during this study since the participants did not need toexplain many of their values and traditions to me from scratch. It alsohelped me recruit participants and build rapport with them. However, Ifelt that it affected my ability to bracket my personal experiences and madeit challenging for me to keep my personal insight separate during the datacollection process. I countered this by making sure I probed deeper into theiranswers in order to make certain phenomena, that we both might have animplicit understanding of, are clear to a cultural outsider. I then discussedthe interviews with two non-Punjabi individuals namely my supervisor, Ivan,10and Ph.D. student, Paul, to get their insights and to counter any of my ownbiases.11Chapter 4FindingsThis chapter is divided into three parts, each dedicated to one of the ma-jor themes that emerged during my analysis. Section 4.1 explains how thecollectivist nature of Punjabi culture is reflected in their privacy regulationpractices, which involve not only the individual but also their family. Sec-tion 4.2 discusses the asymmetry of information flow between the Punjabiand Canadian sides of an individual’s social circle, which was highlightedby the norm of physical and social gender segregation among PCs. Lastly,Section 4.3 describes how women participants demonstrated a high levelof proficiency in privacy-preserving practices, which can potentially be at-tributed to the fact that they are held to higher standards than men, facegreater surveillance, and have more familial responsibilities and restrictionson their clothing and mobility.4.1 Collectivist nature of privacy regulation inPunjabi-CanadiansThe family influences a PC’s online privacy practices, just like other aspectsof their life. Regulation of the digital privacy of a PC individual, as seenthrough the interviews, was not limited to their personal judgment but ex-tended to that of other family members who helped them manage it. Theseauthority figures were usually the participant’s parent, sibling, or other closerelatives. They regulated the privacy of the participant by various means,some welcomed and some unwelcomed by them. Through surveillance andinterference, these authority figures kept a check on the participant’s onlineactivity and ensured that they were being mindful of their culture and fa-milial responsibilities when posting on social media. Well-integrated partic-ipants depended on these regulators for consultation before posting certaincontent and conducted self-checking, as well.124.1.1 Monitoring of smartphones by authority figuresThe most common authority figures to conduct surveillance were parents,specifically mothers, who went through messages, pictures, and social mediaaccounts on their child’s phones. This was common when the participantsfirst started using phones and could be seen as a ‘training period’ wherethe child was learning how to use social media under the supervision ofa parent. In some cases, participants reported having shared their phonewith a parent or sibling as another way to learn before being trusted withtheir own. While most participants found this to be frustrating, a few, likeSimran 1, accepted it without question and were of the opinion that it wasgood for them. During this time, in cases where the child was found doingsomething unacceptable, they were reprimanded and punished to ensurethat they would not do it again. For example, Simran’s sister had herphone confiscated for multiple days after it was found that she had beenadding strangers to her Snapchat account.A hierarchy of authority figures was observed in multiple instances wherethe parents kept a check on the messages and social media posts of an elderchild, who in turn kept a check on the younger sibling. The elder siblingwas responsible for ensuring that younger siblings were using social mediaresponsibly and to keep the parents informed. In the case of Maha, herelder sister used to go through her messages and her Twitter account tosee whether Maha was telling the truth about her different outing plans.A similar pattern was seen where fathers were the authority figure in thehouse with mothers keeping a regular watch over children, and only extremecases of rule-breaking being reported to the father. This form of directchecking usually occurred in the participant’s teens and was more commonfor women than men. It became less frequent as the participants grew older,and was replaced with interference i.e., questioning, verbal restrictions, andsuggestions.4.1.2 Interference by authority figures in everyday socialactivity.Authority figures in a PC household also use questioning, restrictions, andgiving suggestions as a way to keep family members in check. All familymembers keep in touch on a regular basis, and parents are especially awareof their children’s whereabouts, who they are with and what they are doing,as long as they are living together. Participants said that they always told1This is the anonymized name of the participant, as listed in Table: 3.113their parents where they were going and with whom and had to share theirplans before getting permission. They had to follow curfew and womenespecially could not stay out late. Even now, participants who live awayfrom their parents said that they speak to them every day and share theireveryday activities.Apart from their whereabouts, family members also kept track of whothe children were talking to and what they were sharing on social media.Almost all participants said that if they are on a call in front of their parents,they get asked who they were speaking to. Ali said that he was questionedabout the woman friend he was speaking to and was later told by his fatherto keep his distance. Women especially got comments on the pictures theyshared. Some were not allowed to share their own pictures up until a certainage, and once they were, family members sometimes disapproved of the kindof pictures they shared. For example, Maha’s maternal aunt asked her totake down a picture of herself since she did not think it was modest enough.In other instances, family members advised the participants to remove apost or change its privacy settings because they felt it was inappropriate tobe shared with the selected audience. Sometimes parents and siblings kepttrack of what the participants were posting, without ever commenting onit. Manpreet’s parents were aware of her posts even though they were noton social media themselves. Whenever she posted something, her brothershowed her post to the entire family from his account. This collective natureof viewing posts and then discussing them later on as a family struck me asquite fitting of a collectivist culture.Family members are also known to guide each other to protect themselvesagainst other family members. If a particular person in a family is knownfor gossiping or spreading rumours, then family members advise each otherto block or restrict them online to avoid unpleasantness. Ali’s sister directedhim in such a manner and also nudged him towards password-protecting hisphone when around family.4.1.3 Gatekeeping of social media posting by familyIndividuals feel the need to consult with their family members before postingcontent on social media. It is a way to ask permission and guidance at thesame time. This is common if they are exploring something new, or suspectthat it was something they can get into trouble for posting later on andthink it best to confirm beforehand. The person who participants turnedto for consultation most often was their mother. Most, particularly women,identified their mother to be