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rJ2£ 576. Vancouver, British Columbia, Saturday, April 16, SaawrtMkia rrlos tl.01 OLEAGINOUS IF NOT ORIGINAL John V. Jr's Exposition of the Ttety and Probity of ihe PlutocracyâAnd Some Salt. Under the caption "John D., Jr.'s Maxims," a recent daily paper sets forth at great length some of the chunks of wisdom that have emanated ', from that child of plutocracy, John D. Rockefeller, Jr. Brother John Is the teacher of a bible .-.lass, as all the world knows, and he has become famous through his Interpretation, to the glory of PlutuB, of Sundry ambiguous scriptural texts. We haven't space to deal with all of his sparkling sayings but will touch upon a few of them only. â¢< "Modern methods should be em- ptotk-d even at the expense of the few." Just so. And we have no hesitation in saying that "modern methods" will be inaugurated in the near future and at the expense of friend John and his class, too. Modern methods of producing and distributing the good things of life, and differing from *ftie methods of plutocracy in that those who do the work will also do the eating and enjoying. "The chief thing In life Is to. do somethingâto work"âthe workers, as Brother John and his illustrious father, Saint John, have been doing consistently for lo, these many years. If we may be allowed to venture a half-hearted sort of a prophesy, which, of course, has no foundation ic fact, we would predict that our good brother may, in keeping with the aforementioned "modern methods," have to work (not the workers), a pick and shovel or some other useful implement in the near future. Of course we recognize the fact that this is merely a dream, a phan-j tasy for which millions of us are working, but it helps to kill time! "Do the little, every-day duties of life without a murmur. Do them well. That Is success." Which Interpreted means: "You should be satisfied to remain in the position in which Providence has placed you.f' To murmur is sinful. To kick is tne unpardonable sin is the eyes of Christian apologists. These infernal chronic kickers would be kicking at the nectar that was provided them within * the "pearly gates" provided they ever got there! "The most successful business men can be, should be and are the most successful Christian men." Of course. We have always noted that our rlghte- ' ous neighbor's garden Is free from potato bugs while ous Is overrun by them. By the same token the successful business man's prosperity being proportioned to the amount of misery and poverty he hands out to the work-_ ers and his Christianity being proportioned to his prosperity, we must conclude that this brand of ' religion at least is diametrically opposed to our Interests as workers. It's the only logical conclusion provided our worthy brother's thesis is correct, and who can doubt it? "A war may cost many lives, but 4t is for the good of the country at large." In which we cheerfully acquiesce. Everybody knows that "the country at â¢ large" is the plutocracy, and war is one of its most valuable assets. It prevents stagnation and business depression. It enables our worthy, Christian business men to dump millions of dollars' worth of steel, rotten food and other supplies upon the governments and Berves to keep the people content with periodic flag-waving and jingo songs galore. And, after all, those who are killed are merely the swine, the remnants from f the ranks of the slave class and a few million more or less can make no possible difference for they breed like rabbits. Upon the whole we think: war Is an unmixed blessing for the owners of "the country at large." Then why kick? "There are three chief requisites for a successful business man. The first Is honestyâabsolute honesty; the second Is industry, and the third Is perseverance." Selah! For those who really believe this we would recommend a careful perusal of "The History of the Great American Fortunes," by Gusta- tus Meyers. It will furnish much food for cogitation upon the alarming honesty and rectitude of the forebears of our Christian brother and others of his ilk. As for Industry we Know that they work hard at Monte Carlo, Saratoga, Newport, etc. Their honesty is so marked and patent to all that even with all the government and judicial powers in their own hands it is difficult for a number of them to keep out OT jail. Verily they are a righteous bunchI "The moral order of the universe will be maintained, regardless of the individual power of any man." We presume so, but not being acquainted with that particular brand of order we don't know. Anyhow it's a highly original, learned and artistic way of saying nothing in particular very impressively. "You can bank on it that it pays to do right; that God is just and will right all evils." Sure thing. The aforementioned potato bug incident proves this, to say nothing of the grand Christian record of St. John D. and his phen- omlnal use to plutocracy as a result. But, to cap the ciimax, comes: "Don't be a human sponge. Don't live above your income." (Ariow us to whisper that if it wasn't for that "no cussin'" order we could wax eloquent at this point.)' But do you any of you wage mules live above your incomes? Not so that it would he noticed, we presume. Don't you remember the time the constable took you in tow because you owed the grocerynian $1.86 for liver and beans? Well, that was just a gentle hint that your paternalistic grocerynian was so interested in your temporal welfare that he considered himself in duty bound to see that you lived strictly within your income And the same was the case the time yourself and furniture was deposited on the sidewalk at t,he instigation of that other good friendâthe landlord. Verily these be good friends of ours! So watchful and ever ready to gently rebuke us and lead us back to the paths of rectitude! (Sure it seems almost ungrateful on our part to try to get rid of these good friends!) But weep not, fellow workers, over the dire results of living above your incomes. You'll never gett the chance. Even though they be not princely, you will find it difficult to get over them. For the restrictions (in your sole interest, of course) are fine spun and their ramifications are as wide as the domain of King Capital. But, "don't he a human sponge," fine coming from Brother John and his ilk. Of course it is good adviceâfrom his standpoint. He and his class are naturally very much Interested In keeping us from "sponging." They want, and are rapidly getting, a monopoly of the "sponging" rights. ' And they will hold that monopoly^ so long as we are content to listen to their moralists and philosophers. It's purely a business proposition with them. Their Intellectual prostitutes turn out beautiful, high-sounding, mean-nothing phrases at so much per. And because we have been taught to regard their piffle as sacred we are mulcted to the tune of at least four-fifths of the wealth we create. When the workers get tired of this process they have only to think for themselves and kick the prostitutes and parasites of Brother John's class off the earth. Speed the day. FILLMORE. AN ECHO OF THE PAST In the year 1840 Thomas Cooper, the Chartist agitator and poet, whilst acting as a newspaper reporter, was sent to take notes at a Chartist meeting in the Midlands. At this meting one John Mason made a speech to the crowd. So much of the speeah as has come down to us makes such curiously familiar reading in the light of our present-day knowledge, that we feel we owe our readers no apology for reproducing it here. It shows that some Chartists, although working in a fog, and unable to see further than the ends'of their noses, were at least conscious of one thingâthat in order to gain their ends it was necessary for them to stand by their own class and steadfastly eschew alliances on the political field. Of how many so-called Socialists can the same be said today? Labor members and all who are "pro-Budget," please note John Mason's remarks: "Not that Corn Law repeal is wrong. When we get the Charter we will repeal the Corn Laws and all the other bad laws. But if you give up your agitation for the Charter to help the Free Traders, they will not help you to get the Charter. Don't be deceived by the middle class again. You helped them to get their votesâyou swelled their cry of 'The Bill, the whole Bill and nothing but the Bill!" "But where are the fine promises they made you? Gone to the winds. They said when they had gotten their votes they would help you to get yours, but they and the rotten Whigs have never remembered you. Municipal reform has been for their benefitâ not yours. "All other reforms the Whigs boast to have effected have been for the benefit of the middle classesânot for yours. And now they want to get the Corn Laws repealedânot for your benefitâbut for their own. " 'Cheap bread' they cry! But they mean 'Low Wages.' Do not listen to their cant and humbug. Stick to your Charter. You are veritable slaves without your votes!" Shade of the great John Mason, we of the Socialist Party of Great Britain salute you!âSocialist Standard. JOHN D.'S HAPPY THOUGHT. DESMOND ON THE ROAD. Comrade Desmond is beating it West, so if any Locals want him to speak his piece In their vicinity, they had better notify Com. W. H. Steb- bings, 316 Good street, Winnipeg, or Com. F. Oxtoby, box 647, Calgary, right away. IMPORTANT. Appointments as commissioners for taking affidavits of A. M. Oliver, Ains- worth, B. C, and Thos. E. Nelson, Ymir, B. C, are in the hands of the B C. Executive, the post office having been unable to locate them. They are requested to send present address. Since the day when Christ was taken upon the mountain and tempted to worship the devil, it is doubtful whether a more satanic plot has been hatched than the Galllnger bill now pending in Congress to grant a federal charter to the so-called Rockefeller foundation. * On its hypocritical surface the Gal- linger bill displays all the ear-marks of sanctimoniousnessârestitution for wrongs committed, charity, benevolence, philanthropy. Actually, however, that bill not only absolves the Rockefeller millions from taxation, now and in the future, but it cunningly safeguards the Rockefeller accumulations and stamps them as a legal centralized and monopolized machine of exploitation. The use of the colossal Rockefeller fortune "limited only by the needs of humanity, does not mean that it will be employed to establish justice for the tens of millions of workers who have been despoiled of the wealth they produced, but that enormous wealth will be utilized to bribe and purchase more educational institutions, more religious bodies, more charitable associations and more political and industrial slave-drivers to prolong the process of squeezing wealth from those who produce it, to wring profits from the working men, women and children of tne land, and to perpetuate the era of Injustice and inequality. What matters it whether a Rockefeller or his "foundation" rests upon the back of labor? The burden Is there and will remain as galling under one name as the other. The only hope of escape for the wnrkers is to attack the Rockefeller foundation and the Sage foundation and the probable Carnegie foundation and other incorporations of the profit- grinding Juggernaut as uncompromisingly and class-consciously as though legislative flummery had taken place, for they are of, for and by the system. The workers don't want charityâ they don't want a driblet of the Immense wealth which they produce, and of which they are robbed, thrown back to them through "foundations." The workers want JUSTICEâthey want to retain and own what they produce!âCleveland Citizen. A SONG OF.CHANGE Sitting alone by the lake, on the grey cliff's topmost crest; The voices of night not yet awake, but those of the day at rest; Musing on Nature's majesty and her mysteries sublime, I sent my mind thro' obscurity back o'er the eons of time. Millions of eons ago, ere the day of man had begun, Before the age of the glacial flow, er the earth was a blazing sun; A million worlds in embryo, yet nothing there seemed to be, Save a shimmering, shining, shifting glow like waves of a fiery sea. A million eons came and pastâit seemed in the twink of an eyeâ Vapor-covered, green and vast a giant Mars whirled by; I caught a glimpse of bubbling sea, as the vapor upward swirled. The voice of an earthquake roared at me, and 1 knew my own good world. Then all was dead, it seemed, and white, and cold, and silent all; Till a blazing orb flashed on its light and shivered the funeral pall. I saw the glaciers melt away, the trackless ice-fields pass; The rocks show out in the light of day, and soon, the green of the grass. Then step by step and age by age, even and night and morn, I saw the countless battles wage as the many things were born; Manifold group succeeding groupâwondrous forms they wereâ Each steadily rising up, fin, scale, feather and fur. « â¢ Until at last, and not long ago it seemed in the mists of time I stood in a forest dark alone, and a creature swung on a vine; Hairy and wild and brutish he, yet formed on another plan-- The human race In Its infancy, neither the ape nor the man. And next came skin-clad low-browed brutes, yet forms more like my own, Picking the berries and grubbing the roots, chipping the axe of stone; I saw my kind in every age as it learnt to plan and build; The first rude shed 'gainst nature's r::ge, the earliest field that was tilled. And as they passed In grand review, the empires one by one, Quickly they rose before my view, they flourishedâand were gone. Step by step and pace by pace, things came and passed awayâ I saw the march of the human race from its birth to the present day. I saw this age, the age of gold, of trickery, fraud and force- But swift the wheels of change now rolled along their onward course; Till I rapturous gazed on a world that was strange, a world from slavery free, And stood amazed at the mighty change and the age of Liberty. Sitting alone by the lane, by the greycliff's topmost crest; The voiceB of night not yet awake, but those of the day at rest; Musing on Nature's majesty and' her mysteries sublime, I sent my mind thru obscurity back o'ecr the eons of time. GERALD DESMOND. A WESTERN WAGE- SLAVE'S WEEK A Week from the D'utry of a Best, West." Monday.