Arts, Faculty of
Classical, Near Eastern and Religious Studies, Department of
DSpace
UBCV
Ramsden, Madeline Emma
Master of Arts - MA
University of British Columbia
The rites of Bacchus have long been a source of intrigue among academics. Previous scholarship has often assumed a normative set of Bacchic worship based on the literary evidence available to us, primarily Euripides’ Bacchae. As a result, scholars these rites as a female-only set of practices. However, epigraphic and archaeological evidence has revealed more diversity in the rites, leading scholars to challenge gender composition of participants within the rites. It is now known men and women participated in these rites equally. This thesis seeks to further our understanding of the gender of participants in Bacchic rites by examining how the gender identities of participants were constructed across the various media of Bacchic rites. I argue that, in the epigraphic evidence, participants are represented as conforming to conventional gender norms, whereas literary sources construct participants as subverting these norms. Through the production and display of inscriptions, participants in Bacchic rites legitimated their practice and promoted their rites. In reverse, the literature constructs participants as subverting traditional gender roles, which serves to delegitimize the rites and participants and acts as a discourse of deterrence from the rites. This research also points out a larger issue regarding the study of gender in antiquity: the conflicting representation of Bacchic participants in the literary and epigraphic evidence acts as a reminder to historians that gender is not a neutral subject. As such, constructions of gender identities across any ancient media must, in the future, be viewed with a critical eye.
UNMASKING BACCHUS: AN EXAMINATION OF GENDER CONSTRUCTIONS IN THE PARTICIPANTS OF BACCHIC RITES by Madeline Emma Ramsden B.A., The University of British Columbia, 2016 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE AND POSTDOCTORAL STUDIES (Ancient Culture, Religion, and Ethnicity) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver) April 2020 © Madeline Emma Ramsden, 2020 ii The following individuals certify that they have read, and recommend to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies for acceptance, a thesis entitled: Unmasking Bacchus: An Examination of Gender Constructions in the Participants of Bacchic Rites submitted by Madeline Emma Ramsden in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Ancient Culture, Religion, and Ethnicity Examining Committee: Dr. Katharine Huemoeller, Assistant Professor, Department of Classical, Near Eastern, and Religious Studies, UBC Supervisor Dr. Matthew McCarty, Assistant Professor, Department of Classical, Near Eastern, and Religious Studies, UBC Supervisory Committee Member iii Abstract The rites of Bacchus have long been a source of intrigue among academics. Previous scholarship has often assumed a normative set of Bacchic worship based on the literary evidence available to us, primarily Euripides’ Bacchae. As a result, scholars these rites as a female-only set of practices. However, epigraphic and archaeological evidence has revealed more diversity in the rites, leading scholars to challenge gender composition of participants within the rites. It is now known men and women participated in these rites equally. This thesis seeks to further our understanding of the gender of participants in Bacchic rites by examining how the gender identities of participants were constructed across the various media of Bacchic rites. I argue that, in the epigraphic evidence, participants are represented as conforming to conventional gender norms, whereas literary sources construct participants as subverting these norms. Through the production and display of inscriptions, participants in Bacchic rites legitimated their practice and promoted their rites. In reverse, the literature constructs participants as subverting traditional gender roles, which serves to delegitimize the rites and participants and acts as a discourse of deterrence from the rites. This research also points out a larger issue regarding the study of gender in antiquity: the conflicting representation of Bacchic participants in the literary and epigraphic evidence acts as a reminder to historians that gender is not a neutral subject. As such, constructions of gender identities across any ancient media must, in the future, be viewed with a critical eye. iv Lay Summary This thesis has two primary goals: one – to move beyond a literary model of gendered participation in Bacchic rites. As past scholarship has relied primarily on Euripides’ Bacchae for information regarding the practices of Bacchic rites, there has been little movement in how we understand gender in Bacchic rites beyond a hysterical, female-only set of rites. This thesis pushes beyond this by looking at how the gender identities of Bacchic participants were constructed and what these representations can tell us about attitudes towards the rites. Two – this thesis demonstrates how gender as a category is biased, used as a tool of to measure validity in individuals or groups. I argue that the gender identities of Bacchic participants were constructed in such a way that marginalized or legitimized the rites. v Preface This thesis is original, unpublished, independent work by the author, Madeline Emma Ramsden. vi Table of Contents Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iii Lay Summary ................................................................................................................................. iv Preface ............................................................................................................................................. v Table of Contents ........................................................................................................................... vi Acknowledgements ..................................................................................................................... viii 1 Introduction .................................................................................................................................. 1 1.1 The Bacchanalian Conspiracy ............................................................................................... 1 1.2 Past Approaches .................................................................................................................... 2 1.3 Gender in Bacchic rites ......................................................................................................... 3 1.4 Terminologies and Methodologies ........................................................................................ 5 1.4.1 Gender and Power .......................................................................................................... 5 1.4.2 Breadth vs. Depth ........................................................................................................... 6 1.4.3 Legitimacy and Authorship ............................................................................................ 7 2 Re-examining the evidence .......................................................................................................... 9 2.1 Introduction ........................................................................................................................... 9 2.2 Scholarship: A Euripidean Norm for Bacchic Rites .............................................................. 9 2.3 Epigraphy: Scholars’ re-evaluation of Bacchic rites ........................................................... 12 2.4 Conclusion ........................................................................................................................... 18 3 Female Participation ................................................................................................................... 19 3.1 Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 19 3.2 Marriage and Motherhood ................................................................................................... 20 3.2.1 Bacchic Participants ..................................................................................................... 23 3.3 Domesticity and Invisibility ................................................................................................ 25 3.3.1 Bacchic Participants ..................................................................................................... 27 vii 3.4 Sexuality and Power ............................................................................................................ 31 3.4.1 Bacchic Participants ..................................................................................................... 33 3.5 Conclusions ......................................................................................................................... 37 4 Male Participation ...................................................................................................................... 38 4.1 Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 38 4.2 Civic Identity and Wealth .................................................................................................... 38 4.2.1 Bacchic Participants ..................................................................................................... 40 4.3 Age and Sexuality ................................................................................................................ 44 4.3.1 Bacchic Participants ..................................................................................................... 47 4.4 Family and Kinship ............................................................................................................. 50 4.4.1 Bacchic participants ...................................................................................................... 51 4.5 Conclusion ........................................................................................................................... 53 5 Conclusion .................................................................................................................................. 54 5.1 Legitimacy: Epigraphy ........................................................................................................ 54 5.2 De-legitimacy: Literature .................................................................................................... 56 5.3 Final considerations: the senatus consultum de Bacchanalibus and the Bacchanalian Conspiracy ................................................................................................................................. 57 Bibliography .................................................................................................................................. 58 Appendix ....................................................................................................................................... 67 viii Acknowledgements I would like to extend my deepest gratitude to the following people for their assistance and contributions during my research and studies: first and foremost, I would like to thank Dr. Katharine Huemoeller, my supervisor, for the endless hours spent in insightful discussion and on revisions, and for her knowledge, support and patience throughout the entire process; Dr. Matthew McCarty, for his enthusiasm for my project and for his endless encouragement and advice in all aspects of my academics; and Dr. Kevin Fisher and Sheri Pak, who have been a constant sources of guidance and support throughout my entire academic career in the CNERS department at UBC. I would also like to thank to my colleagues in the CNERS graduate program for their words of encouragement, support and friendship. In addition, I would also like to thank the faculty and staff of the CNERS Department for their guidance and support throughout every stage of the program. Finally, I would like to thank my partner, family and friends whose endless love and support were pillars in the completion of this work. 1 Introduction 1.1 The Bacchanalian Conspiracy The year is 186 BCE. In Italy, the Roman senate has only just learned of a secret plot against the state, led by an immense group of fanatic and dangerous religious worshippers devoted to the god Bacchus. “When [the worshippers] were inflamed with wine and when all sense of modesty had been extinguished by night and the mingling of men with women, youth with age... all varieties of corruption began to be practiced,” writes the Roman historian Livy. “Much was ventured by treachery, more by violence,” he reports, “but all of it was kept secret, so that the cries of those calling for help amid the murder and debauchery could not be heard through the howling and the crash of drums and cymbals” (39.8.5-9). It was in these moments that the Roman senate made the decision to legislate all forms of Bacchic worship – an unprecedented move for a state praised for her religious freedoms. The senate’s declaration was upheld: thousands fled the city, the consuls were tasked with destroying all relics and places of worship, and captured worshippers were rounded up for imprisonment or worse – execution. This event, known to modern historians as the Bacchanalian Conspiracy, is about a set of religious rites and worshippers that propelled one of the most intriguing, and bizarre, historical episodes of Roman history. The Bacchanalian Conspiracy is also unique to historians for another reason: it is one of the few Roman historical episodes for which we have two different accounts in two different media.1 The first account is Book 39 of Livy. As the excerpts above indicate, it is a wonderful and sinister narrative that describes a massive underground movement of Bacchic worshippers, whose 1 Many have used these two pieces of evidence in order to reconstruct the inner workings of Bacchic rites in Rome, and the bibliography on this episode is now vast. For the most inclusive works, see Bruhl (1953); Scullard (1973); North (1979); Pailler (1988); MacMullen (1991); Beard, North & Price (1998); Flower (2002); Pagan (2004). 2 religious practices are nefarious, criminal, and downright dangerous to the Roman state. The other piece of evidence is the senatus consultum de Bacchanalibus (SCB)2 — a bronze tablet inscribed with a senatorial decree that legislated Bacchic rites. Uncovered in the 17th century in Tiriolo, this document corroborates Livy’s narrative by offering the piece of legislation that is referenced by Livy, but tells a very different version of accounts. 1.2 Past Approaches Much of the existing scholarship on the cult and the Roman Conspiracy has focused on the rites’ shift from an elective, private cult to a public cult.3 Some have argued that the rites’ growing popularity and public recognition in different cities in Italy instigated the Roman senate to do the same in Rome, formally issuing the SCB. Others have insisted that the rites and the Bacchic Conspiracy arose from a clash of the strict nature of state-level Roman religion with the unique mysteries that Bacchic rites encompassed, from the Greek East.4 While past scholarship has contributed substantial and valuable research to understanding the events of 186 BCE and the rites through a public/private approach, it focuses primarily on understanding the historical accuracy of the rites and the conspiracy. While this is helpful in its own right, it has not only limited our understanding of Bacchic rites to Rome, but also ignored two another important aspect of the rites. Bacchic rites were largely unlegislated by any political authority in ancient Greece and Rome until the Imperial period, and so attempting to understand these rites through a specific event poses a threat of flattening a very culturally diverse set of rites.5 2 ILLRP 511 = ILS 18. The inscription was found in Tiriolo, in Bruttium in 1640. See IG 12 in Appendix. 3 Cole 2011, 275. 4 See Schultz 2006, 91; see also Bruhl (1953), 166; Pairault-Massa (1987), Rüpke (2007), Takács (2000). 5 Cole 2011, 275. 3 As such, a movement away from this approach is necessary, in order to look beyond the historicity of the events and illuminate exactly how we interpret such temporally, geographically, and culturally diverse evidence for Bacchic rites. One such approach, which has yet to be fully explored, is that of gender. 1.3 Gender in Bacchic rites The SCB and Livy are clearly in agreement on the threat that Bacchic rites posted to the Roman state. However, one aspect that these sources do not agree on is which gender is at the heart of the problem. In Livy’s account of the events of 186 BCE, he states that women and their transgressive behaviour are the source of the rites: the cult began as female-only, with no male initiates. And, a female priestess was indirectly responsible for the dangerous and lude behaviours of participants after she chose to initiate the first two males – her own two sons (39.13.8-12). And even when Roman men do participate, their presence in the rites is often attributable to the women in their lives: Aebutius’ mother pushes for his initiation, and the first male participants are initiated by their own mother, Paculla Annia, head priestess for Bacchic rites. And lastly, Livy directly states that women are “the source of [the Bacchic rites’] mischief” (39.15.9), laying the responsibility of the rites and the Bacchic Conspiracy at the hands of women. The SCB suggests the opposite: the document, grouped together through prohibitive clauses, shows a concern with male participation within the cult.6 Limitations are placed on where men can, as indicated by a clause that states no men – Roman citizen, ally or Latin – were allowed 6 This argument is first presented by Flower (2002), who found that the prohibitive clauses of the legislation are grouped together in such a way that distinguishes between men and women. She argues that the restrictions are focused primarily on restricting male participation, whereas women can continue their participation (albeit to a lesser extent). See also Schultz 2006. 