their confidant and shared most about their life14with her. “I’m obsessed with my mother”, Aditi said, as she told me howshe stayed in touch with her mother every day through Whatsapp calls.Similarly, Sanjana said, “I tell my mom everything”, despite the fact thatshe too regarded her as an authority figure.Participants depended on their mom’s judgement, sometimes even morethan their own. If their mother vetoed their post or gave them a reasonto not post it, they wouldn’t. Simran would frequently consult her motheron whether she looked too ‘modern’ before posting a picture of herself onInstagram and greatly valued her opinion. She conveyed this by saying, “Ifmy mother convinces me that a picture is not good, I’ll just take it off”. Sim-ilarly, Minahil and Ayesha both had consulted their mother on the ’appro-priateness’ of a picture before sharing it on Instagram. Sometimes though,it was not a matter of getting a post approved but just having another setof eyes to confirm that it was sufficiently modest. Manpreet, for example,consulted her sister-in-law, who was close to her in age and almost like asister, about what music to add to her TikTok videos, such that the lyricswere clean, “I share [the song] with my sister-in-law and ask her how it willlook, that it wouldn’t look dirty.”4.1.4 Self-imposed censorshipParticipants who understand what their mothers approve of and no longerneed to consult with her anymore have self-imposed checking. Multipleparticipants expressed that the reason they did not consult their mothersanymore was that they already knew what her opinion would be and neverwent against it. Such participants usually knew from experience and the val-ues that have been ingrained in them since childhood, which course of actionwas most appropriate in a given situation. They also understood the cul-tural expectations enough to predict the response of their general audienceon social media. As a result, they did not post content that could be con-sidered offensive, controversial, or hurtful. As Simran put it, “I don’t postanything that can get disapproved.” Sometimes participants posted some-thing but later thought better of it, for example, Ayesha said, “Sometimesyou share a post, and you don’t really think about it, for example, a joke thatmay be inappropriate, but then I later feel that I have added too many peopleon Facebook, and they are going to judge me, so I delete it.” Another wayto deal with this included curating the audience for posts that could offenda particular group of people. For example, since Sanjana’s in-laws do notdrink alcohol for religious reasons, she hides related posts specifically fromthem to avoid souring the relationship.15In the Punjabi culture, there is an emphasis on maintaining relation-ships, even if they are disadvantageous for individuals [38]. Individuals areexpected to be courteous, especially to elders, and are not allowed to sayanything controversial or act in a way that would damage the relationship.Participants steered clear of taboo topics such as sex, gender diversity, preg-nancy, etc in family group chats even if they were vocal about relevant issueswith their friends. They also restrained themselves from talking back to el-ders of the extended family on topics that are considered non-negotiable,such as religion. Friend requests by family members are difficult to ignorebecause, as Sanjana put it, “it doesn’t look good”, and is considered rudeto not accept them. Individuals want to remain on good terms with familymembers while at the same time maintaining their privacy. Some partic-ipants found a way around this problem by accepting friend requests andrestricting the person. Others added them on Facebook since they never useit anymore anyway.Overall, from my interviews, I found that the regulation of privacy inPC households is collectivist in nature.4.2 Physical and social gender segregation as anorm for Punjabi-CanadiansThe interviews highlighted some norms of the Punjabi culture such as theimportance of family, restrictions on gender mixing, modesty in dressing,arranged marriage, and the importance of maintaining family honour amongothers. For the most part, PCs can live their lives parallel to the Canadianpeople while still following their own norms. However, it is not possibleto function in Canadian society while avoiding gender mixing. There is noconcept of restriction on gender mixing in Canadian culture, unlike Punjabiculture where gender segregation is the norm in most learning institutions,weddings and funerals, places of worship and religious gatherings, and familyget-togethers.4.2.1 Gender segregation in Punjabi cultureGender-mixing is discouraged in the Punjabi culture, and in the South Asianculture as a whole. The reasons for enforcing gender mixing restrictions onmen and women are slightly different, with more accountability demandedfrom women. The primary reason women are physically and socially segre-gated from men who are not their kin is to guard their honour and purity.16This is because the Punjabi culture is influenced by the major religions inthe region, all of which advocate modesty. In Hinduism, for example, thedaughter is regarded as the ‘honour’ of the home, which is to be guarded bythe men of the family [9]. Even in places where they must mingle, women arechaperoned by men in the family. Underpinning these practices is the ideathat both men’s and women’s sexuality need to be externally restrained be-cause intercourse outside of marriage is seen as undermining family stabilityand destroying family honour [25]. This notion is inherently collectivist andhas little value in individualistic cultures such as that of Canada. Hence,gender segregation, while regarded as necessary in Punjabi culture, is a for-eign concept in Canadian culture.Additionally, families place restrictions on men because interacting withwomen implies the potential of a romantic connection, which in turn impliesthe potential for marriage. The parents do not want their sons to marrya woman they don’t know and don’t approve of. Arranged marriage, ofthe parent’s choice, is still the norm in the Punjabi culture and while mostparents no longer have complete control over them, marriage decisions arestill intergenerational in nature [6]. This too does not hold true for mostwestern cultures, where marriage is seen as a way to solemnize the lovebetween two individuals.4.2.2 Discouraging gender mixingMost Punjabis still prefer to send their children to gender-segregated learn-ing institutions and if they can’t, then they advise them to keep their dis-tance from students of the other gender. The same advice is given to inter-national students when moving to Canada for studies. Women specificallyare asked to be careful in how they dress and behave at their universitiesso as to not attract men’s attention. In some cases, as with Simran, it istaboo for women to talk about boys in front of the family. The implicationis that it would be immodest to even discuss the opposite gender becauseshe would be expressing an interest in it. On the other end of the spectrum,Sartaj was comfortable speaking to his girlfriend in front of his father. How-ever, this was an exception and was only possible after his father passed onthe baton of being the authority figure in the house to Sartaj. In his ownwords: “I would be talking to my girlfriend, and my dad used to be sittingnext to me listening; my dad is very cool. Till I was a kid, he was a cruelleader but when I became the leader, he became like my younger brother”.It is important to note that the lax rules only applied to