âWent to work digging ditches for waterworks, South Vancouver. . Raining all day; diet pretty light; funds getting low; pretty well played out; supper pork and beans; most I can get for ten cents. Tuesday.âBreakfast, two oat cakes and some brown bread and cocoa; lucky I had It by me. Guess I'll try to raise some money today for the few days I worked last month for waterworks. Went out to Municipal Hall, South Vancouver in hopes of catching timekeeper, (He said they were going to pay Monday.) Missed him; thought I would catch him where men were working; went; seemed to do a lot of walking; caught him; said he had handed in all his papers that morning at the Hall; had no time checks with him. I guessed I'd try the Hall again; lots more walking; got there: saw superintendent; stated I had no money and could I' get some money to carry me over, stating how I wus fixed. I think he thought me impertinent to ask him; told me to call tomorrow. Went home; supper, bread and cocoa. Wednesday.âBreakfast, bread soak- in cocoa; very lucky; went to work In ditch; carried for dinner some brown bread: thought the timekeeper might not have recognized me previous day as I did not meet him where I had been working; saw timekeeper; demanded my time; received time check, got money at Hall; got back to town; good feed, twenty cents. Thursday.âStarted to look for other work; too much time lost on ditch through wet weather; can't send enough money for wife and kiddies; they have had little enough this winter. Morning unsuccessful; rather discouraged; went into Socialist headquarters; played a few games of checkers, folded some Western Clarions; thought I would get some supper; went down to Powell street. On my way, passing an Employment Agency, stopped to look at board with jobs on it, had not been there more than a couple of minutes before a policeman came alongside and said in an abrupt manner, "can't you see where the other men are?" 1 stepped back among them (they were five or six feet away from the board) saying to the policeman, "1 can't see that I am obstructing the path," and told him I thought him very officious. He wanted my name and address which I readily gave him, he told me I should hear more about it in the morning. I started to walk away, but suddenly thinking it would be advisable to have witnesses I went back to the constable and asked him, as he intended making a case of it; whether we had not better get witnesses, and he Bald his word was sufficient, but that I had better come along with him. I first went back to the crowd who were standing around the employment office and asked them whether they had seen the Incident but those 1 asked said they had not. If they had I guess they feared to take my part because it is generally bad to incur tbe police displeasure. I went back to the policeman, we went into a shop together and he phoned for the patrol wagon which I told him was unnecessary as I would have walked to the station. The patrol wagon came and I got into it with another policeman, he asked me what the trouble was and I told him. We got to the station where I was Immediately searched. I was asked several questions concerning my occupation, age, also what religion I professed and on my answering that was immaterial, I was told by tin? officer who searched me I must not be too fresh. I then told him I professed no religion; he told me I was a bum. I Biippose that Thomas Paine and Ingersol should be in tho same category; but I guess not, men who wear broadcloth are not considered bums. The officer asked be to put out my tongue, which I did, thinking he might think I had something concealed ln my mouth and besides, he asked me ln a bullying way, but tnrn- Wage-Sl&e in the "Last* ed to tbe gaoler and laughed after I had done so. The upholders of law and order are certainly very dignified, and the public ought to reverence, them. After being searched I was es. corted to a large hall containing a number of cells fitted up for two prisoners, with two Iron bedsteads supported by chains; on them were dirty straw matresses and a couple of blankets, the ones on the bed I occupied - were torn ln pieces. My cell was Nq, 4. We were allowed to walk or sit in this large hall and a motley group we . were, between thirty or forty; some in for gambling in a Chinese lottery joint, some for getting money under false pretenses, drunks, some called vagrants, others, wise men who can't get jobs; some I did not find out the charges against, some degenerates who sang obscene songs. It is Christ- inn Canada's Crime Hospital ward for the cure of Crime, and the way it la. done Is by mixing the various crime . diseases together. This certainly la . a sane and up-to-date method. At eight, as far as I could judge the ' time, we were put in our cells. The man who was locked In my cell was getting over delirium tremens; just a trifle nervous; be was given a sleeping draught by the gaoler and he slept, I didn't. About eleven o'clock another drunk was brought in and put in the next cell to the one I was in. he was noisy, shouting, singing, and crying alternately, the best pait of the . night, until some one came along and threw cold water on him and threatened to turn the bose on him if he did.; not shut up. It was a trifle more. peaceful after that, excepting every , now and then I could hear him say there was something under his bed and he would start shaking It. Friday:âCalled at live o'clock; got up; some of the prisoners were let out of their cells; I with several others was not let out; between six and seven we bad breakfast; bread and tea; some of the others had mush; tramped up and down our cell until about half past eight; pretty cramped quarters; after that, was let out with several other prisoners into the larger . space surrounding the cells. About ten o'clock the other prisoners and I were taken Into court to be tried by Judge Bull. The drunk cases were sentenced, where fines met the case, or imprisonment, two and a half and costs or five days. The vagrancy cases were dealt with In something of this style; the charge was first read to them and then they were asked whether they pleaded guilty or not guilty. There were only two vagrants tried before me and they seemed so dispirited that they could hardly an- swer, they would mumble something and try to make a statement but what's the use anyway. The officer gets on the stand and swears to tell the truth and nothing but the truth and says that he saw prisoner for weeks past In certain vicinities, and what the officer does not say, the prosecuting attorney suggests to him; a strange thing about it Is what the prosecuting attorney suggests is exactly what occured; he must be a mind reader. I didn't see an attorney acting for tho vagrants. Some of the evidence was so conclusive; for instance, the policeman stated that his hands were soft and another one confirmed the statement. The policeman was asked whether there was plenty of work and he said yes and mentioned where they wanted a number of men (I went out the same day and visited all the gangs except one and they did not want men and had no tools for any more; but the policeman could not lie. he was under oath). The judge sentenced the vagrants In these terms; he said that as he did not seem to be able to get work, that he would give him thirty days in gaol and they would give him some work there; and there were some in the court laughed, I (Continued on Page 2) f»/H' THE WESTERN CLARION. VANCOUVER, BRITISH COLUMBIA. SATURDAY, APRIL 16, 1910. lhe festers Clarioi MsUahea wry Saturday by the â¢MUllat Party â¢( Oanaaa, at th* Osaoe St She Waatwa Clarion, riaak Blook â â â smsnt 1SS Baattnra Strut, Yanoou- «â¢*, a O. BUBSCBXPTIOV: fLM Far Thi, SO cants fox Bis Months, . 88 oaata far Tbraa Montha. Strictly la ASviwca Bundles of 6 or more copies, (or a asartod of not leaa than three months, at law rate of one cent per copy per Issue. Advertising rates on application. If you receive thle paper, it la paid la making remittance by cheque, ex- ohaige must be added. Address all communications and make all money â¢rders payable to m western cxAmxoar, Bn 888. Vancouver, ». 0. 576 Watch the label on your paper. If this number is on it, your subscription expires the next issue. SATURDAY, APRIL 16, 1910. THE MODERN SISYPHUS Sam Gompers, with too frequent reiteration, has described the A. F. of L. ~aa a great engine for the workers' up- 81ft. That he should say so is not, of course, surprising. In fact, we are prepared to concede that he believes it, Sf he believes anything. The salary he -receives as president of that organization would influence him towards that ielief, were he the most honest man alive (which is impossible, the editor of the Clarion being not more than half dead yet). Nevertheless, to put it quite plainly, Sammy lies, and we can prove it. But parenthetically/ we might urge that our Industrial unionist friends be in no haste to lay any flattering unction to their souls on that account. For, truth to tell, they are, In this respect at any rate, in no better circumstance; Indeed, worse, for the most of them have no extenuating salary influence. What we propose to set forth is that â¢on the industrial field anywhere there %a no salvation for the working class; more, that there la nothing but damnation for It. And we offer that, if any '<an call the turn on us in the matter, â¢me will cheerfully eat crow, one of â Jhe few contemporary animals we have not yet had occasion to devour in the hour of need or by virtue of the alchemy -of up-to-date food production. Therefore we pray your patience if we extend this dissertation to some length, being unhungered for a corvine diet, â â which, we are well aware, some of our treaders would be only too happy to dish us up. As to Sammy's A. I*, of L. There is aw denytlng that an enormous amount of effort and cash has been expended. That again and again no little fortitude has been displayed. That altogether unequal struggles have been fought with a valor and endurance -amounting to heroism. Even that "victories" have actually been won. And the result? Here it is. In the last thirteen years, we learn, on authority, which, being capitalist, would prefer to magnify rather than minimize, that "wages have risen 20 per cent." (in the United States, regarding Canada we have no Information). Also 'that prices have risen during the same period 61 per cent. That Is to say. Maat the workers, on the average, today -receive $1.20 where they formerly received |1.00, and have to pay $1.61 for "What formerly cost them $1.00; which 'figures out to he a reduction of 25 per cent, in the real wage, the things the 'money will buy. Or, to put It other- â¢'"â¢iae, were prices the same today as ' tblrten years ago the workers on the average would receive in wages a frac- ?Uon less than 75 cents where they then = received a dollar. Is that not a bright â '.and shining record? That, with the 'maximum amount of effort of which the workers were capable during thir- "teen strenuous years, in place of an uplift, they should actually have had their 'â¢standard of living lowered 25 per cent.? It may be urged that, this was due to ' the form of organization, which, "divided along craft lines," lacked the co- â¢ herence and unity ot purpose necessary } to -success. For our part, we have no 'hesitation in re-Iterating that, while the ' craft endures, with whatever modicum -of skill or training it implies, the craft form of organization is the one best -calculated to assure to its individual members all the advantage to be reaped, little as that now is, of which the .printers are probably the sole remaining example of any consequence. Aside from that, however, we are prepared to maintain that, conceding â¢even the most perfect organization, de- â teat on the Industrial field Is inevitable, as to which we can cite a concrete