4 to enter a Bacchanal (lines 7-9). Male presence in Bacchic rites is also restricted more heavily than female presence, as is visible in the stipulation that no more than 5 individuals – with a maximum of 2 men – were to assemble at one time (lines 19-22). Another prohibitive clause restricts only male authority by stating that no men could hold priesthoods (line 10). Not only do these restrictions imply that prior to 186 BCE, men were holding roles of responsibility in Bacchic worship alongside women, it also strongly suggests that male participation must have been at the same degree of female participation (if not higher), as it was deemed serious enough by the senate to have warranted a senatorial decree. And lastly, because the restrictions specifically target male participation, it is clear that the senate deemed male participation a specific issue in the Bacchic Conspiracy, which indicates that men comprised a larger presence in Bacchic rites and were the cause for concern of the Bacchic Conspiracy. The differences displayed in male and female participation – and more broadly, the representation of this participation – in the SCB and Book 39 has guided me to a larger inquiry on gender in Bacchic rites; namely, how is gender presented in Bacchic rites across different bodies of evidence? What changes occur when shifting from the literary to the epigraphic evidence? And most importantly, what can these changes tell us about Bacchic rites and the participants more broadly? This thesis will demonstrate that the differences noted in Livy and the SCB are indicative of a larger discrepancy in how gender is formed in different types of evidence in Bacchic rites. I argue that male and female participants are consistently portrayed as conforming, or not conforming, to normative gender roles behaviours, depending on the media they are represented in. In the epigraphic evidence, participants are represented as conforming to conventional gender norms, whereas literary sources construct participants as subverting these norms. Through the 5 production and display of inscriptions, then, participants in Bacchic rites legitimated their practice and promoted their rites. In reverse, the literature constructs participants as subverting traditional gender roles, a representation that serves to delegitimize the rites and deter participation in them. My first chapter will provide a review of scholarship on the gender dimension of Bacchic rites and will demonstrate that past research has focused only on the numbers of male and female participants, rather than their degree of conformity to gender norms. In doing so, it will also highlight a problematic, but largely ignored, assumption of a normative set of practices for the rites. It will show why an in-depth analysis of gendered behavior is more valuable for understanding the rites. The second and third chapter are divided into ‘male’ and ‘female’ categories; each chapter will begin with an overview of normative gender roles in antiquity and demonstrate how literary evidence constructs their participants’ behaviours as a subversion of these ideals while the epigraphic evidence will show how participants’ behaviours are represented as upholding these ideals. My last chapter will show how the subversion or affirmation of gender roles acts as a (de)legitimator for the rites, and furthermore, it will hypothesize on why these constructions are specific to either literature or inscriptions. Finally, I return to the Bacchanalian conspiracy, with which we began, to demonstrate how my findings can be applied and interpreted for future research. 1.4 Terminologies and Methodologies 1.4.1 Gender and Power It is necessary to discuss the terms and methods I will be using in this research. The first is gender roles and ideologies. Gender roles and ideologies are a set of socially approved actions 6 for gender, historically linked to biological sex.7 What gender ideals, and their alterations, achieve is the maintenance of a distinct divide between those who are conforming to gender ideals and those who are not. In other words, they can create power hierarchies by making those who do not conform to gender ideals seem as though they do not share the collective values of society. Those that do conform are considered of merit, whereas those that do not are marginalized.8 As a result, gender roles and ideologies are also indicative of power.9 Within the scope of this research, gender norms will be defined as the expectations and roles that are associated with masculinity and femininity, culturally created and mediated by patriarchal power hierarchies.10 1.4.2 Breadth vs. Depth The evidence that I employ ranges widely both topographically and temporally, which means that I am operating within a broad framework. I will be drawing on inscriptional evidence from across the Mediterranean — a large portion of which comes from the Greek East and Asia Minor. In comparison, my literary evidence will reflect the dominant voices of ancient literature, which are from Athens and Rome. The breadth of this evidence has its own set of problems: it is impossible to account for the individual context of every source (primarily epigraphic). As a result, I am at a risk of over-simplifying what are very distinct, local iterations of gender ideologies. This is partly due to the nature of our evidence, which doesn’t allow for microscopic evaluation of local identities, because we do not have enough evidence. Yet, a broad perspective also has its own set of benefits and lends itself well to my research questions surrounding gender identities and ideologies. First, breadth makes it possible to see 7 Lips 2018, 2-3. 8 Fallwell and Williams 2017, 1-3. 9 Foxhall 2013, 33-60. 10 Unger 1979, 1085-1094; Lips 2018, 2. 7 similarities across different groups, which would could have otherwise been missed. Second, as mentioned previously, gender ideologies are based on larger cultural values and ideas – while these are not the only values and ideas that exist, they are representative of a dominant voice. Applying a wide focus allows me to take note of larger ideas and notions surrounding gender, which can help contribute to future research in gender in antiquity. 1.4.3 Legitimacy and Authorship It also is worth defining the term ‘legitimacy’ within the text and furthermore, how this concept intersects with gender. At a general level, legitimacy can be defined as conformity to a set of laws and regulations – be it social, legal, political etc. The process and definition of legitimation originates from the general agreement of an audience on what features and behaviors are socially appropriate and desirable.11 In relation to this thesis, one means of achieving legitimacy is through the conformity to traditional, normative gender roles, and with that, the power hierarchies that they uphold. But who is monitoring this legitimacy? The answers to these questions lie in the authorship and audience of the evidence, which, for both literary and epigraphic evidence, reflects male, and likely wealthy elite views. Most of our literary sources were generated by elite, adult men and were meant for elite men (and likely elite women).12 We lack the voices not only of women, but children, slaves, disabled, foreigners, people of lower-socio economic status, etc. The lack of marginalized voices indicates that the ways in which gender constructions are described in our literary sources will likely follow iterations of the dominant power structure, and as such, will show ideologies that support this. 11 Zuckerman 1999, 1398-1438. 12 Foxhall 2013, 16. 8 Authorship and audience of inscriptional evidence is more complex; in the Hellenistic and Roman period, inscriptions were erected both for and on behalf of many private individuals, male and female.13 While this does provide an opportunity for unheard voices to emerge, the nature of inscriptions are such that they are not only an object of the wealthy, but they are also biased in their own right. Inscriptions are a specific type of monumentality: inscriptions dedicated to, or by, individuals or groups and placed in a public setting serve as a means of memorializing an individual or community. Thus an inscription’s purpose serves the self-representation of the producer.14 And, since we are discussing primarily elite, male individuals, we arrive at a similar conclusion to the literary sources: the ways in which gender is constructed in our sources can also be based on dominant power hierarchies. Their audience, depending on where the inscription is placed, can be individuals within the rites, or larger community members. There is also one large difference between the two types of sources that is imperative to authorship and audience: while the authors (or commissioners) of inscriptions are clearly participants, the authors of literary sources are not necessarily participants of the rites. They could be observers, or never have witnessed the rites at all. But regardless, evidence for both literary and epigraphic evidence reflects male, and likely wealthy elite views, and is written for male (and likely, some female) viewers. As a result, when discussing legitimacy, it is primarily those that dominate social structures (ie. elite) who are the regulators and producers of legitimacy. 13 See Riet van Bremen’s (1996) The Limits of Participation: women and civic life in the Greek East in the Hellenistic and Roman periods for a full assessment of inscriptions during the Hellenistic period. 14 Cooley 2012, 220-228. 9 2 Re-examining the evidence 2.1 Introduction Bacchic rites are arguably one of the most discussed forms of worship in the ancient world, due largely to Euripides’ dramatic account of the rites in Bacchae. The play has formed the basis of scholarship on a vast array of topics, including, but not limited to, who was participating in the cult. The privileging of Euripidean works – and, to a degree, other literary works – has led researchers to assume a normative set of practices, which included an all-female group of participants. Recently, scholars have begun to expand their evidentiary scope to include epigraphic documentation of participants. It has become clear that there was no standard version of the rites, and instead Bacchic rites should be seen as related forms of worship that have been adapted into local settings. The inclusion of new types of evidence has spurred some to start looking at the possibility of mixed female and male participation in Bacchic rites, but only as far as questioning if men also participated in the group, and at what levels. What is needed now is a movement beyond questioning the sex composition of participants in order to begin an analysis of how participants’ conformity with gender roles are portrayed in our evidence. 2.2 Scholarship: A Euripidean Norm for Bacchic Rites One issue with past studies on Bacchic rites is that scholars have often assumed that they were practiced in same way and by the same types of people – women – in all places and times. This idea was first set out in Erwin Rohde’s Psyche; Rohde was the first modern scholar to look at the psychology of the Bacchants in Euripides’ Bacchae. Their ecstatic behaviour, night-time 10 festivals and revelry, he argued, should be seen as a sympathetic portrayal of the historical reality of the orgiastic rites of the cult. To him, the female participants in Euripides’ play represented the real world of Dionysiac worship.15 Others have followed suit, attempting to prove how certain passages within the extant literary evidence should be taken as authentic portions of real-life Bacchic rites: maenadic ecstasy became a parallel for religious hysteria, and every aspect of the literary works represented tangible acts in real-life ritual practice.16 Some scholars, such as Albert Henrichs, have suggested that Bacchic worship acted as the feminine equivalent to the masculine symposia.17 The maenads of inscriptional evidence, he argued, were a historical representation of the mythical beings presented in Euripides’ tragedy of the Bacchae.18 And for the most part, gender exclusivity in Bacchic rites is not questioned by scholars.19 The problem with these assessments is that they rely primarily on literary evidence – specifically Euripides’ Bacchae – to inform their conclusions. Those that do include other forms of evidence dismiss or ignore that which does not agree with their work. Martin P. Nilsson, for example, stated that “when the [Roman] mysteries were grafted onto old cults of Dionysus they must have been modified and men had to be admitted.”20 His assessment was determined by the discovery of a tomb, in which the epigram featured a Dioscorides, the leader of a local set of 15 See Chapter 4 of Erwin Rohde’s Psyche. 16 See Introduction xi-xxv and examples of analyses for ll. 695-698 in Dodds’ Euripides Bacchae (2nd edition); Dodds 1951, 270-282. See also Jeanne Roux’s Les Bacchantes (1970) for an analysis of ll. 32-33. 17 Henrichs 1982, 138-139. 18 Henrichs 1978, 122. 19 Joyce (2010) looks at the depictions of maenads in Roman art as an exaggerated representation of the cult and its practices. See also Bremmer (1984) and Kraemer (1979) – they both argue that the cult of Dionysus offered a likely attraction to women marginalized by a patriarchal society. 20 Nilsson 1953, 177. 11 Bacchic worshippers from the middle Hellenistic period.21 And here, the argument comes full circle: Nilsson has assumed that Bacchic rites were female-only based on literature; as such, in a position where he needs to account for mixed participation, he suggests ‘a transitory stage’ in which, afterwards, Bacchic rites became mixed. This reinforces the idea that there is a distinct temporal divide on mixed participation and reinforces the biases of literary accounts of the cult. Others include only what is necessary to uphold their already-drawn conclusions: Henrichs uses evidence to substantiate his claims of female exclusivity in Bacchic rites, but subsequently dismisses documents as ‘non-Bacchic’ if they provided any evidence for male and female participation, and as such, could not be proof of Bacchic rites.22 It becomes clear that early scholarship has based its understanding of Bacchic participants’ sex on a Euripidean model and scholars that followed suit, for reasons that are unclear, chose not to challenge these assumptions. Take also, for example, the definition of ‘maenad’ — a Greek term used to describe the Bacchic participants. Oxford Classical Dictionary defines ‘maenads’ as female-only roles, in which “women [were] inspired to ritual frenzy by Dionysus… [which] strongly stimulated mythical imagination [of] the Bacchae.”23 The fact that the standardized definition for Bacchic worshippers is female-only, based off of Euripides’ work, clearly demonstrates the influential role Euripides has played in our understanding of Bacchic worshippers, and has greatly limited the scope of past research. 21 ibid. 177. 22 Henrichs (1978) states that the inscription found in Miletus denotes a mix of male and female participants, but says that these participants are likely not worshipping Bacchus in the form of mystery rites. 23 Jan Bremmer, “maenads” in Oxford Classical Dictionary, ed. Simon Hornblower, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012). 12 The type of reasoning mentioned above brings to mind the aphorism: absence of evidence is not evidence of absence. But ironically, Euripides actually does represent men as participating in the rites.24 And so, it becomes obvious that past scholarship has had an assumption about a standardized set of rites based on interpretations of literary evidence as historical fact. In relation to gender specifically, this “Euripidean” model has led research to assume – and not question – Bacchic rites as female-only. 2.3 Epigraphy: Scholars’ re-evaluation of Bacchic rites Some have attempted to move beyond the Euripidean model: A. Rapp was an early critic, arguing in 1872 that scholars should look elsewhere for historical evidence of participants in Bacchic rites.25 According to Rapp, the maenads of playwrights and artists were fictive. While 24 Dionysus makes multiple remarks about wanting all citizens of Thebes to worship in his rites. At the opening of the play, Dionysus states that “the city [of Thebes], though uninitiated in [his] Bacchic rites, must learn them to the full, whether it wants to or no” (32-40). He advises Pentheus to “receive the god into the land... join the ecstatic dance and crown [his] head” (823). The chorus also echoes this, stating “blessed the man who, happy in knowing the gods’ rites, makes his life pure... performing Bacchic rites upon the mountains” (72-75). Dionysus also asks to receive joint honour from everyone (209).Male participants are also attested in the characters of Teiresias and Cadmus: they join in the processions in the mountains (190-205). Pentheus describes Teiresias and Cadmus as βακχεύοντ᾽- translated as “playing the Bacchant” or “being the Bacchant” (247; 347). To “play the Bacchant” is a term that is used in situations indicating Bacchic initiations, thought to be because those participating in the orgiastic rites assume, briefly, the character of the god. Furthermore, when disguised as a mortal man and speaking to Pentheus, Dionysus tells Pentheus that he had been initiated by the god himself (465). If men were not allowed to be initiates in this rites, wouldn’t Pentheus’ reaction be of surprise? Male participation has been noted by Henrichs (1978), who explains that this is an exception of genuine maenadism and a deliberate attempt in Euripidean tragedy to demarcate the perversion of what is normal. Kraemer (1979) argues that male participation in the rites was there, although heavily limited. The blatant disregard by scholars for evidence is out of the scope of this research but does warrant further investigation. 