Sartaj and nothis younger sister, who was not allowed to have a boyfriend and ultimately17got married as per her family’s choice. The rules of gender mixing are setharder for the women since it is their modesty and honour that reflects thefamily’s honour, not the men’s.4.2.3 The role of tech in gender mixingThere is a dearth of physical spaces in South Asia where men and womencan meet and interact safely and without judgment, outside the supervisionof their families. While men enjoy greater freedom with regard to goingout with friends, many women are not given the same allowances (see nextsection), so their mobility is restricted to learning institutions and theirhomes. However, with the growing popularity of smartphones and the in-troduction of low-cost internet packages, nearly everyone gained access to aninternet-enabled device. Being in the same physical space was no longer arequirement as teenagers and young adults turned to technology to explorenew avenues for gender mixing in virtual spaces.As mobile phones became essential for a social life, parents felt thatit was essential to keep a check on them. To protect their privacy, youngusers started cultivating certain privacy-preserving behaviours. When askedwhether she kept a password on her phone, Aditi replied, “Of course, becausethere were so many boys texting me, if she [mom] read those, you know whatwould have happened?”, hinting at the trouble she would get into if hermother knew her password and had access to her conversations. On theother hand, Simran’s mom has always known her password and used tokeep an active check on her phone when she was younger to ensure that shewas not texting boys. At the age of 21, she still describes texting a boy as‘fishy’ behaviour — something she isn’t allowed to do — and ensures thather mother cannot read such texts by logging out of the mobile applicationwhere the texts exist.Upon moving to Canada, especially as international students, individualswere free to interact with the opposite gender both in person and online.However, evidence of gender mixing had to be hidden from their parentsand family members who disapproved. For this purpose, they employed newprivacy behaviours. Shaarif said that there is a part of his life in Canada thatis hidden from his parents. When probed, he explained, “It’s nothing bad.Like, I have a lot of women friends here, and I talk to them like my otherfriends.” While he admitted that he doesn’t know how his parents wouldreact if they read his texts, he would delete them before ever handing hisphone over. Similarly, Aditi’s dating life stays hidden from her grandparentsas she makes sure to crop her boyfriend out of pictures before sharing them18in the family Whatsapp group chat. Sanjana was scared to even use herphone in front of her parents when she was dating, lest they ask questionsabout who she is texting. Now that she is married to her then-boyfriend,she is lax about her privacy since there is, “Nothing to hide after marriage”.4.2.4 Privacy leakage and its consequencesDespite efforts to remain discreet, sometimes there are leaks in privacy dueto overlooked privacy settings on social media, excessive parental surveil-lance, or privacy breach in the shape of people taking screenshots of privateinformation and sharing it. Participants opened up about the consequencesthey had to face when this happened to them. Shaarif avoids posting pic-tures with his women friends on Facebook but does not regulate the pictureshe is tagged in by others. As a result, he was tagged in a picture with fourwomen friends at the Aurat March (Women’s March) in Lahore. One ofhis brother’s friends took a screenshot of it and forwarded it to his brother,who then shared it in the siblings’ Whatsapp group. Shaarif said that hewas teased and lightly chastised by his elder brothers over it but was able toconvince them not to tell their parents, especially their mom. He was sparedthe scolding he would have gotten if his mother saw him in the companyof multiple women, advocating for the rights of women and the LGBTQcommunity. Homosexuality is considered Haram in Islam and is a crimi-nal offence in Pakistan. Even the Women’s March is viewed in a negativelight by many conservative families and seen as a way of rebelling againsttradition and promoting indecency and moral corruption in youth.Simran’s sister had her phone confiscated for multiple days after her par-ents found messages from boys on her Snapchat account. What is curious isthat Simran hinted that her sister probably deserved it for adding unknownpeople to her account. It seemed justified to her that her sister was beingblamed and punished for simply ‘receiving’ flirty messages or conversationstarters from men, something that was not altogether in her control. Thisis another example of the uneven attribution of blame in the case of aninteraction between the genders.In another incident narrated by Shaarif, he spoke about a response hegave to a post on Facebook that talked about how his university has a lotof ‘Fahashi’ (indecency) and “Behayi” (immodesty) owing to co-education.In his response, he shared how boys who come from all-boys schools learnhow to interact with women and be more respectful towards them in co-education. His brother’s friend tagged his brother in the comments of thepost and said, “Look at what’s happened to your brother”. Shaarif took im-19mediate action, about which he said, “After that, I blocked him and deletedhis comment. I just made sure that he can’t see my post.” The conservativeopinion is that co-education is wrong and being seen as advocating for co-education can be detrimental to one’s public image as people may perceiveone as being immodest to want to be in close proximity with the oppositegender. Because of these restrictions and the consequences of breaking thoserestrictions, young PCs are careful to hide any evidence of gender mixingfrom their parents and family members who disapprove.While I expected the conflicting cultural identities of PCs, namely Pun-jabi and Canadian, to result in control of the flow of information from bothsides, i.e., one cultural identity being hidden from the social circle of theother cultural identity, this is not the case. The only aspect of their Cana-dian life that the Punjabis felt insecure about was their clothes, so theypreferred to wear western clothes in public to avoid questions and com-ments. There was no mention of hiding their cultural attire in the virtualsettings. There was an information flow asymmetry because PCs were em-ploying privacy practices to hide their adoption of western values from thePunjabi side of their social circle. These values were mainly related to re-strictions on gender mixing. This resulted in a segregation of their audiencefor all gender-mixing related content to be divided into Canadian and thoseinfluenced by Canadian values versus those who held on to Punjabi valuesexclusively. This norm divided the audience of their posts into two, withrestrictions on viewing posts only on the latter.4.3 Privacy fluency in Punjabi-Canadian womenas a defense mechanismIn my analysis, I found that being held to a higher standard than men, facinggreater surveillance, having more familial responsibilities and more overallrestrictions had led women participants to be especially fluent in privacy-preserving practices. In this section, I discuss the rules and restrictions theyface related to their behaviour in public [section 4.3.1] and their clothing andmobility [section 4.3.2]. Finally, I describe the different techniques womenuse to create online safe spaces