ex- I ample ln the late Swedish strike, pro- l hably the best organized, best financed ' and hardest fought strike in modern ^history, and a most thorough and complete defeat at thai. But even granting the possibility of victory, Its fruttlessness Is a mathe matical certainty, or else Marx worked himself to death ln vain, and labor- power is no commodity. For all commodities of any general importance must exchange, on the average, at their value as determined by the socially necessary labor of which they are tbe product. So, to raise wages sufficiently to be of material benefit to the working class would amount to raising the commodity labor-power above its exchange value, truly a labor like unto that of Sisyphus, wages being expressed in money, which is not, after all, a thing, but a social relation between commodities. The price being the "-money name" of a commodity, as Marx has it, what boots it to raise tbe money name of the commodity labor-power, to call it three dollars instead of two, when the money names of all staple commodities, on the average, must, in consequence, undergo a similar renaming to even up? Let us make no mistake. While capitalism endures, we are getting all that is coming to us, and as capitalism evolves less and less will be coming to us. Not only are prices rising, but they are rising faster year by year, with a rate of acceleration which, were we an economist, we might be inclined to investigate. Per contra, whatever the workers may do or attempt, wages, the real wages, counted not in dollars or cents but in loaves and fishes, must fall, for improvements In machinery decrease the number of jobs while the process of nature increases the number of workers, and grim necessity compels them to lower their standard of living, that is to leduce the exchange value of their commodity labor-power which is the crystalizaiion of the labor contained in those things which go to make up their standard of living. These are fixed laws of capitalism which neither capitalists nor workers may overcome. Without them capital cannot endure. Capitalism exists for and because of the exploitation of the workers. And there is no power on earth, nor in heaven or hell, able to mend it. The workers alone have the power to end It, and that Is the one thing they can do to it. That they will do eventually because they must. TAKE 'EM. COMING BACK. After his unprecedently long and successful run on the American stage as a knockabout artist with a swat-stick and as the world's greatest hunter in Africa, the only Roosevelt is now up on his European tour, which up till now has been an unqualified success, from the advertising stand-point. In Egypt he created quite a sensation with his views on the local situation, with which he had become perfectly conversant since his arrival some ten minutes before. In Rome he appears to have been snubbed by the Vatican in some manner we have not been able quite to ascertain. But anyway it made fine advertising and, of course, never fazed him at all. Now we learn, he is to make the star play of his career when he arrives In Berlin and admits the Kaiser to his presence. The Kaiser, be it remarked, is something of an acrobat himself, but is hardly qualified to more than play Pantaloon to Roosevelt. By as judicious a use of advance press notices as is being made by the "Jim-Jack" fight promoters, the world Js being keyed up to the highest pitch of expectancy in regard to the coming first-night performance at Berlin. In order, however, that our curiosity may not be worked up to such a pitch that our attention should be altogether distracted from Halley's Comet, we are thoughtfully allowed to understand that the head-line attraction on the bill will be a tableau-vlvant of Teddy patting the Kaiser and our King Ed on the place where the hair Is worn thin by their jeweled crowns, and advising them to be good boys and gradually disarm. Such advice, coming from so redoubtable a warrior as the Colonel, who earned fame by virtue of leading columns of type up San Juan Hill in the never to be forgotten Spanish- American comic opera, will hardly be disregarded by the potentates in question, who will, of course, consider where it comes from. So we may shortly expect to see them subdivide their parks of artillery Into suburban homesltes and devote their torpedo destroyers to the useful pursuit of the voracious teredo. But whatever the outcome, the occasion cannot but be one huge success in advertising the world's greatest buffoon for his return engagement in the United Staes. His whole career goes to prove the truth of the dictum that great men are great ln any age. For there is no reason to doubt that the very same qualities which have enabled Roosevelt to achieve brilliant successes in the present age, would, in the middle ages, in any country, have raised him to the honorable position of Court Fool. Something new to exploit. The American tobacco lords have discovered that artificial legs are ln demand ln Pennsylvania, so they step in to supply the demand. Legs for coupons. Pass on the news. If you don't need a leg the next man may. "Gourock," If you yearn for them, you can have all the bay leaves that are going as far as Gribble is concerned. Haying become rusty on classical lore, I had forgotten they were the peot's reward, and If I had not, I should have thought Desmond was entitled, to the wreath. I refer you to him, also to Filmore and Alt. Budden who are also aspirants, not forgetting the noble Shi-er, who has already written as much as four pla- garistic lines, which appeared in "Cot- ton'3" some time since. Take 'em all, bay leaves, laurel leaves, maple leaves, bury yourself in them, and then, as you seem in a lugubrious mood, sing "Nothing but leaves, the spirit grieves," etc., or, if you prefer it, "The Maple Leaf For Ever"; perhaps that will be sufficiently mournful. As that makes you "It," define "politics" for yourself, or do you want to he spoonfed? So you consider I "slighted" industrial unionism in the Clarion "last week." Oh, you poor, sensitive soul! But how did I slight it? I haven't mentioned it for months in the Clarion. Do you mean by my quotation from the charter of the S. P. of C? If so, what are you doing by belonging to»a party which "slights" what you imagine to be industrial unionism? All the "pointers" you allege you gave me at Nelson I had heard years ago and had Investigated them probably before you had heard of them. Is your representation of E. T. K.. the editor, and others conscious or un conscious? You first make us say politics is but a reflex of Industrial conditions, then go on to make us say that "our" industrial movement is in a muddle, and after this piece of distortion go on to Bapiently remark: "Where does that leave the political reflex?" It is difficult to believe that you are not deliberately unfair. I deny that the Socialist movement is a reflex of either craft or "industrial" unionism, as you well know, if you have an average memory. What you, Gourock, fondly Imagine to be industrial unionism, or, as some style it in that mouth-filler, "an economic organization of the workers on the Industrial field," is nothing of the kind. The real economic organization, the real industrial union is that union of the workers in industry for the social production of wealth, and Socialist politics is a reflex of that organization. Say, Gourock, the next time you unburden your soul, be careful you don't misrepresent others, and be especially careful you don't make those you have already misrepresented say that a piece of paper and a pencil mark la the only kind of political action. You remember the card of membership (No. 2) I was carrying the last time I saw you? It is possible for that to be used In political action. The one mentioned is a good one; if you would like to know more about it ask Comrade Sam Welch, who also has one hanging on the wall. And while you are about it you might ask him what he thinks of what you call industrial unionism. He had the same ideas about it as yourself before you or I were out of short pants, out experience cleared his mind of such delusions. To think you are not out of the "constructive" stage yet! To think you have to be bracketed, ln this respect, with the "giant" "intellectual" reformist Shier. Why, don't you know, the only thing really the matter is ownership? The workers do all the construction now, and as to the future, I'll trust the workers when they know enough to own, to know enough to enjoy. History, past and present, goes to show that the owners are also enjoyers and we may safely conclude that it will be so ln the future. In the most comradely manner possible let me suggest that you devote your mind to becoming clear as to whether Dreadnoughts are paid for out of the necessary or surplus value, before you pose as a critic or unwarrantably charge others with prejudice. I am going into no controversy with you, but would like to refer you to that part of the S. P. of C. manifesto, "The Class Struggle," and you might also see what the "Communist Manifesto" has to say about It. As to your moan about McKenzte's sneering, you know what the crock called the kettle. So long, Gourock; hope you look well in the bay leaveB! WILFRID GRIBBLE... A WEsTSfcN WAOE SLAVE'S WEEK GOOD ENOUGH FOR HIM. Dear Comrade Mac: I wish to take out a card as mem ber-at-large In S. P. of C. I guess I am revolutionary enough, else I would have joined the U. S. party. But I want no party plagued with a program of Immediate demands. Sufficient for me to want the earth, as you say. I also owe all I know of Socialism to the Canadian movement, and thus sentiment enters also. Find enclosed two dollars for which make out card from January, 1910, and forward to me as soon as possible. Yours ln the scrap, F. S. FAULKNER, Mason City, 111, P. S.âAm at present a farm slave in this burg. Gee It Is lonesome. Am getting Clarion now, thanks. (Continued from Page 1) wonder was tt a joke. Ijjld not laugh, I thought, he is one of the class I am a part of. My case came on, the charge was read; It stated that I was an Idle, dissolute person and refused to move when told to by the police. I pleaded not guHty. The' constable who arrested me took the stand, swore to tell the truth and nothing but the truth so help him God, and then went on to state that I was obstructing the path and refused to move. He was.asked several questions by the prosecuting attorney, one was whether there were men close to me who moved back when requested and the policeman said yes. Very clever, the attorney must be gifted with second sight. I said the pplice- man was lying and was called to order by the judge. I must have been mistaken, it must have been me because I can lie, as I am not a policeman. I said that there was no one near me mid that the policeman said can't you see where the other men are standing. Then the other policeman got up to tell the truth, etc., etc., and he said I told him that I should say that I would not move for any petty officer. I said that he also lied and the judge said he would send me to gaol if I made another such statement. I was allowed to question him and I asked if 1 made such a statement and he said yes, so it was I who lied because he was under oath and couldn't. I was allowed to take the stand and make iny statement and I did, and was asked how It was that when I tried to get witnesses I couldn't. 1 said that the law, supposed to protect the workers, was so administered against them that they feared it. But I must be mistaken because this is tbe Twentieth Century and this is a highly civilized Christian country and we ought to be glad to be living ln such en- lightened times. The judge sentenced me to a fine of two-fifty, saying that he had to take the word of the policemen against me, and I didn't say a word, because if I had I could have been sentenced to prison for contempt of court, besides, am I not a citizen of the greatest Empire in the world and shouldn't I beproud of all its institutions. A free borh Britisher, what Glory! Paid fine and costs; three dollars and a half. If it had been six I should have liable to Immediate arrest as I should have then been a vagrant according to law not having any visible means of support. Ain't I thankful that I had two and a half left? Of course I am and the judge and the police and the attorney are my brothers and of course I love them so I was taught ln Sunday School. The workman out of a job Is wicked and It he don't work in the mines, lumber camps and railways and not grumble and say he works long hours, that the food Is not nice and that there Is vermin ln them, and that wooden bunks with an armful of hay in them is not so good as a feather bed, he is wicked and will go to hell, or prison which is not much difference. Got out after paying fine, had dinner, funds getting pretty low, must get work. Went to South Vancouver; went to four gangs who were working for the water works; no tools; no chance; saw inspector and superintendent, asked them what chance there was of employment, was told I was not wanted because