25 A. Rapp 1872, 1-22. 13 Rapp’s arguments are problematic in their own right,26 his advocacy for looking at alternative media of evidence outside of Euripides is worth noting. More recently, new works on epigraphy have replaced the mythical satyrs and maenads present in the literary and artistic tradition with ordinary individuals, neighbourhoods, demes, and cities; from these works, it has become apparent that there was a significant degree of divergence in the practice of Bacchic rites.27 With regard to gender specifically, scholars have begun to reconsider whether it was only women who practiced these rites. Some have conceded that men participated, but only at lower levels, while others have identified mixed participation at all levels—among both initiates and priests. But, when looking at inscriptional evidence, it becomes apparent that there is a large variation in how the rites are practiced and specifically, by whom the rites are practice. There are three inscriptions which indicate female priesthoods in Bacchic rites. These inscription are often used by scholars as evidence for female-only set of Bacchic rites. The first inscription is funerary, from the 3rd century BCE from Miletus, and lists the death of Alkmeonis, a priestess of the Bacchae. In this inscription, we learn that a female priestess represents the highest authority within the rites: 26 The problem is two-fold: 1) Rapp classifies later writers – ie. Livy, Plutarch, etc. – as historically accurate/without biases, and 2) that historical writings, in their own right, do not generate their own set of biases. 27 Cole (2011) attributes this ambiguity to the lack of central authority governing the cult prior to the imperial period, leaving the initiation rites subject to the change and the need of a specific city, deme or community. On top of this, Dionysus/Bacchus often appears alongside other mystery cults, and differentiation in the evidence between his rites and the rites of other gods is not always obvious. For a full summary of Dionysiac associations with other mystery rites, see Taylor-Perry (2003) and Jaccottet V. I & II (2003). Graf (1993) looks at the variety of artistic Dionysiac associations during the Hellenistic period through epigraphic evidence, and discusses their economic structure, internal organizations, interactions with other known Dionysiac groups. 14 Bacchae of the City, say ‘Farewell, you holy priestess.’ This is what a good woman deserves. She led you to the mountain and carried all the sacred objects and orgia, marching in procession before the whole city. Should some stranger ask for her name: Alkmeonis, daughter of Rhodios, who knew her share of blessings.28 The second inscription, also from Miletus, dates to 276/275 BCE and outlines the proper ritual procedures of Bacchic rites as well as documents the role of a priestess, who holds a high level of rank. Her position as the official who performs the sacred rites on behalf of the entire community shows that these Bacchic rites are recognized by the local, governing bodies: When the priestess performs the sacred rites in the name and for the salvation of the whole city, let no one be allowed to throw the omophagia until the priestess has cast it in her name and for the salvation of the city; it is also impermissible for anyone to assemble a private thiasos before the official thiasos (has assembled).29 If a man or a woman wants to offer a sacrifice to Dionysus, let him choose the one whom he wants to officiate; that the one who officiates is entitled to the royalties.30 A third example suggests, but does not explicitly state, female leadership roles. This inscription from Magnesia, originally from the Hellenistic period, illustrates the acquisition of sacred rites of Bacchus through three maenads: 28 See IG 1 in Appendix. 29 See IG 2 in Appendix. 30 See IG 2 in Appendix. 15 Go to the holy plain of Thebes to fetch maenads from the race of Cadmian Ino. They will bring you maenadic rites and noble customs and will establish troops of Bacchus in your city. In accordance with the oracle, and through the agency of the envoys, three maenads were brought from Thebes: Kosko, Baubo and Thettale.31 But, when considering the three pieces of evidence mentioned above against other documents, it becomes apparent that there is large variation in who occupies priestly titles in Bacchic rites. Another portion of IG 2 reveals that there are multiple priestly roles held by both men and women. The mention of both priest and priestesses of Dionysos Bakkhios suggests that for this community, men and women were both able to hold priesthoods in Bacchic rites. During the Katagôgia, the priests and priestesses of Dionysos Bakkhios will escort Dionysos with the officials from before the day until sunset ....... of the city. 32 31 See IG 3 in Appendix. The mention here of maenadic rites is a clear indication of Bacchic rites. Dionysus has long been associated with maenads, but this term is first associated with the god himself, as he is addressed as μαινóμενος in the Iliad (6.132) — a participle of a verb that is used to describe a rage characteristic of gods, or of mortals who have been incited by the gods. 32 See IG 2 in Appendix. We know from the language used that these inscriptions illustrate the Bacchic rites. The use of the words ὄργια (orgia) and ωμοφάγιον (omophagia) are both terms used specifically for Bacchic rites. The orgia can loosely be translated as a form of ecstatic worship, commonly seen in mystery cults (Luck 2006). And it is often used in context with Dionysiac and Bacchic rites: Euripides employs it several times in the Bacchae when Dionysus refers to his initiation rites (ll. 33-34; 465-480); Pausanias also states that Onomacritus’ composition of the orgia of Dionysus involve his dismemberment by the Titans (8.37.5) Similarly, the term ‘omophagia’ – translated as the consumption of raw meat – is also used in conjunction with Bacchic rites. The word appears in Euripides’ play (ll. 139) and is alluded to on the Gurob papyrus - a piece of papyrus describing the rituals performed by initiates during Bacchic rites. 16 Some scholars, in an attempt to bridge the gap between literary evidence of female exclusivity in Bacchic rites and the epigraphic evidence, have argued that there were separate types of Bacchic rites; only those that had exclusively female participation were “legitimate”.33 But, there are other epigraphic examples that explicitly mention male priesthoods.34 Perhaps, instead of trying to understand whether a group was legitimate or illegitimate as a means to make the evidence fit, it might be more useful to see this discrepancy as a local iteration of a group of rites that had no set standard. And so, while exclusively female groups represent a grouping of Bacchic priesthoods, they are not the only possibility. Similarly, it appears that both men and women were initiates. Take, for example, the term ‘Bacchae’ – often used to describe initiates of Bacchic rites. This term has both a masculine and a feminine form and can help indicate whether a group of initiates was exclusively female or mixed. Most of our inscriptions refer to a mixed group: an inscription from Tomis, for example, states that “the son of Parmis… wears the mystic crown among the Bacchoi.”35 Here, I have gone against the usual translation and chosen to translate βακχοισι as Bacchoi, rather than Bacchae, to indicate the word’s grammatical gender.36 And furthermore, the leader of the thiasos – Paso – is a female. Mixed participation also occurs on other inscriptions: it 33 Henrichs 1978, 133. 34 See IG 6, IG 11, IG 12 and IG 18 in Appendix for examples. 35 See IG 6 in Appendix. 36 The feminine form exists on other inscriptions (such as IG 1) and so it is only plausible to assume that if the initiates of this inscription were an exclusively female group, it would have been used. Using the feminine form Bacchae in English translations is not only incorrect but also speaks to a scholarly assumption of female-only participation. 17 appears on a marble slab honouring Eumenes II, from Pergamon ca. 160 BCE.37 Two inscriptions, both from Rhodes ca. 2nd - 1st century BCE, list the honours of a man named Dionysodorus.38 Similarly, the term thiasos – another word used to describe Bacchic initiates – often refers to mixed male and female participation.39 There is no standard definition for this term, but it is often attributed to a group of worshippers of a specific ancient deity and their participation in a god’s worship. The deity is usually a god associated with mystery rites, and his or her followers were believed to be united around not only the god and his or her worship, but also the undergoing of a common experience, such as an initiatory ritual. It is often seen in relation to Bacchic rites, and so is indicative of some level of participation or affiliation with the rites. This word appears on an inscription that lists the construction of a temple in Callatis, during the 3rd century BCE40; a stone stele, written for the vestibule of a Baccheion, from the 2nd century BCE41; an inscription from Tomis, ca. 1st century BCE, also lists the masculine form of thiasos42; an attic black-figure vase stand, ca. 5th century BCE, mentions the male names of a northern thiasos43; a decree honouring Ladmos, from 160 BCE in Thera, states that Ladmos, his wives, and his descendants shall all be part of the local thiasos;44 lastly, an orphic tablet, ca. 400 BCE, found 37 See IG 15 in Appendix. 38 See IG 8-9 in Appendix. While neither inscription explicitly mentions his initiation into the rites, the link is supported by Dodds (1951), who demonstrated how the term bakkhe, bakkeuein, and other variations, should be translated as initiations into Bacchic rites. Thus, the mention of the reception of the Bakkheia during the trieteric festivals, is likely related to Bacchic initiations. 39 Robert Christopher Towneley Parker, “thiasos” in Oxford Classical Dictionary, ed. Simon Hornblower, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012). 40 See IG 4 in Appendix. 41 See IG 5 in Appendix. 42 See IG 6 in Appendix. 43 See IG 7 in Appendix. 44 See IG 10 in Appendix. 18 in the cist-grave of a woman lists initiates and Bacchoi that travel down a sacred road after death.45 In every single one of these inscriptions, it is certain that men participated in Bacchic rites, either alone – or, more likely – alongside women. 2.4 Conclusion Past work has often overlooked or oversimplified the available evidence, largely as a means of understanding Bacchic initiates within the already established literary framework of Bacchic rites. But, the epigraphic evidence discussed above clearly indicates that scholars are correct in pushing back against a dated, “Euripidean” model of Bacchic rites, especially the misconception of a female-only set of rites. Now that it is clear that both men and women took part in Bacchic rites, we can address the more interesting question of how our different sources characterize their participation. The next two chapters will establish how Bacchic worshippers are variously represented as either conforming to or subverting gender norms. 45 See IG 14 in Appendix. 19 3 Female Participation 3.1 Introduction In this chapter, I argue that female participants are portrayed in distinct ways in our two types of source material: in literature, they subvert normative gender roles, while in epigraphy they conform. In the former, female worshippers are characterized as embodying the exact opposite of feminine ideals of marriage, sexual passivity, motherhood and domesticity. In the latter, the authors of epigraphic documents constructed female participants as conforming to traditional gender norms, as is seen in their occupation of priesthoods, as well as their minimal presence within the rites. I will first outline gender roles before demonstrating how each body of evidence either reflects or subverts these ideologies. In order to define gender roles and ideologies, I will be relying primarily on the extant comedies to inform my research. The nature of comedy is rooted within a social framework; in order to get “the joke,” a viewer has to understand what the ‘joke’ is commenting, critiquing or questioning.46 The comedic jokes lie in the understanding of dominant social structures and frameworks, so that comics can then distort it to make it funny. As such, comedy provides an excellent social commentary on larger social concepts, such as gender. Reading gender in comedy can provide information on some ways that societies (read: primarily male society) have conceptualized, understood, and further perpetuated, how gendered behavior is performed, or more likely, ought to be performed. I will focus primarily on the comedies of Menander, Terence, and Plautus, as the period range in which they were reflects the most closely to the bodies of evidence that I am examining. 46 Bergson 1980, 62. 20 This brings up another caveat worth mentioning: Terence and Plautus adapted Greek plays, which suggests that the cultural ideals represented in these plays are not necessarily Roman. Scholarship, however, has argued for the cultural validity of these plays as larger adaptions to local settings;47 as such, these plays provide solid evidence on which I can determine certain gender ideals of Greek and Roman society. Further, Roman and Greek concepts of gender are nuanced, in flux and differ widely; it is important to note that the following sections are by no means a measure of the complexity of gender in antiquity. Instead, I have chosen to focus on gender ideals that are present in both Greek and Roman societies. 3.2 Marriage and Motherhood Status plays an integral role in determining what sort of gendered behavior is expected of you: a woman’s status was a crucial aspect in determining how she should behave in society. And so, it is also important to note these intersecting markers when discussing gender ideologies. A woman’s status was a crucial aspect in determining how she should behave in society. Given this, the ideals that I will outline are those that are applicable to women who are of citizen-status, or free-born. Another intersecting axis of analysis worth mentioning is public versus private set of rites. This is especially pertinent to my topic, as we have effectively demonstrated that female representation in religious rites expands when is also worthwhile mentioning private versus public function of the rites, especially in conjunction to women. 47 See Richlin (2017), who argues that “the burden of the joke has shifted” in order to accommodate new audiences. Others, such as Konstan (2013) are more hesitant, but still argue that there are noticeable differences between Old, New and Roman comedy. 21 It should not come as a shock that ideals of femininity have long been associated with a woman’s role as a wife and mother. The role that marriage and motherhood play in the construction of ancient femininity is agreed upon by scholarship: in the Greek world, a proper oikos ensured a man’s participation in politics and the continuation of his property. For women, this meant the production and rearing of legitimate children, who could act as inheritors (through birth) or contributors (through marriage) to the property and wealth of the oikos.48 The Roman domus was not much different: women were also held to the same standards in their duties as child-bearers, rearers and household managers. Marriages were principally for the production and raising of legitimate offspring, of which fertility and motherhood were the essential component.49 Women were thus assessed by their ability to produce and raise legitimate children for inheritance purposes. This theme is visible throughout ancient comedy: one common plot thread often involved the reconciliation of a broken marriage. This is the case for Glycerium and Pamphilus, as well as Charinus and Philumena in Terence’s Andria, and Pamphila and Chaerea in his Eunuchus. In other instances, ancient comedies conclude with a marriage of two newlyweds.50 The point of a (re)unified couple in the plot is the ability of the couple to beget citizen children. Once this has 48 Demand 1994, 2. 49 Lovén 2016, 885-886. 50 Some examples include Chairestratos’ daughter and Kleostratos, as well as Kleostratos’ sister and Chaireas are all married in Aspis; the unification of Sostratos and Gorgias with their loves in Dyskolos. In fact, in Dyskolos, Kallipides explicitly states that he married his daughter off “for the bearing of legitimate children...” (842-843). Plautine plays also reflect the importance of marriage: Planesium and Phaedromus are reunited and married at the end of Curculio; Euthynicus and Casina are eventually married, after her Athenian status is discovered, in Casina. 22 been achieved, the comedic plot can conclude. This narrative, consistent over most New and Roman comedies, demonstrates how female gender ideals promoted marriage and motherhood. Along with marriage came the importance of female fidelity and chastity within a marriage. Familial discord caused by unfaithful — and thus unharmonious — marriages was a topic especially prevalent in Athenian tragedy.51 In turn, these discordant marriages produced devastating results: plagues, infanticide, patricide are all topics that have been thought to reflect a larger ideas of marriage and heterosexual intercourse as integral to the peace and prosperity of the polis. As a result, female chastity became a priority in proper female behaviour.52 In Republican Rome, men’s anxieties about women in public space also had to do with their perceived propensity for sexual misconduct.53 This sexuality not only posed a threat to an individual male, but to the fundamental well-being of the state.54 This is very evident in Livy: in Book 1, Lucretia is the ideal wife through her devotion to her household and to her own chastity. Instead of abandoning her domestic duties to socialize like the other Roman women, she remains at home to weave. When she is subsequently sexually assaulted by Sextus Tarquinius, she commits suicide, as she knows that her chastity — and as a result, her household — has been ruined. Her valour and heroism are attached to the Roman state as her death marks the end of the monarchy and the foundation of the Republic (1.57-59). Chastity was paramount in ideals of femininity. In ancient comedies, themes of matrimonial fidelity are discussed at length. Take, for example, Terence’s Eunuchus. In this play, Philumena’s sexual assault and subsequent pregnancy 51 For some examples, see Clytemnestra and Agamemnon in Sophocles’ Electra, Medea and Jason in Euripides’ Medea. 