for themselves as a response [section 4.3.3].4.3.1 Rules of public conduct for womenPunjabi women face greater scrutiny by society, which is more critical ofthem than for men. Women are expected to behave in a way that befits their20role of upholding their family’s honour in all social settings from a very youngage. Apart from its association with the family’s reputation, the reputationof a woman is fragile owing to the high standard on which women are judgedin comparison to men. It is for this reason that the burden of familialresponsibilities is heavier for the women of a household. Additionally, if thereputation of the woman is damaged, it can be detrimental to the odds of hergetting good arranged marriage proposals, making it a highly undesirableprospect for her parents. Ayesha alluded to this when asked why her parentsput so much stock in the gossip of distant relatives when she said, “Thenwe won’t get good proposals”.Because of this societal pressure, women do not have much margin forerror. They are expected to remain calm, composed, and modest, and notcall attention to themselves especially when out in public. This is conveyedin what Aditi said about her mother, “She [my mother] said there is no needto laugh so much when you’re outside in a public market..”. There is alsoan expectation from women to stay quiet, keep their opinions to themselves,and not speak out of turn in front of elders and especially in front of the menof the house. This is regarded as insolent and perceived as disrespectful. Itis the reason why Ayesha’s mother asked her to contain herself in front ofher uncles, saying “Girls shouldn’t speak so loudly”.In addition to their behaviour in front of others, women are also expectedto take on the role of a caretaker at home. Apart from taking an interestin their assigned gender roles of cooking and cleaning, they are expected tobe more mature and also share in the emotional burden of their parents.From helping out in the kitchen on Eid while the men sit in the drawingroom like Maha, to staying home with parents while their brother goes on atrip with his school friends like Manpreet, women are expected to be morecaring, more understanding, and therefore more sacrificing.4.3.2 Restrictions on women’s clothing and mobilityWhen asked about restrictions and rules, none of the men participants men-tioned anything related to their clothes. Even when speaking about religiousor cultural events, it is a matter of preference for men. By contrast, everywoman participant had some incident, comment, or restriction to share re-garding their choice of clothes. These comments came not just from theirparents or authority figures within their family unit, but more often fromthe extended family. It is considered acceptable for members of the ex-tended family, particularly aunts, to comment on the appearance of youngerwomen in the family so much so that participants went to family gatherings21expecting it to happen. Maha, who is from an educated, upper-middle-classfamily, said that her maternal aunt influences her mother to be more strictwith her, saying that her dress isn’t modest enough. Similarly, Ayesha saidher mother ingrained in her from a young age that she had to be carefulof how she dressed at family gatherings and not to put too much makeupon, otherwise she would be giving the family fodder for gossip. In her ownwords, “They [parents] also tell me if you are wearing this or if you are witha certain friend, then do not post on your Facebook, and show it to the wholefamily. They are like you know how our culture is, people talk and stuff.”This obsession with women’s clothing stems from the collectivist ideologyof maintaining family honour, as discussed earlier. Modesty in dress is acultural practice that is present not only in Punjab but in South Asia as awhole. An attempt to dress in a more western way is seen as a sign of moraldeterioration. This is evident from the reservations Shaarif’s parents hadabout sending him to a University where the women students were allowedto dress ‘liberally’. This is why many Universities enforce dress codes toensure that students dress modestly. National University of Sciences andTechnology (NUST) Pakistan, for example, does not allow women studentsto wear T-shirts, sleeveless shirts, shorts, or excessive makeup and statesthat students should wear “Sober and decent clothing” [2]. Punjab College,on the other hand, has a uniform that all students are expected to wear,which for women is traditional clothes [1].Societal pressure forces women to dress according to the definition ofmodesty of the extended family and greater social circle. This translates totheir families controlling their clothing and other aspects of their appear-ance. Punjabi women who came to Canada with their family unit remainedunder surveillance, while those that came to Canada as international stu-dents gained relative freedom due to being physically separated from theirfamilies. Still, they have to be careful of what they share with their familiesand anyone else who might relay information to them.The same concerns of maintaining family honour, as discussed before,limit women’s mobility, as well. More often than not, women are not al-lowed to go out at night, or to go out alone. Many participants expressedfrustration at these limitations which continued well into adulthood. Mi-nahil said that she yearned to be independent and for that purpose, shelearnt how to drive but was not allowed to take the car out alone until shestarted working at the age of 24. Getting permission to go on school orUniversity trips is even harder, with parents using emotional blackmail tokeep their daughters from going, and the daughters in turn telling lies inorder to be allowed to go.22Policing what women wear or where they go is not always an issue ofmorality or modesty alone as stated in some earlier work [9]. As in thecase of Aditi, whose mother was okay with her wearing short skirts as longas she was at home, or on school campus. Outside of that, she had tobe accompanied by someone. The traditional reasons for being chaperonedare also discussed in an earlier section, however, another concern is that ofsecurity. It is not safe to wear short clothes in many public areas in thesubcontinent because women face sexual harassment from men, which canescalate to physical harassment. The rape incidents in India [23] are someof the highest in the world, which makes parents fear for the safety of theirdaughters.4.3.3 Creating Online Safe SpacesAll of the restrictions they face in their real and virtual life make womenmore concerned than men about what they share with their families on so-cial media. This concern comes from the knowledge that they will be heldaccountable for any negative comment or backlash on their online activity.The different standards that men and women have to deal with are reflectedin their privacy practices. As found in previous literature [26], women aremore aware and conscious of their online privacy than men and employ moresecurity practices to ensure this privacy. In order to protect their freedom,women created online Safe Spaces for themselves. In doing so they becomemore fluent in privacy settings and techniques. This was seen in my inter-views where women had significantly more knowledge of privacy practicesand a set of rules and patterns that they followed in order to safeguard theirprivacy. These Safe Spaces were out of the reach of judgmental family mem-bers and anyone else who threatened their privacy was also weeded out. Themajority of women participants had very clear