I wanted my money before they were ready to pay. When I asked for It I was hungry and had my rent owing, but I know I was in the wrong and I feel sorry because I have heard some people say that you can always make a living here and they must be right because they were well dressed and looked well fed and besides, they go to church so they must know, and I am a working man down on my luck so what should I know anyway. Saturday:âGot work for a big corporation, twenty-five cents an hour, not sure how long it will last. Finished first day's work and went for walk up Granville street. Saw a large number outside 802, a man was drawing the picture of a little boy Who was sitting ln a chair advertising a correspondence school. A policeman was within sixty feet, but did not move the crowd. Of course they were well dressed and not out of work so were not causing an obstruction. The Lord's Day:âWent to work 7 a.m. till 12 noon; couldn't go to church in the morning; if I had and not gone to work, I might not have got a job. Monday, and the work was absolutely needed because it was for a big corporation and they, like policemen, can do no wrong; ln fact they are benefactors to the working class, don't they give them work and Influence the government of the country to pass laws and make workers better workers? They should be because Isn't it the mission of the workers to be good workers and thankful to have such kind, thoughtful employers, I won't use the word masters because some think that where there are masters there are slaves, and we are not slaves we are Britons and as we some times sing Rule Britannia, Britannia rules the waves, Britons never never shall be slaves. Even if a policeman should say we are slaves, he Is lying and might get charged with contempt of court and sent to prison. T. L. â¢*â¢*â¢ Socialist Directory fay Every Local of the Socialist Party ol Canada should run a card wider thla head $1.00.per month. Secretaries please note, DOMrjrioM ixwnmn coimxTTaua, Socialist Party of Canada. Meets every alternate Monday. D. O. Mc- Kensie, Secretary, Box alt, Vanoouver. B. C. COLUMBIA PBOTXX40IAX, Executive Committee, Socialist Party of Canada. Meets every alternate Monday. O. O. McKenile, Secretary, Box ISC. Vancouver, B. C. AX.BBBTA MOTUrOXAXi BXBOUTXYS Committee, Socialist Party of Canada. Meets every alternate Monday in Labor Hall, Eighth Ave. East, opposite postomce. Secretary will be pleased to answer any communications regarding the movement ln the province. F. Oxtoby, Sec, Box 047 Calgary, Alta. MANITOBA nOTXHCIAXi EXEOU- tlve Committee. Meets first and third Tuesdays in the month at 120J4 Adelaide St Any reader of the Clarion derlrlng; Information ahont the movement in Manitoba, or who wishet. to join the Party please communicate with the undersigned W. II Stebbing, Sec. Sf>l (iood St. MARITIME PROVINCIAL BXBOU- tivo Committee, Socialist Party of Canada. Meets every second and fourth Snndny at Comrade McKln- non's, Cuttago Lane. Dan Cochrane, Secretnrv, Box n Glace Bay, N. S. LOCAL VANCOUVER, WO. 1, 8. P. OT Canada. Business meetings every Tuesday evening at headquarters, over Edgett's Store, 151 Hastings St. W. F. Perry, Secretary, Box 836. KOOAX. KABA, B..â¬., WO. 34, 8. ». of C. Meets nrst Sunday ffl every month ln Socialist Hall, Mara, 2:30 p.m. Cyril Rosoman, Recording Secretary. X.OOAX, Z.ABTB1HTW WO. 10, 8. ». Of C. Business meetings every Saturday 7 p.m. in headquarters on First Ave. 11.110. Williams. See., ladysmith, B. C LOCAL MOY1B, B. O., WO. 30âJUMM Lv.e,7 ,!l'.nday 7.:l° Dm- ln MoOregor -Hall (Miner's Hall), Mrs. Thornley, Secretary. ; ** LOCAL X08BLAÂ» Wo. 85, S. T. Of o, meets In Minors' Hall every Sunday at 7:80 p. m. S- Campbell, Secy., P. O Box. '^4' Rossland Finnish Branoh meets in Finlanders' Hall, Sundaya at IAÂ°JP- "!â¢ £â¢ Sebble, Seoy., P. O. Box 7«6 Rossland, B. C. »â¢>«â¢-> ""* LOOAL WBLBOW, B. P. OP C, MEET* every Friday evening at 8 p.m., ln Miners' Haft. Nelson, B. C. C A Organizer; I. A. Austin, Secy. LOOAL PHOENIX, WO. 8. 8. P. OP O, tneets every Sunday at s:30 p.m., la Miners' Hall. Matt Holiday, Organizer. H. K. Maclnnts, Secretary. LOCAL CALOABT, ALTA., WO. 4, 8. P. or C. Meetings every Sunday at I 6m. ln the Labor Hall, Barber Block, ighth Ave. K. (near postofflce). Club and Heading Room. Labor Hall, T. H dpMach 11 Box 647. Secretary, A. Mac nald, Organizer, Box 617. LOOAL BELLEVUE, ALTA., WO. 18, 8. P of 0., meets every first and third Sunday evenings, Bellevue Town Hall J. Oliphaut, Secretary. LOOAL VAWCOUTEB, B. 0., WO. 45, Finnish. Meets every second and fourth Thursdays In the month at 161 Hastings St. W. Secretary, Win. Myntti LOOAL VICTOBIA, WO. 8, 8. P. OP O. Headquartera and Reading Room, Room 1, Eagle Building, 1319 Government St. Business meeting every Tuesday evening, 8 p.m. Fropoganda meetings every Sunday at Or " Tl i'heatre. R. Thomas, at Secretary. Jrand LOCAL WAWAXMO, WO. 3, 8. P. of C, meets every alternate Sunday evening In Foresters Hall. Business meeting at 7:00 o'clock sharp. Propaganda meeting commences at 8:00 o'clockl Jack Place, Rec. Secy., Box 826. LOCAL PBXWXB, 8. P. of C, WOLD8 educational meetings In the Miners' Union Hall, Victoria Ave., Fertile, every Sunday evening at 7:45. Business meeting first Sunday In each month, same place at 2:30 p m David Patotl, Secy, llox 101 LOOAL COLBMAW, ALTA., WO. 8. Meets every Sunday night In the Miners' Hall and Opera House at I p.m. Everybody welcome. Socialist speakers are Invited to call. H. J. Smith, Secy. LOOAL EDMONTON, ALTA., WO. 1. 8. P. of C. Headquarters 622 First St, Business and propaganda meetings every Thursday at 7:80 p.m. sharp. Our Reading Room is open to the public free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. dally. F. Blake 649 Athabasca Ave., Secretary-Treasurer, T. Blssett, 322 Fourth St., Organizer. LOOAL WIWWXPBO. 8. P. OP C. I quarters, Kerr's Hall, 120 1-2 Adelaide Stree opp.koblin Hotel. Businessmeetln^every Sunday morning U a. in. Propaganda meeting Sunday evening 8 p.m. Everybody welcome. Secretary, J. W Hilling, 270 Young St; Organiser, D. McUougall, 424 JarvisSt. LOCAL TOBOWTO, ONT., WO. 84, 8. V. of 0.âBusiness meetings 2nd and 4th Wednesdays ln the month, at the Labor Temple, Church St. Propaganda meetings every^unday at 3:1 J o'clock at LOOAL OBEENWOOD WO. », 8. P. OP C, meets every Sunday ln Minors' Union Hall at 7:30 p.m. Business meetings, 1st and 3rd Sundaya of each month. Geo. Heathertou, Organizer: H. J. Campbell, Secretary. Box 124. LOOAL TBBWON, B. 0., WO. 88, 8. P. OP C, meets every second anu last 1- miiiy in each month, t'has. Chancy. Secretary, Box 127, Vernon, B. C. the Labor Temple. Speakers' class every Thursday at 8:00 o'clock at Labor Temple. J. Stewart, Secretary, 62 Seaton St. LOOAL OTTAWA, WO. *8, 8. P. OP O. Business meeting 1st Sunday la month, and propaganda meetinga following Sundays at 8 p.m. ln Roberta- Allan Hall, 7 a Rldeau St. A. G. lie Collum. 68 Slater St., Secretary. LOOAL PSZWOB BUPBBT, B. C, WO. 53, 8. P. of C.âMeets every Sunday ln hall In Empress Theatre Block at 8:00 p. m. Angus Mclver, Secretary. LOCAL BETBL8T0XB, B.C.8.P.O.â Propaganda and business meetings at 8 p.m. every Sunday evening In the Edison Parlor Theatre. Speakera passing through Revelstoke are Invited to attend. B. F. Oayman, Secretary. W. W. Lefeaux, Organiser. LOCAL MICHEL, B. C, Wo. 16, 8. P. Of C, meets every Sunday In Graham's Hull nl 10::iu u. m. Socialist speakers lire Invited to call. V. Frodsham, Sec- rotary. LOCAL COBALT, WO. 3, 8. P. OP a Propaganda and business meetings every Wednesday at 8 p.m. ln Miners' Hall. Everybody Invited to attend. Arthur L. Botley, Secy., Box. 446. LOOAL BBBT.TW, OWT., WO. 4, 8. P. of C, meets every second and fourth Wednesday evenings, at 8 p.m., il King St E., opposite Market Hotel. V. a. Hiulz, Sec, y-i West Lancaster Street. LOOAL OLACB BAT WO. 1, OP W. 8â Business and Propaganda meeting every Thursday at 8 p.m.. In Macdon- ald's hall. Union Street. All are welcome. Alfred Nash, Corresponding Secretary, Olace Bay; Wm. Sutherland, Organizer, New Aberdeen; H. O. Ross, Financial Secretary, office In O. N. Brodle Printing Co. building. Union Street. â¢â¢»Â«Â»â¢*»*â¢«#â¢*»â¦«*»*»Â«Â«Â»**$«$«â¢*» To Canadian Socialists On account of Increased postal rutcs we are obliged to make the subscription price of the International Socialist Review ln Canada II.'JO a year Instead of fl.00. We run, however, make the following special offers: Kor $3.uo we will mall three copies of the Review to one Canadian address for one year. Kor 70 cents we will mall ten copies nf any one Issue. 1'or $3.00 we will mall the Review one year and the Chicago Dully Socialist for one year. CHARLES M. XBBB * COMPANY 134 West Klnzle St., Chicago. Books of all Kinds The Mistakes of Moses SOc The Riddle of the Universe ISc Merrie England â 20c God and my Neighbor, Blatchford IOC Ayesha, or the Return of She, by Rider Haggard 10c Decameron Boccaccio 75c Maria Monk 78c â, All books sent postage paid. l3end for catalog. The People's Book Store 142 Cordova St. W. A. F. Cobb Marchanl Tailor OKotoKs, Alberta for â¢Yarjr salt sold through this advertisement I will give |1.0» to the circulation of th* Western Clarion. Plan: 1. Writ* ma tor samples of goods. 2. Mention the pries you want lo pay for suit 8. Compare my sample with the price. 4. If suitable, send mo deposit of $6.00. ' S. I will guarantee to deliver suit to fit within three weeks. «. Clarion will acknowledge receipt ot $1.00 from me when â¢uit is paid for. Sulla to measure from »1Mi to 110.00. Propaganda Meeting Sunday Evening*, 8 o*Clock City Hall Vancouver B. C. SATURDAY, APRIL i«, 1910. THE WESTERN CLARI#, VAJ^bUVER 1^ aassaajaasaasasjssi âsa» ^22117 THE SOCIAUST PARTY OF CANADA TV" Page Is Devoted to Reports of Executive Committees, Locals and General Party MattersâAddress All Communications to D. G. McKenzie, Sec., Box 836, Vancouver, B. C. MAY DAY All over the world where capitalism holds sway the workers of the world will- hold mass meetings and demonstrations to give expression to theh- afflrmations of the international solidarity of Labor. In Berlin the tools of the Mailed Fist will be refused per- mision to leave the barracks unless it be to shoot down the unarmed workmen who will parade peacefully to the Tiergarten or some of the other public parks. In Paris the Seine will hear the songs and the cheer of the awakening proletariat . Blood has been shed before there and may be shed on that day also in spite of their "Socialist" prime minister. In Rome the drum beat of the proletarian army will dlBturb the slumbers of the Prisoner of the Vatican and under his windows where, practically, stands the statue of Bruno he will probably watch the defiling battalions. In northern Europe and southern America, in Australia and in Africa and even in Vancouver. There is no need lo go into the history of Labor Day and its development since it was first' instituted in 1889. We may remark that it has nothing to do with the festival in honor of Flora which is probably the pagan feast that gave birth to the May Day festivals of mediaeval England, the working class holiday that was crushed out by the onward march of capitalism. The International Socialist and workers congress met in Paris in 1889 and decided that the workers should set aside a holiday annually ln the interest of the Labor movement. May Day was as good as any other day, so we have Labor Day on the 1st of May. Vancouver Local has decided to get into line with the movement abroad and will organize a huge demonstration on that day. All details are not decided upon, but invitations have been sent to the Locals in the vicinity and labor organizations in the city. Several speakers haye been asked to address the workers on that day. The ultimate form the demonstration will take will be published ln the Clarion later. S. DEWBERRY, ALTA. MANITOBA CAMPAIGN FUND Comrades,âThe cry Is, "Still they come!" Dollars, quarters and nickels have found their way Into our fund and are still coming, due to the rustling abilities of fighters and comrades far-sighted enough to realize that our fight in Manitoba Is their own, only moved a mite or so away. If there is any comrade throughout the Dominion of the C. P. R. whu has not heard about our appeal for funds, let him send anything from a postage stamp to a million dollars and we will return him full Information by the next train, ten to put our appeal before his local, If there Is a secretary who has forgot- please take this notice, without fear of offending the Executive of Manitoba or its gioucher. Additions to Our List: Calgary, not satisfied with first contribution ...$ 400 RevelstokeâGayman says "We are crippled financially." (The Lord don't reside in Revelstoke) 5.60 J. C. Turner, Corbln, fl. C a plunk for freedom 1.00 Michel Miners'- Union (M.P.P. for Fernie please take notice 10.00 Michel Local, a collection among the boys 8.00 Local Moyie wishes our efforts crowned with success 10.00 J. Johnson, Vancouver, says please accept 1.00 j.