52 Dhillon 2003, 121. 53 See Parker’s “The Teratogenic Grid” which outlines how sexuality is often something that is used for rhetorical attacks in Roman discourse. 54 See Chapter 2 of Braund (2017) for an analysis of Livy’s use of men and women as exemplum for Roman gender. 23 almost destroy her marriage (390-430). Only when her husband realizes that it was he who had sexually assaulted her does the play conclude harmoniously (810-880). Pamphilus’ willingness to take her back expressly because there was no adultery, demonstrates the importance of chastity and sexual fidelity in constructions of femininity.55 3.2.1 Bacchic Participants The women in literary accounts of Bacchic worship subvert the feminine ideals outlined above. In Bacchides, a fragmentary play by Plautus in the 2nd century BCE, the protagonist Pistoclerus warns of the temptation of Bacchic women, who aim to ruin him and his father (3.1). Here, the assumption is that that the potential for sexual escapades outside of marriage will ruin men’s reputation. Diodorus Siculus also warns of this behavior, stating that Bacchic rites are celebrated at night “because of the disgrace resulting from sexual intercourse of both sexes” (4.1-5). In Book 39 of Livy, he refers to female infidelity twice in his account of the Roman Bacchanalia: he discusses the “promiscuous encounters of free men and women” (39.8.6; 39.8.7-8) as well as the “lustful practices” between men and women that occur during initiations (39.13.10). Furthermore, he also reiterates that the women attending these participations are women of status (39.8.7-8; 39.10.5; 39.13.14; 39.18.6). Livy’s attention to the social standing of the women immediately marks them as breachers of female ideals: these women, some of high social status, were expected to behave in specific ways. This is further reiterated when he 55 Similarly, Thais’ plans to get Pamphila into better social standing by returning to her Athenian looks as if it is ruined after her sexual assault by Chaerea (580-603; 650-660). It is only through Chaerea’s agreement to marry her (883-885) that the play can conclude. This story line is telling: the rape, which ruins Pamphila’s chance at returning to her family, suggests that Pamphila’s chastity was seen as the most valuable asset to her family. The violation against her, although not her fault, has subsequently made her less valuable. 24 underlines certain women that abstain from the rites: Hispala – a woman of freed status – states that although she attended the initiation rites as a slave, she would never attended them as a freedwoman (39.10.5-6); the two women responsible for helping expose the rites (of which they purportedly knew nothing about) are described as high-ranking and virtuous (39.11.3-6). Livy’s contrast between the virtuous woman who chooses not to participate stands in stark contrast to the female participants with allegations of sexual misconduct. Even the Bacchae fits within this trend of unfaithful female participants. Although I have advocated for movement away from Euripides’ Bacchae in understanding female participants, I will include it is a means of showing how our literary evidence is conforming to this rhetoric of participants. Pentheus makes several remarks about the sexual activity of female participants, stating that “they sneak off… to tryst in private with men” as the Bacchic rites wreaks havoc on their marriages (220-21; 355). In this play, we know that Pentheus’ reference includes citizen women and women of elite status, such as his own mother. These are women who were expected, as mentioned previously, to conform to traditional roles of marriage. Their supposed sexual conquests outside of their own marriage therefore directly violate these ideologies. The participants of Bacchic rites thus supposedly violate matrimonial fidelity – a behavior that the male perspective believes they should uphold – marking their participation in Bacchic rites as socially subversive. The literary image of women of Bacchic rites also demonstrates a subversion of motherhood. Paculla Annia and Duronia, both women in Livy’s Book 39, are mothers who were responsible for initiating (or almost initiating, in the case of Aebutius) their sons into the Bacchic rites (Liv. 39.9; 39.13). In Demosthenes’ De Corona, Aeschines is charged with helping his mother participate in the rites (Dem. De Cor. 259). Similarly, after elaborating on the criminal behaviour 25 of participants in the rites, Livy informs us that the mares — male youth — that were being initiated into the Roman rites were so young that they weren’t able to make their own decisions (39.15.12). The implication here is that it was women —whose purpose was to raise children and keep them safe — who were inserting children into a situation that was thought to be dangerous. Again, the Bacchae also exemplifies this trend: the women abandon child-rearing in favour of nurturing wild animals (695-700). In other instances, child participation (and the potential harmful outcomes that occur) in Bacchic rites amplifies this lack of maternal care in female participants: in the Euripidean play, the women of Thebes snatched the children of Hysiae and Erythrae away from their mothers (750-755); Pentheus is killed by his own mother and aunts while in their Bacchic frenzies (1000-1200). For these participants, their lack of maternal instinct is magnified, and acts as a direct violation of what was expected of these women in antiquity. Female participants in Bacchic rites were constructed in such a way that subverted what was socially expected of women; no longer were they faithful in their marriages, and no longer were they inherently protectors of their children. 3.3 Domesticity and Invisibility Another important gender ideal that women were expected to adhere to was their role within the domestic sphere. Scholars have argued that the development and diffusion of democracy during the late Classical and Hellenistic period saw the increasing importance of the production and maintenance of the household for the betterment of the state, with each individual sharing the responsibility and outcome of the state.56 Men performed their duties outside, exercising the political voice of the oikos, and/or physically managing the production of their oikos through 56 Möller 2007, 375-376 26 physical labour, such as farming. Women, having few political rights and perceived as the physically weaker sex, were then relegated to the domestic sphere to perform duties for state benefits.57 This prominent role inside the house corresponded to an absence outside the domestic sphere, pushing her out of public visibility. Female invisibility reiterated in the public sphere is in ancient comedy in two ways: the first is obvious – all female characters, silent or visible, were constructed by men and portrayed by men. Women held no voice in the writing of female characters and their experiences, nor were they part of the production. This in itself is telling; banning women from this activity should be read as a means of restricting their movement outside of the home and relegating them to the house. The second way that women were relegated to the domestic sphere and rendered invisible lies within the text: women, at least women eligible for marriage, were more often the silent characters, or never appeared on stage at all. In most of Terence’s plays, the female protagonists who stand as the objects of marital desire, affection, and ownership of the male protagonists are rarely seen, or heard. Instead, they are referenced to or heard off stage.58 Plautus represents women in a similar way: in the Aulularia, Megadorus states that “not a single silent woman has been found either now or at any time” (126). Similarily, in Rudens, Trachalio states that “a woman’s worth is always judged by silence, not by speech” (1114). These comments illuminate a struggle between what is happening and what men think should happen. For men, as soon as a woman speaks, she is speaking too much. The silent presence of these women suggests that men believed that proper married women should remain invisible, and within the domestic sphere. 57 Skinner 2013, 101-183. 58 This is the case for both Philumena and Glycerium in Andria, for Philumena in Hecyra; for Pamphila in Eunuchus, for Phanium and Pamphila in Phormia, for Pamphila in Adelphoi, and for Phoenicium in Pseudolus. 27 This ideal of silence and invisibility is further underscored when one considers the intersection of status and femininity. The types of female characters that are visible on the comedic stage are often women of lower status and/or undetermined status, such as female prostitutes and female slaves.59 These positions occupy the majority of female-speaking roles.60 The above analysis reiterates traditional gender norms: it suggests that women of lower status are exempt from a certain category of women – ie. citizen women – and thus, they do not need to behave according to social norms. Presence within the domestic sphere, and by extension – invisibility in public – were behaviours attached to free, citizen female gender norms. 3.3.1 Bacchic Participants The domesticity and invisibility of female participants of Bacchic rites is consistently inverted across the literary evidence. In Book 39, Livy notes that the rites were deliberately changed from 3 days per year to 5 days per month by women (39.13.9). The massive increase in 59 There are instances in which citizen women do appear onstage. In these instances, it is often in a position where the woman’s role is defined by their need to preserve the family. In Sykonios, Stratophanes’ mother is essential in saving him from debt (135); in Terence’s Hecyra, the step-mother plays an integral role in the rekindling of Pamphilus and Philumena; in Heauton Timorumenos, Sostrata is integral to uniting Clitipho with Antiphila; in Plautus’ Aulularia, Eunomia discusses at length with Megadorus about the importance of siblings counselling each other (2.1). Or, it is a daughter, whose relationship (known or unknown) with her father is a central part of the storyline, such is the case with Daemons and Palaestra in Rudens. In some cases, these women are often not the targets of marriage affections, or, are already married, and thus exempt from the need to be silent. Or, in the case of the daughters, are part of a plot in which their parent discovers their long-lost identity in order to make them eligible for marriage. Furthermore, their roles are always integral to facilitating a harmonious and prosperous household, which demonstrates the notion that women are meant to play an integral role inside the household. 60 In Hecyra, Bacchis, Syra, and Philotus – female concubine and female slaves – are featured on stage. Similarly, in Samia, it is Chrysis that appears on stage; the kidnapped Philocomasium and her companion Acroteleutium have speaking lines in Miles Gloriosus; Thais – a foreign courtesan – plays an integral role in the happy ending of Eunuchus. 28 time is a suggestive nod to the amount of time Roman women would have been participating in these rites in public settings, instead of remaining at home. As the women are mentioned to be practicing outside, near the Grove of Stimula (39.12). The opening lines of the Bacchae point immediately to an absence of women in the domestic sphere when Dionysus states that he has made the women of Thebes abandon their household roles (40-45). In the play, they are described numerous times as being out of the house, either in the streets or in the forest (for some examples, see 34; 86-87; 116; 445; 660-780). While these settings – primarily the natural setting – are not uncommon in associations of Bacchic imagery and initiations, what would have been abnormal was the high female presence in these settings. The outside world was a space meant for men; the home was a female-occupied space. Female presence in a supposedly male-dominated space highlights how their participation in the rites is transgressive. Pentheus’ consistent attempts throughout the play to get these women to return home are consistently thwarted, highlighting the subversive behaviour of the Bacchant women. In the literature, female participants were constructed in ways that subverted normative gender ideals; instead of remaining indoors with little in the way of public visibility, they abandoned their domestic sphere and occupied public space. However, our epigraphic documents suggest the reverse: the construction of female gender (or lack thereof) conforms to normative gender roles of female invisibility and domesticity. To begin with, there is no mention of marriage, motherhood or domesticity on any epigraphic documents. This is obviously another reflection of the logistics of epigraphy; inscriptions only have a finite amount of space to record. It was not meant to record detailed accounts of the rites through narration. However, one could also read these absences in a deliberate attempt to represent traditional gender ideals. One such way is the notable underrepresentation of women in our 29 epigraphic evidence. In fact, out of the 18 inscriptions, less than 1/4 of them directly support female participation.61 While the lack of women in inscriptions could be a result of Greek and Latin’s default to a masculine noun in any mixed group setting, it is also possible to read this absence as an iteration of cultural ideals that support female absence in the public sphere. This is not to say that women are not participating in Bacchic rites. As Schultz states, “the small number of female-authored dedications should not automatically be interpreted as evidence of restricted religious worship” and it is not my intention to suggest that their epigraphic absence is evidence of their physical absence.62 The lack of female presence in inscriptions could suggest is that the women participating in these rites were women of lower status and did not have the financial means to make dedications.63 However, the dearth of female voices in the epigraphic evidence could also be interpreted as an author’s reiteration of normative gender roles in the diminishment of the role of women within the rites. When women do appear, it is almost always in conjunction with a religious role or religious activity, which acts as justification for her role outside of the domestic sphere and reinforces typical gender hierarchies. In IG 1, Alkmeonis is described as τὴν ὁσίν… ἱρείν — translated as ‘sacred priestess’. Charged with carrying the ὄργια πάντα καὶ ἱρὰ (the sacred objects and orgia), her role is to lead her followers of female-only participants – the Βάκχαι – in a procession on behalf of the whole city. Here, her leadership and the participation of the Βάκχαι are integral to the entire city’s piety towards the god. As religious practice and piety played an important role in ancient religion, the women’s visible participation is a necessary role in proper religious practice, and their pious nature legitimizes their activity outside the domestic sphere. 61 See IG 1-3; IG 6 refers to Paso, the head of a thiasos. 62 Schultz 2006, 48. 63 See section 1.3.3 on the financial aspects of inscriptions. 30 Similarly, IG 2 and IG 3 also note female religious prominence. Here, the priestess casts the omophagia for the whole city, and is in charge of gathering the official thiasos, which (likely) sets off the rest of the chain of events listed in the inscription, such as the trieteric festival and the Katagogia. The priestess’ presence is necessary for the entire procession to take place and for the city to practice proper worship towards a god. IG 3 also amplifies the religious element of female participants. The three maenads of Thebes — Kosko, Baubo, and Thettale — are brought over from ἱερὸν πέδον, meaning a ‘sacred plain’. They carried with them the ὄργια (orgia) and νόμιμα (sacred customs) of Bacchic rites. These women are responsible for the establishment of Bacchic rites in Magnesia; without them, there would be no Bacchic rites in Magnesia. It is because of these religious women that Magnesia can perform, as a city, the proper rites for Bacchus. So, while these women of these inscriptions are occupying roles widely outside of the domestic sphere, they are occupying roles that are an integral part of the religious activities of the city. The association with female participants and religious roles also demonstrates authorial intent to uphold gender ideals and is demonstrated when considering the public vs. private lens. For literature, it was very common to discuss rites that were public and state-level. As a result, it is not uncommon to see women in state-sanctioned religious roles.64 The priestesses and worshippers of IG 1-3 can thus be seen as iterations of normative roles that women occupy in religion, which uphold traditional gender hierarchies.65 64 Schultz 2006, 26. 65 Dhillon 2003, 74. See also Takacs 2008, xix- xxiii, who suggests that female priestly roles primarily revolved around the protection and rearing of life, translated into priestly roles that had to do with agricultural life. See also DiLuzio 2016, 240-242. She argues that women who participated in the civic cult still had to conform to traditional gender roles such as the Virgin, the Matron, and the Univira. 