"CONTENTdm"@en . "http://resolve.library.ubc.ca/cgi-bin/catsearch?bid=7951132"@en . "British Columbia Historical Books Collection"@en . "The Washington historical quarterly"@en . "Washington University State Historical Society"@en . "2017-09-12"@en . "1922"@en . "\"Title varies: v. 1-26, no. 4 (1906-0ctober 1935) as Washington historical quarterly. Suspended October 1908-April 1912. Cumulative indexes in v. 10 and v. 20. Cumulative indexes issued in 1935 and separately in 1957 (v. 45-47,1954-56) and 1964. See: Earle Connette, compiler, Pacific Northwest quarterly index (Hamden, Conn., The Shoe String Press, 1964) which covers v. 1-53. Indexed as Washington historical quarterly in International index. Has scholarly articles, bibliographies and book reviews of importance to early British Columbia.\" -- Lowther, B. J., & Laing, M. (1968). A bibliography of British Columbia: Laying the foundations, 1849-1899. Victoria, BC: University of Victoria, p. 169.

\"Cover title. Also: ... held in Kelowna, August 25 and 26, 1938. [Vancouver, 1938?] 6 p.\" -- Edwards, M. H., Lort, J. C. R., & Carmichael, W. J. (1975). A bibliography of British Columbia: Years of growth, 1900-1950. Victoria, BC: University of Victoria, p. 35."@en . ""@en . "https://open.library.ubc.ca/collections/bcbooks/items/1.0355822/source.json"@en . "318 pages : photograph ; 25 cm"@en . "application/pdf"@en . " Clarence B. B-Ajriifi^, Si^^^^^B* Mifl$|^RjCtY;^y^&\"\"; H\nv Willla-V & IfBwi^-SpoJ^je'^ \"C > Jfew \"VVestanuster/B: ,j\u00E2\u0082\u00AC*\u00C2\u00A3 Sj\n^*|!K'B. Sperlji^.^c^^^'^\n^SusitnefiS iHanager (\n\ 5 'Two- Dollar's per:>35\u00C2\u00A7j8#^;\u00C2\u00BB?\u00C2\u00BB\ni+.-V'^irf^Washlnglon Territory'.\n..JTEAWETTE' PABQRDSPCr \"\n*. \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 ^ICHKtti5grtSSC\;^^\u00C2\u00BB*J%_..\n-Seattle, Was\u00C2\u00A5t^t?>arV^t\u00C2\u00BBd*^M.:^^^t.^Congress ^^^.J4>r 1**4:. IJje ^astfrington Historical \u00C2\u00A9uarterlp\n1922\nVOLUME XIII\nTHE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY\nSTATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY\nUniversity Station\nSEATTLE, WASHINGTON 11\u00C2\u00BB -^u ^agftmgton 3|fetorical O&uarterlp\nContributing (Ebitorss\nClarence B. Bagley, Seattle H. B. McElroy, Olympia\nT. C. Elliott, Walla Walla Edward McMahon, Seattle\nFrank A. Golder, Pullman F. W. Howay,\nWilliam S. Lewis, Spokane New Westminster, B. C.\nO. B. Sperlin, Tacoma\n^Managing Cbitor\nEDMOND S. MEANY\nJSujStnegjS JWanager\nCHARLES W. SMITH\nVOL. XIII. NO. 1 JANUARY, 1922\nISSUED QUARTERLY\nTwo Dollars per Year\nEDMOND S. MEANY The Cowlitz Convention: Inception\nof Washington Territory 3\nJEANETTE PADDOCK\nNICHOLS Advertising and the Klondike __20\nC. L. ANDREWS The Wreck of the \"St. Nicholas\" 27\nEDMOND S. MEANY Origin of Washington Geographic Names. .32\nDOCUMENTS\u00E2\u0080\u0094The Nisqually Journal, Edited by Victor J. Farrar 57\nBOOK REVIEWS 67\nPACIFIC NORTHWEST AMERICANA 75\nNEWS DEPARTMENT 78\nTHE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY\nSTATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY\nUniversity Station\nSEATTLE, WASHINGTON Wot l^agfimgton WtotK&itv\n\u00C2\u00A3S>tate 2|tetorical gmtiztp\nOfficers and Board of Trustees\nClarence B. Bagley, President\nJudge John P. Hoyt, Vice-President\nJudge Roger S. Greene, Treasurer\nJudge Thomas Burke\nJudge Cornelius H. Haneord\nSamuel Hill\nProfessor Edmond S. Meany, Secretary VOL. XIII., No. 1\nJanuary, 1922\nTOastfjington Historical \u00C2\u00A9uarterlp\nTHE COWLITZ CONVENTION: INCEPTION OF\nWASHINGTON TERRITORY\nHistorians have fallen into peculiar confusion as to dates, persons and events associated with the subdivision of Oregon Territory,\nevents lying at the very foundation of the Commonwealth of\nWashington.\nReasons for the confusion may be found in these facts: two\nFourth of July orations were delivered in Olympia, one in 1851\nand one in 1852; after each of such orations meetings of citizens\nwere held and agitation made for a separate territorial government\nnorth of Columbia River; and in each case the agitation led to\na regularly constituted convention; each of such conventions memorialized Congress in behalf of the object sought to be achieved.\nThe first convention was held at Cowlitz Landing, near the\npresent Toledo, August 29, 1851 and the second at the home of\nH. D. Huntington, \"Uncle Darby\", at Monticello, near the mouth\nof the Cowlitz River, on November 25, 1852. No correct valuation\nof those two conventions has been made and from that fact has arisen\nthe confusion of the historians.\nThere was no newspaper north of the Columbia during the\nCowlitz convention of 1851. However, on September 11, 1852,\nVolume I., Number 1 of The Columbian appeared in Olympia. In\nthat issue of the first newspaper published north of the Columbia\nRiver, Daniel R. Bigelow's Fourth of July oration was printed\nin full. It was eloquent and patriotic and for the rest of his life\nMr. Bigelow was praised as the orator who helped to lay the\nfoundations of a State. During its first year The Columbian occupied itself with the calling of meetings and advocating the organization of a separate territory to be called the Territory of Columbia.\n(3) 4 Edmond S. Meany\nThe very name of the paper was a part of the agitation. As stated,\nthere was no newspaper to print, even tardily, John B. Chapman's\nFourth of July oration of 1851 and no paper to urge attendance\nat the Cowlitz convention of that year. The oration is lost and too\nlittle attention has been given to the proceedings and results of the\nconvention . Both conventions were important but it is high time\nthat certain errors should be definitely corrected.\nIn a recent checking of the situation, it was found that Clinton\nA. Snowden in his History of Washington, The Rise and Progress\nof an American State, Volume III., pages 197-198, 203-206, ignores\nthe convention following Chapman's oration and puts both conventions in 1852. Hubert Howe Bancroft in his Works, Volume\nXXXI, Washington, Idaho and Montana, gives the membership\nof the Cowlitz convention of August 29, 1851, and mentions a memorial-to Congress, pages 48-49. However, on pages 60-61 of\nthe same volume, he says that Joseph Lane, Oregon's Delegate to\nCongress, immediately on receiving the Monticello memorial, made\nhis request for the Committee on Terrtories to inquire into the\nexpediency of dviding Oregon. That was a physical impossbility\nat the time which will be shown below. Mr. Bancroft frequently\ncites with approval the works of Elwood Evans of Tacoma. That\nis well, for Mr. Evans was usually accurate. However, in his\nlarge work, History of Pacific Northwest: Oregon and Washing\nton, Volume I., page 337, he gives a very brief mention of John\nB. Chapman, says nothing of his Fourth of July oration of 1851 and,\non pages 348-349 of the same volume, he credits Mr. Bigelow with\nmaking the first oraton which led to the Monticello convention, and\ncaused Delegate Lane to begin the work in Congress. Edmond S.\nMeany, History of the State of Washington, pages 156-157, says:\nDelegate Lane had acted on the Monticello document. On the first\nday of the second session of the Thirty-second Congress, December\n6, 1852, Mr. Lane, by suspension of the rules, introduced a resolution requesting the Committee on Territories to examine into the\nexpediency of dividing Oregon Territory and reporting by bill or\notherwise.\"1\nThe physical impossibility of Delegate Lane's acting on the\nMonticello memorial is easy to see. The Monticello convention was\nheld on November 25 and the Delegate introduced his resolution\non December 6, 1852. At that time there was no known way of\nsending such a document from Oregon to Washington City in The Cowlitz Convention 5\neleven days. The Congressional Globe shows that Delegate Lane\nintroduced his well known resolution on December 6, 1852, and\nhe must, therefore, have acted on his own volition or upon the initiation of some other source, possibly from the Cowlitz convention of\n1851.\nIn discussing the matter with William P. Bonney, of Tacoma,\nSecretary of the Washington State Historical Society, it was found\nthat he had also noticed the puzzle and had found its solution. It is\nperfectly natural that Mr. Bonney should be interested. He loves\nhistory, he has lived all his life on the shores of Puget Sound\nand on August 17, 1882, he was married to Miss Eva Bigelow, of\nOlympia, whose father was the famous Fourth of July orator of\n1852. Mr. Bonney concluded that the memorial of the Cowlitz\nconvention of 1851, though. slighted or overlooked by historians,\nwas really the one used at first in Congress. He wrote to Congressman Albert Johnson to search the records for that document.\nIt could not be found but Mr. Bonney wrote again and urged that\nthe papers of Delegate Lane in the Library of Congress be searched.\nCongressman Johnson was enthusiastic over the success there\nachieved. The manuscript memorial was found and with it were\ntwo Oregon newspapers, The Oregonian, Volume I., No. 42, September 20, 1851 and Oregon Spectator, Volume VI., No. 3, September 23, 1851. Across the top margin of the latter was the\naddress \"Hon. Dan'l Webster.\" Each of the newspepers contained\non the front page full proceedings of the Cowlitz convention of\nAugust 29, 1851. The proceedings were regularly dated and signed\nby the president and two secretaries.\nCongressman Johnson had the manscript memorial and the two\nnewspapers photostated and forwarded to Mr. Bonney, who filed\nthem in the archives of the Washington State Historical Society,\nwhere they bear the number 2684, 2685 and 2687. These documents\npermit a complete readjustment of the initiative leading to the\ncreation of Washington Territory. They are of sufficient importance to be reproduced in full.\nThe manuscript memorial has two endorsements: \"To Gen'l\nJ. Lane, Petition to Congress. A Petition to divide Oregon Territory. Com. on Territories, Lane;\" and \"Oregon Territory. The\npetition of Citizens and the proceeding of a public Meeting in\nOregon Territory in relation to the division of said territory. Dec.\n30, 1851. Referred to the Committee on Territories. Mr. Holli- 6 Edmond S. Meany\nday. Gen'l Lane.\" These endorsements, on two sides of the back\nas the document was folded, indicate that the memorial was before\nthe Committee on Territories one year before Delegate Lane\nmoved his important resolution of December 6, 1852. There seems\nto be no record of the memorial in the Congressional Globe of\nDecember 30, 1851. When the next, or Monticello, memorial\nappeared, more than a year later, it was printed in full in that\nofficial publication. This, of course, is another reason for the\nhistorical distortion.\nThe manuscript memorial is as follows:\nTo the Honorable The Senate and Speaker of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the United States of America at Washington\nCity Assembled.\nThe undersigned respectfully beg leave to represent to your Honorable\nbody. That at a regular constituted Convention of Delegates of the people\nof Oregon Territory North of the Columbia River holden on the 29th of\nAugust 1851 (a copy of the proceedings of which convention are here forwarded accompaning this memorial and prayed to be considered as a part\nthereof)x a Resolution passed said \"Convention Resolving That a seperate\nTerritorial Government ought to be organized North of Columbia River and\nThat John B. Chapman, M. T. Simmons & F. S. Balch be appointed a committee to draw up a suitable memorial to! Congress on That subject'.\nThe Committe have had the same under consideration and directed me\nto report The following petition to Congress.\nThat Government and order is contemplated for the convienience and\nbenefit of the people, and That every community and. settlement of Citizens\nparticipating in the burthens of Government are entitled to its benefits and\nprotection; and That when ever any portion of That Community, from\nlocality anid Geographical position are left out of the existing rule & order\nin concequence of That Government, It then becomes. [Ms. Page 2] the duty\nof the Supreme power from which those rules of order emenates to reestablish those systems of protection and Government, by placing the power\nand the means in the ability of this seperated & neglected portion of the\nwhole community; for the reestablishment and organization of a Government, for their own convenience & protection.\nThey beg leave to further state that the Inhabitants North of the\nColumbia River receive no benefit or convenience whatever from the Territorial Government of Oregon as now administered. They maintain positively that it costs more for a citizen in the North of Oregon Territory to\ntravel to a clerks office or to reach a District Judge than it does for a\nman to travel from S. Lewis, Missouri to Boston, Masachussetts and back;\nand, much longer;\nIt is true that Judge Strong, resides on the North Bank of the\nColumbia River, but in such a position and obscure situation near Astoria,\nthat he cannot be reached under any emergency under several days travel\nfrom the interior. The great body of the Indians of Oregon inhabit the\nNorth side of the Columbia River, no Indian agent has ever been known\nto be north of the River except Gov. Lane while superintendent.\nThe Committe further state that the Geographical extent of the American or U. States Territory is too well known by your Honorable body to\nrequire comment by the Committe, but the Committe beg leave to State other\nfacts in regard to said Territory which they know [Ms. Page 3] to have been\n1 Evidently the same proceedings which appeared in the Oregon Spectator, -which -will\nbe reproduced following this document. The Cowlitz Convention 7\nmisrepresented, That is the availability of said Territory for civilized and\ndomestic purposes; The Committe beg leave to State from personal\nknowledge that in the forty thousand square miles of Territory beginning\nat the British line [an extra stroke is given to the \"n\" making the word\nliterally \"lime\"] North: that one half the whole eare [area?] is good tilable\nland, and that the great portion of the other half is valuable Timber Land.\nCoal mines, & Gold mines, which have but verry recently been the least developed, and what may appear more astonishing to your Honorable body is\nno less a fact, that that small extent of Territory North of the Columbia\nRiver has a face of good Sea Board Navigation exceeding one thousand\nmiles, with not less than twenty five good safe Harbours & Bays, that the\nlargest Ships can clear from any day, for any part of the whole world, and\nthat the greater portion of the land bordering on this Sea-Board is as fertile\nIk productive as any in the United States, containing immense quantities of\nTimber of the first qualities for Ships, buildings or Domestic use.\nThe numerous Rivers and small Streams of Fresh water emptying in\nto this extensive Sea Board Navigation affording numerous sites for Hydro-\nlie power is conclusive that such a country will admit of a dense population.\nBut that this whole Country is very thinly settled for so many good qualities\nthe undersigned admit, and for the best of reason. One of the finest portions of the Country at the very Head ofi \"Pugets Sound\" is [Ms. Page 4]\nclaimed by a British Trading Post, known as the Hudson Bay Co. to the\nextent of Sixty miles by Thirty all that fair and beautiful region lying\nbetween the Nisqually & Puyallup Rivers, etc., & South & East Six [ty,\nPortion of word obliterated in photostat copy.] miles to M|t. Renier, that\nCompany has never pretended to carry on an agricultural persuit, the rural\npart from the Trading post was Stock, Cattle, Horses,-& Sheep. The American Settlements from the States was inimical to the grazeing persuit of the\nHudson Bay Co. hence all the emigrants from the States who attempted a\nsettlement in that region of! Country on Pugets Sound, was compelled to do\nit over the heads of that Company like an army Storming a Castle, hence\nbut fiew was willing to incur the displeasure of a large monied institution,\nand a British Fort at That: and inconcequence of so many being detered\nfrom settlement it caused another verry great reason for the nonsettlement\nof the Country. That is, no Wagon Roads have yet been made from the\nColumbia or else where, to the interior of the Territory and hence wholy\ninaccessable except by water: and all the commerce of the North being\nmonopolized by the Hudson Bay Co. there was\" no inducement for American\nVessels, hence no means of conveyance as the Company Vessels were never\nallowed to carry an American Citizen, by this monopoly and influence of\nthe H. Bay Co. over some U. S. Officers, the Emigrants from the States\nhave been untill this day, literally excluded from the Northern Territory of\nOregon.\nThe Committe beg leave to represent and show Congress. That there\nis now about three thousand Souls North of the Columbia. That they have\nraised a large amount of produce, Wheat, Oats, potatoes, onions, &c for\nexportation, but with the many abuses of their rights [Ms. Page 5] and\nneglecteld condition in their civil immunities as Citizens it is impossible for\nthem to prosper in commerce, or advance one step in the improvement of\nRoads & highways.\nThe Seat of Government at present is distant about three hundred miles\nfrom the principle Settlements North; The entire Legislative power is South\nof the Columbia River & from Locality and Geographical position the South\nhas no interest in common whatever, with the North, and in conciquence of\nthe immence expensive travel, from Oregon City to the North of Columbia;\nGovernment Officers but seldom if ever visit the North; under the present\ncondition of things, the rights of Citizens must go unredressed crimes and\ninjuries unpunished.\nNotwithstanding all these inconveniences and obstacles the Emigrant is 8\nEdmond S. Meany\ndaily surmounting all barriers and settleing in our midst and loudly-calls\nfor the rights and privleges of a citizen, for the protection of himself and\n\"\"in consideration of the premises and many inconveniences of the present inhabitants and in complyance with the resolution of said Convention\nThe Committe most respectfully request that Congress will pass an act\norganizing a seperate Territorial Government North ot the Columbia Kiver;\nwith the immunities & privliges of her [Ms. Page 6] most favoured Territories, and that Territory be known and designated as \"Columbia Territory\nand, That the Seat of said Territorial Government be fixed as near the] centre of the Territory North and South as convenience and circumstance will\nadmit of. All of which is most respectfully submitted for the consideration\nof Congress.\nJ. B. Chapman\nChairman Com\nand corresponding Com\nThat document and the accompanying proceedings, familiar\nto Delegate Lane froml December, 1851, to December, 1852, are\nsufficient to explain his prompt action when the new session opened\non December 6, 1852. Of the two copies of the proceedings that\nin the Oregon Spectacular is selected for preproduction, as from\nthe older of the two papers. The account is checked with that in\nthe Oregonian and with other sources, corrections being indicated in\nbrackets. At the top of the article appears the words \"For the\nSpectator.\"\nCowlitz Convention.\nCowwtz, Lewis Co., O. T., )\nAugust 29, 1851. )\nThe following are the proceedings of\ngon Territory, north of the Columbia Ri\nconstituted arrangement of the citizens\naid convention and selecting delegates t>\nconvention of delegates in Ore-\n,j which was called by a previous\nof said district of country, calling\n> attend the same, to take into c\nsideration the propriety of organizing a separate Territorial Government,\nand such other purposes as the demands and wants of the people required.\nThe convention met in compliance with the order of the election of the\ndelegates, at the Cowlitz, in Lewis county, on the 29th day of August, 1851.\nThe convention was called to order by Thos. M. Chambers, Esq., when the\nfollowing gentlemen came forward and presented their credentials as delegates duly elected from the several precincts in said Territory, and took\nupon themselves the duties of members of said convention: Messrs. Catlin,\nBurbie, Huntress, Warbass, Jackson, Frazer, Bernier, Bosit [Borst], Della-\nbraugh, Chapman, Plomondo, Poe, Crosby, Chambers, M. T. Simmons, Maynard, Brownfield, Broshears, Bradley, Edgar, Balch, Wilson, Saunders, A.\nT. [J] Simmons, Cochran, and Ford.\nThe convention then proceeded to ballot for officers, which resulted in\nthe unanimous choice of the Hon. Seth Catlin for President, and F. S. Balch,\nEsq., and Alonzo Poe, Esq., for Secretaries.\nThe President, on taking the chair, addressed the convention in an appropriate manner, and stated the object of the convent\nthe convention ready for business!\nMr. Jackson then offered the following resolution,\nResolved, That parliamentary rules be observed by this convention fc.\ntheir government, in so far as the same may not be altered by this convention\nMr. Chapman introduced the following resolution, which was adopted\ni, then announced\nhich was adopted. The Cowlitz Convention 9\nResolved, That the following standing committees be appointed by the\nPresident.\n1. A committee of five on Territorial Government.\n2. A committee of eight on Districts and Counties.\n3. A committee of three on the Rights and Privileges of citizens.\n4. A committee of three on Internal Improvements.\n5. A committee of three on Ways and Means.\nMr. Simmons then moved an adjournment until 10 o'clock, which was\ncarried.\nAccording to adjournment the convention met, when the President\nappointed the following gentlemen on the several committees:\nCommittee on Territorial Government\u00E2\u0080\u0094Messrs. Chapman, Jackson, M.\nT. Simmons, Huntress, and Chambers.\nCommittee on Districts and Counties\u00E2\u0080\u0094Messrs. Brownfield, Wilson,\nCrosby, Jackson, Burbie, Plomondo, Edgar, and Warbass.\nCommittee on Rights arjd Privileges of citizens\u00E2\u0080\u0094Messrs. Huntress, Maynard, and Chapman.\nCommittee on Internal Improvements\u00E2\u0080\u0094Messrs. M. T. Simmons, Burbie, and Borst.\nCommittee on Ways and Means\u00E2\u0080\u0094Messrs. Frazer, A. T. [J.] Simmons,\nand Bradley.\nMr. Chapman then submitted the following resolution, which was\nadopted:\nResolved, That the Committee on1 Territorial Government report to this\nconvention the propriety of memorializing Congress for the organization of\na Territorial Government north' of the Columbia River, in Oregon Territory.\nMr. Chapman then introduced the following resolution, which was\nadopted:\nResolved, That the committee on Districts and Counties, do report to\nthis convention the propriety of petitioning the Legislature of Oregon, to\nlay out the Northern Territory in suitable boundaries for counties, and that\nsuch boundaries be designated by the committee, [\"convention\" in Oregonian]\nleaving each district and county to organize whenever the citizens of such\ndistricts and counties may think proper.\nMr. Balch submitted the following resolution, which was adopted:\nResolved, That the committee on Internal Improvements, report to this\nconvention the propriety of memorializing the next Legislature of Oregon,\nfor constructing a plank road from some point on Puget's Sound to the\nColumbia River> near the mouth of the Cowlitz River.\nMr. Chapman offered the following:\nResolved, That the committee on the Rights and Privileges of Citizens\nare hereby required [\"requested\" in Oregonian] to report to this convenfioi}\nfor its consideration, a suitable memorial to Congress, requesting that in the\norganization of a Territorial Government north of the Columbia River, all\nmale citizens over the age of 18 years, six months a resident, and 30 days\nin the county in which they vote, be allowed the right of suffrage; and\nthat all natural and naturalized male citizens over the age of 18 years, north\nof the Columbia River, be allowed the benefit of the act of Congress donating land to the people of Oregon.\nMr. M. T. Simmons submitted the following amendment\u00E2\u0080\u0094That after\nthe words 18 years, \"Except Negroes and Indians\" to be inserted.\nAfter an exciting debate, in which Messrs. Chapman, Simmons,\nHuntress, Balch, Maynard, and Wilson, participated, upon the question for\nthe adoption of the amendment being put, it was adopted. Then upon the\nquestion for the adoption of the resolution as amended, being put, it was\nlost: Yeas 7; nays 14.\nMr. Poe moved the adjournment of the convention until Saturday morning at 8 o'clock, which was adopted. 10 Edmond S. Meany\nSaturday Morning, 8 o'clock\nAccording to adjournment the convention convened. . The Secretary\nread the proceedings of the preceding day, and the minutes were adopted.\n[Reports from committees being in order, Mr. Chapman, chairman ot\nthe committee on Territorial Government, offered the following report:\nMr. President\u00E2\u0080\u0094The committee on Territorial Government, to whom\nwas referred the resolution requiring them to report to this convention the\npropriety of organizing a Territorial Government north of the Columbia\nRiver, have had the same under consideration,, and directed me to make the\nfollowing report: . . . .\nThat the committee are unanimously of the opinion that a Territorial\nGovernment ought to be organized by Congress, north of the Columbia River,\nThe propriety of such an organization arises from the demand and necessity\nof the occasion. That the Government is contemplated for the benefit of\nthe people. The vast extent of territory north, well adapted to agriculture,\ncommerce and manufacturing, the total absence of all municipal law or\ncivil officers, the great distance from the seat of the present government,\nand the isolated situation of this part of the territory therefrom, and many\nother reasons too well known to require repitition, conspire to convince the\ncommittee that there is much propriety in the organization of a separate\nterritorial government, and that no time ought to be lost in demanding the\nsame from Congress.\nTherefore the committee offers the following resolution for adoption:\nResolved, That a committee of three be appointed by the President of\nthe convention, to prepare a suitable memorial to Congress on that subject,\nand that the same be forwarded to the delegate in congress from Oregon\nterritory, requesting him to use his influence in procuring the organization\nof a separate territorial government.\nThe question on the adoption of the. resolution being put, was unani-.\nmously adopted.\niMr. M. T. Simmons, chairman of the committee on Internal Improvement, presented the report of that committee in) favor of memorializing\nCongress to open a territorial road from some point on Puget's Sound\ntowards Walla Walla [\"fort Walla Walla\"1 in the Oregonian] on the Columbia River, over the Cascade Mountains. Also in favor of the construction\nof a plank road from some point on Puget's1 Sound to the most eligible point\non the Columbia River near the mouth of the Cowlitz river, and the committee offered the following resolution, for adoption.\nThat our delegate [\"in Congress\"\u00E2\u0080\u0094Oregonian] be and hereby is instructed and required to use every exertion possible to procure an appropriation of One Hundred Thousand Dollars by Congress, for the opening of\na territorial road from Puget's Sound to the Walla Walla, on the Columbia\nRiver; and that the committee appointed to draft the memorial on a territorial government, also forward a memorial on the subject of said appropriation, which resolution was unanimously adopted.\nMr. Maynard then submitted the following resolution, which was\nadopted:\nResolved, That our representative be and hereby is instructed to use\nall honorable means in the next Legislature of Oregon, to obtain a charter\nfor a plank road from Olympia, on Puget's Sound, to the nearest and most\neligible point on the Columbia river near the mouth of the Cowlitz river.\nMr. Huntress moved an adjournment to half past two, P. M., which was\nAccording to adjournment the convention met: when the President,\nas authorized, appointed the following gentlemen to compose the committee\nto send a memorial to Congress on the subject of organizing a new territorial government north of the Columbia River: Mr. J. B. Chapman, Mr.\nF. S. Balch, and Mr. M. T. Simmons. The Cowlitz Convention 11\nMr. Brownfield, chairman of the committee on Districts and Counties,\nsubmitted the following report:\nMr. President\u00E2\u0080\u0094The committee on Districts and Counties, to whom was\nreferred the resolution requiring them to district the territory north of the\nColumbia river into suitable county boundaries, have had the same under\nconsideration, and directed me to make the following report:\nThat no doubt but much good may result by having the territory properly bounded, the metes and bounds designated and those districts not sufficiently inhabited for organization can be attached to other counties which\nare sufficiently populated. Such regulation is calculated to harmonize settlements and communities. They come to the country knowing what is a\njudicious arrangement for future counties. Therefore they have fixed the\nfollowing boundaries:2\n1. Whitby's [Whidbey] island, one county.\n2. From the Strait of [Juan de] Fuca to the Sinhomas [Snohomish]\nRiver, including all the country north [\"south\". This error was1 evidently\nin the document, itself, for it is repeated by both the 'Spectator and Oregonian.] of the British line, one county.\n3. From the mouth of the Sinhomas River, up the Sound to1 the north\nside of the Pugallup [Puyallup] River, thence due east to the Cascade Mountain, one county.\n4. From the north side of the Pugallup, beginning on the Sound, running due east with County No. 3, to the Cascade Mountain, thence south\nwith said Cascade Mountain until the line reaches the dividing ridge between the waters of the Cowlitz and Nisqually river; thence westwardly\nwith said dividing ridge sufficiently far until a line due north will strike\nthe mouth of the Nesqually river; thence west in the channel of the Sound,\nsufficiently far to include the islands lying north of Nesqually and west of\nthe Pugallup river, thence to the place of beginning, at the mouth of Pugallup, shall form the bounds of one county.\nThe 5th county shall be as follows, beginning at the mouth of the Nisqually river, running west with the Sound to Poe's point, thence across the\narm of the Sound to the west bank of Budd's Inlet, thence up Mud Bay\n[Eld Inlet] west fifteen miles, thence southeast to the forks of the road\nleading to Yilm [Yelm] and Olympia; thence, to the southwest corner of\ncounty No. 4, thence north with said county line No. 4 to the place of begining\nat the Sound, to be the bounds of said county.\n6. The following bounds to form county No. 6, to wit; beginning at\nthe north end of Shoal Water [Willapa] Bay, thence up said Bay to Cedar\nCieek, [probably North River] then up said Cedar Creek until a line north\nwill strike the Wanouchie [Wynoochee] river, then up said river to the\nboundary of county No. 5; thence west to the Red Salmon Fishery; thence\nsouth with the shore of the Pacific Ocean to the place of beginning, shall\nform one county.\n7. The following bounds shall form county No. 7: To include all that\ndistrict of country lying between Cape Flattery on the Pacific, and Hood's\nCanal, and south to county No. 6, shall form tha! bounds of one county.\n8. The following bounds shall form county No. 8, to wit: All that\ndistrict of country lying east of No. 6, and west of No. 5, to the mouth of\nBlack river, and west to the dividing ridge between the Ghehalis [Chehalis]\nand Columbia rivers.\n9. The following bounds shall form the county bounds No. 9, lying\nbetween the mouth of the Blackj river, up the Ghehalis river to the east end\nof Old Channel at the Land Slip, including all the territory not otherwise appropriated in county No. 5, and to the dividing ridge of the waters of Columbia and Ghehalis [Chehalis] rivers.\n2 This is the first attempt at designating an adequate subdivision of the large area\ninto units for local government. It is remarkable to observe how closely the first rough\ndraft was followed in the subsequent creation of counties. 12 Edmond S. Meany\n10 The county boundaries of No. 10 shall be as follows, to wit:\nBeginning at the corners of counties No. 4 and 5, and south with the dividing ridge between the Skucum Chuck! [Skookumchuck] Nowancoon [Newau-\nkum] and the waters of Nisqually and Cowlitz rivers, until it strikes the\ndividing ridge between the Nowancoon [Newaukum] and Cowlitz rivers;\nthence along said ridge until a west line will strike the east end of Nowancoon plains, thence south to the dividing ridge of the waters of the Gehalis\n[Chehalis] river and the Columbia river; thence west with said dividing\nridge until it strikes the boundary of county No. 9; thence with said\ncounty boundary to the place of beginning.\n11. That the following bounds form the county No. 11: Beginning at\nthe forks of the Cowlitz; thence up the right hand fork to its source; thence\nnorth to the head branches of the left-hand fork of the Cowlitz; thence\nwest and north with the dividing ridge between the waters of the Nesqually,\n[Nisqually] Cowlitz and Gehalis [Chehalis] rivers, until it intersects the\neastern boundary of No. 10; thence parallel with said east boundary to the\nsouthwest corner; thence south to the place of beginning, at the forks of\nthe Cowlitz.\n12. That the following bounds constitute county No. 12: Beginning\nat the north end of Dear island, on the Columbia river; thence northeast to\nthe head branches of the right-hand fork of the Cowlitz, intersecting the\nboundary of No. 11; thence down said right-hand fork of Cowlitz to the\nforks; thence northwest with line No. 11 [\"to the northwest corner of No.\n11\"\u00E2\u0080\u0094Oregonian]; thence with the dividing ridge of the Columbia and Ghehalis waters to Pacific county; thence with the line of Pacific county to the\nColumbia river; thence up the middle of the channel of said river to the\nplace of beginning, shall constitute the bounds of one county.\nBe it further Resolved, That our representative be and he is herebyy\ninstructed to procure the division of said territory, as above designated? and\nto organize such districts as may be petitioned for by the inhabitants thereof,\n[\"therein\"\u00E2\u0080\u0094Oregonian] and to attach such other districts for judicial purposes to those organized, until such time as they may have sufficient inhabitants to organize.\nPrevious to the question of the adoption of the resolution being put,\nMr. Chapman Submitted the following amendment, which was adopted: To\nattach to county No. 5, all that portion of unappropriated territory not\nembraced in the bounds of any county lying between No. 5 and Hood's\nCanal, and that the north line remaining west when it reaches Budd's Bay,\ninstead of up Mud Bay, [Eld Inlet] to say across Mud Bay.\nMr. Warbass also proposed the following amendment, which was\nadopted:\nThat the boundaries of County No. 11, be so altered as to include the\nwhole of county No. 10, and that the said county be known by the name of\nLewis county.\nMr. Warbass also proposed the following amendment, which was adopted:\nThat all that portion of territory lying east and south of the main Cowlitz river, now included in the county No. 11, be known as St. Helen's county.\nUpon the question for the adoption of the report as amended, being\nput, it was; adopted.\nMr. Balch proposed that county No. 4, be called Strilacoom [Steilacoom]\ncounty. Adopted.\nMr. Maynard proposed that county No. 5, be called Simmons' countv.\nAdopted.\nMr. Wilson proposed that county No. 7, be called Clalam [Callam]\nmtil 8 o'clock in the evening, The Cowlitz Convention\nIn accordance with the adjournment the convention met, when Mr.\nChapman sumbitted the following resolution, which was unanimously adopted:\nResolved, That our delegate to Congress be instructed to use his influence with the Congress of the U. S., that in the organization of said\nterritorial government to have said territory designated as Columbia Territory, and that the name of Columbia Territory is most especially solicited\nand required\nMr. Maynard submitted the following resolution, which was adopted:\nResolved, That when this convention does adjourn, it adjourns to meet\non the third Monday in May next, at Olympia, then and there to form a\nState constitution, preparatory to asking admission into the Union as one\nof the States thereof, provided that Congress has not at that time organized\na territorial government.8\nMr. Brashears submitted the following preamble and resolution, which\nwas adopted:\nThat whereas, ships and foreigners are in the habit of coming into our\nseaboard and cutting timber off the\" unsettled lands, and shipping the timber\naway for commerce to foreign ports, to the great detriment of future\nsettlements of the country; therefore,\nResolved, That our delegate in Congress be instructed to enquire of the\nDepartment at Washington City whether or no the Government cannot take\nsuch measures under the existing laws as to prevent those trespasses by non\nsettlers, and that the committee on correspondence forward this resolution.\nMr. Warbass offered the following resolution, which was adopted:\nResolved, That the President appoint a committee to request the editors\nof the several newspapers of Oregon to publish the proceedings of this con-\nWhereupon the President rose and appointed the following gentlemen\nas members of said committee: Mr. Warbass. Mr. Jackson, Mr. Frazer.\nMr. Huntress introduced the following resolution, which was adopted.\nResolved, That our representative to the legislature be instructed, and\nhereby is so, to use his influence to obtain the enactment of a law for the\nappointment of an inspector of flour at Oregon City, and in other places\nwhere Inspectors are needed; and also for a law regulating the weigths of\nall kinds( of grain.\nA resolution from Mr. Chapman being offered to instruct our delegate\nin Congress to use his influence to procure an amendment to the land bill,\nso as to take off the restrictions of sale of any part of said donation, was\nrejected.\nMr. Balch then moved that the convention adjourn, which was carried.\nSETH CATLIN, Prest.\nF. S. Balch, A. M. Poe, Secretaries.\nIt is apparent that the committees were active after the convention adjourned. A copy of the proceedings was sent to Oregon\nCity for the Oregon Spectator and another copy to Portland for\nthe Oregonian, the two best vehicles for publicity. At least one\ncopy each of the papers was sent to Washington City. And the\nspecial committee formulated and forwarded the memorial or petition to Congress. It is shown in the document that the committee\nconsisted of John B. Chapman, M. T. Simmons and F. S. Balch,\nand that the committe directed Mr. Chapmen to \"report the following petition to Congress.\" The memorial or petition is officially\n3 The May meeting thus provided for was not held and the agitation was begun anew 14 Edmond S. Meany\nsigned by J. B. Chapman. In this and in the transactions of\nthe convention, it is evident that John B. Chapman, who had given\nthe Fourth of July oration in 1851 and had stirred much enthusiasm\nby referring to the proposed new Territory of Columbia, had followed the matter up with vigor. For all this he deserves credit. He\nseems not to have enjoyed the appreciation of his contemporaries.\nThough very prominent in the Cowlitz convention of August 29,\n1851, he was not a member of the Monticello convention of November 25, 1852. His unlettered but successful colleague, Michael\nT. Simmons, was a member of both conventions.\nH. H. Bancroft, (Works, Volume XXXI., page 50) refers to\n\"the ubiquitous Chapman\" and in footnote 19, page 50 of the\nsame volume he scolds Chapman roundly as follows: \"Chapman,\nin his autobiography in Livingston's Eminent Americans, Volume\nIV., page 436, says that, after much exertion, 'he obtained a\nconvention of 15 members, but not one parliamentary gentleman\namong them, hence the whole business devolved upon him'; that\nhe 'drew up all the resolutions' and memorial, though other members\noffered them in their own names, and so contrived that every name\nshould appear in the proceedings, to give the appearance of a large\nconvention; and that neither of the men on the committee with him\ncould write his name. Autobiographies should be confirmed by\ntwo credible witnesses. In this instance Chapman has made use of\nthe circumstance of Simmons' want of education to grossly misrepresent the intelligence of the community of which such men as\nFbey, whose private correspondence in my possession shows him to\nbe a man of refined feelings, Goldsborough, Catlin, Warbass, Balch,\nCrosby, Wilson and others were members. As to Simmons, although his want of scholarship was an impediment and a mortification, he possessed the real qualities of a leader, which Chapman\nlacked; for the latter was never able to achieve either popularity\nor position, though he strove hard for both. The census of 1850\nfor Lewis county gives the total white population at 457, only\nsix of whom, over twenty years of age, were not able to write.\nIt is probable that not more than one out of the six was sent to\nthe convention, and he [Simmons] was appointed on account of\nhis brain power and consequent influence.\"\nWhile that is an unfortunate showing for Chapman in history,\nit is probable that his failure to acquire popularity and the qualities\nof real leadership may account to some degree for the lack of appre- The Cowlitz Convention 15\nciation for the Cowlitz convention and its memorial to Congress.\nApparently Chapman entered the employ of the British company,\nof which his memorial complained, then left Puget Sound\nbefore the new territory was organized. In the Evidence for the\nUnited States in the Matter of the Claim of the Puget Sound\nAgricultural Company Before the British and American Commission, page 140, is the following deposition, under date of November\n23, 1866: \"John Butler Chapman, aged 68 years, residence Washington, D. C, and I am a clerk in the Treasury Department. I\nhave been in Washington Territory in 1851 and 1852. I made\na survey of the Puget Sound Agricultural Company's [subsidary\nof the Hudson's Bay Company] lands.\"\nWhatever may have been the opinions held of Chapman at\nthe time, we now know that his memorial of the Cowlitz convention reached Delegate Lane and was by him filed with the Committee on Territories as early as December 30, 1851, and that Lane\nevidently acted on that memorial and the accompanying papers\nby introducing his effective resolution on December 6, 1852,, before\nit was at all possible for him to know anything of the Monticello\nconvention of November 25, 1852.\nHaving adjusted the credit due Mr. Chapman and having shown\nthe importance of the Cowlitz memorial, it is well to discuss briefly\nthe better known and more popular Monticello memorial.\nEven so careful and so just a man as Arthur A. Denny allowed\nhis feelings toward the Monticello document to lead him into the\nerror common among local historians. He was a member of the\nMonticello convention and prized a copy of the memorial. When\nCongress passed the enabling act to admit Washington Territory\nto statehood, the old pioneer sent his copy of the memorial to the\nPost-Intelligence on March 22, 1889, with an article in which\nhe said: \"The bill for the formation of Columbia Territory, in\nanswer to this memorial, was earnestly supported by Delegate Lane.\"\nIn truth the memorial was an incident to, rather than the cause\nof, the bill mentioned.\nThere should be little wonder that the Monticello convention\nwas more popular than its predecessor. It was larger and more\nrepresentative. It was suggested, advocated, approved and praised\nby the only newspaper north of the Columbia River. It reflected\nthe popular desires and the people knew all about it.\nAs already stated, a meeting of citizens followed Mr. Bigelow's 16 Edmond S. Meany\nFourth of July oration of 1852, but the real impulse came when\nThe Columbian began publication in Olympia on September 11,\n1852. In the first issue Mr. Bigelow's oration was printed. In\nthe third issue, September 25, there appeared an article \"To the\nResidents of Northern Oregon,\" signed \"Elis\", advocating that,\nat the meeting to be held at the home of John R. Jackson on Octo-\nter 25, arrangements should be made for the election of delegates\nto a convention to be held at Monticello. In the fifth, sixth and\nseventh issues there were printed editorials advocating the proposed\nnew Territory. In the ninth issue, November 6, there was an editorial article headed: \"Prepare! Prepare!\" and giving a full account of the meeting at John R. Jackson's home on October 27\nand calling a convention to be held at Monticello on \"the last\nThursday of November.\" In following up this start, The Columbian published urgent editorials under such headings as \"Turn Out!\nTurn Out!\" and \"Rally! Rally!\" In the thirteenth issue, December\n4, there appears a full account of the Monticello convention of\nNovember 25. In the issue of December 11, there is printed an\naddress delivered by Quincy A. Brooks, one of the delegates.\nThese articles in a regularly succeeding series fix the dates\nbeyond cavil, and yet Historian Bancroft (Works, Volume XXXI.,\npage 52) who frequently cites The Columbian as a source, says the\nmeeting was held on September 27, instead of October 27 and that\nthe convention was called for October 25, instead of November 25.\nHis errors have been often repeated by subsequent writers.\nThe convention met as urged and adopted a memorial which\nwas forwarded to Delegate Lane. While it was traveling on its\nway across the continent, Delegate Lane acted on the impulse trom\nthe former documents and got his resoution adopted requesting the\n. Committee on Territories to report \"by bill or otherwise.\" That\nCommittee reported by a bill to create Columbia Territory, which\nbill was known as \"H. R. Number 348.\" The bill did not come\nup for debate in the House until February 8, 1852.\nOn that day Delegate Lane made a long and earnest speech\nin favor of the bill. At its conclusion, Representative Richard\nH. Stanton of Kentucky moved to amend the bill by changing the\nname from Columbia to Washington as an honor for the \"Father\nof His Country.\" The amendment was quickly accepted. During\nhis speech, Delegate Lane offered a \"memorial of sundry citizens\nof Northern Oregon, adopted at a convention held near Puget The Cowlitz Convention 17\nSound.\" That was the Monticello memorial which made its appearance in Congress eleven weeks after its framing in Monticello\ninstead of the eleven days indicated in so many local histories.\nThe clerk read the memorial and it was published in the Congressional Globe. There, however, only the first nine signatures\nwere printed. In the copy saved by Mr. Denny all the signatures\nare given. In that more complete form it is here reproduced:\nTo the Honorable the Senate and House or Representatives of the United\nStates, in Congress1 Assembled:\nThe memorial of the undersigned, delegates of the citizens of Northern\nOregon, in convention asembled, respectfully represent to your honorable\nbodies that it is the earnest desire of your petitioners, and of said citizens\nthat all that portion of Oregon Territory lying north of the Columbia river\nand west of the great northern branch thereof, should be organized as a\nseparate territory under the name and style of the Territory of Columbia.\nIn support of the prayer of this memorial your petitioners would respectfully urge the following among many other reasons, viz:\n1. The present territory of Oregon contains an area of 341,000 square\nmiles, and is entirely too large an extent of territory to be embraced within\nthe limits of one state.\n2. The said territory possesses a seacoast of 650 miles in extent, the\ncountry east of the Cascade mountains is bound to thati on the coast by the\nstrongest ties of interest; and, inasmuch as your petitioners believe that the\nterritory must inevitably be divided at no very distant day, they are of\nopinion that it would be unjust that ond state should possess so large a seaboard to the exclusion of that in the interior.\n3. The territory embraced within the boundaries of the proposed \"Territory of Columbia,\" containing an area of about 32,000 square! miles, is, in the\nopinion of your petitioners, about a fair and just medium of territorial extent to form one state.\n4. The proposed \"Territory of Columbia\" presents natural resources\ncapable of supporting a population at least as large as that of any state in\nthe Union possessing an equal extent of territory.\n5. Those portions of Oregon territory lying respectively north and\nsouth of the Columbia river, must, from their geographical position, always\nrival each other in commercial advantages, and their respective citizens must,\nas they now are and always have been, be actuated by a spirit of opposition.\n6. The southern part of Oregon territory, having a majority of voters,\nhave controlled the territorial legislature, and Northern Oregon has never\nreceived any benefit from the appropriations made by congress for said territory, which were subject to the disposition of said legislature.\n7. The seat of the territorial legislature is now situated, by the nearest\npracticable route, at a distance of 400 miles from a large portion of the citizens of Northern Oregon.\n8. A great part of the legislation suitable to the South is, for local\nreasons, opposed to the interests of the North, and inasmuch as the South\nhas a majority of votes, and representatives are always bound to reflect the\nwill of their constituents, your petitioners can entertain no reasonable hopes\nthat their legislative wants! will ever be properly regarded under the present\norganization.\n9. Experience has, in the opinion of your petitioners, well established\nthe principle, that in states having a moderate sized territory the wants of the\npeople are more easily made known to their representatives, there is less danger of a conflict between sectional interests, and more prompt and adequate\nlegislation can always be obtained. 18\nEdmond S. Meany\nIn conclusion, your petitioners would respectfully represent that Northern Oregon, with its great natural resources, presenting such unparalleled\ninducements to immigrants and with its present large population constantly\nand rapidly increasing by immigration, is of sufficient importance, m a\nnational point of view, to merit the fostering care of congress, and its interests are so numerous and so entirely distinct in their character, as to demand the attention of a separate and independent legislature.\nWherefore your petitioners humbly pray that your honorable bodies will,\nat an early day, pass a law organizing the district of country before described\nunder a territorial government, to be named the \"Territory of Columbia.\nDone in convention assembled at the town of Monticello, Oregon Territory, this 25th day of November, A. D., 1852.\nR. V. White,\nSecretary;\nL. B. Hastings,\nB. C. Armstrong\nS. S. Ford,\nW. A. L. McCorkle,\nN. Ostrander,\nH. Mimes,\nE. L. Ferrick,\nQ. A. Brooks.\nA. A. Denny,\nE. H. Winslow,\nG. B. Roberts,\nC. S. Hathaway,\nA. Cook,\nA. F. Scott,\nWm. N. Belt,,\nL. M. Collins\nN. Stone,\nC. H. Hale,\nE. J. Allen,\nJ. R. Jackson,\nF. A. Clarke,\nA. Wylie,\nJ. N. Low,\nA. J. Simmons,\nM. T. Simmons,\nG. N. McConaha,\nPres. of the Con.\nD. S. Maynard,\nWm. Plumb,\nSeth Catlin,\nS. Plamondon,\nC. C. Terry,\nL. L. Da\\nS. D. Ru\nA B. Du\nH. A. GOLDSBOROUGH,\nH. C. Wilson,\nJ. Fowler,\nH. D. Huntington,\nA. Crawford,\nC. F. Porter,\nP. W. Crawford,\nS. P. Moses.\nThe bill, with its amended name, passed the House on February 10 and was sent to the Senate where Stephen A. Douglas,\nas Chairman of the Senate Committee on Territories, offered an\namendment that the name be changed to \"Washingtonia\" to avoid\nconfusion in the mails with the name of the National Capital. He\nlater withdrew the amendment and the bill passed the Senate and\nwas signed by President Millard Fillmore on March 2, 1853.\n. Ten days after the Monticello convention the Territorial Legislature of Oregon met at Salem and strongly reflected the sentiments\nof the northerners as revealed in their two conventions. The\nnorth had as representatives F. A. Chenoweth and Isaac N. Ebey.\nThey found their colleagues from the southern counties willing\nto adopt Ebey's resolution that Congress be asked to appropriate\nmoney to build a road across the mountains from Steilacoom to\nWalla Walla as advocated in the Cowlitz convention. Four new\ncounties, Island, King, Pierce and Jefferson, were created following in the main the boundaries suggested in the Cowlitz convention,\nthough the names chosen were different from those approved. In\naccordance with both the northern conventions, the Legislature\nadopted a memorial offered by Mr. Ebey asking for the division\nof Oregon Territory as follows The Cowlitz Convention 19\nYour memorialists, the Legislative Assembly of the Territory of Oregon,\nlegally assembled upon the first Monday in December, A. D., 1852, would\nrespectfully represent unto your honorable body that a period of four years\nand six months has elapsed since the establishment of the present Territorial\ngovernment over the Territory of Oregon; and that in the mean time the\npopulation of the said Territory has spread from the hanks of the Columbia\nRiver north along Puget Sound, Admiralty Inlet, Possession Sound, and\nthe surrounding country to the Canal de Arro; and that the people of that\nTerritory labor under great inconvenience and hardship, by reason of the\ngreat distance to which they are removed from the present Territorial organ-\nThose portions of Oregon Territory lying south and north of the Columbia River must from their geographical position, difference in climate\nand internal resources, remain in a great degree distinct communities, with\ndifferent interests and policies in all that appertains to their domestic legislation, and the various interests that are to be regulated, nourished, and\ncherished by it:\nThe communication between these two portions of the Territory is dff-\nicult, casual, and uncertain, although time and improvement would in some\nmeasure remove this obstacle, yet it would for a long period in the future\na serious barrier to the prosperity and well-being of each, so long as\n:hey remain under one government.\nThe territory north of the Columbia River, and west of the great north-\nbranch of that stream, contains sufficient number of square miles to\ni a state, which in point of resources and capacity to maintain a popu-\nn will compare favorably with most of the States of the Union.\nExperience has proven that whens marked geographical boundaries,\nwhich have been traced byi the hand of nature, have been disregarded in the\nformation of local governments, that sectional jealousies and local strifes\nhave seriously embarassed their prosperity, and characterized their domestic\nlegislation.\nYour memorialists, for these reasons, and for the benefit of Oregon,\nboth north and south of the Columbia River, and believing from the reservation of power in the first section of the organic act that Congress then\nanticipated that at some future time it would be necessary to establish other\nTerritorial organizations west of the Rocky Mountains, and believing that\nthat time has come, would respectfully pray your honorable body to establish\na separate Territorial government for all that portion of Oregon Territory\nlying north of the Columbia River and west of the great northern branch\nof the same, to be known as the Territory of Columbia.\u00E2\u0080\u0094Journal of the\nOregon House of Representatives, Appendix, pages 34-35.\nThat cordial and dignified document was adopted in the House\non January 14 and in the Council on January 18, 1853. Judging\nfrom the time it took to transmit the Monticello memorial, the\nbill creating Washington Territory would have been passed by\nCongress and signed by the President about four weeks before\nthe Oregon Legislative memorial arrived in Washington City.\nHowever, it is an interesting link in the chain of events leading up\nto the creation of an American Commonwealth.\nEdmond S. Meany. ADVERTISING AND THE KLONDIKE* .\nWith the advance of civilization come additional factors in\nthe shaping of the courses of historical events. Along with the\nbroadening of business activities has come the growth of a new\nscience, advertising. We have had much written on the various\neconomic phases of history, but, prior to the recent war propaganda, little or no attention has been paid to the possible effect of\nskillful advertising on history.\nThe American business man is continually in search of new\nfields of productivity. Although the breadth of his vision has never\nbeen exactly measured, it is known that he has played no small part\nin showing the Nation where to plant the flagstaff. His efforts\nhave never been confined to small areas or to those close at hand.\nSometimes the Orient, often the Caribbean, and occasionally even\nthe Northwest have beckoned insistently. The period of the Klondike craze in the last three years of the nineteenth century is one\nof these occasions. It illustrates an influential factor in the removal of the \"last frontier\" by \"westward expansion\". This* factor\nis advertisement.\nDuring the autumn and early winter of 1897 the Klondike rush\npromised growth and profit to the Pacific Coast cities. Their\nthinking business men and boomers reasoned in this wise:\u00E2\u0080\u0094\n1. Outfitting of would-be Klondikers must mean money in the\npockets ofi whoever sold the outfits.\n2. Any given city would have all the trade which no other city\nseized.\n3. Any means ofj diverting the flow of travel and trade from opposing cities was good business and permissible ethics from the\npoint of vie^w of the competing metropolis.\n4. Incidentally a certain amount of service might be claimed as\nrendered to the public.\nThis reasoning brought on an inter-city rivalry which can be\nunderstood by a discussion of Seattle's part in it.\nOn July 19, 1897, a certain Thomas J. Church wrote from\nChicago to General J. B. Metcalf of Seattle, describing the interest\nof midwesterners in Klondike possibilities, and the efforts of the\n(20) Advertising and the Klondike 21\nSouthern Pacific to direct the route of travel toward San Francisco.\nSimilarly, the Canadian Pacific was advertising Vancouver and\nVictoria; the Oregon Washington Railway and Navigation Company, Portland; The Great Northern, Seattle; and the Northern\nPacific both Portland and Seattle. General Metcalfe showed this\nletter to Mr. Cooper, a prominent business man, with the result that\na meeting of the Seattle Chamber of Commerce was called for\nAugust 30, following, to consider \"measures for widely advertising\nthe city of Seattle as the principal outfitting point for Alaskan\nminers and also to counteract the efforts of other cities in the\nsame direction.\" At this meeting the Chamber voted in favor of\nthe appointment of special committees on advertising and finance,\nto make these measures effective.\nWithin four days the advertising committee had organized\nwith Mr. E. F. Sweeney as chairman and Mr. Erastus Brainerd,\nbe it noted, as Secretary. These gentlemen were able to prepare\na Tentative Project of Work which was rewarded with the cordial\napproval of the committee. It carried the signatures and united\nopinion of all the committee members and declared their implicit\nfaith, as business men and members of the Chamber of Commerce,\nin \"elastic publicity\". It advised a campaign of paid and unpaid\nadvertising, strongly reinforced by propaganda, for the best results.\nMr. Brainerd at once presented this Project to the Board of\nTrustees and received their hearty approval and cooperation. He\ncould have the use of the Chamber of Commerce rooms: the Republican State Committee would loan a desk and the cash would\ncome from the business men, taxed according to the probable amount\nof benefit received by them. The special committee thus became\npermanent. The excellence of the choice of Mr. Brainerd as paid\nSecretary, student of psychology, and opportunist, was demonstrated by his energetic prosecution of the twelve points in the Project\nNot the means he used, but the adjustment and correlation of them,\nmade his work significant in the history of the Klondike and of\nadvertising. The means employed, classify themselves in four\ngroups:\u00E2\u0080\u0094 1 Newspapers and Periodicals; 2 Civic Pride; 3 Circulars; 4 Interlocking Correspondence.\nFor the purposes of direct advertising, Seattle followed the\nlead of her competitors in choice of publication and type of advertisement. Because Portland and Victoria had been advertising in the\nNew York Journal, Seattle paid $800 for three fourths of a page 22 Jeannette Paddock Nichols\nin a Sunday issue. Similarly, the American Review of Reviews\nhad been carrying Canadian matter: Munsey, McClure, Cosmopolitan, Harper, Century and Scribner's enjoyed patronage with a like\nmotive. The great ardor of each Chamber in correcting the misconceptions created by the others was exploited by the advertising\nmediums, whose business managers took much pains to follow up\neach tilt with suggestions that the aggreived city set the world\nright by more advertising. Mr. Brainerd felt these controversies\nwere justifiable if cheap, and used clipping bureaus to inform him of\ninaccuracies about Seattle, as well as other cities. Taking clipping\nas an index, Seattle advertised five times as much as her competitors. Also the Secretary wrote feature articles, particularly a well-\nillustrated one for Harper's and one of two columns for the \"Jubilee\nEdition\" of the Tacoma Ledger. (It is not known why the Tacoma\neditor offered this courtesy.)\nThe Associated Press played no favorites. It used material\nfrom all sides as plate matter for editorials. At first, Mr. Brainerd\nfelt it a real achievement when Seattle material went into plate\neditorials. But when his clippings showed him that his competitors\nwere similarly blessed, he learned that most editors could blame\nthe Association for errors on Klondike affairs. Thereafter, he\ntried to have his corrections placed in that part of a paper devoted\nto local matter. Thereby, his corrections were more widely read\n| than the original error. Editorials were of course far less valuable\nthan news items, of which an excellent example is the following:\u00E2\u0080\u0094\na paragraph widely published under the date line of Seattle, Sept. 3:\n\"As a result of the Klondike excitement, which has overwhelmed the city with inquiries from all parts of the world as to routes of\ntransportation and cost of outfitting, there has been established,\nunder the auspices of the Chamber of Commerce, a public Bureau of\nInformation.\"\nThis confusion of cause and effect passed unnoticed by the\ngeneral public.\nSeattle's periodicals were used for purposes of distribution, to\ncreate a cumulative effect when the same correspondent had received a series of periodicals. Newspapers have a natural tendency to\nexploit themselves by special editions, so the \"Klondike Edition\" of\nihe Seattle Post-Intelligencer served as capital in a gigantic scheme\nof distribution. It went to:\u00E2\u0080\u0094every postmaster in the United States\nupwards of 70,000: every public library, 6,000: every mayor of a Advertising and the Klondike\n23\ncity, nearly 4,000: Great Northern Railway, 10,000: Northern Pa-\ncific, 5,000.\nWhen the Secretary undertook to insert small advertisements\nin county seat newspapers only, he learned that the Western Newspaper Union and other publishing houses customarily mix county\nseat papers with village issues on the syndicate circulation lists. But\nhe had studied the replies to circulars issued early in the game for\nhints as to the profitable advertising localities, and was able, by\nselecting three lists distributed over states in the middle west and\nsouthwest, to attain the large circulation of 9,990,400 papers. The\nmost numerous responses to these advertisements came from regions\nin which an over-supply of labor caused industrial disaffection.\nMr. Brainerd understood the delight of rural townsfolk in published letters from former friends who have \"moved away\". The\nonly thing necessary was to persuade the movers to send the letters.\nAfter experiment, he sent a confidential plea to employers and\nheads of organizations, explaining why it was not \"desirable\" to\ntake this step publicly, drawing attention to the special value of personal letters in a neighborly community and asking them to urge\ntheir clients, congregations, subordinates, employees and friends, to\nat once correspond with their old home paper and friends in the\nEast. For this, the Bureau offered to furnish the material all\nready for the affixing of names and signatures, to pay the postage,\nand to post the letters. The \"drive\" was a psychological success.\nThe wastebaskets of our public officials mutely testify to the\npresent commercial and political popularity of the circular idea.\nIn 1897, the Seattle Bureau of Information carefully promulgated\nfour circulars, varying with the intended recipient and his intended\nreaction:\u00E2\u0080\u0094 1 To newspapers and publication: 2 To governors and\nmayors: 3 To important officials everywhere: 4 To Senators and\nRepresentatives.\nCircular 1 informed every daily in the United States and every\npublication having over 5,000 circulation, that Seattle was the port\nof departures and outfitting station for the Alaskan gold-fields. It\nwas generally printed by all classes of periodicals\u00E2\u0080\u0094without charge.\nCircular 2 asked a number of questions, in order that the conservative business men of Seattle might avoid the pitfalls of stampedes and might inform inquirers as to the facts on the gold fields.\nIts attraction was enhanced by the Chamber stationery, typewriter\ntype, and the word \"dictated\" prominently placed in an upper cor- 24\nJeannette Paddock Nichols\nner. It expressed solicitude for the good of the public. Finally, it\ninquired for prospective migrants and their place of outfitting. By\nmost of the governors and mayors the circular was referred to their\nlocal dailies and printed. The personal response varied inversely\nwith the size and importance of the locality and gave opportunity\nfor a display of humor on the part of the officials of large places.\nMr. Brainerd analysed the replies to these circulars, consulted\ninfluential Seattleites, and achieved his masterpiece, Circular 4.\nThis he was able to put forth as an official proclamation, because\nhe persuaded the Secretary of State (of the State of Washington)\nto sign it. It was a combination of the paternal, advisory, and reassuring: it can have deferred few who had already made up their\nminds, and must have reassured the timid. For example, although\nshooting rapids was inadvisable, \"Of those who have gone in... not\nmore than half a dozen have lost their lives and these from carelessness in fording.\" (Conditions are still such that it is difficult\nto prove assertions about Alaska.) All were reminded of the willingness of the Seattle Chamber of Commerce to impart Information. Because this message entered the channels of the press via\npublic officials, it was considered seriously at home and abroad.\nThe ministers of France, Belgium, Italy, Switzerland and the Baltic countries sent it as a communication to their governments, by\nwhom it was gratefully printed. This foreign idea was pushed so\nfar as to include Christmas gifts, sent to the crowned heads of\nEurope, of Alaskan and Klondike photographs and views. The\nPrince of Wales and President McKinley had a greater liking for\ntheir gifts, than did the German Emperor, who refused a package\nthat \"might contain dynamite.