privacy rules and explainedthem in a cogent way. It was clear that they had given much thought to theprotocols they followed when adding someone or sharing something withtheir online social circle. On the contrary, men had to think about theiranswers and had vague privacy policies.Curating social media friend’s listsWomen participants curated the audiences of their different social mediaaccounts according to the content they shared on each of them. Instagramand Snapchat were the most popular choices for sharing selected contentwith a close social circle. Facebook on the other hand acted as a Rolodex23of contacts for most participants, both men and women, where they addedpeople that they did not want to add to their other, more active, socialmedia accounts. The criteria used by women for adding individuals wasbased neither on their location, nor on their status as friends or familyor work colleagues, but simply on trust. Women participants added onlythose individuals to their most private social media platform whom theyfelt were non-judgemental and could be trusted to not share their pictures.As Minahil put it, “If I think that someone will comment something on mypicture that I wouldn’t want to hear, then I won’t add them [on instagram],including relatives or friends”.Some participants excluded their close family, such as their siblings, andin the case of Ayesha and Aditi, their mothers. Other most commonlyexcluded people were elder relatives, older cousins, and anyone who had areputation for tale-telling or being conservative. Ayesha said, “I think it[adding someone] has more to do with trust. You know, it’s like there aresome people I knew from school... Then there are some cousins you knowwill judge you, or exaggerate everything. For example, if I am hanging outwith a man friend, they will exaggerate that I was doing something wrong.”On the other hand, men participants added anyone they had met in person,with a few expectations such as Amreek, who only added people his age,and Sartaj, who had removed a few relatives that he didn’t get along within real life.Multiple accounts: different accounts for different audiencesFemales sometimes further segregated their audience by having multipleaccounts on the same platform. These included accounts for writing abouttheir life without family members being able to read these posts, to cater toan entirely different social circle that was not added to their general-purposeaccount, or to post pictures that were either too many or too revealing tobe shared with their general circle. For example, Simran had to createa separate account for her religious community because she did not wantthem to read the “Trashy, or sexy” comments on her regular account. Asshe put it, “I have two legit accounts. . . The only purpose of making theother account was to add members of my [religious] community. . . they said’you’re on insta but you don’t add us’. Well, I add pictures and I don’t wantyou to see them!.... so, I had to create another account where I wouldn’tpost my own pictures as much as the other [account].”Maha had three Instagram accounts, and the audience of one of themwas all women so she could share pictures which she was uncomfortable24sharing with men. She very clearly explained what she needed each of thethree accounts for, “One is the main account, which is for regular stuff.Then I have a finsta [Fake Instagram] account. There I post some randomthings, like some thoughts and feelings, and random unfiltered pictures. Ihave very few people there, like 10-15 people. I have an art account, andthere I post some paintings and pictures. I am a bit insecure as to whatpeople will think of the drawing, so I have a smaller account.” She also hadtwo Twitter accounts, one personal and one for academic posts. While afew men participants also made multiple accounts, they never used them.Blocking and restricting online threatsJust like passes made by strangers in real life, women have to deal withstrangers on social media, as well; and, their parents are as concerned aboutthe latter as they are about the former. While none of the men participantsI interviewed had received unsolicited messages on social media, it is some-thing that every one of the women I interviewed had experienced. It is socommon that it was almost an afterthought for most of them to mentionthat they had blocked multiple persistent men on Facebook and Instagram.Women use the Blocking and Restricting features of Facebook and Insta-gram not only for strangers and lesser-known individuals but also for familymembers who pose a threat. Sanjana said that, “[I block], unknown people,if they are video calling or messaging [me], and the known people, when Ihear that they have said something about me to my parents, then I restrictthem.” Similarly, Ayesha said that she blocks relatives who gossip about theclothes she is wearing in her Instagram posts. Restricting is more commonin cases where women are afraid of offending family members, so they keepthem as friends but hide their posts from them.Other reasons for blocking individuals included message harassment byan ex in the case of Aditi and fundamental disagreement with their religiousor political ideology. Ayesha said, “I block a lot of people for the contentthey share like mostly religious views that don’t align. For example, duringAurat March [Women’s March], they posted some really shitty stuff that Idid not agree with, so I removed them.” Participants also blocked individualswho had sexual harassment complaints against them.Avoiding surveillance by authority figuresIn order to avoid surveillance by family members, women used multiplelines of defence. The very first type is password-protecting their personal25devices. Aditi said that she would never tell her mother her password, “Noteven if I die.” For individuals whose parents’ privacy beliefs were similarto their own, this deterrent was enough to circumvent physical checking ofthe phone. Parents then used roundabout routes like questioning and otherforms of interference to keep watch over their activity. Others participantshad to resort to hiding or deleting information on their phones to avoidnegative repercussions. This mostly involved deleting text messages fromthe opposite gender, deleting pictures of their covert friend’s outings, orlogging out of social media apps so their parents could not access them.Sanjana and her sister, for example, used to ‘clean’ their phones beforereturning home from their hostel so they were ready to be inspected bytheir father. She shared this by saying, “...my dad used to come and ask forthe password [of the phone] when we used to come back from the hostel, weused to delete stuff and bring it clean. We were scared of our parents anddidn’t use a phone that much in front of our parents...” None of the menparticipants had ever been asked to hand over their phones for inspectionso they had never had to develop similar privacy practices.Owing to the absence of many of the restrictions faced by women partic-ipants, men participants had a much more relaxed attitude towards privacyand had never developed the same rigour in their privacy practices. Whileprevious work has spoken about how women are more likely to adopt pri-vacy settings [26] and that those who used privacy settings more often endedup being more fluent in them, there was no reason given for the former. Iextend this prior work with an explanation of the motives behind the useof privacy settings and the effect it has on fluency not just around privacysettings but also on privacy behaviours of PC women.26Chapter 