31 The lack of female presence in inscriptions outside of religious ones further upholds gender norms of female invisibility. Epigraphic evidence for religious worship often provides evidence religious activities outside of the state/public sphere; alongside evidence for private iterations of religious worship comes the increase of female presence in religious activities.66 Further, from the 3rd-2nd century onwards, it was common for women to use inscriptions as a means to promote themselves, their wealth, and their status.67 For Bacchic inscriptions then, the lack of female dedication and presence in inscriptions could mean one of two things: one – women were not participating very much, which is not likely given the evidence that we do have. The second – and more plausible option – is that inscriptional creators opted out of mentioning female presence in the rites, and as a result, reinforce female ideals of invisibility in the public sphere. 3.4 Sexuality and Power Power dynamics are also key components in gender roles in antiquity. For women, this manifests primarily in submission to men in all aspects. In Greek society, proper women – wives and mothers – remained inside the domestic sphere; being in situations with men – particularly in sexual situations with men – was thought to be reserved for sex slaves and courtesans. Free women were meant to remain indoors; it was only those that “sought” sex (ie. sex workers) who would have been in public.68 Roman standards of female passivity in sexual relationships were also similar. The standard sexual power dynamics were presented as male penetrator - female penetrated, marking women as passive recipients of sex.69 66 See Chapter 3 of Schultz (2006). See also Beard, North and Price (1999). 67 Schultz 2006, 48-50. 68 See Chapter 2 and 3 in Davidson’s Courtesans and Fischakes: the consuming passions of classical Athens. 69 See Walters’ “Invading the Roman Body: Manliness and Impenetrability in Roman Thought;” see also Edwards’ 32 These thoughts are also reflected in our ancient comedies: the majority of mutual sexual relationships – and here I mean sexual relationships in which the woman gives consent70 – take place between sex workers and men.71 In contrast, all unwanted sexual advances take place against citizen (known or unknown) women. What this suggests is that it is was not ordinary for proper women to show an interest in, or seek out, sex. If they were to engage in sex, it would have to be at a man’s initiation. Sexually active behavior was reserved for men and for sex workers – women who fell outside of societal norms. Proper behavior of women thus encompassed sexual passivity. The most obvious gender role a woman could fulfill in antiquity was her ability to be controlled by men. Aristotle stated that men were inherently superior to women, and thus, in a proper society, should be in control of women (Arist. Pol. 1.2.12). In Greek democratic societies, every individual in the male citizen body was granted with the potential opportunity to govern the state. In turn, this propagated a need for public performance of what was deemed proper male behaviour.72 Male identity then was expressed through performative actions of sophrosyne, a conceptual inner balance of honour, moral excellence, and — above all — self-control. This extended to his ability to maintain control of his household, and thus, his wife. The ancient comedies deal with this type of power dynamic regularly. The relegation of women to the household and the importance of their sexual virtue and their passivity, discussed previously, also attest to this: men were to remain visible and in control, women were meant to “Unspeakable Professions: Public Performance and Prostitution in Ancient Rome.” 70 Consent here does not account for the financial needs of sex workers and the power dynamic that exists between client and sex worker. 71 Menander: Chrysis and Demeas in Samia; Terence: Bacchis and Pamphilus, Philotus, in Hecyra, Bachis and Clitipho in Heauton Timorumenos, Thais and Phaedria in Eunuchus; Plautus: Philocomasium and Pleusicles, Acroteleutium in Miles Gloriosus. 72 Konstan 2006. 33 remain invisible, and to be controlled. In the Hecyra, Laches states that all women are equally determined to oppose their husbands (Ter. Hec. 195-210), with the point being that if society were perfect, women would listen to their husbands. In Samia, Demeas’ ejection of Chrysis and her baby can be read as his attempt to regain control of his household, disallowing her from gaining a permanent spot in his household, and serving as a reminder to her that he ultimately controls her livelihood.73 And for each marriage that takes place, the woman’s father or brother is responsible for facilitation and permission of the wedding. What this indicates is that in an ideal situation, women were intended to be under the control of men. 3.4.1 Bacchic Participants If the ideal Greek and Roman woman was passive, the Bacchants of literature were clearly marked as deviant. First, they are often described as they sexually aggressive: in Bacchides, Pistoclerus states that the rites are very alluring to young men, because “nothing can be more alluring than this — night, women [and] wine” (Plaut. Bacch. 1.1). Diodorus Siculus informs us that the rites of Dionysos Sabazios “are honoured at night and in secret, because of the disgrace resulting from the intercourse of the sexes” (4.3). While neither of these examples actually gives agency to women, their mere involvement in sexual acts marks them as more sexually aggressive than their chaste and faithful counterparts in literature. The Bacchants in Livy’s narrative also demonstrate how sexual infidelity was thought of as a main feature of Bacchic rites (39.8.6; 39.13.10; 39.15.11). Livy’s description goes so far as to incorporate their improper dress, describing female Bacchants’ hair as unkempt and uncovered during their nightly rituals (39.13.12). Even Euripides fits into this trend: Pentheus makes several remarks about the sexual 73 Traill 2008, 86. 34 activity of the Bacchants (220-221, 335). In the above descriptions of Livy, Euripides and Plautus, the Bacchants are sexual, marking them as aggressive in comparison to the passive sexual nature expected of women. Female participants of literature also invert normal power dynamics in the ways in which they outnumber, have more power over, or threaten men. To begin with, female participants far outweigh their male participants (when acknowledged) in Bacchic rites. Female participation in the mystery rites of Bacchus are unanimously agreed upon by scholars, and female association with the rites is attested very early on in literature.74 Female participants also consistently occupy positions that are higher than men, marking them as superior to men within the rites. In the Bacchae, it appears that the original priestesses of Dionysus are his mythical maenads — distinct from his Theban Bacchantes, who come from Asia. These are the women who presumably look after his rites worship. Female priestly authority is also attested elsewhere: Livy attributes the priesthoods to matrons (39.13.10); older woman fill priestly positions such as εξαρχος — Master of Ceremonies, κισσοφορος — Ivy-Bearer, and λικνοφορος — Fan-Carrier in Demosthenes’ account of the rites (De Cor. 260). These all suggest that women occupied positions of religious authority in Bacchic rites. On its own, female occupation of positions of religious authority does not indicate a subversive nature of the rites. 74 For the most thorough summaries of scholarship, see Henrichs (1979) and Bremmer (1984); Dionysiac association with women is attested very early on in our literary sources: in his Homeric Hymn, his epithet – γυναιμανές – can be translated as ‘women-frenzier’ (HH. 1.17). Homeric Hymn 26 describes a situation closely parallel to his mystery rites: he would go around the forests, making revelry with αἱ νύμφαι – the nymphs – female mythological beings often found in Greek myth (HH 26). These mythical female followers are reiterated in Euripides’ Bacchae, arguably one of the most famous representations of his ancient rites. In this play, Dionysus is surrounded by an “army of maenads,” having brought them to Thebes from Asia (Bacc. 30 - 53). 35 Women often held religious positions in literary evidence, especially in public rites.75 While women in priestly positions of power is not abnormal, it is does seem as if there is an intention to highlight how their positions of power are abnormal: Demosthenes lists the roles of each woman in the rites, titles such as εξαρχος (Master of ceremonies) κισσοφορος (ivy-bearer) λικνοφορος (carrier of sacred objects) and προηγεμων (leader of the procession) (De Cor. 260). As evidenced by the masculine form of the noun, these titles are all typically occupied by men; here, however, women occupy these positions, placing them above of (and in control of) men. Furthermore, what is also abnormal is the status of women who occupy religious roles: it appears that women of mostly any status, class, or ethnicity could participate in these rites. Both Livy and Plautus suggest that women of any status can initiate into the rites: Hispala Faecenia (a freedwoman) was initiated into the rites when she was a slave (Livy 39.12.4); Milphidda, a slave, is also seemingly an initiate of Bacchic rites as she is aware of the passwords that initiates should use (Miles Glor. 1016). The low status of these two female participants meant that not only were women were above men in Bacchic rites, but women of any status could achieve positions above men in Bacchic rites. While rules of femininity govern that women should be controlled by men, the women of Bacchic rites were virtually uncontrollable or conquerable by men. Plautus states that Dionysus, along with a female army, gained a kingdom out from the hands of men (Bacc. 1.0). Furthermore, the men in Bacchides express fear at Bacchant women, and their power over men: Pistoclerus dreads the Bacchants and “[the] Bacchanalian den…,” and expresses concerns for his safety because the women are said to “suck the blood of men” (3.1). In Aulularia, the hyper-masculine character Congrio was badly beaten and mugged, and blames it on the work of Bacchant women 75 Schultz 2006, 26. 36 (406-414). In the Bacchae, Pentheus attempts — and fails — throughout the play to get the women of Thebes to stop worshipping Dionysus. The men of Hysiae and Erythrae are said to be unable to fight off the Bacchants, as the woman steal away the men’s children and then murder them (736-800). It becomes clear that the female participants of Bacchic worship in literature embodied all the subversions of what was deemed to be a normal gender ideal. In contrast to the literature, the epigraphic evidence confirms to traditional gender norms; namely, they uphold female invisibility and traditional gendered power dynamics. As mentioned previously, we have very little to work with in terms of women in the epigraphic record. There is no mention of their sexual activity, and the only piece of epigraphy where we can determine that they outnumber men is IG 1, which mentions a group of participants that is female-only. However, when they do make specific appearances, we can see that they are often in positions that outrank men. This is the case with IG 1-3 – all three mention priestesses that perform the sacred rites. In fact their pious nature should not necessarily indicate a non-conformity to gendered power dynamics. Religious roles in antiquity often provided women with access to public life that they might not normally have.76 But, their roles within the public sphere should not be seen as defiant of traditional gender norms. Instead, women’s place within the religious sphere continued to uphold traditional gender norms.77 76 Dhillon 2003, 74. See also Takacs 2008, xix- xxiii. 77 See Takacs (2008) who suggests that female priestly roles primarily revolved around the protection and rearing of life, translated into priestly roles that had to do with agricultural life. See also DiLuzio 2016, 240-242. She argues that women who participated in the civic cult still had to conform to traditional gender roles such as the Virgin, the Matron, and the Univira. 37 3.5 Conclusions The portrayal of the female gender in Bacchic participants varies widely between the literary and epigraphic evidence. Gender ideals of status, motherhood, marriage, sexuality, and power dynamics are all manipulated in certain ways within the various media of evidence. The literature constructs the female participant as the ultimate subverter of traditional gender roles: she occupies public space otherwise held by men, she participates in extra-marital affairs and is sexually aggressive and hungry, her maternal instincts are non-existent in her actions that threaten her (or other’s) children, she occupies positions of power otherwise intended for men, and she is virtually uncontrollable by men. In contrast, the female participant in epigraphic evidence is constructed in such a way that upholds traditional gender norms. Gone is her sexual voracity, her amplified presence in the public sphere, her infidelity, her tendencies towards matricide and her uncontrollable nature. Instead, she is virtually invisible in the epigraphy. She occupies little to no space, and what space and roles she occupies are confined to a religious context, which reiterates traditional ideas of women in antiquity. 38 4 Male Participation 4.1 Introduction Female participants are constructed in literature and epigraphy as opposites of one another: where one is dominant, visible, dangerous, and sexually aggressive, the other is silent, invisible, and non-threatening. But further, women, it seems, were presented in ways that either conformed to, or subverted, gender ideals. The following chapter will focus on how male participants are represented in the literary and epigraphic evidence in parallel ways; namely, male gender norms are either amplified, or subverted, in the participants of Bacchic rites. And like the female counterpart, these trends are specific to the medium of evidence that is being investigated. The literary evidence tends to subvert ideals of masculine behaviours — specifically: civic/cultural identity, social status, age and sexuality — while the epigraphic evidences tends to conform to ideals of masculinity by emphasizing wealth, and family and kinship bonds. 4.2 Civic Identity and Wealth In the Greco-Roman world, the masculine paradigm is bound up in civic identity.78 This meant that all normal, typical men should have the ability to hold the local citizenship, should have been able to legally marry through the citizen status of both them and their spouse, and have also had the ability produce legitimate heirs through that legitimate marriage. In the extant Greek plays, a character’s cultural heritage is often used in such a way that presents a non-Greek in a negative manner.79 This often presents itself in the form of a plot device: a common occurrence in 78 Berg 2011, 105. 79 It is out of the scope of this research to delve into the ongoing debates of what it means to be Greek or Roman in 39 Menandrian plots is the inability of the young, male protagonist to marry the woman he wants because she is foreign and/or is not of local citizenship.80 Because any marriage or children and from these unions will not be legitimate, the young men are legally and morally barred from their love interests.81 While the point of these narratives is to drive the plot forward, they nonetheless uphold the notion that being foreign, or establishing connections with someone who is foreign, carries a social disadvantage for men. The idea that foreign identities were viewed negatively is further exemplified by the fact that they were often used as a negative trait in describing men. In Aspis, the waiter concurs that Daos (a slave) is bad because of his Phrygian origins (ll. 239-244); an an old man insults Moschion in Samia when he refers to Moschion as a “brute… [a] Thracian goat” (ll.518-520). This may be because foreign identity was heavily embedded with status; slaves could not hold citizenship in antiquity, neither could foreigners, thus a literary choice to fuse the two identities into one character makes sense. In fact, a large majority of the foreign characters in ancient drama were slaves.82 The authors’ use of foreign status as a means of insult, or as a demarcation of lower status, supports the idea that proper men, masculine men, were not foreign. antiquity; more so, my use of “Greekness” in this research means someone who is clearly outside of Ionia, and perhaps does not speak Greek. 80 For some examples, see Chrysis in Samia, Stratophanes’ love interest in Sikyionioi, Krateia in Misoumeno 81 This is also prevalent in the character relationships of other plays, such as the relationship between prostitute Phoenicium (meaning “of/from Phoenicia”) and Callidorus in Plautus’ Pseudolus, Phaedria and Thais in Terence’s Eunuchus, or Pamphilus and Bacchis in Hecyra. In each of these examples, the woman’s foreign and/or non-citizen status does not allow for the young man to legally marry her and produce legitimate children. 82 Thais, a courtesan, is described as foreign (Ter. Eun. 105-120); the household slave, Stalagmus, in Plautus’ Captivi is from Sicily; Telestis, a sex slave, is from Thebes (Plaut. Epidi.); two unnamed slaves in Truculentus originated from Syria; and Giddenis, a household slave woman, comes from Thebes (Plaut. Poenu.). 40 Wealth, to an extent, has also been considered a determinant of masculinity. Being self-sufficient, as well as being able to provide for those considered your property (women, children and slaves) was a common theme in ancient dramas: in the Dyskolos, Gorgias is venerated for being a hard-working man, able to provide for himself and his mother (Men. Dysk. 25-27); in this play, Kallippides, a wealthy Athenian man, is also reluctant to have his children marry their significant others, as it would be beneath their financial means (793-798). Wealth, like civic identity, became a determinant of masculinity. 