\"\nThe Canadian Pacific Railway and the Dominion cities, proclaimed the advantage of outfitting in Canada, as soon as their\nGovernment placed 30% tariff charges at Klondike ports of entry.\nUnited States railway officials sent Mr. Brainerd strong protests,\nand shortly thereafter, he sent Circular 4 to the \"representative\nAmericans\" comprising the Senate and House of Representatives.\nAs good protectionists, they were petitioned to nourish the \"new\nfield of American enterprise\" in Alaska and at Seattle. The apparent cooperation of the British Government and the British Columbia Board of Trade, and the alleged activities of Lieutenant\nGovernor Mcintosh in diverting Americans from Alaska to the\nNorthwest Territory made a strong case, on the strength of which Advertising and the Klondike 25\nthe encouragement of Americans to outfit in American cities and to\nprospect on the American Yukon was urged. Quotation was made\nfrom a correspondent of Harper's Weekly, (Mr. Brainerd) as to the\nsuperiority of Seattle for Alaskan trade. Finally, the members of\nCongress were asked if they would favor an immediate settlement\nof boundary and tariff issues, the establishment of an army post\non the Yukon, and the division of Alaska into two territories.\nIn spite of their preoccupation, a large number of replies to\nCircular 4 were received. These were in conformity with our legislative system and indicated an attitude of uninformed wariness.\nThe legislators either refuses to commit themselves for lack of\nknowledge, or reserved the right to change on more complte information. The more active promised to investigate the subject\u00E2\u0080\u0094\nwhich indicates the importance of a Chamber of Commerce. Party\nmen remembered senatorial courtesy, as when J. D. Hicks and O W.\nUnderwood promised to be governed by the opinions of Senator\nWilson and Congressman Lewis of Washington. Opposition to\nthe present division of Alaska showed itself, although a better\ngovernment and a delegate were advocated, in conformity with the\nnational tradition of a colonial policy looking toward self government where possible.\nThroughout this advertising campaign, the Seattle business\nmen were bound together by an ingenious system of interlocking\ncorrespondence, which quietly gave merchants the names of possible customers and which made them prompt with the dues owing\nto the Bureau of Information. The nomadic character of western\npopulation, personal pique, editorial antipathies, and local pride,\nwove a network of espionage which was used to inform Seattle of\nher rival's plans that she might forestall them. All the Coast cities\nwere contending with the railroad officials for the exclusive use of\ncertain special privileges, such as cut rates, passenger running, and\ndistribution of train circulars. Also they were trying to secure definite promises from Secretary of War Alger, for the outfitting of\nadvertising.\nFinally, what were the results? As to legislation, the March\nReport of the Bureau asserts that \"No little of the energy and information of Congress shown in its dealing with Alaskan affairs at\nthis session is due to the literature that they have received from this\ncommittee.\" The actual record of the 55th Congress shows an increase of at least 300% in the number of Alaskan bills passed, with Jeannette Paddock Nichols\ns corresponding number which died in committee. Other factors\nin these increases are not hard to find. The question of the effect\nof the advertising upon the city of Seattle is equally debatable.\nAlthough the census shows an increase of population from 42,837\nin 1890 to 80,671 in 1900, this increase was mostly in the laboring\npopulation, at the time when Alaska and Seattle both stood in\ngreatest need of capital. It cannot be gainsaid that the Bureau of\nInformation of the Seattle Chamber of Commerce gave momentum\nto the growth of both the Klondike and Seattle.\nJeannette Paddock Nichols. S^j J>~J\nf. 3 S . u/\u00C2\u00AB- tz*-\n\"\u00E2\u0080\u0094y\nTHE WRECK OF THE ST. NICHOLAS*\nThe Russian ship St. Nicholas sailed from New Archangel\n(Sitka), Russian America, September 28th 1808, for an exploring\nand fur trading voyage along the shore of what is now the State\nof Washington. The commander was Nikolai Isakovich Bulagin\nand the supercargo, or prikaschik, was Timothy Tarakanof, who\npreserved the story of the voyage and the varied experiences of\nthe crew in a manuscript which was deposited in the archives\nof the Russian American Company at Sitka for many years.\nLand was sighted on October 10th at Cape Juan de Fuca\n(Flattery), and the ship then lay off the coast of Vancouver Island\nin calms and light winds, while the officer mapped the shores\nand traded with the Indians who came to the ship in their canoes\nto the number of hundreds in a day.\nThe canoes were generally of small size, carrying from four to\nten passengers each and the Indians brought sea otter skins, deer,\ngoats, and fish for sale. For a large halibut the Russians paid a\nquarter arshin of blue coral beads, five or six vershocks of glass\nbeads, and some thread. The Indians refused with contempt all\noffers of beads, nankin cloth, or iron implements for sea otter\nskins, and demanded cloths of the kind similar to that used in\nthe jackets of the Russian sailors.\nThe arms of the Indians consisted of arrows tipped with deer\nhorn, iron spears without stocks, bone spears with long handles,\nand weapons made from whalebone, half an arshin in length, blunt\non the sides, about two and a half inches wide and a quarter inch\nthick. These last were used in night attacks on their enemies.\nAfter working as far north as Clayoquot Sound they sailed\nsouth to the vicinity of Destruction Island, off the Washington\ncoast, and began work on the survey of that part of the shore in\nlatitude 47\u00C2\u00B0 33' North. While so engaged the wind fell to a calm,\nthe swells drifted them into dangerous reefs off shore and they\nwere compelled to put out their anchors to hold themselves off\nthe rocks. The cables chafed and broke and the ship was finally\nthrown on the beach by a southeast wind and struct at high tide,\nbecoming a total wreck. The vessel struck in latitude 47\u00C2\u00B0 56'\n(27) 28 C. L. Andrews\nNorth on November 1st not far from the mouth of the Quillayute\nRiver.\nThe crew reached the shore without loss of life and were\nfortunate enought to save arms, ammunition, some tents, sails, provisions, and other goods. During the time they were taking the\ngoods ashore the Indians appeared and thronged around, stole\nsmall articles and finally attacked the Russians with stones and\nspears. The Russians then fired on them with their muskets,\nkilled two and drove others away.\nThe Russian ship Kodiak was to sail for the coast of California and was expected to meet the St Nicholas at Gray's Harbor\nbefore proceeding farther south. The survivors of the wrecked\nship decided to attempt the journey to the place of rendezvouz\nby traveling along shore on foot and accordingly, taking arms and\nammunition and a small amount of food, after throwing the ship's\ncannon and other equipment into the sea, started along shore on their\njourney. The way along the beach was difficult and natives with\nwhom they met showed them a path through the forest and assured\nthem that it was much more passable. After three days on this\nroad, harassed by hostile natives at different points, they reached\na river which was too deep to ford. A native camp of bark\nshalashes or huts was on the bank and the Russians hired the\ninhabitants to ferry them across in the canoes. Two canoes were\nbrought, into one of which were loaded nine men, into the other\nAnna Petrovna, wife of the captain, and a native of Kodiak, an\nAleut, and a young Russian. In midstream the Indians pulled\na cork from the bottom of the larger boat, then sprang overboard\nand swam ashore while their countrymen on the opposite bank\nattacked the inmates of the boat with spears and arrows. Fortunately the boat drifted near the shore from which they embarked\nand all landed safely except several being wounded by the arrows\nof their assailants. The other canoe was taken ashore near the\nhuts where Anna Petrovna, the Aleut ( and the Russian boy were\nmade prisioners. The Russians fired on the Indians from such\nmuskets as had not been wet in the river, killed two, and wounded\nseveral. One Rusian, Sovasnikof, was wounded so severely by\nan arrow that he soon died.\nAfter this encounter the Russians withdrew to a small hill at a\nlittle distance and made a camp for the night, all in mortal fear\nfor their lives, for there were some two hundred Indians opposing The Wreck of the \"St. Nicholas'\n29\nthem, and Bulagin was frantic over the loss of his wife. Rain\nfell incessantly, their muskets were wet, their provisions were exhausted, hunger oppressed them, and they were in desperate straits.\nThey searched for mushrooms, wood fungi, plant roots and other\npossible food that might support life. They ate the leather soles of\ntheir shoes and the sea-lion throats which were in their kamlikas.\nBulagin resigned the leadership of the party to Tarakanof\nwho took command. On the 14th of November in sheer desperation\nthe Russians went to the river determined to fight the Indians\nbut found that their enemies had departed and from the huts they\ntook as much dried salmon as they could carry and went back\nto their camp.\nA day or so later Tarakanof, the hunter Ovchinnikof and an\nAleuTwent out to scout for a route toward the mountains. They\nwere ambushed by the Indians, Ovchinnikof and the Aleut were\nwounded by arrows, and with great difficulty they repulsed their\nassailants and made their way to their own camp. They now gave\nup the plan of reaching the place of rendezvous and determined\nto go up in the mountains to a lake they heard was near the\nheadwaters of the river, and there make a winter camp. They\nmade headway slowly, hampered by the rains and the heavy forest.\nAt times they met Indians who were not hostile and bought salmon\nof them for beads and other trifles. After several days they were\novertaken by a native who came with a proposal that the Russians\nransom Anna Petrovna. This Bulagin was determined to do and\npractically all the remaining property was offered. The natives\ndemanded four muskets in addition which the Russians decided\nthey could not give in their already weakened condition. Bulagin\nthen asked to see his wife and the interview was granted. The\nmeeting was piteously affecting and he begged for her return but\nas the ransom was not reduced the savages took her away with\nthem.\nAfter struggling toward the mountains for a few more days\nthe Russians made a fortified winter camp, building a spuare log\nhouse with sentry boxes at the corners for the guards and otherwise prepared for defense. Here they remained for the winter,\nduring which they built a boat.\nOn February 8th they went down the river, piloted by an old\nIndian and Bulagin again in command. At one place Indians\nwere encamped on an island and prepared for hostilities but the 30 C. L. Andrews\npilot took them down a narrow passage and avoided the hostile camp.\nAt the mouth of the river they camped opposite the village at\nthe place where Anna Petrovna was captured. Here a large\nnumber of Indians were gathered and the Russians as a precaution\ncaptured two women and a young Indian man and held them as\nhostages for the release' of Anna Petrovna and the others held\nby the Indians. After a few days, more natives appeared and\nbrought Anna Petrovna. When the exchange was demanded Anna\nI refused to leave the Indians, saying she was well treated and well\nfed while if she again joined the Russians she would be compelled\nto wander in the forest half starved. Bulagin was at first furious\nat her refusal to return and threatened to shoot her but afterward\nwent away dejected with grief.\nTarakanof, finding that the ones captured were not ill treated,\nproposed to surrender to the Indians and trust to being rescued\nby some European ship along the coast. In this he was joined\nby four other Russians and they gave themselves up as prisioners.\nThe remaining Russians attempted to cross to Destruction Island,\ntheir boat went on the rocks and was lost together with their provisions, while they narrowly escaped with their lives, only to be\ncaptured by the Indians.\nTarakanof was taken by a chief named Utramaka who carried\nhim to his home near Cape Juan de Fuca (Flattery), called by\nthe Indians Koonistchat, where they had their winter habitations.\nBulagin was claimed by the same chief but was finally exchanged\nto another master who held also Anna Petrovna. The prisoners\nwere exchanged from hand to hand among the savages. Anna\nPetrovna died in August 1809 and her master threw her body into .\nthe forest to the great grief of the Russians. Her husband\nhearing of her fate pined away and died of consumption in the\nfollowing February.\nTarakanof, by his knowledge of tools, made himself useful to\nhis master and was well treated, was allowed to have a hut by\nhimself, and had many favors granted. He amused the Indians\nby constructing and flying a kite, which greatly pleased them and\nthey said the Russians could reach the sky. He describes them as\n\"Perfect children, governed by trifles, and a bauble consols them.\"\nIn September of 1810 they went to the east far up the Strait of\nJuan de Fuca, and during the next winter they suffered greatly\nfor want of food. The Wreck of the \"St. Nicholas\" 31\nMay 6th, 1811, a brig came to anchor near the shore, Tar\nkanof, with his master, went on board and found it to be a vessel /j\nfrom the United States, the Lydia under command of Captain\nBrown. The Captain set about ransoming the prisoners and ordered\nall brought on board.\nAn Englishman, John Williams by name, was brought, for\nwhom the Captain paid five sazhens of cloth, a locksmith's saw, two\nsteel knives, one looking glass, five packages of powder and five\nbags of shot. The same amount was offered for each of the Russians and was accepted for all except Bolotof and Kurmachof for\nwhom the Indians demanded higher ransom and it being refused\nthey were taken away, Shubin had been taken to Destruction Island.\nCaptain Brown then seized a chief who came aboard and held\nhim as a hostage for the delivery of the remaining Russian captives,\nall of whom were brought in within a few days.\nThirteen captives were ransomed, seven died in captivity, one\nAleut was later ransomed on the Columbia River by the Captain\nof the American ship Mercury, and one Russian named Philip\nKotilnikof had been taken so far away that he could not be found,\nso remained with the Indians.\nOn May 10th, they sailed from the Strait and reached Sitka\nJune 9th, 1811. C. L. Andrews\nSerCA >Ik-~ m ORIGIN OF WASHINGTON GEOGRAPHIC NAMES\n[Continued from Volume XII., Page 299.]\nRoza, a town in the southern part of Kittitas County, named\nin 1883 or 1884 by the Superintendent of the Northern Pacific\nRailroad Company in honor of his daughter. (M. J. Roberts, in\nNames MSS. Letter 407.)\nRuby, a name much used for creeks and mining camps. In the\ncentral part of Okanogan County, Thomas Fuller in 1885, built the\nfirst cabin of a settlement. He was one of the owners of the Ruby\nMine and so he called the settlement Ruby. (C. H. Lovejoy to\nFrank Putnam, on Tonasket, in Names MSS. Letter 3345.) In\nthe central part of Pend Oreille County, some prospectors found\nrubies in a little creek, which was at once named Ruby Creek. In\n1905, when a postoffice was established there, it received the name\nof Ruby. (T. D. Eastlick, in Names MSS. Letter 428.)\nRudd, see Machias.\nRuff, a town in the eastern part of Grant County, named for\nGotfred Ruff, on whose property the town was to have been located.\n(W. H. Poggevall, in Names MSS. Letter 180)\nRusselxs, a creek and a town in Walla Walla County. \"The\ncreek was named for Charles Russell who settled there in 1889, but\nRussells Station was named for Patrick Russell.\" (W. D. Lyman,\nof Walla Walla, in Names MSS. Letter 246.)\nRuston, surrounded by Tacoma, Pierce County. In 1915,\nDoctor Pratt, Mayor of Ruston, and one of the incorporators, stated\nthat the name was an honor for W. R. Rust, one of the founders\nof the smelter at that place, on account of his benefactions and\nhis kindness to employes. Mr. Rust was President of the Tacoma\nSmelting Company. (E. L. Sweeney, of Tacoma, in Names MSS.\nLetter 114.)\nRuth's Prairie, in the southern part of Thurston County,\nnamed in 1850 for B. F. Ruth, a settler there. (F. D. Conklyn, of\nRainier, in Names MSS. Letter 59.)\nRyan, a town in the northwestern part of Stevens County,\nnamed for Henry Ryan, who owned a farm there. (Joseph T. Reed,\nof Marble, in Names MSS. Letter 125.)\nRyder Channel, see Balch Passage.\n(32) Origin of Washington Geographical Names 33\nRye, a station in the central part of Whitman County and\nanother with the same name in the southeastern part of Kittitas\nCounty. The latter was named by the Chicago, Milwaukee and St.\nPaul Railway Company after Rye, New York. (H. R. Williams,\nin Names MSS. Letter 589.)\nSachal, an early name for a river and lake in Thurston County,\nsouthwest of Olympia, probably the Black River and Black Lake\nof more recent maps. The Wilkes Expedition, 1841, in describing\nthe Indians of that region, say the Sachals numbered about forty\nand \"reside about the lake of the same name, and along the river\nChickeeles\" [Chehalis]. (Narrative Volume Vv page 132.)\nSachap, see Satsop.\nSachEn Point, see March Point.\nSaddle Mountain, a local name frequently encountered for\nsaddle-shaped peaks. Captain John Meares, while off the entrance\nof Willapa Harbor in 1788 named such a peak in the present Pacific\nCounty. (United States Public Documents, Serial No. 1005, page\n403.) The name also appears in the southern part of Grant County.\nSaddlebag Island, in Padella Bay, in the northwestern part of\nSkagit County. The Wikes Expedition, 1841, included it as one\nof the \"Porpoise Rocks.\" (Hydrography, Volume XXIII, Atlas,\nchart 92.) The United States Coast and Geodetic Survey Chart\n6377 shows the present name evidently derived from the shape of\nthe island.\nSaddlEhorn Mountain, in the southwestern part of Asotin\nCounty. It was named by the early settlers because it is shaped\nlike a saddle. (Henry Hanson of Hansen Ferry, in Names MSS.\nLetter 236.)\nSage, a station on the north bank of the Columbia River, opposite Blalock Island* in the southwestern part of Benton County. It\nwas named for the prevailing vegetation there. (L. C. Gilman, in\nNames MSS. Letter 590.)\nSahalE, a peak at the headwaters of the Stehekin River, in the\nnorthwestern part of Chelan County, named by The Mazamas,\nmountaineering club of Oregon. The word is from the Chinook\nJargon and means \"high\" or \"above\". (Henry Gannett; Origin of\nCertain Place Names in the United States, page 269.) 34\nEdmond S. Meany\nSahaptin River, see Snake River.\nSahawamish Bay, see Shelton Bay.\nSa-ha-wamsh, see Hammersley Inlet.\nSah-kEE-mE-huE, see Sauk River.\nSahpEnis River, see Toppenish Creek.\nSahtlilkwun, see Okanongan Creek.\nSail Rock, in the Strait of Juan de Fuca, two miles east of\nWaaddah Island, in the northwestern part of Clallam County. It\nwas named by the Wilkes Expedition, 1841, on account of its shape\nand color. The rock is 150 feet high. (Hydrography Volume\nXXIII., Atlas, charts 76 and 80.) Captain Kellett, in 1847, called\nit \"Klaholoh.\" (British Admiralty Chart 1911 and George Davidson: Pacific Coast Pilot, page 523.)\nSaint Andrews, a postoffice in the east central part of Douglas County, named about 1890 in honor of Captain James Saint\nAndrews, a Civil War veteran who was an early settler and first\npostmaster at the place. (A. D. Cross, in Names MSS. Letter 210.)\nSaint Clair Island, see Sinclair Island.\nSaint Germain, a town in the central part of Douglas County,\nnamed in honor of A. L. St. Germain. (B. C. Ferguson, of Mansfield, in Names MSS. Letter 77.)\nSaint Helens, a town in the northwestern part of Cowlitz\nCounty. See Mount Saint Helens for the origin of the name.\nSaint Helens Reach, the Channel in the Columbia River\neast and west of Cape Horn, named by the Wilkes Expedition, 1841.\n\"In this part of the river, which I named St. Helens Reach, we met\nthe brig Wave, that had brought our stores from Oahu.\" ANarra-\ntive, Volume IV., page 319.)\nSaint John, in Clarke County, see Hidden.\nSaint John, a town in the northern part of Whitman County,\nnamed by the Oregon Railway and Navigation Company in 1888 for\nE. T. St. John, an old settler and owner of the land at that place.\n(J. C. Crane, in Names MSS. Letter 472.)\nSaint Joseph's Mission, esablished inl848, on Budd Inlet,\nabout a mile north of Olympia, by Rev. Pascal Ricard. (Elwood\nEvans: History of the Pacific Northwest: Oregon and Washington,\nVolume I., page 302 and Hubert Howe Bancroft: Works, Volume\nXXXL, page 10.) Origin of Washington Geographical Names 35\nSaint Pierre, see Mount Saint Pierre.\nSaint Roc, see Columbia River.\nSaint Roque, see Cape Disappointment.\nSakpam River, the Wilkes Expedition, 1841, gave this name\nfor the present Duwamish River, in King County. (Hydrography,\nVolume XXIII., Atlas, chart 67.)\nSalem Point, see Salmon Point.\nSaleesh, see Clark Fork River.\nSallal Prarie, near North Bend in the central part of King\nCounty, named for the sallal berry shrubs which abound there. (W.\nH. Ruffner, 1889: Resources of Washington Territory, page 62.)\nSallie's Lake, a name sometimes applied to Rock Lake, Whitman County.\nSalmon Bank, off the southwestern point of San Juan Island,\ndiscovered by the United States Coast Survey in 1854. (United\nStates Public Documents, Serial No. 1134, page 96; and George\nDavidson: Pacific Coast Pilot, 554.)\nSalmon Bay, now within the limits of Seattle, King County.\nOn its shore developed the City of Ballard, since joined to Seattle.\nSee Ballard. The Indian name was Shul-shale, for a tribe, now\nextinct, which had its headquarters on the bay. (J. A. Costello,\nThe Siwash.) In December, 1852, Arthur A. Denny, knew the bay\nas \"Shilshole.\" It was later changed to Salmon Bay because it was\nthought to be frequented by Salmon. (Arthur A. Denny: Pioneer\nDays on Puget Sound, Harriman edition, page 52.) The Lake\nWashington Canal passes through the bay. See Lake Washington\nCanal.\nSalmon Creek, at least nine streams in the State of Washington bear this name, all because they were frequented by salmon in\nthe spawning seasons.\nSalmon-Fall River, a name once used for Methow River.\nSalom Point, the northern point of Squaxin Island in the\nsoutheastern part of Mason County. It was named by the Wilkes\nExpedition, 1841, which also charted the island as \"Jack's Island?'\n(Hydrography, Volume XXIIL, Atlas, charts 78 and 79.) The\nmeaning of the names has not been ascertained. The spelling is\noften \"Salem\", but the United States Coast and Geodetic chart\n460 retains the original spelling Salom. 36 Edmond S. Meany\nSalsbury Point, the Wilkes Expedition, 1841, gave this name\nto two places, an eastern cape of San Juan Island and on Hood\nCanal east of Termination Point, near Port Gamble. (Hydrography Volume XXIII., Atlas, Charts 77 and 78.) The United\nStates Coast and Geodetic Survey Charts 6380 and 6450 show the\nname on San Juan Island to be changed to Turn Island and the one\non Hood Canal to be retained as originally given. The honor bestowed by Wilkes was intended for Francis Salsbury, captain of\nthe top in one of his crews. Men of such rank were the ones most\noften chosen for honors in the naming of points.\nSalt Lake, a name sometimes used for Moses Lake. There\nis a small lake by the name in the south central part of Okanogan\nCounty. The name is descriptive.\nSalter's Point, see Gordon Point.\nSalzer Valley, in the northwestern part of Lewis County,\nnamed for a pioneer family. Joseph Salzer filed on the first homestead in the valley. His son Gottleib lived on the claim to hold it\nfor the father and during that time the valley was named. (C.\nEllington, of Chehalis, in Names MSS. Letter 21.)\nSamahma, see Cle Elum.\nSamego, the northwest extremity of McNeil Island, Pierce\nCounty, so named by the Wilkes Expedition, 1841. (Hydrography,\nVolume XXIII., Atlas, chart 79.) Captain Inskip, in 1846, named\nit McCarthy Point, in honor of Lieutenant Henry H. McCarthy of\nthe Fisgard. (British Admiralty Chart 1947.) Neither name persists.\nSa-milk-a-meigh, see Similkameen River.\nSamish, a bay, island, river and town in the northwestern part\nof Skagit County and a lake in the southwestern part of Whatcom\nCounty, all from the name of a tribe of Indians which formerly\nlived in that region. (Myron Eells, in American Anhrapologist for\nJanuary, 1892.)\nSammamish, a lake, river and town in the northwestern part\nof King County. The name is from a former tribe of Indians. The\nword is from Samena, hunter. (Bureau of American Ethnology:\nHandbook of American Indians, Volume II., page 421.)\nSand Island, in the Columbia River near its mouth. The\nisland of sand and driftwood, never many feet above the surface\nof the water, has shifted its position from time to time. This Origin of Washington Geographical Names 37\nquality is discussed by Captain George Davidson of the United\nStates Coast Survey. (Pacific Coast Pilot, page 458.) On account of these changes, Sand Island has caused conferences between\nthe Legislatures of Oregon and Washington. Boundary and fishing\nrights are involved.\nSanderson, a town in the northeastern part of Douglas County,\nwas named for Thomas Sanderson, the first postmaster at that\nplace. (C. A. Carson, in Names MSS. Letter 38.)\nSandFord CovE, at the northwest extremity of Fidalgo Island,\nSkagit County, named by the Wilkes Expedition, 1841, in honor of\nThomas Sandford, Quartermaster in one of the crews. (Hydrography, Volume XXIIL, page 310 and Atlas, chart 92.) See also\nPoint Sandford. The name of the cove has not persisted. See\nBoxer Cove and Flounder Bay. The United States Coast and Geodetic Survey Chart 6377 now shows the little Sandford Cove to be\nFlounder Bay.\nSan de Fuca, a town on the shore of Penn Cove, Whidbey\nIsland, in the northeastern part of Island County. The Holbrook\ndonation land claim was acquired by Henry C. Power and in 1889\na townsite was platted by L. H. Griffiths, H. C. Power and J. W.\nGillespie. In choosing a name, they evidently confused the names\nof the Strait of Juan de Fuca and San Juan Island. Whatever else\nmay be said of the mythical Juan de Fuca, he certainly was no\nsaint. (Edmond S. Meany: History of the State of Washington,\npages 15-16.) The little town of San de Fuca has not grown bul\nfrom its neighborhood there have gone many young men who have\nechieved careers as seamen and steamboat men.\nSandy Point, this descriptive name has been given to many\nplaces on the shores of Washington. The most historic one is on\nWhidbey Island, at the southwestern entrance to Saratoga Passage.\nIt was named by the Wilkes Expedition, 1841. (Hydrography\nVolume XXIIL, Atlas, chart 89.) Captain George Davidson, of\nthe United States Coast Survey, wrote: \"It is moderately long, low\nand has no bushes.... It is locally known as Joe Brown's Point.\"\n(Pacific Coast Pilot, page 600.)\nSan Juan Archipelago, the United States Coast and Geodetic Survey has been urged to accept this locally used name In\nlieu of the officially charted Washington Sound. The origin and\nevolution of the name are shown in the discussions following of\nSan Juan Channel, San Juan County and San Juan Island. 38 Edmond S. Meany\nSan Juan Channel, east of San Juan Island and between\nthat and the islands Oreas and Lopez. The Spanish explorer, Eliza,\nin 1791, named the passage between San Juan and Lopez Islands\n\"Boca de Horcasitas,\" a name from the same source as that of Orcas\nIsland. (United States Public Documents Serial No. 1557, Chart\nK.) The Wilkes Expedition, 1841, called that part of the channel\n\"Ontario Road,\" the southern entrance to it \"Little Belt Passage\"\nand the waterway between San Juan and Orcas Islands, \"President's Passage.\" (Hydrography, Volume XXIIL, Atlas, chart\n77.) These were honors for historic war vessels. See Lopez,\nOrcas, San Juan Island, Little Belt Passage, Ontario Road and\nPresident Channel. Captain Richards, in 1858, sought to change\nthe name to \"Middle Channel.\" (British Admiralty Chart 2840.)\nThe present name of San Juan Channel is shown on the United\nStates Coast and Geodetic Survey Chart 6380.\nSan Juan County, named for one of the largest islands in\nWashington Sound, which should be known as San Juan Archipelago. Following the boundary treaty of 1846, a dispute arose\nbetween the British and American Governments for the possession\nof this group of islands, which dispute was settled by Emperior\nWilliam I., of Germany, as arbitrator on October 21, 1872. Oh\nreceiving information of that award the Territorial Legislature of\nWashington organized the archipelago into San Juan County on\nOctober 31, 1873.\nSan Juan Island, the western part of San Juan County, received its name in 1791 from the Spanish explorer Eliza, who realized that there were1 several islands in the group and wrote on his\nchart \"Isla y Archiepelago de San Juan.\" (United States Public\nDocuments, Serial No. 1557, chart K.) The Spanish map remained only in manuscript for many years. The Wilkes Expedition,\n1841, respected the names given by Vancouver in 1792 but apparently knew nothing of the \"San Juan\" name. The large island\nwas named \"Rodgers\" in honor of Commodore John Rodgers who\ncommanded the President in the combat with the Little Belt, which\nwas also commemorated in the attempted naming of the adjacent\nwaterways. See President Channel and Little Belt Passage. The\nwhole group was called \"Navy Archipelago,\" the report saying:\n\"Navy Archipalego is a collection of 25 islands, having the Straits\nof Fuca on the south, the Gulf of Georgia on the north, the' Canal\nde Arro on the west and Ringgold's Channel on the east. They have Origin of Washington Geographical Names 39\nbeen named from distinguished officers late of the U. S. naval\nservice, viz., Rodgers, Chauncey, Hull, Shaw, Decatur, Jones, Blake-\nley, Perry, Sinclair, Lawrence, Gordon, Percival, and others.\"\nHydrography, Volume XXIIL, page 306, and Atlas, chart 77,)\nCaptain Henry Kellett, of the Royal Navy, in 1847, restored the\nSpanish name of San Juan for the island but gave no name for the\narchipelago. (British Admiralty Chart 1911.) The Hudson's Bay\nCompany gave a local name of \"Bellevue\" to the island. (Pacific\nCoast Pilot page 556.) When the United States Coast Survey began work among the islands in 1853, the archipelago was named\nWashington Sound. (Pacific Coast Pilot, page 556.) The confusion of names for the island is shown by the official charting of\n\"Bellevue or San Juan Island.\" (United States Coast Survey Report for 1854, chart 51.) The maps by the Surveyor General of\nWashington Territory for 1857 and 1859 show the same dual names.\n(United States Public Documents, Serial Nos. 877 and 1026!)\nLater the American geographers dropped the name \"Bellevue\" and\naccepted the Spanish name as restored on the British charts.\nSanpoil River, a tributary of the Columbia River in the southwestern part of Ferry County. On July 24, 1825, John Work, of\nthe Hudson's Bay Company, called it \"Lampoile River.\" (Wash-\n, ington Historical Quarterly for April 1914, page 100.) In June,\n1826, David Douglas, botanist, used the name \"Cinqpoil River.\"\nThe name was derived from that of a band of the Spokane Indians.\nThe Bureau of American Ethnology gives many synonyms.\n(Handbook of American Indians, Volume II., pages 45l-452.y\nSan Roque, see Cape Disappointment.\nSanta Rosalia, see Mount Olympus.\nSaptin River, see Snake River.\nSaratoga Passage, the Wilkes Expedition, 1841, made the\nfollowing record: \"I have called Saratoga Passage the strait leading\nfrom Deception Passage to Admiralty Inlet at the south end of\nWhidby's Island, 35 miles distant.\" (Hydrography Volume XXIIL,\npage 311, and chart 77.) Wilkes had called the island on the east\nof the waterway \"McDonough's Island\" in honor of Thomas Mac-\ndonough who gained fame in the Lake Champlain battles of 1812,\nusing as his flagship the Saratoga. Intensifying a geographical\nhonor for a naval hero by an adjacent one for his ship, was a favorite scheme of Wilkes. Vancouver, in 1792, had named the waterway Port Gardner after Sir Alan Gardner. The southeastern cape 40 Edmond S. Meany\nhe had called Point Alan after the same man and the adjacent\nwaterway he called Port Susan after Lady Susan Gardner. He\ntook possession for Great Britain and called the waterway from\nPoint Alan to the southern end of Whidbey Island Possession\nSound. Captain Henry Kellett in 1847 gave the Spanish name\nCamano to the island and sought to restore Vancouver's name of\nPort Gardner has now practically disappeared. The United States\nCoast and Geodetic Survey Chart 6450 shows Possession Sound extending from the southern end of Whidbey Island to Allen Point\nand Saratoga Passage from that point northward. The same Survey's Chart 6448 gives the name Port Gardner to the southern portion of Everett Harbor. See Allen Point, Camano Island, Everett,\nPort Gardner, Port Susan and Possession Sound.\nSarEs Head, see Langley Point.\nSatsop River, a tributary of the Chehalis River in the eastern\npart of Grays Harbor County. The Bureau of American Ethnology\nsays the name was that of a Salish band of Indians living along the\nriver. (Handbook of American Indians Volume II., page 471.)\nThe word is said to mean \"on a creek.\" (W. F. Wagner, in\nNames MSS. Letter 218.) The Wilkes Expedition, 1841, spelled\nthe word \"Sachap.\" (Narrative, Volume V., page 127.) J. A.\nCostello says the Lower Chehalis Indians called the river \"Sats-a-\npish.\" (The Siwash.)\nSatus Creek, a tributary of the Yakima River in the southeastern part of Yakima County. The Indian word is said to mean\n\"rich land.\" (Robert M. Graham, of Mabton, in Names MSS.\nLetter 297.) The Bureau of American Ethnology has, a different\nspelling and meaning: \"Setaslema\u00E2\u0080\u0094'a people of the rye prarie.' A\nYakima band formerly living on Setass Creek.\" (Handbook of\nAmerican Indians Volume II., page 514.)\nSauk, the name of a river, mountain and railway station in the\ncentral part of Skagit County. The name is from that of a tribe\nof Indians. (Postmaster at Sauk, in Names MSS. Letter 49.) The\npostoffice of that name was established in 1884. (History of Skagit and Snohomish Counties, page 244.) George Gibbs writing on\nMarch 1, 1854, said the Indians had a portage from the north fork\nof the Stilaguamish to the \"Sah-kee-me-hu\" branch of the Skagit.\n(Pacific Railroad Reports, Volume I., page 472.)\nSaundersonville, see Chehalis.\nSawamish, see Mason County. Origin of Washington Geographical Names 41\nSaxon, a railroad station in Snohomish County, which years\nago had a postoffice. It was named in honor of a widow by the\nname of Saxon, about 1888. (Charles F. Elsbree, of Acme, in\nNames MSS. Letter 195.)\nScabock Harbor, see Seabeck.\nS cadget Head, see Scatchet Head.\nScaffold Camp CrEEk, a tributary of Twisp River in the west\ncentral part of Okanogan County. On September 30, 1853, Captain\nGeorge B. McClellan made his way up the creek seeking a passage\nacross the mountains. He charted the creek by an Indian name\n\"Nai-hai-ul-ix-on.\" (Pacific Railroad Reports Volume I., pages\n377-389.) The origin of the name Scaffold has not been ascertained. There may have been a hanging there and, what seems more\nlikely, pioneers may have found huge tepee poles standing at an\nIndian camping place. Such poles have been found at other camping places. For an illustration of such a camp, see The Mountaineer\nfor 1911, facing page 22.\nScageT RrvER, see Skagit River.\nScarboro Hill, back of Chinook near the mouth of the Columbia River in the southwestern part of Pacific County. The name is\noften spelled in full as Scarborough Hill. Oh November 21, 1813,\nAlexander Henry referred to it by two names when he wrote: \"We\nascended the Chinook hill, or Red Patch, from the top of which we\nhad an extensive view.\" (Elliott Coues: New Light on the Early\nHistory of the Greater Northwest, page 755.) The Wilkes Expedition, 1841, also charted it as \"Chinook Hill.\" (Hydrography, Volume XXIIL, Atlas, chart 68.) Captain James Scarborough, on\nleaving the employ of the Hudson's Bay Company, took up a claim\nat Chinook and also served as river pilot for the mail steamers from\nfrom California. (James G. Swan: Northwest Coast, page 101.)\nThe giving of his name to Chinook Hill was recognized by the\nUnited States Coast Survey in 1858. (Annual Report for 1858,\npage 392.) For another honor proposed for the same man, see\nNeah Bay.\nScarboro Shoals, see Toliva Shoal.\nScarborough Harbor, see Neah Bay.\nScarborough Point, see Klatchopis Point.\nScatchet Head, at the southwestern extremity of Whidbey\nIsland, in Island County. It was named by the Wilkes Expedition, 42 Edmond S. Meany\n1841, (Hydrography, Volume XXIIL, Atlas, chart 78.) The\nsame name was probably in local use by the Hudson's Bay Company\nprior to 1841. (J. G. Kohl in Pacific Railroad Reports, Volume\nXII., Part I., chapter XV., page 286.) The name was taken from\nthat of the Indian tribe, now usually spelled Skagit. The incorrect\nspelling was recognized and yet used by the United States Coast\nSurvey in 1858 and the Indian name of the cape recorded as\n\"Skoolhks.\" (Annual Report for 1858, page 444.)\nSchuh-Tlahks, see Priest Point, Snohomish County.\nSchwan-ate-koo, see Kettle Falls.\nSchwock RrvER, see Swauk Creek.\nScott Island, a small island in Carr Inlet, in the northwestern part of Pierce County. It was named in honor of Thomas\nScott, Quartermaster in one of the crews, by the Wilkes Expedi-\n313X i'%1 lJBlP 'S*PV '1IIXX anrnpA '^H4^BoxpCH) -j^gi -\ncific Railroad Reports, Volume I., page 380.) See Fort Simcoe.\nSimilk Bay, on the southern shore of Fidalgo Island, north-east of Description Pass, in the west central part of Skagit County.\nIt was named by the Wilkes Expedition, 1841. (Hydrography Volume XXIIL, Atlas, chart 90.) The name is retained on the United\nStates Coast and Geodetic Survey Chart 6380.\nSimilkameen River, a tributary of the Okanogan River, near\nOsoyoos Lake, in the north central part of Okanogan County. Alexander Ross, of the Astorians, wrote: \"At the Indian camp we remained one day, got the information we required about the country,\nprocured some furs, and then, following the course of the Sa-milk-\na-meigh River, got to Oakinacken at its forks.\" (Oregon Settlers,\nin \"Early Western Travels.\" Volume VII., page 206.) The surveyors with Captain George B. McClellan in 1853 included the\nSimilkameen as part of the Okanogan, calling the main stream\nnorthward through the lake \"Sahtlikwu\" and the present Similk- 54 Edmond S. Meany\nameen \"Millakitekwu\". (Pacific Railroad Surveys, Volume I.,\nChapter XVIIL, page 214.)\nSimkwe, see Simcoe Creek.\nSimmons, a name proposed for Thurston County.\nSimmons Lake, two miles west of Olympia, Thurston County,\nnamed for William Simmons, whose land claim embraced the lake.\n(H. B. McElroy, of Olympia, in Names NSS. Letter 46.)\nSinahomis River, see Snohomish River.\nSinawamis River, a name once used for the Duwamish River.\nSinclair Inlet, the southwestern arm of Port Orchard, in\nthe south central part of Kitsap County. It was named by the\nWilkes Expedition, 1841, in honor of George T. Sinclair, Acting\nMaster, in one of the crews. (Hydrography, Volume XXIIL, page\n317, and Atlas chart 88.), See Dyes Inlet, Liberty Bay, and May's\nInlet.\nSinclair Island, north of Cypress Island, at the northwest\ncorner of Skagit County. It was named by the Wilkes Expedition,\n1841. (Hydrography, Volume XXIIL, Atlas, chart 77.) Since\nWilkes was naming the islands of this archipelago for \"distinguished\nofficers late of the U. S. naval service,\" it is probable that this honor\nwas for Arthur Sinclair, Sr., Commander of the Argus in the War\nof 1812. (E. S. Maclay: History of the Navy, Volume I., pages\n183, 383, 427 and 491.)\nSine, a former postoffice in the eastern part of Grays Harbor\nCounty, named for Jackson Sine, a pioneer when the postoffice\nwas established in March, 1905. It has since been discontinued.\n(L M. Croft, of McCleary, in Names MSS. Letter 121.)\nSinnahamis, see Snohomish River.\nSin-see-hoo-illE, a tributary of .the Palouse River, on James\nTilton's Map of a Part of Washington Territory, September, 1859.\n(United States Public Documents, Serial No. 1026.)\nSin-too-too-ooley, see Latah.\nSisco, a town in the northwestern part of Snohomish County,\nnamed for a pioneer of that name, who homesteaded land there\nabout 1890. In 1900 the Stimson Company and the Standard\nLogging Company opened up camps there and Sisco came into\nexistence. Later the camps moved to different locations and \"a\nshingle mill is Sisco's only lease on life\". (Mary M. Farrell, in\nNames MSS. Letter 163.) Origin of Washington Geographical Namei\n55\nSister Islands, northeast of Orcas Island, in the northeastern part of San Juan County, named' by the Wilkes Expedition,\n1841. (Hydrography, Volume XXIIL, Atlas, chart 77.)\nSisters Point, on the north side of Hood Canal, east of Union,\nin the central part of Mason County, named by the; Wilkes Expedition, 1841. (Hydrography, Volume XXIIL, Atlas chart 78.)\nSiwash Slough, near Samish, in the northwestern part of\nSkagit County. \"Daniel Dingwall seems to have been the pioneer\nmerchant of the Samish county, having established a store in\npartnership with Thomas Hayes, in the fall of 1869 on Samish\nIsland, adjoining the Siwash Slough. This Siwash Slough was so\ncalled from the location upon it of two thousand Siwashes engaged\nin fishing and hunting.\" (History of Skagit and Snohomish\nCounties, page 111.) \"Siwash is the Chinook Jargon word for\n'Indian' and is a corruptions of the French word 'sauvage'.\" (Rev.\nMyron Eells in the American Anthropologist, for January, 1892.)\nSkaewEna Indians, see Yakima Indians.\nSkagit, the name of an Indian tribe which lived on the river\nnow known by the same name, The tribe also occupied part of\nWhidbey Island. As in the case of other Indian names there, hav\u00C2\u00AB;\nbeen many forms of the word used. (Handbook of American\nIndians, Volume II., page 585.)' John Work, of the Hudson's Bay\nCompany, in 1824, referred to Scaadchet Bay. (Washington\nHistorical Quarterly, July, 1912, page 225.) George Gibbs used\nthe present form of the word on March 1, 1854. (Pacific Railroad\nReports, Volume I., page 471.) The same form is used in the. treaty\nby which the Skagits ceded their lands, January 22, 1855. The\nCounty bearing this name was created by the Legislature of the\nTerritory of Washington on November 28, 1883. At the southern\nextremity of Whidbey Island is a bluff called Scatchet Head, another spelling of the same word. Near the northern extremity of\nthe same island are Skagit Bay and Skagit Island. Skagit City\nbegan with Barker's trading post in 1869. The townsite was platted\non the homestead of W. H. McAlpine. \"It is no longer much of a\nplace.\" (History of Skagit and Snohomish Counties, page 246.)\nThe Wilkes Expedition, 1841, charted the island as \"Skait Island\".\n(Hydrography, Volume XXIIL, Atlas, chart 90.)\nSka-ka-bish, see Skokomish.\nSkait Island, see Skagit. 56 Edmond S. Meany\nSkakanE Creek, in the hills near Cashmere, Chelan County,\nan Indian name meaning \"deep canyon\". (A. Manson, of Cashmere,\nin Names MSS. Letter 300.)\nSkamania County, organized by the Washington Territorial\nLegislature on March 9, 1854. The name is an Indian word meaning \"swift water\" and was \"probably applied to the troubled waters\nof the Columbia River\". (Henry Gannett: Origin of Certain Place\nNames in the United States, page 284.) A town in the county\nbearing the same name was formerly known as Butler until the\nresidents petitioned for1, a change. (L. C. Gilman, in Names MSS.\nLetter 590.)\nS'Kamish, an Indian name applied to White River. (Theodore Winthrop: The Canod and the Saddle, J. H. Williams edition,\npage 78, note.)\nSkamokawa, the name of a town and a small tributary of the\nColumbia River at that place in the south central part of Wahkiakum\nCounty. The word, sometimes spelled \"Skamokaway,\" was the\nname of a famous old Indian chief. (W. D. Lyman, in History of\nPacific Northwest: Oregon and Washington, Volume II., page 176.)\n\"Skamokawa is an Indian name, meaning 'smoke on the water'.\nNearly every morning there is more or less fog at the mouth of\nSkamokawa Creek. It is thought that the Indians derived the name\nfrom that source, although there was a chief named Skamokawa.\nHis tribe was one of the numerous little off-shoots of the Wahkia-\nkums or Chinooks.\" (S. G. Williams, proprietor of the Skamokawa\nEagle, in Names MSS. Letter 560.)\nSkawn-te-us, see Colville River.\nSkeET-ko-mish, see Spokane River.\nSkeetshoo, see Spokane River.\nSketsui, sometimes spelled \"Sketch-hugh,\" is a former name\nof Coeur d' Alene Lake.\nSkiFF Point, the north cape of Rolling Bay, in the west central part of Kitsap County, so named because at low tide it has the\nappearance of an overturned skiff and, also, many skiffs are found\nstranded on the shallow bar. (Lucas A. Rodal, Postmaster at Rolling Bay, in Names MSS. Letter 1.) See Murdens Cove and Rolling Bay. DOCUMENTS\nThe Nisqually Journal\nContinued from Vol. XII, Page 303\n[March, 1851.]\n[Ms. Page 49.]\nSaturday 1st. Weather the same. Chaulifoux1 & Tapou2 making\ngood river Boat at beach. Jollibois3 making a Harrow (wood\nTeeth). Edwards4 & Young5 Salting beef. Indian gang, women,\npicking & sorting Potatoes. Men cleaning in Swamp. Oxen fetching grass up from beach. [Ms. Page 50.]\nSunday 2d. Overcast morning. Afternoon Fine.\nMonday 3rd. Fine & Clear.' Califoux & Tapou at various Jobs\nabout Fort. Jollibois making a Harrow. Edwards sowing Oats\n(9 Busl. quantity sown). Young looking up & preparing Barrels\nfor packing Beef. Indian gang, men, enlarging (widening) river\nabout slaughter house & dairy. Women, cleaning in Swamp.\nOxen carrying rails. Two Harrows at work. A visit from Major\nGoldsboro\" on his way down the sound. Says the Albion is on her\nway down, will reach here about midnight. An express arrived\nyesterday from Victoria.7 A visit from T. Linklater8 in quest of\nShepherds.\nTuesday 4th. Morning Frosty. Fine Sunny weather remainder of\nday. Caulifoux & Tapou building a wagon, intended for Plain service. Jollibois at Harrow. Cowlitz10 at Kitchen. Young packing\nBeef. Edwards sowing Oats (11 1/2 Bushlh. sown). McPhail11\nwith Indian gang as yesterday. Oxen hauling rails. The Ship\n\"Albion\"12 arrived this afternoon. Anchored off Landing.13 A\nVisit from Captn. Fay14 & Mr. Smith.15 Sent the Key of lower\nstore to Smith who is anxious to ship Simmon's16 Potatoes early\ntomorrow.\n6 Hugh Allen Goldsborough.\ni. servant.\n10 A\n11 John McPhail, a servant, j\n12 The brig Orbit, Capt. Kob(\nons. of Olympia, and engaged in t\nSee this Quarterly, Vol. XI, No.\nthe first appearance of this boat o\n13 Nisqually Landing.\n14 Capt. Kobert Fay now commanding th\n15 Levi Smith, a partner of Si\nl the Sound.\n, 1849, in charge of the post\n1920), p. 141,\n. of the\n16\nOlympia\nof 1\n(57) 58 Victor J. Farrar\nWednesday 5th. Frosty & Fine. Caulifoux, Tapou, Jollibois, &\nCowie as yesterday. Edwards sowing Oats (15 bushls. sown).\nYoung attending at the Shipment of Potatoes on board \"Albion,\"\n7 Barrels Beef & 3 of Pork sent down to \"Albion\" on a/c Mr.\nSimmons. McPhail & gang cleaning river. Oxen employed\nfetching up grass & carrying rails. [Ms. Page 51.]\nThursday 6th. A Continuation of Fine weather. Edwards sowing\npeas, Ploughed in by Jack\" & Hatal.18 3 B. in to day. remaining\nhands employed as yesterday. \"George Emery\"19 arrived from\nSteilacoom & anchored off landing.\nFriday 7th Morning Misty. Afternoon Fine. Caulifoux & Tapou\nat new Wagon. Cowie20 & Jollibois making ox Yokes. Edwards\nsowing Peas (3 Bis. in). Oxen fetching Fire wood, four Indians\nat work in Swamp cutting large trees in readiness for rolling.\nMcPhail & gang have been for the last two days employed making\n> a new Cut for river Sequalitz21 commencing at garden, & continuing on, as far as dairy, it is expected by so doing, to lower the\nriver in a small degree (New Channel being much deeper than former one) and thus allow the Swamp to discharge itself in much\nless time. Bastien22 finished hauling Potatoes in from Plains, quantity sent in is as follows, from Tlithlilow,28 466 Bis., Muck,2* 371,\nSastuck,25 160 Bis. Grand/ Total 997 Bushels.\nSaturday 8th. Fine. Edwards sowing Peas & at work in garden,\nremaining hands employed as before. Oxen brought a load of grass\nup from beach. The Indians that arrived last Sunday with an express left last night with letters for Victoria. 2 1/4 Bushls. Peas\nsown. A note from Mr. Ross26 saying that he had, in the presence\nof Montgomery27 & Lapoitrie,28 warned off J. McLeod29 from the\n17 \"Cowlitz\" Jack,\nan Indian employee.\n18 S. Hatal, an emp\nloyee or servant, possibly a kanaka or Sandwich Isl\n19 The brig George\nEmery, Capt. Layfayette Balch, passed Fort Nisq\nually on April\n4, 1860, headed for Olyi\napia, with a cargo of merchandise. Balch apparent\nake special inducements to get him to locate there\nly thought the\nnot the case, us Slmmoni\ns not friendly.\nAccordingly, he decided\no found a town of his own, at Steilacoom.\n20 A servant.\n21 Sequalitchew ere\nne of the Red River settlers of 1821, now living\non the Plains\nnear Steilacoom.\nn near Steilacoom, originally settled by the Red Ri\nIn 1841 and called Tlilth\now. After their departure in 1842 the place was ta\nrlcultural Company and later a Mr. Heath was pen\nlltted to settle\nthereon. From this clr\nWalter Ross, clerk, took\ncharge, and this place was called Ross Vllle. A jo\n24 A company post\nmaintained by the company near the present town\nof Roy, Pierce\n25 A company Btatio\nn on the plains. Precise location has not yet been\n26 Mr. Walter Ross\n27 John Montgomer\nT, a servant. Nisqually Journal\n59\nP. S. Co.'s.80 Lands at Muck. Flocks of geese seen, proceeding\nfrom the Southword. [Ms. Page 52.]\nSunday 9th. Dull Misty weather, packhorses in from Tinalquot31\nwith Sheepskins.\nMonday 10th. Rain all day. Chaulifoux making wagon Box.\nJollibois making ox Yokes. Cowie, Steilacoom,32 Tumwater83 &\nSecaille,34 sent out to Tlithlilow to put up a new dwelling house for\nMr. Ross. Tapou with three Indians sent of f to the Puyallop river\nto trade fodder for the Cattle. Edwards in barn thrashing & otherwise employed. McPhail & gang at new water cut. The runaway\nKalama85 here from Vancouver.36 Oxen employed carting dung\n& fetching firewood.\nTuesday 11th. Fine. Chaulifoux making blacksmith's Forge, fixing bellows &c under shed adjoining Kitchen. Jollibois making\nYokes for Often. Edwards sowing seeds in garden. Young cleaning up Stores. Indian gang as yesterday. Oxen hauling rails &\nFirewood. C. Jack & S. Hatal, commenced ploughing new land in\nSwamp, intended for Potatoes.\nWednesday 12th. Cloudy with occasional showers of rain. Chaulifoux preparing Iron Work for wagon, remaining hands employed\nas yesterday. Oxen carting up grass from beach.\nThursday 13th. Cloudy. Signs of rain, hands employed as yesterday. Oxen carting dung into garden. Rabasca37 off to Cowlitz38 with letters for Vancouver. 100 lbs. Biscuit sent for Mr.\nRoberts.39 [Ms. Page 53.]\nFriday 14th. Showery. Chaulifoux at wagon. Jollibois variously\nemployed, remaining hands employed about new water Course.\nTapou returned this morning, having with him a good supply of\nPrele.40 Oxen employed carting up same from beach.\nSaturday 15. Gloomy. Squally, rainy weather. Chaulifoux finished wagon which was forthwith sent out to the Plains. Jollibois\njobbing about Fort. Edwards thrashing wheat. Tapou carting\nfirewood. McPhail & party at new watercourse. Oxen hauling\nFirewood. 2 Bis. Peas sown & ploughed in, in Field in Swamp Park.\nSO The Puget's Sound A\nTicultural Company\n31 Tenalquot Prairie, Thurston Co.\n32 An Indian employee.\n33 An Indian em\n35 A kanaka or Sandwich\nIslander, formerly <\n36 Fort Vancouver.\n37 A servant.\n38 Cowlitz Farm, a comj\n>any post on the Cc\n39 Mr. George B. Robert\n:s, in charge of Coi\n40 Prele, the shave gra3i\n5 or esquisetem hyei 60 Victor J. Farrar\nSunday 16th. Showry. Afternoon Rabasca arrived from Cowlitz,\nbringing with him a packet, also a small requisition from Vancouver\nfor this place, 50 lbs Beads & a few assed.41 Files.\nMonday 17th. Fine, mild weather. Edwards morning sowing 3 1/2\nBis. Peas. Afternoon with all hands at new water course which\nwas finished & water allowed to run in this evening, shall be able\ntomorrow, to judge of its usefulness. Oxen employed fetching\nfodder from beach. A Beinston sent to a Mr. Doherty (who has\nlately jumped one of the Coys42 claims at Steilacoom) with a trespass notice of warning to quit. Blue partridges seen. [Ms. Page 54.]\nTuesday 18th. Fine. Severe Gales from S. East. Chaulifoux &\nTapou morning sharpening pickaxes, afternoon moving & rebuilding a Cow Shed. Jollibois attending on his family, all of whom are\nseverely attacked with influenza. Edwards with gang of Indians\ndelving in garden, remainder of gang variously employed. Oxen\nmorning down after a load of Salt. A. noon off with 2 Ploughs &\nfodder for horses, to small enclosed field Treehatchee midway to\nMuck, which is to be ploughed & made ready. The new water\ncourse works well and gives complete satisfaction, water running\nrapidly out of swamp.\nWednesday 19th. Fine, mild weather. Chaulifoux & gang employed as yesterday. Jollibois sharpening Pit Saws. Edwards with\nfive Indians planting trees &c. in enclosure behind large house.\nIndian Mob Cleaning in Swamp. The convict Presse43 (who has\nby some means escaped from bondage at Oi. City)44 lurking about\nthe Fort. Oxen off with a load of fodder to Treehatchee, they will\nstop there one or two days to haul rails for making good fenceing\naround field there. A visit from Dr. Haden.45 settled Offs mess\na/c for last Qr.46\nThursday 20th. Morning Frosty. Fine all day. Hands employed\nas yesterday. Last Evening J. McPhail made a reengagement for\nthe term of two years, to serve in the capacity of Shepherd & to\nmake himself generally useful wages \u00C2\u00A330 per annum. [Ms. Page 55]\nFriday 21st. Heavy showers of rain. Chaulifoux making a step\nladder for use in garden prunning fruit trees &c. Jollibois preparing material for a new necessary in enclosure behind large house.\n48 An Indian thief.\n44 Oregon City, former capitol of Oregon.\n46 This much-abbreviated line Is \"settled officer's mess-account for last anarter \" Nisqually Journal\n61\nEdwards in garden. Tapou with 9 Indians off to Puyallop (per\nCanoe & Boat) to trade prele. Young repairing harness. McPhail &\ngang darning river below slaughter House preparatory to deepening\nit & to bring.on a level with new water cut. 3 Indians to Treehatchee\nto assist at fenceing. five Cows mired in a Swamp behind J.\nRoss's.47\nSaturday 22d. Cloudy & Showery, hands employed as yesterday.\nTapou & gang returned.\nSunday 23d. Overcast, rain toward evening, a Canoe of Indians\ndespatched to Victoria with a mail, Mr. J. Ross going as passenger.\nMonday 24th. Cloudy occasional heavy showers of rain. Chaulifoux & Tapou repairing pick axes & sundries. Edwards thrashing\nwheat. Jollibois off duty in consequence of indisposition. McPhail\n& party deepening water course. 16 Bushels oats sent to Trehathee.\nA Visit from Messrs. T. J. Simmons48 & Sylvester.49 The \"Orbit\"\nis still a fixture on dry land.\nTuesday 25th. Heavy storm of Hail. Edwards winnowing wheat.\n9 Bis. cleaned, remaining hands as yesterday. Dr. Tolmie50 rode\nout to Tlithlilow to choose a site for new house. [Ms. Page 56.]\nV/ednesday 26th. Overcast frequent showers. Oxen in from Tree-\nhatchie for a supply of fodder, two extra hands sent to assist\nthere. Indian axemen in from Tinalquot having split 5000 fence\nrails which is the number required, hands employed as yesterday.\nThursday 27th. Fine partial Sunshine. Chaulifoux previously employed about Fort. Tapou with 4 Indians building Cow Park. Edwards sowing grass seeds. McPhail & gang clearing in swamp.\nYoung making Candles. Indian Sam, lately taken on, harrowing\nwith 2 Oxen, new ground lately ploughed in Swamp. Jollibois still\nsick.\nFriday 28th. Fine mild weather. Chaulifoux beating out old garden Hoes &c. Jollibois building1 a new necessary. Edwards sowing\nvegetable seeds in garden. Tapou & 4 Indians repairing fence\naround large enclosure. McPhail & gang, ditching in Swamp.\nMen & Improvements returned from Treehatchie having completed\noperations there. Dr. Tolmie. rode out to Muck.\nL Agricultural Compan 62\nVictor J. Farrar\nSaturday 29th. Lambing commenced. McPhail & Tapou have\ntaken charge of Fort bands. Indians picked out to assist in the\nPlains, hands employed as yesterday. Mob variously. Mr. Ross\nreports, that he yesterday in the presence of Montgomery & A.\nBeinston51 warned off as trespassers, two Americans J. Lowrie &\n Brownfield,52 who have lately commenced building operations on P. S. Co.'s Lands at Salatats58 place. [Ms. Page 57.]\nSunday 30th. Fine. Agreeable weather. A Schooner named\n\"William Kendall\" belonging to Crosby & Co.54 is reported to have\narrived off Steilacoom.\nMonday 31st. Fine. Chaulifoux jobbing. Jollibois at new convenience. Tapou & gang of 10 Indians fencing a space of ground\nin Swamp Park intended as site for new Stables. McPhail attending Sheep. Edwards hunting for his wife who slipt off last\nnight. Young sick. Indian gang planting Potatoes &c. Oxen\nhauling rails for Sheep Parks. 8 Indians sent out to Mr. Ross, an\naddition of 6 to Indian Gang. 17 bushels Ladies Fingers55 planted.\n2 Ploughs & 1 Harrow at work.\n[April, 1851.]\nTuesday 1st. Fine pleasant weather. Vegetation advancing rapidly.\nChaulifoux beating out Hoes, remaining hands employed as yesterday. Edwards excepted, sowing Oats. Oxen hauling Fence\nrails. Mob variously. A Packet arrived from Victoria in charge\nof J. Pike, who is on his way to Cowlitz to serve as agricultural.\nSat? [Ms. illegible] received the pleasing intelligence that the arrival of the Co. ship \"Una\" must be expected in course of a week\nor two, with a good supply of goods for this place. The \"William\nKendall'\" arrived and anchored off landing. 7 1/2 B. Oats sown to\nday. [Ms. Page 58.]\nWednesday 2d. Fine. Hands employed as yesterday, a packet arrived from Cowlitz. Young still on the sick list.\nThursday 3d. Fine. Chaulifoux & two Indians fixing gate to new\nStable Park. Edwards with gang of Indians delving in garden,\ntwo Indians employed sawing planking, gang of women hoeing\nland in Swamp. Oxen carting home firewood. 5 Bis Peas sown\n& ploughed in.\n51 Adam Beinston, a servant.\n52 Probably Daniel F. Brown\n53 Spelled \"Salatal's\" Plain\nTlilthlow Jo\n54 Owners of the mill at New)\nor Tumwater\n55 A variety of potato. Nisqually Journal\n63\nFriday 4th. Fine all day. Rain toward night. Edwards sowing\nPeas, 4 Bl. in. remaining hands as before. Oxen carting dung.\nJolibois despatched to Victoria with a packet.\nSaturday 5th. Forenoon Rainy. Afternoon Fine. Chaulifoux\nfinishing convenience. Edwards thrashing wheat. Gang employed\nin Swamp. Lambing progressing rapidly. Cowie advancing with\nnew residence at Tlithlilow. Young still sick.\nSunday 6th. Fine Sunny weather.\nMonday 7th. Fine. Chaulifoux finishing necessary. Edwards,\nForenoon sowing Peas. Afternoon employed in garden. Gang at\nwork in Swamp. Ojxen fetching Prele from beach &c &c. 4 1/2\nBis. Peas Sown. [Ms. Page 59.]\nTuesday 8th. Fine. Chaulifoux making door latches. Edwards\nsowing garden seeds. Young putting Store in order. Indian gang\nat work in Swamp. Two Indians handling Hoes, recently purchased from Mr. Simmons. 1 Plough & 2 Horses in charge of Sam\nlent to Mr. J. Ross for 1 day or 2. Indian Jack ploughing in Peas.\n1/2 Bl. Sown. Oxen carting dung to land in Swamp.\nWednesday 9th. Fine. Chaulifoux making window sashes. Edwards employed in garden. Indian gang, men ditching & women\nmaking potato drills in Swamp. Oxen carting dung. 2 Bis. Peas\nsown & ploughed in. Four Indians making good fences.\nThursday 10th. Rain all day. Hands employed as yesterday. Mob\nclearing a fine peace of land in Swamp. Oxen carting dung. 1\nBl Peas sown.\nFriday 11th. Fine clear weather. Chaulifoux at window sashes.\nSix Indians repairing fenceing. Mob clearing in Swamp. Oxen\ncarting dung. Dr. Tolmie rode out to Tlithlilow. Mr. Ross confined to his bed with sickness. Edwards also off duty. Sick, a\nvisit from Dr. Haden & Lieut. Dement.56\nSaturday 12th. Fine all day, towards night signs of rain. Hands\nemployed as yesterday. Oxen carting firewood. A Canoe purchased and sent out to Tlithlilow. Edwards not at work. [Ms.\nPage 60.]\nSunday 13th. Gloomy. Dr. Tolmie rode out to Tlithlilow. Mr.\nRoss slowly recovering, early in the Evening arrived Jolibois &\ncrew from Victoria bringing as passengers Miss L. Work57 & Rev.\nJ. Staines.\ni Wark, daughter of John\n1 Mr. Edward Huggii 64 Victor J. Farrar\nMonday 14th. Morning heavy rain. Afternoon fine partial sunshine. Chaulifoux employed about large house. Edwards resumed\nwork, sowed 2 1/2 Bushels Peas. Young cleaning up Stores.\nIndian gang clearing land in Swamp. A gang of 8 women sent to\nMuck to commence potatoe planting. Oxen sent with a load composed of seed Potatoes & Prele to Tlithlilow, at which place they\nwill remain some days to haul the squared timber for new dwelling\nthere. Dr. Tolmie accompanied by the Revd. Staines rode out to\nSteilacoom.\nTuesday 15th. Fine weather. Hands employed as yesterday. 4\nBis. Oats sown. Dr. Tolmie & Mr. Staines gone on a trip to Newmarket58 per Canoe.\nWednesday 16th. Cloudy, Gloomy weather. Chaulifoux off fo\nCowlitz on his own business. Jolibois reroofing small room adjoining large house. Edwards sowing Peas (1 1/2 Bis. in). Young\nvariously. Indian mob clearing in Swamp, renewed with Sergt.\nHall59 the Exchange of Beef for Pork after the same rate as before. Finished sowing Oats. Quantity sown is 91 bushels. [Ms.\nPage 61.]\nThursday 17th. Fine. Hands employed as yesterday. Dr. Tolmie\nreturned from Newmarket.\nFriday 18th. Fine, Clear weather. Edwards sowing Peas. 5 bis.\nsown. Indian gang clearing in Swamp, two ploughs ploughing in\nPeas. Dr. Tolmie accompanied by Mr. Stains rode out to Tlithlilow.\nSaturday 19th. Fine. Jolibois! jobbing about Fort. Edwards sowing Peas. Indian gang superintended by McPhail making Potatoe\ndrills. Afternoon arrived Mr. Heatling a Company Clerk on his\nway to Victoria.\nSunday 20th. Gloomy with slight showers rain, divine service\nwas performed this morning by the Rev. J. Staines.\nMonday 21st. Fine clear weather. Chaulifoux making window\nsashes. Jollibois squareing timber. Edwards sowing Peas & at\nwork in garden. Gang making Potato drills. Opcen morning hauling pickets. A.noon down after a load of lumber. This afternoon\nMessrs. Staines and Heatling took their departure for Victoria. 6\nB60 Peas sown.\nTuesday 22nd. Cloudy & overcast. Chaulifoux at sashes. Jolibois\nclearing site for new stables. Edwards sowed 3 bl Peas, afterwards\n59 First Sergt. James Hall, Co! M, 1st Artillery, TT. S. A. of Fort Steilacoom Nisqually Journal\n65\nat work in garden. Mob making drills. A gang of eight in charge\nof Gohomee61 making good fences. Oxen brining [bringing] lumber from store on beach. [Ms. Page 62.]\nWednesday 23rd. Fine a strong wind blowing from S. West.\nChaulifoux as before. Jolibois repairing roof to Shearing house.\nSqually62 with 6 Indians making good fences. Edwards sowing\nPeas & jobbing in garden. Five Indians sawing Planking. Gang\nmaking Potatoe drill in Swamp. Oxen took a load of lumber out\nto Tlithlilow. Pere Leclaire has been residing here the last three\ndays. An old Indian woman murdered at Sastuc, she was found\nshot through the head, in a lake at the back of house at Sastuc,\nshe was employed as a grass cutter to A. Beinston, perpetrator, as\nyet unknown. 2 1/2 Bl Peas sown.\nThursday 24th. Fine. Chaulifoux making sashes. Joilbois pulling\ndown old Stables. Edwards sowed the patch of ground in American\nplain63 with 3 1/2 bushels peas, ploughs at work at same piece.\nMcPhail & gang breaking up land in swamp, nine Indians setting\nup fencing, two hands delving in garden, wagon broke down this\nmorning coming up hill with a load of grass, rendered useless for\nthe rest of day. four hands draining in Swamp.\nFriday 25th. Fine. Chaulifoux as before. Jolibois with six hands\ncommenced rebuilding Stables. Edwards in garden. Mob Forenoon pulling down & removeing old stables. A noon in Swamp,\nploughs breaking up land where cattle park formerly stood. Oxen\noff to Tlithlilow with a load of Shingles. A visit from Dr. Haden\n& Major Goldsboro. received from the latter gentleman the intelligence that a port of Entry has been established at the City of\nOlympia. finished sowing Peas. Total quantity of Bushels sown\n47 3/4. [Ms. Page 63.]\nSaturday 26th. Gloomy, signs of rain. Hands employed as before.\nEdwards again on sick list. Dr. Tolmie rode out to Steilacoom &\npaid a visit to the Brig \"Una\" lying some two or three miles below\nSteilacoom, waiting for the arrival of the Customs Collector.\nSunday 27th. Fine, this afternoon arrived the \"Una\" and anchored off landing. Captain Sangster is present master. Last evening\nJohn Ross arrived per Canoe from Victoria bringing a packet. 66\nVictor J. Farrar\nMonday 28th. Chaulifoux at window sashes. Jolibois with Indians\ncommenced building new Stables for Oxen. Young with Indians\nunloading Una. all out of her but the Salt. A gang in charge of\nSqually setting up fences. Edwards & McPhail with Indian gang\nplanting Potatoes in Swamp. 12 bushels planted, ploughs ploughing up old Cow park. Oxen hauling fence rails, two hands sawing\nplanking.\nTuesday 29th. Fine. Chaulifoux & Jollibois employed as before.\nYoung with Indians finished unloading \"Una\", remaining hands as\nbefore.\nWednesday 30th. Fine summer weather. Edwards employed hi\ngarden. McPhail & Co. planting Potatoes in Swamp 11 1/2 B\nplanted. Mr. Ross & party in with a band of horses for shipment\n\"Una\". Dr. Tolmie rode out to Steilacoom to visit the sick there,\nDr. Haden being absent.\n[To be continued.] BOOK REVIEWS\nHistory of the San Francisco Committe of Vigilance of 1851. By\nMary Floyd Williams.. (Berkeley: University of California\nPress, 1921. Pp. 543. $5.00.)\nPapers of the San Francisco Committee of Vigilance of 1851.\nEdited by Mary Floyd Williams. (Berkeley: University of\nCalifornia Press, 1919. Pp. 906 $5.00.)\nCalifornia has had a history quite as dramatic and colorful\nas that of any other State in the Union. The frenzy and excitment\nfollowing the great gold rush of 1849 called into being the Vigilance\nCommittee of 185L The work accomplished was vigorous and\neffective as against wrong-doers. Since that time it has been a\nlive theme of conversation and writing by Californians everywhere.\nAs may be easily inferred from the above titles, the records\nare now set forth in type for the enlightenment of the present\nreader and for the use of all future historians. The larger of\nthe two books contains the minutes, miscellaneous papers, financial\naccounts and vouchers of the Committee. The volume is thoroughly indexed making the mine of information quickly available. This\nwork is Volume 4 of the \"Publications of the Academy of Pacific\nCoast History.\"\nThe other volume is a history based upon the documents mentioned above and upon other prime sources. The author records\none source of her inspiration for the monumental work on the\ndedicatory page as follows: \"To the memory of my father, Edward\nC. Williams, a Lieutenant in Stevenson's Regiment and a loyal\ncitizen of California from 1847 to 1913.