5Related WorkExisting closely related work falls into four interconnected themes: sec-tion 5.1 privacy concerns and privacy management, section 5.2 conflictingidentities and their effect on privacy management, section 5.3 cultural iden-tity in the context of immigrants, and section 5.4 technology use and privacyperceptions outside the West. There is a clear knowledge gap in the exist-ing literature: the privacy concerns of populations with conflicting culturalidentities have been largely ignored. The same is true for privacy manage-ment by individuals who balance two cultures. In my thesis, I aimed toaddress this gap.5.1 Privacy Concerns and Privacy ManagementBefore attempting to understand the unique privacy concerns of the PCpopulation, it was important to explore the existing literature on privacyconcerns and privacy management. This was essential to identify what wasunique about the former. As expected, most of the work in this field wasdone with western populations in mind.Madden [26] studied the ways in which Facebook users manage theirprivacy settings and the information they share with different people intheir networks, highlighting differences with gender and age. The researchrevealed that users are increasingly proactive in “pruning” their accountsand that women users generally have stricter privacy settings. In my study,I addressed similar questions, especially related to how individuals controlthe flow of information to different people in their network, but in the contextof PCs and without limiting my study to Facebook. In addition to this, Iexplored the reasons behind this control. My research supports the findingby Madden that women have a better understanding of and are much morelikely to use privacy settings.Similarly, Bartsch et al. [7] discovered that time spent online on Facebookand the frequency of adjusting privacy settings was positively correlated witha greater understanding of online privacy issues. A better understanding ofonline privacy led to users feeling more secure while using Facebook and27implementing further privacy settings. I found evidence of the former inmy study, as I saw that women were more literate in privacy practices thanmen because they had to employ privacy settings more often. They alsokept changing them over the years to cater to their increasing number offriends and followers and changes in their personal privacy policies. Therewas no evidence to suggest that they felt more secure than men due to this.Bullingham et al. [8] found that, in the context of blogging and theSecond Life online game, rather than adopting a new identity online, par-ticipants tended to try to recreate their offline selves online. However, theydid engage in editing certain aspects of their identity. This confirms theidea from Goffman’s work [17] that people consciously choose to present aparticular identity when in a public setting, such as online. According tohim, people have the desire to present themselves in a positive light and tocreate the desired impression on others, a phenomenon he calls ”impressionmanagement” [18]. Goffman’s theory of self-presentation is helpful in under-standing how people present themselves online and in online environments,with its ability to easily edit and curate one’s identity, can contribute tothe development of Goffman’s framework [8]. According to him, individualshave a “front region” and a “back region,” with the front region being thepublic face they present to others and the back region being the private, morepersonal aspect of the self. My work shows how individuals show different“front regions” to different individuals through the use of privacy techniquesand privacy settings on social media. This can be challenging for individu-als with conflicting identities, as they may need to constantly manage andre-negotiate their different identities in different social situations.Similarly, Merunkova´ et al. [30] demonstrated how people use social me-dia, particularly Facebook, to create and maintain a certain image of them-selves to others by carefully selecting and curating the content they post andthe language they use. They may also delete content that does not alignwith this image. This is the same way participants in my study maintaineddifferent cultural identities in front of different audiences: by curating thecontent and language shared. I also uncovered privacy behaviours such ascontent deletion and content hiding that were used to maintain one’s image.Schau et al. [22] also explored Goffman’s theory of self-presentation, but inthe context of personal websites instead of social media sites.Other work [14] [40] also focused on Facebook to explore how self-presentation is regulated by means of privacy. The prevalent use of Face-book in conducting privacy management research informed my decision toask more questions related to the privacy settings on the platform in myinterviews so that I might be able to make a comparison. However, I found28that while Facebook was the first social media site most participants joined,they had since moved on from it to Instagram or Snapchat and no longerused it to share content. The authors found that the default privacy settingsprovided by social networking platform designers may lead to a phenomenonknown as “context collapse,” [27] as described by Marwick and Boyd, wheredifferent privacy-sensitive contexts are not taken into account in access con-trol mechanisms. I found evidence of this in my study, where segregation ofaudience was needed before sharing content. Participants could not shareevery piece of content with all of their friends or followers. Even employingrelatively obscure privacy settings, such as the Close Friends List feature forInstagram Stories proved either insufficient or inconvenient for them. Par-ticipants had to create multiple accounts on the same platform to cater totheir different social groups. In my study, I attempted to find the reasonbehind this need for audience segregation, and the extent to which it relatedto their conflicting cultural identities. The failure of the “one-size-fits-all”privacy approach is additional evidence that research on the privacy con-cerns of individuals with conflicting identities is needed in order to createbetter designs.5.2 Conflicting Identities and their effect onPrivacy ManagementIn my study, I focused on the conflicting cultural identities of the PC pop-ulation and the effect on their privacy management strategies. Since themotivation behind privacy management of individuals with conflicting iden-tities of any nature will be similar, logic dictates that it will give rise tocomparable privacy practices. It is for this reason that I explored researchon this topic.A recent study by Afnan et al. [4] looked into Muslim-American women’sperception of digital privacy risks in the context of government surveillance,Islamophobia, and social surveillance. Muslim women are a minority groupin America, with a religious identity that conflicts with that of the majority.My study touches on social surveillance in the context of PCs, uncoveringmuch of the same privacy concerns with regard to the disclosure of identity.The study talks about balancing different social circles on social media whiletrying not to offend any, the same as ours. It also talks about genderedexpectations and taboos in Islam. I show that many of those are culturalphenomena in Punjab and are not just limited to Muslims. Finally, thepaper discusses protective strategies adopted by women. My study does the29same in addition to contrasting them with strategies adopted