-. D. McColl, J. McKay, Keewa- tin, Ont; sorry it's not more.. 2.00 J. Effler, Grandview, Man., best he can do. (No regrets necessary, Jos.) 5.00 J. Staples, Cloverdale, B. C, expression of sympathy 1.00 A. McDonald, Wetaskiwln, Alta., says 'he will do what he can .. 2.60 Tom Elliott, Wetaskiwln. Alta, says me too, Pete 50 Lawrence Cody and F. R. Mcln- nis, Kaslo, B. C, sign, yours for the Revolution 2.00 W. H. STEBBINGS. 316 Good street, Winnipeg. I don't know whether or not Mc will use this stuff for copy. Seeing that he printed my last effusion which was also about the first quill product of this giant Intellect, he might think there is some likelihood of this budding genius acquiring a bad case of "swoldt headt." However, I have another "brain spasm," as Harrington would say, and I think I must either scribble or curse to relieve the brain pressure. (Imagine a farm slave with any gray matter.) This particular slave has been getting such an almighty hump on himself just lately planting "his" part of the C. P. R. wheat crop that this is about his first change to write in regard to Comrade Gribble's visit to this corner of Donald Smith's pre-emption. Well, it certainly was great. It seemed to give us a new lease of life. We, the red section of those "semi-barbarians living on the confines of civilization" as Marx so aptly termed us, are so used to camping among the heathen that the appearance among us of a genuine red is as copious rain to the parched prairiesâa veritable life-renewer. Comrade Gribble, I am happy to say, more than met our expectations. He sure packs the straight dope and I am more than ever, if possible, convinced of the wisdom of this from a propaganda standpoint. It repels a few white-livered humbugs, but when a comrade is once landed by this method he is the real thing and worth a whole bunch of the "me too" variety. Rather slow work at first, perhaps, but it pans out heavy in the end. Comrades, I assure you that if I knew for a dead certainty that I should speak to you only one more sentence before passing in the proverbial "chques," I think I should say: "Above all things keep the movement as clear-cut and revolutionary as possible." We saw Comrade Gribble through with three meetings, the last one back near the railroad after covering a half circle of about 45 miles and parted with him reluctantly, as he took the train east from Blackfoot and bid us "stay with the scrap." May we soon have many Grlbbles and O'Briens. Yours on the prairie, W. II. ANDERSON. GLACE BAY To the Hon. Wilfrid Laurler, Premier of Canada: Sir,âWe, the members of Local Glace Bay, of the Socialist Party of Canada, ln general meeting assembled, on the 31st day of March, 1910, hereby place ourselves on record in the following resolution: Whereas, the Socialist party is the political expression of the working class, having for Its object their econo- [ mic emancipation without distinction of race, creed or nationality, and to achieve this end the solidarity of the workers must be secured and maintained on both the political and industrial fields. And Whereas, Senator Belcourt has Introduced in the Senate of Canada a bill (£. C. C.) the object of which is an attempt to disrupt tbe solidarity of international labor by making it criminal for the workers in Canada of various races and nationalities to organize in their own interest, and thus placing them more completely at the meroy of their exploiters, the capitalist class, Therefore Be It Resolved, that Local Glace Bay, of the Socialist Party of Canada, do mostt emphatically protest against the passing of this proposed bill by the Parliament of Canada. Yours truly, ALFRED NASH Secretary Glace Bay Local, Socialist Party of Canada. CAN'T GET ENOUGH REGARDING THE LANGUAGE FEDERATIONS. BRANTFORD TOO Dear Mac,âAs secretary I have been instructed to write and ask the Dominion Executive how the chances are for getting Charlie O'Brien's speech in the House at Edmonton, as outlined In the Clarion, No. 570, put up in pamphlet form and spread among the wage plugs in the Dominion. ThiB local will take 500 copies, and with a word or two about the proposition placed In the next Clarion, we feel confident that any live local will respond with an order, and avail themselves of an opportunity to place in the hands of every work- ingman the Socialist position when elected. Yours in Revolt, A. W. BAKER. In the last issue of the Clarion appeared a suggestion from the Ukrainian comrades to form Language Federations. In my estimation the suggestion is worth while considering. I perfectly agree with the Ukrainian comrades. The Finnish Locals are in the same position as the Ukrainian Locals are. There are but very few among the Finnish Socialists who can freely correspond in English, consequently it is very difficult for the locals to obtain a secretary who could correspond in English. Generally those who are able are unwilling, and those who are willing are unable to perform the duties of the secretary. But if the Language Federation were formed, that difficulty would be done away with. The secretaries could correspond with their executive committee ln their respective Ian. guages. And on the other hand I think that the formation of the Language Federations would to some extent eliminate the petty squables and strife now appearing between the English speaking and the Foreign speaking factions in the party . The Finns have been discussing for some time the advisability of forming a Language Federation. Several suggestions have appeared in "Tyokansa" suggesting to form a Federation similar to the "American Finnish Socialist Organization" ln the states, with same relations to the party. I am sure that the proposition will receive unanimous support from the Finns. As to the constitutional amendments the Ukrainian Comrades have 'made the amendment unnecessarily long. I suggest that the proposed amendment to the constitutions will be made to read something as follows: Article VIIâ"Language Federations. Sec. 1. The Federation of Locals of one language may be formed for the purpose of supervising and directing the propaganda and organization in that particular language." Sec. 2. The executives of such Federations shall enjoy the same rights and privileges and also shall have the Bame responsibilities as the Provincial Executive Committees have, as determined In the constitution. . JOHN RIVERS. Dear Comrades,âKeep up the fire; am getting the bundle for the two dollars sent In by comrades last week but am prepared to take ln all that you can send. Roll in the. bundles, boys. We have a great fight right here in Winnipeg. The labor unions are putting up two candidates and we expect them ln our constituencies. We arc having two and three propaganda and election meetings in theatreB every see the greenbacks are coming in good for the campaign. Sunday besides oper.-alr meetings. I Get into this fight right in the heart of Canada; we don't want to be left out in the cold. We've got to get at least one candidate in the house this trip and it won't be our fault if he don't get in. We are taxed to the utmost for speakers. We are putting up our young ones and they are making good; have brought out three new speakers this last week or two. Comrade Gribble speaks here on the 17th and we are keeping the pot boiling ready for him, so I must make another appeal to you to send along the bundles and funds for our fight. Yours for the Revolution, WM. WATTS. 522 Bannatyne avenue, Winnipeg. not object to the elimination ot prostitution. We put these planks in our platform because they were "popular reforms"â possible vote catchers. We hoped to get men who were not Socialists to vote our ticket. Between campaigns we would flood them with Socialist literature, finally entice them into the ^arty. And then, of course, they would be Socialists. This policy has succeeded to the ex- | tent of getting so many people into the party who regard Socialism as "honest reform" that you can't breathe the word "revolution" in many Socialist meetings without shocking the sensibilities of most ot the party members present. Is it possible to make people Socialists by feeding them reform pap? It certainly is possible to make party members that way. And some years it is possible to get a large vote. But wherein does this profit us? To make Socialism a fact in this land we must stir up an Immense awakening of the social conscience. We won't do it by harping on "reforestation" or "compensation." This is rank impossi- bilism. We muBt preach a deeper and more stirring gospel. To inspire the whole nation to an effective enthusiasm we mu3t advocate nothing less than the social revolution. This is the only possiblllsm.âDaily Socialist. JOTTINGS FROM VANCOUVER MEETING DEFEAT OF THE LABOR PARTY The complete figures of the recent British elections ai;e just at hand. In order to make no mistake, we quote from the official report of the Newport conference of the Labor party. The Laborites elected, as Is knownU T. ~Kinga'iey"'was forty members in place of the previous forty-six. Of these only a minority THE ONLY POSSIBILISM Wanted At the Ymir General Hospital a duly trained nurse. For par- ticultrt write W. B. NclSAAC, Secy. By Arthur Bullard Whenever one of the comrades says revolutionary Socialism" without mumbling the "revolutionary," he is at once accuse of "Imposslbilism." There is no possiblllsm to Socialism unless it is frankly, aggressively revolutionary. There is no clearer lesson to be iearned from history oi from the social struggles we see about us. Every great social or political change has been the result of great enthusiasm. Petty reforms are not the stuff enthusiasms are made of. Charles I. did not lose his head because of a too onerous tax. The Ironsides marched to victory to songs of religious liberty. Does anybody seriously maintain that it was "the paltry tax on tea" which set the colonial armies afoot against George III.? The enthusiasm which resulted in the great French revolution was Inspired by the magnificent concept of the lights of man. The abolition of the tithes and feudal taxes was incidental. "Liberty, equality, fraternity," vague as It is, has been a greater force In the development of French Socialism than the income tax. In the recent English elections the Radicals had to introduce the cry of Down with the Lords!" in order to get up enthusiasm for their budget reforms. And the Socialist Party of America puts a string of commonplace reforms In Its platform! Every one of which, except the nationalization of the land, Is somewhere in force under capitalism! MoBt of them are borrowed from German imperial legislation. The realization of these reforms might embarass capitalists here and thereâbut none of them would overthrow capitalism. It is entirely probable that every one of them will be voluntarily put in force by the capitalists within the next half century. They represent the pruning off of unprofitable branches, which will render the trunk more robust. Local New York is busy over a compensation actâis sending delegates to Albany to plead for crumbB. A compensation actâten times as radical- would not alter the evil of capitalism. Why do we have these non-Socialist plankB in our platform? Franklyâto catch votes. Ot course we would like to see these reforms granted. But we would like to have everybody clean their teeth regularly, we would like to see better taste in municipal architecture. We would claimed to be Socialists. The majority were run purely as Labor party candidates, and the Labor party has refused either to put Socialism in its constitution and take the words "and Socialist" to Its title. Of the forty Labor members in the present House of Parliament, thirty wer? elected without any opposition on the part of the Liberalsâthat is to say, the Liberals voted for all these candidates, and it is probable that not one of them could possibly have been elected without Liberal votes! Ten candidates were run in districts where two members of parliament were to be elected. In seven of these districts the Liberals and Laborites nominated one candidate against the two candidates of the Conservatives; the Liberals voted for the Laborites and the Laborites voted for the Liberals! This leaves three double-member constituencies to be accounted for. In two of these the official Liberal party ran only one candidate, allowing the members of the Liberals to vote, If they pleased, for the Laborite for one seat and tor the Socialists for the other! The fact that there were Independent candidates also ln the two districts, one of them calling himself a Liberal, is of secondary Importance, as the official Liberal party can claim to have done its best for the Laborites. This leaves only one member of the present parliament who ran against official Liberal opposition! All of these figures are taken from the report of the executive at the Newport conference and cannot be denied. As an illustration of the exact situation ln these constituencies, let us take the case ot Leicester. In this district, says Mr. Hyndman, where J. R. Macdonald received sixteen thousand votes, election statistics show that that there are only