\" In addition to inspiration\nMiss Williams has had an abundance of intelligent industry. Her\nbooks will live and serve.\nOn page 416, we read: \"During the years 1855 to 1870 gold\nrushes like that of 1849 sent prospectors by the thousands into\nIdaho, Montana, Eastern Washington, and Oregon.\" These experiences are briefly discussed and other references to the north-\nlands are made. The great bulk of the book, of course, deals with\nCalifornia. This work is Volume 12 of the \"University of California Publications in History.\" Professor Herbert E. Bolton is\nthe general editor of both series of publications.\nEdmond S. Meany.\n(67) 68 Book R>\nSketches of Butte, from Vigilante Days to Prohibition. By George\nWesley Davis. (Boston: The Cornhill Company, 1921. Pp.\n179. $1.75.)\nMr. Davis is a much travelled man and has lived in many\ncities. Yet his life interests have centered in Butte. He is an\nartist in many lines, a painter, and a musician. Others of equal\nknowledge might have written chapters like these. He is the only\ncompetent one that we feel would have done so. The book is true,\nbut not all the truth. Many of the shady colors are sketched. The\nbrighter tints are not depicted in proportion.\nWe are not finding fault with Mr. Davis on account of these\nlimitations. We wish that the book were three times as long and\nthat he had added the remaining part of the spectrum. But this\nwas not Mr. Davis' thought. As we have said he is an artist and\ncriticism should be from the art standpoint. The book is not description. It is not analysis. It is not economic. It sketches. It\nis an impressionistic presentation of certain incidents, certain\ncharacteristics presented as a picture not delineated as a narrative.\nIt is an artist's book,\nJohn F. DaviEs.\nThe Fur Trade of America. By AgnES Laut. (New York: The\nMacmillan Company, 1921. Pp. 341. $6.00.)\nKings of the Missouri. By Hugh Pendexter. (Indianapolis.\nThe Bobbs-Merrill Company, 1921, Pp. 360. $1.75.)\nThe literature of the fur trade is growing apace. Since the\npublication of H. M. Chittenden's The American Fur Trade of\nthe Far West, however,.no similar work has been attempted. That\nwork remains the most substantial and trustworthy history of\nthe fur trade period of 1803 to 1847. The new literature treats\nfor the most part of various detached events and limited periods.\nThe volumes under review make no pretention of adding to\nthe hisrorial knowledge of the fur trade period. Miss Agnes\nLaut, in The Fur Trade of America, has confined herself, in fact,\nalmost wholly to the present day fur industry. She has compiled\nfrom many sources a manual of the fur business. The book is\nwell written and furnishes many facts for all who buy, sell, or\nwear furs. Some of the leading topics are: Transfer of the fur\nmarkets of the world to America; false furs and fake trade names; Paul Bunyan Comes West\n69\nfur farming; the dyeing and dressing of furs; fur sales; laws\nfor the protection of fur game animals. The amount of information supplied by this volume is so great that it is hard to understand why an index was not supplied. Many will be surprised\nto learn from this book that the supply of dressed furs is not\ndecreasing, but actually increasing from year to year.\nThe Kings of the Missouri is a novel of the fur trade, opening\nin the year 1831. Real and fictitious characters mix in a grand\nmelee of traffic, love, and breathless adventure. The volume has\nmerit, doubtless, as a vivid picture of the fur trade days.\nCharles W. Smith.\nPaul Bunyan Comes West. By Ida Virginia Turney. (Eugene\nOregon: University of Oregon Press, 1920, Pp. 34. $1.00.)\nThis interesting pamphlet is purely a local product. It is\nmade up of Paul Bunyan stories, collected by students in English\nat the University of Oregon, and illustrated by the students in\ndesign at the same institution. The stories might be termed a\nPuget Sound cycle, since most of the exploits narrated center\nabout this region. Paul Bunyan is the hero, demi-god, and super-\njack of the lumber camp. He has come west with the lumber\nindustry, growing in stature and power and skill. It is doubtful\nif the limit to his marvellous powers will be reached until the\nlumber jacks have cut down the last stick of timber in the Western\nforests. Long life to this master woodsman and suitable recognition in the literature of the frontier!\nTrailmakers of the Northwest. By Paul Leland Haworth.\n(New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1921, Pp. 277.\n$2.50 net.)\nThe author dates his preface from \"Eastover West Newton,\nIndiana.\" He has previously published such books as On the\nHeadwaters of Peace River, George Washington: Farmer, The\nUnited States in Our Own Times, 1865-1920. Most of the present\nvolume is devoted to the Canadian Northwest and the fur trade.\nHis first chapter is headed: \"The Beaver and His Wonderful\nWorks and How the Demand for His Fur Led to Great Discoveries.\" Chapter XIV., tells \"How Amundsen Made the Northwest\nPassage.\"\nIt has a peculiar present interest in Seattle since the great 70 Book Reviews\nexplorer is making his headquarters in this city during the winter\n1921-1922 preparatory to his sailing for the North Pole. Mr.\nHaworth's chapter covers pages 226 to 340. It gives a sympathetic\naccount of Amundsen's great achievement of the Northwest Passage in 1905, mentiones his discovery of the South Pole on December 15, 1911, and closes as follows: \"Among modem explorers\nAmundsen takes equal rank with our own immortal Peary. He is\na man of great humanity, strong yet gentle. In the recent Great\nWar he returned to Germany all the decorations bestowed upon him\nby that country. He did not wish, he said, to be honored by a\ncountry guilty of such barbarities. All honor to the noble Norwegian !\"\nOregon, Her History, Her Great Men, Her Literature. By John\nB. Horner. (Portland, Oregon: The J. K. Gill Company,\n1921, Pp. 366. $2.00 net.)\nThis is a revised and enlarged edition of the author's book\nwhich the Oregon Legislature commended most cordially by a\njoint resolution dated February 25, 1919. It is wholly an Oregon\nproduct. The author has lived in the State for more than half a\ncentury; the many beautiful illustrations were engraved by the\nHicks-Chatten Engraving Company, of Portland; the printing\nand binding were done by the James, Kerns & Abbott Company, of\nPortland; and the publishers are the famous old book men, also\nof Portland.\nThe author has compiled an abundance of material which he\nhas prepared in a way to attract many readers, especially young\nones. He has omitted a bibliography and uses only a few foot\nnotes. However, he says in the preface: \"The task of preparing\nthis publication has been hopefully pursued with one advantage\nover its predecessors\u00E2\u0080\u0094the opportunity of gleaning the choicest from\nall of them.\" The book has a helpful index and an inserted map\nof the State, specially printed for this issue.\nMaritime History of Massachusetts, 1783-1860. By Samuel Eliot\nMorison. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1921, Pp.\n.401.)\nWhile preparing this work, the author favored the Washington Historical Quarterly with a chapter from his researches entitled: \"Boston Traders in Hawaiian Islands, 1789-1823\", which Report of the Director of the National Park Service 71\nappeared in the issue for July, 1921. From that introduction,\nreaders in the Pacific Northwest will be prepared for a delightful\nfeast in this beautiful volume. The author is of the history staff\nat Harvard University. The style and purpose of the present\nwork is best told by Mr. Morison himself in his preface as\nfollows: \"Here is no catalogue of ships, reader, nor naval chronicle, but a story of maritime enterprise; of the shipping, seaborne\ncommerce, whaling, and fishing belonging to one American commonwealth. I have chosen to catch the story at half flood, when\nMassachusetts vessels first sought Far-Eastern waters, and to stay\nwith it only so long as wind and sail would serve. For to one\nwho has sailed a clipper ship, even in fancy, all later modes of\nocean carriage must seem decadent.\"\nThere is interest in every chapter and every picture but Pacific\nNorthwest readers will turn quickest to chapters IV. and V.\n\"Pioneers of the Pacific\" and \"The Northwest Fur Trade\" and\nto chapter XXI. \"Oh! California.\" Here are found many familiar\nnames and such pictures as \"Captain Gray Ashore at Whampoa\",\n\"Ship Columbia Attacked by Indians in Juan de Fuca Strait\", and\n\"The Ship Boston Taken by the Savages at Nootka Sound, March\n22, 1803.\"\nFootnotes, bibliography and an index add greatly to the value\nof the work. The people of Hawaii and the Far East will surely\nappreciate the volume quite as much as those on the Pacific Coast of\nAmerica.\nReport of the Director of the National Park Service to June 30,\n1921. By Stephen T. Mather. (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1921, Pp. 306.)\nThis fifth annual report, like its predecessors, covers all the\nnational parks- and is chiefly interesting to readers in the State\nof Washington on account of its information about Mount Rainier\nNational Park. Director Mather gives a review of the year's\nwork and discusses improvements needed. In the appendix, pages\n213 to 222, greater details are given in the report by W. H. Peters,\nSuperintendent of Mount Rainier National Park. The book is well\nworth saving by all who favor the care and use of these wonder\nplaces and playgrounds of the people. 72 Book Reviews\nA History of Minnesota. By William Watts FolwELL. (Saint\nPaul: Minnesota Historical Society, 1921, Pp. 533.)\nThis is the first volume of the promised four-volume work\non Minnesota's history. The author is President Emeritus of the\nUniversity of Minnesota. He says that he wrote an historical\nsketch for the Jubilee number of a local newspaper. This led to\nan invitation to write a volume for the \"American Commonwealth\"\nseries. That resulted in the preparation of a greatly enlarged manuscript which he offered to the Minnesota Historical Society saying: \"I thought that I might thus crown a long life of public\nservice by a much-needed contribution to the historical literature\nof the state which has given me a home for more than fifty years.\"\nSolon J .Buck, Superintendent of the Society, in an editor's\nintroduction says: \"For over seventy years the Minnesota Historical Society has been garnering the materials for the history of the\nstate. As a result of Dr. Folwell's industry and generosity, the\nsociety now has the privilege of publishing a four-volume History\nof Minnesota based in large part on those materials. The present\nvolume deals with the period of beginnings\u00E2\u0080\u0094the span of almost two\ncenturies from the coming of the first white men to the organization\nof Minnesota as a state in 1857.\"\nIt is pleasant to note how the love and respect for history is\nfruiting in a sister State. Mr. Buck says friends may obtain\ncopies of the book as long as the supply lasts through membership\nin the Minnesota Historical Society.\nExcavation of a Site at Santiago Ahvitzotla, -Federal District of\nMexico. By Alfred M. Tozzer. (Washington: Government\nPrinting Office, 1921, Pp. 56 and plates.)\nThe Aztecs and Toltecs are always interesting to ethnologists\nand historians. This Bulletin 74 of the Bureau of American Ethnology adds a valuable chapter to the general theme. The numerous high grade illustrations enhance the value of the report.\nFirearms in American History. By Charles WinThrop Sawyer.\n(Boston: The Cornhill Company. Pp.237. $4.00.)\nOur Rifles, 1800 to 1920. By Charles Winthrop Sawyer. (Boston: The Cornhill Company, 1920. Pp. 409. $4.50.)\nThese are works in a general series entitled \"The Firearms in The Hoover War Collection 73\nAmerican History Series,\" published by The Cornhill Company.\nThey do not fall in the particular field of this Quarterly but are\nhere mentioned for the sake of such readers as are sportsmen, officers or men in service or inventors. The books are well printed\nand profusely illustrated.\nThe Hoover War Collection. By E. D. Adams. (Stanford University, California: Stanford University Press, 1921. Pp. 82).\nProfessor Adams here gives a report and an analysis of the important work indicated by the title. Mr. Herbert C. Hoover, a\nStanford alumnus, has given his own collection of manuscripts, pamphlets, books, placards, etc., pertaining to the World War and in\nApril 1919, he cabled the gift of $50,000 to make additions. \"The\nlimit of fifty thousand dollars has since been removed by the generous donor.\" Stanford University will become one of the greatest\ncenters in which to study the history of the World War.\nOther Books Received\nClark, Sam H. Custer and the Last West. (Bismarck, N. D.:\nPrinted by Humphrys and Moule, 1921. Pp. 19.)\nCorthell, Roland. On the Sidewalk. (Boston: Cornhill Publishing Company, 1921. Pp. 61. $1.50.)\nHarrington, M. R. Religion and Ceremonies of the Lenape.\n(New York: Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, 1921. Pp. 249.)\nJackson, F. J. Foanes. An Introduction to the History of Christianity, A. D. 590-1314. (New York: Macmillan, 1921.\nPp. 390.)\nPennsylvania Society. Yearbook, 1921. (New York: The\nSociety, 1921. Pp. 166.)\nPiTTmon's Portland Official Guide. (Portland: Mrs. Armena\nPittmon, Publisher, 1921. Pp. 254. 50 cents.)\nPuget Sound Conference op the Methodist Episcopal Church.\nJournal and Yearbook of the Thirty-eighth Annual Session.\n(Aberdeen, Wash.: R. C. Hartley, Secretary, 1921. Pp. 179.)\nSkinner, Alanson. Notes on Iroquois Archeology. (New York:\n> Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, 1921.\nPp. 216.) 74 Book Reviews\nTwitchell, Anna Spencer. With Star and Grass. (Boston:\nCornhill Publishing Company, 1921. Pp. 59. $1.50.)\nWashington Bankers' Association. Proceedings of the Twenty-\nsixth Annual Convention. (Ritzville: The Association, W. H.\nMartin, Secretary, 1921. Pp. 135.)\nWashington State Pharmaceutical Association. Proceedings\nof the Thirty-second Annual Session. (Seattle: The Association, A. W. Linton, Secretary, 1921. Pp. 72.)\nWisconsin Historical Society. Proceedings of the Sixty-eighth\nAnnual Meeting, 1920. (Madison: The Society, 1921. Pp.\n191.) PACIFIC NORTHWEST AMERICANA\nRegional Bibliography\nWith the growth in the aggregate number of printed books, the\nneed for specialization in book collection has become increasingly\napparent. Librarians are giving serious thought to various methods\nof coordination, involving a more careful definition of scope and\na limitation of field.\nA similar need is apparent in bibliographic enterprise. Important national bibliographies have failed of completion because of\nthe difficulties of adequately covering a large field. One need\nonly cite the monumental bibliographies of Evans and Sabin to\nillustrate the magnitude of an inclusive list of books published in\nor about America.\nCharles Evans' American Bibliography was planned to furnish\na chronological list of material printed in America down to and\nincluding the year 1820. Eighteen years have brought forth eight\nfolio volumes recording more than 25,000 titles and the record\nhas been completed only through the year 1792. The last volume\nlists the output of but three years. With the increasing number\nof publications from this date forward, some idea can be formed\nof the task yet remaining of the author's goal of 1820 is to be\nreached.\nJoseph Sabin undertook, in his Biblioteca Americana, to give\nan alphabetical list of books relating to America down \"to the\npresent time\". Publication began in 1868 and was suspended in\n1892 in the middle of the letter S. Although much effort has\nbeen expended toward the completion of this splendid work, nearly\nthirty years have passed without the addition of a single volume.\nThe task of completion, moreover, is constantly increasing with\nthe accumulation of books printed since the compiler's death.\nFuture development in America bibliography, lies obviously\nin subdivision and specialization. Some limitation must be made\nif important projects are to be financed and completed within\nreasonable limits of time. In the United States several excellent\nbibliographies have been made covering single states of the Union.\nMost of the states, however, are without adequate state bibliographies nor could a series of individual state bibliographies be unreservedly recommended. The amount of duplication in titles and\neffort would be extreme.\n(75) 76 Pacific Northwest Americana\nLibrarians in the Pacific Northwest have but followed the\nlogic of the situation in preparing a bibliography of the literature\nof a large area having historical and geographical unity.1 Most\nof the fundamental source items for the history of Washington\nare identical with the source items for the history of Oregon, and\nmany of these same titles would prove just as essential in a bibliography of Idaho, Montana, or British Columbia. The regional bibliography serving adequately each political division therein affords\na happy compromise between a laggard national bibliography and\na shelf full of state lists each in a large measure duplicating the\nothers. The cooperative method, moreover, which has in this\ninstance been employed, served to hasten the completion of the\nwork and to reduce the expense involved. The usefulness as well as\nthe completeness of the list was augmented by combining the\ntitles from fifteen contributing libraries into one union list, indicating at the same time the location of all copies recorded.\nNew Items for the Checklist\nOne result of the recent publication of a Checklist of Pacific\nNorthwest Americana has been the bringing to light of additional\ntitles and editions. While new books will be published from time\nto time, especial interest will attach to the locating and listing of the\nolder and rarer material. Such unregistered items should be\nreported to the compiler of the Checklist.\nOne such item recently obtained by a contributor is an abridged\nedition of George Vancouver's Voyages, translated into German by\nM. C. Sprengel and published in 1799, the year after its first\nappearance in English. This prompt translation illustrates the\neager thirst for geographical knowledge in the early years following\nthe French Revolution.\nAnother more recent title has been added to the list of Pacific\nNorthwest Americana: The Shenandoah; or, The Last Confederate Cruiser, by Cornelius E. Hunt, one of her officers. (New\nYork: Carleton, 1867. Pp 273.) This volume recounts the exploits\nof a confederate expedition designed to destroy the New England\nwhaling fleet off the Northwest Coast of America. The book\nrecords the capture of thirty-eight prizes, most of them whaling\nk. t1 P<^S? S011?}\u00E2\u0084\u00A2'* Americana: Achecklist of books and pamphlets relating to the\nn!fl\u00C2\u00B0\u00E2\u0080\u009E7 , ,oo, Sf oSJv\"1\"^1^ Pon\u00C2\u00AB,Uea by Charles W. Smith. (New Tory: H. W. Wilson Auction Prices of Western Americana\n77\nvessels take off from the coast of Alaska. The frontispiece pictures\nthe Shenandoah towing prisoners from three burning whaling vessels in Bering Straits, June 25, 1865, or some ten weeks after\nLee's surrender at Appomatox.\nAuction Prices of Western Americana\nBuyers in Western America have taken unusual interest in\nthe sales of Western Americana at the Anderson Galleries in New\nYork on November 28 and 29, 1921. Many standard titles and\nsome unusual items were offered. The prices realized on the\nformer were in a number of instances well under the second hand\nmarket. The rarer books and pamphlets brought prices well beyond\nthe reach of the average buyer. The following prices illustrate\nthe tendency in both directions:\nAssociation de la propagation de la f oi. Notice.\nChecklist 122 $130.00\nBurnett, Old Pioneer. Checklist 541 9.50\nCanfield, Report on Northern Pacific Railroad. Not in Checklist 145.00\nDunn, Oregon Territory. Checklist 1059.... 6.50\nEells, Hymns in Chinook. Checklist 1092__ 8.25\nGrover, Oregon Archives. Checklist 1552 160.00\nHewitt, Across the Plains. Checklist 1665.. 18.00\nLee and Frost, Ten Years in Oregon. Checklist 1092 4.00\nThorn, Claims to the Oregon Territory. Checklist 3971 1.00\nThe outstanding feature of the sale was the offering of the\nFort Sutter Papers, recently discovered after more than a half\ncentury of search. These valuable documents neatly bound in\n39 folio volumes brought the respectable sum of $8,450.00.\nUnion List of Canadian Books\nThe Quarterly is in receipt of a mimeographed \"List of Canadian Books contained in the Victoria Public Library and the Provincial Library, Victoria, B. C\". This list of 42 folio pages is classified\nby subject. Eleven pages are devoted to books on History, while\nmuch additional material of similar nature is to be found under\nthe heads of \"Travel\", and \"Biography\". Items are located in\neach or both of the Victoria libraries. NEWS DEPARTMENT\nHistorical Association Meeting.\nThe annual meting of the Pacific Coast Branch of the American Historical Association was held in Portland, Oregon, November\n25 and 26th, Professor Robert Carlton Clark, of the University of\nOregon, presiding.\nDuring the Friday session papers were read by Miss Olive\nKuntz, of Reed College, who received a Ph. D. degree in History\nat the University of Washington last year and Professor Richard\nF. Scholz, now President of Reed College, who had been for the\npast two years Professor of Ancient History in the University of\nWashington.\nThe Association adopted a resolution in which it voiced approval of the plan for a reduction of armament offered by Mr.\nHughes, Secretary of State; and expressed their hope for a settlement of future international disputes \"by orderly process rather\nthan by the destructive and irrational methods of war\". The\nAssociation also adopted a resolution endorsing the movement for\nthe reconstruction of the old Hudson Bay Stockade at Vancouver,\nWashington.\nThe University of Washington was represented at this meeting\nby Professor Oliver H. Richardson and Professor Henry S. Lucas.\nFor the year 1921-22 Professor Payson Jackson Treat, of Stanford University, was elected President. To the Council of the Association were added Professor Henry S. Lucas, of the University of\nWashington and Dr. Olive Kuntz, of Reed College.\nSearching County Records.\nThe time is coming when the official records at county court\nhouses in the Pacific Northwest will be carefully searched for\ngenealogical and historical information. Newspapers, pamphlets\nand memories of pioneers have thus far furnished the main sources\nfor research. County, city and state archives slowly grow in the '\nmeantime. It has been the same way in the older communities\nwhere many studies of the official records are now being made.\nOne interesting evidence of this condition is The County Court\nNote-Book, published at Bethesda, Montgomery County, Maryland.\nVolume I., No. 1 of this \"Little Bulletin of History and Genealogy\"\n(78) Memorial Treei\nhas just been received by this Quarterly. The editor is Mrs. Mil-\nnor Ljungstedt. Her program is that of an earnest, intelligent and\nindustrious gleaner in out-of-the-way corners for items that will\nserve both causes of genealogy and history. The work is now being done in the counties bordering both sides of the Mason and\nDixon Line, although the editor has formerly searched similar records in other states. The little journal costs but one dollar a year.\nMemorial Trees.\nArmistice Day bids fair to become a great tree-planting day in\nAmerica. Here in the Northwest educational institutions have all\nobserved that feature of the anniversary by planting trees in memory of former students and graduates who gave their lives in the\nWorld War. By far the greatest effort in that line in 1921 was\nthe beginning made on the planting of one thousand elms along\nthe highway between Seattle and Tacoma. The beauty of the years\nheld in such an achievement is different to anticipate at the time of\nplanting the trees.\nNinety-first Birthday.\nEzra Meeker, famous as the marker of the Oregon Trail, had\na public celebration of his ninety-first birthday in Seattle on December 29, 1921. The Borrowed Time Club members were special\nguests. The occasion was made memorable by several happy\nspeeches and the singing of old-time songs.\nInterest in Idaho History.\nMr. John S. Richards, Librarian of the Idaho Technical Institute, Pocatello, and Miss Gantt, City Librarian of the same place,\ntook the initiative to centralize the local interest in history. A meeting was assembled and enough interest was manifested to go ahead\nwith the efforts, which may result in the foundation of a branch\nof the Idaho State Historical Society. They have begun to collect\nmanuscripts and other materials of historical value.\nHistorical Relic at Whitman College.\nDr. Howard R. Keylor, a member of the Board of Overseers\nof Whitman College, has presented the museum of that institution\nan interesting relic. The Whitman College Pioneer describes it as\nthe swivel end of a brass howitzer which was used by the Oregon 80 News Department\nvolunteers in 1848 to punish the Indians, who had taken part in the\nWhitman massacre. It is said that the howitzer blew up killing\ntwo men by the explosion. The fragment was found by Gilbert\nBlue on the Keylor ranch near Whitman Station.\nGift of Books\nMrs. Sabina Morton, widow of the late General Charles Morton, U. S. A., has presented to the University of Washington library\na number of books from General Morton's library. They are mainly technical volumes and will be of distinct service to the Department of Military Instruction. \"Principal Articl^in ^ *\n' '\u00E2\u0096\u00A0\u00E2\u0096\u00A0\u00C2\u00A3 Volumes I-X\n(Sec issue for Ortobei, 1919)\n^.tVOBOME XI ,\n[ The Voyage of the\"-Hop\u00E2\u0082\u00AC_ _____: A\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0096\u00A0____________.\u00E2\u0080\u0094_-__\u00E2\u0096\u00A0__\u00C2\u00AB..\u00E2\u0096\u00A0 M\".-\"--/o\u00C2\u00AB/_.y j\nJ~?rancis Heron, F.ur^Trader: Other Herons____-_\"__:\u00E2\u0080\u0094_-!_:fPV/hVi\u00C2\u00BBr 5\". L'nvis J\n[-Death .of EI O S S-holetif-IJ C B hi ji -> I\nfeljion&r.' and Historical. Societies of. .Washington.::. . -\u00E2\u0080\u0094Victor J.-Farrar :\".\n'Origin of-Washington Geographic Names *'V -_^____- __Brf\u00C2\u00BBiond 5 Meaiiv\nI^eoplrong ,o\u00C2\u00A3 the Russian-Ame ican ConvenUon of 1824 Victor J Farrar^\nI Beginning ot .Mission Work in; Alas! a William S Holt\nDavid Thompson's Journeys m -Idaho\u00E2\u0080\u0094:\u00E2\u0080\u0094_:-_\u00E2\u0080\u0094_\u00E2\u0080\u0094_-___\u00E2\u0080\u0094_\u00E2\u0080\u0094__-T.-C Ellwtt\n'\u00E2\u0096\u00A0 \u00C2\u00A3john Wo'rk's Journal of a Trip trom-Fort.Colville to Fort\n~_L y-arlcouver and Retuin in 1^3is__If//a; S Ltl v md fatob A. ALvo*\n. Shtphiiildmg--in the^Pacjffi Northwest_--_--__--__--__-__-/-e/h \\nBibliography of the Anthropology; of \".the Puget Sound Indians\u00E2\u0080\u0094_\u00E2\u0080\u00A2_-__\u00E2\u0096\u00A0_ -J\n|f >-.j:__i::___\"_______________-______I:_____________-_ id Leechmm |\n'\" ^VOLUME XIL - .\n\u00C2\u00A3Authorship,:ofc-.the-Anonvmous Account,of Captain Cook's-Last Voyage. \u00E2\u0080\u00A2\n-\u00E2\u0080\u00A2 - - _-_i=i--- - _\u00E2\u0096\u00A0_-__ '\u00E2\u0080\u0094- F. W. Ili'^uy I\nOrigin of .ISfeshiflgton Oe6gr^^^^^^s^^^^^^^p^^^t2^^^^-^^\nL'Joseph Line McDonald .md the Pimlusi \"ot Alasl a Vutnr / Fa>ui>\nBiblmt.rrphj ot Raihoads, in tin T itiii\u00C2\u00AB NorthwesT Ujrwi ( j/-\nII Facts A bout' Gc-Lirye \"Wa jhnn,t<\u00C2\u00ABn ~__ J -Juriits T Twurt\n^Boston Trades iu\"H.iv'.uidii Tslandi,, 17S mdi\ d m The Mju-uhu I\nSubject-;Index- Tht- curicnt subscription-pine 's ^2\^ p.\\n' '_\u00C2\u00A7,5I J-\nUMi'b \"Jeanette Paddock.Nichols, a, student.of\n.' *\'Columbia University-. New York, .while work-'\ning among historic documents-at Washington.\\n:. D.VC ,7;in preparing--av-histoiy of- j^laska;: came\"\n*\u00E2\u0096\u00A0\u00E2\u0096\u00A0 upon :i u_h _lof.e of information about Seattle\nand the Klondike Through the couites\ of\n~ \"Mr Waldo G. Leland of the Department 'of ,|\nr ; Historical Research, Carnegie:j-Institution Vof\n\u00E2\u0080\u00A2\u00E2\u0096\u00A0- Washington, an article on. that subject was\nfo: v. aided to tlu_ Quarterly - /\n' CG:-.Ii\". Andrews, -w-hor-contributes. the interest- -,\nf mg 11 title a'bout'the first wieck on the shores\n,'.; \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 of. \\ hat is now the State -of Washington, :is\"-\nwell known to readers of this Quarterly/ He J\n- - has furnislied for. its'pages a number 6\u00C2\u00A3 articles\n[ .- on the history of Alaska. *jS\nr flTlie new department\u00E2\u0080\u0094Pacific .-.^Northwest.\n'\u00C2\u00BB Americana\u00E2\u0080\u0094should pn >ve of special'interest\n|* and \dlue to collectors of lare items and to\n' librarians throughout the special- region cm-\"\nCVoltune XIII , beginning with tins issue, will -'\n: be; richer in content \"and. service .1 elide red than T\nany. of it_ predecessors if earnest care and---\n\u00E2\u0080\u00A2>\u00E2\u0096\u00A0* effort by-the editois can make it so 3\u00C2\u00A3assf)mgton Historical <\u00C2\u00A9uarterfn\nContributing Ccitora\nClarence B. BA<_fig\u00C2\u00A3 Seattle H. B. McElroy, Olympia\nT. C. Elliott, Walla Walla Edward McMahon, Seattle\nFrank A. Golder, Pullman F; W. Howay,\nWilliam S. Lewis, Spokane New Westminster, B. C.\nO. B. Sperlin, Tacoma\n.Managing Cbitor\nEDMOND S. MEANY\n3_-U\u00C2\u00A3>tne\u00C2\u00A3tf manager-'^^^M\nCHA__i_^S.#;:^MITH\nsateak-xm. no. 2\nAPRIL, 1922\nISSUED QUARTERLY\nTwo Dollars per Year\nContent*\nFt W. no WAY. .*.>^^^_^Si/TH_S*Xoss of the \"Tonqul\nVICTOR J. FARRAR . . . . .;4jj6' Backgronnd o\n1 MacDonald\nEDWARD McMAHO^j!|fcvj... James Bryce, a Tribute\nCHRISTINA M. M. WILLIAMS A Daughter\n\"YAKIMA HERALI\u00C2\u00A5\u00C2\u00BBpp^v-.. .Yakima Remlnl_cence4^^^^.-^^^^^^S\nEDMOM) S. MEAN**jf\u00C2\u00BB7~ Origin of Washington Geographic Names.\nDOCUMENTS\u00E2\u0080\u0094The NisquaUy Journal, Edited by Victor J. Farrar\t\nBOOK REVIEWS -i-^^_?^fe-^^^^rfe^^&fo^^^'^^^^^^^\nPACIFIC NORTHWEST AMEBICAlf^^f-S^Ecv^i^lr^*^^^-.*\nNEWS DEPARTMENT , . \u00E2\u0080\u00A2'\"\u00E2\u0096\u00A0'i^^^^^i^^^^^^^^^^^^^^.\n. THE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY\nSTATE HISTQ-!J|\u00C2\u00A3AL SOCIE^^^T\nUniversity Sta$\u00C2\u00A3dJ\u00C2\u00A7^?3\n-: SEATTLE, i^mM&\nContributing Cbitorg\nClarence B. Bagley, Seattle H. B. McElroy, Olympia\nT. C. Elliott, Walla Walla Edward McMahon, Seattle\nFrank A. Golder, Pullman F. W. Howay,\nWilliam S. Lewis, Spokane New Westminster, B. C.\nO. B. Sperlin, Tacoma\n-Managing Cbitor\nEDMOND S. MEANY\nPuginess -Manager\nCHARLES W. SMITH\nVOL. XIII. NO. 2\nAPRIL, 1922\nISSUED QUARTERLY\nTwo Dollars per Year\nContents\nF. W. HOWAY The Loss of the \"Tonquin\" \t\nI J. FARRAR The Background of the Purchase of\nCHRISTINA M. M. WILLIAMS A Daughter of Angus MacDonald \t\nLOT\nEDMOND S. MEANY Origin of Washington Geographic Names. .\nt__\nDOCUMENTS\u00E2\u0080\u0094The Nisqually Journal, Edited by Victor J. Farrar\t\n181\nNEWS DEPARTMENT \t\n\u00C2\u00ABK\nTHE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY\nSTATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY\nUniversity Station\nSEATTLE, WASHINGTON\nSeattle, Washington, under the\n: of Congress of July 3\n. the Postoffice i QHje Wa&tyn&ton WLnibttxity\nMatt Historical B>otizty\nOfficers and Board of Trustees\nClarence B. Bagley, President\nJudge John P. Hoyt, Vice-President\nJudge Roger S. Greene, Treasurer\nJudge Thomas Burke\nJudge Cornelius H. Haneord\nSamuel Hill\nProfessor Edmond S. Meany, Secretary\nUniversity of Washington Press VOL. XIII., No. 2\nApril, 1922\nMastfnngton historical dguarterlp\nTHE LOSS OF THE TONQUIN\nThe Tonquin sailed from Astoria on the 5th of June, 1811. She\nnever returned. Within three months rumors were current on the\nColumbia that a vessel had been seized and destroyed by the natives\nof Vancouver Island, and by degrees suspicion strengthened into\nconviction that this was the Tonquin. It was not, however, until\nabout the Sth of August, 1812, that the fact was verified by the story\ntold to the Astorians by- the interpreter, Lamayzie. At the outset\nit may be remarked that we have only Lamayzie's own statement to\nprove that he was really there and was the interpreter; for he was\nnot on the ship when she left Astoria, but was picked up, either at\nGrays Harbor or at Woody Point, near Nootka Sound. The accounts conflict, but there is little doubt that he belonged to Grays\nHarbor. At first blush an interpreter from Grays Harbor would\nseem of little value amongst the Indians of Vancouver Island; unless an accomplished linguist he would speak the Chehalis or the\nChinook language, while they would speak the Coast Salish, the Aht,\nor the Kwakiutl language. According to Franchere (English edition, p. 179), it appears that he could not speak Chinook. To understand how great are the differences between these various languages\nthe reader need only glance at Dawson and Tolmie's Comparative\nVocabularies of the Indies! Tribes, Montreal, 1884. The story,\nhaving difficulties enough in itself, this initial question is passed\nover. It will therefore be assumed that Lamayzie was present and\nwas the sole survivor. At the best he could only have been on the\nTonquin about three weeks before the fatal day. The scene of the\ntragedy has been identified as Templar Channel, Clayquot Sound,\nnot far from the old Indian village of Echatchet. This places it in\nthe vicinity of Meares' Port Cox. The interpreter called the spot |\nNewity, but it is not known when, he obtained the name. Sprout,\n(83)\nMP F. W. Howay\nin his Scenes and Studies of Savage Life, London, 1868, page 314,\nsays that the word is not known on the west coast of Vancouver\nIsland. This identification shows that it was about fifteen or twenty miles from Adventure Cove where the Columbia spent the winter\nof 1791-2. How far Wickananish, the chief of the region, was implicated we do not know. Whether the miscreants, in view of\nMaquinna's experience, would have saved a Jewitt we can only surmise; for it seems that the destruction of the vessel and of the life\nupon her was the result of design by the remaining white men or\nman.\nThe story in all its variations, or perhaps one should rather say\nthe various versions of the story, may be found in Franchere's\nNarrative of a Voyage to the Northwest Coast of America, New\nYork, 1854, p. 179 et seq., and in the original French edition, Relation d'un a la cote de I'Amerique, Montreal, 1820, p. 129 et seq.;\nRoss Cox, The Columbia River, London, 1832, vol. I, p. 88 et seq.,\nChap. V; Alexander Ross, Adventures of the First Settlers on the\nColumbia River, London, 1849, p. 159 et .-eg.; Edmund Fanning,\nVoyages to the South Seas, New York, 1838, p. 138 et seq.; Washington Irving, Astoria, London, 1832, vol. I, p. 173 et seq.; John\nDunn, History of Oregon Territory, London, 1844, p. 222 et seq.;\nPeter Corney, \"Early Northern Pacific Voyages\" in The London\nLiterary Gazette, 1821, reprinted in Honolulu, 1896, p. 8 et seq. All\nof these writers obtained their accounts more or less directly from\nthe. natives, or, at any rate, claim to have done so. References to\nthe disaster, with flickering gleams of light on some of its phases,\nwill be found in Paul Kane, Wanderings of an Artist, London,\n1859, p. 237; John Scouler, \"Journal of a Voyage to North West\nAmerica in 1825-6,\" Oregon Historical Quarterly, vol. VI., p. 194;\nThe Victoria Gazette, Sept. 9, 1858; Sturgis, Lecture on Oregon,\np. 11; Walbran, British Columbia Coast Names, Ottawa, 1909, p.\n92; and Professor E. S. Meany, Vancouver's Discovery of Puget\nSound, p. 49.\nPassing from the sources to the histories, the reader becomes\nquite bewildered. Elwood Evans in his History of the Pacific\nNorthwest, vol I, p. 78, gives the merest skeleton of the story,\nfollowing in the main, Franchere. Snowden in his History of\nWashington, vol. I, p. 344 et. seq., simply appropriates Washington\nIrving's version, verbatim. Professor Shafer, in his History of The Loss of the \"Tonquin\"\n85\nOregon, first edition, p. 104, enters into some details, taking Franchere as his guide; but in the second edition, 1918, ^e wisely refrains from laying down as history any version of the event. For\nthere is no doubt that Scouler and Paul Kane are right when the\nformer says \"We know nothing authentic concerning the loss of\nthis vessel\"; and the latter: \"It was quite impossible to obtain a\nclear narrative of this melancholy event as no white man lived to\ntell the tale\". An effort will nevertheless be made in this article to\nreach the probable story, and the first published version of the occurrence will be given.\nWhen the sources are examined all of them except four may be\nat once dismissed from our consideration; these four claim to have\nreceived their accounts from the interpreter himself. In the order\nof the date of the appearance of their writings, they are: Franchere, 1820; Ross Cox, 1831; Edmund Fanning, 1838; and Alexander Ross, 1849. Washington Irving is not included in this list\nfrom the very nature of things. Taking then these four synoptic\nwriters, we find that Franchere is not only the first in date, but was,\nalso, at Astoria when the interpreter arrived. Having been at that,\ntime about a year and a half in the region we can believe that he\nwas, as he claims, able to talk with and understand Lamayzie. The\nRev. A, G. Mosier in his Dictionnaire Historique des Canadiens de\nl'ouest, Kamloops, 1908, p. 115, says: \"Franchere fit preuve\nd'optitudes peu communes pou4e\u00C2\u00BBles langues sauvages.\" Ross Cox,\nthough out of time so far as the actual occurrence and the vague\nrumors were concerned, had reached Astoria only about three\nmonths before the alleged interpreter was brought in. His recent\narrival makes it plain that he could not converse with the savage\nhimself, while certain allusions, as for instance, the reference to the\ndress of Weeks and Anderson, whom he had never seen, show that\nhe is giving, as his own, the opinions of other people. Alexander\nRoss, who at the time was stationed at Fort Okanogan, did not, of\ncourse, meet the interpreter and is manifestly merely repeating the\nstory that had reached him through\u00E2\u0080\u0094who knows how many lips.\nAnd as to Captain Fanning's version we must remember that it was\nobtained in 1823 or 1824\u00E2\u0080\u0094some twelve or thirteen years after the\nincident\u00E2\u0080\u0094by Captain Sheffield of the brig Horsilia from \"an Indian\nfellow by the name of Lamayzie, who told Captain Sheffield that\nhe was interpreter and pilot of the ship Tonquin\". To arrive then\nat the probable story we must eliminate Ross because his account is\n_y 86\nF. W. Howay\nclearly hearsay, and we must drop Fanning also because of, amongst\nother things, the magnifying and altering effect of the long interval\nof time. The correct version of what the interpreter told must\ntherefore be sought in Cox and Franchere. As between these two\nwitnesses the narrative of the latter should be preferred for the\nreason already mentioned.\nWhile these two reports agree in the main, they do not coincide\nas closely as one would expect, considering that both writers purport to repeat a story in which intense interest was centered and\nwhich both allege that they heard from the same person and at the\nsame time. In many respects Cox's version is the fuller. The principal variances will be found on the question whether the survivors\nin the cabin were part of the crew from on deck or of those who\nwere aloft when the massacre commenced; in the circumstances of\nMcKay's death; and as to the time when the explosion occurred\u00E2\u0080\u0094\nwhether on the dreadful day of slaughter or on the following day.-\nHereunder on the dreadful day -of-slaughter-or-orrthe following-day\nbeing pages 88 to 96 in Cox and 180 to 186 in Franchere; in it the\nsimilarities indicating a common origin will appear, while at the\nsame time the differences are shown. It will be noted that Franchere is the shorter, -the plainer, and the more likely story.\nCox\nthe conspiracy was formed in revenge, because the captain having\ncaught one of the principal men in\na petty theft had struck him.\nThe interpreter discovered the conspiracy and notified Mr. Mckay who\nimmediately went on board the ship\nand informed the captain.\nTwo canoes each containing about\ntwenty men came alongside.\nOther canoes followed.\nAll were allowed on board.\nThey all brought furs to trade.\nThe officer of the watch, seeing\nother canoes approaching, became\nsuspi/cous and warned the captain.\nAs all the men wore short cloaks\nthe interpreter knew their designs\nwere hostile.\nFranchere\nThe conspiracy was formed in revenge, because the captain, having\nhad a difficulty with one of the principal chiefs over the price of some\ngoods, put him off the ship and\nstruck him with a roll of ftars.\nOne canoe containing twenty men\ncame alongside. Later came another.\nOther canoes followed.\nAll were allowed on board.\nThe\nfirst\nbrought\nfurs\ntrade.\nIt\nis\nnot\ncertain\nthat\nth<\nothers did.\nThe multitude of savages on deck\nalarmed the crew who went to warn\nthe captain and Mr. McKay.\nBecause of the multitude, their\nhurried movements, and the absenec\nof women the interpreter became\nsuspicious. The Loss of the \"Tonqu\nHe notified McKay.\nMcKay at once apprised the captain\nand begged him to clear the ship immediately.\nThe captain treated the caution with\ncontempt, saying \"that with the arms\nthey had on board they would be\nmore than a match for three times\nthe number.\"\nThe crowd of Indians blocked the\npassages and obstructed the crew.\nHaving unsuccessfully ordered them\nto retire the captain said that he was\ngoing to sea and had given orders to\nraise the anchor.\nImmediately a signal was given and\nthe savages with a loud yell attacked\nthe crew with knives, bludgeons, and\nshort sabres.\nMcKay was one of the first to be .\nattacked. He was stunned and\nthrown overboard into a canoe\nwhere he remained for some time\nuninjured.\nThe captain strove to reach the cabin. His only weapon was a jack-\nknife with which he killed four and\nwounded others; exhausted with loss\nof blood he rested a minute on the\ntiller and was clubbed to death.\nThe interpreter then, uninjured, leaped overboard and was taken into a\ncanoe by some women and covered\nwith mats.\nMcKay at this time was alive, the\nIndians intending to hold him for\nransom, but in revenge for a chief's\ndeath the interpreter saw three savages beating out his brains as his\nhead hung over the edge of a canoe.\nThree of the crew fought their way\nto the cabin. The Indians seem at\nthis time to have left the ship and\ntaken to their canoes.\nThe three survivors, having laid a\ntrain to the powder magazine, bar-\nHe notified McKay.\nMcKay spoke to the captain\n\"The latter affected an air of security, and said that with the firearms\non board there was no reason to\nfear even a greater number of Indians.\"\nThe Indians pressed around the captain, McKay, and Lewis with their\nfurs, crying \"Trade! Trade!\" At\nthe urgent request of his officers the\ncaptain ordered the anchor to be\nraised and the sails unfurled, and the\nnatives to depart.\nImmediately, at a preconcerted signal, the Indians rushed upon the\ncrew with knives and bludgeons that\nhad been concealed in the bundles of\nfurs.\nLewis was struck down, but McKay\nwas the first victim. He was felled\nby two savages who flung him into\nthe sea where the women dispatched\nhim with their paddles.1\nThe captain defended himself for a\nlong time with his pocket knife, but,\noverpowered by numbers, he perished under the blows of the mur-\nThe interpreter, after seeing the five\nmen who were aloft slip down into\nthe steerage hatchway, jumped overboard and surrendered as a slave to\nthe women who hid him in a canoe\nunder some mats.\nSoon there .was a sound of firearms\nand the Indians fled from the ship\nto the shore. They did not venture\nto return again that day.\nThe next day, having seen four men\nlower a boat, the Indians sent canoes\nrted by the translator; they\ngrandcoup de potumagane (espece de sabre dont il\nmmes, qui etaient restees dans les pirogues, l'ach-T- \u00E2\u0096\u00A0H\nP. W. Howay\nlit, but with what result the\not know.2 Seeing no\nthe Tonquin the Indians went\nm board in great numbers (400 or\niOO), and then without any warning\nhe ship blew up. The interpreter\nthe time of the ex-\ninterprel\nPl0!\ngained with the natives that, if permitted to leave in peace, the latter\nshould have quiet possession. After\nthey had left the natives swarmed\naboard and a great explosion occurred. The interpreter had reached\nthe land before the explosion\nThe fleeing white men cor\nreach the ocean because of a head * * *\nwind; the Indians started in pursuit\nand overtook and murdered them\nwhile sleeping.\nThe interpreter had been held as a\n* * * slave for two years, hence the long\ndelay in bringing the news.\nIt will be observed that according to Cox, McKay was clubbed\ninto insensibility and thrown overboard just to save him, but later\nwas killed by three men in a spirit of revenge; while Franchere says\nhe was at once dispatched by the women, and his editor adds, with\ntheir paddles. Cox leaves the impression that the whole crew was\non deck when the attack began; but Franchere states that five men\nat least were aloft unfurling the sails. Again, Cox says the explosion took place on the very day of the massacre; but Franchere tells\nus that it occurred on the following day. According to Cox the\nthree men (who were completely in the Indian's power anyhow)\nbartered for their freedom, but slipped away unobserved just the\nsame, towards the close of the terrible day; according to Franchere\nthe four men were seen by the natives to leave the ship on the next\nday. And, finally, Cox's story is that no one was left upon the vessel and that the explosion was perhaps merely a deferred one;\nwhile Franchere's is that the four men left their fatally wounded\ncomrade to wreak a terrible vengeance. It should be added here\nthat the note in the English edition of Franchere (New York, 1854),\npage 189, appears to have been made by the editor. It is not to be\nfound in the original French edition (Montreal, 1820).\nIf, now, Ross's account be compared with Cox's and Franchere's, it will be seen that it has many variances, as might be expected, for it was written in 1846\u00E2\u0080\u0094thirty-five years after the event,\n(2) The English translation doe\nnot reproduce exactly the meaning of the French\nas will be readily seen by the following comparison.\n\"Le lenlcmain, ayant va quatre hommes\ns'eloigner du navire, dans une chaloupe, lis envoyerMit\nquelques pirogues s. leur poursuite; et\n'oi tout lieu de croire que ces quatre hommes fnrSni\nrattrappes et maisacrgs; oar je n'ai v-\naucun d'eux ensuite.\" (Montreal, 1820, ed. p. 150)\n\"The next day, hairing seen four men\nower a boat, and pull away from the ship, they sent\nsome pirogues in chase: but whether\nthose men, were overtaken and murdered, or gained\nthe open sea and perished there, I con\nd never learn.\" (New York ed. 1854, p. 185) The Loss of the \"Tonqui,\nby a man who was then in his sixty-fifth year. He even purports to\ngive verbatim conversations between the interpreter, the captain,\nand McKay. Lamayzie, the interpreter is, he says, a member of the\n\"Wick-a-nook\" (i. e. the Wickananish or Clayoquot) tribe; he is\npicked up at Woody Point, not at or near Grays Harbor; the fundamental trouble does not arise from either theft or differences in\ntrade, as the others have stated, but from an Indian's having cut the\nboarding nettings\u00E2\u0080\u0094none of the other sources suggest that the\nTonquin ever had up her boarding netting, and moreover the ease\nwith which men were thrown from her deck makes such a thing\nvery doubtful3; the ship is blown up while the carnage is in progress;\nand the interpreter has not been kept in slavery for two years, but\nhas been detained for that interval by sickness. He adds that Lamayzie, whom he calls Kasiascall, had acted a treacherous part in the\ntragedy, was not on board at the time, and was himself privy to the\nwhole plot.\nBut what shall be said of Fanning's account? It is indeed a\nstrange one. It is alleged to have been received from Lamayzie\nsome twelve or thirteen years later. It has increased greatly in its\ndetails\u00E2\u0080\u0094it now covers thirteen pages. It contains many things, of\nwhich not the slightest hint is to be found in any of the above three\nversions. All of them, for instance, unite in stating that Captain\nThorn was killed; but here we find the captain alive and setting a\n\u00E2\u0080\u00A2light to the slow-match that is to destroy the treacherous savages W\nand making quite a speech over it, too. Franchere does not say who\nset off the explosion; Cox leaves us free to infer that Weeks may\nhave done it; Ross states definitely that Weeks did do it; but now\ncomes Fanning who says it was Captain Thorn who really did it;\nand, to add to our astonishment, all these conflicting accounts are\nalleged to have been received from the same source\u00E2\u0080\u0094the interpreter,\nLamayzie. Equally strange is the change which has occurred in\nregard to the men in the cabin. According to Franchere the fate\nof the four men was unknown to Lamayzie in 1812; according to\nCox the three men were murdered by the natives who pursued\nthem; according to Ross no one ever left the ship after the slaughter\nbegan; but now according to Fanning the four men were pursued\nand brought back to the village, where the interpreter talked to them\ndid not have his boarding netting rigged\nst qu'il se rendit coupable d'une negligence\navigateurs qui frequent\n/ (Montreal, ed.,\nLk- 90\nF. W. Howay\nand learned their plans on quitting the ship, and \"they were all put\nto death by cruel, lingering torture, in the usual horrid manner of\nsavages.\" How the same man, Lamayzie, could possibly have told\nall these different versions it is difficult to conceive.\nWe thus find that the later accounts are the most embellished;\nthe earlier the story, the simpler, and, as we suggest, the nearer to\nthe truth. It is for this reason that after expressing a preference for\nFranchere's report, it is proposed to reproduce here the first version\nof the catastrophe as published in England. The original can be\nfound in the Annual Register (London) 1813, vol. 55, p. 83. Investigation has shown that it is almost a verbatim copy of the story\nas it appeared in the Missouri Gazette of 15th May, 1813. It has been\nalready reprinted in Chittenden's History of the Fur Trade, vol. 3,\npage 909, but, inasmuch as that book is an expensive one and even\nnow quite scarce, the republican seems justifiable. This account\nhas the appearance of having been adapted from one written by\nsome person who had come out to Astoria on the Beaver. That vessel had arrived on 9th May 1812 and is manifestly the ship referred\nto therein. The suggestion is made that this story was brought\noverland by Robert Stuart's party, which set out on 29th June 1812\nto carry dispatches to Mr. Astor in New York. That party reached\nSt. Louis on 30th April, just two weeks before the item appeared.\nThis would explain its publication in Missouri instead of in New\nYork\u00E2\u0080\u0094which would be the natural place if it had come by the usual\nroute. Lamayzie did not arrive with his farrago until August 1812,\nso that this version is, as it states, the current rumor. It will be\nobserved that where it touches any point upon which Cox and\nFranchere disagree it is closer to the latter's account than to the\nformer's.\n\"The following is an account of the singular and melancholy\nfate of the American ship Tonquin, the crew of which were destroyed by the savages, while on a trading voyage on the coast north\nof the River Columbia, on Vancouver's Island:\u00E2\u0080\u0094\n\"A native ship arrived from New York, after a passage of near\nseven months, with merchandize and provisions for the company.\nIt was here we learnt with horror that the story of the Tonquin's\nhaving been cut off was but too true.4 The circumstance has been\ni Beaver on 9th May 1812,\nThus the people on 1\niere they received sad c The Loss of the \"Tonquin\" 91\nrelated in different ways by the natives in the environs of the establishment, but that which carries with it the greatest appearance of\ntruth is as follows:\u00E2\u0080\u0094\n\"The vessel, after landing the cargo intended for Astoria, departed on a trading voyage to the coast north of Columbia River,\nwith a company including officers, of twenty-three men, and proceeded about 400 miles along the seaboard, when they stopped on\nVancouver's Island, at a place called Woody-point, inhabited by a\npowerful nation called Wake-a-ninishes. These people came on\nboard to barter their furs for merchandize, and conducted themselves in the most friendly manner during the first day; but the\nsame evening information was brought on board by an Indian whom\nthe officers had as interpreter, that the tribe where they then lay\nwere ill-disposed, and intended attacking the ship next day. Captain\nJonathan Thorn affected to disbelieve this piece of news, and even\nwhen the savages came next morning in great numbers, it was only\nat the pressing remonstrance of Mr. McKay, that he ordered seven\nmen aloft to loosen the sails. In the mean time about fifty Indians\nwere permitted to come on board, who exchanged a number of sea\notters for blankets and knives; the former they threw into their\ncanoes as soon as received, but secreted the knives.\n\"Every one, when armed, moved from the quarter deck to a\ndifferent part of the vessel, so that by the time they were ready, in\nsuch a mariner were they distributed, that at least three savages were\nopposite every man of the ship, and at a signal given, they rushed\non their prey, and notwithstanding the brave resistance of the\nwhites, they were all butchered in a few minutes.\n\"The men above, in attempting to descend, lost two of their\nnumber, besides one mortally wounded, who, notwithstanding his\nweakened condition, made good his retreat with the four others to\nthe cabin, where finding a quantity of loaded arms, they fired on\ntheir savage assailants, through the sky-lights and companion-way,\nwhich had the effect of clearing the ship in a short time, and long\nbefore night these five interpid sons of America were again in full\npossession of her.\n\"Whether from want of abilities or strength, supposing themselves unable to take the vessel back to the Columbia, on the following morning, the four who were unhurt, left her in the long boat,\nin hopes of regaining the river, wishing to take along with them the msm\n92 F. W. Howay\nwounded person, who refused their offer, saying that he must die\nbefore long, and as well on the vessel as elsewhere.\n\"Soon after sun-rise she was surrounded by an immense number of Indians in canoes, come for the express purpose of unloading\nher, but who from the warm reception they met with the day before, did not seem forward in boarding.\n\"The wounded man showed himself over the railing, made signs\nthat he was alone, and wanted their assistance; on which some embarked, who finding what he said was true, spoke to their people,\nwho were not any longer slow in getting on board, so that in a few\nseconds the deck was thronged, and they proceeded to undo the\nhatches without further ceremony. No sooner were th'ey completely engaged in this, than the only survivor of the crew descended into\nthe cabin, and set fire to the magazine, containing nearly nine thousand pounds of gun powder, which in an instant blew the vessel and\nevery one on board to atoms.\n\"The nation acknowledged their having lost nearly one hundred\nwarriors, besides a vast number of wounded, by the explosion, who\nwere in canoes round their ship.\n\"The four men who set off in the long boat were, two or three\ndays after, driven ashore in a gale and massacred by the natives.\"\nF. W. Howay. THE BACKGROUND OF THE PURCHASE OF ALASKA\nIt is a common fault of mankind to ascribe to a great man all\nthe credit of a victory, invention or other remarkable achievement;\nand thus Seward is given the whole credit for the purchase of\nAlaska.\nSeward, himself, never claimed undue credit. He never said,\n\"I did it.\" While neither he nor his spokesmen in Congress, Sumner and Banks, dwell for any great length on what transpired before Seward's connection with the purchase, they do hint that the\nsubject was an. old one, and had been up at least four times before.\nThe background of the purchase goes back to the days of Gray,\nwho in 1790 was on the northwest coast in quest of furs. The credit\nfor having made known this wonderful region is generally given to\nCook who found it on his third voyage of 1776-1780. In his wake\nfollowed a swarm of traders. The Americans were second in point\nof time to engage in this new enterprise, but they soon became first\nin point of numbers, and with the dawn of the 19th century became\na serious problem to the Russian who since 1741 had enjoyed the\ntraffic alone. While the Russians remained to the north in the\nvicinity of the Aleutian Islands and Cook's Inlet the full effect of this\ncompetition was not met; but in 1799 they advanced to Baranof\nIsland and built a fort to the north of the present Sitka, also called\nSitka. The Russian soon discovered he was no match for the Boston trader. To him the fur trade was a business\u00E2\u0080\u0094something to be\nbuilt up and kept up. To the Boston it was a speculative voyage, j\nand he cared little what became of the Indian or of the business if I\nhe got his furs. Guns, ammunition and liquors were bartered without conscience, while downright fraud and even force were often\nemployed if the furs could be got in no other way.\nSitka was built in the land of the Kolosh, a very savage people.\nAs long as the Russians enjoyed the advantage of superior weapons\nthey felt themselves secure in their fort but in 1802 the savages,\narmed with equal weapons, surprised the Russians, and wiped out\nthe whole establishment. The Russians placed the blame of the\ncalostrophy upon the Bostons, and laid a complaint before their\ngovernment. As St. Petersburg was far away, and transportation\nslow and tardy, no echo of this charge reached American statesmen\n(93) 94 Victor J. Farrar\nuntil 1808; but in that year the Russian government, prompted by\nnew complaints, retold the story of the Sitka massacre, and protested against the sale of guns and liquors to the Indian. The Tzar\nregarded the traffic as both illicit and clandestine, and proposed\nthat the consequences of this practice be avoided by the restriction\nof this trade to the port of Kodiak, in Russian America. Also, that\nthese restrictions be stipulated in a convention between the two\npowers.\nThe American reply, which for the same reasons did not come\nforth until 1810, took issue on the question of the legality of selling\narms and ammunition to the Indian. If, said the note, the Indians\nin question are sovereign to Russia, then the United States is only\nbound to leave its citizens to the penalties of the Russian law; on\nthe other hand, if the Indians are not sovereign to Russia, but constitute independent tribes, then the subjects of all nations may trade\nwith them, unless it be in contraband in time of war.\nThe two powers never came to any constructive agreement\nover this matter, but the incident is important in that it marked the\nentry of the United States into the diplomacy of the Northwest\nCoast, an ill-defined region beginning somewhere south of the Columbia River and extending to as equally indefinitive a place in the\nnorth. Part of this later became Old Oregon and part became Alaska, but it was one and the same then.\nIn 1811, John Jacob Astor built the first American settlement\non the Northwest Coast, at Astoria. This post was lost to the United\nStates during the war of 1812, but the sovereignty thereto was restored by the treaty of Ghent. This event marks the first recognition of American sovereignty in this region.\nFour nations now had claims here.\nThe Spanish claim began at the equator and extended to at\nleast the 60th parallel of north latitude, say Cooks Inlet. It had\nonce been admitted by Russia, although that was now denied. It\nwas marred by provisions of the treaty of Madrid, folowing the\nNootka Sound Controversy.\nEngland's claim was based on the discoveries of Drake, Cook,\nVancouver and others, and extended from about San Francisco to\nthe Arctic. Its continuity of direction was interrupted by the provisions of the treaty of Ghent.\nThe Russian claim was based on the discoveries of Bering and The Background of the Purchase of Alaska 95\n\u00E2\u0096\u00A0others and an occupation of the country by the fur company, and\nextended as far south as the Columbia River.\nThe American claim had never been pushed prior to the treaty\nof Ghent; but after that event it grew like an avalanche. The voyage of Captain Gray, the trader, received full attention at this time,\nand a retroactive sovereignty, based upon his discovery of the Columbia River and the official character of his mission, was set up.\nThe Louisiana purchase was made to include a generous slice of the\nPacific Coast, while the track of Lewis and Clark only served the\nmore to confirm the whole claim.\nThe adjudication of these claims was not improved by events\nimmediately to come.\nIn 1818, the United States and England entered into a convention of joint-occupancy.\nIn 1819, Spain ceded all her rights north of 42 to the United\nStates.\nThis left two powers holding jointly, but at variance with the\nexclusive claim of each, and flatly opposed to the pretentions of\nRussia, at least south of the parallel of 60 degrees.\nIn 1821 the Tzar, in compliance with a request of the Russian-\nAmerican company (now reorganized on a military basis and entered upon its second charter) issued an imperial ukase aimed at the\nubiquitous Boston, and the closely approaching Northwester of\n. Montreal. This ukase settled the question of conflicting claim by\ndecreeing that the country north of 51 belonged solely to the Tzar;\nand it handled the Boston and his kind by declaring the ocean for\n100 Italian miles (115 statute miles) of the shore to be a closed sea.\nBoth Great Britain and the United States protested in practically the same terms. Each denied the principle of the closed sea,\nand each depreciated the claim of Russia south of Cook's Inlet, and\nupheld her own.\nWhen the Tzar saw how his ukase was received he immediately invited the powers to send their ministers to St. Petersburg,\nthat they might, with his own, adjudicate this matter. Both powers\nresponded. The United States appointed Mr. Robert Middleton,\nGreat Britain Sir Charles Bagot, to confer with Count de Nessel-\nrode, of Russia.\nMr. Adams, Secretary of State, in his instructions to Mr. Middleton, outlined the position of the United States with regard to the 96 Victor J. Farrar\nNorthwest Coast. That portion of it south of 51 he regards\nas within the natural limits of the United States to come; but with \u00E2\u0080\u00A2\nregard to the country above it he shares the opinion of his day; it\nis a region by distance and character alone forever destined to remain the abode of the savage, the trapper and the trader. The entire Northwest Coast, therefore, he would divide into spheres of influence: Russia is to make no settlement south of 55; the United\nStates none north of 51; while Great Britain is to make none\nnorth of 55 or south of 51. But for the purposes of trade with the\nIndians each is to have the right to traffic within the domain of the\nother, provided there is no establishment nearby.\nThis proposal for a time received serious consideration from\nGreat Britain, although she utimately rejected it. In stating her\nreasons she gave above all that she had from the beginning no intention to treat jointly since she felt it was not to her advantage to\ndo so; but it is known that she imagined a growing collusion between\nRussia and America to reduce her claim to as small a compass as\npossible. At any rate all chances for a three-party joint agreement\nwere destroyed, when on December 2, 1823, the president issued\nthe Monroe Doctrine. Accordingly, each power proceeded to treat\nseparately with Russia, and the outcome was the two treaties\u00E2\u0080\u0094the\nRussian-American of 1824, and the Russian-British of 1825.\nThese conventions reflect almost wholly the principles laid\ndown in Mr. Adams' three-party proposal.\nBut the treaties are not alike, although frequently confounded\nby writers who invariably state that at this time the United States\ndrew the present boundary line, at fifty-four, forty, and acknowledged the sovereignty of Russia above that parallel. This is not true.\nBoth these items were stipulated in the British convention, but not\nin the American. Ours was almost wholly a trade agreement based\nupon Mr. Adams' former three-party proposal. We merely agreed\nnot to build any establishment north of fifty-four, forty; but the\nquestion of a boundary was left untouched. It cannot be found in\nthe treaty, which states :\n\"Article II. With a view of preventing the rights of navigation and of fishing exercised 'upon the Great Ocean by the citizens\nand subjects of the high contracting Powers from becoming the pretext for an illicit trade, it is agreed that the citizens of the United\nStates shall not resort to any point where there is a Russian estab- The Background of the Purchase of Alaska 97\nlishment, without the permission of the governor or commander;\nand that, reciprocally, the subjects of Russia shall not resort, without permission, to any establishment of the United States upon the\nNorthwest coast.\n\"Art. III. It is moreover agreed that, hereafter, there shall not\nbe formed by the citizens of the United States, or under the authority of the said States, any establishment upon the Northwest coast\nof America, nor in any of the islands adjacent, to the north of fifty-\nfour degrees and forty minutes of north latitude; and that, in the\nsame manner, there shall be none formed by Russian subjects, or under the authority of Russia south of that parallel.\"\nThe convention with Great Britain specifically states that\nAlaska shall belong wholly to Russia, and the boundary line, minus\ncertain alterations made in later years following a quibble over details, is the one in use to-day. British diplomacy was different from\nthe American. It made too much of Russia's position of the\n\"closed-sea.\" England's diplomats felt that they must give Russia\na vehicle for retracting the doctrine of the closed-sea, and they accordingly selected boundaries and territorial claims as the proper\none. The United States had no such feeling. Hence the whole convention is practically a trade agreement, beginning with Article I\nwhich annuls the doctrine of the closed-sea in the Pacific Ocean,\nand follows with a recitation of other agreements in the mutual interest of the fur-traders of both nations; hence, also, it contains no\n\"boundaries\" or other declarations of sovereignty.\nHad Mr. Adams' principles been adopted in their entirety no\nfuture difficulties would have been anticipated, but this was not the\ncase. Mr. Adams had held out for the right to trade on the unoccupied places in perpetuity, but as this was a sore point with the\nRussians, since it hit the very object of the ukase\u00E2\u0080\u0094the elimination\nof the Boston trader, a compromise on this one point was therefore effected, as follows:\n\"Article IV. It is, nevertheless, understood that during a term\nof ten years, counting from the signature of the present convention, the ships of both Powers, or which belong to their citizens or\nsubjects respectively, may reciprocally frequent, without any hindrance whatever, the interior seas, gulfs, harbors, and creeks, upon\nthe coast mentioned in the preceding article, for the purpose of\nfishing and trading with the natives of the country.