4.2.1 Bacchic Participants As in the case of women, male participants of Bacchic rites were represented in literature as subverting masculine ideals of high economic activity and a strong civic identity. Most of the men are of either lower status and/or foreign backgrounds. The first example is from Herodotus, who describes Scyles – a Scythian king – participating in Bacchic initiations. According to Herodotus, Scyles initiated himself into the Bacchic mysteries and often “[played] the Bacchant” (4.79). Similarly, the role of Aeschines in Demosthenes’ speech is also evidence of this: in the oration, Aeschines is charged with helping his mother and other participants get ready for the initiatory rites of Bacchus (De Cor. 260). In this oration, Aeschines’ character is repeatedly attacked for not being an upstanding citizen, unlike the orator himself. Demosthenes accuses Aeschines of being raised incorrectly: with a foreign mother, and not as a citizen (258). The above two examples indicate that when male participants are mentioned in our literary sources, it is often with a foreign identity marker. Male participants are also often of lower status, as well: in Plautus’ Miles Gloriosus, Palaestrio – a slave – has a conversation with Milphidda, who asks him for the password that is 41 given to Bacchic initiates, insinuating his participation in the rites. Livy also attributes the Bacchic rites to foreign influence: he attributes the mystery of the rites to an unknown Greek man (39.8.3), a foreigner to the Roman-bred Livy. In this way, the male participants of the rites are represented, at least in literature, are presented as men of low socio-economic status and/or foreign. Unlike its literary counterpart, the inscriptional evidence provides little in the way of cultural identities or heritage. Instead, male members of Bacchic rites constructed themselves in such a way that adhered to and promoted another masculine ideal: wealth. This was often done through euergetism – benefactions donated by individuals or small groups to their poleis. The Hellenistic period saw an increase in wealth, power, and success, concentrated in the hands of fewer individuals.83 Euergetism also grew exponentially during this period; Hellenistic kings and their families arose as the most grandiose euergetai, donating large gifts to entire poleis. Wealthier individuals followed suit, and as such, euergetism became the opposite of its original intention: it now became a means of achieving status within a specific community.84 Participation in the rites became an opportunity to display male wealth and status through the mention of large financial donations. In the epigraphic evidence, when men are present in the record, there is always mention of financial contributions made by a male individual, or group of individuals, on behalf of a Bacchic thiasos. In some instances, the inscriptions list the dedication of a specific statue: an inscription from Tomis, ca. 1st century BCE, lists the son of Parmis who donated a statue on behalf of the thiasos of Paso.85 Another statue base from Dionysopolis tells us 83 Skinner 2013, 186-204. See also Reger 2007, 460-484. 84 Reger 2007, 473-474. 85 See IG 6 in Appendix. 42 about the son of Dephone, a priest of Dionysus, who dedicated the statue in the name of the Bakkheastai.86 In other instances, epigraphic evidence lists the members of a Bacchic thiasos that have contributed financially to the building of monuments: an inscription from Callatis lists the subscription of the construction of a temple, built from the funds of the thiasos.87 In this inscription, each contributing member is listed individually. Furthermore, the inscription notes the value of each donation, and what benefits a member will receive from such a donation. These specificities help support the notion that male participants used epigraphy intentionally to help promote their social statuses: in knowing not only who contributed and how much they contributed, but also how much they contributed in comparison to their peers, could have created a notion of wealth not only among anyone who chose to view the rites (participants or onlookers), as well as also among male members within these rites. The creation and promotion of financial status of male participants through epigraphic documents is also evidenced on an inscription, ca. 2nd century BCE, from the thiasos of Menekleides. The stele is inscribed with a set of instructions, in which the thiasos was “to engrave this decree on a stone stele and place it in the vestibule of the bakkheion…”88. While it is unclear if this thiasos actually built the bakkheion, their intended attachment to the bakkheion through the erected stele suggests that the members wanted those entering to think of them in conjunction with the construction of the bakkheion. Those who were participating would have likely entered the bakkheion. In this case, the stele allowed the individuals from the thiasos of Menekleides to 86 See IG 11 in Appendix. 87 See IG 4 in Appendix. 88 See IG 5 in Appendix. 43 demonstrate their wealth and promote their social status within the community of Bacchic participants. In other instances, male participants’ wealth and status was showcased through their associations with elite individuals, which helped create an image of high social standing. Some inscriptions list the specific honours that a thiasos would give certain honourees. An inscription from Rhodes lists the donation of a gold-leafed crown to Dionysodoros the Alexandrian, “crowned with two gold crowns in the reception of the Bakkheia” by an association of Dionysiasts. Having received these honours, he then proceeded to make a dedication back to the association.89 While it is impossible to tell the status of Bacchic participants definitively, what is of note is that they clearly have access to a significant amount of financial wealth. Their wealth is then displayed in a way that constructs these participants as benefactors towards their community – both the initiated and non-initiated. The construction of status of Bacchic participants through displays of wealth was not done in vain; a funerary inscription, also from Rhodes ca. 2nd century BCE, lists the same Dionysodorus as mentioned above. In this funerary stele, Dionysodorus lists the honours bestowed on him by the Dionysiasts, as having been crowned with not one, but two gold crowns, for his virtue.90 These inscriptions provide two different perspectives of the same event and are telling of how both benefactor and benefactee wanted to be perceived. The inscription from the dossier of the association of Dionysiasts suggests that they saw an opportunity to showcase their wealth through their donation of a gold crown and honours to Dionysodorus. On the other hand, Dionysodorus’ funeral stele indicates that he found value in being associated with these honours. This suggests a 89 See IG 9 in Appendix. 90 See IG 8 in Appendix. 44 mutually beneficial relationship: while the Dionysiasts saw social benefit in announcing their wealth through benefactions, Dionysodorus’ deliberate display of association with them also suggests a degree of societal prestige in these participants. A mutually beneficial relationship is also seen in two other inscriptions. The first is an inscription from Thera, ca. 160-146 BCE, which states that the community of Bakkhistes are linked to Ladamos, an individual from the court of Diadochi, with known associations to the king of their area. They describe how he is devoted to them and their interests, and because of this, they grant him specific honours.91 Here, the participants take the opportunity to associate themselves with someone of high rank, which augments their own standing; this is also seen in a marble slab from Pergamon, ca. 160 BCE. Here, the Bacchoi honour king Eumenes II.92 Thus, the wealth of Bacchic participants was emphasized to gain social status, as is evidenced in inscriptional evidence. But, this is also reversed, in that they carried enough social prestige for those of elite status to associate with them. 4.3 Age and Sexuality Paradigms of masculinity also strongly emphasize the importance of age, and in conjunction, marriage and sexuality. Age played an important role in determining proper male behaviour in antiquity. Henrik Berg writes that “in some respects, age determined what one was supposed to do in society.”93 For men, age determined the groups into which they belonged, and how they should have behaved. One such way that age affected male behaviour is in their sexuality. 91 See IG 10 in Appendix. 92 See IG 13 in Appendix. 93 Berg 2011, 107. See also Berg 2008, 125-139. 45 For male youth, sexuality was abundant and uncontrollable; for men, however, it was meant to be restrained.94 This becomes very evident when considering a common plot theme in ancient comedy: the male youth, unable to contain his sexual appetite, sexually assaults a woman; this leads to the main issues of the play, and it is only when he realizes that he can marry the woman does the play conclude. Thus, the youth’s marriage to her is his point of transformation into manhood, having finally eschewed his wayward youth.95 For youth then, sexual promiscuity and inability to control it was the norm. For men, it was the opposite – they were supposed to be able to maintain sexual control.96 In Dyskolos, Getas tells us that sexual intercourse is the only thing that boys know anything about (460-461). This is also evidenced in the way that old men in comedic performances will act in ways that are abnormal for their age group, especially when it comes to women: in Aspis, Chairestratos makes fun of Smirkrines for attempting to marry a young girl, as he was considered too old (ll. 258-260).97 This is but one example of how men should not be acting on their impulses, and they have grown out of youth and are now expected to behave with sexual restraint.98 Age also determined the relationship between male behaviour and the home. Male youth were expected to get drunk, go to parties, and act sexually or physically aggressive towards others. Marriage then represented the end of this pattern of behaviour and shift into actions performed by 94 Pierce (1998) discusses how a masculine youth identity incorporated getting drunk, going to parties, seducing women, hiring prostitutes, aggressive behaviour and joining the army. 95 For some examples, see Menander’s Epitrepontes, Heros, Samia; Plautus’ Aulularia, Cistelaria; Terence’s Adelphoe, Eunuchus, Hecyra. See also Sommerstein 1998, 100-114; see also Pierce 1998, 130-131. 96 Berg 2011, 108. 97 Another example is in Plautus’ Mercator, Demipho is infatuated with his son’s young slave girl. He puts aside his wife in order to “take up [his] old ways again,” insinuating that his age should not hold back him back (ll. 544-549). The end result? He is humiliated. 98 See also Plautus’ Asinaria (812-815; 851-853); Bacchides (1195-1198). 46 adult males. This entailed sexual fidelity, relationship harmony, and reproduction.99 Convinced of his wife’s sexual infidelity, Chairisios leaves her and tries to revert to behaviours he performed as a single man, including drinking and hiring a prostitute. However, he does not have sex with her (Men. Epit. 437-441). Had he reverted into youthful patterns by having sex with the prostitute, that behaviour would have represented an intention to divorce and he would have returned to bachelor status. Thus, being married, and further, being sexually faithful, are expected parts of male behaviour in full-grown adults. And this is true of virtually all ancient comedies of Menander, Plautus and Terence that feature a sexual-assault-leads-to-child plot line: a female character cannot be sexually assaulted by anyone in the play, except for the man who is either already, or about to be, her husband.100 The sexual assault drives the plot, and so the inference is that the protagonist would not be able to enter into, or continue in, a marriage where sexual fidelity was questioned.101 These comedic plots are reflections of male conceptions of their own behaviour — marriage and sexual fidelity represent two necessary components of proper male behaviour. In addition, these pieces of evidence also indicate that movement outside of your age group — and — as a linear progression of social responsibilities and morally correct behaviour.102 Meaning, the older one became, the more he was expected to behave in ways that were meant for his age. The men that deviate from the invariable progression of age are either predetermined to return to their normal social group eventually (ie. Chairisios) or remain in the wrong age group, 99 Pierce 1998, 130-141. 100 See Menander’s Epitrepontes, Samia; see Plautus’ Aulularia, Cistellaria, Epidicus, Truculentus; see Terence’s Adelphoe, Andria, Hecyra. See also Sommerstein (1998) for a discussion of rape in Old and New Comedy. Terence’s Eunuchus is not considered in this plot groupings, as it is unknown if the sexual assault produces children. 101 Sexual fidelity is not being used in a modern sense here; I acknowledge that the woman has had no choice in the sexual assault. 102 Berg 2011, 107. 47 and as such, become a comedic device. This is often reserved for older men who act like youths, such as Smikrines in Menander’s Aspis, who’s behaviour is called into question when his brother comments that he is too old to marry a young woman (258-260). Men’s age is attached to their social identity; as they age, they assume new social responsibilities. Their behaviours then act as a marker for their age and their responsibilities; reverting to youthful ways when one had already assumed their status as adult male through marriage and children was not what was socially expected of them. 4.3.1 Bacchic Participants The literary sources regularly portray male initiates in positions that violate the norms mentioned above. When men are shown to be participants in the rites, their sexual promiscuity is often emphasized. In the Bacchae, the female participants are assumed, by Pentheus, to be in “tryst in private with men” (220). The significance of female behaviour in this quote has been previously discussed, but what is also implied here is that any willing male participant is also acting sexually promiscuous.103 What then becomes immediately obvious is that these are either male youths, who have yet to obtain the self-restraint that is present in properly-behaving male adults. Or, they are adult males, who are participating in the rites in a way that is socially transgressive to what is expected of them. Either way, the effect is the same: the male participants who participate in the rites are male participants who are exempt, in one way or another, from the behaving as proper men. 103 I use participant informally here; it is unclear if these men had been initiated. What is clear is that they were participating in the rites in some capacity, and as such, are eligible for inclusion in the category of participant. 48 Sexually deviant behaviour is also employed in Livy’s account of some male participants in early Bacchic rites. He also states that male participants had sex with all female participants (39.13.10); but Livy’s account further underlines their transgressive behaviour in a way that would be understood by his specific audience of Romans by accentuating the details of same-sex relationships. The conception of male-male sex within a Roman context is complex. Many scholars strongly defend the notion of the status of the Roman vir (as defined by our few male elite sources) as being linked to a phallocentric ideal: only those that could not be penetrated were considered Roman viri. Among those susceptible to penetration – and thus not considered a vir – were youths, slaves, and women.104 In theory, status as a Roman vir became about the impenetrability of one’s own body, and in reverse, the ability to penetrate their sexual partner acted as a marker of their social identity and dominant status: penetrator = adult male, penetrated = everyone else underneath the adult male. And so, in Livy’s instance, the men who participate are not only non-conformists to matrimonial monogamy that was expected of them, but are also jeopardizing their prevalent status in the Roman social hierarchy by engaging in same-sex intercourse. And so, through their participation in the rites, the men behave in ways that subvert the normal behaviours that are expected of them as men. Another way in which our literary evidence portrays male participants as not conforming to traditional gender roles is by accentuating the age of the male participants. In Livy, it is the young age of male participants that makes them susceptible to participating in what is thought to be abhorrent behaviour: Aebutius is never referred to as vir, only as adulescens (see 39.9.3; 10.1; 10.9 for examples); Paculla Annia – the female priestess – initiated her children (39.13.9); the ages of men initiated into the rites are so young that Livy describes their initiations as pitiful and 104 Walters 1997, 31. Parker (1997) also follows this model of penetration in relation to male sexuality. 