four thousand Socialists. Macdonald, then, was elected by twelve thousand non-Socialists and four thousand Socialists. At this calculation Mr. Macdonald, in order to satisfy his pledge to his own constituents, could only be one-fourth of a Sotiallst. But even this does not represent the whole truth, for the Independent Labor party, of which Macdonald is a member, would not be accepted as a Socialist body ln any country of the continent of Europe, nor in the United States. The International recognizes the I. L. P. as a Socialist body ln England, but neither the French, Germans, Austrlans, etc., would tolerate an organization in those countries which refused to recognize either the class struggle or the materialist conception of hlBtory. The Independent Labor party has started out with a Bastard Socialism and diluted It with three parts of pure and simple trade unionism. The Labor party of Great Britain is less independent and farther from Socialism than the so-called Labor Party of 8an FranclBco or a hundred other abortive atenipts of the kind we have had In the Vnited Statesâattempts which have been Indignantly cast aside by the good sense ot the American working peopleâInternational Socialist Review. For a year or so now Vancouver Local has held propaganda meetings each Sunday without a single intermission, the organization being chiefly concerned In the conducting and Improve, ment of these. Outside of this work the agitation has been more or less of an individual nature and though collective effort could have done more there Is little fault to find on that score, steps are being taken to remedy this to some extent. Considering the general conditions In this city and the make-up ot its population the results (though, of course, never really satisfactory to a Socialist) have been about as favorable as could be expected. With a business element disproportionately large and an Immense horde of hangers on, together with a proletariat a large portion of whom expect to escape wage slavery by the real-estate route, the task of a Socialist Local is no light one. Amid these surroundings there is little cause for wonder at the character of the crowds that frequent the propaganda meetings. Some are there simply out of curiosity, coming and going just as they please, careless as to interrupting others present; also a few who drop in to avoid the inclemency of the weather. Some find the meeting a convenient place to seek endorsement for some pet theory or to expound a line of action directly contrary to that laid down in the platform of the S. P. of C. It Is well," however, to state that a goodly portion attend for the purpose of Inquiry, to inform themselves as to the aim and object of the continued propaganda. fee.., THE CAFETERIA 305 Cambie Street The best of everything properly cooked. Chas. Mulcahey, Prop. On Sunday, April 10th, Comrade E. the speaker. It is quite proper to assume that to many present the address had a familiar ring, but of a subject that will bear and need constant repitltlon before the mass "of wage-workers become con scious of their position as slaves of capital, and the revolutionary spirit Is stirred within them. The vast bulk of the modern Industrial corporations was dealt with and Its growth by the absorption of the smaller enterprises. How as a part of its expansion the various trades had disintegrated or become more and more dependent and insecure, displaced by the rise ot enormous armies of laborers with but slight skill. Under these circumstances the futility of the strike and boycott to bring relief was emphasized, the speaker stating that labor thus acting was always whipped, because in the end they were still slaves, the appendages of capitalist property, and the employing class still masters. Should a rise of wages be sec ured by one section Its benefit was at the expense of the balance, and though some particular concern might be Inconvenienced, the capitalist class was not adversely affected thereby. For a rise of wages to apply to the workers as a class it could easily be seen that their relative position would be exactly as It was previous to such gain. A fight of this kind Is no part of the great class struggle, that which gives rise to the political movement of Labor. It is in reality a fight among the workers themselves over a condition of the labor market. Labor-power which the workers have to sell is a commodity, and, like others, exchanges at Its value according to brand, on the basis of its cost of production. Labor-power being contained In the person of every worker, its cost Is the cost of living. In a fight to *alse '.he price of this (termed wagps) or against a cut, the settlement will be arranged ln accordance with the universal laws that govern all commodities. Should the market be overstocked the cut will stand, if otherwise it will not, or a rise may take place but the chronic condition at the best of times, with a labor market well supplied, glveB slight hope of any real rise taking place. To continue the fight on the industrial field for economic power was foredoomed to defeat. Comrade Kingsley likened the Industrial field to a plain dominated at every point by guns; these represent the political powerâthe government or the state. Whoever held the guns controlled the plain, "representing economic power. To gain this power meant the capture of the guns. That was the situation. This Is the class struggle and its battle ground Is on the political field, and there all the efforts of the working class should be directed. In this country the workers possessed the franchise and at the polls could outvote the master class. They would not do this all at once, but gradually, step by step, as an In- (leasing number came to understand llielr class Intersets, putting their representatives in the halls of legislation until a majority brought the control. Tho above alms to give some hints as to tho scope of the address. Muny questions were put and replied to satisfactorily or otherwise according to the point of view of an audience containing a fair percentage of captious critics, those who jump to conclusions, just, ordinary listeners and lastly and not the leaBt, let us hope, those who were there to analyse and think it over. RAYNER. With prosperity all around<us, star- ing us in the face, hanging on behind and jostling us on all sides, how does it come that we have to record a deficit of $87.35? The boasted prosperity may be an Illusion or the sub. hustlers may have been hibernating. Only they themselves know. Let us hope that a word to the wise is as sufficient now as ever. â¢ â¢ â¢ Charlie O'Brien sends along two yearlles. Keep to it. â¢ â¢ â¢ Lucky six. Not cigarettes. Sandon Miners' Union places six readers oa the Clarion mailing list. â¢ â¢ â¢ The Venetian merchants were compelled to send to Tripoli or Tunis for their slaves, the British Americans to Cape Coast Castle, the French to Senegal, the Dutch to Elmlra, and the Portuguese to Angola. Where do our capitalist masters go now for their slaves? â¢ â¢ â¢ .Com. A. Taylor hands ln two from Toronto and wants the names of Clarion readers in that ancient burg for organization purposes. That looks like business. â¢ â¢ â¢ Roscoe Fillmore renews his bundle and catches a dollar on the roll. â¢ â¢ â¢ F. Blake sends down two more from Edmonton, Alta., for yearly course in worklngclass economics. If atiy ot you guys have any use for the salvation army, no matter how little, glue your optics here. From the balance sheet of the "Darkest England" fund to Sept. 30th, 1909 (Emigration department). On the credit side we find the sura of £38,179 12s 2d being amount received on account of Ocean and rail passages. On the debit Bide the sums £38,661âcost of ocean and railroad passages and de- < portatlon costs, etc. £4,884 is acknowledged as commissions and grants from governments, etc. The 8. A. therefore makes more than £4,000 on its emigration business. There is no-Christian philanthropic idea behind It at all. It is merely a huge trading concern out for profit like all others. Rossland miners renew their bundle and their $3 cheer the heart of the editor. â¢ â¢ â¢ Grand Forks Miners' Union pays for a bundle. â¢ â¢ â¢ All the way from Brandon, two renewals and a fresh guy through the agency of H. T. Bastable. â¢ â¢ â¢ The struggle of the classes between the exploiter and the exploited is a struggle for the ownership of the means of wealth production. â¢ â¢ â¢ E. H. Drury sends along $3.50 for a bundle and sub. Next. â¢ â¢ â¢ After all the energy expended by the Labor party In Britain to the end that that they might secure the establishment of labor exchanges they find that these Institutions are being used as recruiting grounds for scabs, so they are not satisfied. Perhaps they Imagine the good, kind benevolent capitalist was in tbe political business for his health. â¢ â¢ â¢ A. Hogg sends $3 for a bundle of 75 a week for this month for Westminster. Good business; to make things better he caps It with two subs. â¢ â¢ â¢ To holler against monopolies, to condemn graft and corruption is not Socialism. Neither is It Socialism to feel your heart welling over with all kinds of sympathy for the downtrodden and the oppressed, to feel sorry for the child-laborer being ground Into profits by the machine, or tor fcis parent slave with his dog-like adoration and slavish fidelity to his owner. Socialism rises out of the antagonism existing between the slave and his master; It has Its basis on the separation of the laborer from the tools or machinery of wealth production. â¢ â¢ â¢ One at a time Is good fishing. Is your name here? L. E. Drake, Belle- vue, Alta.; Jas. Thompson, Winnipeg; L. E. Bartlett, Whonnock, B. C.J W. Watts, Winnipeg; A. Roga, Edmonton; A. W. Baker, Brantford; R. Colghlon, White Brush, Alta.; J. Harnett, Vancouver, B. C; A. M. Campbell, Vancouver, B. C; A. McDonald, Celery; I. A. Austin, Nelson, B. C; W. G. Buriows, Almonte, Ont.; J. H. Mc- Vety, Vancouver, 1). C; W. Baguley, New Westminster; H. J. Bolton, Blalr- inore, Alta. READ' COTTON'S WEEKLY 50c per year Two for a dollar SPECIALLY FINE FOR PROPAGANDA WORK. Six months 25c. Published at Cowansvllle, P.Q. SaBfiBBfSBaBC>>JBBBtBBBBBB BBVBBaSBaBBfl FOUR .j.TOg- WECTBRN O^IW^^yCOg^. BRITISH COLUMBIA. SATURDAY., APRIL 16, J910. f*000S*HMHf4f**04HMf44*4t*4MHHf**0*0+ SUMMARY OF MARX' CAPITAL ij BY A. P. HAZELL â Surplus-Value. We have now to deal with surplus-value. Marx meanB by this term the difference between the cost of labour-power and the value it creates. The worker toils 48 hours. His wages represent twelve hours, the 36 hours represent surplus-value. Or It can be put in another way. A number of men are agriculturists. Their labour-power costs £100. The products of their labour are put on the market and realise £400âa difference of £300, which is the measure of their exploitation. The same argument applies to other Industries. If a man produces the equivalent of his wages in the first three hours of his day's work, it is plain that if he work twelve bours he is exploited of nine hours' labour. The latter portion, therefore, represents unpaid labour, or surplus-value. By this means the capitalist not only gets an equivalent for the wages he disburses as variable capital, but an addition, which enables him to add to his plant and to live in luxury. Millionaires accumulate their hoards because they tap or get tribute from a great number of workers, or draw from a surplus fund which has already been accumulated by other capitalists, as on the Exchange Market. Surplus-value, be it noted, is a subsidiary form of value. The capitalist enters into produc- * tion, and he purchases machinery, plant, and labour-power, which represent so much value. When he places his commodities on the market he realises more value than their cost of production. That part of value which the capitalist gets for nothing, and on which his class and the aristocratic classes fatten is surplus-value, or unpaid labour. Value is a general term, used as an equivalent to express the whole of the time worked on a commodity; surplus-value is that portion of the time for which no equivalent Is given. By analysing the returns of the income-tax, various economists show that the value received by the working-class and the superintendents of labour amount to a third or less of the wealth produced. The income-tax returns, however, are not a very reliable test of the degree of exploitation, though, of course, they afford us valuable and Incontestable evidence that the worker does not receive more than a third of what he produces. One to four, or one to five, in my opinion, expresses more accurately tbe rate of exploitation. "Price of Production"âCost of Production." In our examination of the price-form of value, it was shown clearly that the price of a thing did not necessarily correspond to the exact amount of labour embodied in it, although In the mass prices would do so. Some people imagine that there is no limit to prices, forgetting that price at bottom is a labour estimate of one commodity with another. A little thought