\" 98 Victor J. Farrar\nThis ten-year clause expired on the 17th of April, 1834. The\nRussians attached much importance to it, since it fulfilled hopes of\n\"exclusive trade\" held since 1799. The British convention had one\nyear to go.\nOn the precise day the American treaty was to expire trouble\nbegan anew. It chanced that two American traders, Captains Snow\nand Allen, by name, were then in Sitka, and when interrogated about\ntheir future plans stated their intention to visit the nearby coast\n(above fifty-four forty) to trade. The governor, Baron Wrangell,\nforbade them to do so, on the ground that the ten years were now\nup, and that the privilege of trading, in consequence, was no longer\nopen to the Americans. Messrs. Snow and Allen refused absolutely\nto listen to the governor on this point, contending that any such prohibition would have to come from their own government; and they\nwent about their business. Baron Wrangell then appealed to the\ndepartment of state at Washington, and even went so far as to publish a proclamation in the Congressional Globe.\nThis was the first time in ten years that any trouble had come\nfrom this quarter. President Van Buren, after reviewing the matter, came to the conclusion that the ten-year agreement had been a\ngood one, productive of mutual benefit, and urged that it be renewed. Mr. Dallas was now Secretary of State, and Mr. Wilkins\nminister to Russia. Count de Nesselrode was still connected with\nthe department of foreign affairs. In 1835, Mr. Wilkins took up the\nmatter and proposed that the article be renewed by a convention,\nand he handed Nesselrode such a one already for his signature.\nNesselrode hesitated. He alleged that inasmuch as the Russian American Company had embarked its capital upon a monopoly\nfrom the emperor it was impossible to disregard its wishes; and that\nhe must postpone an answer until the arrival next season of its\ngovernor.\nWrangell arrived in the summer of 1836, and was immediately\ncloseted with Count Nesselrode, but his opinion was already known\nto be unfavorable.\nIn the meantime another incident occurred. In the fall of\n1836, the American brig, Loriot, Captain Blinn, master, was turned\nback at Forrester's Island, by Russian men-of-war. He immediately returned to his starting place in the Sandwich Islands and\n1 with the American consul both a complaint and a claim, The Background of the Purchase of Alaska\n99\nalleging that he had the right to land on the unoccupied places to\ntrade by virtue of Article I, even though the ten years had expired.\nThis incident gave the American officials a chance to file a\nclaim which Nesselrode was obliged to answer. His answer was\nunfavorable. The right to trade on the unoccupied places as set\ndown in Article I, he said, was conditional to Article IV which limits\nthe privilege to the space of ten years, and when Mr. Blinn was\nturned back the ten years had expired.\nMr. Dallas' reply, which had now been in process of evolution\nfor several years, is remarkable for its construction of the whole\ntreaty of 1824\u00E2\u0080\u0094a construction quite in keeping with the phraseology therein, and one which emphasizes more than anything else\nthe fact that the convention of 1824 was above all a trading agreement, and not a declaration of the sovereign claims of the respective\npowers. He says:\n\"The undersigned submits that in no sense can the fourth article be understood as implying an acknowledgment, on the part of\nthe United States, of the right of Russia to the possession of the\ncoast above the latitude of 54 40 north. It must, of course, be\ntaken in connection with the other articles, and they have, in fact, no\nreference whatever to the question of the right of possession of the\nunoccupied parts. To prevent future collision it was agreed that\nno new establishment should be formed by the respective parties to\nthe north or south of the parallel mentioned; but the question of the\nright of possession beyond the existing establishments, as it stood\nprevious to, or at the time of, the convention, was left untouched.\n\"By agreeing not to form new establishments north of latitude\n50 40 the United States made no acknowledgment of the right of\nRussia to the territory above that line. If such an admission had\nbeen made Russia, by the same construction of the article referred\nto, must have equally acknowledged the right of the United States\nto the territory south of the parallel. But that Russia did not so\nunderstand the article is conclusively proved by her having entered\ninto a similar agreement in her subsequent treaty of 1825, with\nGreat Britain, and having, in that instrument, acknowledged the\nright of possession of the same territory by Great Britain. The\nUnited States can only be considered inferentially as having acknowledged the right of Russia to acquire, above the designated\nmeridian, by actual occupation, a just claim to unoccupied lands.\nW^ 100\nVictor J. Farrar\nUntil that actual occupation be taken, the first article of the convention recognizes the American right to navigate, fish, and trade,\nas prior to its negotiation.\"\nSo far as can be ascertained the United States never admitted\nthe complete sovereignity of Russia to the country above fifty-\nfour. A few more notes were exchanged at this time when the\nmatter was dropped. Occasionally an echo of it is heard thereafter\nin semi-official proclamations of the state department notifying\ntraders that the article had expired. The Russians never yielded\nand the Americans appear to have acquiesed; but no retraction of\nthe above position has ever appeared in the published diplomacy of\nthe United States. All reference to the incident appears to have\nbeen avoided, and Sumner, who dwells to a great length on the\nP.ussian title at the time of purchase makes no mention of it. Nor\ndoes he refer to the treaty of 1824. Possibly he did not care to\ncloud the title at a time when Seward was offering a price for the\ncountry. But the correspondence thereon is not hidden in the archives. It was long since published in the serial documents.\nOne ray of light, if light it can be called, is thrown upon the\nsubject by Representative Nathaniel C. Banks, chairman of the\ncommittee on foreign relations, in 1868. Speaking on the subject\nof the purchase of Alaska at the time, he said: \"Once during Polk's\nadministration the matter was discussed, but terminated without\nany formal offer or refusal. The offer, however, was made twice,\nonce in Mr. Van Buren's administration, and once in Mr. Buchanan's administration.\"\nFor the purpose of this discussion I have assumed the authenticity of the Bank's testimony and the validity of the offer. As a\nwitness Mr. Banks gives every evidence of reliability. His word\nwent unchallenged at the time, while those portions of it which can\nbe checked against other evidence agree exactly. His testimony is\nfurther substantiated by that of Mr. Myers, given at the same time\nand place. Mr. Myers claims he got his information from the State\nDepartment.\nIt is not difficult to see why Mr. Van Buren dropped the article\n4 controversy, but it is difficult to see why he made the offer of purchase. If Mr. Adams' view still held\u00E2\u0080\u0094that the northwest coast\nwas without the pale of civilization and useful only for trading\u00E2\u0080\u0094\nAlaska was well nigh worthless, now. The sea-otter had been The Background of the Purchase of Alaska\n101\nhunted in these parts all to well. Natural decrease in animals to be\ntaken together with the entry of a new competitor, the mighty Hudson Bay Company, to take them, had left the good old days only a\nmemory. Mr. Van Buren would have gained but a trifle had he won\nthe controversy.\nViewed from another angle, however, the United States did\nhave use for Alaska. The Oregon Question was now coming to the\nfore. Years before, in 1818, and in 1828, this matter seemed settled, but events were now moving with amazing rapidity. Americans were pouring into Old Oregon and demanding the abrogation\nof the agreement of joint-occupancy and the formation of a commonwealth upon the Pacific.\nThe desire to freeze out the Britisher from the coast below\nfifty-four, forty was soon magnified into a desire to own the coast\nabove. Says Cassius M. Clay, minister to Russia, at the time of the\npurchase.\n\"My attention was first called to this matter in 1863, when I\ncame over the Atlantic with the Hon. Robert J. Walker, upon whom\nI impressed the importance of our ownership of the western coast\nof the Pacific, in connection with the vast trade which was springing\nup with China and Japan and the western islands. He told me that\nthe Emperor Nicholas was willing to give us Russian America if we\nwould close up our coast possessions to 54\u00C2\u00B0 40'. But the slave interest, fearing this new accession of 'free soil,' yielded the point and\nlet England into the great ocean.\"\nThis story has been fairly well received, although it is depreciated by Golder, who claims he found no record of it in the Russian archives. It has many versions.\nSays Mr. Banks, on the floor of Congress, July 1, 1868: \"Once\nduring Polk's administration the matter was discussed, but terminated without any formal offer or refusal.\"\nSays Representative Myers, on the same date. \"Yes, 'fifty-\nfour forty or fight,' was the cry; and what for. Simply to adjoin\nthis terrible land from which my colleague shrinks with a coldness\nbeyond that of the climate he depicts\u00E2\u0080\u0094a territory for which we had\nunder Van Buren and Polk twice offered five millions and been refused. If the gentleman looks to the State Department he will find\nthe evidence.\"\nAnd Representative Benjamin F. Butler. \"If we are to pay for\n_J>^ 102\nVictor J. Farrar\nher friendship the amount, I desire to give her the $7,200,000 and let\nher keep Alaska. I have no doubt that at any time within the last\ntwenty years we could have had Alaska for the asking\u00E2\u0080\u0094I have\nheard it so stated in the cabinets of two presidents\u00E2\u0080\u0094provided we\nwould have taken it as a gift. But no man ,except one insane enough\nto buy the earthquakes of St. Thomas or the ice fields of Greenland,\ncould be forced to agree to any other terms for its acquisition to\nthe country.\"\nF. W. Seward, in his Reminiscences, carries the \"purchase\"\nback to Polk: \"Even as early as during the Oregon Debate in 1846-\n7, the suggestion had been made that by insisting on the boundary\nline of 54 degrees 40 minutes, and obtaining a cession from the\nEmperor Nicholas, the United States might own the whole Pacific\nCoast up to the Arctic Circle. But the slave-holding interest, then\ndominant in the Federal councils, wanted Southern, not Northern\nextension. The project was scouted as impracticable, and the line\nof 54 degrees 40 minutes was given up.\"\nSenator Charles Sumner in his Speech is the first to mention\nthe Polk connection. The story was evidently current at this time.\n\"I am not able to say when the idea of this cession first took shape.\nI have heard that it was as long ago as the Administration of Mr.\nPolk.\"\nHowever much one is inclined to depreciate this data on the\nground that it cannot be corroborated by papers in the Russian\narchives, one must agree that there was a desire on the part of\nAmerican statesmen to secure Alaska at this time. The matter may\nnever have been the subject of a state paper, but it was certainly\nthe subject of much verbal discussion, and many independent witnesses have knowledge of it.\nWith the settlement of the Oregon Question by the division\nof the Oregon Country the acquisition of Alaska is no longer desired. Our interest in Alaska at this time is at its lowest ebb. We\ndo not want it for territorial purposes; it has little value for fur-\ntrading purposes. A new demand for Alaska must be created.\nThere are two more movements for Alaska prior to the purchase.\nThe first occurred in 1855 and is wholly a Russian movement.\nIt has been described in great detail by Golder. The incident, briefly related is this: The Background of the Purchase of Alaska\n103\nAt the outbreak of the Crimean War the Russian-American\nCompany, fearful lest England would seize the colonies, devised a\nfictitious sale to a San Francisco concern known as the American\nRussian Company. The contract with blank spaces for filling in\nthe date, etc., was sent to the Russian legation at Washington, D.\nC, for approval; but before any understanding had been reached,\nthe two fur companies came to an agreement and induced their different governments to respect each other's possessions in the northwest coast. -\nSome news of this leaked out and many persons thought the\nUnited States was about to buy Alaska; but the matter never became a state item and the offer was never made.\nIn 1859, Senator Gwin, of California, came forth with a semiofficial offer of purchase for five million dollars. His offer has\nnever been thoroughly understood. It is known, that he represented\nseveral private interests in California, including Joe Lane McDonald, Louis Goldstone, the American Russian Company, and\nprobably others, who were were trying to buy the country outright,\nin order that they might obtain privileges which their government\nhad never secured by treaty. This movement, though genuine,\nnever had the backing even of the commonwealths on the Pacific;\nit was secretive, and had it been widely advertised would have\nbrought forth the same opposition that was later marshalled against\nthe Alaska Commercial Company who secured the fur-seal monopoly. It must, however, be regarded as the fore-runner of that economic advance which is identified with the history of Alaska during the eighties; and which Seward predicted, but at this time it\nwas premature.\nThe last and final movement for Alaska, accordirig to F. W.\nSeward, Sumner and President Johnson, began shortly after the\ncommencement of the Civil War. It has been tersely described by\nF. W. Seward in his Reminiscences. He says:\n\"Soon after this came our great Civil War. During its continuance my father, as Secretary of State, had found the Government laboring under great disadvantages for the lack of advanced\nnaval outposts in the West Indies and in the North Pacific. So, at\nthe close of hostilities, he commenced his endeavors to obtain such\na foothold in each quarter.\"\nIt would appear, then, from the foregoing, that American state 104 Victor J. Farrar\npolicy toward Alaska is quite in keeping with American state policy\ntoward the Northwest Coast in general. From 1790 to 1840, or\nthereabouts, this region, as so much land, country or territory had\nvery little value. It had worth only in so far as it was a vantage\nground for the taking of furs, and for this reason the treaty of 1824\nis wholly a trading agreement. After 1840\u00E2\u0080\u0094possibly before\u00E2\u0080\u0094fur-\ntrading suffered a decline, and state demands for trading rights\nnorth of fifty-four are not so vehement\u00E2\u0080\u0094certainly less so that in\n1821. After 1840 our attitude changes, and the slogan is, \"All of\nOregon, or None!\" \"Fifty-Four, Forty or Fight!\" Alaska now\nassumes added importance and political significance. How nice it\nwould be to own the entire Pacific Coast to the Arctic. With the\nsettlement of the Oregon Question, by dividing the Oregon Country, Alaska loses this significance, and its acquisition is not seriously\ncontemplated until the Civil War, when it is desired as a base for\nnaval stations in the Pacific, and purchased for that purpose.\nVictor J. Farrar.\n* The principal authorities u\nsed in this ps\nper are as follows. For the ereaty of 182\ns, Foreign R\nlotions, vol. V; Fur-seal Arbitration, 1S9S\n-'or\nDocs., serial 338, doc. 1. The Clay versio\nof t.\ne Walker Story is containec\nreport, V. S. Pub. Docs., serial 1339. Th\n. The fictitious bill of sale is from Golder\n\"Th\nPurchase of Alaska,\" Ame\nil Review, XXy, 411. The life of Josep\nJ_am\nMcDonald is the subject of i\nwriter in the Washington Historical Quartet\niy.\nVpril, 1921. JAMES BRYCE\u00E2\u0080\u0094A TRIBUTE\nHistorical students everywhere were saddened at the opening\nof the present year (January 22) by the announcement of the death\nof James Bryce\u00E2\u0080\u0094Viscount Bryce, to speak more accurately\u00E2\u0080\u0094but\nhe will always be remembered affectionately in America as James\nBryce. Bryce like so many of the familiar British type was a many-\nsided public man but he will be most widely known in America\nperhaps because of his studies in history and government. Son\nof a school teacher, born in Ireland, educated in Scotland and England, he began life as a lawyer and was then called back to Oxford\nas Regius professor of civil law. At the age of 26 he made a name\nfor himself by his prize composition, The Holy Roman Empire,\nwhich is still the standard work in its field. His great work The\nAmerican Commonwealth (1888, revised 1910) was1 the first serious\nstudy of the American government from the standpoint of the\nhistorian and constitutional lawyer. It became a classic at once\nand was very widely used as a text book in colleges and universities. Serious scientific study of our government may be said to\nbegin with Bryce. His Studies in History and Jurisprudence appeared in 1901, followed two years later by Studies in Contemporary Biography. In 1897 following a visit to South Africa he published a volume of Impressions that had a large influence in Liberal circles when the Boer War was being discussed. A similarly\nilluminating volume on South America) recorded his observations\nthere. Perhaps his crowning work was Modern Democracies which\nwas produced at the age of eighty-three . As late as August 1921\nBryce delivered eight lectures before the Institute of Politics at\nWilliams College on International Relations, and in the same year\nas first occupant of the Chair of American History, Literature\nand Institutions founded by the Anglo-American Society rendered\na brilliant interpretation on The Study of American History.\nThe versatility of the man is evidenced by activities in other\nlines. In early life he became an expert alpinist, and published a\nscientific volume on The Flora of the Island of Arrm. In 1880,\nBryce was elected to Parliament as a Liberal, later he became in\nrapid succession, under secretary for foreign affairs, chancellor of\nthe duchy of Lancaster, president of the Board of Trade, chairman\n(105) 106 Edward McMahon\nof the Royal Commission on Secondary Education, chief secretary\nfor Ireland, and finally British Ambassador at Washington.\nAs Ambassador Bryce took leave of party politics and his\nwork in this capacity entitled him to be regarded as one of the real\nbuilders of a better civilization. \"If every nation could send to\nevery other nation an ambassador who understood and loved both\nhis home country and the country to which he was accredited as\nJames Bryce knew and loved Great Britain and the United States,\nnothing could be more difficult than to start a war * * * With Bryce\nthere could be neither patronizing nor obsequiousness; any class\nmelted away in the sun of his geniality, his humor, his common\nsertse, and his abiding friendliness.\"\nAs Americans we owe him an additional measure of gratitude\nfor his pioneer work in the study of our institutions. Every\nthoughtful student should read his American Commonwealth and\nhold in grateful remembrance its author's name\u00E2\u0080\u0094James Bryce,\nscholar, historian, statesman.\nEdward McMahon. THE DAUGHTER OF ANGUS MacDONALD*\nMy father was Angus MacDonald, a clerk and chief trader\nof the Hudson's Bay Company who was later prominent settler of\nMontana and died in that state in 1889. My mother was of mixed\nblood. .Her name was Catherine Baptiste. Her father was an Iroquois Frenchman, long in the employ of the Hudson's Bay Company, and a man of lively disposition and full of tricks and nicknamed by his superiors in the Hudson's Bay Company's employ,\n\"Baptiste Rascale.\" Mother was a cousin of \"Eagle-of-the-Light\",\nthe Nez Perce chief; she has sometimes been referred to as his\nsister, but this is due to a confusion of the Nez Perce word, the\nsame expression being used for both sister and niece.\nMother'has a brother, Alexander Big Knife, living at Arlee,\nMontana; Michel Stitsch-we (\"two sticks\" or cripple), now deceased, who lived on the Coeur d'Alene Indian Reservation, her\nhalf brother; Alexander \"Bonaparte, or Red Ox, a noted Nez Perce\nwarrior in their encounters with the Blackfeet, was also a half\nbrother. Mother had one full sister, Elizabeth, the \"Witch,\" a great\nmedicine woman, credited with many feats by her tribe whom she\nis said to have once saved by bringing rain in a season of great\ndrought; Antonie, Red Bird's wife, and Angelica Agden, both of\nwhom were well educated, were her half sisters.\nAnother half sister, Celeste, full sister to Michel, died at old\nFort Colville, she has, or had, a daughter, a fine looking girl\u00E2\u0080\u0094\nTerraises daughter\u00E2\u0080\u0094living across the Columbia River on the Colville Indian Reservation.\nFather and mother were married at old Fort Hall in southern\nIdaho, in 1842, the civil ceremony being performed by Captain\nGrant of the Hudson's Bay Company whose remains are buried in\nthe cemetery at Walla Walla. My oldest brother, John, was born\nat Fort Hall, in 1845, and I followed next on_the 20th of September, 1847, being born on the Big Camas Prairie near what is now\nBoise, Idaho. When I was ten days old I was taken to the old\n* This narrative was recorded for Mrs. Williams by William S. Lewis, Corresponding\nsecretary of the Eastern Washington State Historical Society, who forwarded a copy for\npublication in this Quarterly. Jacob A. Meyers, of Meyers Falls, has supplied most of the\nfootnotes.\u00E2\u0080\u0094Editor.\n(107) Christina M. M. Williams\nHudson's Bay Company post at Post Creek1, in the Flathead coun-\ntry. Shortly after father was transferred in charge of the Hudson's Bay Company post, Fort Colville. When we moved there\n[in 1852] I was so small that I had[to be tied onto the saddle of\nthe horse I rode. Going in we camped at the \"fishery\" on the\nLittle Spokane\u00E2\u0080\u0094the former siate of Spokane House. Weiser is\na Frenchman's name; Touchet is also a French word.\nAt Fort Colville father and mother were again united in marriage by the Catholic marriage ceremony performed by Father\njoset. I have two brothers buried in the old fort cemetery on the\nhill south of the old trading post. I have a picture of brother John\nmade at Fort Colville about 1856 by a French artist who visited\nthe post. I was just a little girl when Governor Isaac Ingalls\nStevens and Captain (afterwards General) McClellan visited the\npost in 1853. I was nine years old when the Indian war broke out.\nI knew Chiefs Kamiaken and Garry very well. They were\nboth Indian gentlemen and often dined with father at the Fort, and\nI have waited on them at the table in the old fort. Kamiaken was\na notable looking Indian. He used to wear\u00E2\u0080\u0094when visiting father*\nat the fort\u00E2\u0080\u0094a coat of Hudson's Bay broadcloth with red trimmings\nand brass buttons. I remember father telling Kamiaken that it was\nhopeless for the Indians to fight the white; that to kill a white man\nwas like killing an ant, there would be hundreds more pour up out\nof the nest; that the whites would eventually overrun the Indian\ncountry; and that the more the Indians resisted or fought the more\ndetermined and more numerous the whites would be. Father tried\nto dissuade Kamiaken from starting the Indian war of 1855-56.\nSpokane Garry was a short little fellow. He was the only\nIndian in that section of the country who had an education and he\nwas doing his best to teach the Indians. My mother's sister, Antonie, was married to Red Bird, the Nez Perce who had been educated with Garry at the Red River Missionary School at old Fort\nGarry. Spokane Garry never raised his hand against the white, he\nwas too loyal to them. He often said that he would never fight\n1 Angus McDonald was stationed at Saleesh House, four miles east of Thompson Falls,\nMon\ntana, during the years 1847, 1848 and 1849. Post Creek House was not started until\n. It was called Fort Connah. See, \"Some Items of the West\" in this Quarterly, vol.\npp. 188-229. Also, testimony of Angus McDonald in the matter of the claims of the\nHud\nson's Bay, Company and the Puget's Sound Agricultural Company against the United\nStat\nes, taken at Victoria, B. C, September 25, 1865.\u00E2\u0080\u0094J. A. Meyers.\n2 Angus McDonald's Indian name was \"Oop-chin\", meaning \"whiskers\". See Splawn,\nKa-\nni-akin.\u00E2\u0080\u0094J. A. Meyers.\n3 Sarah Tucker, Rainbow in the North, pp. 70-74; Alexander Boss, Fur Hunters of the\nFar\nWest, pp. 156-158; John M'Lean, Notes of a Twenty-fwe Years' Service in the Hudson'* \"\nA Daughter of Angus MacDonald 109\nthe whites on equal terms. They were poor, had few horses, few\nguns, no ammunition. It was hopeless and useless to fight against\nthe whites.\nWe were never in any danger from the Indians at Fort Colville. When the war broke out father, however, sent the family to\nthe buffalo plains in Montana. After the war the soldiers came to\nthe Colville Valley and Pinkney City was started. Father was\nvery much the Scotch laird. He entertained the officers of the post\nwith great hospitality and was very particular with our manners\nand would not allow us children to meet and associate with everyone. Father was also much inclined to take his ease and as I grew\nolder became his special companion and acted as interpreter for\nhim most of the time.\nAmong the United States Army officers at Colville I remember Capt. L. Browning (I have his picture here.) As a small girl\nI used to race him on his army horse and beat him. Father had sev-\neial kinds of horses at the Hudson's Bay Company fort: hack or\ndriving horses, short distance, or running horses, buffalo horses and\npack-horses and ordinary Indian and Hudson's Bay Company\nponies. My uncle, Archibald MacDonald, and father, Angus MacDonald, in connection with the Hudson's Bay Company, were the\nfounders of the stock and cattle business of the Northwest. Even\nin those early days father had horses out here which could trot in\nthree minutes. One special breed, from imported French roan\nhorses, were as tough and hardy and as tireless as mules; they\nwere called \"sane, en\" by our Canadian French employees, and\nwere great travelers.\nCaptain McCabin of the United States Army gave father all\nhis private library when he left the Colville military post and Major\nRumrill left father his table, couch and bed. Father was very\nhospitable to and much liked by the officers. I remember the late\nL. V. Meyers of Meyers Falls. He was one of the last employees of\nthe Hudson's Bay Company* at the old grist mill which he afterwards purchased. Mr. Meyers taught me how to make corn bread.\nThe site of the mill, now named Meyers Falls, was the place where\nthe Indians caught the \"little fish\". In early days the Indians came\nto the little mill to have their wheat and corn ground\u00E2\u0080\u0094even the\n. Meyers 110 Christina M. M. Williams\nNez Perces, until Spaulding built the mill at Spaulding Mission on\nthe Snake River.\nThere was some talk of a grist mill being built on the Little\nSpokane above the \"fishery\". I understood the Catholic priests\nwere going to get the pattern or plans for a mill from Gowdie who\nhelped my Uncle Archibald MacDonald rebuild ours at Colville\nabout 1842. Spokane Garry is said to have been connected with the\nenterprise. He often brought his grain by pack horse to be ground\nat the mill at Fort Colville.\nI recall being down to the mouth of the Little Spokane once\nto meet the brigade with flour from White Bluffs. This was in the\nearly 60's and after the Fort Colville-Fort WaUa Walla military\nroad had been laid out, but the Indian trails were shorter and better\nfor the pack train use. I saw a number of small cabins standing there\nin 1866. The place was a great salmon fishery in early days and\nmany Indians' camped there. In the fall of the year one could hardly stay there from the stench from the dead salmon and refuse\nfrom the Indian fisheries. I remember running horse races there\nwith the little Brown girls, whose father was an early settler near\nChewelah. In addition to the small cabins there were then some\nsigns of the old trading post foundations and chimneys, being a\nchild I paid no attention to these. I do recall however that the\nplace was a famous one for \"ghost\" stories of the Indians. Possibly\nthe so-called cellar holes you mention are Indian camas holes which\nwere made five or six feet deep. The principal Indian graveyard\nwas in the high ground, just across the Little Spokane and the\ngraves were decorated with horse hides, cloth blankets, etc., a custom which disappeared with the teachings of the missionaries.\nWhen father first took charge of Fort Colville and the fur trade\nin that district the site of old Spokane House was still used as a\ntrading point and a stopping place in carrying on business with the\nPend d'Oreilles, Coeur d'Alene and Flathead Indians, but it was a\nlittle out of the way, so later father established a post which\nchanged this trade from the mouth of the Little Spokane to what is\nnow Peone Prairie as more convenient for the Coeur d'Alene and\nother Indians. A little post was built on the side hill on the Indian\ntrails on the second bench near what is now Biglow Gulch and\nBaptise Peone,5 a Hudson's Bay Company employee of no education A Daughter of Angus MacDonald 111\nbut a good fur trader was placed in charge. He married a local\nIndian wife, gave his name to the Prairie and was founder of the\npowerful Peone family among the Upper Spokane Indians. I don't\nknow the date this sub-post was established, but it was about the\ntime Antone Plant settled in the vicinity.\nAntone Plant, like Peone, was a half breed French Canadian,\nI first saw him when a little girl, when he came to Fort Colville\nwhen the gold was first discovered. He was a hunter for the Hudson's Bay Company, and first took .a farm in the Colville Valley for\nthe Company. Later Antone Plant and his brother-in-law, Camile,\nlocated together on the Spokane River just above what is called\nTrent.8 Their wives were sisters from the Pend d'Oreille tribe.\nWhen they first established the ferry it was called Camile's ferry.\nMany Hudson's Bay Company men married Pend d'Oreille women.\nMrs. John Work was a half breed Pend d'Oreille woman. Young\nJohn Work was often at Colville. David Thompson had a daughter\nby a Pend d'Oreille woman. A daughter of Antone Plant is a sister-\nin-law of my late brother Donald's wife.\nI recall at old Hudson's Bay Company Colville an Indian named\n\"La-let\". My uncle Archibald MacDonald in charge of the post\nin the '30's had twin sons1 born whom his wife, Jane Klyne MacDonald, was unable to nurse and they were nursed by an Indian\nwoman whose own child was raised on Cow's milk. This was an\nentirely new departure for the Indians and half breeds and the Indian youngster received the name of La-let.\nAbout 1865\u00E2\u0080\u0094I have forgotten the year\u00E2\u0080\u0094father received notice at Colville to go to Portland and meet Mr. Johnson and the\nAmericans in charge of the setlement of the Hudson's Bay Company claims under the treaty of 1846. Father was reluctant to go\nand talked first of going alone by bateaux down the river, but I\npursuaded him to let me accompany him. He brightened up at the\nthought of company and consented to my accompanying him. He\nordered the hack and his best driving horses prepared for the occasion and we started off in style. The first night or camp was at\nPat McKenzies on the old Hudson Bay Company farm in the Colville Valley; the second at the Forks of Deep Creek after passing\nSee Poet/\ntoine Plante w\nc Railway Rep\nWallula to St.\nis Iii\nMar\nvol\non Spokane\nSB, part 1\nMission, or\nPrairie t\np. 108.\nFort Owe\nHe\nof\nId.,\nthe guide\nI, 512.\u00E2\u0080\u0094\n1\nspring of\nLieutenant\n1853\nSax-\nSt. j\n7 Do\nVndre\naald and James Lumis\nws, Quebec. La-let is\nare giv\nook\njargon w\nZ\ns by\nMiss Dan\n'milk\".\u00E2\u0080\u0094J\nlb\npostmistre\nA. Meyers.\nss of 112 Christina M. M. Williams\nthrough Walkers Prairie and crossing the Ferry operated by Spokane Jimmy (Monahon) ; the third night's camp was at Willow\nSprings on the Colville Military Road; the next camp seventy miles\nfurther on at Cow Creek, so named from the fact, as related to me\nby father, of his having once killed a cow there to feed the starving\nmembers of his pack train and left the hide with a note stating that\nthe Hudson Bay Company at Colville would pay the owner, who\never he was, for it. It was a long day's drive by Colville Lake and\nmany pot holes and we noticed lots of rattlesnakes. We reached\nCow Creek in the evening, camping on the hill. We planned to catch\nthe Snake River steamer Idaho. Some man then had a ferry on\nthe opposite or south side of the Snake River from the mouth of the\nPalouse River. We crossed over and, leaving our hack and team,\nflagged the steamer.\nI had a small hand valise nearly full of gold dust. Father being\ntired from the trip laid down to rest. When the captain asked me\nfor my ticket I told him to see that gentleman over there pointing\nto father. He said, \"Oh! your husband,\" and I told him, \"No!\nmy father.\" Father, when approached, told the Captain to go back\nto the young lady, telling me to give him some of the gold and I\nwould pay; so I opened the valise, took a handful of the gold and I\nsaid, \"Take your pay.\" The Captain's eyes widened at the sight of\nthe gold and he walked off and didn't come back until dinner time,\nby which time he had discovered who we were. Father was dressed\nat the time in a buckskin suit. The Captain treated us well and we\nbecame great friends.\nAt Wallula a Mrs. Hull kept the hold, and we transfered to\nanother steamer for Celilo. Trans fering to the portage road for\nThe Dalles everyone wanted to carry the valise full of gold. At\nThe Dalles another steamer in charge of Captain Will Gray, son\nof the old Captain, took us to the Cascades where, crossing the\nportage road, we embarked in another steamer for Portland. At\nVancouver, Washington, we met Dr. Tonsier of the Hudson's Bay\nCompany and at Portland Dr.\"Tolmie and two clerks, and took another steamboat for Astoria. The ladies of the party were all sea\nsick. I recall one of them, a Mrs. McGowan, whose daughter used\nto be at Colville.\nAt Astoria we went to the hotel and met Mr. Johnson of the\nUnited States party, a very tall, dark man who I recall was wearing\ncrepe around his hat for Lincoln. The party went out to the site A Daughter of Angus MacDonald\n113\nof Fort George and Astoria which I recall was then about one mile\nfrom the little town of Astoria. The gentlemen pointed out and\ndiscovered things and the clerks wrote down what they dictated.\nNothing remained then of Astoria but the foundation rocks of the\nchimney. Dr. Tolmie pointing out the site, said, \"There was where\nRanald was born, referring to my cousin Ranald MacDonald. The\nchimney site was easily identified. I went back to the hotel. The\nparty remained there about three days.\nI remember at the hotel a fine looking young lady, a sister to\nthe lady who ran the hotel. She expressed a liking for me and\nwished to spend the night with me. Her sister said there are lots\nof other beds, but the girl evidently wanted a confidential girl's\nvisit with me. She had evidently heard of my having Indian blood\nin my veins and told me that she had been taken prisoner by Indians\nwhen a very little girl, and liked the Indian life and that some day\nshe was going back to her foster Indian mother who had treated\nher so well. I after wondered what became Of her. At Astoria it\nwas planned to give a ball in honor of the gentlemen. Father did\nnot want to attend on account of the recent death of my brother\nJohn, and as Mrs. Captain Gray, whose husband then kept the light\nhouse wanted me to stay with her, I stayed with her two nights.\nThe clerks and other members of the commission all had a good\ntime.\nReturning to Portland the party proceeded to Oregon City.\nFather said he would leave me with Mrs. Dr. McLaughlin while he\ntended to his business. Dr. McLaughlin was then dead. I met\nmany charming ladies there. The Doctor's daughter Louise, sister\nof Dave (Mrs. Dr. Rae who afterwards married B ), and\nMrs. Dr. Barkley, a daughter of Mr. P. M. Pambrum, were both\nbeautiful women. The latter had a sister named Carrie. Mrs.\nCaptain McGouvern's sister gave a fine dinner for us at Oregon\nCity, and I recall Mrs. McGovern's mother-in-law, an old lady,\npointing out to me, on the Columbia, the ribs of a wrecked ship\nbeached there some twenty years before. The first cultivated currants I ever ate, I ate here at the McLoughlin's. It was a beautiful\nplace, well furnished and kept up. I remained there three or four\nweeks while father was making proof of the Hudson's Bay Company's claims and then I returned to Portland. From Portland we\nwent to Vancouver, Washington, and finally took the steamboats\nback to Lyons Ferry on the Snake River. Here we found that our 114 Christina M. M. Williams\nhorses, left at the mouth of the Palouse, had been stolen.. One of\nthem of imported blood could trot a mile in better than three\nminutes. We secured new horses from Jim Collins and young Sinclair, the husband of Hudson's Bay Company trader Grant's stepdaughter. Her maiden name was Kitchem [Kittson?] and her\nmother afterwards married Grant.\nMy first husband and the last clerk at the post, James Mc-\nKenzie, a Scotchman, was a clerk of the Hudson's Bay Company\nunder father at Fort Colville. The post was abandoned in June\n1878 and Mr. McKenzie and I left overland for Victoria, B. C, with\nthe records.8 We took Joe LaFlure one of the old Hudson's Bay\nCompany men with us. When we came to Christina Creek, LaFlure\nsaid in French, \"Here is your Creek, Christina.\" Christina Lake\nand Creek are named after me. The water was high. LaFlure\nswam across with the horses. Then a tree was felled from each\nside crossing in the middle making an improvised bridge. McKenzie crossed first with the gold dust. LaFlure tied a rope of\nbraided buffalo hair to me and taking up his pack and one end of\nthe rope crossed ahead, I followed. In some way LaFlure forgot\nand dropped the rope and when he got across nearly fainted\nto find he had not kept hold of the other end of the rope he had\nso carefully tied to me. At Clinton LaFlure turned back to Colville with the horses and we proceeded to Victoria.\nAt Victoria, in 1870, my husband James McKenzie was promoted to Chief Trader at Kamloops and we at once established ourselves there. In 1872 he resigned and Mr. Tate from Gar-a-mouse\ntook his place. He now opened a trading post of his own which\nMr. McKenzie operated until his death, in 1873. During this period I spent much of my time back at old Hudson's Bay Company\nFort Colville. Father still lived there but wanted to sell out and\nmake a home at Horse Plains, now Plains, Montana, where mother\nhad moved with the children, in 1870. Father soon joined hti, and\nmy brother Donald took possession of the old Hudson s Bay Company post site as a prospective townsite.\nI was often in Victoria, B. C, in early days, either with father\nor my husband. Once an old gentleman came up with father\nthere a\u00E2\u0080\u0094little old man\u00E2\u0080\u0094 and brought me a beautiful bouquet. He\nbrought them to me several mornings. He was Gowdie, the old\ne Hu\nHnds\nCompany\n'. Me\nof Mar\n.\u00E2\u0080\u0094J.\nA.\nMeye\ns. A Daughter of Angus MacDonald\n115\nFort Colville blacksmith and milwright. He had a little piece of\nland at Victoria and told me he was selling flowers for a living. He\nwas a Scotchman and had an Indian family. He was a stocky, low-\nset man about five foot five inches tall, and told me how he took a\ngranite rock at Kettle Falls and dressed it down for the Hudson's\nBay Company mill at Colville (Meyers Falls) when it was rebuild\nunder my uncle's administration in the early forty's.\nFor all his years in the Northwest, father was never weaned\nfrom his Scotch habits and ways. Once when I was with him in\nVictoria he engaged a coach and, taking Big McLean, a bag pipe\nplayer, we set off to pay a visit to s'gatch poose Anderson,9 a fellow\ncountryman and old acquaintance who lived near Esquimalt, and\nwas so named by the Indians on account of a gathering or scar on\nhis cheek. He was an old Hudson's Bay Company man formerly\nfrom Fort Colville.\nDriving to Anderson's the woods rang with McLean's spirited\nplaying. Anderson and his wife, when they heard the pipes, cryed\nwith joy ,and said its Angus coming with his pipes. They were\noverjoyed to see us. The next day Mr. Anderson told us that on\nhearing the pipes the Indians had all run away from the neighborhood, thinking there was a big fight going on.\nOn Mr. McKenzie's death I was appointed administrator of his\nestate and took charge of and ran the trading post at Kamloops in\ncompetition with the Hudson's Bay Company and the independent\ntraders, and a woman and with limited capital. I more than held\nmy own with them, for I was raised in the fur-trade, and had been\na campanion of my father so long that I knew the business\nthoroughly.\nI have made lots of money. I met Sir James Douglas in Victoria when I was there buying goods. He was a large handsome\nman. He was the highest man in the Province, and though a close\nfamily friend, I did not care to meet him, as I had no time for\nvisiting or society. I was buying shoes by the case when he came\nup to me and said, \"So you are Christina MacDonald.\" He took\nstage line run by Hamilton, Steve Tingley and Bernard. He was a\nvery jolly, companionable man\u00E2\u0080\u0094a great ladies' man\u00E2\u0080\u0094and his special\nbusiness seemed to be to entertain and look after the Company's\nlady passengers. He was a true sport, treating and drinking with 116 Christina M. M. Williams\nmy hand and held it and stroked or petted it all the time he was\ntalking. \"I see that you are administratrix for your husband's estate and for your children, I wish my own daughter (Mrs. Bushby)\nwas as competent,\" etc. I had met Mrs. Bushby some years before.\nGovernor Douglas wanted to take me home in the carriage,\nbut I compromised, and he later sent his coachman to the hotel for\nme and I dined with him and met Lady Douglas and the girls. Mrs.\nDouglas was a little woman. We talked in our excitement in French,\nin Indian and in mixed English and Lady Douglas remarked how\nshe liked to hear the old language again. I remember Governor\nDouglas saying, \"Do you remember the sardren (French roan\nhorses,\" and asking if we had any.\nIn the spring of the long, hard winter, 1873-74, the stores or\n'trading posts at Kamloops had exhausted their stocks. The Hudson's Bay Company and wealthy merchants had hired ahead of me\nall the available transportation, oxen, mule and horse teams, to get\nin their own supplies, and thought they had gotten ahead of me. I\nsent word by Indian courier to Letton to the Indian pack train at\nIn-gomen that I was going to load with groceries and supplies, and\nfor them to be ready. I took 1500 martin skins and other furs, and\nselling them for $35,000 bought my supplies, with instructions that\nthe goods be shipped to Yale, B. C. When the freight arrived at\nYale the Indians met me and came to In-gomen and we proceeded\nover the mountains with my goods long before the big freight teams\nof the Hudson's Bay Company and the big merchants could get\nthrough. I sold all my groceries, tobacco and whiskey to them before their own supplies arrived. I never lost a pound of tobacco nor\na bottle, nor a drop of liquor while it was handled by my Indians.\nThe road from Yale to Kamloops and into the Cariboo was terrible\none in early days. In my journeys to and fro on the stage I used to\nset on the seat with the various drivers and when their hands were\nstiff with the strain and cold I would take the lines myself and spell\nthem off, something which few men could do.\nI first met my cousin, Ranald MacDonald of Japan fame, at\nClintook, B. C, about 1874. He was reported to have made $60,-\n000 in the Cariboo mines but had lost it all through bad luck, and\ntrickery of sharpers. I met him at old McLean's building, the\nBonaparte House, or Bonaparte Station in the Cariboo, where the\nroads to Cariboo and Kamloops fork. He was in the employ of the A Daughter of Angus MacDonald\n117\nthe men, dancing all night with the ladies and showing them the\nlittle courtesious, polished attentions noticeable for their absence\namong the rougher elements of the. West.\nThe following winter of 1875 he came over to Kamloops where\nI was conducting the store\u00E2\u0080\u0094as I said I am an old fur-trader\u00E2\u0080\u0094and\nhelped a little on my books. He spent most of his time about the\nholds, being a jolly, likeable fellow and an entertaining talker, telling of early times in the Northwest. In 1877, I sold out my store\nand business and moved to a ranch on Suys-waps Prairie on\nThompson River where I had purchased some time before from\nDonald Walker. I didn't know much about land titles and one\nnight Provincial Constable, John Archer, came to my store and said\nthat two men, McBride and McPherson, were in Kamloops intending to jump my ranch and told me to take his horse and ride to the\nranch, thirty miles away, by daylight, so as to forestall them. It\nwas a cold, snowy night about April 20th. I got on Archer's black\nhorse and reached the ranch at daylight, and at once started a fire.\nWhen McLeon and McPherson approached they saw the smoke\nand abandoned the enterprise. Constable Archer was afterwards\nkilled by McLean. In 1877, Ranald MacDonald stayed with me\nand my family at the ranch, and then he left for my brother Donald's at old Fort Colville, where he spent most of his time up to his\ndeath in 1894.\nMy son Alexander was born at Victoria, B. C, in 1870; my\ndaughter Katherine at Kamloops, in 1872, and my daughter Mjary\nChristina at Kamloops, in 1876. I lived on Thompson River until\n1S88, when I moved to Cow Creek, Montana. Cousin Ranald occasionally spent some months with us, and devoted a great deal of\ntime to the children, teaching the girls to dance the heel and toe\npolka, and how to mount from the palm of his hand into side saddles. He was very insistant upon their manners, and was always\nquiet, good-natured and mannerly himself. He wrote out part of\nhis Japanese story at our home in Kamloops in the eighty's, and at\none time requested my financial assistance in publishing the book,\nbut this, coming during the hard times of the early ninety's, I could\nnot aid him. In 1888, when we were living at Cow Creek, Montana, he gave some of his books, records and pictures to my\ndaughter Catherine (Kitty), and said, \"Kitty, some day you will\npublish them.\"\nChristina MacDonald McKenzie Wiljwams. YAKIMA REMINISCENCES\nOut in the Ahtanum, today one of the most peaceful and prosperous sections of the Yakima Valley, years ago stood an old sod\nfort. It was a large fort, covering at least an acre, and to it all the\nsettlers in this end of the valley would rush for protection when the\nword went out that the Indians were on the war path and were\nthreatening the lives of the white men and their families.\nJ. E. Burbank, of Cheney, who visited some of his old friends\nin Yakima and the surrounding country last week, recalls the days\nwhen the fort was a place of refuge from the Indians, and the\npioneer families, driving their horses and part of their stock with\nthem, would be crowded together there for days and sometimes\nweeks.\nMr. Burbank's father, Harry Burbank, brought his family to\nthe Yakima Valley from Oregon in 1870. Mr. Burbank was then\na lad ten years old, and noticed and remembers much that happened\nduring his life here. The family settled on the Yakima River,\nacross from the present site of Mabton. After a time they came up\nto what is known as the Burbank Canyon, which is named for the\nfamily. After a short time there they settled in the Kittitas Valley,\nlater to return to the Wenas, where they resided until 1882. They\nmoved then to a ranch near Spokane.\n\"The Indians were still giving the settlers considerable trouble\nin those days,\" said Mr. Burbank. \"I remember in 1877 there was\nmuch anxiety because of the frequent outbreaks. That was the\ntime of the Perkins murder, over which all the settlers were much\nwrought up. The Indians once fired at my brother and cousin at\nWillow Springs. The boys escaped without injury, but the Indians\ngot away with a band of our horses.\n\"The word would be sent out that an Indian attack was expected, and everyone would get his family together, and as many\nof his horses and cattle as he could muster on short notice and go\nto the old sod fort in the Ahtanum. I remember one time we stayed\nthere more than a week, in constant fear of an attack. There was\nalways some one on guard, but that did not make us feel any too\neasy. The families were camped all about the fort. We were not\nattacked that time, the Indians that were moving up from further\n(118) Yakit,\nReminiscences\n119\nsouth being checked as they came across the river, and the other\nIndians in the upper valley not daring to make the attack alone.\n\"We were always on the outlook for Indians. No one knew at\nwhat moment they would attack some settler's house. We did not\ndare to sleep in our home when the word was out that the Indians\nwere on the warpath, but the whole family would go to a little\nravine, where we would be hidden, and sleep there.\"\nThere were no soldiers stationed here at that time, and the\ngovernment sent guns and ammunition to the settlers with which\nto protect themselves. They were sent up from The Dalles. Every\nman who could shoot was given a gun, and Mr. Burbank was\namong the number. The guns were the long type, called \"needle\"\nguns.\nYakima was a very small village when the Burbank family\narrived. There were very few settlers in the valley, almost all of\nthem making their homes along the River. They raised practically\neverything they used for food. There was no scarcity of meat, the\nvalley being a cattle country, and each family would have a garden\nand a patch of grain. They did not raise enough flour, however,\nfor their own needs, and some of it had to be brought up from\nUmatilla and The Dalles.\nMr. Burbank tells an amusing story in connection with the\nwheat-raising. He went to call on one of the neighbors, and remained for dinner. During the time he was there the daughters\nof the family, of whom there were several pretty, energetic girls,\nwent out into the wheat field, cut some wheat, threshed and deemed it, ground it up into flour, made biscuits and served them for\ndinner.\n\"The only things that are familiar in the Valley any more are\nthe higher hills,\" said Mr. Burbank. \"I never would recognize Nob\nHill as the place where I used to hunt rabbits in the sage brush\nthat was higher than my head. Today it is covered with beautiful\nhomes and fine orchards; and still those rabbit hunts of mine do\nnot seem very far away.\"\nThe elder Mr. Burbank was engaged in the stock business on\na fairly extensive scale, owning several thousand cattle and many\nhorses. He prospered well until the terrible winter of 1881, when\nhe lost almost all of his cattle. That winter, Mr. Burbank remembers, he could see a band of his father's horses upon a hill. He 120 \"Yakima Herald\"\nwatched them every day during the winter, seeing the number\nlessen gradually, until when the spring came and the snow melted\nthere were only three of them left After the losses of the winter\nthe family left the Valley and settled on a ranch near Spokane.\nNaming Sunnyside\n\"Sunnyside, according to one of these young railway boys,\nwas named after the Sunnyside canal. At least that is what I see\nin the papers,\" said \"Governor\" S. J. Lowe. \"I might say a word\nabout that. I guess these boys that the O. W. and the Northern\nPacific railway have here are mighty nice fellows. Anyhow I am\ntold they are. They want help in naming the country along the\nrailway but they start giving out the wrong dope. Sunnyside was\nnamed in 1882 and the canal wasn't constructed until. 10 years\nafterwards. Let me tell you about it.\n\"Along in 1882 we had a need for hay. We didn't grow alfalfa here in those days, but had a steadily growing need for hay\nand The Dalles were too far away to bring it in from there. There\nwas a nice bunch grass country down in the lower valley so Joe\nStephenson, Andy McDaniels, one of the Nelsons and myself went\ndown to look about the hills there for land. We were together for\nsome considerable time surveying about. It was in October and\nthe weather was beautiful. When we came down off the hills and\ngot the line of the sage brush and struck into the fog I told Joe\nStephenson that I proposed to name the country before I left it.\nJoe said, 'Go to it. What do you propose to call it?' I looked\nabout, remembered the sunshine and got the contrast of the mist\nin the bottom lands and said, 'We will call it Sunnyside.' When\nwe came out we met J. M. Adams who was running the Signal.\nHe asked us where we had been. We told him we had been down\nto Sunnyside. He published that in his paper and that's how the\nname started. I named the place and the canal came along years\nafterward.\"\nIndian-Fighting Stage Driver\nEzekiel McCausland, father of Mrs. H. H. Short of Toppen-\nish, who died a few years ago in Seattle, was a picturesque figure\nof the Northwest.\nHe was 86, the hero of a number of skirmishes with the Indians in the early days in this state, and a realistic counterpart of\nthe stage coach driver of Bret Harte's tales. Yakima Reminiscences\n121\nWhile Bret Harte's character had his encounters with road\nagents when a lawless society ruled California, McCausland, who\nconducted the first stage line between Olympia and Portland,\nfaced redskin enemies.\nOn one occasion, while driving his stagecoach to the Oregon\nsettlement, his aid was sought by six settlers to assist in routing a\nband of renegade Indians. Leaving the box, he put his six horses\nat the service of the settlers, and went with them in search of the\nmarauders. It is reported that, after three weeks, the Indians were\nconquered, and the stage resumed its journey.\nBefore the advent of the taxicabs, McCausland was a well-\nknown figure in Seattle. He drove one of the first hacks seen on\nthe streets there.\nEver in the best of health, he is said to have always planned\nfor the future. His last desire had been to make a journey to\nAlaska in the spring. McCausland's avocation was gardening. . He\nsowed the seeds, cared for the plants and harvested his crop in the\nbackyard without assistance.\nBorn in Gardner, Maine, McCausland felt the call of the\nWest when he was 20 years old and made his way by boat to Central America, crossed the Isthmus of Panama, it is said, on the first\ntrain operating from coast to coast, and from there by boat to San\nFrancisco. After six months he went to Seattle on sailing vessels,\nfrom where he went to Olympia.'\nYakima Herald. ORIGIN OF WASHINGTON GEOGRAPHIC NAMES\n[Continued from Volume XIII., Page 56.]\nSkipjack Island, north of Waldron Island, in the north central part of San Juan County. The Wilkes Expedition, 1841, charted two small islands as \"Ship Jack Islands.\" (Hydrography, Volume XXIIL, Atlas, chart 77.) The United States Coast Survey\nin 1853 noted the contrast in their covering and charted the larger\nas \"Wooded\" and the smaller as \"Bare\" Island. (Captain George\nDavidson: Pacific Coast Pilot, page 558.) Captain Richards, in\n1858-1859, restored the original name for the larger island and\nchanged the name of the smaller one to \"Penguin Island.\" (British Admiralty Chart 2689.) The United States Coast and Geodetic\nSurvey Chart 6300 retains the \"Skipjack\" name for the larger\nisland but rejects the name \"Penguin\" for the other which is now\nBare Island. There are several species of fish which go by the\ncommon name of \"Shipjack\", which probably accounts for the\norigin of this name.\nSkii,kantin, see Stemilt Creek.\nSki- ou or Syue Point, at the southeast entrance to Tulalip\nBay, in the west central par. of Snohomish County. \"Skyu\" is the\nIndian word for dead body. In primitive times, the point was the\nsite of an Indian cemetery. The place is often called \"Dead Man's\nPoint.\" (Charles M. Buchanan, of Tulalip, in Names MSS. Letter\n155.)\nSkohomish River, rising in the Olympic mountains and flowing into Hood Canal at Union, in the northwestern part of Mason\nCounty, was named \"Black Creek\" by the Wilkes Exploring Expedition, 1841. (Narrative, Volume IV., page 411) This was probably intended as an honor for the trader Black at one of the northern posts. Captain Wilkes wrote: \"To Mr. Black the world is indebted for the greater part of the geographical knowledge which\nhas been published of the country west of the Rocky Mountains.\"\n(Narrative, Volume IV, page 369.) That name did not persist.\nThe present Indian name means \"river people\", from kaw, \"fresh\nwater\" and mish, \"people\", (Myron Eells in American Anthropologist for January, 1892.)\n(122) Origin of Washington Geographical Names 123\nSkookumchuck RrvER, in the southern part of Thurston\nCounty and the northwestern part of Lewis County, flowing into\nthe Chehalis River near Centralia. In one spelling or another, the\nname appears on the earliest Territorial maps of Washington.\nSkookum, is a Chehalis Indian word meaning \"strong\" and Chuck is\na Chinook Indian word meaning \"water\". Both words are in the\nChinook Jargon and the name as applied means swift river.\nSkull Rock, in Massacre Bay, West Sound, Orcas Island, in\nSan Juan County. See Massacre Bay.\nSkwa-kwE-i, see Port Discovery.\nSkykomish River, rises in the Cascade Range and flows\nthrough the southern part of Snohomish County. Near Monroe it\njoins with the Snoqualmie River forming the Snohomish River. The\nBureau of American Ethnology says the Indian name comes from\nskaikh, meaning \"inland\" and mish, \"people\". (Handbook of\nAmerican Indians, Volume IL, page 591.) There have been many\nspellings of the word. Captain George B. McClellan referred to it\nas \"Skywhamish.\" (Pacific Railroad Reports, Volume I., chapter\n18, page 200.)\nSeal-atl-aTL-tul-hu, see Hoodsport.\nSlaughter, see Auburn.\nSlaughter County, see Kitsap County.\nSlawntehus River, see Colville River.\nSlip Point, at Clallam Bay, in the northwestern part of Clallam\nCounty. \"Very broken-up formation and slides frequently occur.\"\n(Postmaster at Clallam Bay in Names MSS. Letter 265.)\nSlup-puks, an Indian name for the site of Marysville. (Charles\nM. Buchanan, in Names MSS, Letter 155.)\nSmall Pox Bay, on the west coast of San Juan Island, \"direct-\nJy across the island from Friday Harbor. Many Indians infected\nwith the disease at Victoria died there. Their bodies were burned\nwith kerosene by American officers in 1860.\" (E. P. Osbourne, in\nmanuscript in Pacific Marine Station.)\nSmalocho, see Greenwater River and White River.\nSmith Cove, a part of Seattle Harbor, King County, named in\nhonor of Dr. Henry A. Smith, the pioneer who settled there in 1853. 124 Edmond S. Meany\n(Frederic James Grant, History of Seattle, page 432.) The Wilkes\nExpedition, 1841, had called it \"Quartermaster Cove\". (Hydrography, Volume XXIIL, Atlas, chart 92.)\nSmith Creek, a small stream flowing into Lake Whatcom in\nthe western part of Whatcom County, named for the pioneer, T. J.\nSmith, who settled there in 1884. Mr. Smith was the pioneer hardware merchant in what is now Bellingham. (J. D. Custer, of Park,\nin Names MSS. Letter 209.) There are at least three other streams\nin the State with the same name, in Lewis,, Pacific and Skamania\nCounties.\nSmith Island, at the eastern extremity of the Strait of Juan\nde Fuca, in the west central part of Island County. Its main use is\nfor the location of a powerful and important light and foghorn\nThe Wilkes Expedition, 1841, named it \"Blunt's Island,\" an honoi\nfor Midshipman Simon F. Blunt, of the expedition. (Hydrography,\nVolume XXIIL, Atlas, chart 77.) The Spanish Captain Francisco\nEliza had named the group \"Islas de Bonilla,\" in honor of Antonio\nde Bonilla. (United States Public Documents, Serial Number 1557,\nchart K.) The present name for Smith Island was probably introduced by the Hudson's Bay Company. (J. G. Kohl, in Pacific Railroad Reports, Volume XII., chapter 15, page 272.) Captain George\nDavidson, of the United States Coast Survey, found the name in\nuse in 1858 and placed it upon the official charts. (United States\nPublic Documents, Serial Number 1005, pages 429-430.)\nSmith Island, another island by this name is in the mouth of\nthe Snohomish River, between Everett and Marysville. It was named for Dr. Henry A. Smith, who, in 1864, secured 600 acres of land\nthere to carry out one of his ideas that reclaimed tide-lands would\nbe profitable. By a system of dikes he reclaimed 75 acres. (H.\nK. Hines, History of Washington, page 468.)\nSmiThEiELD, see Olympia.\nSmokestacks, City of, see Everett.\nSmyrna, in the southern part of Grant County, named by the\nChicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul Railway Company after the port on\nthe Aegean Sea. (Vice President H. R. Williams, in Names MSS.\nLetter 530.) Origin of Washington Geographical Names\n125\nSnag Point, in the Columbia River, near its mouth, mentioned\nby that name in Lieutenant Howison's \"Report on Oregon, 1846\"\nin the Quarterly of the Oregon Historical Society, Volume XIV.,\npage 17.\nSnake Indians and Snake Country. Early travellers used\nthese terms for the natives and the region where flows the river\nnow known as the Snake River. David Thompson, of the Northwest Company of Montreal, uses the term for the natives in 1811,\nbut he calls the river \"Shawpatin.\" (Narrative, Champlain Society\nedition, pages 492 and 526.) John Work, of the Hudson's Bay\nCompany, mentions the Snake people and Snake Country, in 1825.\n(\"Journal\" in Washington Historical Quarterly, Volume V., pages\n96, 101, 111.) Peter Skeen Ogden, of the Hudson's Bay Company,\nmentions the Snake Country in 1826. (Quarterly of the Oregon\nHistorical Society, Volume XL, page 204.)\nSnake River, the greatest tributary of the Columbia River,\nenters that stream between Wallula and Pasco, forming the boundary\nbetween Walla Walla and Franklin Counties. -Names in wide divergence have been used for the river. On August 21, 1805, Captain\nWilliam Clark named it Lewis River, in honor of his colleague,\nCaptain Meriwether Lewis. (Elliott Coues, History of the Lewis\nand Clark Expedition, Volume IL, page 528.) This happened at\none of the sources now known as Lemhi River, which flows into\nSnake River. As the travellers later came upon the larger river\nthey called it by the Indian name \"Kimooenim.\" Later they erased\nthat name and restored that of Lewis River which was correctly\ncharted from its junction with the Columbia River. (Elliott Coues,\nHistory of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, Volume IL, pages 621-\n622 and 635, and notes.) Gabriel Franchere on April 16, 1814:\n\"Toward the decline of day we passed the river Lewis, in the language of the country, the Sha-ap-tin.\" (Franchere's Narrative, in\n\"Early Western Travels,\" Volume VI., page 338.) Above, under\n\"Snake Indians,\" a contemporary, David Thompson, is shown to\nhave spelled it \"Shawpatin.\" On May 29, 1824, Alexander Ross\nwrote: \"The main south branch of the Columbia, the Nez Perces,\nthe main Snake River and Lewis River, are one and the same differently named.\" (\"Journal of Alexander Ross\" in the Quarterly\nof the Oregon Historical Society, Volume XIV., page 381.) Peter\n_i>^ 126 Edmond S. Meany\nSkeen Ogden, of the Hudson's Bay Company, in July, 1826, mentioned Snake Indians and Snake River. (\"Journals\" in the Quarterly\nof the Oregon Historical Society, Volume XL, page 221.) Rev.\nGustavus Hines, Missionary, uses \"Snake or Lewis River.\" (Exploring Expedition to Oregon, pages 170 and 325.) Elliott Coues,\nin his History of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, Volume IL, pages\n621-622, note 58, pleads for the original name, concluding as follows : \"The great stream that rises in and about Lake Henry, and\nempties into the Columbia, is Lewis River, by the clear intent of\nWilliam Clark, who discovered, described, charted, and named it.\"\nSee Lewis River.\nSnake Rock, at Port Ludlow, in the northeastern part of\nJefferson County, was charted and named by the United States\nCoast Survey in 1856. (United States Public Documents, Serial\nNumber 888, chart 54.)\nSnakeland Point, see Watsak Point.\nSna-nul-kwo, see Port Ludlow.\nS'ngazanELE, see Olympic Mountains.\nSnohomish, name of a city, county, river, and tribe of Indians.\nThe name was first applied to the Indians. Rev. Myron Eells says\nthe word refers to \"a style of union among them.\" (American Anthropologist, for January, 1892.) Dr. Charles M. Buchanan, for\nmany years Indian Agent at Tulalip, says: \"I have never met an\nIndian who could give a meaning to the word Snohomish, though I\nhave made twenty-one years of inquiry.\" He says the tribe was\ndominant in the region about the present City of Everett and he\nhas a theory, though no Indian has ever corroberated it. In the na- '\ntive language the word is Sdoh-doh-hohbsh. In the same language\nSdohbsh means man. \"Might not the word be the plural form signifying 'the men, the warriors, the braves.' They dominated their\nconfederation, you know.\" (In Names MSS. Letters 141 and 155.)\nThe word has been variously spelled. On December 9, 1824, John\nWork, of the Hudson's Bay Company, wrote it \"Sinnahamis.\"\n(\"Journal,\" in Washington Historical Quarterly, Volume III., page\n213.) The Wilkes Expedition, 1841, charted the river as \"Tux-\npam River.\" (Hydrography, Volume XXIIL, Atlas, chart 67.) In\n1847, Captain Henry Kellett charted the river as \"Sinahomis River.\" Origin of Washington Geographical Names 127\n(British Admiralty Chart 1911.) The same spelling was used by\nthe United States Coast Survey in 1854. (United States Public\nDocuments, Serial Number 784, chart 51.) The present spelling\nwas adopted by the Surveyor General of Washington Territory in\n1857. (United States Public Documents, Serial Number 877.) I\nSnohomish City was founded by E. C. Ferguson and E. F. Cady\nabout 1860. (H. H. Bancroft, Works, Volume XXXL, page 367.)\nSnoqualmie, the name of a tribe of Indians, of a river, a pass\nthrough the Cascade Range, and a sawmill town near the beautiful\nfalls, also of the same name, in King and Snohomish Counties. On\nmost of the earlier maps the spelling was \"Snoqualmoo.\" The river\njoins with the Skykomish River near Monroe, forming the Snohomish River. The white men have softened the native word Sdoh-\nkwahlb-bhuh; which refers to the legend that their people came\nfrom the moon. Sdoh-kwahlb means moon. (Charles M. Buchanan,\nIndian Agent at Tulalip, in Names MSS. Letter 155.) Colonel\nJ. Patton Anderson visited the falls in July, 1852. He was accompanied by Lieutenant Floyd Jones, of the United States Infantry\nOnly one white man had visited them before that. (James G. Swan,\nNorthwest Coast, page 395.)