49 shameful for Roman citizens – an implication that these youth are too young to be making their own decisions (39.11.5). This is further emphasized when Livy informs us that within the two years prior to this event, no man over 20 was allowed to be initiated into the rites (39.13.14). What is implied here is that it was largely male youths who were participating, and these men are too young to be making correct choices. Had these males been older than youths, they would know better than to participate in these rites. In the Bacchae, Pentheus describes Teiresias and Cadmus as βακχεύοντ᾽- translated as “playing the Bacchant” or “being the Bacchant—” to participate in the rites as initiates (320-330). Both Teiresias and Cadmus are described multiple times using some form of γεραιος (old), to describe their age, looks, or mindset (175; 185-186; 193; 205; 252-255; 323-325; 328). However, their age is often mentioned in conjunction with their participation in the rites: Cadmus rejoices at his and Teiresias’ participation, exclaiming “how delightful it is that [they] forget [their] age” (189); Teiresias also speaks out against their old age, stating that “[they] are a pair of grayheads, but still [they] must dance” (323-325); Pentheus reproaches them for “acting so foolishly” (252-255). The implication of this is that the old men are too old to be participating in these rites, and specifically, it is their old age that make them wise enough not to participate in the rites. The point is that when the ages of male participants of Bacchic rites are mentioned, they are either broadcasted as too young or too old. The implication is that the age of male participants played a hand in their participation – had they been an adult man (but not too aged), they would not be participating in the rites. 50 4.4 Family and Kinship The concept of the home has always played an integral part in male identity in the ancient world. Confirmed paternity of a male baby at birth meant his acceptance into his father’s home. As an adult male ages, he may become head of his household, assuming autonomy over all people (family members, slaves) and property, in his household.105 In the Roman world, men also gained a legitimate place in society through his paternal family. His potential complete dominion over his family as paterfamilias is further evidence of the importance of family to a man.106 The male paradigm as an individual with strong familial and kinship relations is also emphasized in the extant comedies. In fact, almost every plot in the plays of Plautus, Menander, and Terence centres around the need to right familial discord. This familial discord can involve broken marriages or relationships that need to be reconciled, uniting a man and a woman under a new household, such as Stratophanes and Philumene in Menander’s Sikyonioi, or Pamphilus and Philumena in Terence’s Hecyra107. The importance of family is also emphasized in that many of the plays also involve the unification of children with their long-lost father, such as Hegio and Philopelemus with their father, 105 Although primarily Atheno-centric, for the importance of family through Hellenistic literature, see Chapter 2 and 3 of Sarah Pomeroy’s Families in Classical and Hellenistic Greece: representations and realities. 106 For Roman importance of family through Republican literature, see chapter 2 of Sandra Joshel’s Work, Identity and Legal Status at Rome: a study of the occupational inscriptions. 107 Others include Menander’s characters Chaireas and unnamed sister, and Kleostratos and unnamed daughter in Aspis, Sostratos and Gorgias and their unnamed women in Dyskolos, Plangon and Moschion in Samia. See Terence’s characters Chaerea and Pamphila in Eunuchus, Pamphilus and Glycerium, Philumena and Charinus in Andria, Antiphilia and Clinia in Eauton Timorumenos.. See Plautus’ characters Amphitryon and Alcmena in Amphitryon, Lyconides and Phaedria in Aulularia, Pleusicles and Philocomasium in Miles Glorious. 51 Tyndarus, in Plautus’ Captivi.108 The idea that these plays only end with the resolution of a fractured familial relationship speaks to the importance of family and familial harmony. The importance of family and familial harmony is attached to the male protagonist’s well-being, which suggests that ideals of masculinity correlate to family bonds and harmony. Masculinity also coincided closely with the importance of community presence and kinship. This is evident in many of our ancient comedic plots: for the young male protagonist to achieve his objectives (usually marriage), his family, community, and kin are necessary. In virtually all of the extant comedies, the male protagonist finds himself in a seemingly impossible situation that only resolves itself at the end of the play. The ways in which it resolves itself, however, can usually be attributed to the intervening help of the protagonist’s friends, family, or slaves.109 What is implied in these narratives is that masculine norms involve family, kinship and community bonds. 4.4.1 Bacchic participants Our epigraphic evidence shows little when it comes to the discussion of transgressive sexuality, nor is there any mention of violation of age and their linked behaviours. Instead, the epigraphic evidence amplifies family and kinship through the systematic naming of fathers and 108 This also occurs with Palaestra and Daemones in his Rudens, and Glykera and Moschion are reunited with their father Pataikos in Terence’s Perikeiromenioi. 109 In Miles Gloriosus, Pseudolus, and Curculio, all three male protagonists experience a similar situation in which their lover is taken away from them. It is only through the help of their slaves that their situations resolve. In Menander’s Aspis, Daos, the young protagonist’s slave, and his uncle Chairestratos are responsible for getting the young man together with the woman he loves. In Perikeiromene, Glykera and her husband are reunited only through the intervention of their friend Pataikos; in Dyskolos, Sostratos is united with the woman he loves because of the actions of his future brother-in-law and his own slave, made on his behalf. 52 sons. In nine of the extant inscriptions, the sentence “name son of name” is used as a means of identification.110 This patronymic naming system was not a novel or uncommon naming practice in ancient Greek city states.111 As such, these mentions can be seen as a customary and normal means for male identification. However, in many Greek city-states such as Athens, men could only acquire citizenship status if they were accepted into their father’s. In reverse, belonging to an oikos then became a staple in a man’s identity: it fostered a sense of family and kinship. And so, male participation in the rites also gave individuals the opportunity to demonstrate this aspect of their identity. These men could use their association with, or participation in, the Dionysiac rites to not only monumentalize their own financial status (as discussed previously), but also to create a sense of family kinship to project into the community. Participation in the rites could have also provided young men from elsewhere with the opportunity to create an image of kinship and family during the period of growth and migration that occurred in the Mediterranean during the 4th-1st centuries BCE.112 The conquests of Alexander also altered the Mediterranean, shifting the focus towards individualism; the time of the polis or city-state as a unity was replaced by the importance of the oikos or family113, under the rule of a large empire. Perhaps then we can see that participation in the rites allowed these men to broadcast to the communities that they may have only recently established themselves in. For them, listing the family in which they belonged created familial connections in a place where they might not have any. Furthermore, listing these men alongside other men in the community could help them 110 See IG 4-7, IG 11, 14-15, IG 17-18 in Appendix. 111 Salomies 2001, 79-81. 112 Berg 2011, 98. See also Chapter 4 in Skinner (2013), which looks at the implications of expansion and migration on gender during this period. 113 Berg 2011, 98. See also J.B. Burton, Theocritus, Urban Mimes: Mobility Gender and Patronage (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995). 53 portray themselves to others (participants or general public) as men who belonged to a community and maintained kinships, as was socially expected of men. 4.5 Conclusion The male participants of Bacchic rites parallel their female counterparts in the gendered traits they possess. The literary authors constructed male participants in Bacchic rites as men that subverted paradigms of masculinity; the participants of Bacchic literature were sexually insatiable, unable to overcome their lust for the female participants. Or, they were acting outside of the expected behaviours of their age, or were too young to know better. Or, they were foreign and of lower social standing. On the other hand, the epigraphic evidence paints a picture of wealthy, high standing men, who donate large sums of money or property to the rites. These men also attach themselves to others of higher social standing, and sometimes a mutually beneficial relationship occurs. Their image is also one that is well connected through family and their community, upholding behaviours that reflect ideals of masculinity. 54 5 Conclusion The last two chapters have focused on outlining how different types of evidence – epigraphic and literary – present different versions of the gender conformity of participants in Bacchic rites. The next question that follows is how can we interpret these patterns of subversion or conformity? This last chapter argues that epigraphy acts as a tool of legitimation for participants towards other participants and the local community and can aid in the promotion of the rites as a whole. The representation of Bacchic participants in literature serves to delegitimate participants and acts as a deterrent for literary audiences from joining the rites. 5.1 Legitimacy: Epigraphy Gender has always had a close relationship with the concepts of ‘good’ and ‘bad;’ what makes a woman or man, ‘good’ or ‘bad’ is often attached to the fulfillment of their presumed gender roles. Creating male and female participants that upheld normative gender roles shows how these individuals supported normative social values.. Since participants are shown as adhering to normal social behaviours within the rites, the rites themselves become legitimate because of the participants. Did the inscriptions promote the rites to other participants or the larger community? The answer to this question lies primarily in the materiality of our epigraphic evidence; namely, the location of the epigraphic evidence, and its audience. Unfortunately, the nature of our evidence makes it difficult to do pin down these features, as many epigraphic documents are not found in situ, and their original locations are difficult to determine. However, there are some inscriptions for which we can say something about their locations, and as such, how gender constructions could have been used by individuals creating these inscriptions. 55 Some evidence suggests that these epigraphic documents were likely seen only by those entering a Bacchic sanctuary, whether they be participants or observers. IG 16-18 were found in situ, in the portico of a sanctuary, near a set of steps. These inscriptions demonstrate the wealth, piety and community bonds of each male participant and their pious natures through their ample donations and listing of names. These inscriptions were viewable only to those that entered the sanctuary – likely participants and observers; what their displays could achieve is the promotion of the rites and its participants to the viewers. For viewers, the participants of Bacchic rites were representative of masculine norms: they were wealthy, well-connected, and pious. These constructions may have enticed observers into joining the rites. For individuals already involved in the rites, seeing these inscriptions could have helped support the rites further. The inscriptions may have created a sense of competition and a need to also display their own thiasos’ wealth, piety and community relations, thus resulting in their own benefactions to their local Bacchic groups. By emphasizing their masculinity, the authors of these inscriptions promote themselves and the rites to individuals who participated in, or observed, the rites. The location of other inscriptions suggests that one did not have to be part of the rites to gain access to them. Two inscriptions, IG 4 and IG 6, have elements that suggest that they were originally part of a building – such as an architrave or pediment. Others are funerary epitaphs (IG 1, 8, 9), which might have been visible to a larger community and audience. These inscriptions list female priesthoods, as well as wealth, status and kinship. For those who were not able to see the rites, perhaps these epitaphs acted as a means of promoting Bacchic worship to a larger network. Showcasing individuals who conformed to socially normative ideas of gender made the rites themselves normative. 56 5.2 De-legitimacy: Literature In reverse, the subversion of ideals suggested that participants were not aligned with the rest of society. Gender subversion in the rites reminds those that are not participating that the participants of Bacchic rites are fundamentally different because they appear not share the same societal values. Furthermore, their non-adherence creates an inversion not only of a traditional gender hierarchy, but of the traditional power hierarchies, as well. By subverting gender ideals in participants, literature also acts as a justification for those that do participate in the rites. The men and women of Bacchic literature do not conform to proper gender roles, and thus likely do not share the same social values as the rest. As such, their participation within the rites is excusable, because they are clearly not “real” men and women; “real” men and women would not behave in such a way, and furthermore, would not participate in the rites. Lastly, subverting gender can act as a deterrent for readers who, as has been previously stated, are disproportionately represented by elite men.114 This is further exemplified when one considers that the men who are actually present in our literary evidence do not meet requirements for ideals of masculinity. Often, it was their age that excused their participation. This was the case for the male participants in Livy’s narrative: Paculla Annia’s two sons, as well as Aebutius are all described as youths; further, the ages of initiates into the rites are so young that Livy describes their initiations as pitiful and shameful for Roman citizens. In other instances, it is their old age that excuses them – such as Teiresias and Cadmus in Euripides’ Bacchae.115 And in some instances, they are not considered masculine because they are foreign or of slave-status. And in 114 See section 1.3.2 115 See section 4.3. 57 many cases, men were coerced into participation by women – such as Aeschines, Aebutius, Paculla Annia’s sons – and their ability to be controlled by women immediately removes them from the category of ideal masculinity. As literary audiences were composed of primarily men, these constructions of inadequate masculinity could help further dissuade readers; the implication is that only men who lack masculinity would be participants in Bacchic rites. 5.3 Final considerations: the senatus consultum de Bacchanalibus and the Bacchanalian Conspiracy The conclusions drawn above suggest that there are serious difficulties in using literary and epigraphic evidence to make historical claims about the behaviours of Bacchic participants, and by extension, the rites themselves. Nothing is more evident of these difficulties than the Bacchanalian Conspiracy and the two pieces of evidence that initially sparked this investigation: both Livy and the senatus consultum de Bacchanalibus agree that there is a problem with Bacchic rites in Rome, but do not agree on who may have been the culprit of this problem. Applying the conclusions I have drawn above, the difference seen in our evidence may be more easily explained: Livy’s preoccupation with women is a result of literary trends, whereas the SCB’s emphasis on male participation could be a reaction to what was being displayed in dedicatory inscriptions in Rome. Moving forward, historians working on Bacchic rites must be cognizant of biases in the construction of gender in participants and must study them with a critical eye. 