will show that the sum of prices cannot exceed the hours of labour. For Instance,- if the gold commodity on which prices are based represent 100 million pounds because it takes 100 million days to produce It, and the rest of commodities represented one thousand millions on the same basis, then it would be useless for individuals to estimate their commodities beyond the 1,100 millions minus 1, as there would be no products to represent their price value. The high prices of pictures and objects of virtu, etc., are often a source of perplexity to the student. We can only observe here that the accumulation of surplus value In the hands of a small class enables individuals to indulge in peculiar ways to ostentatiously display their wealth In order to gain the homage of the people or excite the envy of their fellows. Thus one man will give fabulous sums for special pictures, and another will do the same for old china. Such prices may increase as the mass of surplus value increases in the hands of these individuals. ' "Price of production" corresponds to the market price, and the market price corresponds to the money-value of the article. "Cost of production" represents the amount of actual labor embodied in an article. "Price of production" represents its money value in the market in accordance with the historic development of capitalist prices. To recapitulate: society creates so many commodities, expending on their production so many hours of labor, the latter being their real cost of production. But when Jhey are placed upon the markets, tbe number of hours does not tally with individual commodities. Some commodities with ten hours of labor may actually sell at the same price as those containing two hours of labor. "Cost of production" and price of production" are often used as synonymous terms, which leads to confusion. Marx in some of bis writings, as for instance in "Wage-Labor and Capital," leaves the reader in doubt sometimes as to the Interpretation he wishes to put upon the phrase, "cost of production." For the above reasons, J v ve accentuated the difference between th« two ases. . The "composition" of capital ^presses the relation between the variable and constant capital, both of tbe later altering as tbe conditions of production vary. For instance, tbe adpotlon of a new invention in machinery ln a given industry may cause less wages to be paid, and more material to be used. This at once alters the composition of the capital ln that Industry. The most advanced Industries are those which have most successfully reduced the amount of variable capital, representing wages, and Increased that of constant capital, representing plant and materials. By studying the variations ln the composition of capital, we see how the labor-time may change In one commodity as compared with another, though prices remain the same. To illustrate this, let us for argument's sake assume that two capitalists deal with each other and exchange equally on the basis of 100 hours in their particular commodities. One of the capitalists reduces the labor-time taken to produce his commodity to 75 hours, and keeps this advantage for years, with no variation in his price. The other capitalist only gets the product of 75 hours for his 100. As time progresses, however, the other capitalist suddenly reduces the hours taken to produce his commodities to one-half, thus turning the tables on his fellow capitalist. It may happen that both of them may be unconscious of the economic conditions which have determined the price of their goods with each other. Competition, of course, comes ln here as a regulating factor sooner or later. Social conditions, It is evident, may enable one given capital to draw more products from the market ln exchange than It is entitled to, for a long period of time, but the gain of one involves loss to another. Readers will see that underlying these two forms of capital, constant and variable, endless changes are possible, both ln price and labor time, labor remaining the governing factor all the while. General Rate of Profit. Marx deals with these variations represented in price of production under the beading of "General Rate of Profit." For example: a capitalist invests his capital with a view of obtaining on it the high-' est rate of profit possible. Having done so, he quickly iirtds that competition compels him to alter the proportion of capital spent in plant, and that disbursed in wages. He is compelled to introduce machinery, which, of course, adds proportionately to his raw material and general plant. His wages bill may by this means become less, though his absolute amount of cupltal remains the same, or more, as necessity compels. The consequence is that the proportion of money spent in plant and in wages ln the production of various commodities varies greatly in the course of capitalist development. All Industries are subject to changes in the composition of their capital. FirBt it Is one and then another which takes tbe lead. These variations ln the composition of capital of different commodities have a tendency to equalize. Marx takes up five of the most important industries, and demonstrates that their variation results In an average which, in a remarkable manner, shows how their price of production, when massed, conforms to their cost of production. That the price of commodities gravitates to their labour-value Is shown by the fact that, given their composition of capital, their price falls with the diminution of labor-time taken to produce them, and the converse happens when the time taken to produce them increases. Labor becomes, therefore, the regulating factor of "Price of production." Marx then proceeds to elaborate this argument. He goes on to say that if we look around we shall find evidence of certain commodities in a sufficiently primary stage of production to show that labor-time is the basis of their exchange. For instance, the products of a peasant proprietary more approximately exchange according to 'heir real value than tbe fully-developed capitalist form of commodities. Again, when hand labor was predominant, products naturally conformed to their . labor-time. Special work, however, would evolve special tools, Instruments, and machinery, and with this specialization of tools, capital spent ln plant and material would necessarily increase as compared with the capital spent in wages. The purchases of improved instruments and machinery would, from the point of view of capital expended, require the same profit on the money disbursed in machinery as if it were spent on labor, and thus a difference is set up' which varies with the development of each particular industry. The application of scientific methods aid invention increases the productivity of labor, Put very little indeed of this productiveness goes to the owner of labor-power. A certain number of workers, it is true, receive a higher rate of pay as superintendents, but that is accounted for by the fact that they relieve the capitalist of the onus of superintendence. Every invention, every improvement in production, goes to tbe capitalist, and thus the worker becomes relatively' exploited more and more as capitalism progresses. The proletarian (or man with no capital) sells his labor at its cost of production,' which represents his standard of comfort. To account for the differences in the price of labor-power we have, as before intimated, to go back into history. The difference is founded on physical force, and commenced with the time when man forced his fellow-woman and fellow-man into slavery by the power of the sword. Exploitation commenced with slavery, was continued with serfdom, and is now being perpetuated by capitalism in the form of wage-slavery. Custom and convention caused men to acquiesce in their slavery and serfdom, and the same habit of thought possesses the wage- slave, who now looks upon his wage-slavery as a natural method of reward. Unhappily the principle of competition, which drives the wheel of capitalism, is compared by the worker to the natural law of the survival of the fittest in Nature, and he has come to regard his servile position as being in accordance with natural causes, and not due to artificial law created by man. The law of the rate of profit, while it explains the process of the differences in the prlceB of production, does not, of course, account for all the various methods of distribution of wealth. The arbitrary distribution of wealth commenced, as we see, with the subjection of man. The men of the sword made the laws in conformity with their interests, and to this day their descendants hold command of the Law Courts, the Army and Navy, and of the Government, which they use as a means of rewarding their own class. These men have ever exacted a tribute in the form of labor or rent, and with the development ot the capitalist system they manage to extort their share of surplus-value. The new money Prince, Capital, has secured equal rights with the feudal lord, but the capitalist has not yet displaced him. He prefers to share with him the power to control the destinies of the social bees, to whom they allow a little that they may be robbed of much, Owing to the "splendid" organization of our "captains of Industry," each one producing blindly against the other, there is always going on a see- raw between supply and demand. Some economists recognize that though at times there may be a considerable disturbance caused in production by lack of supply or over-production, yet that over a given time supply and demand equal each other. John Stuart Mill went so far as to say that economists might always assume, ln considering value, that supply and demand equated each other. This view has not altogether had the unqualified assent of the ordinary capitalist economist. Unlike John Stuart Mill, he has an axe to grind. He finds that the difference in supply and demand acts as a very convenient cover under which he may explain variations in prices and justify social inequalities. Supposing, however, that value is governed by supply and demand, then it follows that value is dependent upon the difference between the two, and when they are equal, commodities have no value because there is no difference to express it. Thus Marx very pertinently asks: When supply and demand are equal, what governs their value? This question has never been answered. The capitalists, who kindly undertake for our advantage the industrial organization of the community, would, if they knew their business, keep supply and demand at an equation, for that is their business. Poor Ruskin, who was not a business man, once said it was their "duty." If capitalists should by any chance become more efficient ln their business, this question put by Marx will become still more urgent, and our orthodox economists ought not to delay furnishing an answer to, the question. Surely half a century ought to be long enough for learned professors of economy to answer such a simple query. Economic Rent. The classical definition of economic rent given by Ricardo is now generally accepted by orthodox economists. He describes it as being "that portion of the product of the earth which is paid to the landlord for the use of the original and indestructible powers of tbe soil." Marx, in dealing with the subject, points out that economic rent so-caled is the outcome .of special social relations peculiar to the capitalist system. What Ricardo failed to see was that, under capitalism, land as a factor of production, becomes capitalized, according to its labor-saving attributes. Land which requires less labor to produce a given product than that of an inferior quality, is capitalized as being so much more valuable than the latter. Thus one acre may be valued at as much as four ot another quality. Ricardo, in common with other classical economists, overlooked the fact that the capitalist is not so much concerned about the fertility of a given piece of land as he Is to secure a given rate of profit on his capital. The latter is prepared to pay a certain price for one acre, or, failing that, the same for four acres, as the case may be, so long as he gets his usual rate of interest on his invested capital. Fertility of the soil is thus of secondary importance to that of profit to the capitalist. It often happens that an acre of land which will produce 24 bushels .of wheat and upwards may be less profitable to the capitalist than one which produces only 12 bushels, the former, in consequence, being compelled to fall out of cultivation. In fact, experience tells us that the less fertile soil of America competes out of the market the more fertile soil of England. Economic rent Is dependent on the amount of profit secured by the exploitation of labor. This view of the matter explains away the apparent anomaly of Inferior soils competing out of the market superior soils. For example: A capitalist farmer employs a given quantity of capital on a fertile soil near a, market, and realizes a profit. The landlord raises his rent accordingly. The farmer, as greedy as the landlord, Boon tires of