\nSnowshoe Falls, the highest falls in Denny Creek, near Snoqualmie Pass, in the east central part of King County. The elevation\nof the crest of the falls is about 3600 feet above the sea. The name\nwas recommended to the United States Geographic Board on June\n15, 1916 by the Trustees of The Mountaineers. (In Names MSS.\nLetter 580.)\nSoap Lake, a body of water and a town in Grand Coulee, in\nthe north central part of Grant County. \"The water is very soapy.\"\n(N. Okerberg, in Names MSS. Letter 223.)\nSoh-gwahbt, see Joe Hill's Bay.\nSoinetkwu, see Kettle Falls.\nSol Due, a river in the south western part of Clallam County,\nand hot-springs at which was developed a resort with hotel and\npostoffice. On early maps it was counted a part of Quillayute\nRiver. (Map by the Surveyor General of Washington Territory,\n1857, in United States Public Documents,' Serial Number 877.) warn\n128 Edmond S. Meany\nMore recently the hot-springs are called Sol Due and the river\nSoleduck. (Henry Landes, A Geographic Dictionary of Washington, page 260.) The river is shown to be a branch, which, with\nthe Bogachiel, forms the Quillayute River. The Sol Due Hot\nSprings Company say the Indians were first to locate the springs\nand that the name means \"magic waters.\" (In Names MSS. Letter 452.)\nSoloosa, see Plymouth.\nSooES RivER, see Waatch River.\nSopun Inlet, a name given by the Wilkes Expedition, 1841,\nto designate the inlet leading from South Bay (Grays Harbor) to\nthe Elk River. (Hydrography, Volume XXIIL, Atlas, chart 75.)\nSoquamis Bay, see Port Madison.\nSouth Bay, see Henderson Inlet, for which it is sometimes\nused as a local name. There is another bay of the same name in\nGrays Harbor.\nSouth Bend, county seat of Pacific County. The Willapa\nRiver takes a bend to the south in what is now the city. A sawmill\nwas located there as early as 1860 and in 1890 the South Bend Land\nCompany was organized with George U. Holcomb, L. M. Eklund\nand P. W. Swett as the prime movers. Since then the growth has\nbeen steady. (F. A. Hazeltine, in Names MSS. Letter 91.)\nSouth Bluee, see Birch Point.\nSouth East Island, see Colville Island.\nSouth Prairie Creek, a branch of Carbon RiVer, in the northern part of Pierce County. See Carbon River.\nSpa-kwaTl, see Tumwater.\nSpanaway, a lake and town about ten miles south of Tacoma,\nin the north central part of Pierce County. A probable origin of the\nname is found in the Hudson's Bay Company's Nisqually Journal\nof Occurences, entry for April 26, 1849: \"Two plows sent to Spa-\nnuch and one to Muck.\" (In Washington Historical Quarterly,\nVolume X., page 211.) Clara G. Lindsly says the name is of Indian origin, \"but when or the meaning of the word is unknown to Origin of Washington Geographical Names\n129\nanyone I have found.\" (In Names MSS. Letter 254.) In the\nbiography of Andrew J. Frost is the statement that in 1854 the lake\nwas known as Bushelier Lake. (H. K. ~H.mes,History of Washington, page 502.)\nSpangle, the name of a creek and a town in the south central\npart of Spokane County. Both were named after William Spangle,\na veteran of the Civil War who took up a squatter's claim on the\nland in 1872. When the Government survey was completed he took\na soldier's claim to the acres and on June 3 1886, located the town-\nsite. (Julian Hawthorne, History of Washington, Volume II.,\npage 626.)\nSpar Point, on the north shore of Grays Harbor, five miles\neast of Neds Rock, chartered by the Wilkes Expedition, 1841. (Hydrography, Volume XXIIL, Atlas, chart 75.)\nSpEdis, a town in the southwestern part of Klickitat County,\nnamed for an Indian chief of that name. (L-. C. Gilman, in Names\nMSS. Letter 590.)\nSpEEbidah, a geographical term among the Indians, for a natural needle of rock projecting from a bluff, northwest of Tulauip,\non the Port Susan shore of the Tulalip Indian Reservation. Bee-\ndah means \"child\" and Speebidah, the dimunitive form, means\n\"little child.\" (Charles M. Buchanan, in Names MSS. Letter 155.)\nSpERGEon Creek, a tributary of the Deschutes River in the\nnorth central part of Thurston County, named for a pioneer who\ntook up a claim along the creek. (H. B. McElroy, in Names MSS.\nLetter 46.)\nSpieden Island, in the west central part of San Juan County,\nnamed by the Wilkes Expedition, 1841, in honor of William Spieden, Purser of the Peacock, one of the vessels of the expedition.\n(Hydrography, Volume XXIIL, Atlas, chart 77.) In 1858-1859,\nthe British Captain Richards extended the use of the name by\ncharting Spieden Bluff on the west cape of the island and Spieden\nChannel, the waterway between Spieden and San Juan Islands:\n(British Admiralty Chart 2689.) Both names are retained on the\nAmerican charts.\nSpillEL see Spilyeh. 130 Edtmond S. Meany\nSpillnin, see Nespelem.\nSpilyeh Creek, a tributary of Lewis River, five miles below\nthe town of Yale, in the southeastern part of Cowlitz County. It\nwas named for an Indian chief of that name. The word means\n\"coyote.\" (Anna Griffiths, of Yale, in Names MSS. Letter 243.)\nIn the itinerary of Captain George B. McClellan, 1853, the creek is\nmentioned with its present name. (Pacific Railroad Reports, Volume I., pages 377-389.) The Indians of that vicinity had many\nlegends of \"Speelyai\" (coyote) the great Indian god. (Dr. G. P.\nKuykendall, in History of the Pacific Northwest: Oregon and\nWashington, Volume II., pages 64-66.)\nSpipEn River, see Naches.\nSpirit Lake, see Lange. DOCUMENTS\nThe Nisqually Journal\n[Continued from Vol. XIII, Page 366]\n[May, 1851]\n[Ms. Page 64]\nThursday 1st. Fine. Chaulifoux1 at sashes. Jolibois2 at new\nstables. Edwards,3 McPhail4 & Indian gang planting Potatoes. 7\nBushels Ladies fingers planted. Mr. Ross,8 Montgomery7 & La-\npoitrie8 busy shipping horses. Oxen variously. Mr. Hetling9 arrived this evening from Victoria. Employment cannot be found for\nhim there. Received a letter from Broshears,10 one of the squatters\nof the Round Plain,11 advising Dr. Tolmie12 to remove the\nCoys13 Cattle & horses from off the plain he has seized upon.\nFriday 2d. Fine very warm. Chaulifoux reflooring shearing\nhouse. Jolibois as before. McPhail attending to the shipment of\nSheep, by some means he became intoxicated & made a bungle of\nsheep counting, everything on board \"Una\"14 by Sundown. Bills\nLading signed, weighed anchor at 8 o'clock in the Evening & sail\nwith a slight favorable breeze. She has taken 20 Horses, 2 oxen,\nJ 00 wedders, & 305 Gimmers.15 Lapoitrie & 4 Indians sent to take\ncase of stock. Edwards with Indian gang planting Potatoes. 9^4\nB. planted. Oxen hauling timber to saw into planking. Sent a\npacket to Vancouver [for] Steilacoom Mail.18\nSaturday 3rd. Fine. Chaulifoux painting sashes. Jolibois jobbing\n6 Mr. Walter Boss, clerk, in charge of Tlilthlow or \"E\nengaged variously.\nossviUe\", a company station on\nplains near Steilacoom.\n7 A servant. 8 A servant.\n9 A clerk in the Hudson's Bay Company's service. See\nthis Quarterly, vol. Hn, no. 1,\nies for April 19 and 21. The name is there spelled '\nHeatling.\"\n10 Joseph Broshears, later a resident of Newmarket or\nTumwater and a member of the\nlite Convention which assembled on August 29, 1851.\nSee this Quarterly, vol. Xni,\n11 Precise location not mentioned.\n12 William Fraser Tolmie, chief trader for the Hudso\nn's Bay Co. and superintendent\nthe Puget's Sound Agricultural Co.\n14 A Hudson's Bay Co. vessel i:\narrival of this ship see entries for A\ncroft quoting the Olympia Columbia\nTrfeX,\nPor an\nvol. TO\nBan-\nfew St\nbetwe\nindard Dictionary.\nn Steilacoom and Van-\ners were invariably used\n(131) 132\nVictor J. Farrar\nabout Fort. Edwards employed in garden. Squally\" with gang of\nIndians setting up fences. McPhail & Co. planting potatoes, ploughs\nbreaking up land in Swamp. Oxen hauling fence rails. 6 bl potatoes planted.\nMessrs. A. M. & J. Simmons\nSunday 4th. Gloomy & showery.\nvisitors.18 [Ms. Page 65.]\nMonday 5th. Showery. Chaulifoux painting sashes. Jolibois re-\nflooring Shearing house. Edwards sowed half the old Stable patch\nwith 2 Bui Barley, remaining half intended for turnips. McPhail laid\nup with an attack of fever and ague.19 Young 20 & Indian gang making drills in swamp. Tapou21 with oxen hauling goods from beach,\ntwelve Indians sent out to Tlilthlow22 to commence potatoe planting, two Harrows at work.\nTuesday 5th. Rainy & very squally, hands employed as before,\nEdwards & Tapou excepted, off duty sick. Young overseeing gang.\nMyself23 with a gang of 13 Indians started this morning [for] Newmarket24 after lumber.\nWednesday 7th. Rain all day. Returned from Newmarket this evening. Raft of lumber following behind. Mr. Hetling left at Van-\nThursday 8th. Gloomy. Chaulifoux painting dwelling houses.\nJolibois whitewashing same, two Indians splitting rails, two sawing\ntimber. Young with Indian gang hoeing land in Swamp. Squally\nrepairing fences, ploughs reploughing remaining half of stable\npatch. Oxen bringing merchandise from beach store. McPhail,\nEdwards & Tapou still on sick list. A Mr. Abernethy25 visitor.\n[Ms. Page 66.]\n17\nAn\nIndian\nemployee.\n18\n19\nMi\nexceedingly rare\nw Jackson\nase on Puget\niknow\na dis\nse (alco\n21 A\n22\nar Steilac\nally settled\nby\nd ca\now, or Tlilthlilow.\ntie\ndeparture,\nby the\nCompany\nnd later\na Mr\nHea\ns circumstance\nit received\n\"Heath's.\n' He died\nand Mi\ns pla\nced\nge. It is\nle.\"\nhas been\npreserved.\n23\nMi\nrd Huggins\nHis\non, Mr. Thomas\nHb\nually Jourr\n24\nNe\nwmarket. A small town; a\nI the\n25\nProbably\nAlexander\nS. Abern\nethy,\nlate\n. an oppor\nent\naga Nisqually Journal\n133\nFriday 9th. Fine. Chaulifoux & Jolibois as before. Tapou with\ngang hoeing land in swamp. Oxen took a load consisting of planking, shingles & Nails out to Tlilthlow.\nSaturday 10th. Fine, pleasant weather. Chaulifoux jobbing about\nFort. Jolibois & Tapou whitewashing stores & dwelling houses.\nMcPhail & gang planting potatoes in piece of land near barn. 10\nBis. ladies fingers planted. The \"Orbit\"28 which has been at last\nmoved from its long resting place and calked, arrived and is now\nlying at anchor off the Store.27\nSunday 11th. Fine. A strong breeze blowing all day from the\nNorthward. Dr. Tolmie & myself rode out to Steilacoom.28 Called\nat Tlitlthlow returning, the plain29 crops wore a most promising aspect.\nMonday 12th. Gloomy, signs of rain. Chaulifoux morning repairing Sheep dam.30 A Noon jobbing in Fort. Jolibois & Tapou\nwhitewashing stores. McPhail finished planting above mentioned\nfield with potatoes. 6 B in afterwards washed a band of Gimmers.\nEdwards with Indian Women picking & sorting seed potatoes. Oxen\nhauling fenceing rails. A Visit from Mr. M. Simmons31 & Dr.\nMaynard.32 A mail arrived [by] Steilacoom express from Vancouver. [Ms. Page 67.]\nTuesday 13th. Fine. Chaulifoux making a harrow. Jolibois &\nTapou finished whitening houses. Edwards in garden. McPhail &\ngang making drills in swamp, a company of Indians despatched to\nSqually33 river to assist Linklater34 in crossing Sheep. Oxen carting dung &c.\nWednesday 14th. Fine all day. towards evening signs of rain. McPhail and gang planting Potatoes in Swamp. 8 bushels in. remaining hands (Jolibois excepted) employed as before. Jolibois\njs now in the control of Michael T. Simmons\nsheep from Nisqually to Victoria. For an\nm Puget Soundi. see this Quarterly, vol. XII,\njust, south of the mouth of Segualitchew Creek. The wharf was called\nilacoom, situated at the site of the present he\nChe brig Orbit, Capt. Bobt. Fay.\nengaged in transporting horses 8\nof the first appearance- of this \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 vei\n27 Situated\nNisqually Landin\n28 Fort Ste\n31 Michael T. Simmons.\n32 Dr. David S. Maynard, later (March 31, 1852) i\n33 Nisqually Biver.\n34 Thomas Linklater, Shepherd, since October. 6, Victor J. Farrar\noff to Mr. Ross'35 to build chimneys to New house there. Commenced clipping a band of ewes. 100 finished. Oxen hauling rails\n&c.\nThursday 15th. Showery, gang at Potatoes, remaining hands as\nbefore. Mr. Ross & people employed all day shipping 22 head of\nHorned Cattle on board \"Orbit\" [for] Victoria. Ploughs at work\nin Swamp.\nFriday 16th. Fine. Very warm. Myself, Young, Edwards & the\nmajority of Indian gang this morning busy delivering sheep on\nboard \"Orbit\", 104 Gimmers shipped, she set sail about 3 P. M.\nwith a fine favorable breeze. This Evening Dr. Tolmie accompanied\nby J. Montgomery, J. Bte. Lapoitrie86 & myself37 set off to Olympia38 to be presentat the trial of Chas. Wren39 whom Dr. Tolmie has\ncharged with stamping & claiming as his own property a P. S. Coys40\nFilly. Lapoitrie arrived yesterday from Victoria. Adam41 has gone\non \"Orbit\" to look after the Stock. [Ms. Page 68.]\nSaturday 17th. Gloomy. Showers of rain. This Evening Dr.\nTolmie & party returned from Olympia having been successful at\nlaw, Wren being compelled to give up the Filly & pay costs. 12\nBis potatoes in.\nSunday 18th. Fine. Mr. J. Simmons42 a lodger for the night.\nMonday 19th. Fine. Chaulifoux variously. Montgomery assisted\nby Tapou cut & castrated two bands of Lambs, a band of wedders\nwashed, McPhail superintending. Commenced wool pressing. Edwards & gang planted 8 Bis. potatoes in Swamp. Ploughs at work\nin Swamp. Oxen took a load of Shingles out to Tlilthlow. Dr\nTolmie accompanied by Mr. Ross, P. Bte. Lapoitrie rode out and\ndelivered notices to C. Wren, J. McLeod & L. A. Smith,44 squatters\non the P. S. Coys, lands at Douglas Burn,45 warning ^them to re-\n35\nTlilthlow\n36\nThe jour\nnalist is very\ncarefi\nd to\nrecord\nthe\nprecise, nai\nnes of th\n6\n37\nMi\\"wal\ner Boss, clerk.\n38\nNisqually\na Cor\nThurston\nCo.\nose arrested by\nGov.\nStev\nns for\nson\" durin.\nS the Indi\n40\nmd Agricultura\nCo.\n41\nAdam B\ninston, at this\nprobably a\nant. He\nplains.\n42\n.Tohn McLeod,- al former\nrch\n5^as_u_gtonJ__3^i___^ Junius T. fv^^f\nBoston Traders ih Hawaiia^Is&nds, 1789-1823 -d%0\u00C2\u00A3^Jg. Morison\nyGt^^is Gray and Kendrick: The Barrell l>tters___|pf^--Jf. W. Howay\n.Naming Stampede Pass ^-jL-j^y^^\"- '.&$$& Bonney\nThe Oregon' Laws of 1845-jESs*--. -JvSfc^F, Condon\nDOCUMENT^: 'tie J^a^\u00C2\u00A36&ji\u00C2\u00A7^6-2*e^Columbia; The Joseph\nBarfell L^tejsl The NisquaUy Journal, continued.\nThe Washington Historical Quarterly is published by the Washington\nUniversity State Historical Society. -'3$% issued quarterly with title page and\nindex in the last number of each volume; it is alsoindexed in^SlejMagazirie\nAspect- Index. The current subscription price is $2.00 per year, or $0.75\neach for single copies. Back numbers are available as follows:\nVolumes I-X, Complete whKGeneral Iftdex __.||^^-^_\u00E2\u0080\u0094$40.00\n(Single numbers,\"when available, at $1.00 <\nVolumes XI-XII, cafe\nich.)\n. 3.00\n(Single numbers, 75c each.)\nFor information in regard to subscriptions or exchange, Address\nCHARLES W.rSMi^^ilBsin^^^.^^\nWashington Historical Quarterly,\n-3iSp\u00C2\u00AB'\u00C2\u00A7&.^'' University Station, Seattle, Wash. Qnnountemente\nC Judge F. W. Howay, well known among hist-\n^Mgr^B^^ggg^; Pacific Northwes^: hps made a\ncareful study of one of the probteihs trouble-\nr-^stflg^tb-writers for more than a century. His\narticle on the loss 'of the \"Tonquin\" will undoubtedly be accepted ac3f\u00C2\u00AB best solution yet\n.offered.\nCThe purchase of Alaska has. been debated by\nhistorians more than any other item of Pacific\nCoast history. Victor J. Farrar-'* study of\nthe background, *Sfifth\at ^event will therefore\nfind many^interested readers: -^^^^t^^^^\nso-called diplomatic \"niy^ferj^tisr^sipated by\nthis study.\nCProfessor McMahon voices the sentiment of\nthe entire guild of American historians in \u00C2\u00A7\u00C2\u00A7\u00C2\u00BB>\ntribute to the late James Bryce.\nCWilliam S. Lewis, Correvsp^^^g~Secretary of\nthe Eastern Washington State'fjflsforical Society, is again repreSeatg^in this Quarterly\nwith an article in which he allows one of the\npioneers j^r|ej^a__ -fniportant story of the old\nCIn the new department\u00E2\u0080\u0094Pac^iex^Northwest\nAmericana-g^readers and more especially collectors \u00E2\u0096\u00A0w^^Euld^attmber of ^sJi^fise- as to;\n?p;tfe^values,being placed on-T^fc^tteH^ftir^j Co the\nClatfsi of Nineteen gtmbreb {.Ctoent^ttoo\nOn your Commencement Day, congratulations are\noffered with the sincere wish that each one of you may\nachieve abundant joy and genuine success in life. This\nis done in love of Alma Mater.\n\"May God be with you till we meet again.\"\n19 June, 1922.\nEdmond S. Meany.\nci,ass of 1885 Dedicated to the Ceass of 1922\nUniversity of Washington\nJunior Day, 21 May, 1921 P\"-\nClimbmg a g>noto iWountam\nOn high the snow peak kissed a passing cloud:\n\"Salute the brave!\" as forth the chosen climbers stride.\nStern cliffs throw back to safely tented crowd\nThe cheer their weaker evny fain would hide.\nTramp, tramp, tramp, tramp,\nFrom rock to rock on river brinks;\nTramp, tramp, tramp, tramp,\nEach iron-spiked shoe in snowbank sinks\u00E2\u0080\u0094\nEach footstep sinks.\nWeird, wind-whipped trees on knees and elbows creep\nNear scanty beds unrolled on shelving slope;\nAwaiting day in dreamy, fretful sleep,\nThe bivouacked climbers nurse a drowsy hope:\nTramp, tramp, tramp, tramp,\nIn field of blue and golden bars;\nTramp, tramp, tramp, tramp,\nWhat spirits march among those stars \u00E2\u0080\u0094\nThose beck'ning stars?\nAs magic dawn turns silver night to gold\nAnd paints the flinty gray with rosy beam,\nEach early step in crinkling snow and cold\nBrings thought of home, such quaintly wakef\nTramp, tramp, tramp, tramp,\nThe zig-zag path, a city street;\nTramp, tramp, tramp, tramp,\nAnd ever home-folks come to meet\u00E2\u0080\u0094\nThey come to meet! 3-&t_;f)mgton historical (\u00C2\u00A9uarterip\nContributing; (Cottars;\nClarence B. Bagley, SeaJ$j^; H. B. McElroy, Olympia\nT. C Elliott, Walla Walla Edward McMahon, Seattle\nFrank A. Golder, Pullman F. W. Howay,\nWilliam S. Lewis, Spokane New Westminster, B. C\nO. B. Sperlin, Tacoma\n-Managing Cbitor\nEDMOND S. |B\u00C2\u00A7Ip\u00C2\u00A7\u00C2\u00A7\n?Bu_Jtnc_f_{ jHanager *\nCHARLES Wv|ImEITH\nJULY, 1922\nVOL. XJjj^O. 3\n2^0UED QUARTERLY\nTwo Dollars per Year\nContents\nCLARENCE B. BAGLEY Crossing t\u00C2\u00BBe Plains _i.^j._J\u00C2\u00ABJ\nEDMOND S. MEANY\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0094.Newspapers of Washington Territory 181\nJ. A. MEYERS\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u009E-.^jS^^\u00E2\u0080\u0094Firiafr McDonald\u00E2\u0080\u0094Explorer, Fur Trader\nand Legislator : _;i_;_^i*___ 19\u00C2\u00AB\nAGNES C. PETERSON Arthur Armstrong Denny\u00E2\u0080\u0094A Bibliog\nraphy.\n\u00E2\u0080\u0094209\nEDMOND S. MEANY\u00E2\u0080\u0094 ^.Origin of Washington Geographic Na__es_212\nDOCUMENTS\u00E2\u0080\u0094The Nisqually Journal, Edited by Victor J. Farrar ___225\nBOOK REVIEWS \u00E2\u0080\u0094.fe~.'^i^f^jjA^^VA\" ' \" '^ A'3\"^^'^'\"j\" ?\"*\nPACIFIC NORTHWEST AMERICANA---.,-___'__\u00E2\u0096\u00A0\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u00A2 ___: 239\nTHE WASHINGTON OTPpRSJ^T\nSTATE HISTORICALl&CIETY\nIf TJ^-VERSITY S*fA*_e^4-.\nSEATTLE, WASHINGTON . Wt)t\nl&aSfimgton historical <\u00C2\u00A9uartcrlj>\nContributing Cbitors\nClarence B. Bagley, Seattle H. B. McElroy, Olympia\nT. C. Elliott, Walla Walla Edward McMahon, Seattle\nFrank A. Golder, Pullman F. W. Howay,\nWilliam S. Lewis, Spokane New Westminster, B. C.\nO. B. Sperlin, Tacoma\niHanaging Cbitor\nEDMOND S. MEANY\nEasiness iflanager\nCHARLES W. SMITH\nVOL. XIII. NO. 3\nISSUED QUARTERLY\nTwo Dollars per Year\nJULY, 1922\nContents\nCLARENCE B. BAGLEY Cm\nEDMOND S. MEANY Nei\nJ. A. MEYERS Fin\nAGNES C. PETERSON\u00E2\u0080\u0094\ni of Washini\nEDMOND S. MEANY Origin of Washington Geographic Naj\nDOCUMENTS\u00E2\u0080\u0094The Nisqually Journal, Edited by Victor J. Farrar.-\nBOOK REVIEWS\t\nPACIFIC NORTHWEST AMERICANA\t\nTHE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY\nSTATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY\nUniversity Station\nSEATTLE, WASHINGTON Sflbe ^asfjington ^ntoersiitp\n\u00C2\u00A3\u00C2\u00BBtate Historical H>ocietp\nOfficers and Board of Trustees\nClarence B. Bagley, President\nJudge John P. Hoyt, Vice-President\nJudge Roger S. Greene, Treasurer\nJudge Thomas Burke\nJudge Cornelius H. Hanford\nSamuel Hill\nProfessor Edmond S. Meany, Secretary\nUniversity of Washington Press VOL. XIIL, No. 3\nwt>t\nOTastfjingtcm historical \u00C2\u00A9uarterlp\nCROSSING THE PLAINS*\nAt this late day it seems strange that any man in his right\nmind, who owned a good home in or near Princeton, Illinois, should\nleave it to encounter all the dangers, hardships and privations of a\nfive-months' journey, when every day brought something of annoyance, of anxiety, and when the journey was ended he had to begin\nlife anew among strangers where the conditions were altogether different from what he had always been accustomed.\nPrinceton is on a level plain surrounded by level plains a hundred miles in every direction from Lake Michigan to the Mississippi River. In the early days there were groves all over that region\nof oak, ash, maple, walnut, hickory, butternut, elm, wild plum and\nmany other deciduous trees, with but few evergreens, though I can\nstill remember the scent of the red cedar which was quite common\nand of no more value than the other woods. Little streams and\nlarger rivers traversed the country bordered by trees and shrubbery\nof many kinds. Wild plums, grapes, crabapples, paw-paws and\nnuts of many varieties were abundant in their season. The lands\nwere rich and crops abundant with no droughts nor plagues of\ngrasshoppers or other insects that in later years broke the hearts\nof the farmers of the Middle West.\nThe dark side of the picture was the prevalence of malarial\ndiseases and lack of means to get the crops to market. The level\nlands, in the springtime, were covered with water, the drainage\nwas poor and the hot sun soon covered vast areas with stagnant\n\u00E2\u0080\u00A2Note:\u00E2\u0080\u0094The paper foUowing, giving an account of the trip across \"The\nwas prepared for my children nnd grandchildren, who have long been urging nn\nthis work that they might have a permanent record of the experience of their\nand grandparents in that arduous undertaking^ Ours was \"Bethel Company,\" and\nthree members of the original party survive and all live in Seattle. These are M\nMercer Graham, Mrs. Alice Mercer Bagley and the writer.\u00E2\u0080\u0094Clarence B. Bagley.\n(163) 164\nClarence B. Bagley\nponds. Ague, (chills and fever) was almost universal, and in those\ndays nearly eveiy summer, cholera was prevalent as no efforts were\nmade to prevent its spread; in fact no one knew it could be kept\nfrom spreading all over the land.\nRailroads had only just begun construction\u00E2\u0080\u0094a short line ran\nout of Chicago a few miles toward the Northwest; a short canal\nfrom La Salle had been cut to Chicago. Wheat was twenty-five\ncents to fifty cents a bushel, oats ten to twenty-five cents, corn five\ncents, a good cow ten to fifteen dollars, a good horse fifty to sixty\ndollars, a man's day wage fifty cents and for a good harvester\nseventy-five cents. In the summer one could take a load of wheat\nto Chicago and get a better price but it took a week for the round\ntrip. About all a healthy man could do was to make a bare living\nwith the torrid heat in summer and arctic cold in the winter.\nTo escape these almost intolerable conditions was the impelling\nmotive for most of those who then went to Oregon.\nFather had a sufficient reason, however, for his migration.\nIn the spring of 1850 father and mother and I went by the\nGreat Lakes to Erie, in Pennsylvania, thence by canal to Con-\nneautville within a few miles from the Whipples, Bagleys, Smiths,\nPishes, Carrs, Amidons and a large number of families who were\nmore or less intermarried. Leaving mother and me with \"Grandma\nWhipple\" father and Uncle Whipple went by way of Pittsburg\nto Washington and Baltimore. Father's chief errand was to attend\nthe Annual Conference of the Methodist Protestant Church. During its session, the matter of establishing that Church in Oregon\nwas canvassed and a determination on father's part to become a\n\"Missionary\" was fairly settled but not until the following year,\n1851, were the necessary arrangements made between him and the\nnational organization of that Church that made it possible for him\nto begin preparations for the momentous departure, which went\non carefully for months.\nDuring this period others had also decided on going to Oregon.\nFrom those who had returned from California and Oregon intending\nemigrants had the benefit of good and intelligent counsel and instructions for their guidance on the way. They learned the character of vehicles required and the kind of foodstuffs best suited\nfor the trip. What was equally important, thev were told that sentiment must give way to prosaic necessity. Books, keepsakes, Crossing the Plains\n165\nhousehold furniture and bedding must be kept down to the minimum. It was emphasized that nothing that would not be worth a\n\"dollar a pound\" when it reached Oregon should be taken. The\nsoundness of this advice became apparent, months later, when the\ngrazing for the animals became scanty and the ribs of the draft\nanimals stuck out like hoops on a barrel. We did not need to\nlighten our loads by throwing away cumbersome and heavy articles,\nand not an animal in our train was lost on the trip except one horse\nbelonging to Aaron Mercer that died from snakebite or eating some\npoisonous food.\nAnother reason for getting along so well with our stock I have\nalways attributed to the fact that we did not travel on Sundays or\noverdrive at any time unless it was absolutely necessary on account\nof food or water for them at the end of the usual drive. I have\nnot been a rigid observer of the Sabbath on religious grounds but\nI have always believed human beings, work animals and even machinery needed frequent and regular periods of rest. When I\ncarried on a large printing business it was my rule not to have work\ndone on Sundays except in rare instances when a lack of employees\nmade it necessary for those in the office to work longer hours than\nusual.\nFather bought two good mules for $120; two good horses for\n$120, and two choice mares for $125. One wagon cost him $60\nand a coach with springs at $125. The mules drew the wagon and\nthe four horses drew the coach. The outfit cost him about $550\nand when he got to Oregon he sold it for more than $1,000, thus\nrealizing profit enough to pay the other expenses of the trip across\nthe plains. The coach was used for many years as a stage carrying\npassengers and mails. The reverse of this glowing picture was when\nwe had to pay $100 for a cow, $60 for a stove that had lost some of\nits more unimportant parts, in Salem, soon after our arrival. Also\nthat winter, which was quite severe, we had to pay four dollars per\nbushel for potatoes and for flour $25 per barrel.\nAll through the upper Mississippi Valley the roads were impassable in those days after the frost left the ground until the earth\nhad \"settled\". We held back the time of starting until the roads\nabout Princeton were fairly good but the trip from that place\nthrough Illinois and Iowa to Council Bluffs or Kanesville took us\nfrom April 20th to May 22d. The roads were horrible. A wagon 166\nClarence B. Bagley\nwould settle down to the hubs in the mud, then extra teams would\nbe hitched to it and the men would use rails or poles cut for the\npurpose and pry it out, perhaps having to do the same with the\nnext one, though if we were where we could get out of the road on\nthe grass the horse and wagons could secure fairly good footing.\nIn the timber there was no escape; but there was but little timber\nalong the road.\nWe crossed the Mississippi River not far from Davenport, on\na horse ferry boat. In those days there was a sort of treadmill\nattachment in common use whereby a horse would turn a revolving\nplatform from which power was transmitted to the motive power\nof a boat, threshing machine or other machinery.\nOur route lay through Oskaloosa and Des Moines in Iowa, and\nwe reached the Missouri River on May 22, 1852, at or just below\nthe old Mormon town of Kanesville. On the opposite banks of the\nriver were hills then termed Council Bluffs, I believe from the fact\nthat it had often happened that treaties and \"councils\" with the\nIndians had been made there.\nIt took us all day to cross as there were many other wagons to\nbe taken over and all of ours did not have the right of way at\nthe same time. My recollection is that this ferryboat was operated\nby steam.\nWe were now at the westerly limit of civilization. On the east\nbank of the river were a few small trading villages but on the westerly bank the Indian country began. There were thousands of\nIndians camping on the river bottom and on the bluffs where Omaha\nnow stands. We waited here over one day, Sunday, May 23, 1852,\nto get all ready for our real start for Oregon.\nThe migration of 1852 was the heaviest of any to Oregon and\nCalifornia. It was then and always has \"been estimated that it\nreached fully 50,000. On all our part of the trip we had no fear of\nthe Indians except to protect ourselves from the pilfering of articles\nabout camp and from stealing our horses at night.\nAmong Father Mercer's papers I found, several years ago,\nhis original list of the night patrol of sentries that went on guard\neach night with the stock as most of the time they had to be taken\nquite a distance from camp in order that they might have sufficient\ngrass to feed upon. This was a serious handicap all along the Crossing the Plait.\n167\nroute and became much worse after the migration on the south of\nthe Platte crossed over to the north side, somewhere near Fort\nLaramie, I believe.\nBethel Company as it started from Princeton, consisted of the\nfollowing:\nThomas and Nancy Mercer and daughters Mary, Eliza, Susie\nand Alice. Mr. Mercer in the fall of 1852 came to Seattle and\nselected his Donation Claim that extended from what is now Highland Drive to Mercer Street and from First Avenue North to Lake\nUnion. Mercer Street, Mercer Island and Mercer Slough all bear\nthe family name.\nDaniel and Susannah Bagley and son Clarence whose activities\nhave been presented in other publications.\nDexter Horton and wife and daughter Rebecca. Mr. Horton\nachieved a fortune in merchandising here and helped to found the\ngreat banking institution that bears his name.\nAaron Mercer and wife. Mrs. Mercer died soon after reaching\nOregon and he married again. In the early 'sixties they came here\nto live.\nWilliam H. Shoudy, brother of Mrs. Horton. He married in\nOregon and about 1863 they came here to live, he going into the\nstore as a clerk for Mr. Horton. Several years later he and Henry\nA. Atkins bought out the store. In 1886, Mr. Shoudy was elected\nMayor of this City. John A. Shoudy, another brother, was the\nfounder of EUensburg.\nJohn Pike. Mrs. Pike and son Harvey later joined Mr. Pike\nand they lived for many years in Seattle. He was an architect and\nbuilder. The plans and specifications of the first University building were his work. He also did much carpentry work on that\nstructure. Pike Street bears his name. The son Harvey took a\nclaim that included the land between Lakes Washington and Union\nand he undertook to cut the first canal, using pick and shovel and a\nwheelbarrow.\nJohn Rosnacle, a blacksmith, who took care of shoeing the\nhorses and mending the wagons. Sometime in the 'seventies he\ncame to Seattle, bought him a home in South Seattle and many\nyears later died there.\nWilliam F. West and Jane, his wife and my mother's sister.\nThey had a son born to them at old Fort Boise on the Snake River 168 Clarence B. Bagley\nnear the mouth of Boise River. The boy was named Fort Boise\nin recognition of the place of his birth. Dr. Ossian J. West and\nMrs. Myra Ingraham, children of Mr. and Mrs. West, and born\nin Oregon, now live in Seattle.\nEdna Whipple, my mother's sister, who was of our immediate\nparty and who became the wife of George F. Colbert not long\nafter reaching the Willamette Valley.\nFour brothers Warren, named Frank, George, Phinneas and\nDaniel, all of whom settled on the Columbia River and later engaged in the salmon industry and became quite wealthy.\nAshby West, a young Englishman, a brother of William F.\nWest, and who always lived with them while on the farm near\nJefferson and later in that town.\nDaniel Drake, who drove our team into Oregon, but of whom\nI remember little.\nPrior to our reaching the Missouri River a family, named\nGould, consisting of husband and wife and grown son, joined our\ncompany. Mrs. Gould died of cholera on the Platte River, the\nonly death in our party.\nGiles Hunter, who became a friend of the family and with\nwhom we kept up correspondence for ten or twelve years. The\nlast time we met him was in San Francisco in 1864.\nIsaac Depew, S. Minard, A. P. Turner, George Taylor, Albert\nLong and Daniel Truett joined the company somewhere on the\ntrip. The latter came through to Oregon with us. The others I do\nnot remember.\nAt Council Bluffs, Thomas Mercer was elected captain of the\ncompany and directed its movements across the plains. It was a\nnesecsary custom to select a captain of each party, who directed the\nmovements of the train about stopping for the night and starting\nin the morning, about \"Laying over,\" on Sunday or any other time\nit was thought best. Otherwise there would have been frequent\ndisputes and disagreements about the movements of the company.\nThe trip was one to bring out all the good qualities and the bad\nones, as well, but I do not remember any serious disputes along the\nwhole of the route.\nAfter resting over one day, we made our real start \"across the Crossing the Plains\n169\nplains\" on the 24th of May, 1852. This proved to be a comparatively early start as thousands came after us. We found better\ngrazing in consequence and less dust, no small item in an alkaline\ncountry. About twetny miles out we had to cross a narrow, deep\nsluggish stream, called The Elkhorn. Here we had our only dispute with the Indians. A band of Pawnees had constructed of\nrushes a floating pontoon or bridge that would hold up a wagon and\nteam. They demanded for each team and wagon five dollars. This\nour people felt was exorbitant and they offered to pay one dollar\ninstead which in turn was refused. Our men got out their rifles\nand told the Indians that it meant a fight unless the lower offer\nwas accepted. After a lot of loud talk matters quieted down and\nthe Indians agreed upon the dollar and we came on our way.\nAll through May and June we drove on up the Platte and its\ntributaries. For hundreds of miles the road was so level that but\nfor the Platte running eastward no one could have told we were\ngradually ascending toward the Rocky Mountains. In one stretch\nof two hundred miles we saw but one lone tree, a Balm of Gilead\non an island in the river. Our fuel was called \"buffalo chips\",\nthough I am sure that much of it was from the cattle that had\npreceded us, instead of buffalo. That year the migration was so\nlarge and close together that the buffalo were frightened away\nfrom our vicinity and we never saw one on the trip.\nAt that time there were millions of them roaming over a vast,\nregion between the Missouri and the Rocky Mountains. They had\nmostly disappeared west of that range. It is one of the tragedies\nof the west that they should have been so remorselessly slaughtered,\nmostly for their horns and hides. Until the Union Pacific Railroad\nwas constructed no great inroads upon their numbers had been made\nbut, with the repeating rifle and ease of access to the country, it\nwas not long before they began to dissappear from much of the\nregion where they had been so numerous. About 1876, they had\nbeen mostly killed off so that the problem of food for the Indians\nhad become a serious one. In my childhood, as father and mother\ndrove across the broad Illinois praries without regard to roads,\ndeep paths were common, almost like trenches from twelve to\neighteen inches deep. Father told me these were buffalo trails made\nmany years before when immense herds of those animals frequented\nthe great plains on the east side of the Mississippi. Even at that\ntime deer, wild turkeys and wolves were plentiful. 170\nClarence B. Bagley\nOn the plains we saw lots of antelopes, wolves, prairie dogs\nand rattelsnakes, the latter of several varieties. In the mountain\nregions the latter were longer and not so thick through the middle\nas those common in Illinois and they were much more active. On\nthe west side of the Rockies, scorpions became plentiful and much\ncare had to be exercised in shaking one's clothing and shoes before\nputting them on in the morning. I saw mother shake one big one\nout of her stocking one morning.\nOur drinking water was taken out of the Platte River. We had\nbeen forewarned against using water from springs along the bank\nof that stream because of the presence of alkali and other mineral salts that were poisonous. The river was from the distant\nmountains and was pure except for the silt it carried in solution.\nOne could not see through a glassful of it when first taken from the\nstream. If we had time we could stir a teacup full of cornmeal\nin a bucketful and let it settle fifteen or twenty minutes when it\nbecame reasonably clear and the bottom of the bucket would be\ncovered with half an inch of mud. If we did not have time we\ndrank it plain, mud and all. It was a common saying that while\ncrossing the plains every one had to eat a peck of dirt. We also\nhad provided a large quantity of acetic acid and quite often a\nlemonade was made from it that served to make the water more\npalatable.\nWe carried \"reflectors\" and \"bakeovens\" to bake our bread in\nand for other cooking purposes. The latter were big iron pots\nfrom twelve to twenty-four inches across the top, which was flat\nwith turned-up edges, thus making a big iron plate. The oven\nwas set on a bed of coals and coals heaped on its top and it did\nnot take long to bake the bread which was wonderfully sweet and\npalatable. Of course we did not long have butter after leaving\nIowa but we had meat in plenty and made plenty of gravy. I do\nnot remember that any shortage of food occured at any time. Also,\nwe had no difficulty in getting flour from other trains which had\nstarted with more than they needed or from families that had lost\nso many of its members that those remaining had to sell it or throw\nit away.\nThe Platte River was and is a remarkable stream. Rising in\nthe Rocky Mountains, of course the small streams are rapid and\nrun through gorges and carry immense quantities of soil with them. Cr,\nng the Plain\n171\nWhen we got to the upper reaches of the stream the route was\nrough and at times the scenery was wild and beautiful, especially\nto us who had never seen a real mountain. When it becomes a\nlarge stream the adjacent ground is comparatively level and it flows\nslowly over a shifting bottom, quite often quicksand, Where we\nfirst saw it and for hundreds of miles as we followed its banks\nthe water was shallow and a mile or more across. The men often\nwaded across, and one time they let me go along and I also had no\ndifficulty in getting across.\nFor hundreds of miles we saw a constant procession of wagons\non the south bank as well as on our own north side. We came to\nrecognize some of the trains on the further side and of course on\nour own side. Years later I often heard father addressed by someone in Oregon who told of meeting our train on the Platte or on\nthe Snake River. Along the Platte the most notable feature of\nnatural scenery was \"Chimney Rock\", that was shaped like an\nimmense circular chimney set on a hill. It was on the south side\nof the river, a few miles away from it. Its formation was of a\nsoft rock or indurated clay that in that arid climate was subject\nlo slight erosion. It has been an object of frequent note for one\nhundred years, and in the years since we saw it has shown but\nlittle change in shape or height.\nWe forded several streams that were so deep that blocks were\nput under the beds of the wagons so that the water would not damage articles in them. One of the large branches of the Platte, Loup\nFork, was the most notable of these. It was necessary to drive\nvery rapidly to avoid sinking in the quicksands all the way across,\nyet the wagons rattled and jolted as though the bottom was broken\nrock instead of sand. It greatly excited my curiosity at the time\nand I never have understood the peculiar formation that would\nlet a wagon or animal settle in it and soon engulf it and yet seem\nlike rock when driven across. We took the precaution to have\nour horses drink all the water they would before driving into the\nstream that they might not try to stop on the way across. All\nlittle details of our every day life had to be carefully thought out\nto avoid unnecessary delays and difficulties.\nAfter leaving Iowa the first white settlement we saw was at\nFort Laramie. We did not visit the place as it was on the south\nside of the river, and our supplies were still plentiful. This station 172\nClarence B. Bagley\nwas a notable one and afterward became an outlying post of the\nUnited States Army. It was on the easterly slope of the Black\nHills, near their foot, at the junction of Laramie Fork with the\nPlatte and between the two streams, about five hundred miles west\nof Council Bluffs and about one hundred miles west of Chimney\nRock.\nThe Black Hills are a spur of the Rocky Mountains and they\ngave us our first experience of hill and mountain travel. In fact\nthey were higher by far than any land thousands of the emigrants\nhad ever seen. Their dark blue appearance was the same as our own\nmountains but were new to those who gave them their name. A\nscrubby growth of evergreens covered them, among the rest red\ncedar, and here we had unlimited supplies of wood for fuel for the\nfirst time since leaving Iowa. The scent of the wood of a cedar\npencil often recalls the campfires of my childhood on the road to\nOregon.\nIn this region was about the first time we had use for the\nbrakes on our wagons. All of them had been fitted out with chains -\nfastened about one-third of their length securely to the wagon box,\nand when the brake was used the longer end was passed between\nthe spokes and securely fastened by a hook or toggle joint thus\npreventing the wheel from turning. We had them on both sides of\nour wagons but not often had to use more than one at a time.\nFrom Fort Laramie to the 'South Pass\" the road was full of\ninterest and most of the time quite rough. When we reached the\nNorth Fork of the Platte we traveled up it to a beautiful affluent\ncalled the Sweetwater. At times this stream passed through rocky\ndefiles and became deep and turbulent. On its banks was and is\n\"Independence Rock\", a mass of rock lying detached and covering,\nas I remember about ten acres. It was about 900 feet long and\nperhaps 100 feet high and its top was accessible only in a few places.\nIt was the great directory of those who had gone that way for many\nyears and had thousands of names marked on it, some in chalk,\nsome and mostly in tar and here and there one chisled in the rock.\nI am told that many of these are still legible after seventy to a hundred years of exposure to wind and weather.\nThere were nine crossings of the Sweetwater, by which time\nit became a small stream, little more than a rivulet.\nJuly 4th, 1852, we reached the \"South Pass\", which is still Crossing the Plains\n173\nconsidered, the most favorable of any in the whole range for a\nwagon road although the \"Oregon Short Line\" crosses the range\nabout thirty miles further south. Here we had our first experience\nof finding beautiful spring flowers all about and only a few feet\naway big snow banks many feet deep. I have not recently consulted\nreference books but I believe the pass is about 7,000 feet above sea\nlevel. Here, within a few feet of each other, little rivulets started\nfor the Gulf of Mexico and the Pacific Ocean.\nFor many days the heat was excessive while the sun shone\nbut at night we could not keep warm as water froze in our buckets.\nI went barefoot most of the time and I still remember how cold\nmy little feet became as we started on the road in the early mornings.\nSoon after leaving the Pass father became seriously ill with\n\"mountain fever,\" which was common in that region. My recollection is that we had to remain in camp for several days to let\nhim recover so that it was safe for him to travel.\nWe had now reached 'OREGON.\" Old Oregon as we now\ncall it. At that time the Territory of Oregon reached from the\nPacific Ocean to the summit of the Rocky Mountains and from\nBritish Columbia to California. Since then Oregon, Washington,\nIdaho and parts of Montana and Wyoming have been formed out\nof it.\nHeretofore each day had brought to the workers of the company long hours and tiresome nights and days but they had been\naccustomed to similar work all their lives and thought but little of it,\nbut from that time on the hard work began. Long drives had to be\nmade from one watering place to another. Most of the good water\nwas in the streams that flowed down from the mountains, the rest\nof it was full of minerals of many kinds. Mountains had to be\ncrossed between these streams. Little and often no grass was\nfound for long distances. Soil, volcanic ash, that was light as\nthistle down filled the air at the least disturbance and there was no\nescaping it. If the leading wagon was far enough to escape the dust\nof some other train all the rest of our own had to endure it hour\nafter hour. The road ahead would look perfectly level and smooth\nbut the wagons sank into it oftentimes to the hubs.\nGoing westward we forded a number of beautiful streams,\noften having to block up the beds, but when Green River was 174\nClarence B. Bagley\nreached we had to pay five dollars a wagon to the Mormons'who\nowned the ferry and who were glad to levy tribute from the Gentiles. About the middle of July we reached \"Soda Springs\", a region full of all sorts of strange things. In fact it seemed to our\npeople just one remove from Tophet. Boiling springs were everywhere. Sulphur springs, soda springs, soap springs\u00E2\u0080\u0094occasionally\na spring of good, cold water. At this place \"Steamboat Spring\"\nwas the most notable. We had heard of it before leaving home and\noften on the way across. I got down into it when the water was\nnot flowing and found it little larger than my body. It would be\nquiet for a time, then the water would begin to flow, gradually\nincreasing in volume and power until it would make a roaring noise\nsimilar to the exhaust of a high-power steamboat that could be\nheard a half mile, or even a mile if the breeze should be in the\nright direction. It was on the bank of Bear River, and within one\nhundred feet of it was one cold spring and not far from that another so hot that one could not hold one's hand in it.\nThe soda springs were very numerous and seemed to spring out\nof solid rock, but the fact was the waters were so heavily mineralized\nthat they gradually formed mounds, conical in shape, around them.\nMost of these springs were intermittent, but there was no regularity of time between the eruptions of water. Some of them were\naerated as they came out and by mixing in some acetic acid and\nsugar were quite palatable to most folks. Conditions similar to\nthese were so common for two or three hundred miles along the\nroad that they soon lost their novelty.\nA few miles beyond these springs, coming westward, the roads\nto California and Oregon separated, the latter turning sharply to\nthe right and northward. Going over a range of mountains, we\nreached the valley of the Port Neuf which stream empties into the\nSnake River about fifteen miles below Fort Hall.\nIt is my recollection that as we drove down this valley newly\nmade graves became so frequent that Susie and I agreed to count\nthem, she taking one side of the road and I the other. Our count\nreached one hundred twenty for the day. All these were in sight\nof the road and doubtless there were many we did not see. Most\nof these deaths were caused by cholera, which by this time was\nmaking frightful inroads upon the emigrants. Careful consideration and comparison of figures made then and later generally Crossing the Plains\n175\nagreed that fully five thousand lost their lives on the plains that\nyear from a total of fifty thousand going to California and Oregon.\nFather and Father Mercer had been accustomed to treat sufferers from this epidemic for years in Illinois. A medicine compounded of a lot of barks and roots, all full of fire and bitterness,\nwas generally used and if taken early after an attack was quite\ngenerally a cure for it. They had made up large quantities of the\nmedicine before leaving Princeton and when cholera became a constant visitor they were called upon night and day to attend those\nsuffering from it. Those who could do so paid something but no\none was refused and the no-paying outnumbered the others by\nfar; yet both of them received considerable money that served to\nhelp pay expenses. For years afterward it was not uncommon\nfor someone to exclaim, \"Hello, Doctor,\" to father and then explain\nwhere some sick person had received treatment.\nSo far as I have ever known, there was only one diary kept\nof our trip, and that by Aunt Edna Whipple. After her death I\nwrote to her daughter near Brownsville, Oregon, about it and received reply that she had never seen it; therefore I have no doubt\nAunt destroyed it. For this reason I have no sure knowledge of\nthe dates of reaching different points except in a few instances.\nHowever I am sure we reached Fort Hall about the 20th of July.\nThis was one of the notable features of interest along the\nroute. Its walls were of \"adobes\" or sundried bricks with roof of\npoles covered with sod. An American trader (Wyeth) built it in\n1834 but his trading ventures in Oregon were unsuccessful and in\na year or so he sold out to the Hudson's Bay Company who continued to occupy it for a third of a century.\nAt this point the evidences of the hardships, misfortunes, and\ngeneral demoralization that had nearly overwhelmed a large part\nof the migration became painfully visible. Death of stock, breakdown of wagons, families who had lost the father and often the\nmother, all combined in necessity to lessen the loads. Wagons were\ncut down to carts; oxen and cows were yoked together and not\nunusual was the sight of an ox and a horse, both so poor they could\nhardly put one foot before the other, fastened together and drawing\na scanty-load that could almost have been transported in a wheelbarrow. I heard it said at that time that the wagons, yokes, furniture,\ncrockery, books, ironware, looking glasses and impedimenta of all 176\nClarence B. Bagley\nkinds covered a space of ten acres at least. This was often confirmed in later years. Any of this stuff was free to anyone who\nwished to take it. If one found a better wagon than the one he\nwas using, he drove away with it leaving his own for the next one.\nOur people bought a few supplies here and drove on. Our route\nfrom that point was almost the same that is now covered by the\nOregon Short Line through Idaho.\nWe passed American Falls and went on down the south side\nof the Snake River some distance below Salmon Falls. At the\nlatter place we got our first salmon. This was a notable point for the\ncatching of these fish by the Indians who came there from many\nmiles in every direction to catch and dry the salmon for their winter's food. All sorts of trades were made for the fish. The Indians\nhad no use for money but were glad to exchange for clothing and\nparticularly for ammunition. The emigrants were strangely\nthoughtless or indifferent in thus supplying the Indians with ammunition, and doubtless many white men and women were killed\nby the Indians with the bullets white men gave them at this place.\nFather took the shirt off his back in exchange for a big fish and\nI cannot now remember of ever in my life enjoying food with a\ngreater relish.\nBelow American Falls the Snake River flows in a deep canyon\nmost of the way until it reaches the Columbia. There was no possibility of driving along its banks. The road followed along the\nbluffs from 500 to 800 feet above the stream. The horses were\nwatered by leading them down long, steep paths to the river and\nthe water for cooking and camp purposes was painfully carried up\nthe same paths.\nOur company decided to cross to the north side of the stream\nand at a point that later became known as \"Payne's Ferry\", we\nferried over in our 'wagon beds that had been made with such\nclose joints that a good packing with candle wicking and fragments\nof clothing made them so nearly water tight that by putting two\nof them together and laying the tongues and other poles across they\nheld up quite a load. The men stripped entirely naked and directed\nthe horses across and also towed the improvised boats as well. It\nwas dangerous and slow process but all hands had become accustomed to meet difficulties and dangers bravely and efficiently.\nFrom there we drove across the highlands to the Boise River, Crossing the Plains\n177\ngoing down the hill into the valley at a point that is now well\nwithin the limits of Boise. I visited my old friend, Christopher W.\nMoore, in 1893, at that city, and from his beautiful home in the\noutskirts he pointed out to me the place where we camped for the\nnight. His train came to Oregon the year we did and they took the\nsame route from Fort Hall. He also confirmed my childhood's\nrecollection of places and events along our route. At the time I\nwas there several irrigation projects had been carried out or were\nwell under way and now the highlands that were mostly covered\nwith sagebrush are producing the finest crops in the world. Boise\nis about 2500 feet above the sea- and its winters are cold but alfalfa grows luxuriantly and they cut three crops in a season.\nHere we had our one considerable excitement on account of Indians. As I have said earlier, night watches were kept all along\nthe route. This night Daniel Warren was one of the guards. It was\nthe custom to keep the animals picketed with long ropes so they\nmight readily get their feed but could not stray. Sometime during\nthe night Dan saw Father Mercer's Tib moving in a direction that\naroused his suspicion and he soon saw that she was following her\nrope. He was armed with a revolver of a kind known as \"Allen's\nPepper Boxes,\" and he immediately began firing in the direction\nof the further end of the rope. He heard the whiz of an arrow as\nthe Indian who was leading the mare dropped the rope and ran.\nOf course the firing and outcry aroused the camp and a considerable uproar ensued. However, when it was found the animals\nwere all safe and no damage done, matters soon quieted down.\nTib was a valuable animal and the Indians had several times\ntried to trade for her. Father Mercer brought her to Seattle and\nshe gave him valuable service for many years. I believe she was\nthirty years old when she died.\nOur route contined down the valley of the Boise to old Fort\nBoise which was on the bank of Snake River near the mouth of\nthe Boise. Here we were delayed several days by the advent of a\nson born to my Aunt Jane (Mrs. West) on the 15th of August.\nI believe we were ferried across the river here by men engaged\nin that business. In the valleys of the Malheur, Burnt and Powder\nRivers we found excellent feed for our horses, but the crossing\nover of high hills or mountains between the streams made it very\nhard on the animals and everybody else as all who could possibly 178 Clarence B. Bagley\ndo so had to walk uphill and down as well. The crossing of the\nBlue Mountains was particularly difficult as most of the road was\nrough and steep. In going down into the Grand Ronde Valley the\nmen doublelocked the wheels and tied ropes to the tops of the\nwagons and several men walked along on the upper side of the road\nand by main strength kept the wagons from upsetting.\nIn the Grand Ronde Valley was an Indian Reservation where\nthe natives had begun to live like white men. They were raising\nvegetables and other crops and here we got our first new potatoes\nand garden vegetables.\nWe continued on down the valley of the Umatilla and on the\nsouth side of the Columbia to The Dalles, crossing the John Day's\nand Descuttes Rivers, most of the time in sight of the Columbia\nbut so far up on the hills that we rarely could get down to it.\nWe reached The Dalles on September 3d, 1852. Here we\nreached civilization. The United States army had a regimental\npost here; missionaries had established stations; several stores well\nstocked with goods suitable for white men's trade as well as the\nIndian. Altogether it was a considerable frontier town.\nFrom The Dalles to the Upper Cascades our wagons and their\ncontents were taken down in \"bateaux\", a type of boat that had long\nbeen in use on the rivers of the Middle West and on the big streams\nwest of the Rockies. The wagons had to be taken to pieces for\nthe trip. Our horses were taken down the river on a fairly good\ntrail by the single men of the party.\nAt the Cascades there was a tramroad with wooden rails on\nwhich small cars were drawn by horses and many of the emigrants\nhad their wagons and goods taken down below the Falls in these\ncars but it is my recollection that our people set up their wagons\nand drove down, thus saving considerable expense.\nWe camped not far from the river and also very near to the\npoint where the main landing for the steamboats plying the river\nwas later established. Here Mrs. Nancy Mercer was taken ill and\nas it was apparent she might not be able to move soon most of us\nwent on down the river, leaving Mr. Mercer and family to follow,\nbut her illness soon became serious and within a few days she\ndied and was buried there.\nThe rest of us hired a man named Chenoweth to take us down\nthe big river to the mouth of the \"Big Sandy.\" Crossing the Plains\n179\nChenoweth later became a Judge in Washington Territory.\nHe then operated a big scow that carried our wagons and goods,\nbut our horses again were taken down along the bank of the Columbia. In the middle of the scow was a big pile of sand and rocks\nand on this we built a fire and cooked as we slowly floated down\nthe river.\nWe landed at the mouth of the \"Big Sandy\", a stream that\nflows into the Columbia River east of Portland some twenty or\ntwenty-five miles. The \"base line\" on which the Government surveys of Oregon and Washington are founded runs directly east\nfrom Portland and intersects the Columbia at the mouth of the\nSandy. I imagine this was intentional on the part of the surveyor\nat the time the line was fixed.\nHere we again hitched our horses to the wagons and started\non the last miles of our long, long trip. We. camped on the bank\nof the Clackamas the first night at Cason's. farm, a few miles below\nOregon City. As we passed through the latter place we climbed a\nhigh bluff as the road then ran over a big hill; now it goes along the\nbank of the Willamette. That night we camped on a little prairie\non the bank of Pudding River. The next night on or near Howell\nPrairie northeast of Salem, and on September 17th, 1852, we considered our journey ended as we reached the home of \"Uncle Jesse\nParish\" near Parish's Gap. There is a range of hills between the\nvalleys of Mill Creek and the Santiam River and a low point called\nthe Gap was used for many years as the main road to the south.\nIt is about four miles from the little town of Jefferson. Uncle West\nimmediately settled on vacant land adjoining the Parish farm and\nlived there for a great many years.\nNext day father went to Salem and secured the rental of a\nsmall house not far from the bank of the Willamette and about\nthe same distance from the north branch of Mill Creek. Uncle\nOssian and Aunt Lucie Carr owned a home a couple of blocks from\nthat house for many years; in fact until they came to Seattle, finally,\nto live.\nWe remained in this house but a short time, as Wiley Chapman, who had come to Oregon in 1847 and already had a large home\nin Salem, made arrangements with father and mother to move into\nit and have Rhoda and Memory live with us that winter while he\nand Will and Ed went to the mines in Southern Oregon.\nI 180 Clarence B. Bagley\nHere began the intimacy between Mem and me that continued\nwhile he lived. He was the nearest to a brother of anyone of my\nboyhood playmates. The following summer father built a small\nhome for us where we lived until 1856 when we moved out into\nthe hills south of Salem about six miles. Here we planted a big\norchard and gradually acquired a good herd of cows, several horses\nand quite a farm. Father bought the farm adjoining owned by\nJohn Dodge, who moved over to Mimi Prairie near Olympia. This\nplace had been taken as a Donation Claim by Aaron Mercer who\nlived on it about a year and then sold out to Dodge.\nWe lived there until we came to Seattle in 1860.\nFather established several churches in different parts of the\nTerritory, but after about two years, differences arose between the\nchurches of the Northern and Southern States, the governing body\nwas split and the result was that the yearly allowance to father\nwas not paid and he had to depend upon his own exertions to make\na living. He entered the service of the American Tract Society\nand traveled over Oregon selling and distributing their books and\npublications. In 1859, he came over to the Sound on that mission\nand to Seattle where he found Mr. Mercer and Mr. Horton established and he was so well pleased with this region that he\ndecided to come here to live if mother found it suitable for her to\nlive in. She was never very strong and it was feared the climate\nmight not agree with her.\nWe came over in a buggy drawn by two horses and were nearly\ntwo weeks on the way as we had lots of friends along the route\nwhere we visited and father was urged to preach at several places.\nOurs was the first family to come to Seattle by land in our\nown vehicle as the road from Puyallup to White River was just\nbeing opened as we drove over it; in fact at one place the workmen had to remove a few logs out of the road to let us pass through.\nClarence B. Bagley NEWSPAPERS OF WASHINGTON TERRITORY\nAs the Americans began that march across the continent, that\nwestward movement, which developed into the greatest colonizing\nexperience of modern history, the newspaper not only helped to\npoint the way but also sent out numerous brave children to help\nin the struggle and to encourage the pioneer home builders, keeping pace with the frontier as soon as the new homes clustered into\nvillage or town.\nIn an expanding democracy, such as was the United States\nin the latter half of the nineteenth century, the frontier newspaper\nrendered various kinds of service, many of them essential to the\npeculiar genius of the American form of government. There were\nthe purley social forms of service in recording the goings and\ncomings of people, the calls for meetings, the uniting of efforts for\ngood causes and betterments. The editor flaunted a pennant of\npride or pointed a finger of scorn and the struggling community\nrenewed the faith that its attack upon elemental forces was not\nin vain. Those papers rendered economic service by exploiting\nnatural resources and by suggesting or encouraging new enterprises. They rendered political service by advocating candidates,\nparties, platforms, reforms and needed laws. All these services\nmight easily be rendered by newspapers in new lands of any country.\nAnother kind of essential service by the American frontier newspaper had to do with the American land system. In passing the\nhuge public domain of lands into the possesion of the settlers, one\nessential was the publication of notices of the land claims. On the\nother hand, the fees for such publications often constituted the\nmain support of the frontier papers. This kind of mutuality of\nservice has led the advance of the American people and the American newspaper. It began on the frontier; it continues in the later\nmetropolis.\nAs Washington Territory was one of the last of the American\nfrontiers, it is natural that the frontier newspaper service should\nbe found here in the fulness of flower in the two-score years\nfrom 1850 to 1890. Some men live longer and serve their fellows\nlonger than do others. So has it been with the newspapers. Every\n(181) 182\nEdmond S. Meany\npublisher who launched a new paper had hope and ambition for his\nenterprise. Some of those papers were pitifully young at the time\nof their deaths or absorption by a stronger rival. Still it is com-\n, forting to believe that, in the surging of the great human tide, each\nof them rendered service during its day, be that day brief or long.\nThe first newspaper printed in that portion of Oregon lying\nnorth of the Columbia River, which later became Washington Territory, was the Columbian. It was published at Olympia and the\nfirst issue appeared on September 11, 1852. The old Ramage hand\npress on which it was printed had been used in California. From\nthere it was shipped to Portland and printed the first issues of the\nOregonian. After serving the Columbian, it was used to print the\nfirst newspaper in Seattle. It was then taken to Alaska and later\nreturned to Seattle. It is now in the State Museum, University of\nWashington. If all the pages it has printed could be assembled,\nthe fruitage of that old press would furnish a foundation for the\nearly history of the Pacific Coast. One reason for establishing the\nColumbian was to promote the creation of the Territory of Columbia from Northern Oregon. The early issues of the paper show\nhow valiantly and successfully that cause was advocated. It issued\nthe call for the Monticello Convention which met on November 25,\n1852. In the meantime ringing editorials called the people to action.\nAfter the Convention had memorialized Congress, the Columbian\npublished the proceedings in full. The people applauded the energy\nand success of their only paper in Northern Oregon.\n\ Candor requires, however, at this time of more accurate information, that we should recognize the fact that much of that\npioneer applause was misplaced. Oregon's Delegate to Congress,\nGeneral Joseph Lane, had taken the initiative for the creation of\nthe new Territory on December 6, 1852, just eleven days after the\nMonticello Convention. Recent searches among his papers in the\nLibrary of Congress have shown that he was inspired by the memorial of the Cowlitz Convention of August 29, 1851. That was\nbefore the Columbian was founded. With the Cowlitz Convention\nmanuscript in the Lane papers, were found two Oregon newspapers\n\u00E2\u0080\u0094the Oregonian of September 20, 1851, and the Oregon Spectator\nof September 23, 1851. Each of these papers carried on the front\npage the full proceedings of the Cowlitz Convention of the previous August. These were the effective publications in that mo- Newspapers of Washington Territory\n183\nmentous event. The bill was under debate and the name of the\nproposed Territory was being changed from Columbia to Washington, when the memorial of the Monticello Convention and the\nproceedings of that Convention in the Columbian arrived at the\nNational Capitol. For a full discussion of these two Conventions,\nsee the Washington Historical Quarterly, Volume XIII., No. 1,\n(January, 1922,) pages 3 to 19. All this does not detract from the '\nevident purpose and energy of the Columbian. It simply transfers\nsome of the credit of achievement to the Cowlitz Convention and\nto two other pioneer newspapers.