by men.A significant amount of literature related to this topic is focused on theLGBTQ+ community, which is another example of a group that wants tohide or manage their conflicting identities online. Geeng et al. [12] used semi-structured interviews to find the privacy concerns and strategies employedby LGBTQ+ individuals who use multiple SNSs and were not completelyout on each site. I also explored the privacy strategies of PCs who expressedtheir identities differently on each of the SNSs they were using. However,while the study [13] highlighted the different privacy settings available ondifferent sites as the reason for different outness, my analysis found that thedifference was due to the different audiences curated by the participants ondifferent sites.Other studies [29] [28] present similar findings with respect to the useof identity management strategies online. McConnell et al. [28] conductedinterviews with LGBTQ+ youth on Facebook and found that they facednegative reactions and consequences when they shared their identities online.This led to a negative impact on their emotions and relationships. I foundthat the same was true for PCs when they shared information that conflictedwith their Punjabi cultural identity. The backlash came from their Punjabisocial circle and was both verbal and practical in the sense that it sometimescurtailed their freedom of expression for the future. Due to the collectivistnature of the Punjabi culture, the impact of the backlash was also not juston them but their entire family unit.5.3 Cultural Identity in the context ofImmigrantsWhile my work focuses on Punjabi immigrants in Canadian, previous workhas considered other immigrant populations both in Canada and the UnitedStates. I reviewed these works to learn how cultural identity manifests inimmigrants.Coma˘naru et al.’s study [11] aimed to understand how young adults fromimmigrant backgrounds describe and express their bicultural identities. Theresearch uncovered variations in the way different age groups view biculturalidentities, and highlighted the significance of acknowledging that biculturalindividuals are not all alike but can be shaped by various personal and con-textual factors. Participants in my study also showed a range of biculturalidentity orientations that depended on their socio-economic background andfamily dynamics among other factors. There were concrete generational dif-30ferences that were evident not only from the privacy-related disagreementsbetween immigrant parents and their children, but also from the way par-ticipants described their parent’s beliefs, language, and tech savviness.Benjamin et al. [15] also offered their perspective on how second-generationyouth faces conflicts due to cultural differences while developing their iden-tity, independence, and close relationships. This may involve conflictingcultural expectations from their heritage and mainstream cultures. I foundthis to be true since participants described their struggle with restrictionson mobility and gender mixing. To function in a culture with norms contra-dictory to their own, they turned to the privacy practices I have describedin my findings.Sekhon et al. [34] demonstrated that the values and honour of the familyplay a significant role in shaping the behaviours, choices, and emotions ofsecond-generation Punjabis. They also set clear guidelines for what is ac-ceptable and unacceptable in terms of conduct, consumption, and actions.The parents of these individuals try to influence them with their traditionalvalues when making decisions which can create a sense of internal conflictand possibly lead to resentment as they try to balance two different waysof life. Likewise, participants in my study discussed heavy parental in-volvement in both marriage and career-related decisions. Maintaining thehonour of the family entailed various restrictions on the clothing and mo-bility of women, as well as on gender mixing. There was an expectation,sometimes non-negotiable, to respectfully obey parental decisions, which ledto resentment.Another paper [35] focused on the conflicting cultural identities of IndianPunjabis in the UK. The frustrations and challenges faced by them on a dailybasis are discussed and provided context for why the study of their privacybehaviours is unique and needed. My study focused on both Indian andPakistani Punjabis in Canada and how their conflicting identities pannedout in the virtual world.5.4 Technology Use and Privacy Perceptionsoutside the WestAn individual’s culture influences a wide range of factors that directly impacttheir understanding of privacy and the use of technology. Traditionally,much of the research on privacy perceptions and technology use has focusedon western cultures. However, in recent years there has been a shift towardexploring the non-western perspective.31A recent paper by Naveed et al. [32] looked at religion and gender asfactors affecting privacy notions and practices in Pakistan. The aim oftheir study was to provide insights for HCI researchers on how to designprivacy features for non-western contexts. While there are many similaritiesbetween this paper and my work, they worked exclusively with low-income,low-literary population Muslim populations whereas I worked on mid tohigh-income populations of Indian and Pakistani Punjab living in Canada.My work focuses on the implications of conflicting cultural identities onprivacy behaviour, and not just the effect of a single culture and religion.Another paper by Ahmed et al. [5] explored the efficacy of a design forsharing mobile phones while maintaining the privacy of all sharers in theBangladeshi context. The authors discussed gendered privacy, one of mymain themes, and the greater interference and questioning faced by womenrelated to their technology use. My study goes one step forward to explorethe implications of this greater interference for women’s privacy fluency.This paper is also an example of researchers designing to cater to a non-western culture, which is one of the motivations behind my thesis.In another paper [3], the authors examined the way Arab Gulf citizensunderstand and approach privacy, with a particular focus on the influence ofIslamic and cultural traditions on privacy norms. I found a similar emphasison respect and modesty in my analysis, which shows how Islam, in additionto Hinduism and Sikhism, has influenced the culture of Punjab.Ibtasam et al.’s research [21] showed that a Pakistani woman’s interac-tion with technology is shaped by gender roles within the family, as well asby broader cultural, social, and religious factors. These forces influence theroles that various family members play in introducing, teaching, and main-taining technology, as well as in controlling and restricting its use. Whilethe study focused on women in low-income households in Pakistan, I inter-viewed both genders in mid to high-income Punjabi households in Canada.Access to technology was not an issue for these individuals, however, therewere gendered expectations related to its use with more restrictions andmonitoring on women than men.Similarly, Sambasivan et al [33] presented the findings of a qualitativestudy conducted in India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh, which explored thestrategies used by individuals to maintain individuality and privacy whilefrequently sharing and being monitored on devices by family and social con-nections. Both this work and the study by Ibtasam et al. are significantbecause the authors encourage developers to consider the household dynam-ics that shape Muslim