paying a tribute to bis landlord in the form of economic rent, so-called. He shifts his capita) to America, and employs It on lesB fertile soil than before, actually obtaining a higher profit on his capital. The reason Is that a twenty-acre field in America under present social conditions turns out to be a more profit-making factor, requiring less labor and capital, than a ten-acre field ln England, although the lutter may be twice as fertile. Rent, It is plain, is not based on the difference between *he fertility of the soil, but upon the fact whether the soil is a better instrument for the exploitation â tot labor with a given amount of capital. * The Ricardian theory pre-suppose land which pays no rem, which is an absurdity. It also ignores the fact that the fertility of land is not Inexhaustible, .ind that Its fertility has to be renewed by the application of labor. The Marxian theory that rent is unpaid labor covers all the phenomena connected with land. The farmer pays rent for land, so that he may employ labor and exploit it; but he cannot do this without entering into social relations with the landlord. The particular social relation that binds the farmer to the landlord is the landlord's proprietary right in the soil which enables him to exact a toll on the surplus-value the farmer gets from his laborers. The same social relation which demonstrates that economic rent is a tax on labor also applies to the rent of sites. A high rent is exacted from tenants near a market town or city because the landlord sees his opportunity of participating in the profits secured by the occupier. Rent, under such circumstances, will rise with the profits/se- cured by the tenant. Those who wish to study thi question further should read "Economics of Socialism," by H. M. Hyndman, and Marx's "Poverty of Philosophy." General Remarks. Marx, ac some lengtn, shows how the principle of exchange, when arrived at a given stage of development, overcomes all obstacles to Its progress. The old system of feudalism, with its cumbersome methods of production, gives way to the labor-saving appliance and Improved method of distribution which capital enables to be introduced. Serfs as free laborers are more profitable as artisans and factory hands, and feudalism passes away to return no more. But this increase of productivity does little to improve the workers' position. The wealth they produce goes into the hands of the capitalist and those of the aristocratic class, the latter still retaining its grip on n great portion of wealth produced under the superintendence of the capitalist. The accumulation of wealth Is aided by the law of competition, both capitalist and worker having to bow before It. The capitalist has to compete to secure the market, which he does by lowering the cost of his commodity, and the worker has to compete with his fellows for the right to labor. As the market expands, it becomes possible for large capitalists to cheapen production by increasing their machinery and buying In larger quantities, and by specialization of labor, to compete the smaller holders of capital out of the market. Hence we get the company form, and then a combination of companies Into combines and trusts, the greatest examples of which we see in America, in Rockefeller's oil and steel trusts. Competition leads to monopoly, and Is a refined form of conflict similar to that which takes place in brute evolution. It is only a matter of time for all Industries to develop into the trust form. These, tn their turn, will compete, as science can often destroy one industry and give rise to another, and thus assist continuous competition and friction. We have here sketched the natural law ot direct evolution of the trust, but, as M. l.elage, the French naturalist, warned Darwin, we must not dogmatise on direct descent in physical evolution, so must we be careful not to dog- natise too much on the direct development of all industries into the trust form, for -It is possible that many of the industries may never reach this stage of the ripe trust, they coming under the influence of, and developing under other lawsâthe laws of collectivism and co-operation set up by society itself in opposition to capitalist individualism. The triumph of the company, the combine and trust is also a victory for the law of collectivism, for the amalgamation brings into one combination competing capitals, and then separate -.'stablishments, thereby economizing labor and capital. This amalgamation of capital and consequent growth of collectivism become, equally with the latter, a triumph for co-operation. As capital increases, it continues to bring under one roof a greater number of workers who, instead of competing for the market under various capitalists, now co-operate under one capital, and with further accumulation of capital, there correspondingly grow collectivism and co-operation, which are the antitheses of competition and of capitalism. Capitalism, and its dominance over the forces of industry, appear so great that it overshadows all other forces which are growing up silently side by side with It. But national and municipal bodies grow up, whose powers and multiplicity of functions increase with time, until we' find them coming into conflict with possessors of capital, who openly declare that public bodies are taking up their funatlons. So- great and so powerful have these municipal and national bodies become, that the people are beginning to recognize in them the working forces of collectivism and cooperation which they fail to appreciate under the dominion of tbe larger capitals. Thus many Industries are being taken over by municipal bodies which will prevent them reaching the higher competition stage of the truBt form. Under this heading we may Instance the supply of water, lighting, housing, and various forms of transit, and we anticipate before long that Industries connected with our food supply will be taken up with a view to palliate the miseries which capitalism entails. Capitalist accumulation will go on Increasing, but so will municipal and national production, and with it the class-consciousness of the worker, who will politically support social collectivism for the benefit of his class. There can be but one issueâvictory for the people. And what does this victory mean?âUniversal co-operation, securing the well-being of every individual. At the present hour it is calculated that the wealth of the United Kingdom exceeds 2,000 millions per year. This divided among 40 millions Sivcs £250 per family. It is said that the abolition of waste labor and the absorption of the Idle classes would quadruple the production. £1,000 per year per family is a very good standard of comfort under a co-operative system of living. Universal co-operation with an assured subsistence for all means the abolition of classes and tbe establishment of social equality. Much of the opposition to Marx's teachings arises from his triumphant claim that the substance of value is labor denuded of the Fabians' rent of ability. Men and women like to dominate and keep others ln subjection to them. An assured subsistence to all means that no. one will place himself In a servile position to another, and this accounts for the opposition of those whose brute animalism prompts them to oppose a system which offers no prospective pleasure for the exercise of those propensities acquired in an age jf animalism. A great deal is made by Marx's opponents of the claim that the differences in individual talent ought to correspond with their share of material products. The answer to this Is that each social economic unit equals each other, and that all healthful men and women possess faculties, when trained, which will enable them to produce more than sufilcient for their wants. Thus it would be idle to give a man more than he needs, which would be the case If differences in the award of wealth were made according to supposed talent. (To be Continued in our next issue.) The above will be published in pamphlet form. Price 5 cents. $1.00 per 100 to subscribers to the publishing fund. PLATFORM Socialist Party of Canada We, the Socialist Party ol Canada, in convention assembled, affirm ear allegiance to, and support of the principles and programme ot the revolutionary working class. Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers tt should belong. The present economic system is based upon capitalist ownership of the means of production, consequently all the products of laber belong to the capitalist class. The capitalist is therefore â aster; the worker a slave. Be long as the capitalist daaa remains In possession of the reins of government all the powers of tbe State will be need to protect and defend their property rights In the meanB of wealth prednctlon and their control of the product of labor. The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling stream ot profits, and to the worker an ever Increasing measure ot misery and degradation. The Interest of the working class lies In the direction of setting Itself free from capitalist exploitation by tbe abolition of the wage system, under which Is cloaked the robbery of the working-class ' at the point ef production. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation of capitalist property In the n>»Â»na of wealth production into collective or working-class property. The Irrepressible conflict of interests between tbe capitalist and the worker is rapidly culminating In a struggle for possession of the power of governmentâtbe capitalist to hold, the worker to secure it by political action. This is the class struggle. Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under the banner of the Socialist Party of Canada with tbe object ot conquering the public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic programme ot the working class, as follows: 1. Tbe transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property In tbe means of wealth production (natural resources, factories, mills, railroads etc.,) Into the collective property of the working class. 1. The democratic organisation and management of Industry by the workers. 8. The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for use Instead of production for profit. The Socialist Party, when ln office, shall always and everywhere until the present system Is abolished, make the answer to this question Its guiding rule of conduct: Will this legislation advance the interests of the working class and aid the workers in their claas struggle against capitalism? If It will the Socialist Party Is for It; If It will not, tbe Socialist Party Is absolutely opposed to It In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges Itself to conduct all the public affairs placed In Its handa In such a manner as to promote the Interests of the working class alone. VANCOUVER HEIGHTS EXTENSION Big lots, 99 by 124, just at the end of Hastings Street East carline only fifteen minutes from tram office and four chains from car terminus, fronting on Boundary Road (132 feet wide). PRICE $1000 UP PER LOT Or equal to $333 for 33 feet. Terms: One-fifth cash, balance 6, 12, 18 and 24 months. This is the third subdivision I have put en in the East End, and the others have increased in value, some as much as 100 per cent, in less than one year. As some of our customers well know, lots ln block 84, Hastings townsite were sold from $300 up, one-quarter being put on at $300 per lot. To-day I will pay $600 for any lot in that block. Our other subdivision put on later, has increased proportionately, and I feel sure that this will do the same, as it has advantages that the others had not, being close to carline and having sidewalk from carline to and through the property on Barnard and Venables streets to tbe eastern boundary. Branch office on the ground and men in charge. T. M. BEAMISH 41 Hasting St. E. Phone 3391, Vancouver, B.C. DENTIST W. J. CU^RY Room 501 Dominion Trust Bldg. IP YOU HAVE UKRAINIAN neighbors, send for a bundle of "Robotcfcy, Narod" the organ of the Ukrainian comrades in Canada. 50 cents a year 135 Stephen St. Tlnnlpsg, Mas. Demand Cigars Bearing this Label JvtSscTssM Union-i Which Stands for a LiwingjWatfo Vancouver Local 367. 566 TO HOUSEKEEPERS (f If you would like to spend less time in your kitchen and woodshed, and have much more time for outdoor life, recreation and pleasure, look into the question of doing your cooking with a Gas Range. Telephone your address to our office and we will send a man to measure your premises and give you an estimate of cost of installing the gae pipes, Vancouver Gas Company, Limited.
Titled The Western Clarion from June 18, 1904 to June 1, 1907; titled Western Clarion thereafter.
Newspapers
Vancouver (B.C.)
English
Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library
Vancouver, B.C. : The Western Socialist Publishing Co., Limited
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BC Historical Newspapers
Original Format: Royal British Columbia Museum. British Columbia Archives.
Western Clarion
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