\nThe records of such important makers and chroniclers of history should be saved. Unfortunately that is not an easy thing to\ndo. However much faith and hope may inspire the editor, he is\nnot always careful of his files. The short-lived papers frequently\nvanish completely. Successors to the earlier publishers are often\nslow in recognizing that what had gone on before in the papers\nthey had acquired was worth preserving for the sake of future\nneeds of history. It is frequently difficult and often impossible\nto get information about the early files.\nA number of efforts have been made in the past to assemble\ninformation about the pioneer papers of Washington Territory.\nAmong these should be mentioned the following: The Washington\nPress Association Proceedings, 1887-1890, contains a brief history\nof the press of Washington by Charles Prosch under the date of\nAugust 15, 1889. This covers pages 23 to 45. In the same pamphlet,\nfor the year 1890, Edwin N. Fuller gives an article entitled \"Historical Newspaper Sketches.\" He specializes on first numbers and a\ncompilation of newspapers established, year by year, from 1882 to\n1890. In that same year 1890, Herbert Howe Bancroft's History\nof Washington, Idaho and Montana appeared, carrying a compact\nhistory of early newspapers on pages 377 to 380. Clarence B.\nBagley, himself a pioneer newspaper man, wrote an article on \"Pioneer Papers of Puget Sound,\" which appeared in The Quarterly of\nthe Oregon Historical Society, Volume IV., No. 4, (December,\n1903,) pages 365 to 385. Several of the county and sectional his-\n. tories of the Territory and State contain references to the newspapers. These are all valuable and the essential facts are drawn\ntogether in this present effort to make a more complete record\nof those important sources of historical materials. 184 Edmond S. Meany\nIn addition to the information derived from the compilations\nabove mentioned, facts have been gathered from files of the old\nnewspapers, surviving pioneers have been interviewed and many\nletters have been written to editors and publishers of papers whose\nage reaches back into the Territorial days. No effort has been\nmade as yet to carry this work of investigation into the years of\nStatehood. That task will be a great one when undertaken but it\nshould be effectually aided by the large number of public librari^B\nwhich are now saving newspaper files.\nIn the compilation which follows an effort is made to go beyond a mere bibliographical list. Whenever important and interesting facts are obtained about the publications these are set down\nwith the bibliographic data.\nAcknowledgment should here be made to Victor J. Farrar for\nhis assistance. He has industriously gleaned facts from many\nsources.\nFrom the nature of the case, the pioneer papers dropping out\nof sight from one reason or another, a compilation of this kind is\nliable to errors, especially errors of omission. The writer would welcome suggested additions or corrections if submitted before the\nwork is revised for seperate publication, about January 1, 1923.\nEdmond S. Meany\nABERDEEN, GRAYS HARBOR COUNTY*\nBulletin, established on July 31, 1889, with E. C. Finch as\nproprietor and Frank Owen as editor. Independent. No files have\nbeen located.\nHerald, founded in 1886 by A. M. Telford. Democratic.\nCeased publication on July 1, 1917. Partial files are located in\nThe Public Library of Hoquiam, University of Washington Library and Washington State College Library.\nALLYN, MASON COUNTY\nTimes, founded on November 14, 1889, by Gale & Leith. Mr.\nLeith sold out in 1890 and H. R. Gale continued publication.\nALMIRA, LINCOLN COUNTY\nJournal, listed as an independent weekly by the Lord and\nThomas Newspaper Directory for 1890. Newspapers of Washington Territory\n185\nANACORTES, SKAGIT COUNTY\nAmerican, founded in April, 1890, by Douglass Allmond and\nF. H. Boynton. The History of Skagit and Snohomish Counties\nsays Allmond was sole proprietor after August 12, 1892, until he\nsold out to Frederick Ornes in the spring of 1902. Frank Barnett\nobtained the paper on January 1, 1904. Republican.\nNorthwest Enterprise, begun by Alf. D. Bowen and F. M.\nWalsh on March 25, 1882, to boom a proposed town on Ship Harbor. In January, 1883, the paper passed to its cheif patron, Amos\nBowman, who placed George Riggins in charge. The last issue\nappeared on February 20, 1887. (Edward N. Fuller, in Washington Press Association Proceedings 1887-1890, page 85.)\nProgress, begun on August 3, 1889, by C. F. Mitchell. Both\ndaily and weekly issues were published. In April, 1890, the daily\nwas sold to W. H. McEwen, Mr. Mitchell continuing the weekly.\nBoth were suspended on January 22, 1892. For a short time J. B.\nFithian published the Anacortes Courier as a successor of the\nProgress and for a short period also C. F. Mitchell re-entered the\nfield with the Anacortes News. (History of Skagit and Snohimsh\nCounties, page 432.)\nARLINGTON, SNOHOMISH COUNTY\nTimes, established in 1888 at Stanwood with the name of\nStillaguamish Times. The first publisher was George Morrill. In\n1890, the paper was moved to Haller City (C. H. Packard, in the\nArlington Times, September 6, 1913.) Haller City was named in\n1888 by G. Morris Haller in honor of his father Colonel Granville\nO. Haller. \"A few years later Earl and McLeod, railroad contractors, purchased forty acres and gave to it the name of Arlington.\" (History of Skagit and Snohomish Counties, pages 359-362.)\nASOTIN, ASOTIN COUNTY\nAsotin County Sentinel, in 1883, D. B. Pettijohn and J.\nH. Ginder bought the Pataha Spirit, formerly owned by Dr. J. S.\nDenison and on October 12, moved the plant and issued the Asotin\nSpirit to boom the new town and to advocate the division of Garfield County. T. M. E. Shank secured the paper in 1884 and\nchanged its name to Sentinel. Editors and proprietors changed frequently until September 25, 1891, when I. S. Waldrip & Son sold\nto Al Stiffel, one of the former proprietors. (History of Southeastern Washington, pages 820-821.) 186 Edmond S. Meany\nAUBURN, KING COUNTY\nSee entry under Slaughter, King County.\nBELLINGHAM, WHATCOM COUNTY\nSee entries under, Fairhaven, Sehome and Whatcom.\nBLAINE, WHATCOM COUNTY\nJournal, established on April 23, 1885, by Louis R. Flowers,\nand continued to date except for a suspension of six months in\n1893. About 1905 it absorbed the Blame Reporter. The files for\n1885 and 1886 are in possession of George Cain, of Blaine, those\nfrom January 1, 1887 to date are in the Journal office.\nBUCKLEY, PIERCE COUNTY\nBanner, established on December 17, 1889, by Thomas E.\nAshe. Independent.\nBUCODA, THURSTON COUNTY\nEnterprise, established in November, 1889, by R. F. Pattison\nand J. W. Julian and its publication continued until 1894 when it\nsuspended and the plant was moved to Cosmopolis. (J. C. Rath-\nbun, History of Thurston County, page 118.) No files have been\nlocated.\nCAMAS, CLARKE COUNTY\nSee entry under La Camas.\nCASTLEROCK, COWLITZ COUNTY\nCowlitz Advocate, established on July 10, 1886, by E. H.\nFlagg. Republican.\nCATHLAMET, WAHKIAKUM COUNTY\nGazette, established on February 1, 1889. Independent.\nCENTRALIA, LEWIS COUNTY\nChronicle, established in July, 1889, by Thomas Scammons\nand J. E. Whinnery. Independent.\nNews. Rowell & Rathbun began the Naparvine Western\nWashington Farmer in August, 1886. On April 1, 1887, the plant\nwas sold to A. E. Partridge and W. F. Pattison who moved it to\nCentralia and began the News. On August 14, 1889, Charles\nProsch wrote: \"One month ago Mr. Partridge commenced the publication of the Daily News which makes a better appearance than Newspapers of Washington Territory\nmany a first daily in the older and larger towns.\" (Washington\nPress Association Proceedings, 1887-1890, page 43.)\nSunday Independent, established on November 9, 1889, by\nHull, Kerr and Julian. It lived but a few weeks.\nCHEHALIS, LEWIS COUNTY\nBEE-Nugget, the combination of two pioneer journals. The\nLewis County Nugget was first issued on July 14, 1883, by Tozier\n& Meybrick. It was not attractive. The Asotin Transcript said:\n\"We have seen many poor papers, but never worse.\" J. E. Willis\nsecured the paper, changed its politics to the Democratic column,\nsecured the local postmastership and sold the paper to A. H.\nWehner, who continued it as a Democratic organ until November,\n1889, when he sold it to Owen & Morrison. In February, 1890,\nthe paper was acquired by A. E. Partridge. The Lewis County Bee\nwas established on June 6, 1884, by Bull & Francis, who changed\nit to a semi-weekly'on August 1, 1884. It skipped one week and\nappeared again on September 12, 1884, as a weekly by W. W. Francis, with Charles Weston as editor. On August 4, 1886, W. W.\nFrancis sold out to J. T. Forrest. (Edwin N. Fuller, in Washington Press Association Proceedings,' 1887-1890, page 82.) Besides\nthe files in the office of publication, there are series of them, especially since the successful combination of the two papers, in the\nUniversity of Washington Library, in the State Library at Olympia, and the Public Ligbrary at Chehalis.\nCHENEY, SPOKANE COUNTY\nEnterprise, listed by the Lord & Thomas Newspaper Directory, in 1890, as an independent weekly.\nNorthwest Tribune, established at Colfax in 1879, moved\nto Cheney in 1883 and to Spokane Falls in 1886. (History of the\nPacific Northwest: Oregon and Washington, Volume IL, page 548.)\nSentinel, spoken of by Charles Prosch on August 14, 1889,\nas \"a large weekly published by Fred Publer, the official paper of\nthe city of Cheney. It has just completed its eighth volume and\nlooks healthy enough to live through eight more.\" (Washington\nPress Association Proceedinges, 1887-1890, page 41.) It was listed\nin the Lord & Thomas Newspaper Directory, 1890, as an independent weekly. 188 Edmond S. Meany\nCHEWELAH, STEVENS COUNTY\nStevens County Sun, the first paper published in this county, made its initial appearance in July, 1885. J. W. Young, the\npublisher was a miner and devoted most of his time to prospecting.\nA few issues of his paper appeared at irregular intervals. (History\nof North Washington, page 840.)\nCHICO, KITSAP COUNTY\nPort Washington Sentinel, established on December 20,\n1889, by H. H. Green. (Edwin N. Fuller, in Washington Press\nAssociation Proceedings, 1887-1890, page 88.)\nCOLFAX, WHITMAN COUNTY\nCommoner, established on October 2, 1885, by R. C. Blair\nand E. C. Warner. It has been published continuously as a weekly.\nFor several years a daily was also issued. Complete files have been\nsaved in the office and there are several series of the issues on file\nin the State Library at Olympia. It was listed by the Lord &\nThomas Newspaper Directory, 1890, as a Democratic weekly.\nNorthwest Tribune, established in Colfax in 1879, moved to\nCheney in 1883 and to Spokane Falls in 1886. Files of Volumes I\nand IL, 1880-1881, are in the Spokane Public Library.\nPalouse Gazette, established on September 29, 1877, by L.\nE. Kellogg and Charles B. Hopkins. On August 3, 1888, the paper\npublished a sketch of its own history from which the following is\ntaken: \"The paper was issued in its original size until May, 1878,\nwhen it was enlarged to seven columns, and in June, 1879, the\npatent inside was discarded, since which time it has been an all\nhome production. L. E. Kellogg, the senior partner, retired from\nthe firm at this time. In the winter of 1880-1881 the growing business demanded increased facilities, and a steam press was accordingly added to the plant, the paper also being enlarged to eight\ncolumns. In May, 1882, the business was further enlarged by the\naddition of a book bindery. This adjunct had a brilliant though\nbrief career, the plant being destroyed in the great fire three months\nlater. In February, 1887, the firm of Hopkins & Chase [Ivan\nChase] took charge and four months later the paper passed into the\nhands of the present management. The third enlargement became\nnecessary in 1887, when another column was added, making nine\nto the page, and the largest four-page paper in the territory.\"\nComplete files have been saved in the Gazette office. Newspapers of Washington Territory 189\nCOLVILLE, STEVENS COUNTY\nRepublican, established in 1890 by E. L. Jameson and Emmet\nClark. Later J. H. Young acquired the paper and merged it with\nthe Stevens County Miner under the name of Index.\nStevens County Miner, established by John B. Slater on\nOctober 5, 1885, as a six-column, Democratic weekly. He had\npurchased part of his equipment at Walla Walla. While transporting to Colville, the wagon overturned at the crossing of Blue\nCreek and the printing outfit was ruined. When the paper appeared, the first fifty copies sold for fifty cents each. In 1889, Mr.\nSlater sold out to W. H. Kearney and G. R. Epherson who changed\nit to a Republican organ. Later George M. Welty acquired it and\nput it back in the Democratic column. Mr. Slater resumed control\nin 1890 and a year later sold the paper to Cole & Bronson. They\ndid not succeed and in 1893 the paper passed by sheriff's sale to J.\nH. Young who combined it with the Republican under the name of\nIndex. In 1895, Mr. Young sold to John James Graves, who, a\nyear later sold to John L. Metcalfe. James E. Picknell was then\neditor. In September, 1896, W. D. Allen bought the paper and\nmerged it with the Springdale Statesman under the name of Statesman-Index. (History of North Washington, pages 840-841.)\nStevens County Recorder, established in 1886 by a man\nnamed De Land, as a Republican paper, \"but it became embroiled\nin a political misunderstanding and after a short but feverish life\nof two months it fell under the wheels and its life was crushed out.\"\n(History of North Washington, page 841.)\nStevens County Reporter, established.on July 3,1885, by Van\nLoon & Co. (Edwin N. Fuller in Washington Press Association\nProceedings, 1887-1890, page 84.)\nStevens County Standard, established in 1890, by Eber C.\nSmith, as an Independent Republican paper. It continued for several years. (History of North Washington, page 841.)\nCONCONULLY, OKANOGAN COUNTY\nOkanogan Outlook, during a lively interest in the Salmon\nRiver Mining District, W. B. McDougal began the publication of a\nRepublican six-page folio paper, two pages of home print and two\npages \"patent\". In one year he sold out to E. W. Lee, a merchant,\nand J. W. Romaine, a lawyer. At the end of six months they sold 190\nEdmond S. Meany\nto H. W. Thompson. -On August 30, 1892, the plant was burned.\nA new plant was secured but there followed the depression of silver\nand a season of hard times. The plant was destroyed by flood on\nMay 27, 1894. Another equipment was secured and the paper resumed publication on July 14. It was difficult to get print paper\nwith regularity and wrapping paper was often used instead. The\npaper suspended in 1898. (History of North Washington, page\n841.)\nCOUPEVILLE, ISLAND COUNTY\nIsland News, Volume II, Number 2, June 12, 1884, showed\nE. W. Brayman as editor. H. ,S. Condon had retired from its\npublication. (Edwin N. Fuller, in Washington Press Association\nProceedings, 1887-1890, page 82.)\nDAVENPORT, LINCOLN COUNTY.\nLincoln County Times, published by Frank M. Dallam, or-'\niginator of the Spokane Review. On August 14, 1889, Charles\nProsch wrote: \"The Times is now in its seventh year, with a good\nprospect of a long and useful career. As long as Mr. Dallam retains his control it will unquestionably survive and prosper, for he\nhas given abundant proof of his ability to conduct a journal successfully where success is possible.\" (Washington Press Association Proceedings, 1887-1890, page 43.)\nLincoln Leader, established on June 12, 1884, by Elmer\nWarner. On November 21, the last number appeared. (Edwin\nN. Fuller, in Washington Press Association Proceedings, 1887-\n1890, page 81.)\nDAYTON, COLUMBIA COUNTY\nBaptist Sentinel, moved to Dayton from Tacoma in the\nspring of 1890. (History of Southeastern Washington, page 814.)\nSee Tacoma Baptist Sentinel.\nColumbia Chronicle, established on April 20, 1878, as a\nRepublican paper to oppose the Dayton News. It was a six-column\nfolio, all four pages being printed at home on a Washington hand\npress. The publishers were T. M. May & Co. The editor was\nH. H. Gale and the business manager, E. R. Burk. On November 1, 1878, Mr. Gale, through ill health, was forced to retire and\nthe paper was sold to J. E. Eastham and F. M. McCully, school\nteachers. Mr. McCully became editor. O. C. White, who had Newspapers of Washington Territory\n191\nonly written two articles began a newspaper career. He bought\nMcCully's interest on May 17, 1879, and by July 12 he was sole\nowner of the paper. He continued as editor and publisher until\nFebruary 10, 1883, when he sold to E. T. Wilson and F. M. McCully, who had been proprietor of the Pomeroy Republican. The\nprice of the paper at this transfer was $5000. Mr. Wilson became\nsole owner and, while continuing the weekly, he began to issue the\nDaily Chronicle on April 7, 1883. It was a five-column, folio, evening paper selling for nine dollars a year. On September 30,\n1884, the evening paper turned its column rules and appeared in\nfull mourning and across the top appeared the words: \"Dead\u00E2\u0080\u0094\nNot gone before, but gone behind.\" The weekly was continued\nand on May 2, 1885, Mr. Wilson sold a half interest to F. W. Agatz\nwho had been serving as business manager for sixteen months. On\nSeptember 4, 1886, the paper was sold to O. C. White and J. K.\nRainwater for $6000. In June, 1887, the plant was destroyed by\nfire. A new equipment was secured and Mr. White became sole\nproprietor on October 1, 1888. He sold a half interest to R. E.\nPeabody in March, 1890, and in October sold the remaining interest,\nthe new firm being R. E. Peabody & Co. Mr. White had been serving\nas Secretary of the Territory and became the first Public Printer,\nunder Statehood. (History of Southeastern Washington pages\n809-812.)\nInlander, had a changeful career for about ten years. On\nAugust 4, 1882, Twyman O. Abbott established the Democratic\nSlate Journal to take the place of the burned out News. In August, 1884, J. E. Edmiston, former editor of the News became editor of the new paper. On November 8, 1884, the paper passed\ninto the hands of W. O. and G. N. Matzger who changed the name\nto Inlander and changed its politics to Republican. A. B. Thompson bought the paper on August 1, 1886, for $1500 and put it back\ninto the Democratic column. In September, 1892, G. S. Livengood\nbecame proprietor and supported the Peoples Party. Times became hard and the paper suspended. (History of Southeastern\nWashington, page 813.)\nNews, the first paper in that section east of Walla Walla, was\nbegun in September, 1874, to boom Dayton as the county seat for\nI proposed new county. Elisha Ping furnished the capital and\nA. J. Cain the experience. It is said that the paper was first print- 192\nEdmond S. Meany\ned on a toy press with a hatful of type. It was Democratic. Columbia County was created on November 11, 1875, and Dayton became the county seat. The News suspended for a time in January, 1876, and was sold to James Kerby. In May, 1877, it was\nbought by T. H. Crawford and J. E. Edmiston. M. H. Abbott &\nSons became proprietors in January, 1878. On July 28, 1879, it\nwas sold to J. E. Palmer and James Seaman. W. D. Crow bought\nSeaman's interest on September 1, 1879, and on April 1, 1881, Walter Crosby and J. Y. Ostrander acquired the property. The plant\nwas destroyed by fire on August 12, 1882, and publication was not\nresumed. (History of Southeastern Washington, pages 808-809.)\nReporter, \"Probably but few people will remember the Dayton Reporter, which lived a very brief life in the spring of 1881.\nIt made its bow early in May and its, exit late in the same month.\nIt was a little four-column paper and was edited by E. S. Gay.\nThe press work was done in the office of the Dayton News. Mr.\nGay decided to have a plant of his own, and suspended public-\ntion until it arrived. The plant came, but before the Reporter\ncould be revised the fire of August 6th destroyed his press and\nthe attempt to add another paper to Dayton was abandoned. The\nrest of the plant was taken to Pomeroy and used in the publication of the Republican.\" (History of Southeastern Washington,\npage 813.)\nSchool Journal, established in April, 1884, devoted to the\nschool interests of Washington Territory. It was an eight-page\nmonthly edited by F. M. McCully, teacher and newspaper man.\nThe printing was done in the office of the Chronicle. It expired\nafter several months.\nDESMOINES, KING COUNTY.\nNews, established on November 22, 1889, by W. F. Thompson.\n(Edwin N. Fuller, in Washington Press Association Proceedings,\n1887-1890, page 86.)\nELLENSBURG, KITTITAS COUNTY.\nCapital, founded by Col. A. N. Hamilton on October 15, 1887.\nA file from the beginning of publication to date is in the Carnegie\nLibrary of EUensburg.\nLocalizer, established on July 12, 1883, by Stone & Adams.\nIn 1889, D. B. Schnebly was the publisher. Charles Prosch wrote Newspapers of Washington Territory\n193\non August 14 of that year: \"On July 4 last, the office and contents were destroyed by fire. Two days later the editor issued a\nsmall sheet. A new plant was ordered. Three years ago the journal experienced a temporary check by the freezing over of the Columbia River. Save on these two occasions there has been no interruption to the growth of the Localizer. Mr. Schnebly publicly\nacknowledged his obligations to Colonel A. N. Hamilton, of the\nCapital, who promptly and generous ly placed type and presses at\nhis disposal and thus enabled him to issue the small sheet above\nreferred to.\" (Washington Press Association Proceedings, 1887-\n1890, page 42.)\nKittitas Standard, established on June 6, 1883, by Richard\nV. Chadd. Volume III., Number 17, October 3, 1885, bears the\nimprint of H. C. Walters and C. A. Leup as lessees. (Edwin N.\nFuller in Washington Press Association Proceedings, 1887-1890,\npage 81.)\nNew Era, listed as a weekly by Polk's Puget Sound Directory\nfor 1888.\nState Register, the Washington State Register appeared on\nMay 24, 1889, succeeding the New Era, with S. T. Sterling as editor. On June 16, 1889, it commenced publishing a daily afterwards discontinued. (Edwin N. Fuller, in Washington Press Association Proceedings, 1887-1890, page 86.)\nELMA, GRAYS HARBOR COUNTY*\nChronicle, established on May 25, 1889, by R. M. Watson.\nComplete files in the publication office and about ten years of the\nissues in the Hoquiam Public Library.\nFAIRHAVEN,* WHATCOM COUNTY.\nHerald, founded in January , 1890, and in March of that year\nplaced in the editorial charge of Colonel Will L. Visscher, a nationally famous newspaper man, poet and novelist. A daily issue, begun in 1890, was suspended in the fall of 1893. The weekly was\ncontinued until March 13, 1900, since which time publication has\nbeen continuous as a daily. Nearly complete files are saved in the\noffice of the publication and fragmentary files are in the Bellingham Public Library and the State Library at Olympia.\nPlaindealer, established in July, 1889, by M. Edwards & Co.\nf Bellinghan 1.94 Edmond S. Meany\nIn February, 1890, Crandall & Price purchased the paper. (Edwin\nN. Fuller, in Washington Press Association Proceedings, 1887-\n1890, page 88.)\nFARRINGTON, GARFIELD COUNTY.\nRegister, established on October 5, 1888, by E. S. Crane. It\nwas an independent weekly using \"patent\" insides. (Lord & Thomas Newspaper Directory, for 1890.)\nFREMONT,* KING COUNTY.\nLake Union Sentinel, a semi-weekly listed in the Seattle\nCity Directory for 1890.\nGARFIELD, WHITMAN COUNTY.\nEnterprise, established in July, 1890, by John U. Hamilton.\n(Edwin N. Fuller, in Washington Press Association Proceedings,\n1887-1890, page 85.)\nGIBRALTER, SKAGIT COUNTY.\nWashington Farmer, see North Yakima Washington Farmer. The name of Gibraltar has been changed to Dewey.\nGQLDENDALE, KLICKITAT COUNTY.\nGazette. \"On May 14, 1885, it was sold by W. A. Walsh to\na joint stock company and was merged into another paper.\" (Edwin N. Fuller, in Washington Press Association Proceedings, 1887-\n1890, page 83.)\nKlickitat Sun, founded in 1879 and mentioned in the Census Reports of 1880.\nSentinel, frequently referred to as Klickitat Sentinel, founded in 1879 and mentioned in the Census Reports of 1880. Partial\nfiles are in the University of Washington Library and in the State\nLibrary at Olympia.\nTribune, founded on December 5, 1885, by M. H. Abbott and\nsold on June 3, 1886. (Edwin N. Fuller, in Washington Press Association Proceedings, 1887-1890, page 83.)\nGRAYS HARBOR CITY, GRAYS HARBOR COUNTY*\nTimes, established on June 5, 1890, by E. B. Piper. The paper\nsuspended when the real estate boom of that time collapsed.\nHALLER CITY, SNOHOMISH COUNTY\nStillaquamish Times, see Arlington Times. Newspapers of Washington Territory\n195\nHAMILTON, SKAGIT COUNTY.\nHerald, established as the Skagit County Logger on may 23,\n1889, by W. H. Willis and B. J. Baker, who used an old army press\nfor the printing. The paper was independent but became Republican in July, 1890, when it passed into the hands of Edward Suiter\nand H. C. Parliament. On August 8, 1890, the name was changed\nto Hamilton Herald. It became a Populist paper in 1896 \"and in\nthat year expired.\" (History of Skagit and Snohomish Counties,\npage 431.)\nHOQUIAM, GRAYS HARBOR COUNTY*\nChehalis Tribune, established in November, 1890, by Messrs\nCarson and Stoneroad. (Charles Prosch, in Washington Press Association Proceedings, 1887-1890, page 44.)\nGrays Harbor News, established on March 21, 1885, by Liver-\nmore Brothers. Died young. (Edwin N. Fuller, in Washington\nPress Association Proceedings, 1887-1890, page 83.)\nGrays Harbor Washingtonian, established on June 5, 1889,\nby Otis M. Moore. Partial files are saved in the Hoquiam Public\nLibrary and the State Library at Olympia.\nINDEX, SNOHOMISH COUNTY.\nMiner, published in the early days by C. W. Gorham of Snohomish City. Thus far no files have been located.\n(To 'be continued) FINAN McDONALD\u00E2\u0080\u0094EXPLORER, FUR TRADER AND\nLEGISLATOR*\nRoss Cox appears to be the only one to preserve an account\nof Finan McDonald's nativity and early life; in his Adventures on\nthe Columbia River, page 348, Vol. I, he says: \"While we were\nhere (Spokan House) a curious incident occurred between Mr.\nMcDonald and an Indian, which I shall preface by a short account\nof the former. He belonged to a highly respectable family which\nemigrated from Inverness-shire to Canada while he was a lad. His\nfirst accents were lisped in Gaelic; but in the capital of the Highlands, so celebrated for its pure English, he made considerable progress in our language. On arriving in Canada he was obliged to\nlearn French, in which he had made some proficiency, when\nhe joined the North-west Company as apprentice-clerk. At the\nperiod I speak of (1814) he had been ten years absent from Canada, and had traveled over an immense extent of country. His appearance was very striking: in height he was six feet four inches,\nwith broad shoulders, large bushy whiskers, and red hair, which\nfor some years had not felt the scissors, and which sometimes falling over his face and shoulders, gave a wild and uncouth appearance. He had taken a Spokan wife, by whom he had two children. * * *\n\"M'Donald was a most extraordinary and original character,\nTo hte gentleness of a lamb he united the courage of a lion. He\nwas particularly affectionate to men of small size, whether equals\nor inferiors, and would stand their banterings with the utmost good-\nhumour; but if any man approaching his own altitude presumed to\nencroach too far on his good-nature, a lowering look and distended\nnostrils warned the intruder of an approaching eruption. [Cox\ngives an example.] * * *\n\"M'Donald frequently, for the mere love of fighting, accom-.\npanied the Flatheads in their war excursions against the Blackfeet.\nHis eminent bravery endeared him to the whole tribe, and in all\nmatters relating to warfare his word was a law. The following\nanecdote, which was related to me by several Indians, will at once\nshow his steady courage and recklessness of danger. In the summer of 1812, at the buffalo plains they well in with a strong party\n(196) Finan McDonald\n197\nof the Black-feet, and a severe contest ensued. M'Donald was to\nbe seen in every direction in the hottest of the fire cheering and\nanimating his friends; and they at length succeeded in driving the\nBlack-feet to take shelter in a thick cluster of trees, from whence\nthey kept up a constant and galling fire on the Flat-heads, by\nwhich a few were killed, and several wounded. In vain he exerted\nall his influence to induce his friends to storm the trees, and drive\nthe enemy from their cover.\n\"M'Donald, vexed at this puerile method of fighting, offered\nto take the lead himself to dislodge the enemy; but, with the exception of the war-chief, they all refused to join him. He therefore\nresolved to try the effect of example, and putting his horse on to a\nsmart trot, rode opposite to the place from whence the chief fire\nof the Black-feet proceeded: he then dismounted, took deliberate\naim at the head of a fellow which had just popped from behind a\ntree, and let fly. The bullet entered the Black-foot's mouth, and he\nfell. A shower of balls instantly whizzed about M'Donald and his\nhorse; but he, undismayed, reloaded, while his friends cried out\nand besought him to retire. He covered another in the same manner, and galloped to his party uninjured. [These were the only\ntwo killed in this clump of trees.] War was his glory, and 'piping\npeace' his aversion. Up to the period I quitted the Columbia he\nhad escaped harmless; but I regret to state that a few years afterwards, one of the enemy's balls brought him to the ground: half-\na-dozen savages instantly rushed on him, and commenced hacking\nhis scull with their tomahawks: the scalping knife was in the act of\nbeginning its dreadful operation, and in a moment all would have\nbeen over, had not the war-chief, accompanied by a few friends,\ndashed to his assistance, killed three of the Black-feet, and rescued\ntheir benefactor from impending death. He subsequently recovered ; but I understand the wounds he then received have left evident\ntraces of their violence on his bold and manly front.\"\nAccording to Ross Cox, McDonald joined the North-west\nCompany in 1804. He is not listed among the North-west Company's men of that year in Masson's Bourgeois; but it is known that\nlist is not complete, but he appears at the Rocky Mountain House,\non the Saskatchewan River, in 1806; apparently an experienced\nclerk, ranking above many other commissioned clerks of prior employment in the company.\nHe comes into notice as second in command, and with David 198\n/. A. Meyers\nThompson's party crossing the Rockies by the Howse's Pass to the\nheadwaters of the Columbia River, in the early summer of 1807;\nand assisted in building the \"Kootenay House\" that season. This\nhouse was below Lake Windermere, at Toby Creek, and was not\ncalled a fort, but named for the Kootenay Indians who inhabited\nthat section. (See: Thompson's Narrative, pages 378 and on.)\nMcDonald was sent by Thompson in the fall of 1807 to establish a house at a \"considerable Lake in McGillivary's (Kootenay)\nRiver\": this is \"Lake Indian House\" below Bonners Ferry, and is\nthe first exploration of the Kootenai River from the Columbia\nLakes to below Bonners Ferry; and the house the first built in Idaho. That season, 1807-8, two of McDonald's men crossed to the\nKullyspell (Pen d' Orille) Lake, 45 miles.\nMcDonald returned up the Kooteney River early in the Spring\nand was at Kooteney House in time to enable Thompson to start,\nApr. 20th, 1808, on his trip down the Kooteney River to Kooteney\nLake.\nThompson on his return, notes in his Narrative page 395:\n\"We were acquainted with the Kootenai [Upper Columbia] Country\nbefore us, and on the 8th of June, 1808, came to Mr. Finan McDonald and four men in charge of the Furs traded in the winter; they\nhave had also hard times, and have been obliged to eat all the dogs.\"\nOn the 10th of November of 1808 McDonald starts from the\n\"Kootenay House\" for the \"Lake Indian House\" of the year before ; but the weather becoming extremely cold, froze the Kooteney\nRiver up and he had to send to the Kootenay house and procure\nhorses for the journey, but only got to a point some place above\nthe Kootenay Falls. Rainy Creek near Libby, Montana, was the\nonly place where horses could be wintered and in all probability the\nplace McDonald built his storehouse, noted afterwards by Thompson in his Geographical Notes, 1810.\nOn the 17th of April, 1809, the Traders leave the \"Kootenay\nHouse\" and descend the Columbia to the Howse Pass across the\nRockies. They left the Columbia River on June 9th and reached\nthe head waters of the Saskatchwan River on the 18th June.\nThampson says; July 14th, 1809, \"Under the charge of Mr. Finan\nMcDonald sent a canoe off for the defiles of the Mountains\". The\nparty arrived at the Columbia River the 13th of August, and at, McGillivray's (Kootenay) River on the 20th; descending that river Finan McDonald\nto the road to the Saleesh (Clarks Fork) River, (Bonners Ferry)\narriving on the evening of the 29th. \"On my arrival here, I sent\noff Mr. Finan McDonald and a man to follow the road to the Saleesh River and find the camp of those Indians, to bring horses and\nhelp us through to the River\". The party reached Kullyspell (Pen\nd'Orille) Lake, September 8th, where part of the goods was taken\nin canoes and arrived at the Saleesh River (Clarks Fork), 2:00\np. m. the 9th. The site of the \"Kullyspell House\" was selected on\nthe 10th, and they commenced to build the 11th; the second house\nin Idaho.\nThompson's Geographical Notes shows, McDonald was left in\ncharge while Thompson made an exploring trip down the Saleesh\nRiver to near Metaline by land and returned October 6th, 1809;\nwhen he says: \"Mr. McDonald had traded about 2 packs of good\nfurs in my absence, mostly from the 'Pointed Hearts'.\" No intimation of sharp trading here, just the opposite, the name is, probably, just a translation of the tribal name \"Skeetshoo\". Also in\ncharge, when Thompson went up the Saleesh River and located the\nSaleesh House four miles above Thompson Falls, Mont., and continued in charge of the Kullyspell House until Thompson's return\nApril 21st, 1810. He is sent by Thompson to the Saleesh House\nApril 23rd. The 7th of May, Thompson gives Jocko (Jacques\nRaphael) Finlay his orders to build \"Spokan House\"; the same\nday sends a letter to McDonald that connects him and his men with\nthe Saleesh Indian Camp, and in a battle that followed the Pie-\ngans were defeated, with the help of the white men and the newly\nacquired guns of the Saleesh. Thompson says: \"Mr. Finan McDonald fired forty-five shots, killed two men and wounded one\".\n(See, Narrative, Page 425.) This defeat is what determined the\nPiegan Indians to stop the Traders crossing the mountains by the\nHowse Pass to the Kooteney and Saleesh country, and that Fall\nforced Thompson to open the Athabasca Pass.\nOn Thompson's return from the East, through the Athabasca\nPass; under date of 27th May, 1811. \"We went to the Saleesh\nHouse in hopes of seeing Mr. Finan McDonald, but saw neither\nhim, or a letter\". McDonald had wintered at Kullyspell House, and\nin the Spring had moved to \"Spokan House\"; where he was when\nThompson sent there for horses to meet him, at, now Cusick, on\nPen d' Orille River, which he did June 12th, 1811; the party then 200 /\u00E2\u0080\u00A2 A. Meyers\nmoving to.Spokan House where Jacko Finlay was in charge; arriving June 14th. Franchere mentions an intercepted letter written about this time by McDonald, dated from Spokan.\nThompson started north for Ilth-koy-ape (Kettle) Falls the 17th\nof June, 1811, arriving the 19th, late in the afternoon. McDonald\neither accompanied Thompson or soon followed him, for the record\nshows he started up the Columbia River, from Kettle Falls early in\nAugust; going some miles above Ravelstoke, B. C. and returned\nAugust 27th;\u00E2\u0080\u0094missing Thompson who arrived the 28th;\u00E2\u0080\u0094by using\nthe \"Long Portage\" over the mountains to Cusick instead of Spokan House. The \"Long Portage\" was the old trail opened up by\nJohn Work in August, 1825, and always used by the Hudson's Bay\nCompany afterwards as the route to the Pen d' Orille or Saleesh\ncountry.\nThus McDonald was the first explorer of the Columbia River\nfrom Kettle Falls to the Upper Dalles. Thompson followed starting September 2nd, 1811. Meantime Thompson sent an order to\nMcDonald by the Saleesh Chief for all the ammunition he could\nspare, so the Chief could arm his men to fight the Piegans. (The\nPiegans are one of the four tribes now designated as Blackfeet.)\nWhile Thompson was at \"Boat Encampment\" he sends on September 23rd, a canoe load of goods that had come across the Rockies\nby the Athabasca Pass, to the Ilth-koy-ape (Kettle) Falls to the\ncare of Mr. Finan McDonald for the supply of the lower posts on\nMcGillivray's, (Lake Indian House) the Saleesh (Kullyspell) and\nSpokan Rivers, the goods coming by the Howse Pass would supply\nthe upper posts.\nOn the return to Spokan House, November 3rd, Thompson\nsent a letter to McDonald to keep a watch for canoes expected to\ncome down the Kootenay River; the letter was addressed to Kullyspell House. Thompson reached the Saleesh Hpuse November\n19th, and found it vacant, and Finan McDonald trading with the\nIndians some twenty-five miles above on the river; on the 24th he\nnotes \"Mr. Finan McDonald having fortunitely traded a large canoe\nload of dried provisions, which enabled Mr. John G. McTavish and\nthe men * * * to proceed to the lower settlement on this River,\n(Kullyspell) there to winter and trade with the Natives\". \"The\nseason though late, continued mild and open; Mr. Finan McDonald\nwith an assortment of goods, went up the River to trade provisions,\nand he returned with all they could spare\". Finan McDonald\n201\nThompson's Narrative shows he left Saleesh House for Montreal, Canada, on March 13th, 1812, leaving Mr. MjcDonald in\ncharge of that place. This is as far as Thompson's Geographical\nNotes, and his Narrative, which is copied largely verbatim from his\nJournals,\u00E2\u0080\u0094not the Notes-; gives an account of McDonald, and\nRoss Cox is the best and most reliable authority we have for some\nyears after.\nCox on page 189, Vol. I, (date December 1812) \"Mr. Finan\nM'Donald of the North-west Company had charge of the post\namong the Flat-heads,\" (Saleesh). Farnham and Cox were in opposition with a house at now Bull River, between Noxon and Heron, Montana. Farnham represented the Astor Company that winter. Cox returned to Spokan.\nThe next mention of McDonald by Cox is on page 212; where he\nis named as one of the party of North-westers, Cox having joined\nthat company, leaving Astoria on the 29th of October, 1813 for\nthe interior. The party was attacked at the Cascades by the Indians while making the second portage. McDonald was in charge\nof the lower end, while the rest of the officers were stationed at intervals to the upper, (page 213.) They captured some of the Indians' families and held them as hostages until the goods, boats and\npeople had crossed the portage. The goods stolen by the Indians\nwere mostly returned, (page 217). McDonald was in charge of\nthe watch on that night that it was fired on by the Indians. The\nfire was returned and the moans indicated some Indians were\nwounded.\nMcDonald was in charge of Fort Kamloops that winter, 1813-\n4, (page 262).n On page 284, Cox says: \"We left Spokan House\non the 25th of May, (1814) and reached Oakinagan on the 29th\n* * * The different parties having now assembled, we all started for\nthe sea on the 30th of May, and on the 11th of June arrived at\nFort George\" (Astoria). On page 337, \"on the 5th of August 1814\nwe left Fort George\". The party consisted of sixty men in nine canoes. At the Cascades they were attacked again, and one man\nkilled. On page 344, he says: \"The various parties separated for\ntheir various destinations. Mine was Spokan House in company\nwith Messrs. Stewart, M'Millan and M'Donald. We left Oakinagan on the 27th, and reached Spokan on the 31st of August\". On\npage 348, Cox gives a sketch of Finan McDonald as before referred\nto at the commencement of this sketch. 202 /. A. Meyers\nOn page 1, Vol. 2, Cox says: \"On the 24th of October, (1814)\nwe proceeded overland with the produce of the summer trade to\nOakinagan, where, being joined by the people of that district, we\nembarked for Fort George; at which place we arrived on the 8th\nof November. We remained only a few days at Fort George, from\nwhich we took our departure for the interior on the 18th November\n* * * We had fifty-four canoe men, including six Sandwich\nIslanders\". The eight canoes, having passed the considered dangerous part of the, route, they had stowed awav all arms except\nthose of the traders. Having arrived at a point between Walla-\nWalla and Lewis (Snake) Rivers. \"A number of canoes filled\nwith natives paddled down on our brigade, apparently without any\nhostile design * * * Mr. Keith was in the first canoe, Mr. Stewart\nin the second, Messrs. LaRoque and M'Millan in the third, Messrs.\nM'Donald and M'Kay in the fourth, M'Tavish and I in the fifth,\nMontour in the sixth, M'Kinzie in the seventh, and Pierre Michel,\nthe interpreter, in the eighth. The Indians at first asked a little tobacco from Mr. Keith, which he gave them: they then proceeded to\nMr. Stewart who also gave them a small quantity; after which they\ndropped down on Messrs. LaRocque and M'Millan, from whose\ncanoe they attempted to take some goods by force, but were repulsed by the men, who struck their hands with the paddles. They\nnext came to M'Donald, and seized a bale of tobacco which was\nin the forepart of his canoe, which they attempted to take out. At\nthe same time my canoe was stopped, as well as those in the rear\nand a determined resolution was evinced to plunder us by force\n* * * Still we refrained from the 'dernier resort' and Mr. Keith\ngave orders not to fire while there was a possibility of preserving\nthe, property. The fellow who had seized the bale in M'Donald's\ncanoe was a tall athletic man; he resisted all their entreaties to let\nit go, and had taken it partly out of the canoe, when McKay gave\nhim a severe blow with the butt end of his gun, which obliged him\nto drop the prize. He instantly placed an arrow in his bow, which\nhe presented to M'Donald; but the latter cooly stretched forth his\nbrawny arm, seized the arrow, which he broke, and threw into the \u00E2\u0080\u00A2\nfellow's face. The savage enraged at being thus foiled, ordered his\ncanoe to push off, and was just in the act of letting fly another arrow, when McKay fired, and hit him in the forehead; he instantly\nfell; upon which two of his companions bent their bows; but be- Finan McDonald\n203\nfore their arrows had time to wing their flight M'Donald's double-\nbarreled gun stopped them. He shot one between the eyes, and\nthe ball from the second barrel lodged in the shoulder of the survivor.\"\nAfter several days the traders forced a parley with the Indians, and on December 1st, (1814) met them in force; the Indians\nfirst demand was that two white men should be delivered up to\nthem (one of whom should be the big red-headed chief). Every\neye turned on M'Donald, who, on hearing the demand, 'grinned a\nhorrid ghastly smile' and who, but for our interposition, would on\nthe spot have chastised the insolence of the speaker.\" The head-\nchief, \"Morning Star\", of the Walla Wallas arrived and quelled\nthe hostile Indians; who were from various tribes, and on his territory.\nOn page 79, Vol. 2. (Date of 30th April, 1816). Cox records:\n\"I was selected as commandant of the former place (Oakinagan);\nMessrs. M'Millan and Montour were sent to Spokan, and my friend\nM'Donald proceeded to Kamloops, his old quarters.\" Cox this\nsummer builds \"Fort Okanogan\" on the site of the Ross' \"Okanogan House\". On page 112, Vol. 2 mentions the incident of Farnham\nof the Pacific Fur Co. and M'Donald of the North-west Co. being\nat Sina-ac-a-teen, and both out of tobacco for the Indian trade and\nCox making a race to supply Farnham with that very necessary article some two hours before the opposition arrived.\nOn page 119 he says: \"It was arranged I would pass the winter\nat Oakinagan. Mr. Mackensie went to Spokan with Messrs. M'Donald and Montour for the outposts, (Kullyspell and Lake Indian\nHouse) Mr. Ross proceeded to Kamloops, and Mr. M'Millan to his\nold post at the Flat-heads. (Saleesh). He quotes a letter from\nDonald Mackenzie, dated Feb. 12th, 1817, in which occurs:- \"On\narriving here I found I had ninety souls to provide with the necessaries of life, and therefore determined on an excursion to Lewis\n(Snake) River. Your friend Mr. M'Donald accompanied me, and\nbesides the Canadians, I took ten Sandwich Islanders. I passed an\nagreeable time with our friend Finan. He is certainly a most worthy mortal and desires to be remembered to you. Yours truly;\nDonald Mackenzie.\" On page 122, Vol. 2. He observes; \"Mr.\nMacKenzie undertook the winter trip to Lewis River, not so much\nfor the purpose of purchasing horses; (for that Mr. M'Donald1 204\nJ. A. Meyers^\ncould have done;) as to form a judgment from personal observation of their disposition\".\nOn page 173, Vol. 2, under date of May 14th, 1817, at Kettle\nFalls,\u00E2\u0080\u0094\"Encamped at the end of the falls; shortly after an Indian\narrived from Spokan House with letters from Mr. M'Donald, which\ncontained no intelligence of interest,\" Cox and party were ascending the Columbia River on his voyage to Montreal, and leaving the\nservice of the North-west Company.\nIn the lists of employes of the Hudson's Bay Company made\nthe year of the amalgamation with the North-west Fur Company,\n1821-22; Finan McDonald is listed No. 1132, and among the\nNorth-west employees. This list contains 1984 names. His name\nis also listed for 1822-23, and 1823-24.\nThe next mention we find of McDonald is in the Fur Hunters\nof the Far West by Alexander Ross: Vol. 2, page 2. \"In the meantime, (1822-23) however, as several of the trappers and hunters\nhad, on Mr. McKinzie's retiring, been left without employment, a\nparty was fitted out for the Snake Country, and placed under the\ndirection of a Mr. Finan McDonald, (A first mention of McDonald\nby Ross) a veteran of the North-west school, now in the Hudson's\nBay Company's service.\"\nRoss had fully determined to leave the Columbia country, but\non arriviing at Boat Encampment he met Mr. P. S. Ogden, and a\nletter offering him charge of the Snake Expeditions with good salary, being persuaded by Ogden, he accepted the offer, but for one\nyear only. \"On arriving at Kettle Falls, I was astonished to learn\nthat on McDonald's return from his Snake trip, he and his men,\ninstead of being, as expected, at Fort Nez Perces, were all at Spokane House. * * * This disarranged my plans, and was a departure\nfrom the Company's views.\"\nOn page 5, he says: \"Before leaving this part of our subject,\nwe might make a remark or two on McDonald's late trip to the\nSnakes. Everything considered, the trip was as successful as could\nhave been expected in furs, for McDonald was a zealous and faithful servant; but in other respects it was rather an unfortunate trip.\nIn a conference with a war-party of Piegans, one of his men, named\nAnderson, was treacherously shot. In a pitched battle which took\nplace between his party and the Blackfeet, he lost seven more of\nhis men; and in a squabble with the Iroquois of his own party; he\nwas badly wounded from an accidental discharge of a gun.\" Finan McDonald\n205\nOn page 50 is noted: \"Crossing in succession five small branches of the head waters of the Missouri. On one of these it was that\nM'Donald lost his man Anderson, last year by the Piegans.\" On\npage 54 to 59, Ross records the particulars of the battle in which\nMicDonald lost the seven men; while killing sixty-eight out of seventy-five of the Piegans, McDonald having but forty-five men with\nhim from the camp.\nJohn Work's Journals kept during the years 1824 to 1834, furnish almost the only source of the history of the Northwest between those years. He is quoted by all writers of the Northwest\nhistory; though many errors have crept in the copies; mostly from\nthe ignorance of the transcribers, and confusion of the men of the\nsame surname.\nMcDonald may have wintered at Spokane House, but more\nprobably at Fort Kooteney at mouth of Rainy Creek, and came in\nearly to Spokan House the winter of 1823-24; for Work says:\n\"April 15th (1824), Thursday, clear fine weather. Left Spokan\nHouse early on horseback, accompanied by Mr. Ogden and Mr.\nMcDonald in company with the men and horses loaded with the\nfurs for Spokan Forks, there to embark for Fort George.\" Again\nunder date of October 21st 1824: \"The property and all the Spokan\nmen, but two, were sent off to Spokan House in charge of Mr.\nMcDonald. Mr. Ogden remained with me and the remainder of\nthe extra men, to wait for the express\". Mr. Ogden immediately\nmoves to Flathead Post, and took charge of the Snake Expedition\nfor 1824-25. This post was at this time near Weeksville, Mont., or\nabout thirty miles above Saleesh House.\nThe next connection we have of McDonald's journey is in David Douglas's Journal, page 140, (Date August 19th, 1825.) \"Toward afternoon left (Fort Vancouver) in a small canoe with one\nCanadian and two Indians, in company with a party of men going\non a hunting excursion to southwards, on a visit to the Multnomah (Willamett) River, one of the southern branches of the Columbia.\" It should appear that the other party was not in boats but\nused horses. This was connected up by Douglas on page 197, date\nJuly 5th, 1826, at Fort Nez-Perces (Walla Walla) on which he remarks : \"On my return in the evening, I found Messrs. McDonald\nand McKay on their way to the sea (Vancouver) (the same persons I accompanied last year in August) a few days march on the 2fl6 /. A. Meyers\nMultnomah River\". In a letter to Mr. Joseph Sabine of England\nhe says: page 198: \"As I have accidentally met with a Mr. McDonald on his return from a hunting excursion in the south, (Ogden's\nSnake Expedition Eastern Oregon), the same person I accompanied a few days march last August on the Multnomah River, he has\nkindly offered to take the result of my labors for the last month,\nwhich I willingly accepted\". Douglas not willing to wait at Nez-\nPerces for his correspondence, accompanies McDonald and party\ndown the Columbia and at the Great Dalles, six miles below the\nGreat Falls he meets his \"old friends John Work and Archy Mc\nDonald\"; and his Journal connects with John Work's Journal. He\nsays: \"Sunday 10th July, (1826) In the evening Messrs. F. McDonald T(homas) McKy(Kay), T(homas) Dears; arrived at the\nother end of the Portage with two boats and 18 men, and part of\nthe Snake Expedition from Walla Walla, on the way to Ft. Van\ncouver. Mr. Ogden and part of the men are gone by the Willamut\nmountains with horses. Mr. D. Douglas also came with the party\nto meet us\". Monday July 11th\u00E2\u0080\u0094\"The Snake party also proceeded\non to Fort Vancouver. Messrs. Douglas and F. McDonald returned with us.\"\nOn July 17th, 1826, a party starts from Fort Nez Perces to\nbuy horses of the Nez-Perces; consisting of Archy McDonald,\nJames Douglas, F. Annance, John Work, an interpreter, and twenty-eight men. \"Mr. D. Douglas accompanies us to make collections of plants\". This party has a squabble with the Indians on the\n30th day of July, at the junction of Clearwater and Snake Rivers,\nwhich was amicably settled; on the 31st he notes: \"Having everything in readiness,\u00E2\u0080\u0094After an early breakfast Messrs. F. McDonald,\nJ. Douglas and myself accompanied by six men set out overland\nwith the horses, 79 in number, including 2 brought a few days ago\nfrom W. Walla by Mr. F. McDonald\"\u00E2\u0080\u0094\"Mr. D. Douglas accompanies us on his botanical pursuits\"\u00E2\u0080\u0094\"Mr. A. McDonald took his\ndeparture for W. Walla, with the two boats and the rest of the\nmen.\"\nD. Douglas, on page 202, says of that: \"Parted with Mr. McDonald who descended the river; and Mr. Work, and two men and\nmyself, (omits the six men) took our departure overland.\" They\narrived at Fort Colvile, 7:00 P. M. 4th of August, 1826. Finan\nMcDonald was with them, and his family is noted on 7th of Aug- Finan McDonald\n207\nust. \"Mr. Kittson arrived at the lower end of the Portage with\ntheir (three) boats and the outfit for Colvile and their passengers\nand their baggage, he has been ten days from Walla Walla to Oka-\nnagan and ten from Okanagan to this place.\" Sept. 2nd is a note\nat the east end of the \"Long Portage\" [Cusick] : \"The horses sent\nfrom the Fort (Colvile) are two short of the number mentioned by\nMr. McDonald.\"\nSunday September 10th, 1826, he records: \"The express boat\nstarted in the evening, deeply loaded with passengers, baggage, and\nprovisions. There are in all 20 passengers, and 23 pieces of provisions, corn, grease, and dry meat. * * * Mr. McDonald and family,\n(wife and four children), Mr. Daase and family\" and others. This\nis the account where Finan McDonald leaves the Columbia for\ngood.\nDavid Douglas' Journal picks up McDonald on the east side of\nthe Rockies at Edmonton the next summer; page 264, it says: \"Mr.\n(Finan) McDonald, the person who had in charge my box of seeds\naddressed to be left at Fort Edmonton, on the Saskatchawan River,\nhad endured much misery descending the Athabasca, the ice being\ntaken before he had made good half his journey.\" Douglas arrives\noverland at Fort Edmonton in company of an old Nipissing Indian.\nOn page 268: \"I found Mr. F. McDonald here, who took charge of\nmy box last year. * * * Rose at daybreak, and had my box opened,\nfound the seeds in much better order than could be expected from\nthe trouble the person had before he reached this place.\" Continuing on page 270, date June 1st, 1827, he gives an account of Mr. F.\nMcDonald's encounter with a buffalo bull: \"Mr. Herriot and Ermatinger and three hunters went off, to the opposite side (of the\nSaskatchawan) to a herd and killed two very large and fine animals. A party from our boat was sent off to help them. Accom\npanied by Mr. F. McDonald they were readily guided to their companions by calls, and found H. and E. pursuing a bull they had\nwounded, in which he joined. The animal, which had suffered\nless injury than was expected, turned and gave chase to Mr. McDonald and overtook him.\" The party had run out of ammunition.\nAfter some hours delay, the bull got uo and walked awav. McDonald had thrown the bull and held him down, but had become\ninsensible. McDonald was fearfully injured and senseless, but received first aid, and was rushed by boat to Carlton House, to meet\nDr. (Sir John) Richardson, where they arrived 2:00 P. M. the 208 /. A. Meyers\n3rd; but found Dr. Richardson was below at Cumberland House,\nwhere they arrived at 5 P. M. the 9th of June, 1827.\nThe next mention, and that by reference, is on page 278, date\nSunday 8th of July: \"Arrived at the establishment on the River\nWinnipeg (Fort Alexander or Basch) the Riviera of the Voyag-\nuers. We were welcomed there by Mr. John McDonald, a brother\nof the person who crossed the Rocky Mountains last autumn; he\nwas also on his way to Canada\". There is an obscurity here, as to\nwho is, on his way to Canada, Finan or John, though both of them\nwent there about that time. This brother John McDonald was a\nChief Factor of the Hudson's Bay Company at, or after, the amalgamation of 1821. Lists of that year show him as No. 3, but he is\nnot mentioned in the records of 1834 or subsequently. He had the\nsobriquet among the French voyageurs of \"McDonald Grand\", to\ndistinguish him from four other Chief Traders or Factors by the\nname of John McDonald. Its to be inferred that he was built on\nthe same lines as Finan.\nOur next information of Finan McDonald is contained in a letter from Archy McDonald to Francis Ermatinger dated 1844; in\nwhich is mentioned the report that \"our friend Captain McDonald\nhad, in the Provincial Parliament of Canada West, interrogated the\nPremier of the province regarding the Rideau River and Canal;\"\nwith the suggestion: \"That he probably did it with the same elate\nthat he did the Blackfeet and Buffalo bull\". This remark connected\nthis Captain McDonald with Finan McDonald of the West.\nIn the history of Glengarry County it is stated that F. McDonald was commissioned Captain in the First Regiment of the Glengarry Militia on the 4th of January, 1838, and elected member of\nthe Provincial Parliament for Canada West, (now Ontario) from\nWilliamstown for 1843-44.\nThese are some of the items that have come to our notice regarding Finan McDonald, Fur Trader, Explorer and Legislator.\nHe was not of the mental temperament to be elected to the\nhigher positions in the fur companies; that required the highest\nqualifications.\nJ. A. Meyers ARTHUR ARMSTRONG DENNY: A BIBLIOGRAPHY\nThe colony from which the city of Seattle has grown landed\nat Alki Point on November 13, 1851. It consisted of twenty-four\nsouls\u00E2\u0080\u0094twelve children and twelve adults. All of the adults have\npassed away and only three of the children now survive. Of that\noriginal colony, Arthur A. Denny was easily the leading spirit. For\nthat reason he has been referred to frequently as the \"Founder of\nSeattle\". During his own lifetime, he modestly insisted upon sharing those honors with the entire group of the original colony.\nThe \"Birthday of Seattle,\" the date of the colony's landing\nhas often been celebrated. Few of the remaining pioneers were\nprepared to realize or recognize another anniversary which recently passed. The centennial of Mr. Denny's birthday, June 20, 1922,\nwas appropriately honored by the young ladies of Tolo Club, the\nupper-class honor society of the University of Washington. After\nthe Commencement Day exercises, still clad in their academic caps\nand gowns, they went to the cemetary and strewed his grave with\nroses as a tribute from the students of their Alma Mater.\nMr. Denny, joined by Charles C. Terry and Judge Edward\nLander, had given the original campus of ten acres, now in the\ncenter of Seattle and constituting the institution's chief endowment.\nIn recognition of that great gift Denny Hall and Denny Field had\nbeen named on the new campus. His sister Sarah Lbretta Denny,\nand his daughter, Margaret Lenora Denny, had bequeathed large\nsums of money for graduate fellowships in the University. Their\ngraves were also strewn with flowers. By the side of Mr. Denny's\ngrave is that of his wife. This was also honored with a tribute of\nflowers for she had approved with kindly interest all the generous\ngifts to the University.\nAs an additional recognition of the centennial of Mr. Denny's\nbirth there is here published a contribution from the University of\nWashington Library School, a bibliography of works by and about\nMr. Denny, compiled by Agnes C. Peterson.\nWRITINGS OF ARTHUR\nDenny, Arthur A. \"Autobiography.\"\n1:4-8, September, 1899.\n(209)\n4. DENNY\nWashington Historian, 210 Agnes C. Peterson\nDenny, Arthur A. \"The Founding of the State of Washington.\"\nWashington Historian, 1:10-15, September, 1899.\nDenny, Arthur A. \"Organization of the Territory and State of\nWashington.\" Seattle Post-Intelligencer, March 22, 1889.\nDenny, Arthur A. Pioneer Days on Puget Sound. (Seattle, C.\nB. Bagley, 1888.) same, edited by Alice Harriman. (Seattle, Alice Harriman, 1908.)\nMATERIAL ABOUT ARTHUR A. DENNY\nBagley, C. B. History of Seattle, From the Earliest Settlement to\nthe Present Time. 3 volumes. (Chicago: Clarke Publishing\nCompany, 1916.) 2:758-761; Vol. 3:978 explains A. A. Denny's connection with the Denny Clay Company.\nBancroft, H. H. Washington, Idaho and Montana. (San Francisco : History Company, 1890.) This is Vol. 26 of his History\nof the Pacific States of North America. See Index.\nBlaine, E. F. \"Tribute to Arthur A. Denny.\" Washington Pioneer Association. Transactions, 1905-1910. p. 29-30. By a\npersonal friend of A. A. Denny.\nChamber oe Commerce. Semi-Centennial Celebration of the\nFounding of Seattle. (Seattle: Lowman & Hanford Stationery and Printing Company, 1903.) Scattered references.\nDenny, E. I. Blazing the Way; or, True Stories, Songs and Sketches of Puget Sound and Other Pioneers. (Seattle: Rainier ,\nPrinting Company, 1909. p. 305-314.) Tells of a thrilling\nescape from some hostile Indians. Several excerpts from A.\nA. Denny's Pioneer Days on Puget Sound.\nGrant, F. J., editor. History of Seattle, Washington. (New\nYork: American Publishing and Engraving Company, 1891.)'\nSee Index.\nHawthorne, Julian, editor. History of Washington, the Evergreen State, From Early Dawn to Daylight. 2 volumes.\n(New York: American Historical Publishing Company, 1893.)\n1:546-48. Condensed biography.\nHimes, G. H. \"Tribute to Denny Family.\" Washington Pioneer\nAssociation. Transactions, 1905-1910. p. 34-35.) Reminiscence of the \"Carrier's Address\".\nHines, H. K. An Illustrated History of the State of Washington. Arthur A. Denny 211\n(Chicago: Lewis Publishing Company, 1893. p. 169-172.)\nBiography.\nHistorical Sketch. \"University of Washington.\" In Sketches\nof Washingtonians. 1907. p. 309. On donating of land for\nUniversity of Washington by A. A. Denny.\nHunt, HERBERT and Kaylor, F. C. Washington, West of the Cascades. 3 volumes. (Chicago: Clarke Publishing Company,\n1917. 2:309-312.) Same biography as in Bagley's History of\nSeattle, 2:758-761.\nMeany, E. S. History of the State of Washington. (New York:\nThe Macmillan Company, 1910.) See Index.\nMEEKER, Ezra. Pioneer Reminiscences of Puget Sound. ( Seattle:\nLowman and Hanford, 1905.) p. 65, 88, 180, 278-9, 351-2.\nMock, L. B. The Seattle Spirit. (Seattle: Privately printed,\n1911.) p. 8, 14. Picture of first house in Seattle, built by A.\nA. Denny, on p. 14.\nProsser, W. F. A History of the Puget Sound Country. 2 volumes. (New York: Lewis Publishing Company, 1903.) 2:1-13.\nContains tributes paid to him by E. O. Graves, R. S. Greene,\nS. L. Crawford, John Leary, C. H. Hanford, and T. W. Prosch.\nProsser, W F. \"The Life of Hon. Arthur A. Denny.\" Washington Historian, 1:3-10, 1899. Contains the Autobiographical\n. sketch of A. A. Denny, p. 4-8.\nSmith, C. W. \"Book review of Pioneer Days on Puget Sound by\nA. A. Denny, edited by Alice Harriman. Washington Historical Quarterly. 2:265-268, April, 1908. Comparison of Alice\nHarriman's edition with the original.\nSnowden, C .A. History of Washington. 4 volumes. (New\nYork: Century History Company, 1909.) See Index.\nTaylor, J. M. History and Government of Washington. (St.\nLouis, Becktold Printing and Book Manufacturing Company,\n1898. p. 55.) Election to Congress. Brief.\nA Volume of Memoirs and Genealogy of Representative Citizens of\nthe City of Seattle and County of King, Washington, Including Biographies of Many of Those Who Have Passed Away.\n(New York: Lewis Publishing Company, 1903.) p. 9-12.\nBiography.\nAgnes C. Peterson ORIGIN OF WASHINGTON GEOGRAPHIC NAMES\n[Continued from Volume XIII., Page 130.]\nSpokane, an Indian word which has attained great g\ncal use in the State of Washington. A wealthy county wears the\nname and its capitol, with the same name, is the beautiful and proud\n\"Metropolis of the Inland Empire.\" It was first applied to the\nIndians, then to the river and the region it drained. Lewis and\nClark, in 1805, wrote of the Indians and the falls, but used the name\n\"Skeetsomish.\" (Elliott Coues, History of the Lewis and Clark\nExpedition, Volume III., pages 990-992.) On June 8 and August\n11, 1811, David Thompson, of the Northwest Company of Montreal, referred to the Spokane River and Spokane House, while on\nhis map the river is charted as \"Skeetshoo.\" (Narrative, Cham-\nplain Society edition, pages 461, 530, and map,) The Spokane\nHouse mentioned by Mr. Thompson had been established under his\nauthority in 1810 by Jaco Finlay and Finan McDonald at the junction of the Spokane and the Little Spokane Rivers. A short distance away the Pacific Fur Company (Astorians) built a rival.\nFort Spokane in 1812. (T. C. Elliott, \"Columbia Fur Trade Prior\nto 1811,\" in the Washington Historical Quarterly, Volume VI., page\n9.) Although the river was then known by another name and\nalthough the two trading posts were abandoned, they helped materially to fix the name on the country. The Astorians' post was taken\nover by the Northwest Company of Montreal during the War of\n1812. The Northwest Company was absorbed by the Hudson's Bay\nCompany in 1821 and in 1827 that company established Fort Colville and abandoned Spokane House. In the meantime Hudson's\nBay Company men were making use of the name, Spokane River.\nDavid Douglas, the botanist, used it in his entry following the date\nof March 24, 1826. (Journal, 1823-1827, page 62.) John Work\nused the name on August 2, 1826. (\"Journal,\" in the Washington\nHistorical Quarterly, Volume VI., page 36.) For a time, the upper\npart of the river, from the junction of what is now Little Spokane\nRiver to Lake Coeur d' Alene, was known and charted as Coeur d'Alene River. (Pacific Railroad Reports, 1853, Volume XL, chart\n3; Volume XII., Part I., map.) Later the name Spokane' River was\n(212) Origin of Washington Geographic Names\n213\n\u00E2\u0080\u00A2 extended to the lake and the tributary became known as Little Spokane River. The first law to organize Spokane County was approved by the Legislature of Washington Territory on January 29, 1858.\nThe city was incorporated in 1881. (N. W. Durham, Spokane and\nthe Inland Empire, page 362.) For years the official name of the\ncity was Spokane Falls. The meaning of the native Indian word\nhas been much discussed. Rev. Myron Eells, who gave a life-time\nto missionary work among Indians and whose father was one of\nthe first missionaries to work with the Spokane Indians, says: \"Spokane has some reference to the sun. Ross Cox says that in 1812 he\nmet there the head chief of the Spokane tribe, whose name was\nIl-lim-spokanee, which he says means 'son of the sun.' Il-U-mi-\nhum, however, in that language means 'chief,' while skok-salt means\n'son.' Illim is evidently a contraction of illimihum, and I think\nthat the name, as given by Ross Cox, means 'chief of the sun people,'\nnot probably the name of the chief, but his title.\" (In American\nAnthropologist for January, 1892.) N. W. Durham says that M.\nM. Cowley settled on the Kootenai River, near Bonner's Ferry, Idaho, in 1867 and moved to Spokane Valley in 1872. Mr. Cowley\nsays: \"I always thought that the fur traders must have named\nthese Kootenai Siwashes 'The Spokanes.' The Indians called\nthemselves Sinkomahnahs. If the Indians had wanted to call themselves 'children of the sun,' they would have made it Spo-kan-ee;\nthat means 'sun,' and the ordinary Indian greeting, instead of 'good\nmorning' is 'Hust-Spokanee,' which merely means 'good sun'.\" (Spokane and the Inland Empire, page 643.) Edward S. Curtis says:\n\"Etymologically the word seems to be related to spukani, 'sun,' but\nthe force of the reference is not apparent. It may conceivably have\noriginated among a tribe which thus described a related people\nliving 'towards the sun'.\" Mr. Curtis is also authority for the\nstatement that the name for Spokane Falls in the Indian language is\nStluputqu, meaning 'swift water.' (The North American Indian,\nVolume VII., pages 56 and 60.) Out of such discussion, it is probable that a locally used definition, 'child of the sun,' will become\nfixed in speech and literature.\nSprague, a town in the southeastern part of Lincoln County\nnamed in honor of General John W. Spreague, of the Northern\nPacific Railroad Company. (Henry Gannett, Origin of Certain\nPlace names in the United States, page 288.) 