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She led you to the mountain and carried all the sacred objects and orgia, marching in procession before the whole city. Should some stranger ask for her name: Alkmeonis, daughter of Rhodios, who knew her share of blessings. IG 2: Anteblock, found in two pieces, inscription on the sale of a priesthood of Dionysus, ca. 276/275 BCE. When the priestess performs the sacred rites in the name and for the salvation of the whole city, let no one be allowed to "throw the omophagia" until the priestess has cast it in her name and for the salvation of the city; it is also impermissible for anyone to assemble a private thiasos before the official thiasos (has assembled). If a man or a woman wants to offer a sacrifice to Dionysus, let him choose one of the two (priest or priestess) whom he wants to officiate; that the one who officiates is entitled to the royalties. He / she (the buyer) will pay the price within 10 years, at the rate of one tenth per year, the first expiry falling in the month Apatourion of the year when the god is namesake after Poseidippos, the 4th day of month Artemision ...... the priestess will give .... women (?) ......; it will provide the initiatory material (to women) at all orgia. If a woman wants to offer a sacrifice to Dionysus, give as royalties to the priestess the viscera, kidneys, intestines, sacral parts, tongue, leg 68 dislocated at the hip. And if a woman wants to initiate to Dionysos Bakkhios in the city, in the territory or in the islands, that she gives to the priestess a stater at each trieteric. During the Katagôgia, the priests and priestesses of Dionysos Bakkhios will escort Dionysos with the officials from before the day until sunset ....... of the city. IG 3: Marble slab, inscription of the foundation and organization of thiasoi in Magnesia, as directed by Pythian Apollo. Inscription is from Hadrian’s era, copy from a 3rd-2nd century BCE original. Found to the west of a Roman gym structure. Found near another Dionysiac inscription of a contemporary date. Go to the holy plain of Thebes to fetch maenads from the race of Cadmian Ino. They will bring you maenadic rites and noble customs and will establish troops of Bacchus in your city. In accordance with the oracle, and through the agency of the envoys, three maenads were brought from Thebes: Kosko, Baubo and Thettale. And Kosko organized the thiasos named after the plane tree, Baubo the thiasos outside the city, and Thettale the thiasos named after the Kataibates. After their deaths they were buried by the Magnesians, and Kosko lies buried in the area in the area called Hillock of Kosko, Baubo in the area called Tabarnis, and Thettale near the theater. IG 4: Slab of bluish marble, with decorated triangular top (likely pediment with acroteria). Decree of a thiasos for the contributions and subscription of construction of a temple. From Callatis, ca. 3rd century BCE. 69 To Good Fortune! While Simos son of Asklapiadas was basileus, in the month of Dionysios, when Hagemon son of Pythion was president, the society members resolved that a temple should be constructed for the god. Let those society members who want to contribute toward the construction promise whatever amount each chooses. Those who have promised a stater are granted a crown of honour for life and their name inscribed on the monument. Those promising less than a gold coin up to 30 drachmas are granted their name inscribed and a crown of glory during the triennial festival for life. The rest who have promised less are granted their name inscribed on the monument. Let three men be appointed from among all the society members to ensure that the temple is constructed magnificently and quickly. Once they have been chosen, these men will receive the sums from those who have promised and they will administer the expenses, and the written account of the management will be handed over. Upon the completion of the work, those chosen for overseeing construction will be granted a crown for the meeting that the society members will hold during the triennial festival. For good fortune! Those who promised to contribute to the building of the temple: (column a) Apollonymos son of Satyros: a stater; Apollonios son of Apollonios; Phillipos son of Apollonios; Dionysos son of Kalchadon; To build [the temple:] Meniskos son of Heraklei[des… a stater] 70 Damatrios son of Damatios: a stater; Simos son of Promotion: a stater; Kratinos son of Mikos: a stater; Nautimos son of Pasiades: a stater; Zopyros son of Protopolis: a stater; Harmagenes son of Damophon: a stater; Kritoboulos son of Pyrsos: a stater; Asklapiodoros son of Apollodotos: a stater; Nossion son of Hierokles: a stater; Zopyros son of Hestios: a stater; Demosthenes son of Dionysos: a sheltered, vaulted passageway leading to the doorway (column b) Menis son of Hikesios: 30 silver drachmas; Sosibios son of Protomachos: 30 drachmas; Hereas son of Damophon: 30 drachmas; Euphraios son of Satyros: 30 silver drachmas; [missing name]: 30 silver drachmas; [missing name]: 30 silver drachmas; [- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -] [- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -] Apollodotos [- - - - - - - - - - - - -] 71 thirty workers; Promathion son of Promathion: fifteen workers; Hagemon son of Pythion: a work horse and fifteen workers; Olympus son of Sterichos: fifteen workers; Dion son of Aristokles: fifteen workers; Hapheistion son of Skythas fifteen workers; Dionysios wreath dealer: ten workers; Apollonios Simos: ten workers IG 5: Fragment, decree of Thiasos of Menekleides. From Cyme, Asia Minor, ca. 2nd century BCE. May it please the thiasotes ... to engrave this decree on a stone stele and place it in the vestibule of the bakkheion; May this stele remain the sacred property of Dionysos of the Menekleides thiasos. This decree was made under the prytany of Ditas son of Athenes the fourth day of the month Pornopion. IG 6: Marble plaque, probably a piece of architrave for a temple, dedication from the thiasos of Paso. From Tomis, ca. 1st century BCE. This sacred statue on behalf of the thiasos, oh Sparkling one, is from a son of Parmis, who offered it to you as a gift from his own workshop, who wears the mystic crown among the Bacchoi and who makes known the ancient rites. But you, bull-horned like a bull, accept the 72 work of the hand of Hermagenes and grant salvation to the thiasos of Paso. IG 7: Attic black-figure vase stand. This inscription, on the lower end of the stand, is a graffito ca. 300 BCE: Kallinikos son of Philonicus, Poseidonios son of Sokratios, Heroson son of Philoxenos, Demetrios son of Sokrates, Philo son of Sokrates, members of the northern thiasos. IG 8: Funerary stele. From Rhodes, ca. 2nd - 1st century BCE: The archerist of the Haliastes and Haliades Dionysodoros Alexandreus, benefactor, received the praise and a crown of gold for his virtue from the community of Dionysiastes: he was awarded the title of benefactor and the exemption of all taxes during the reception of Bakkheia during the biennale, he was crowned with two gold crowns. IG 9: Funerary altar, inscribed on four sides (only three sides listed here). Portion of a dossier of Dionysodoros the Alexandrian, ca 2nd century BCE. From Rhodes. A) The head of the club of the Haliasts and Haliads, Dionysodoros the Alexandrian, benefactor, having been praised and crowned for virtue with a gold crown by the association of Dionysiasts and having been honoured for his benefaction and with freedom from service of all kinds; and, having been crowned with two gold crowns in the reception of the Bakkheia 73 during the trieteric festival by his fellow club members, who have received benefactions from him, he made a dedication to the trieteric festival personified and to the association. B) He was praised and crowned by the association of Paniasts with a laurel crown, crowned for virtue with a gold crown made from ten gold pieces, crowned with a crown of white poplar, and honoured for benefaction and with freedom from duties of all kinds on two occasions. These honours will be proclaimed perpetually in these burial places. Since he has served as head of the club for eighteen years, he has made the club increase. C) Since the head of the club, Dionysodoros the Alexandrian, benefactor, has served as head of the club of the Haliasts and the Haliads for twenty-three years in a row and has increased the club, he was praised and crowned with a laurel crown by the association of Haliast and Haliads. Also having been crowned with a gold crown for virtue and honored for benefaction and with freedom from duties of all kinds, he dedicated (his crown) to Dionysus Bakkheios and the association. IG 10: Marble stele, honorific decree on behalf of the Bakkhistes for Ladamos, ca. 160-146 BCE. Found near the St. Etienne church. From Thera. Good fortune; it pleased the community of the Bakkhists, in attendance at their ordinary assembly: Whereas Ladamos, son of Dio, belonging to the court of the diadoques and placed at Thera by the kings, shows himself devoted to the Bakkhists and has given many great proofs of his zeal towards the interests of the Bakkhists in the past and more in the present circumstances; and as sent by kings to the head of our city and of ourselves, he has not ceased to conform himself to the will of kings, and his generous character behaves kindly towards 74 us as well as towards him. All the others, neglecting on no occasion either his zeal or his devotion; so that the Bakkhist community clearly shows that it best honors the rulers: it pleases (the Bakkhist community) that Ladamos son of Dionysophanes and his wives and descendants be in the thiasos and participate in all that belongs to other thiasites... IG 11: Statue base of Pan, dedication of a priest of the Bakkheastai. From Dionysopolis, ca. 3rd century BCE. Apollonios, son of Dephone, priest of Dionysos, (dedicated this statue) in the name of the Bakkheastai… IG 12: Senatus Consultum de Bacchanalibus. From Tiriolo, 186 BCE. Quintus Marcius, the son of Lucius, and Spurius Postumius, consulted the senate on the Nones of October (7th), at the temple of the Bellonae. Marcus Claudius, son of Marcus, Lucius Valerius, son of Publius, and Quintus Minucius, son of Gaius, were the committee for drawing up the report. Regarding the Bacchanalia, it was resolved to give the following directions to those who are in alliance with us: No one of them is to possess a place where the festivals of Bacchus are celebrated; if there are any who claim that it is necessary for them to have such a place, they are to come to Rome to the praetor urbanus, and the senate is to decide on those matters, when their claims have been heard, provided that not less than 100 senators are present when the affair 75 is discussed. No man is allowed to near a Bacchant, neither a Roman citizen, nor one of the Latin name, nor any of our allies unless they come to the praetor urbanus, and he in accordance with the opinion of the senate expressed when not less than 100 senators are present at the discussion, shall have given leave. No man is to be a priest; no one, either man or woman, is to be an officer (to manage the temporal affairs of the organization); nor is anyone of them to have charge of a common treasury; no one shall appoint either man or woman to be master or to act as master; henceforth they shall not form conspiracies among themselves, stir up any disorder, make mutual promises or agreements, or interchange pledges; no one shall observe the sacred rites either in public or private or outside the city, unless he comes to the praetor urbanus, and he, in accordance with the opinion of the senate, expressed when no less than 100 senators are present at the discussion, shall have given leave. Carried. No one in a company of more than five persons altogether, men and women, shall observe the sacred rites, nor in that company shall there be present more than two men or three women, unless in accordance with the opinion of the praetor urbanus and the senate as written above. See that you declare it in the assembly (contio) for not less than three market days; that you may know the opinion of the senate this was their judgment: if there are any who have acted contrary to what was written above, they have decided that a proceeding for a capital offense should be instituted against them; the senate has justly decreed that you should inscribe this on a brazen tablet, and that you should order it to be placed where it can be easiest read; see to it that the revelries of Bacchus, if there be any, except in case there be concerned in the matter something sacred, as was written above, be disbanded within ten 76 days after this letter shall be delivered to you. In the Teuranian field. IG 13: Marble slab of Bacchants honouring Eumenes II. From Pergamon, ca. 160 BCE. To king Eumenes, saviour god and benefactor, the Bacchoi of the god honour you. IG 14: Honorific decree from a thiasos to Bikon. From Callatis, ca. end of 3rd century BCE It pleased the thiasites. Since Bikon, son of Dioskouridas, charitable and generous towards the thiasos, took charge of donations as well as the management of the common fund which he placed for the benefit of the thiasos; since he has returned this capital and the related interest even though the circumstances have led to the loss of the thiasos’ money and although by law he has been exempt from (any) debt; so that the thiasites, for their part, clearly show that they grant the deserved honor to those who show generosity towards them... IG 15: Epitaph dedicated by the Mystics. From Poimanenon, 3rd-2nd century BCE. Funerary monument of Menekrates, son of Andronikos, which the Mystics of Poimanenon had built for him. IG 16: Dedicatory inscription of a sanctuary from Dionysios. Found in situ, in a sanctuary in the 77 Piraeus, ca. 185-175 BCE. From Athens. This temple, it is in your honour that Dionysios, a noble man, raised it here, as well as a perfumed sanctuary and pictorial offerings that resemble you and everything that is needed; judging that wealth does not enrich as much as to venerate in this house, Bakkhos, the traditional rites in your honour; on the other hand, Dionysos, be favourable to him and preserve his house and his family as well as your thiasos. IG 17: Decree of the Dionysiasts honouring Dionysius and his successor to priesthood. Found in situ, in a sanctuary in the Piraeus, ca. 176-175 BCE. From Athens. Gods! To good fortune! In the year that Hippakos was archon in the month of Poseidon at the regular assembly, Solon son of Hermogenes of Cholargos proposed the following motion: Whereas it has happened that Dionysios has left this life, and he had displayed in many things the goodwill that he had and continued to have towards all who brought the synod together for the god. Also, when he was asked he was always the cause of some good thing, both for individuals and for the common good, being benefactor at all times. Whereas he has already been honoured by the Dionysiasts, he has received the priesthood of the god, and he has been appointed treasurer, further increasing the common revenues by contributing one thousand silver drachmas from his own resources. And after all of the other expenditures he contributed a place in which they could come and sacrifice each month to the god in accordance with their ancestral customs. 78 He contributed in addition another five hundred silver drachmas, from which funds the statue of Dionysos was prepared for the sacrificing orgeons, and it was installed in accordance with the oracle of the god. With respect to the matters, the plain demonstrations that exist concerning this man are registered in the archives for all time. On account of these things, the Dionysiasts, recognizing them, have honoured him as being worthy and have crowned him in accordance with the law, so that the members who bring the synod together for the god might be seen to remember him, both while he was alive and after he died, remembering his beneficence and his goodwill toward them. Because of these things, they have publicly honoured his children, since it happened that he has left behind successors to the things he possessed with glory and honour. Concerning these successors, the law of the sacrificing associates also invites, first in this case, the eldest of the sons, just as also he had been introduced into the group in the place of his brother Kallikrates while his father was still alive. The sacrificing associates resolve that the priesthood of Dionysios be given to Agathokles son of Dionysos of Marathon, and that he hold it for life on account of all the honours with which his father has been honoured. This was done because he has continued to maintain the treasury for the period after Dionysios’ death and has enhanced the revenue, devoting himself to the things without hesitation, wishing to demonstrate his own goodwill and beneficence to all of the Dionysiasts. He also introduced his brother Dionysios son of Dionysios of Marathon into the synod in virtue of the possessions of his father, possessions which he shares, in accordance with the law. Furthermore, the sacrificing associates resolved to recognize that Dionysios has been canonized as a hero and to set up a statue of him in the tele beside the statue of the god, where there is also a statue of his father, so that he may have the most beautiful memory 79 for all time. Let this decree be inscribed on a stone monument and erected beside the sanctuary of the god. The cost of the erection shall be borne by the treasurer. These things were moved by Solon. IG 18: Honorific decree to the priest Dionysios from the Dionysiasts. Found in situ, in a sanctuary in the Piraeus, ca. 184/185 BCE. From Athens. Sacred to Dionysos. To good fortune! Here are the orgeons: Dionysios son of Agathokles of Marathon; Agathokles son of Dionysios of Marathon; Solon son of Hermogenes of Cholargos; Epikhares son of Kraton of Skambonides; Isokrates son of Sayrs from Cydathenaeum; Andron son of Sosandros of Hamaxante; Dionysogenes son of Dionysios of Paiania; Simon son of Simon of Poros; Philostratos son of Dionysios of Poros; Leon son of Simos of Eleusis; Theodotos son of Timesion of Pylos; Dion son of Timesion of Kifissia; Apollodorus son of Apollonios of Lamptrai. To good fortune, under the archonship of Eupolemos, in the month Poseidon, during the assembly; it pleased the Dionysiastes, Solon son of Hermogenes of Cholargos made the proposal; since Dionysios son of Agathokles of Marathon, instituted the treasury by the Dionysiastes during several years and having received from them the priesthood of Dionysus, erected the temple of the god and decorated it with a large number of beautiful offerings and spent for this purpose not an insignificant sum, which he gave to the common fund thousand drachmas so that they [the Dionysiastes] can offer a sacrifice to the god each month according to the ancestral customs, which he provided to the Dionysiastes for their use of gold and silver objects as well as all the other supplies necessary for sacred ceremonies 80 as well as a place where they can meet each month to participate in sacred ceremonies. Please the orgeons to grant praise to Dioysios son of Agathokles of Marathon net to crown him with a crown of ivy according to the law for his value, his magnanimity and his devotion to them, to proclaim this crown after having accomplished the lbatios, when the sacred rites for the oranges have been celebrated during the first assembly; to engrave this decree on a stone stele and place it next to the temple of the god, and that for the engraving and the erection of the stele, the treasurer collects the expenditure made; such was Solon's proposal.
Thesis/Dissertation
eng
Ancient Culture, Religion and Ethnicity
Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library
Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International
Graduate
Unmasking Bacchus : an examination of gender constructions in in the participants of Bacchic rites
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