women’s use of technology and to be aware of SouthAsian social norms and values while designing technology for inclusion in32these regions. This aligns with my motivation with regard to individualswith norms and values different from the majority.Karusala et al. [24] talked about the collective nature of privacy in acollectivist culture, with a focus on women’s privacy. I talked about it asone of my themes, while staying inclusive of both genders. Another pa-per [31] also explored the concept of collective privacy with middle-incometechnology-equipped households in India and discussed how privacy ‘gu-rus’ in each household provided technical knowledge and helped individualsmanage their privacy.In the next chapter, I address the design implications of my findings.33Chapter 6Design ImplicationsSeveral design interventions can be made to give PCs, and other populationswith conflicting identities, more control over their privacy using the findingsof this study. The interventions can be of two kinds, namely physical andcyber-physical. Physical interventions are more important for those who arein close proximity to authority figures and are trying to escape the monitor-ing of smartphones. Cyberphysical interventions will benefit all individuals,but especially those who face scrutiny over the content they share.In western, and sometimes non-western, cultures, passwords act as themajor deterrent for physical access to someone else’s personal devices. How-ever, this does not apply to the majority of my participants. Another inter-vention popularly used is smartphones taking a picture of anyone who failsto unlock the phone a few consecutive times. This is only useful if the owneris in a position to confront the snooper, which may not be the case for PCs.Hence, physical interventions are needed for individuals who are expected toshare their passwords and cannot stop authority figures from accessing theirphones. One such intervention is the use of dual accounts on mobile phones,similar to the admin account and guest account on computers. Enteringone password should unlock the guest version of the contents of the mobilephone, which should look indistinguishable from the admin version otherthan the lack of personal or sensitive information. The same applicationsshould be present, in their logged-out state. Message inboxes may be shownto be empty, or else contain dummy texts. This way, authority figures willbe satisfied and individuals will still be able to protect their privacy.In terms of cyber-physical interventions, there is a need to provide moregranular control over who can see a user’s posts and stories. Instagram wasthe most popular social media site with my participants but it currentlydoesn’t give control over who can see a post. Many participants stick tostories and avoid posting on the feed because posts can be shared witheither all or none of the followers. Instagram should allow users to controlthe visibility of their posts on a per-post basis. This should include theoption to make a post visible only to approved followers or to hide it fromspecific users or groups.34Another possible intervention is more advanced features for hiding likesand comments by certain users from everyone but yourself. This will helpin situations where you do not want others to know that you associatewith those persons or want them to read their comments. This will helpin situations where authority figures have instructed an individual to keeptheir distance from someone. It would also have helped in Simran’s case,who did not want her religious community to read the ’trashy’ commentsof some of her friends and had to create a separate account for this reason.Additionally, there should be an option to hide your list of followers andthose you follow for the same reasons.A loophole for people viewing your posts and stories even if you don’tallow them to is someone else sending them a screenshot of it. Instagramdoes not inform users when screenshots are taken of their posts and stories.If it starts sending users notifications of screenshots, this will be a deterrentfor people who share your posts forward and cause an unwanted breach ofprivacy. It would be even more helpful if screenshots are not allowed to betaken in the first place.Moreover, there is a need to improve the user interface for managingprivacy settings. This could include making the privacy settings more ac-cessible and easier to understand, as well as providing clear explanations ofwhat each setting does and how it affects the visibility of a user’s content.Currently, participants are unaware of some of the obscure privacy settings.Since cyber-physical interventions are more sophisticated than physi-cal interventions, they might require training to implement them properly.Training videos should be offered by social media platforms properly guideusers and take advantage of privacy settings. Education on privacy can alsobe offered to immigrants by immigration services or local government.Overall, this study has identified several areas where design interventionscan improve digital privacy for PCs and other populations facing conflict-ing identities. By addressing these challenges, we can help ensure that allindividuals have the ability to protect their privacy and control their digitalfootprint. There is a need for further effort to assess the needs of immigrantsand other populations facing conflicting identities. A deep understandingof their privacy concerns is needed to better design and develop technologythat is accessible and user-friendly for all populations.35Chapter 7ConclusionPrivacy is a complex concept that is influenced by a variety of factors andis of significance to different individuals and fields of research for a range ofreasons. However, the concept of privacy is not fixed but is shaped by thecultural context in which it is understood and practiced. Therefore, as theworld becomes increasingly interconnected and globalized, it is importantfor privacy technology to be able to operate across different cultural andgeographic boundaries and value dimensions. To develop inclusive privacytechnology, it is necessary to engage in dialogue with people from differentcultural contexts to provide a nuanced and accurate understanding of theprivacy issues they face. That knowledge can then be used to design technol-ogy that is inclusive and accessible to all populations. My study contributesto this goal by examining the privacy concerns and practices of young adultsin the Punjabi Canadian community.36Bibliography[1] Prospectus 2020 - punjab group of colleges, 2020.[2] Student handbook - nust, 2020.[3] Norah Abokhodair and Sarah Vieweg. Privacy amp; social media inthe context of the arab gulf. In Proceedings of the ACM Conference onDesigning Interactive Systems, DIS ’16, page 672–683, New York, NY,USA, 2016. Association for Computing Machinery.[4] Tanisha Afnan, Yixin Zou, Maryam Mustafa, Mustafa Naseem, andFlorian Schaub. Aunties, strangers, and the fbi: Online privacy con-cerns and experiences of Muslim-American women. In Symposium onUsable Privacy and Security (SOUPS 2022), pages 387–406, Boston,MA, August 2022. USENIX Association.[5] Syed Ishtiaque Ahmed, Md. 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Computer Science
Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library
Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International
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Beschastnikh, Ivan
Privacy and conflicting identities in the context of Punjabi Canadians
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