214\nEdmond S. Meany\nSpring Beach, in the northwestern part of King County, nam-A\ned by H. B. Ritz, of Tacoma, on September 5, 1903, on account of\nmany beautiful springs in the wild region. Mr. Ritz acquired about\n200 acres and began the foundations for a summer resort. (H. B.\nRitz, in Names MSS. Letter 177.)\nSpring Passage, the waterway between Jones and Orcas Islands, in the central part of San Juan County. It was first charted\nby Captain Richards, 1858-1859. (British Admiralty Chart 2689.)\nThe name remains on the American charts. (United States Coast\nand Geodetic Survey Chart 6300.)\nSpringdale, a town in the south central part of Stevens County,\nformerly called \"Squire City\" in honor of Charles O. Squire, who\nhomesteaded there. Spring Creek was formerly called \"Sheep\nCreek.\" Daniel C. Corbin changed the name of the town in honor\nof the new name of Spring Creek. (Jerry Cooney, in Names MSS.\nLetter 89.)\nSpruce, a postoffice on the Hoh River in the western part of\nJefferson County, so named on June 18, 1904, because of a local\npredominance of spruce timber. (John Huelsdonk, in Names MSS.\nLetter 171.)\nSqow, see Issaquah.\nSquah-ah-shee, see Rock Island Rapids.\nSquak, see Issaquah.\nSquakson, see Squaxin.\nSqualicum, Indian name for a creek, lake and mountain at\nBellingham, in Whatcom County. Hugh Eldridge, son of a pioneer\nfamily of Bellingham says the Indian name was \"Qualla\" after the\ndog salmon which ran up the creek. (In Names MSS. Letter 136.)\nSqualtz-quilth, see Latona.\nSquamish Harbor, on the western side of Hood Canal, in the\nnortheastern part of Jefferson County. See Suquamish.\nSquaxin Island, in the southeastern part of Mason County,\nfor which the Indians' own name was Pul-le-la. (J. A. Costello\nThe Siwash.) The Wilkes Expedition, 1841, called it \"Jack's Island.\" (Hydrography, Volume XXIIL, Atlas, charts 78 and 79.) Origin of Washington Geographic Names 215\nRev. Myron Eells, the misionary, says the word is derived from Du-\nskwak-sin, the name of a creek at North Bay (Case Inlet), the word\nitself meaning \"alone.\" The tribe living near the creek was called Skwaks-namish. The Medicine Creek treaty, December 26, 1854,\narranged for the removal of that tribe to the island, which from\nthat time has been known as Squaxin Island. (In American Anthropologist for January, 1892.)\nSquim, see Sequim.\nSquire City, see Springdale.\nSquire Creek, a tributary of the Stillaguamish River near Darrington, named for a man of that name. (Charles E. Moore, of\nDarrington, in Names MSS. Letter 193.)\nStalukahamish, see Stillaguamish River.\nStampede Pass, in the eastern part of King County. W. P.\nBonney, of Tacoma, who was express rider from Tacoma to the\nfront while the Northern Pacific Railroad was being projected to\nthe Cascade Range, says that Virgil G. Bogue discovered the pass\non March 19, 1881. As the work went on, Mr. Bogue sent out a\nnew foreman to \"speed-up.\" The men quit. Orders were served:\n\"No work, no eat,\" and the men stampeded for the valley. The officers wanted to name the pass after its discoverer but Mr. Bogue\nasked that it be called Stampede. (W. P. Bonney, in Names MSS.\nLetter 529, and \"Naming Stampede Pass,\" in Washington Historical\nQuatrerly, Volume XII., pages 272-278.)\nStandard, a town in the southwestern part of Whatcom\nCounty, was formerly known as \"Green's Spur,\" which was a sort\nof business handicap. In 1908, O. M. Rosseau, acting postmaster\nand general manager of the Standard Lumber and Shingle Company asked that the name be changed. This was done and he was\nappointed postmaster. (O. M. Rosseau, in Names MSS. Letter\n167.)\nStan wood, a town in the northwestern part of Snohomish\nCounty, first settled in 1866 as a trading post by Robert Fulton.\nLater George Kyle secured the claim and established a postoffice\nknown as Centerville. In 1877, D. O. Pearson built a store, wharf\nand warehouse. He became postmaster and had the name changed 216 Edmond S. Meany\nto Stanwood, in honor of his wife's maiden name. (History of\nSkagit and Snohomish Counties, pages 349-354.)\nStarbuck, a town in the northwestern part of Columbia\nCounty, named in honor of General Starbuck, of New York, one\nof the officials and stockholders of the Oregon, Railway and Navigation Company. Oh the first trip over the road, General Star-\nbuck promised a bell to the first church built and the bell is still in\nservice. (William Goodyear, in Names MSS. Letter 43.)\nStartup, a town in the south central part of Snohomish county. The place was homesteaded by F. M. Sparlin in the eighties and\nin 1890 William Wait laid out a townsite and called it \"Wallace\".\nThere was so much trouble with mail being missent to Wallace,\nIdaho, that the name was changed in 1901 to Startup, in honor of\nGeorge G. Startup, manager of the Wallace Lumber Company.\n(History of Skagit and Snohomish Counties, pages 372-373; Mary\nI. Scott, in Names MSS. Letter 364; J. F. Stretch, in Names MSS.\nLetter 497.)\nState op Lincoln, name for a proposed new state, which was\nto have included part of the State of Washington. (Edmond S.\nMeany, History of the State of Washington, page 267.)\nSteamboat Rock, in Grand Coulee, in the northern part of\nGrant county, named for its fancied resemblance to a huge steamboat. A town nearby has received the same name. (C. A. Carsen,\npostmaster at Steamboat Rock, in Names MSS. Letter 38.)\nSteavens Creek, in Grays Harbor County, named by surveyors in the summer of 1880, in honor of Harry Steavens, an old\nsettler who was living in a nearby cabin. (Hilda E. Evans, of\nHumptulips, in Names MSS. Letter 230.)\nSTEEL, \"a mountain in Washington named for William G.\nSteel, of Portland, Oregon.\" (Henry Gannett, Origin of Certain\nPlace Names in the United States, page 290.) The location is not\ngiven.\nSteep Point, a name given by Captain Richards, 1858-1859,\nto a west cape of Orcas Island near Jones Island. (British Admiralty Chart 2689.)\nStehekin, a river flowing into Lake Chelan in the north cen- Origin of Washington Geographic Names 217\ntral part of Chelan County, and a town near the mouth of the\nriver. Seception, former chief of the Indians said the word was\nfrom the Skagit Indian language and means \"the way\" or \"pass\".\n(Mrs. N. B. Knutson, in Names MSS. Letter 489.)\nStehna, see Stony Creek.\nSteilacoom, one of the most historic towns in the state, in the\nwest central part of Pierce County. On December 24, 1824, John\nWork, of the Hudson's Bay Company, wrote: \"Embarked a little\nafter 4 o'clock in the morning and encamped at 2 o'clock in the afternoon at Sinonghtons, our guides' village which is called Chila-\ncoom.\" (\"Journal\" in the Washington Historical Quarterly, Volume III, page 225.) An attempt to change the name is found in\nthis entry of June 9, 1846, in the \"Journal of Occurrences at Nisqually House,\" the original of which is in the possession of Thomas\nHuggins of Tacoma: \"Joined Capt. Duntz's and Capt. Baillie's\nparty in a trip to Steilacoom bay (now Fisgardita cove) in the\nlaunch, or Fisgardita. We all rode home by the American plains\ntrack.\" In the report of the United States Coast Survey for 1858,\nGeorge Davidson said: \"The pronunciation of the name of Steilacoom, as given to us by Indians, is Tchil-ae-cum. On the Admiralty\nmaps we find it Chelakoom.\" (United States Public Documents,\nSerial Number 1005, page 451.) Rev. Myron Eells wrote: \"It is a\ncorruption of the name of the Indian chief, Tail-a-koom.\" (In\nthe American Anthropologist for January, 1892.)\nStella, a postoffice in the southwestern part of Cowlitz County. About 1880, a man named Packard started a store and secured a postoffice which he caused to be named after his daughter, Stella. (C. F. Struckmeier, in Names MSS. Letter 446.)\nStemlit Creek, a small tributary of the Columbia River, near\nWenatchee, in the southeastern part of Chelan County. In the\nitinerary of Captain George B. McClellan for September, 1853, it\nis shown that he crossed this stream and called it \"Skilkantin\nCreek\", though this may be confused with Squillchuck Creek, another small stream in that vicinity. (Pacific Railroad Surveys,\nVolume I, page 377.)\nStephens, see Tyler.\nSteptoe, a name applied to a town in the central part of Whit- 218\nEdmond S. Meany\nman County, a creek in the south central part of that county, rapids in Snake River eleven and a half miles below Clarkston, and\nmore especially a mountain known as Steptoe Butte, in the northeastern part of Whitman County. All the names are in honor of\nColonel Edward J. Steptoe, who suffered defeat at the hands of\nthe Indians in a battle where the town of Rosalia now stands. At\nthe time of the battle the great landmark of the region, rising 361?\nfeet above sea-level was known as Pyramid Peak. Later the name\nwas changed to Steptoe Butte. B. F. Manring has published an interesting book on the campaigns in that vicinity, one chapter of\nwhich is devoted to the mountain. (Conquest of the Coeur d'Alene,\nSpokane and Palouse Indians, pages 18-25.) On March 15, 1919,\nthe writer learned from Louis James, a Nez Perce Indian, that the\nNez Perce name for Steptoe Butte is Yu-mos-tos. Walla Walla\nwas in early days called \"Steptoe City\" and \"Steptoeville\".\nSterling, a town in the west central part of Skagit County,\nfounded in 1878 by Jesse B. Ball, who crossed the plains in 1853\nand became a well known pioneer farmer and logger. (History\nof the Pacific Northwest: Oregon and Washington, Volume II,\npage 200.)\nStevens County, organized by act of the Legislature dated\nJanuary 20, 1863, and named in honor of General Isaac Ingalls\nStevens, who had been the first Governor of Washington Territory and who was killed while leading an assault on the Confederates at the Battle of Chantilly, September 1, 1862.\nStevens Lake, near Everett in the western part of Snohomish\nCounty. It was evidently named in honor of Governor Isaac I.\nStevens, as it appears on Surveyor General Tilton's \"Map of Part\nof Washington Territory\", dated September 1, 1859. (United\nStates Public Documents, Serial Number 1026.)\nStevenson, a town on the Columbia River, in the south central part of Skamania County. It was platted by and named for\nGeorge H. Stevenson, a pioneer fisherman and legislator. (Postmaster at Stevenson, in Names MSS. Letter 233.)\nStewarts Island, see Stuart Island.\nStiak Run, see Martin Island. T\nOrigin of Washington Geographic Names\n219\nStillaguamish, the name of a lake, a peak and a river in\nSnohomish County. Many spellings of the word have been used.\nDr. Charles M. Buchanan says: \"The ward is really Stoh-luk-\nwhahmpsh. Stoh-luk means river. The suffix whahmpsh o.;\nahmpsh is used to indicate a people or a tribe. The word meant\nriver people.\" (Names MSS. Letters 141 and 155.) On James\nTilton's \"Map of a Part of Washington Territory\", dated September 1, 1859, the name is spelled \"Stalukahamish\".\nStillwater, a town in the north central part of King County.\nH. Butikofer writes: \"In the fall of 1909, I started from Seattle to\nNorth Bend on an exploring tour for a store location in the country. I passed a farm at the foot of a road up the hill to a big logging camp. It was a beautiful park-like spot, and I said 'here shall\nbe my little town'. In May, 1910, I laid out for the farmer about\ntwenty-five lots. On December 31, 1910, I was appointed postmaster and selected the name Stillwater in honor of the owners\nand most of the workers in the logging camp who hailed from Stillwater, Minnesota.\" (Names MSS. Letter 581.) It is interesting to\nnote that the Minnesota city was also named for a lumber company.\n(Henry Gannett: Origin of Certain Place Names in the United\nStates, page 291.)\nStkahp, see Cow Creek.\nSt'kamish River, see White River.\nStl-pohbsh, an aboriginal name for Cowlitz, used at Tulalip.\n(Dr. Charles M. Buchanan, in Names MSS. Letter 155.)\nStluputqu, see Spokane.\nStockade Bay, see Buck Bay.\nStony Creek, a tributary of the Puyallup River in Pierce\nCounty, named \"Stehna\" by the Johnson party of the Wilkes Expedition, 1841. (Narrative, Volume IV, pages 420-422.\nStony Hill, a name given to a hill, 300 feet high north of\nCascade Bay, East Sound, Orcas Island, in San Juan County. The\nname appears on the British Admiralty Chart 2689, Richards, 1858-\n1859. It does not appear on the United States Coast and Geodetic\nChart 6380.\nStony Islands, mentioned by David Douglas on June 7, 1826,\nLJ 220\nEdmond S. Meany\nwhile he was traveling down the Columbia from Okanogan toward\nWalla Walla. He says: \"Passed the Stony Islands, place in the\nriver about half a mile in length, exceeding rugged and dangerous.\"\n(Journal 1823-1827, page 181.)\nStony Point, near Bruceport, Willapa Bay, in the northwest-^\nern part of Pacific County. On March 1, 1854, George Gibbs\nwrote: \"At Stony Point there is a stratum of transported boulders\nof large size and a layer of gravel containing agates.\" (Pacific\nRailroad Reports, Volume I, page 466.)\nStrait op Georgia, see Georgia Strait.\nStrait op Juan de Fuca, a broad channel extending from the\nPacific Ocean between Vancouver Island of British Columbia and\nthe northern coast of Washington. The origin of this name is one\nof the world's geographical puzzles. There had arisen a sort of\nbelief in the mythical \"Straits of Anian\", stretching from the Pacific to the Atlantic through North America. In 1625 there appeared a geographical work called Hakluytus Posthumus, or Pur-\nchas his Pilgrimes: containing a history of the World, in Sea Voyages and Land Travels by Englishmen and Others. In this work,\nRev. Samuel Purchas, who lived from 1577 to 1626, included a note\nfrom Michael Lok, who said he had met in Venice, in 1596, Juan\nde Fuca, a native of Cephalonia, whose real Greek name was Apos-\ntolos Valerianos. This Greek sailor claimed to have served the\nSpaniards for forty years and in 1592 he had gone on a voyage to\nseek the Straits of Anian. Quite a minute description was given\nof the entrance he claimed to have found \"between 47 and 48 degrees of Latitude\". Michael Lok was a man well known for his\ninterest in geographical matters. His note, thus published in 1625,\nreceived much attention from navigators. In later years, when\nSpain, Great Britain and others were disputing over the rights of\ndiscovery, searches were made in Mexico, Spain and Greece. No\ntrace could be found of the Greek sailor under his Greek or his\nSpanish name, nor could record be found of the \"Caravela and\nPinnace\" in which he had claimed to have sailed to the northern\ncoast. It seemed that Michael Lok had been made the carrier of\na sailor's yarn. However, his published note perpetuated the name\nof a great geographical feature. This phase is fully discussed in\nEdmond S. Meany's Vancouver's Discovery of Puget Sound, pages Origin of Washington Geographic Nama\n221\n67-70. The great opening in the coast between the northern parallels of 48 and 49 (not 47 and 48) was seen by the crew of the Imperial Eagle, Captain Charles William Barkley in 1787. It was not\nthen named or explored. In June of the next year, Captain John\nMeares of the Felice examined the entrance and named it \"after its\noriginal discoverer, John de Fuca\". Though he misspelled the first\nname, he showed familiarity with the note by Michael Lok. From\nthat year, 1788, the name has been in constant use. After Meares,\nthe Spaniards explored the strait\u00E2\u0080\u0094Quimper in 1790, Galiano and\nValdez in 1791 and 1792. The English Captain George Vancouver\ngave the world its first best knowledge of the region after his exploration of 1792. He did not believe in the de Fuca tradition and\ndiscusses it at length. (Voyage of Discovery Round the World,\nsecond edition, Volume VI, pages 403-406.) Among other things,\nhe says: \"By my having continued the name of De Fuca in my journal and charts, a tacit acknowledgment of his discoveriees may possibly, on my part, be inferred; this however, I must positively deny,\nbecause there has not been seen one leading feature to substantiate\nhis tradition.\" George Davidson, the great geographical authority\nof the Pacific Coast says: \"There is not a single statement in the\nso-called narrative of Juan de Fuca as given by Matthew Locke\n(Michael Lok), the elder, that applies to this strait. The whole\nstory is a fabrication.\" (Pacific Coast Pilot, page 520.) Frankness\ndemands the acknowledgment of the fact that the debate is not ended. Captain John T. Walban declares: \"The old seaman Juan de\nFuca, whose real name was Apostolos Valerianos, a native of Ceph-\nclonia, who seems to have been in his own day neglected and misunderstood as he was afterwards doubted and ignored, and whose\npretentions in regard to the exploration of these waters were long\nscoffed at by geographers, was undoubtedly the discoverer of the\nstrait which bears his name.\" (British Columbia Coast Names,\npublished by the Government Printing Bureau, Ottawa, 1909, page\n274.) In 1918, the Oregon Geographic Board sought to have the\nUnited States Geographic Board retain the name of Strait of Juan\nde Fuca instead of reversing the form to Juan de Fuca Strait. (In\nNames MSS. Letter 607.) This appeal did not succeed. (Report\nof the United States Geographic Board, 1890 to 1920, page 170.)\nStrandell, in the west central part of Whatcom County,\nnamed in honor of the founder, Andrew Strandell. (Lydia M.\nRouls, of Everson, in Names MSS. Letter 146.) 222\nEdmond S. Meany\nStrawberry Bay, on the western shor#e of Cypress Island, in\nthe northwestern part of Skagit County. The island and the bay\nwere both named from plants found there. The great English explorer, Captain George Vancouver, anchored there on June 6, 1792,\nand then charted both names. (Edmond S. Meany's Vancouver's\nDiscovery of Puget Sound, pages 174 and 176.) George Davidson\nsays the Indian name for the bay is Tutl-ke-teh-nus. (\"Report of\nthe Superintendent of the United States Coast Survey for 1858\" in\nUnited States Public Documents, Serial Number 1006, page 432.)\nStrawberry Island, a small island at the mouth of Strawberry\nBay. It was left nameless by Vancouver, when he named the bay\nand the larger Cypress Island. The Wilkes Expedition, 1841, found\n\u00E2\u0080\u00A2berries on the little island and named it Hautboy. (Hydrography,\nVolume XXIII, Atlas, chart 77.) This name is pronounced \"ho-\nboy\" and is the common name of Fragaria elatior, a species of\nstrawberry. (New Standard Dictionary, page 1123.) On most of\nthe recent maps the little island is charted as Strawberry Island.\nStrawberry Island, in the Columbia River, near the town of\nCascades in the south central part of Skamania County. It was\nnamed by Lewis and Clark, who camped there on November 1,\n1805. (Journals, Thwaites edition, Volume III, page 188.) It was\nmentioned by Franchere. (Early Western Travels, Volume VI,\npage 309.) It was also mentioned on January 14, 1814. (Elliott\nCoues, Henry-Thompson Journals, Volume II, page 801.)\nStrensgar CrEEk, a tributary of the Columbia River at Gifford, in the west central part of Stevens County, \"named for John\nStensgar, an Indian who settled on the Colville Reservation in\n1880\". (Postmaster at Gifford, in Names MSS. Letter 106.)\nStretch Island, a small island near the head of Case Inlet, in\nthe northeastern part of Mason County, named in honor of Samuel\nStretch, gunner's mate in one of the crews, by the Wilkes Expedition, 1841. (Hydrography, Volume XXIII, Atlas, chart 78.)\nStriped Peak, on the coast of the Strait of Juan de Fuca, east\nof Crescent Bay, in the northern part of Clallam Bay, first mapped\non the British Admiralty Chart, 1911, Captain Henry Kellet, 1847.\nStrongs River, see Alockaman River. Origin of Washington Geographic Names\n223\nStuart Island, in the northwestern part of San Juan County,\nnamed by the Wilkes Expedition, 1841, in honor of Frederick D.\nStuart, Captain's Clerk on the expedition. (Hydrography Volume\nXXIII, Atlas, chart 77; and J. G. Kohl, in Pacific Railroad Reports,\nVolume XII, Part I, chapter xv, page 297.) The Spaniards had\nnamed it Isla de Moralesa in 1791. (\"Elisa's Map\", or chart K in\nUnited States Public Documents, Serial Number 1557.)\nStuck River, a stream about ten miles long, near the boundary between King and Pierce Counties, which connects the White\nRiver near Auburn with the Puyallup River near Sumner. On\nMarch 1, 1854, George Gibbs wrote: \"A remarkable circumstance\nconnected with the D'Wamish [White River] is, that at the western termination of these bluffs a large body of water breaks from\nit, through a tract of low country, and enters the Puyallup near its\nmouth. This canal, called by the Indians 'stuck' is about twenty\nyards wide, deep and rapid.\" (Pacific Railroad Reports, Volume\nI, page 470.) On December 5, 1864, the Seattle Gazette said:\n\"The highlands approach to within a mile of the offshoot, on either\nside, and the waters are very sluggish. The stream has been christened 'Stuck',\" (Copied in Names MSS. Letter 573.) The difference in the flow of water in the two accounts is probably explained by the times of observation\u00E2\u0080\u0094one in March, the other in\nDecember. In the early days the Hudson's Bay Company and Puget Sound Agricultural Company maintained a station in the Nisqually Valley called Sastuck, which was sometimes abbreviated to\n\"Stuck\". The \"Nisqually Journal\" for November 21, 1846, records : \"In the evening Mr. C. F. Douglas arrived from Vancouver,\nhe came by water as Squally was unfordable. Mr. Work, Mr.\nCoodi, 2nd Lieut, of H. M. Sloop Modeste, who came with him remained at Stuck near the River.\" (Manuscript in possession of\nThomas Huggins of Tacoma.)\nSturgeon Creek, a small stream flowing into the Kkul-see-\ndah on the Tulalip Indian Reservation, near Everett in the west\ncentral part of Snohomish County. The Indian name of the stream\nis Duh-kwuh-ti-ad-sid-dub, which means Sturgean Creek. (Dr.\nCharles M. Buchanan, in Names MSS. Letter 155.)\nSturgeon Island, see Puget Island.\nStutzi Island, see Jackson Island. 224\nEdmond S. Meany\nSubeebeeda, a natural needle or obelisk on the face of a bluff |\non the Tulalip Indian Reservation, Snohomish County. It comes\nfrom Bee-dah meaning \"little child.\" (Dr. Charles M. Buchanan,\nin Names MSS. Letter 141.)\nSuch-e-kwai-ing, see Sequim.\nSucia Islands, in the northern part of San Juan County. The J\nname originated with the Spaniards, Captain Eliza's map of 1791\nshowing the group of small islands at \"Isla Sucia\". (United States\nPublic Documents, Serial Number 1557, chart K.) In the Spanish\nlanguage sucio means \"dirty\", or, in nautical phrase, \"foul\". In\nother words, the shore was deemed unclean and reefy. (J. G. Kohl,\nin Pacific Railroad Reports, Volume XII, part I., chapter xv,\npage 297.) The Wilkes Expedition, 1841, called the islands \"Percival Group\", an honor intended for Captain John Percival, a dis-sl\ntinguished officer of the United States Navy. (Hydrography, Volume XXIII, Atlas, chart 77.) This name was used on September\n1, 1859, by Surveyor General James Tilton on his Map of a Part\nof Washington Territory, but the Spanish name of Sucia had been\nrestored on the British Admiralty Chart 1917, evidently by Captain Henry Kellett in 1847. The United States Coast Survey followed this restoration of the name of Sucia Islands in its chart of\n1854. (United States Public Documents, Serial Number 784, chart\n51.) That name has persisted since then.\nSuiattlE, one of the headwater streams of the Skagit River..\nThe name is evidently of Indian origin, but its meaning was unknown to Dr. Charles M. Buchanan, the best authority in that field.\n(In Names MSS. Letter 155.)\nSul-gwahes, an Indian name for the place where Stanwood\nis now located, in the northwestern part of Snohomish County. (Dr.\nCharles M. Buchanan, in Names MSS. Letter 155.)\nSultan, the name of a river and a town near its mouth, in the\ncentral part of Snohomish County. The river derived its name\nfrom Tseul-tud, a local Indian chief. (Dr. Charles M. Buchanan,\nin Names MSS. Letter 155.) The first settler on the site of .the\ntown of Sultan was John Nailor, who with his Indian wife obtained a home there in 1880. Placer gold diggings brought people\nand Mr. Nailor became the first postmaster, the name of the town\nbeing taken from that of the river. (History of Skagit and Snohomish Counties, pages 366-368.) DOCUMENTS\nThe Nisqually Journal\n[Continued from Volumne XIII, Page 141]\n[July, 1851]\n[Ms. Page 80]\nTuesday 1st. Fine. Clear Weather. Chaulifoux1 making oars for\nCanoe. Jolibois2 jobbing about Fort. Edwards3 and rest of hands\nF. Noon hoeing potatoes. A. Noon with McPhail anointing rams\nwith Mecl. ointment. Oxen carting down bales of & fetching firewood. \"Falmouth\"5 left for Olympia. Thornhill6 returned with\nhis wife.\nWednesday 2nd. No change in the weather. Chaulifoux making\na truck for carrying Wool bales. Jolibois variously employed. Edwards & remainder hoeing potatoes. J. McPhail accompanied by\nTapou7 and a gang of Ten Indians sent on a trip to Vancouver8\nwith 832 full grown Wedders. Sheep consigned to P. S. Ogden9\nEsq. Oxen employed conveying bales to Store on beach. Dr.\nTolmie10 rode out to Steilacoom11. A Packet sent to Steilacoom\nto be conveyed via S.12 Mail to Vancouver. McPhail has taken the\nCowlitz13 Horses brought here by Lapoitrie14.\nThursday 3rd. Cool in the morning. Fine all day. Chaulivoux\nwith oxen conveying Bales to Store at beach. Englishmen15 hoeing Potatoes. Edwards F. Noon hoeing potatoes. A. Noon with\nYoung McCave16 to wash out their dwelling house. Dean17 clearing up Stores. Jolibois jobbing about Fort. [Ms. Page 81\nFriday 4th. F. Noon calm & clear. A. Noon a strong wind from\n5 Possibly the sloop-of-war\n7 An Indan employe.\nXmouth, Captain Pettigrove.\nt of the present Vancouver, Wash,\nof the Columbia for the Hudson'!\nt Factor Peter Skeene Ogden is in\n10 William Fraser Tolmie, superintendent of the Puget's Sound Agricu\nand Chief Trader for the Hudson's Bay Co. He is in charge of Port Nisqually.\n11 Port Steilacoom, a United States post at the present city of Steilaco\n.. 12 Steilacoom. The mail service referred to is the United States military\nthe two posts Port Steilacoom and Vancouver Barracks.\n13 The reference here is to Cowlitz. Farm, another post belonging to the companies.\n5 The term is here ui\n-. employ\nj froi\n(225) 226\nVictor J. Farrar\nS. West. This morning early Dr. Tolmie started to Olympia to\nbe present at the anniversary of the fourth18 (this day), had the\nfurs out, beaten & cleansed ready for packing remaining hands as\nyesterday. Thornhill partitioning off Kitchen to make a room for\nhimself & wife, he will for the future serve as cook and steward.\nSaturday 5 th. Fine. A fine S. Westerly breeze blowing all day.\nlate last night Dr. Tolmie returned from Newmarket.. Chaulifoux\nfinished carting down Bales. Jolibois making ox stable troughs.\nEdwards transplanting Turnips, remaining packed all the Furs. A\nfine Shower of rain about Midday, finished ploughing in Swamp...\nLet old work horses loose.\nFir\nMessrs, Ross10 & Dean to din\nSunday 6th.\nMonday 7th. Fine. This morning early Dr. & Mrs. Tolmie accompanied by Miss L. Work20 left for Victoria. Jolibois gone as\nsteward. Chaulifoux making rings & wedges for Scythes. Englishmen hoeing Potatoes. Oxen hauling squared timber from Glas-\ngows21 old place. T. Dean left his work & without leave or license ,\nwent to Steilacoom -& purchased liquor with which himself & friends\nregaled themselves in the Evening. No disturbance. [Ms. Page\n82.]\nTuesday 8th. Very warm. Hands employed as before. Oxen hauling firewood. Dean took another trip to Steilacoom. Made himself drunk in the Evening. Wrote his father making him acquainted\nwith his son's behaviour.\nWednesday 9th. Strong gale from the North last. Chaulifoux &\nGohome22 been all day to Squally23 River cutting ash wherewith\nto make grain carts. Englishmen hoeing potatoes. Oxen hauling\ntimber, took on four women for grass cutting. Messrs. Dean &\nRoss in.\nThursday 10th. Gloomy, signs of rain. Chaulifoux & Gohome\nmaking cradles for Scythes. Englishmen hoeing Potatoes. Oxen\nhauling timber.\n18. At this meeting reso\n19 Mr. Walter Boss, in\n20 Hiss Lititia Work, d\n21 Thomas W. Glasgow.\n0 Mrs. To\nHe once\nre passed praying Congress to\nChief Factor John Work. Sh.\nclaimed the mill-site at the\ncreate northern Ore\nnear. Steilacoom.\ne married Mr. B_i\u00C2\u00BB\nmouth of Sequalitc\n22 An Indian employee.\n23 Nisqually river. Nisqually Journal 227\nFriday 11 th. Fine. Hands employed as before. Oxen hauling\nfirewood.\nSaturday 12th. Fine clear weather. Chaulifoux making cradles\nfor Scythes, two Indians sawing ash for new carts. Englishmen\n& Indian women hoeing, & weeding Potatoes. Oxen hauling timber.\nSunday 13th. Rain all day. A mail received per Steilacoom express, received a letter from Ogden stateing that the \"May Dacre\"\nwas now loading in the Columbia & would ere long be here with a\ngood supply of ploughs &c, &c, &c, [Ms. Page 83.]\nMonday 14th. Fine. Chaulifoux & two Indians preparing wood\nfor new carts. Edwards transplanting cabbages in garden, four\nwomen weeding in same. Englishmen hoeing potatoes. Oxen\nhauling timber. G. Dean off to his father Mr. Dean, he thinking\nhe will behave himself better there than here.\nTuesday 15th. Fine, clear weather. Chaulifoux making carts. Edwards cutting Hay. Englishmen hoeing potatoes. Grain will ere\nlong be fit to cut.\nWednesday 16th. No change in the weather or work, traded a\nlarge quantity of Fish.\nThursday 17th. Sultry. No change in the work.\nFriday 18th. Fine. Chaulifoux about carts. Englishmen hoeing\nPotatoes. 3 women cutting grass.\nSaturday 19th. Fine, hands employed as before. Oxen hauling\nfirewood.\nSunday 20th. Dull with slight drizzling rain.\nMonday 21st. Fine. Chaulifoux & Gohome at carts. Edwards,\nCross24 & Fiandre25 with two Indians sent to the Salt Marsh,\nSqually River,26 to cut grass for winter fodder, Englishmen hoeing\npotatoes. G. Dean back again. Cannot agree with his Mother.\nOxen hauling timber. [Ms. Page 84.]\nTuesday 22nd. Fine. Chaulifoux making cradles for Scythes.\nGohome at grain carts. Remaining hands hoeing potatoes. Oxen\nhauling timber.\nWednesday 23rd. Fine. Commenced pulling Peas. Chaulifoux & Gohome as before. Oxen finished hauling timber from Glasgows\nold place.\nThursday 24th. Fine, hands employed pulling Peas. Oxen F.\nNoon carting grass from an adjacent swamp. A. Noon carting\nhome Peas. Chaulifoux at Cradles.\nFriday 25th. Weather & work the same as before.\nSaturday 26th. Fine, finished cutting grass on Salt Marsh, hands\nemployed pulling peas & hoeing potatoes. Afternoon Dr. & Mrs.\nTolmie accompanied by Captn. Grant27 arrived from Victoria.\nSunday 27th. Clear warm weather.\nMonday 28th. Fine. Chaulifoux finishing Cradles, remaining\nhands hoeing potatoes. Oxen hauling firewood. Dr. Tolmie accompanied by Captn. Grant rode out to Steilacoom. [Ms Page 85.]\nTuesday 29th. Sultry. Commenced cutting oats. 5 cradles at\nwork. Oxen carting home Peas.\nWednesday 30th. Fine. Very warm all hands at harvest. Young\n& Dean excepted whom with myself28 went to Salt marsh & brought\nhome a raft load of Hay. two Indians on March attending to Hay.\nOxen carting up same from beach. Captain Grant accompanied by\nJolibois started for Cowlitz late this Evening. Mr. Roberts29 left\nfor Cowlitz.\niii\n[August, 1851]\nFriday 1st. Weather & work as yesterday.\nSaturday 2nd.\u00E2\u0080\u0094Fine, harvest progressing favourably.\nSunday 3rd. Fine. Cush30 despatched to Victoria with a mail.\nMonday 4th. No change in the weather, four hands pulling Peas,\nremainder of hands cutting & binding oats. Oxen carting home\ngrain. [Ms. Page 86.]\nTuesday 5th. Finished cutting the oats about Fort. Commenced\ncutting wheat. Oxen and horsecart bringing home oats.\n27 An Englishman, propriet-r of a col\n28 Mr. Edward Huggins, clerk, and ke\n29 Mr. George Roberts, In charge of C\ne Nisqually Journal. Nisqually Journal\n229\nWednesday 6th. Fine, part of Indian Gang pulling peas, part\nbinding wheat. Gohome & six Indians sent off to Steilacoom to\nfinish cutting patch of Wheat.\nThursday 7th. Weather & work the same as yesterday. Commenced on Saturday last serving out potatoes as part rations.\nFriday 8th. Fine. Commenced cutting patch of wheat in Swamp\nPark, portion of gang pulling Peas. Oxen carting up hay from\nbeach.\nSaturday 9th. Fine, all hands at harvest. Oxen carting Firewood.\nHorse cart bringing home grain.\nSunday 10th. Fine, clear weather.\nMonday 11th. Finished cutting wheat. Edwards, Cross & Chaulifoux with Indians sent off to cut piece of oats at Whyatchie31.\nOxen bringing home wheat. Cart Forenoon carting wheat. A.\nNoon off with tools &c to Whyatchie, Two Am3S ships are reported\nto be off Steilacoom. [Ms. Page 87.]\nTuesday 12th. Gloomy, hands employed pulling thin wheat. Oxen\n& horse cart bringing home grain. Cush returned from Victoria.\nWednesday 13th. Fine. A small gang sent off to Whyatchie to\nbind oats. Wagon off to same place for a load, hands at home\nemployed pulling & cutting thin oats & Wheat. Cradlers returned\nfrom Whyatchie. Young laid up with rheumatism. Dean in\nslaughterhouse, housed six loads of grass this evening by moonlight, five ships are reported to be coming up the Sound.\nThursday 14th. Fine, all hands at harvest. A visit from Dr.\nHaden.33\nFriday 15th. Dull weather. Chaulifoux & Gohome out cutting ash\nfor plough stocks, remaining hands pulling thin Oats. Wagon\nbrought two loads from Whyatchie. Mr. Hadsty arrived from Vancouver on a visit.\nSaturday 16th. dull. Smoke beginning to appear. Chaulifoux\npreparing wood for plough stocks. Edwards & Cross removing old\nstraw from barn, remaining hands pulling Peas. Oxen carting\nhome Peas.\n31 A company post on the plains\n32 American.\n33 Dr. I. A_ Haden, resident physician, at Fort Steilacoom. Sunday 17th. Fine sunny weather. [Ms. Page 88.]\nMonday 18th. Smoky. Edwards & Cross winnowing wheat, remaining hands pulling Peas. Oxen fetched a load of Oats from\nWhyatchie. Mr. Hadsty left to return to Vancouver. A. packet\nsent to Victoria by Lemoy a Frenchman who is on is return thither.\nTuesday 19th. No change in the weather. Chaulifoux repairing\ncart wheel. Edwards & Cross thrashing a small quantity of Am34\nPeas to be saved for seed being of a very prolific nature. Barnes35\n& Fiandie cutting grass in Mallard's hollow. Jolibois, Dean & Indian gang pulling peas, pulled patch in Centre of Am36 Plain Oxens\nfetched a load of oats from Whyatchie. Northover at home teaching his wife the art of cookery. Young laid up with a bad hand.\nWednesday 20th. Fine. Chaulifoux repairing horse cart. Edwards employed in garden, remaining hands cutting Hay in swamp,\nfinished carting oats from Whyatchie.\nThursday 21st. Stormy heavy thunder much rain. Edwards & Indian gang clearing in swamp. Chaulifoux repairing barn roofs.\nJolibois putting a new shaft to cart. Northover & Fianche hoeing\nturnips. Barnes & Cross thrashing Barley. Myself accompanied\nby Young & G. Dean took a warning letter to A. L. Chapman who\nhas taken a claim between this & Steilacoom. Oxen hauling ( )\nA visit from Messrs. Strong & McKinley. [Ms. Page 89.]\nFriday 22nd. Showery. Chaulivoux repairing Barn roofs. Jolibois mending cart. Northcver, Barnes, Cross & Fiandie F. Noon\nturning peas. A. Noon threshing Oats. Edwards & Indian gang\nhoeing land in Swamp. Oxen carting home oats. Dean sweeping\nout stores. Dr. Tolmie accompanied by Messrs. McKinley &\nStrong rode out to Steilacoom.\nSaturday 23rd. Gloomy. Englishmen threshing oats. Chalivoux &\nIndian gang hoeing land in Swam. Oxen hauling home Peas.\nMessrs. McKinley & Strong left Dr. Tolmie accompanying them\nas far as Tinalquot.87\nSunday 24th. Fine. Dr. Tolmie returned. A visit from Dr Haden. Nisqually Journal\n231\nMonday 25 th. Squally. Showers of rain. Chalivoux repairing\nplain cart sent in for repair. Edwards & Indian gang Hoeing in\nSwamp. Englishmen cutting grass. Myself38 & Dean with Indian\nfetched home the remainder of hay from Salt prarie. Oxen bringing home peas.\nTuesday 26th. Fine. George Edwards employed in garden. Cross,\nBarnes, Northover & Fiandie cutting and making Hay in Swamp.\nJolibois turning peas. Chaulifoux repairing cart wheel. Paid off\nharvest Indians. Oxen fetching up Hay from beach. [Ms. Page\n90.]\n[Wednesday 27th.\u00E2\u0080\u0094Sunday 31st.39] [Ms. Page 5.]\n[September, 1851]\nMonday 1st. Fine weather. Chaulifoux & Tapou [M.S. Illegible]\nstocks for Ploughs. Cross, Northover & Barnes F. Noon packing\nF. Hall40 Furs. A. Noon raising potatoes. Northover with two\nOxen ploughing swamp. Thonrhill very sick. Edwards confined\nto his bed with influenza which is now very prevalent especially\namong the Indians, took on six Indians for the potatoe harvest.\nOxen F. Noon carting firewood. A. Noon brining home Hay.\nTraded 12 Beaver & three Land Otters.\nTuesday 2nd. Fine all day blowing very hard from the East. Chaulifoux & Tapou stocking Ploughs. Englishmen finished cutting hay.\nThornhill & Edwards still very sick. Oxen employed carting hay.\nDr. Tolmie returned from Cowlitz.\nWednesday 3rd. Rain all day. Chaulifoux & Tapou as yesterday.\nEnglishmen thrashing oats in barn. Gang sweeping Fort. McPhail\n[in] looking. Oxen carting firewood. Thornhill much better. Edwards worse.\nThursday 4th. Heavy rain all day. Chaulifoux & Tapou as before.\nCross & Dean making a drain in Fort Yard to carry of rain water.\nBarnes & Northover thrashing oats. Indians cleaning about Fort.\nOxen hauling rails to build a horse park. Thornhill in bed. Edwards the same. [Ms. Page 6.]\n38 Mr. Edward Huggins.\nUniversity. 232 Victor J. Farrar\nFriday 5 th. Rain all day. Hands employed as formerly. Thornhill, Edwards & Young still on sick list. Oxen cutting Firewood.\nSaturday 6th. Fine. Chaulifoux, Tapou & Kiavichou (S. I.*1 who\ncame from Vancouver) stocking ploughs. Northover, Barnes &\nDean thrashing oats. Cross digging a drain in Fort Yard. Oxen\nhauling firewood. Lecaille & Indians despatched to Victoria with\nletters Servts accounts. Sick men improving.\nSunday 7th. Fine clear v/eather. Dr. Tolmie off to Tinalquot to\nattend T. Linklater who is greviously ill. Jolibois returned from\nCowlitz.\nMonday 8th. Showery. Chaulifoux laid up. Edwards resumed\nwork. Englishmen threshing oats. Oxen carrying' firewood.\nLecaille & party returned this morning having met Schooner \"Cadboro\" Captn. Dodd, near Puyallop. \"Cadboro\" arrived this evening,\npassengers\u00E2\u0080\u0094Mr. Douglas wife & family, Mr. Peer & Mr. Goledge\nClark.\nTuesday 9th. Heavy Showers of rain, hands threshing in barn,\ngathered apples in garden. Crop 7 bushels.\nWednesday 10th. Showery. Barnes thrashing oats. Northover &\nCross drunk. Edwards at work in garden. Dean in Slaughter\nhouse. Chaulifoux & Jolibois laid up with the influenza. Youngs\nhands still very bad. Dr. Tolmie accompanied by Mr. Douglas &\nCaptn. Dodd rode out to Mr. Deans. [Ms. Page 7.]\n[To Be Continued] BOOK REVIEWS\nAmerican Indian Life. Edited by Elsie Clews Parsons. (New\nYork.B. W. Huebsch, 1922. Pp.419. $10.)\nFor a long time anthropologists have felt the need for a popular yet thoroughly reliable account of American Indian life. The\nintelligent layman is no longer satisfied with Cooper and the followers of that tradition, yet he cannot be asked to study his way\nthrough the scientific monograph, the only alternative. American\nIndian Life was planned to fill this gap.\nWith the exceptioni of the stories based on the archaeological\nmaterial of prehistoric peoples each tale grew out of personal contact with the tribe it describes. The authors have tried as far as\npossible to enter into the spirit of the culture of their Indian tribes.\nIn choosing the material they were guided not only by a knowledge\nof what would appeal to their reader but also by a feeling for the\ntype of incident, the phase of life, that their Indians would choose\nas significant and important in their own form of society. This endeavor to present the psychology of Indian life makes the book a\nnew departure in anthropological literature and a most important\none. It gives the ethnologist a new field to exploit and at the same\ntime follows the general tendency of the science to-day. Anthropologists are no longer satisfied with speculative work of the Morgan and Spencer school, nor does the mere collecting of specimens\nhold their attention. Formerly the only literary opportunity for the\nethnologist was the collecting and editing of folk tales, which was\non a par with specimen hunting. Since the science of anthropology has turned to a study of the psychology of primitive peoples,\nboth of the individual and the group, it is only natural that such a\nbook should appear.\nThe various forms of presentation add very much to the interest of the book. Some authors chose the short story, others\ngave a biography of a member of his tribe. Another sketched a\ntypical day in the life of his people while the description of a single\nceremony gives a vivid impression of the importance of ritual in\nthat particular society.\nThe Pacific Northwest is dealt with by men who know the\n(233) 234\nBook Reviews\ncountry and its people thoroughly. Sapir tells the recollections of\na Nootka, old blind Tom, a successful trader of former days. The\natmosphere of the old potlatch and its tremendous importance in\nthe social life of all the coast Indians is well brought out. \"All is\nTrouble along the Klamath\" is a well done story, showing clearly\nthe rigidity of social conventions among these people. The tale relates the origin of a family feud and is told by a woman of one of\nthe families involved. Skipping from the Klamath to Alaska we\nhave Mr. Reed's story of his own people, the Ten'a at Anvik. He\ntells very simply the life history of a member of his tribe.\nIn editing the book, Dr. Parsons has grouped the stories o,f\ntribes whose culture is somewhat related. For the reader who becomes interested in any tribe and wishes to follow up this introduction to their mode of life, there are bibliographical notes at the\nend of the volume. The wdiole work is admirably unified by Dr.\nKroeber's introduction where beside explaining further the purpose of the volume, he gives a brief sketch of the place of aboriginal American culture in the history of civilization. And finally,\nperhaps at first sight the most striking feature of the book, its illustrations. Mr. LaFarge studied most carefully the specimens of\neach tribe available in the museums. Although he uses exclusively\ndesigns and objects actually used by the various tribes, he makes'\nno effort to reproduce their art in his composition or in the spirit\nof his pictures.\nBut one cannot leave the book without mentioning how it originally came into being. Money for scientific publication is always scarce and the situation has been especially\" acute in the last\nfew years. So a small group of anthropologists, all members of the\nAmerican Ethnological Society, tried to devise some way of earning money to publish their memoirs. Finally they decided to write\nthis set of stories and they found in Mr. Huebsch a most generous\npublisher, for all receipts from the sale of the book over and above\nhis expense of publishing and selling are turned over to the publication fund of the society. The editor, the authors, the illustrator\nand the publisher are all to be congratulated on producing such an\nexcellent volume, which aside from its literary merit has an unusual and noble purpose.\nErna Guntker Opening a Highway to the Pacific\n235\nOpening a Highway to the Pacific, i838-1846. By James Christy\nBell, Junior. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1921.\nPp. 211. $3.00.)\nReaders of the Washington Historical Quarterly will find in\nDr. James C. Bell's Opening a Highway to the Pacific a new interpretation of the events leading to the acquisition by the United\nvStates of the Oregon country. An examination of the volume shows\na thorough command of the literature bearing upon the subject.\nSeveral rare and unusual sources have been effectively employed. In\naddition to this new material, all of the more useful and generally\naccessible items seem to have been well covered.\nThe author's avowed purpose is to discover the motives that\nactuated the immigration to Oregon, especially during the later thirties and earlier forties. He diagnoses the \"Oregon Fever\" and\nfinds that neither politics nor religion were essential factors. He\nconcludes that the fundamental cause of the phenomenal exodus to\nOregon was agrarian discontent. Over production in the Middle\nWest and the hope of better markets in a new country led forth\nthese pioneer settlers. As a class they were substantial farmers and\nmechanics looking for relief from a financial emergency. They\nwere not radicals but rather conservatives, seeking a new geographical location but not a changed position in society.\nAs a study of economic motives, the reviewer regards this volume as a substantial contribution to Oregon history. The main\nflow of the author's argument, however, is impeded by extraneous\nmaterial. To a general reader this material adds background and\natmosphere; to the student it is a source of vexation and delay. As\na whole the volume is attractive; illustrations and a map are provided. The author is especially to be commended for full and accurate citations to the numerous authorities consulted.\nCharles W. Smith\nThe Study of American History. By Viscount Bryce. (New\nYork: The Macmillan Company, 1922. Pp. 118. $1.50.)\nThere could have been no better choice for the inaugural lecturer of the new chair of American History, Literature and Institutions, established by the Anglo-American Society in 1920, than\nViscount Bryce, much beloved by both Americans and his own 236\nBook Reviews\ncountrymen. This chair has been named from the donor of the\ngift, Sir George Watson, and will not be confined to any one institution in England, nor to any one lecturer, but is designed for a\nseries of lectures by both British and American scholars. This lecture will serve as an able introduction to the study of American History, for Viscount Bryce has touched on all the main tendencies in\nour national life with discriminating pen. The influence of our\nvast natural resources, the nature of our Revolution, and of our\nCivil War, our changing immigration problem and the effect of our\nconstitution\u00E2\u0080\u0094all these he has dealt with briefly and to the point.\nThe lecture should serve as an indication of the general tone, the\nspirit, of the foundation, for it is a fine plea for Anglo-American\nunderstanding and untiy, not through formal alliances so much as\nby striving in joint responsibility of the English-speaking peoples\nfor a use of their influence \"to guide the feet of all mankind in the\nway of peace\". No better message could have been given by one\nwhose work has shown such complete understanding of both peoples, nor could any plea have been more liberal in tone than this\nkindly farewell word from a real scholar who so recently passed\nthis way into eternity.\nEbba Dahlin\nThe Cowboy; His Characteristics, His Equipment, and His Part in\nthe Development of the West. By Philip Ashton Rollins.\n(New York: Charles Scirbner's Sons, 1922. Pp. 353. $2.50.)\nThis book is a second attempt to present the cowboy in his true\nlight as a factor in the development of the western part of the United States. About twenty-five years ago, Mr. Emerson Hough published his Story of the Cowboy in which he endeavored to disabuse\nthe American people of the illusions it held concerning the cowboy\nand to call attention to the sturdy qualities of industry and resolution which have made the latter a force in American history.\nWith all regard to the comprehensiveness of Mr. Hough's work,\nMr. Rollins believes that another is needed along the same lines for\n\"the 'movie man' still continues his work of smirching the cowboy's\nr eputableness\".\nMr. Rollins has spent a number of years in the cattle country\nand has had an opportunity of intimate acquaintance with its people. Opening his book with a brief history of the development of California Imprints\n237\nranching he takes up, chapter by chapter, various phases of ranch\nlife. Horse breaking, what the cowboy wore, diversions and amusements ; each is treated with a careful regard for veractiy. The subdivisions of these subjects are listed in a full table of contents. A\ncriticism which might be made of Mr. Rollin's work is that in his\nzeal for the cowboy he is inclined to emphasize the cattleman's importance in the development of the West to the disparagement of\nth? other classes who shared in opening this country.\nClarissa Goold\nCalifornia Imprints. By Henry R. Wagner. (Berkeley, California: Privately printed, 1922. Pp.97. $7.50.)\nAlthough not strictly within the field of Pacific Northwest\nhistory, attention is called to the publication in March of Mr. Henry\nWagner's California Imprints. The work covers the publications\nappearing from the presses of California from August, 1846, to\nJune, 1851. In addition to a general list of imprints included within these dates, the author has added a short supplementary list of\nCalifornia publications issued in 1851 after June 30, also a few\ntitles published in California but printed outside of the State. Documents of the first two sessions of the legislature, comprising some\nseventy-four items, are also included. A total of two hundred and\nthirty-three items are listed and indexes are provided to 1. Names,\n2. Newspaper owners, editors and publishers, and 3. Publications,\ngrouped by classes, as almanacs, directories, institutions, and newspapers.\nToo much importance cannot be attached to a bibliography of\nthis fundamental type. Mr. Wagner has furnished illuminating\nnotes and discussions. The most interesting and valuable of these\nrelate to the numerous newspapers of the period.\nThe Story of Sitka. By C. L. Andrews. (Seattle: Lowman &\nHanford Co., 1922: Pp. 108. $1.50.)\nAfter more than a quarter of a century of interesting experiences in the \"Treasure Land of the North,\" C. L. Andrews has acquired a remarkable store of Alaska's romantic history. In this\nlittle book, dedicated affectionately to his mother, he has given an\nattractive chapter, perhaps the most attractive chapter, of the huge\nTerritory's annals. Sitka was the chief city, the capital, of Russian 238\nBook Reviews\nAmerica. As such, it would center the interest and the activities of\nthe fur-hunting days.\nIn his foreword, the author says: \"When Chicago was but a\nblockhouse in a sedgy swamp on the banks of a sluggish reedy riveM\nand when San Francisco was but a mission and a presidio of sun-.\nburned bricks, the Russians maintained in Sitka a community of\nbusy people who were casting cannon and bells, and were building\nships for commerce.\"\nBesides adding a valuable item to the growing literature about\nAlaska, Mr. Andrews has rendered two worthy services in this\nvolume. He has gathered facts and fixed historic locations for\nthose who know and love the town and, he has prepared a readable\nand useful document to guide tourists, such of them as appreciate\nstruggles and triumphs of the past.\nThe volume has a number of good illustrations and a map of\nthe town as it was in October, 1867, at the time of the transfer of\nRussian America to the United States.\nEdmond S. Meany.\nOTHER BOOKS RECEIVED\nBoTseord, George Willis. Hellenic History. (New York: Mac\nmillan, 1922. Pp. 520.)\nBueealo Historical Society. Publications, * Volume 25, 1921.\n(Buffalo: The Society, 1921. Pp. 412.)\nConnecticut Historical Society. Collections, Volume XIX.\n(Hartford: The Society, 1921. Pp. 311.)\nIllinois State Historicay Society. Transactions For the Year\n1920. (Springfield: The Society, 1921. Pp. 149.)\nPennsylvania Society. Yearbook, 1922. (New York: The So\nciety, 1922. Pp. 216.)\nRoyal Society of Canada. Proceedings and Transactions, Third\nSeries, Volume 15. (Ottawa: The Society, 1921.)\nTacoma Public Library. Annual Report, 1921. (Tacoma: The\nLibrary, 1922. Pp. 30.)\nWashington Irrigation Institute. Proceedings of the Ninth\nAnnual Meeting. (Yakima: G. C Finley, Secretary, 1921.\nPp. 156. $1.00.) PACIFIC NORTHWEST AMERICANA\n\"The Beaver\"\nCollectors should not overlook an important house organ issued\nby the Hudson's Bay Company, entitled The Beaver. This publication began with October, 1920, and has been issued monthly\nthereafter. In addition to local and personal items to be expected\nin magazines of this character, it has contained from the first a\nquite unusual amount of historical material bearing upon many\nphases of the Company's business.\nTitles of characteristic articles follow: History of the Steamer\nBeaver, Sir George Simpson, Game of British Columbia, Famous\nH. B. C. Captains and Ships, Discovery and Exploration of the Yukon River (Pelly), Vanished Buffalo Herds of North America,\nReminiscences of an H. B. C. Factor (H. J. Moberly), Fort Langley (F. W. Howay), Biographies of H. B. C. Officers, La Veren-\ndyre, David Thompson Memorial, The Birchbark Canoe, Indians of\nBritish Columbia.\nThe early numbers are already out of print. The office of\npublication is at York and Main Streets, Winnipeg, Manitoba.\n\"The Literary Guide Post\"\nBeginning with March 18, 1922, The Tacoma Daily Ledger\nhas furnished with each Saturday issue a four column department\nentitled \"The Literary Guide Post\". One of the features of this\nDepartment is a column with the caption, \"Local and Northwest\".\nHerein is to be found various items of special interest to local students and collectors. A very considerable amount of material not\nelsewhere available has already been issued regarding local authors.\nLibrary Activity\nThe Tacoma Public Library has made a thorough checking of\nits collection of books relating to the Pacific Northwest and finds\nthat it has several hundred entries in the Checklist of Pacific Northwest Americana to which credit is not there given. A typed list by\nnumbers has been prepared and members of the Checklist family\ncan procure same by writing to this department. This Library has\nalso forwarded a list of some thirty new titles not represented in\nthe Checklist.\n(239) 240\nPacific Northwest Americana\nThe Seattle Public Library reports twelve new items for the |\nChecklist, mainly recent imprints, together with the addition of five\nitems already listed therein.\nStill further additions have come in from Boise, Idaho, and\nfrom Prosser, Washington, public libraries. The latter was not\nrepresented in the Checklist but volunteers to do its part toward\nbuilding up a central catalog of bibliographic information relating\nto the literature of the Pacific Northwest.\nLibrary School Bibliographies\nThe following list gives titles of bibliographies compiled byJ\nstudents of the University of Washington Library School during\nthe Spring Quarter of 1922. These bibliographies were prepared as\na partial requirement of the course in subject bibliography. The\naim has been to include the best and most available material in each\ncase but no pretension is made of completeness.\nArthur A. Denny\nCarleton H. Parker\nChief Seattle\nClarence B. Bagley\nCushing and Myron Eells\nDaniel Bagley\nHenry Landes\nHenry Suzzallo\nSeattle General Strike of 1919\nThomas W. Prosch\nAgnes C. Peterson\nAvery Weage\nThelma L. Edwards\nOlive N. Kincaid\nHelen G. More\nClarissa Goold\nElva L. Batcheller\nLouise Howard\nMarie Sneed\nBerger Lundell Principal Articles in the Washington Historical Quarterly\nVolumes I-X\n(See issue for October, l^-S^g\n^U^&UME XI\nThe Voyage of the Hope 1 F. W. Howay\nFrancis Heron, Fur Trader: Other Herons William 'S. Lewis\nDeith of E. O. S. Scholef_e|\u00C2\u00A7^t^'.\u00C2\u00B1^ dz-g^J&j^BdJiiey '\nPioneer and Historical Societies of 'Wzshington\u00E2\u0080\u0094Z^L^.'-.Victor J. Farrar\nOrigin of Washington Geographic Names -. ---Sl'LzJsJBdmond S. Meany\nReopening of the Russian-American Convention of 1824 Victor I. Farrar\nBeginning of Mission Wor%Ii\u00C2\u00A3iA-aska L4^^- William S/jBfi&L-'\nDavid Thompson's Journeys in Idaho_.__r_ni^p;^.-_i ^Ss^sC. Elliott\nJohn Work's Journal of a Trip from Fort Colville to Fort\n^' 'Vancouver and Return in 1828 William S. Lewis and lacob A. Meyers\nShipbuilding in the Pacific Northwest: Helen D. Goodwin\nBeginning of Militia in Washington-^|s*|i- -^.QOprge Gibbs\nFirst Militia Companies in Eastern Washington Territory William S. Lewis\nJudge E. PjTiDliphant ,^^,Q.,^^^'T^n;;^,-'lf_:\u00E2\u0080\u0094lames E. Babb\nBibliography of the Api_Efppology of the Puget Sound In\n^-\"tally of errors or tjiiiission. About J;ak|l|\nuary-1, 192&:it is planned to fea^^iy_^|\ncompleted series of articles issued |\u00C2\u00A7\u00C2\u00A7t||\n1 book-form., \"^for thatAPeason correc-\nf'i^kifys will be especially welcome. M\nC Clafeice B. BagJgfel-as givent,i^jul|_^^\n^^^^man-inter^sl;-document in Iris ar&ie 6l|aj|\n\"Crossing the Plains\", ^e^tv^'iif-^efejv\n-^ TBpjie years of age when the great j\u00C2\u00B0ur|||||\nney 1^s made in 1852 and yet -he^jgt\u00C2\u00A7l|\ntains a keen -ft^^i^ef the interesti-$g|\u00C2\u00A7S\nexperienE^j; -M\n\u00E2\u0080\u00A2C Th^^^eiffiarOjrkArthur A. Denir||p\u00C2\u00A3\nIp^Strthday is made $m occasion. of pub-\n^ll_3_dng a brief bibliograhy of 'vffXS^J$$g\u00C2\u00A3\nand about hpi^Alt-s^s prepared|&^i^^\nUniversi]^_r of Washington Library\nC. An efforOs-being made to secure a set- a \u00C2\u00A7\nlipil^'ies of artipfis on topics concerning the\nindustrial and commercial history of\n^|_3g?Btate for forthcoming issues of\nthis publication..=\u00E2\u0096\u00A0..-\u00E2\u0096\u00A0 3\u00C2\u00A3a_J?jmgton Historical \u00C2\u00A9uart_rfjr\nContrflrating \u00E2\u0082\u00ACbttor_f\nGurence B. Bagi_,y, Seattle J fj|p\u00C2\u00A3, McEwtOY, Olytopia\nT. O. Eixiow, Walla Walla ,\u00E2\u0080\u009E- Edward McMahon, Seattle^\nFrank A. Gowder, PulImai_^^*rF. W. Howay,\nWilliam S. Lewis, Spokane \u00E2\u0096\u00A0 New Westminster, B, C; I\nO B. SrcniN,'.Roiling. Bay\nifflanagins \u00E2\u0082\u00ACbitor\n- EDMOND S.;ME.^^g\nJSus!ine_i_{ iWanager\nCHARLES W, SMITH\nKE XIII. NO; 4\nOC^BEfc, I9__2\nISSUED QUARTERLY .\n.: A JP|aro Dollars perAKe^*\nferafOJHJ S, MEANY-i. --New\u00C2\u00ABpaiicr_ of Wa.siiin_rtoii Territory_-_____\n/.\u00E2\u0096\u00BCAH^^.tE^y.^jlLlir'A_iiiVnn- Ogle's Memory of/Pioneer DayM ___-_'-\u00E2\u0096\u00A0-:\n^V-U.-t-SYBIl- ^_i^^:_Oregau\u00E2\u0080\u0094River of tWjJi&e^ W l^A-*-tJ_\u00C2\u00AB.'\n/.Wee\nEDMOMl S. M_^JR|^^i\u00C2\u00A9iiBi_i of WasM-tetbiiL. Geographic Nai\nDOCVMEJfTS\u00E2\u0080\u0094The NisquaUy Journal.\" Edited l\u00C2\u00BBy Victor J. Farrar\nPACIFIC NORTHWEST \AMERK'A1VA_: -____\u00E2\u0096\u00A0\u00E2\u0096\u00A0._-_--_--\u00E2\u0080\u0094---\n\u00C2\u00BBBWS DEP\RTMEi\T\nindex -J^?&\u00C2\u00A3&Z?kiiK _^_^S3S__Sa___&*5_i^i-i-_^\u00C2\u00A3\nTHE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY\n1 STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY\n' I ,Ulf_VE-_3JT_* SfATION\n^^^I_fel^SHINGTON Principa_ A;*t_ciesiii the Washington Historical Quart*\nVoLvw&~&\u00C2\u00A3m?\u00C2\u00A3\nj>^S^^B'^_r October, I9^;t^\nie Voyage of the Hojfo -3fck ^.^Sa^fet^^^^^^^^^-T^^^a^^^^^^-'^y. Howay\nFrands.Hewi-^j'_*)ir-Trader: Other, Her6ns^\u00C2\u00A3^^p^.^^^~.-Wtlliam 'S. Lewis\nt0^tt\u00C2\u00A3iJk\u00C2\u00A3L S. SchQlef-^^i^^^^^^^^^^-j^^ag/gy\nPkineer aad'-jICstDrica}. Socletigf oi Washin^^_ij_ij^Si|^i_|or 7. Farrar\nOrigin of -WSashington Gtogj^1&GP$&kief^J\u00C2\u00A3^\u00C2\u00AB&<~i*\u00E2\u0080\u0094Edmond. S. Meany\nlle^eniag' of^e^ussi^-Ai^ricstti C^_y^^o^^-I8^_i^F?f_of^7. B,istr(tr\nBeginning ^,i*^tiQen D. Goodwin\nBeginning of Militia in 'Was-ungton^-iV^.:^^^,--.-*^^--'\u00E2\u0080\u0094George GiSbs-\nMitfit Militia Co_aj^_u^!t_fe E_\u00C2\u00BBJ\u00C2\u00ABS^i .^asl-iHgtGn Territory ....W^iW-i/jfr S. Lewis\n^^^^l&vb^^^^^^^^^^^S^^^^^^^ratJamei E. Babb\niliography o^.!9ttf Anthropology--0-,the Puget.Sound lodisfi_^_I_^I^Hfi\n^^^^\u00E2\u0096\u00A0^^^P^J^^i^^^^^i^S^^^^t^^-' Leechman\n\u00E2\u0096\u00A0 VptUME XII\nhip of ,\u00C2\u00A3he AaO-VP-iotfS^A^Jtmt of Captain Cook's Last Voyage\n __ I '_ F. .IV. Homy\nji 'Ws-jhington Geographic N^jnaei^^^^k^ff^^Bdmond.S. Meatiy\n^ssplt^lwie Mcppnald and the Purchase of. A\z^J^^VictorJ.Parrar\nB-bliograpJ5g^^R'ailrQadf^\nAbout Geo*g_ -Washir^toK&^^^^^^^__i^^-~/\u00C2\u00ABM\u00C2\u00AB\u00C2\u00AB- T. Turner\n'&a&to~Ti$\u00C2\u00A3*&vr -Havraua&y^rtd-, 1789-l\u00C2\u00AB_S_.^^^^^^^^Jf\u00C2\u00ABrfw\u00C2\u00AB\n^^h_*ft_^Glgj|D&i4 J-endrick: The Barrell Letters^_^_^-T_^-{8^ Howay\nNaming .Stampede-Pass.._\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u00A2 _______\"-_____ \u00E2\u0096\u00A0___-^__ JJA\P. 'Bonney.\nThe Ore. on Laws of 1S45 _______\u00E2\u0080\u00A2 _._____i________17o/i\u00C2\u00AB T. CoiJ-Vw W\at\nWashington ffitetovitul (\u00C2\u00A9uarterlp\nContributing <\u00C2\u00A3bttor_f\nClarence B. Bagley, Seattle H. B. McElroy, Olympia\nT. C. Elliot., Walla Walla Edward McMahon, Seattle\nFrank A. Golder, Pullman F. W. Howay,\nWilliam S. Lewis, Spokane New Westminster, B. C.\nO. B. Sperlin, Rolling Bay\n-(Managing Cbitor\nEDMOND S. MEANY\nJlU-tt'nesS -Manager\nCHARLES W. SMITH\nVOL. XIII. NO. 4\nOCTOBER, 1922\nISSUED QUARTERLY\nTwo Dollars per Year\nC. J. SMITH Early Development of Railroads in the Faci\nNorthwest\t\nEDMOND S. MEANY Newspapers of Washington Territory\t\nVAN OGI_E Van Ogle's Memory of Pioneer Days\t\nJ. A. MEYERS Oregan\u00E2\u0080\u0094River of the Slaves or River of t\nEDMOND S. MEANY Origin of Washington Geographic _\nDOCUMENTS\u00E2\u0080\u0094The NisquaUy Journal, Edited hy Victor J. Fan\nBOOK REVIEWS \t\nPACIFIC NORTHWEST AMERICANA\t\nNEWS DEPARTMENT\t\nINDEX \t\nTHE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY\nSTATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY\nUniversity Station\nSEATTLE, WASHINGTON QH)e l^asijritigton ^ntoeraitp\nMatt ^Historical g>octetp\nOfficers and Board of Trustees\nClarence B. Bagley, President\nJudge John P. Hoyt, Vice-President\nJudge Roger S. Greene, Treasurer\nJudge Thomas Burke\nJudge Cornelius H. Haneord\nSamuel Hill\nProeessor Edmond S. Meany, Secretary\nUniversity of Washington Press VOL. XIII., No. 4\nOCTOBER, 1922\n\u00C2\u00AEBa\u00C2\u00A3&tngtcm historical \u00C2\u00A9uarterlp\nEARLY DEVELOPMENT OF RAILROADS IN THE\nPACIFIC NORTHWEST*\nPrior to 1880 the railroads in the Pacific Northwest consisted\nof the following: the Oregon-California Railroad from Portland\nsouth on the east and west sides of the Willamette River; the Northern Pacific Road from Tacoma to Kalama, built at the time of the \u00E2\u0080\u00A2\nJay Cooke regime, and which was stopped at the time of his failure\nin 1873; two portage railroads operated in connection with the\nsteamboat interests on the Columbia River, one from the lower to\nthe upper Cascades about six miles, a narrow gauge road; the second\nrunning from The Dalles to Celilo, a distance of about fourteen\nmiles, a standard gauge road; third, the Walla Walla & Columbia\nRiver, running from Wallula Junction to Walla Walla, owried by\nDr. Dorsey S. Baker of Walla Walla. There was also the Seattle\n& Walla Walla Railroad, later known as the Columbia & Puget\nSound Railroad, running from Seattle to Newcastle with a branch\nto Cedar Mountain. This was also a narrow gauge.\nIn the later 70's, Henry Villard, who left Germany about the\nsame time that Carl Schurz and other prominent Germans, came to\nthis country, and first started in as a journalist. He was a war correspondent during the Civil War and while engaged in the newspaper business he had a number of friends engaged in the same\nbusiness, among them Horace White, Murat Halstead and various\nothers. These friendships lasted the balance of his life and he\nshowed in after years an appreciation of the friendships of the early\ndays and never failed to befriend and aid these people with whom\nhe had his early connections in newspaper matters.\nAlong in the later 70's, he formed some connections with German financial interests and one of his first efforts was a fight with\nJay Gould over proper consideration of bonds on the Denver Exten-\nsion of the Kansas-Pacific Railroad. Jay Gould at that time was\n\u00E2\u0080\u00A2Blrst presented to the Monday Clnb, Seattle.\n(243) 244\nC. J. Smith\nreceiver, and after some fighting in court, Villard was appointed\nco-receiver of the Kansas-Pacific Road. During this fight he came\nin contact with Thomas F. Oakes whose subsequent fortunes were\nvery largely linked with Villard enterprises.\nAbout this time, that is in the later 70's, the Oregon-California\nRoad in Oregon, which was built by Ben Holiday, the money for\nwhich was largely furnished by German bondholders, was in more\nor less financial difficulties and the German bondholders were not\nsatisfied with the administration as given by Mr. Holiday. They\nconsidered it necessary to have an investigation and to some extent\na reorganization. With this end in view, they requested Mr. Villard\nto come to Oregon and investigate the situation. On his trip to\nOregon he was very much impressed with the resources of the\nWillamette Valley and of Western Washington, the transportation\nin connection with which was limited entirely to steamboats on the\nColumbia and Willamette Rivers, outside of the Oregon-California\nRoad. He saw the great opportunities for railroad construction\nand the development of the entire Pacific Northwest.\nHe lost no time in obtaining the option on the Oregon Steam\nNavigation Company which operated on the Columbia and Snake\nRivers, the Oregon Steamship Company which operated the vessels\nbetween San Francisco and Portland, and the Willamette Transportation and Locks Company which operated the locks at the falls\nat Oregon City and transportation on the Willamette and Yamhill\nRivers. These three companies formed the nucleus of the Oregon\nRailway & Navigation Company. After acquiring these properties\nand organizing the Oregon Railway & Navigation Coompany, he\nrequested Mr. Oakes to take the management with headquarters at\nPortland. Mr. Oakes was not desirous of assuming the responsibility without some expert help upon which he could rely. He took\nthe matter up with C. H. Prescott as Comptroller and C. J. Smith\nas Assistant Comptroller, and having obtained their consent to move\nto Oregon, he proceeded there in August, 1880. After organizing\nthe Company during the balance of the year 1880, he went back to\nNew York to confer with Mr. Villard about the future.\nAt this time the Northern Pacific Road was being built west\nand had reached a point near Bozeman. Frederick Billings was\nthe president of the Company and Mr. Villard, being anxious to\npreserve the interests of the Oregon Railway & Navigation Company whose articles of incorporation provided for the building of a\nroad from Portland to Wallula Junction, was desirous of having !AUJL ^\nEarly Development of Railroads\n245\nthe Northern Pacific meet the Oregon Railway & Navigation Company at that point and either take trackage or make definite working\narrangements that would obviate the possibility of a competing line\nto Portland.\nMr. Billings did not see fit to make such arrangements and\nMr. Villard, therefore, put out his request for the famous blind\npool amounting to eight million dollars which was subscribed by\nthe financial interests in Boston and New York without a knowledge of what the object would be. That object was the purchase of\nsufficient stock of the Northern Pacific Railroad to control it. This\nhe accomplished and subsequently he arranged for the issuance of\na further amount of stock of the Company entitled \"The Oregon\nTrans-Continental Company,\" into which the blind pool was merged,\nand the proceeds of subsequent issues of stock were used to purchase the control of the Oregon Railway & Navigation and a certain amount of the Oregon-California securities and also to provide for the financing of branch lines on all three of these roads.\nAt the same time the Oregon Improvement Company was\norganized by the purchase of the Seattle Coal Transportation Company, which owned the Newcastle mine, the Seattle & Walla Walla\nRoad, the name of which was changed to the Columbia & Puget\nSound, the stock of the Pacific Coast Steamship Company, which\noperated most of the coastwise traffic on the Pacific Coast and\nvarious wharf properties in Seattle, San Francisco, and points in\nAlaska.\nAt this time Mr. Oakes was made President of the Northern\nPacific Road with headquarters at St. Paul, and the construction\nprogram of the Northern Pacific, was pushed from both the east and\nwest ends. The construction program of the Oregon Railway &\nNavigation Company was entered into very vigorously and pushed\nthrough the years of 1881, 1882, and 1883, resulting in the construction of about one thousand miles of road from Portland via Walla\nWalla to the Snake River and from the Snake River to Colfax with\na branch from Colfax to Connell Junction; also from Pendleton,\nvia Baker City, to Huntington.\nIn September, 1883, the Northern Pacific Railroad completed\ntheir road to a connection with the Oregon Railway & Navigation\nCompany at Wallula Junction, thus forming the first through train\nservice from the East to Portland, Oregon. Subsequently the Oregon Short Line, a subsidiary company of the Union Pacific, had\nbuilt west from a point on the Union Pacific Railway at Granger, 246\nC. J. Smith\nWyoming, to Huntington, connecting there with the Oregon Railway & Navigation Company, thus forming the second through service to the East. At the same time the Oregon-California Road\nwas carried through to the California State Line, the contsruction\nbeing from Roseburg.\nIn the latter part of 1883, Mr. Villard failed and this failure\nresulted in a stoppage of construction by all the companies with\nwhich he was interested, and to a certain extent, a separation of\ninterests.\nThe Northern Pacific Railroad fell into the hands of Pennsylvania interests represented by C. B. Wright and construction of the\nroad from Pasco over the Cascade Mountains to Tacoma was pushed\nforward and finished about 1888. About the same time the Oregon\nRailway & Navigation Company was leased to the Oregon Short\nLine and operated in connection with the Short Line and the Union\nPacific and has continued so since.\nIn 1887 an effort was made to make the lease of the Oregon\nRailway & Navigation Company a joint lease of both the Northern\nPacific and Union Pacific Systems, but, owing to difficulties in adjusting the construction program and division of territory between\nthese companies, the project fell through.\nIn the latter part of 1887 there was an effort made by the Oregon Trans-Continental Company and a number of stockholders of\nthe Union Pacific and the Wisconsin Central Railroad to acquire\ncontrol of the Northern Pacific Railroad. They were not able to\naccomplish this -entirely but it resulted in a compromise which\nbrought Mr. Villard again to the front as Chairman of the Board\nof the Northern Pacific Railroad and resulted in a lease of the\nWisconsin Central Railway to the Northern Pacific Railroad and\nwhich gave them an entrance into Chicago.\nThe efforts of Mr. Villard have never been fully appreciated by\nthe people of the Northwest, especially by the people of Seattle.\nDuring his control of the Northern Pacific Road it was his intention,\nand there was a very considerable amount of money spent, to broaden\nthe gauge of the Columbia and Puget Sound Road from Seattle\nto Franklin with the expectation of extending the same to Palmer\nJunction, thus forming a through line to Seattle which would be\nsplit at Black River Junction for traffic going to Tacoma and points\nsouth to Portland.\nMr. Villard was a man of large vision. It was his idea not\nonly to control the Northern Pacific, the Oregon Railway & Navi- Early Development of Railroads\n247\ngation Company, and the Oregon-California Company, but also to\nextend the Oregon-California Company to San Francisco. In 1883\nhe foresaw the possibility of expansion of business on the Pacific\nOcean and employed a young Englishman to go to China and Japan,\nthe Philippines and the Strait Settlements with a view to obtaining\ninformation necessary to put on a steamer line in connection with\nthe Northern Pacific Railway. This information was brought back\nby the young Englishman about the time of Mr. Villard's failure\nin 1883 with the result that it could not be acted upon. The Englishman took the matter to London and it being submitted to the Canadian Pacific people, resulted in the establishment of the Empress\nLine of steamers.\nThe business of Puget Sound, which up to 1882 had been taken\ncare of by such steamers as the George E. Starr, Northern Pacific\nand the Eliza Anderson was anticipated by a number of years by the\nbuilding of the Steamers Alaskan and Olympian, both side wheel\nsteamers with large carrying capacity, wide and roomy decks and\ngreat speed. The Olympian operated for several years on the Sound,\nbut the expense of operation was too great for the amount of business. The Alaskan was laid up at Portland and being sent to San\nFrancisco for dockage in 1889, was wrecked and sunk off Coos Bay.\nAll of Mr. Villard's ideas were of the broadest kind and if the\nresources of the Companies he had been connected with had warranted it, the development of the Pacific Northwest would have\noccurred much earlier. He was, in fact, the \"Blazer of Trails\" in\nthe Pacific Northwest and is entitled in every way to be considered\nthe \"Empire Builder.\"\nThere are a number of curious and sometimes humorous incidents connected with the early railroad construction in the Pacific\nNorthwest. It was the custom on the steamboat lines, operating on\nthe Columbia River, to have two kinds of freight, one ordinary\nfreight and one fast freight. For fast freight they charged five\ndollars a ton extra, the custom being in shipment to the upper reaches\nof the Columbia River to load at Portland on the steamer, discharge\nat the lower Cascades where the fast freight, mail and passengers\nwould be immediately transferred to the steamer operating between\nthe upper Cascades and The Dalles, while the ordinary freight would\nwait over twenty-four hours for transportation across the portage.\nThis same process was repeated at the portage between The Dalles\nand Celilo for all freight destined to points beyond Celilo. This 248\nC. J. Smith\nenabled people to obtain their fast freight a number of days in\nadvance of the ordinary transportation process.\nDr. D. S. Baker, who owned the narrow gauge line between\nWallula Junction, where it connected with the steamboats, and\nWalla Walla, thought the question of fast freight was a very desirable one and adopted the plan for his railroad by loading the\nfreight in the first car in the train. His narrow gauge road had\nrather a peculiar history. It was first built with wooden rails and\nas these became worn they were recovered with strap iron and it\nwas only after operation of a number of years that he finally\nobtained regular T-rails.\nThere was also another incident that was interesting. A large\nnumber of immigrants in the States of Oregon and Washington\nhad left the Eastern States in pioneer days when railroad operation\nwas in its infancy and others, who had been born in the Pacific\n. Northwest, had never seen a sleeping car. In 1882 the Oregon\nRailway & Navigation Company purchased two sleepers named\nWallula and Walla Walla, which came around the Horn in knock\ndown shape and were assembled at the company's shops at The\nDalles. On being brought to Portland they were put on exhibition\nand they were an object of interest and curiosity to thousands of\npeople. It was some time before people understood their construction and operation.\nOne incident is given of an old pioneer who took a berth in the\nsleeper operating between Portland and Walla Walla. He brought\nhis blankets with him. After visiting around, at dark, finding the\nseat would slide out, he arranged to slide the seats down on both\nsides of the section, and with one blanket for a pillow and one for\na covering he took off his boots and went to bed. When the porter\nnoticed this, he offered to make his bed for him. He first said that\nit was all right the way it was, but he finally consented, and when\nhe saw they had mattresses, sheets, pillows, and pillow cases, his\nastonishment grew with each successive piece of equipment. This\nwas one of a number of like instances that occurred in the early\noperation of the sleepers.\nThere was also a rather humorous incident that occurred in\n1887 at the .time the Northern Pacific Road leased the Wisconsin\nCentral. A man named Cavanaugh was General Freight Agent of\nthe Wisconsin Central. Being a holiday, he sat in his office with\nhis feet on the desk taking things easy and a portly German came\ninto the office and inquired with a slight brogue, \"What office is Early Development of Railroads\n249\ndiss,\" Mr. Cavanaugh who assumed that he was some German\nimmigrant, the head office being in Milwaukee and Milwaukee being\na large center for German colonists, replied, \"Diss is de General\nFreight Office.\" The stranger asked, \"Who ist de General Freight\nAgent?\" Mr. Cavanaugh replying to him, said, \"I ist de General\nFreight Agent.\" The stranger said, \"I am Mr. Villard.\" Mr.\nCavanaugh almost fell off his chair, but having started in with the\nGerman brogue, he was compelled to keep it up during the balance\nof the conversation.\nAfter the failure of Mr. Villard in the latter part of 1883, there\nwas quite a good deal of suspicion on the part of Eastern stock-and\nbondholders with reference to the operation and construction of the\nOregon Railway and Navigation Company, and a number of experts\nwere sent out to examine the books and to look over the physical\nproperties. Their efforts, however, resulted in very little, if any,\ncriticism of the management of the road and the enterprises.\nAmong others who came out was a very eminent engineer by\nthe name of George Morrison. He started over the line at the connection with the Northern Pacific at Wallula Junction and he was\nmet there by the Superintendent, the Chief Engineer and the writer.\nHe asked,a thousand questions some of which could only be answered\nby analytical experts, especially on the characteristics of the soil, the\nweight of the rock, the sharpness of the sand, and a number of like\nmatters. The Chief Engineer who was a capable man in his line\nof business, was not, however, conversant with these chemical details, and was replying to a great number of them by answering\nthat he did not know. This imparted a suspicion in the mind of\nMr. Morrison that the Engineer was deficient in his capacity, and\nthe writer, noticing this, suggested to the Chief Engineer that he\nanswer promptly on such questions, because generally speaking they\nwere not germane to his business and were asked largely out of\ncuriosity.\nIn going by the sand dunes between Umatilla and The Dalles,\nMr. Morrison asked the Chief Engineer what the weight of the sand\nwas per cubic foot, and the Chief Engineer promptly replied, \"Two\nhundred twenty-five pounds.\" Mr. Morrison threw up his hands\nand said that was the heaviest and most remarkable sand that he had\nany knowledge of, and in his report he made some notation of this\nremarkable fact.\nThe writer could give a hundred instances of such things, some 250\nC. J. Smith\nof them curious and interesting and some of a humorous nature, but\nthe above is a sample of some things that occurred.\nThe construction of the railroad was largely done by Chinese.\nDuring the height of construction there were employed at one time,\nfive thousand Chinese and about fifteen hundred white men. This\nsame ratio occurred in the construction of the western end of the\nNorthern Pacific and also the Oregon Short Line, and the ability to\nobtain such labor at that time undoubtedly hastened the period of\nconstruction a number of years.\nC. J. Smith. NEWSPAPERS OF WASHINGTON TERRITORY\n[Continued from Volume XIII., Page 195.]\nKALAMA, COWLITZ COUNTY.\nBeacon, \"issued first in May, 1870, was owned and controlled\nby the Northern Pacific railroad company, and published in its\ninterest It was suspended when the railroad work was temporarily discontinued in Washington Territory.\" (Hubert Howe Bancroft, Washington, Idaho and Montana, page 379.) The Seattle\nIntelligencer for August 9, 1873, said: \"The Kalama Beacon announces that that office will be removed to Tacoma as soon as accommodations can be arranged at that place and a weekly journal,\nThe Northern Pacific Head-Light, published. Bring in some ipecac.\" C. B. Bagley says the Beacon was moved to Tacoma but it\nsoon died. (\"Pioneer Papers of Puget Sound,\" in The Quarterly\nof the Oregpn Historical Society, Volume IV, page 382.)\nBulletin, the Cowlitz Bulletin was established on March 15,\n1889, by Imus Brothers. (Edwin N. Fuller, in Washington Press\nAssociation Proceedings, 1887-1890, page 88.) Files for 1913 and\n1915 are in the State Library at Olympia.\nKELSO, COWLITZ COUNTY.\nCourier, established on September 28, 1888, by Arthur Gunn.\n(Edwin N. Fuller; in Washington Press Association Proceedings,\n1887-1890, page 86.)\nKENT, KING COUNTY.\nAdvertiser, established on November 7, 1889, by Ward Ries.\n(Edwin N. Fuller, in Washington Press Association Proceedings,\n1887-1890, page 87.) It was listed as an independent weekly by\nthe Lord & Thomas Newspaper Directory for 1890.\nRecorder, on August 15, 1889, Mr. Charles Prosch wrote:\n\"The Recorder was started at Kent and the Sun at Slaughter, two\ninteresting towns in the White river valley, last year, 1888, the first\nnewspaper efforts in King county outside the city of Seattle.\"\n(Washington Press Association Proceedings, 1887-1890, page 35.)\n(251) 252 Edmond S. Meany\nPolk's Seattle City Directory, for 1889, shows Beriah Brown, Jr., as\neditor and proprietor of the Recorder.\nKETTLE FALLS, STEVENS COUNTY.\nPioneer, established in 1890 by Penrose & Burnett. For a\ntime a daily was issued. F. W. Sherman leased the property but\nsoon gave it up and ran a campaign sheet called Reveille. The\nPioneer continued for several years. (History of North Washington, page 842.)\nLA CAMAS,* CLARKE COUNTY.\nNews, established on May 6, 1887, by John H. Ginder. (Ed- I\nwin N. Fuller, in Washington Press Association Proceedings, 1887-\n1890, page 85.) It was listed as an independent weekly in 1890.\n(Lord & Thomas Newspaper Directory.)\nLA CONNER, SKAGIT COUNTY.\nPuget Sound Mail, founded in Whatcom (now Bellingham) \\nas the Bellingham Bay Mail on July 5, 1873, by James A. Power\nas editor and Publisher. Mr. Power moved his paper to La Conner\nand on September 13, 1873, it appeared under the name, Puget\nSound Mail. In April, 1884, Walsh & Riggins leased the paper,\nRiggins retiring in a short time. On October 1, 1885, Mr. Power\nsold out to the Mail Publishing Company. Henry McBride and\nR. O. Welts continued as editor and manager until February, 1887,\nwhen the stock of the company passed to Leroy Carter and June\nHenderson. Four years later, Henderson retired and George\nKnapp, son of the Governor of Alaska, succeeded him. A. J. Morrow succeeded Knapp in October, 1892, taking charge of the mechanical department. He sold his interest in May, 1901, to W. A.\nCarlson. (History of Skagit and Snohomish Counties, page 426.)\nIn 1889, Charles Prosch made this comment: \"Some ten years after\nits birth, Mr. Power retired from the field with quite a plethoric\npurse, acquired through careful management, coupled with industry and economy.\" (Washington Press Association Proceedings\n1887-1890, page 37.) Partial files of the paper are in the Seattle\nPublic Library.\nLATAH, SPOKANE COUNTY.\nTimes, established in March, 1889, by the Latah Publishing Newspapers of Washington Territo'i\nCompany. (Edwin N. Fuller, in Washington Press Association\nProceedings 1887-1890, page 88.)\nLYNDEN, WHATCOM COUNTY.\nPioneer Press, an independent weekly, established on October 16, 1888, by L. D. Pangborn. (Edwin N. Fuller, in Washington Press Association Proceedings, 1887-1890, page 86.)\nMEDICAL LAKE, SPOKANE COUNTY.\nLedger, established in 1888 and listed as a Republican weekly.\n(Lord & Thomas Newspaper Directory, 1890.)\nNews, established on August 26, 1882, by George W. Mattice.\n(Edwin N. Fuller, in Washington Press Association Proceedinos.\n1887-1890, page 80.)\nMITCHELL, KITSAP COUNTY.\nKitsap County Pioneer, established on August 14, 1886, by\nThomas Cline. It was enlarged and improved in March, 1890. (Edwin N. Fuller, in Washington Press Association Proceedings, 1887-\n1890, page 84.)\nMONTESANO, GRAYS HARBOR COUNTY*\nWashington Farmer, a monthly, established in May, 1884,\nby M. J. Luark. (Edwin N. Fuller, in Washington Press Association Proceedings, 1887-1890, page 83.)\nVidette, established on February 3, 1883, by J. W. Walsh\nand J. E. Calder, who had met on their way to the coast. They\ngot work on the Tacoma Ledger, Walsh as city editor and Calder\nas foreman of the job office. They decided on a venture for themselves and decided on the Grays Harbor country as better for the\npublication of timber claim notices. These paid $10 each and during the first year the paper cleared $10,000 from that one source.\nOn January 6, 1922, the paper entered its fortieth volume and in\nthat issue J. E. Calder told the story of the beginnings. As the\nfirst paper was being printed, the population of the town gathered\naround the office. \"Finally J. E. Calder, business manager of the\nnew publication, appeared at the head of the steps with a bundle of\npapers, and their was a scramble to see who would get the first 254\nEdmond S. Meany\nissue. The honor went to Patterson Luark, father of Marcellus\nLuark, and the paper is treasured still with other pioneer relics.\"\nThe second paper in that region, the Grays Harbor News, of Hoquiam, was soon absorbed by the Vidette. (Charles Prosch, in\nWashington Press Association Proceedings, 1887-1890, page 44.)\nFragments of files are in the Public Libraries of Hoquiam and\nSeattle.\nMOUNT VERNON, SKAGIT COUNTY\nSkagit News, established on March 4, 1884, by William C.\nEwing, son of General Ewing of New York. Clothier & English,\npioneer merchants, loaned him a room over their store to be used\nas the printing office. In other ways the merchants assisted the\nnew enterprise. On September 29, 1885, the paper passed into the\nhands of G. E. Hartson, pioneer and school superintendent. The\npaper was enlarged and moved into a building of its own on Main\nStreet. In 1897, the paper changed its name to News-Herald, when\nit absorbed the Skagit Valley Herald, which had been published for\nsome time in Mount Vernon by Ed. C. Suiter. Mr. Hartson remained proprietor of the consolidated paper and on September 15,\n1902, his son, Ralph C. Hartson, became editor and manager. (History of Skagit and Snohomish Counties, pages 427-428.) The paper was listed as Republican. (Lord & Thomas Newspaper Directory, for 1890.) Complete files are retained in the office of the\npublication.\nNAPA VINE, LEWIS COUNTY.\nWestern Washington Farmer, established in August, 1886,\nby Rowell & Rathbun, and moved to Centralia on April 1, 1887.\nSee Centralia News.\nNEW TACOMA, PIERCE COUNTY.\nSee Tacoma.\nNORTH YAKIMA,* YAKIMA COUNTY.\nWashington Farmer, established on September 20, 1884, by\nthe Capital Publishing Company, Legh R. Freeman, managing editor. Newspapers of Washington Territory\n255\nThe place of publication was Yakima, the name of which place was\nchanged to Union Gap by act of the State Legislature, approved\nMarch 10, 1917. In the winter of 1884-1885 most of the buildings\nand citizens were moved from Yakima four miles to North Yakima\nand the Washington Farmer went with them. In 1889, the paper\nwas again moved to Gibraltar (since changed to Dewey), Skagit\nCounty. (Charles Prosch, Washington Press Association Proceeding, 1887-1890, page 42.)\nYakima Democrat, issued on October 3, 1888. Edwin N.\nFuller says: \"Memorandum on the margin of the first number,\n'Stopped by Mr. Reed January, '89'.\" (Washington Press Association Proceedings, 1887-1890, page 86.)\nYakima Herald, established in 1889 by Messrs. Reed & Co.,\nas a seven-column folio and Democratic in sentiment. (Charles\nProsch in Washington Press Association Proceedings, 1887-1890,\npage 42.) In 1890, it was listed by Lord & Thomas as an independent weekly. (Newspaper Directory.)\nYakima Republic, before the founding of North Yakima, this\npaper was established as the Yakima Record on September 6, 1879,\nby Richard T. Chadd. It was the first paper published in Yakima\nCounty. In May, ,1883, Mr. Chadd sold the paper to Charles M.\nHolton, the new firm being known as C. M. Holton & Son. \"It is a\nRepublican journal of the stalwart kind.\" (Charles Prosch in\nWashington Press Association Proceedings, 1887-1890, page 42.)\nNo files of the paper have been reported.\nYakima Signal, founded on January 6, 1883, by Mr. J. M.\nand Mrs. P. D. Adams. In 1885, this paper joined in the removal\nfrom Yakima (now Union Gap) to North Yakima (now Yakima)\nand three years later, 1888, the paper suspended. (Edward N.\nFuller, Washington Press Association Proceedings, 1887-1890, page\n81.) No files of the paper have been reported.\nOAKESDALE, WHITMAN COUNTY.\nOakesdalE Sun, established on September 27, 1888, by B. J.\nBaker and J. G. Foss, as the Oakesdale Breeze. In March, 1889,\nthe name was changed and W. G. Gilstrap, the new editor, wrote:\n\"Gone\u00E2\u0080\u0094the Oakesdale Breeze. Like all things mortal, this publication has lived its ephemeral day and passed to the beyond. It will\nblow no more; those who were accustomed to await its zephyr-like 256\nEdmond S. Meany\nflutterings will now await in vain. But from the ashes of its windy\nancestor has sprung the Sun, which rises above the literary horizon\nwith modest but benignant light, which to shine with an equal ray\non all.\" (Charles Prosch in Washington Press Association Proceedings, 1887-1890, page 42.)\nOLYMPIA, THURSTON COUNTY.\nCapital, in 1886, J. N. Gale, a former publisher of the Transcript and, later, of the Echo, established the New Transcript, a\na weekly temperance paper. The failing health of the publisher\nprevented success and in 1888 he sold the paper to H. W. Bessac.\nHe changed its name to Review and in 1889 sold it to J. C. Rathbun,\nwho, in 1890, sold it to B. M. Price. Mr. Price changed the name\nto Capital and for a few months issued an afternoon edition. From\nMr. Bessac's ownership, the paper had been Republican, but in 1892\nit became an advocate of the People's Party. (J. C. Rathbun, History of Thurston County, pages 117-118.)\nColumbian, the first newspaper published in the northern half\nof the old Oregon Territory, issued its first number on September\n11, 1852. The people north of the Columbia River were agitating\nthe organization of a new Territory to be known as the Territory\nof Columbia. That was one reason for establishing the paper and\nwas also the reason for choosing the name Columbian. The equipment for the paper was brought from Portland in the schooner\nMary Taylor in the summer of 1852. The press was an old Ramage,\nso called because it was constructed by Adam Ramage, who went\nto Philadelphia in 1790 and is believed to have been the first builder\nof presses in America. This particular press has had a remarkable\nhistory. It was used in Mexica for the printing of pronuncimientos\nuntil 1834, when it was moved to Monterey, California, for a\nsimilar service. In 1846, it was moved to San Francisco, where\nthe Star and, later, the A Ita California were printed on it. When\nThomas J. Dryer established the Portland Oregonian, this same old\npress printed the first issue on December 4, 1850. After serving\nthe Columbian, it printed the first paper in Seattle and pioneered in\nother towns. It is now a prized relic in the University of Washington museum. (George H. Himes, in the Quarterly of the Oregon\nHistorical Society, Volume IV., page 375, note; and Clinton A.\nSnowden: History of Washington, Volume III., page 147.) The\nmen who established the Columbian were James W. Wiley and\nThornton F. McElroy. The first issue announced that it would be Newspapers of Washington Territory\n257\npublished every Saturday at \"$5 per year by mail or taken at the\noffice.\" Another announcement declared: \"Neutral in Politics.\nDevoted to the interests of Oregon, and the Territory north of the\nColumbia river in particular.\" Agents for the paper were announced as follows: \"Isaac N. Ebey, Whidby's Island; Henry C.\nWilson, Port Townsend; Balch & Palmer, Steilacoom; W. W.\nMiller, Nisqually; E. D. Warbass, Cowlitz Farms; S. S. Ford, Sen.,\nChickeeles; Chas. C. Terry &j Co., New York [first name of Seattle] ;\nD. F. Brownfield, New Dungeness; F. S. Holland, Oregon City.\"\nThe reading matter in that first issue includes: an article of two\ncolumns by W. D. Porter, taken from the National Intelligencer;\nan adventure story entitled \"Misfortunes of Jack Beckler\"; \"The\nBattle of Platsburg,\" one column; and five columns were devoted\nto the printing of the oration by D. R. Bigelow, delivered in Olympia\non the previous Fourth of July. There were forty-two advertisements in the issue and several of them were illustrated with symbols\nsuch as house, tree, cow, ship, shoe, horse and steamboat. In the\nthird issue there is an article headed, \"To the Residents of Northern\nOregon,\" advocating the election of delegates to a convention to\npetition for the organization of the proposed new Territory of\nColumbia. This cause was followed up vigorously in the following\nissues. In March, 1853,^ Mr. Wiley retired from the paper. Of\ncourse, it could not have been known in Olympia that on the second\nday of that very month the new Territory had been created, but\nwith the name changed from Columbia to Washington. Mr. Wiley\nwas succeeded by J. J. Beebe, Who remained in the firm for four\nmonths, retiring on July 13. On September 17, Mr. McElroy retired and Matt. K. Smith took charge of the paper. On December\n3, J. W. Wiley and A. M. Berry appear as publishers with Mr.\nWiley as editor. The name of the paper was then changed to\nWashington Pioneer and soon afterwards to Pioneer and Democrat.\n(H. H. Bancroft, Works, Volume XXXI., pages 77 and 377.) The\nsubsequent record will be traced under the title of Pioneer and\nDemocrat. Complete files of the Columbian are in the possession\nof Harry B. McElroy, of Olympia; the University of Washington\nLibrary, and the State Library at Olympia.\nCommercial Age, given by former writers as the predecessor\nof the Courier. Mr. C. B. Bagley says that is not true. Instead it\nwas the lineal successor of the Territorial Republican. Both those\npapers were founded and conducted in the interest of Selucius Gar-\nfielde in his campaigns for Delegate to Congress. After his second\n1 258\nEdmond S. Meany\nelection Commercial Age discontinued. (Interview with Victor J.\nFarrar in April, 1921.) The Seattle Intelligencer for July 18, 1870,\nquoting the Olympia Tribune, said: \"The Commercial Age printing\nmaterial was sold last evening (11th inst.) to Messrs L. G. Abbott\nand R. H. Hewitt for the sum of $2,800. The purchasers finish\nthe public printing and continue the publication of the temperance\npaper. The Age is a thing of the past.\"\nCourier, the second paper published in Washington Territory\nwas the Puget Sound Courier, established at Steilacoom on May 19,\n1855, by William B. Affleck and E. T. Gunn. The paper continued only about a year, but the name was revived for a publication in Olympia. Mr. Gunn was a capable newspaper man. When\na serious bolt was made from the Republican party in 1867, he\nbegan in Olympia a paper called the Transcript, which he continued\nuntil his death in 1883. With the influence of this paper and others\na fusion was effected between the bolting Republicans and the Democrats, resulting in the election of Judge O. B. McFadden to Congress over Selucius Garfielde, the Republican nominee. This\naroused the Republicans who organized the Puget Sound Printing\nCompany, including Surveyor General (afterwards Governor)\nElisha P. Ferry and L. P. Beach. They purchased a plant in Port\nTownsend and on January 1, 1872, they published in Olympia the\nfirst issue of the Puget Sound Daily Courier. In announcing the\nevent, the Seattle Intelligencer on January 8, 1872, said the new\npaper would support Republican measures and men and it would be\nunder the editorial charge of Mr. E. F. Leveridge, who was then\non his way to assume those duties. He did not remain in Olympia\nlong and Mr. Beach took active charge of the paper. Henry G.\nStruve, then a lawyer in Olympia, did much editorial work. While\nthe paper was started as a daily, a weekly edition was also published.\nIn December, 1872, Clarence B. Bagley became business manager\nand city editor. On June 1, 1873, he and John R. Harned purchased the plant and the newspaper. In that yearj 1873, Mr. Bagley\nsecured the office of Territorial Printer, which position he held for\nten years. On November 1, 1873, the publishing firm was styled\nC. B. Bagley & Co., and two years later it was just C. B. Bagley.\nMr. Bagley's early manhood was devoted to printing and newspaper work. There is an interesting reason for his entering that\nfield. Soon after the Civil War, while holding a minor political\nposition he conceived the idea of getting onto the market a deck of\nplaying cards after the style of those used in the popular game of Newspapers of Washington Territory\n259\nauthors. Instead of the names of writers and titles of their works,\nhe used the names of Union Generals and the battles they had\nfought. He took his cards to be printed in the office of Mr. Randall H. Hewitt of the Echo. Superintending that job, led him to\ndetermine to become a printer. As soon as his political employment\nended he went into the Echo shop and he says he became a competent journeyman in three months. A financial venture by his\nfather drew him to Seattle and he forgot the printing plan until his\nfriends Garfielde and associates had encountered financial difficulties and sent for Mr. Bagley to come to the aid of the Courier.\nThis he did as related above. In December, 1874, the Puget Sound\nDaily Courier suspended, though the weekly edition continued.\nEarly in 1877 a coalition was made with a paper called Olympian\nand the Daily Courier was issued for a short time. In 1884, Mr.\nBagley sold the newspaper and plant to W. H. Roberts and F. A.\nDunham, who continued the Weekly Courier and for a time issued\nalso the Daily Critic. In 1885, the paper was sold to Thomas H.\nCavanaugh who, on December 5,1885, changed the name to Partisan.\n(Clarence B. Bagley, \"Pioneer Papers of Puget Sound,\" in the\nQuarterly of the Oregon Historical Society, Volume IV., pages 380-\n381; J. C. Rathbun, History of Thurston County, page 116; H. H.\nBancroft, Works, Volume XXXI., page 377.) There are partial\nfiles of the Courier in the Seattle Public Library and in the Library\nof the University of Washington.\nDaily Critic, issued for a short time by W. H. Roberts and F.\nA. Dunham from the office of the Courier. No files have been\nreported.\nDaily Olympian, not to be confused with the Evening Olympian mentioned below. In 1871, there came to the Territory, Francis H. Cook, a young but skillful and experienced newspaper man.\nHe got employment in the Courier office and in a few weeks became\nits foreman. In 1874, he bought the Echo, a paper started in 1868\nby Randall H. Hewitt. Evidently the vigor of Mr. Cook disturbed\nthe unstable newspaper equilibrium in Olympia. A combination\nwas made between Clarence B. Bagley, of the Republican Courier,\nand John Miller Murphy, of the Democratic Standard. Together\nthey would publish the Olympian, ostensibly for boom purposes, but\nreally to freeze out Cook's Echo. The Olympian was to be strictly\nnon-partisan. Mr. Bagley and Mr. Murphy were each to have\ncharge of alternate issues of the paper. Mr. Cook promptly ac- 260\nEdmond S. Meany\ncepted the challenge and for a few weeks devoted his columns to\na \"History of the Combination,\" to which the Olympian made almost daily reply. The harmony between Mr. Bagley and Mr. Murphy continued until the fall campaigning approached. On August\n31, 1876, they frankly announced their inability to longer pull together. The paper passed into the hands of Mr. Bagley on September 2. He issued it from the Courier office as an out-and-out\nRepublican journal, supporting his faction of the party. After\nthe campaign, on November 21, 1876, he sold the Olympian to\nMark Dobrin, who edited it until February 7, 1877, when it was\nsuspended. The battle against Mr. Cook was apparently successful\nas he moved to Tacoma in 1877 and resumed a newspaper career\nin the \"Terminus City.\" There is a file nearly complete in the\nSeattle Public Library. It begins with Volume I., Number 1, February 28, 1876. (J. C. Rathbun, History of Thurston County, page\n117; Clarence B. Bagley, \"Pioneer Newspapers of Puget Sound,\"\nin the Quarterly of the Oregon Historical Society, Volume IV.,\npages 381-382; Julian Hawthorne, History of Washington, Volume\nI., pages 429-434.)\nEcho, the Seattle Intelligencer on August 17, 1868, made this\nannouncement: \"We have received the prospectus of the Temperance Echo, a paper to be devoted to temperance and education. It\nit to be published in Olympia, under the control of a committee\ndesignated by the temperance organization of the Territory.\" The\nfirst number appeared on October 1, 1868. At the end of the first\nyear the plant was bought by L. G. Abbott and C. B. Bagley, but\nMr. Bagley soon sold his interest to J. H. Munson. In October,\n1870, Mr. Munson became sole owner. The Olympia Transcript\non February 18, 1871, announced: \"Mr. R. H. Hewitt has again\nbecome publisher of the Temperance Echo, of which Mr. L. P.\nVernon is editor and Mr. J. H. Munson proprietor.\" In November,\n1873, the paper was acquired by James N. Gale, who sold it during\nthe next year to Francis H. Cook. He changed it to a political\npaper. This brought about the successful coalition against him the\nresults of which are told in the sketch of the Daily Olympian\n(Charles Prosche, Washington Press Association Proceedings, 1887-\n1890, page 26; J. C. Rathbun, History of Thurston County, page\n116.) There are incomplete files of both the weekly and daily issues\nin the Seattle Public Library.\nEvening Olympian, begun in the latter part of February, 1889,\nby John Miller Murphy, publisher of the Standard. This venture Newspapers of Washington Territory\n261\nwas in compliance with a contract with real estate men for a period\nof six months. At the expiration of the contract the city was facing\nan election as to the retention or removal of the capital for the new\nState. The Board of Trade then helped the little paper to publish\nuntil after the election. (J. C. Rathbun, History of Thurston\nCounty, page 118.) No files have been reported.\nFar WEST, in 1865, E. W. Foster issued this monthly magazine\ndevoted to morals, religion, health, education, and agriculture. Competition in that line from older communities was too keen and the\nmagazine was short lived. (H. H. Bancroft, Works, Volume XXXI.,\npage 379.) No files have been reported.\nNew Transcript, begun in 1886 by J. N. Gale, who sold the\nplant to H. W. Bessac in 1888. Subsequent sales and changes of\nname resulted in the Capital. See Capital.\nNorthwest Democrat, see Pioneer and Democrat.\nNorthwest Teacher, a monthly, devoted to the interests of\neducation, was founded by L. E. Follansbee, principal of the public\nschools, and continued publication until 1890. (J. C. Rathbun,\nHistory of Thurston County, page 117.) No files have been reported.\nNorTH-Western Farmer, a short lived paper beginning on\nJanuary 2, 1875. The Seattle Intelligencer of January 9, 1875, thus\nannounced the new arrival: \"The new Grange paper has just issued\nits first number. It is a seven column sheet, and is published by\nR. H. Hewitt, Esq. at Olympia.\" The paper suspended on December 11, 1875, when it was merged with the Temperance Echo.- Incomplete files are in the Seattle Public Library and the University\nof Washington Library.\nOverland Press, a paper with a brief but rather spectacular\ncareer, was founded on July 29, 1861, by Alonzo M. Poe. He was\nthe Olympia agent for the Victoria, B. C, Press. That paper had\na rival in Victoria, called the Colonist. Of course there was great\ninterest in news of the Civil War. The steamer Eliza Anderson\nleft Olympia for Victoria every Monday morning. The Colonist\nput on a special reporter who gathered all the war news received in\nOlympia during the week and edited the items on the voyage to\nVictoria, thus \"scooping\" the rival Press. To overcome this advantage, Mr. Poe arranged with John Miller Murphy of the Washington 262\nEdmond S. Meany\nStandard, to put the collected war news into type and run off a\nsupplement to be used by the Press as soon as the steamer arrived\nin Victoria. The brilliant scheme was so successful that Mr. Poe\nconceived the idea of a newspaper, featuring the war news. The\nplant of the Pioneer and Democrat, including the Ramage press\nused by J. W. Wiley and T. F. McElroy in publishing the Columbian, was for sale. Mr. Poe bought it and began the Overland Press.\nIt is an error to say that this enlivened interest was the result of\nwar news received in Olympia by telegraph. Governor William\nPickering on September 5, 1864, sent to President Lincoln a greeting which began: \"Washington Territory this day sends her first\nTelegraphic Dispatch,\" and the next day the President replied\nbriefly. However, the pony express had been put on between the\nMissouri River and Sacramento, reducing the time of transporting\nnews to ten or twelve days. The war news then reached Olympia\nonly three weeks old, when, before that, it had been six or more\nweeks old. The pony express also probably suggested the name of\nOverland^ Press. In commenting on this achievement in 1889,\nCharles Prosch said: \"Poe was wide awake and enterprising and\nsucceeded in making his paper popular both on Puget Sound and\nin Victoria, obtaining in the latter place a larger patronage than any\njournal on this side of the boundary ever before or since that period\nacquired.\" (Washington Press Association Proceedings, 1887-1890,\npage 24.) Mr. Poe associated with himself J. W. Watson. Later\nthe paper passed into the hands of Wilson & Head and still later\nwas acquired by Bion F. Kendall. This brilliant young lawyer had\nbeen Prosecuting Attorney for the Central District, Chief Clerk of\nthe House of Representatives for two sessions, Librarian of the\nTerritorial Library and Superintendent of Indian Affairs for Washington Territory. When he acquired the newspaper he frequently\ncontributed to its columns. He was attorney for the Puget Sound\nAgricultural Company, a subsidiary of the Hudson's Bay Company,\nin a bitter contest. One of the buildings of the company was burned\nand the Overland Press intimated that Horace Howe was responsible for the conflagration. Howe, on meeting Kendall, struck him\nwith a switch and Kendall opened fire with a revolver, wounding\nHowe. He then published his version of the controversy. On\nJanuary 7, 1863, Horace Howe, Junior, visited the office of the\nOverland Press and fatally shot Kendall, saying he did so in self\ndefense. On being admitted to bail, young Howe disappeared. On\nJanuary 12, 1863, the Overland Press appeared with \"turned rules\" Newspapers of Washington Territory\n263\nof mourning and carrying a strong editorial on the life and character\nof B. F. Kendall. L. G. Abbott and J. W. Watson, employes of\nMp1. Kendall, bought the paper. In 1863, Mr. Watson sold his interest to R. H. Hewitt and moved to Seattle. Abbott & Hewitt\ncontinued the publication, but they changed the paper's name to\nPacific Tribune. (Clarence B. Bagley, \"Pioneer Papers of Puget\nSound,\" in the Quarterly of the Oregon Historical Society, Volume\nIV., pages 373-374; J. C. Rathbun, History of Thurston County,\npages 115-116; Washington Historical Quarterly, Volume X., page\n236; Clinton A. Snowden, History of Washington, Volume IV.,\npages 189-190.)\nPacific Tribune, as Bancroft points out, this paper had a\nlonger lease of life than many of its predecessors. (H. H. Bancroft,\nWorks, Volume XXXI., page 378.) In 1863, L. G. Abbott and\nR. H. Hewitt became owners of the Overland Press and changed its\nname to Pacific Tribune. In 1866, Mr. Hewitt was in charge but\nhe sold out to Charles Prosch, formerly of Steilacoom, in 1867.\nDuring a session of the Legislature that year the paper appeared as\na daily, the first daily in Washington Territory, but the weekly was\ncontinued also as the more durable form. Under the Prosch ownership, the firm name changed frequently; in 1867, it was Charles\nProsch & Co.; in 1868, Charles Prosch; and later, Charles Prosch\n& Sons; in 1870, Charles Prosch & Son; in 1872, Charles Prosch,\nand later, Thomas W. Prosch. On October 4, 1869, the daily edition was resumed. Three volumes containing partial files of the\npaper are in the University of Washington Library. The Seattle\nIntelligencer on September 9, 1872, announced the sale by Charles\nProsch to his son, Thomas W. Prosch, as of September 4, and said\nthat the Pacific Tribune made a neat appearance in a new dress of\ntype. The same Seattle paper announced on August 9, 1873, that\nthe Pacific Tribune had been moved to Tacoma. Its history will be\nresumed in the record of the Tacoma papers. (Charles Prosch,\nWashington Press Association Proceedings, 1887-1890, page 25.)\nMr. Randall H. Hewitt, who was associated with this paper during\nits first four years under the name of Pacific Tribune, gave evidence\nfor the United States in the case against the Puget Sound Agricultural Company on November 20, 1866. In his deposition he said\nhe was about twenty-seven years old; that he was a printer and\neditor and publisher of the Pacific Tribune. In 1863, Mr. Hewitt\npublished from the press of the Washington Standard a pamphlet\nof fifty-eight pages entitled, \"Notes by the Way; Memoranda of a 264 Edmond S. Meany\nJourney Across the Plains from Dundee, 111., to Olympia, W. T.,\nMay 7 to November 3, 1862.\" In his older years he published a\nlarge book on the same theme. In 1876, he removed with his family\nto Los Angeles, California. His son, Leslie R. Hewitt, a native of\nOlympia, is now (1922) a Judge of the Superior Court at Los\nAngeles.\nPartisan, when Thomas H. Cavanaugh bought the Courier\nin 1885, he changed its name to Partisan. He continued its publication until December, 1889, when the paper was sold to the State\nPrinting & Publishing Company, with O. C. White, then Territorial Secretary, as manager. While Mr. Cavanaugh published the\nPartisan he also did the Territorial printing. Mr. White became\nState Printer during the first session of the State Legislature and\nsoon afterwards his company sold the Partisan to J. W. Robinson,\na lawyer, who placed in charge C. M. Barton and H. L- Gill, both\nof Tacoma, as editor and business manager, respectively. He also\nchanged the name of the paper to Tribune, which was continued as\nan afternoon daily until the spring of 1893. (J. C. Rathbun, History\nof Thurston County, page 116.)\nPioneer and Democrat, the third and last name of Washington's first newspaper. While the Columbian was advocating the\ncreation of the new \"Territory of Columbia,\" it was non-partisan,\nthat, too, at a time when Whigs and Democrats were in bitter opposition. News reached Olympia that the new Territory had been\ncreated on March 2, 1853, but with the name changed to Washington. The publisher did not change the name of his paper to any\nsuch title as \"Washingtonian\" but continued under the old name\nuntil December 3, 1853. At that time there was a complete reorganization. J. W. Wiley came back as half owner with A. M. Berry,\nand these new proprietors gave the paper its second name, Washington Pioneer. The nonpartisan veil was promptly thrown aside\nas may be seen by the following notice under the head of \"A Fresh\nStart,\" in the issue of December 3, 1853 : \"In presenting the present\nnumber of this paper to the public, we have the satisfaction of\nsaying that the Columbian has become the Washington Pioneer\u00E2\u0080\u0094\nthat it has been purchased 'body and boots' from Whig influence\nand interest\u00E2\u0080\u0094has been paid for\u00E2\u0080\u0094that the present editor is half\nowner of the establishment and as long as he continues as such that\nthe paper will continue to be a straightout, radical Democratic\njournal, an uncompromising political opponent to everything that Newspapers of Washington Territory\n265\nbears the garb or assumes the form of Whiggery, 'soft-shellism,'\nfaction, and in short all things opposed to the true interest of the\npeople, or the Democratic party.\" In that same number there appeared the prospectus of another journal to be published by N. H.\nDoyle under the name of Northwest Democrat. Mr. Doyle was induced to abandon his own plan and to join with Mr. Wiley and\nMr. Berry, whereupon the paper received its third name, Pioneer\nand Democrat, on February 4, 1854. The paper received the contract to do the Territorial printing and Mr. Berry went East to\nsecure materials. There he died of malignant smallpox at his old\nhome in Greenland, New Hampshire, in August, 1854. George B.\nGoudy became associated with the publishers on December 16, 1854,\nand in the following August became sole proprietor, although Mr.\nWiley remained as editor. Mr. Goudy retired in August, 1856, and\nwas succeeded by Edward Furste, who conducted the paper with\nMr. Wiley. Soon after that, Mr. Wiley withdrew and Mr. Furste\njoined the editorial staff, becoming sole editor and proprietor in\nMay, 1858. Mr. Furste is said to have clearned $10,000, largely\nfrom the Territorial printing contract. In November, 1860, he sold\nthe paper to James Lodge. The paper was suspended in the spring\nof 1861, after the inauguration of the first Republican administration. This paper skipped an issue during the Indian war and on\nNovember 9, 1855, explains it by saying: \"the hands in the office\nwere either acting as volunteers or were engaged in -\"Jbe work of\nfortifying Olympia.\" H. H. Bancroft, the Pacific Coast historian,\npays the paper this compliment: \"Historically, the Pioneer and\nDemocrat is of more importance than any other journal or journals.\"\nComplete files of the paper are in the University of Washington\nLibrary and the private library of Harry B. McElroy, of Olympia.\n(H. H. Bancroft, Works, Volume XXXI, pages 77 and 377; Charles\nProsch, Washington Press Association Proceedings, 1887-1890, page\n24; J. C. Rathbun, History of Thurston County, page 115.)\nRepublican, in 1885, Mr. P. P. Carroll established a weekly\npaper with this name, but it was short lived. Edwin N. Fuller says\nthe firm name was Carroll & Son. (Washington Press Association\nProceedings, 1887-1890, page 83.)\nReview, the name of a paper from 1888 to 1889, during its\ntransition from the New Transcript to the Capital. See Capital.\nTerritorial Republican, established by\nAugust 10, 1868. Its birth was announced by\nJ. R. Watson on\nthe Seattle Intelli- ,266\nEdmond S. Meany\ngencer on August 17, 1868. The Olympia Transcript on August 21,\n1869, had this notice: \"Dead\u00E2\u0080\u0094The Republican of last Monday\nannounces the demise of that paper. The effects of the establishment go into the hands of a company that proposes the starting of\na new paper.\" See Commercial Age, where Mr. C. B. Bagley states\nthat the paper was the successor of the Territorial Republican. In-1\ncomplete files of the paper are in the University of Washington\nLibrary.\nTranscript, issued first on November 30, 1867. S. D. Howe\nand Marshall Blinn, leaders of a bolting wing of the Republican\nparty, bought materials for a newspaper and placed them in the\nhands of J. N. Gale and E. T. Gunn. The independent Republican\npaper was spirited, newsy, and attractive. It soon acquired much\ninfluence. When it helped a successful fusion with the Democrats\nthe Courier was brought into existence to save the day for the regular Republican organization. See Courier. In 1868, T. F. McElroy\nwas associated with Mr. Howe in the ownership but in 1870 it\npassed into the hands of Mr. Gunn, who continued its publication\nuntil his death in 1885. Mr. C. B. Bagley, who was of the opposite\nwing of the Republican party at that time, says that E. T. Gunn\nwas one of the most widely known and popular of the old-time\nnewspaper men and that his Transcript was the neatest and best-\nprinted of all the early papers, and for many years exerted much\ninfluence in political affairs. The paper ceased on the death of its\neditor. Partial files are in the University of Washington Library.\n(C. B. Bagley, in the Quarterly of the Oregon Historical Society,\nVolume IV., page 380; Charles Prosch, Washington Press Association Proceedings, 1887-1890, page 25; H. H. Bancroft, Works,\nVolume XXXI., page 379.)\nUnion Guard, a few of the first copies of this short-lived triweekly of 1866 are in the University of Washington Library. The\npublishers were J. N. Gale & Co. \"for the Union Publishing Club.\"\nIt is a small sheet, intensely partisan for the \"Union\" side in those\nreconstruction times. Most of its shafts are aimed at John Miller\nMurphy who was then supporting the administration of President\nAndrew Johnson.\nUnitarian Advocate, the United States census of 1880 says\nmonthly magazine was suspended in March, 1880. No other facts\nhave been found nor have any copies been located. Newspapers of Washington Territory\n267\nWashington Democrat, founded in November, 1864, by Urban\nE. Hicks. The Democratic papers had ceased and this was an effort\nto give that party an organ. The Republicans were in power and\nthere was no public patronage for the paper. It suspended in July,\n1865. (J. C. Rathbun, History of Thurston County, page 116.)\nWashington Pioneer, see Pioneer and Democrat.\nWashington Standard, established by John Miller Murphy\non November 17, 1860, this paper achieved the distinction of being\nthe oldest continuous publication in the Territory and State of\nWashington. The time was most propitious for the founding of\nthis paper. In that very month, Lincoln had been elected. Soon\nafter the inauguration of the first Republication administration the\nPioneer and Democrat ceased publication. Of course, the Washington Standard got all the public patronage. Mr. Murphy espoused\nthe Union cause throughout the Civil War. However, he defended\nPresident Johnson during the reconstruction difficulties and, in\n1868, he went permanently into the Democratic camp. Thereafter\nhe enjoyed the profits of public printing only at such times as his\nparty was successful. Publishing the Washington Standard was\nMr. Miller's life work. In addition, he printed many pamphlets and\noccasionally he printed other papers as Daily Olympian (with Clarence B. Bagley) and Evening Olympian. Mr. Bagley was a contemporary publisher, once an associate but mostly an opponent. In\n1903, he wrote sympathetically about the Washington Standard and\nits venerable publisher, as follows: \"Its first number was largely\nwritten, set up and printed by its founder, John Miller Murphy,\nand now, almost forty-three years later, it is his proud boast that\nit has never missed an issue, has never changed its name and that\nnot a single one of its weekly issues has failed to have more or less\neditorial matter from his pen.\" (In the Quarterly of the Oregon\nHistorical Society, Volume IV., page 374.) Mr. Murphy was the\nguest of honor at a banquet in Olympia held on November 19, 1910,\nto celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the founding of his paper.\nOn July 31, 1912, after exceeding his half century in newspaper\nharness, Mr. Murphy sold his paper to Messrs. J. H. Brown, Eagle\nFreshwater and J. De K. Brown. On December 20, 1916, the veteran editor died. In early life there was little promise of the success Mr. Murphy was to achieve in later years. He was born in\nFederdam, near Fort Wayne, Indiana, on November 3, 1839, the\nson of John and Susan (Miller) Murphy. His father was an Irish Edmond S. Meany\nimmigrant, a millwright by calling, and his mother was of Pennsylvania Dutch extraction. At the age of seven years, being left an\norphan, he was given to the care of his sister, Mrs. George A.\nBarnes, of Cincinnati. In 1850, he accompanied the sister's family\nacross the plains to Portland, Oregon, where Mr. Barnes became a\nmerchant. Here the lad attended school and in his odd hours was\nat work in the store, thus early acquiring that intimacy with hun_a____\nnature so valuable to the journalist. The family moved to Puget\nSound in 1851 and Mr. Barnes's new store was the second one to\nbe established in Olympia. Mr. Murphy later said that he felt he\ncould not get very far working for relatives and decided to seek his\nfortune on his own account. He apprenticed himself in 1856 to\nlearn the printer's trade in the Oregon Weekly Times, John H.\nWaterman, editor, Carter & Austin, owners. He carried the first\nnews route for the newly established Portland Oregonian and later\nbecame that paper's dramatic critic. He worked for a short time\non the Argus in Oregon City, and in 1860 he decided to become a\npublisher. In July, of that year, he established, with E. V. Coon,\nthe Vancouver, Washington, Chronicle. Within a few months he\ndecided to return to Olympia, where he established the Washington\nStandard, as already related. At the time of the \"golden jubilee\"\ncelebration and later, at the time of his death, the newspapers were\nlavish in their praise of his long sustained industry and enterprise.\nIt was recalled that he had served many good causes and had held\nmany offices. On the domestic side it was recalled that he was\nsurvived by his second wife and by three of his ten children. His\nsurviving children were Mrs. Stella Carroll, of Seattle; Frank\nMurphy, of Olympia; and Charles B. Murphy, of Tacoma. Two\ncomplete files of the Washington Standard are in existence\u00E2\u0080\u0094one at\nthe office of publication, and one in the private library of Harry\nB. McElroy, of Olympia. There are also partial files in the University of Washington Library and in the State Library, at Olympia.\n(J. C. Rathbun, History of Thurston County, page 115; Charles\nProsch, Washington Press Association Proceedings, 1887-1890, page\n25; issues of the Seattle Post-Intelligencer in 1910, 1912 and 1916.)\n(To be continued) VAN OGLE'S MEMORY OF PIONEER DAYS\nIntroduction\nMr. Van Ogle was born in Adams County, Ohio, on September\n21, 1825, and died at the Soldiers' Home, Orting, Washington, on\nFebruary 15, 1919. For one who had thus passed his ninety-third\nbirthday, he retained a keen memory of remarkable experiences in\nthe pioneer days, including the excitements of Indian war. His\nbereaved widow and many relatives and friends believe that his\nrecollections should be put into permanent form for the use of those\nwho will write histories of Washington.\nHe was a member of that famous first company of immigrants\nto cross the Cascades at Naches Pass. He did not attempt to record\nor to remember the names of all in that company. That has been\nundertaken by others of the same company. George H. Himes, the\neminent historical authority of Oregon, at the thirty-fifth annual\nreunion of the Oregon Pioneer Association, Portland, June 19,\n1907, gave an address covering this great event and ending with a\nlist of 155 names of the company. David Longmire wrote an article\non the same subject for the Washington Historical Quarterly, issue\nof January, 1917, in which he gave a revision of the Himes list with\na total of 163 names. However, Van Ogle did not hesitate to differ\nwith Mr. Himes as to the crucial incident in crossing the mountains.\nIn the address mentioned above, Mr. Himes said:\n\"We were confronted by a bluff fully thirty feet high, almost\nperpendicular, and for a thousand feet farther it was so steep that\nan animal could scarcely stand up and there was no other way to\ngo, as careful examination demonstrated. It was soon decided that\nthe wagons should be lowered with ropes, and the teams driven\nsingle file by a circuitous trail to the foot of the mountain. Accordingly a long rope was stretched down the hill, but it was not long\nenough to lower a wagon to a place where it would stand up. Then\nJames Biles said: 'Kill one of the poorest of my steers, make a\nrope of his hide and see if that will be long enough; if not, kill\nanother.' Three animals were killed before the length of rope required was secured.\" That version of the incident has been repeated frequently.\nOn April 23, 1912, I sent Miss Katharine B. Judson, then serving as research assistant, to Orting for the purpose of interviewing\n(269) 270\nVan Ogle\nMr. Van Ogle on history. Among other narratives by him she\nbrought this one about crossing the mountains: \"Leaving the summit, went about six miles on a backbone, steep slopes on each side,\nto the jumping off place. Mr. Lane was in the lead that day. He\nhad a team of four horses. We rough-locked all the wheels of his\nwagon with chains. He started down with two men to hold the\ntongue of his wagon, the horses being taken off and a rope around\na tree behind his wagon. The distance of steep grade was 180 feet.\nIt was too steep for a footing. The wagon swung around, broke\nthe coupling and tongue and upset. They could not hold it back or\nsteady it. My team was next in line. I drove for Mr. Sarjent; so\nI had to follow. I was driving four yoke of oxen. I took off three\nyoke, leaving only the tongue yoke. All the wheels were rough-\nlocked with chains. One hundred and eighty feet of rope was attached to the hind axle of the wagon and passed around a stout tree.\nTwo men gradually let out the .rope. The oxen braced their feet\nand slid straight down hill the length of the rope without lifting a\nfoot. Mr. Sarjent had brought this rope with him, coiled up and\nfastened to the under side of the wagon box of one of his wagons.\nHe thought he might need it. We had sent Mr. Lane ahead with\nhis horses to get food for us. Then I drove a quarter of a mile\nwith the wheels rough-locked and the other oxen pulling. All the\nteams came down this way; the loose cattle went over Indian trails.\nThirty-eight wagons came over that hill in that way. Lane's wagon\nwas left behind. About a year later, he went back and got it. Then\nwe were seven days until we got to Boys Creek, across the river\nfrom where Buckley is now. We left wagons up in the mountains\nand had to go back after them. There were no oxen killed for skins\nat all. I was twenty-eight years old and I saw everything that was\ngoing on.\"\nMr. Van Ogle always cherished a loyal respect for Governor\nStevens and his family. In that same interview with Miss Judson,\nhe related: \"I worked for Governor Stevens about two years before\nhe left here. I rode up and down the Sound in Indian canoes, as\ngeneral factotum. One time I rode to the mouth of the Cowlitz\nand back in twenty-four hours, nearly two hundred miles. When\nI was gone for a day, Mrs. Stevens put up my luncheon for me.\nShe was mighty good to. sick people, always taking food to them.\nShe had two daughters who were younger than Hazard. She would\ndress the children up and they would go out and play among the\nblack stumps until, when they came back you could not tell what Van Ogle's Memory of Pioneer Days\n271\ncolor they were. She was good looking, black eyes, dark hair, an3\nfull of life and fun.\n\"When a man-of-war came in, Governor Stevens invited the\nofficers to dinner. I was at work in the barn. He sent Hazard\nto call me to dinner. I said I'd rather not. The officers looked at\neach other and smiled. The Governor said: 'Gentlemen, when\nanybody works for me he has to eat at my table or I don't want him.\nI am a plain man and in a plain country.' The officers looked at\neach other again and smiled. The Governor went on carving.\"\nAfter giving that interview for my use in history work, Mr.\nVan Ogle began to prepare a more extended document, his wife,\nMrs. A. Van Ogle, writing as he dictated sentence by sentence.\nAfter his death, others sought to obtain the document but Mrs.\nVan Ogle writes: \"I remember his wish that it was for you only.\"\nIn that way it seems as if the veteran old pioneer and Indian\nfighter is still speaking as his words are prepared for the printer.\nEdmond S. Meany.\nNarrative by Van Ogle\nIt was in 1853 I came to Washington Territory, leaving my\nhome in Newtown, Indiana, with the family of Mr. Asher Sarjent.\nI was to have all myjgxpenses paid if I would assist them on the\nseven months and ten days journey across the plains.\nWe joined others at Council Bluffs\u00E2\u0080\u0094then a small place, built\nof logg and not half the present size of Waterville. Not more than\none hundred people lived there and those nearly all Mormons.\nAbout twenty-five wagons left there with us and many others\njoined as we journeyed on, so that, looking back for a distance of\nten miles on the plains, the long line of wagons seemed always in\nevidence. Only those who feared the Indians or got away into the\nnearby places for extra feed for teams were apt to get into trouble\nwith them.\nAt Green River we had trouble with the Mormons, who had\neleven ferry boats and demanded five dollars per wagon for taking\nus over,\u00E2\u0080\u0094the teams were to swim. We were going down the river\nto ford, when one of them offered to take us over for two dollars\nand fifty cents. We got one wagon over when the other Mormons\ncame down and tried to stop us. So we had to get out our rifles\nand stood by until every wagon had crossed or we would have shot\nthe intruders. It was a very exciting time for the Fourth of July. 272\nVan Ogle\nThree or four days later we arrived at Bear River where another mishap occurred. We turned our oxen out to' feed on the\nnice looking green grass for a couple of hours and forty head of\nthem got poisoned and would have all died but for the prompt administration of melted grease, by which many were saved. Camping at Soda Springs, we rested them again before leaving the California Road and going north toward Snake River. Crossing it and\njourneying on for a week we recrossed and came into the Powder\nRiver Country, thence to Grand Rande. Crossing the Blue Mountains, we left the Oregon Road and came to the present site of Walla\nWalla, proceeded to Wallulu on the Columbia River, halting at an\nold Hudson's Bay Company fort. There we whip-sawed lumber,\nconstructed a boat from it and drift-wood and crossed the Columbia\nRiver, swimming the cattle. Up this on the west side until coming\nto the outlet of the Yakima River and crossing on the north side.\nOne day's journey and our Indian guide, whom we had hired on the\nColumbia, left us.\nIt was very smokey indeed and unwise to go forward but some\ninsisted so we travelled a whole day, to return for water. Other\nIndians appeared and volunteered to pilot us to the western crossing of the Yakima. They took the wrong trail on coming to a\nforked crossing and we found ourselves down the Columbia below\nPriest Rapids, a high bluff preventing our ascent. Returning, we\ndispensed with the Indians, took the other trail and in three days\ncame to the Yakima at our intended crossing.\nAfter killing a beef and resting awhile, we travelled up the\nWenas River to the Naches, arriving on the 21st of September (my\nbirthday). We were a week getting to the summit of the Cascades,\nthis being the hardest part of our journey.\nProvisions were running low; all were tired and many discouraged, when it seemed advisable to send two of the men ahead to\nSteilacoom, 125 miles. Roads were partly in shape as the Government had appropriated $50,000 for their construction. The Army\nPost at Steilacoom sent pack-horses well laden with supplies, Olympia assisting in ministering to our needs and sorely pressed we were.\nGovernor Isaac I. Stevens came the same year I did and by way\nof Portland. Part of his work was to see if a railroad was: feasible\nacross the plains. He brought with him as clerk, Elwood Evans,\nand several other men with instruments for surveying. His family\narrived later. He found me at Olympia and I went to live with him\ntwo years. He was very busy making treaties with the Indians dur- Van Ogle's Memory of Pioneer Days\n273\ning 1854 to 1856 and he appointed me First Lieutenant of the First\nVolunteer Regiment fighting against the Indians.\nAfter Governor Stevens had made his first treaty with the\nSound Indians, a murmur of discontent was heard among them,\ncaused by certain Hudson's Bay Company men, whose influence was\nvery powerful. These men told the Indians that \"The Big Tyee\"\nat Washington would gather them all together and take them away\nto a strange land where there was no day but always dark night.\nThis belief turned them against all white settlers and against the\ntreaty signed, making them enemies to all but the Hudson Bay men,\nwho could go anywhere or do anything unmolested by them, as I\nproved by two men in our company. At the garrison when about\nto start, these men wished me to go down to the store with them and\nget a yard of red ribbon about an inch wide to wear around my hat,\ncalling myself a \"King George man\" if I met a hostile!\nI firmly believe the influence of the Hudson Bay men was responsible for the whole uprising of the Indians and from them\nflint-lock guns and their ammunition were obtained. This rich company foresaw that the incoming of white settlers would greatly\ndiminish their sources of revenue and hold upon the Indians. Few\nold settlers would be bold enough to make this assertion but I know\nwhereof I speak. It was on no account the fault of Governor\nStevens that war broke out. I understood enough of their language\nto be sure of the ground of their dissatisfaction and often talked\nwith old members of the tribe in reference to this fact, never before\nmade public. In justice to Governor Stevens's memory I state this\ntruth.\nThe first intimation we had of their hostile feelings was when\nthe Klickitats attacked the United States soldiers from Vancouver\nwho were on the east side of the mountains. The Governor of\nOregon and the Acting Governor of Washington Territory called\nfor volunteers, Governor Stevens being away making treaties with\ntribes farther east. I volunteered as a private in Company B.,\nCaptain Gilmore Hays, under Captain Maloney of the United States\nArmy. Before three months service was out, General Wool came\nout from the East to Fort Steilacoom, where the garrison held some\ntwo hundred soldiers. He conferred with Dr. Tolmie, the head\n\"push\" of the Hudson's Bay Company, and with others of the same\nScotch clan. These speedily converted him! He was told: \"Only\na few Indians felt hostile and there was no needs of soldiers or\nfighting. It was the settlers' own fault. They made the trouble.\" 274\nVan Ogle\nWe were then called in and discharged about New Year, 1885, but\nGeneral Wool had started East, fearing the settlers were going to\nexplain their opinion of him rather out of military fashion\u00E2\u0080\u0094as they\ncertainly would\u00E2\u0080\u0094his life was in danger.\nIt did not take Governor Stevens long, on returning, to comprehend the mistake General Wool had made. The people were in\njeopardy, cattle and horses lost and if a man was out alone he frequently came up missing. New companies were at once organized\naround the country. Gilmore Hays raised one, which I joined, the\ncompany choosing me as First Lieutenant, and the Governor giving\nme a commission, which I have kept until now.\nCaptain Hays knew nothing of the country or the Indian ways\nof fighting, so I proved a hard subject for him to manage. The men\n' who chose me First Lieutenant felt sure I would not mislead them.\nThey implicitly trusted me and when I flatly refused to obey Captain Hays by exposing them to a cross fire by a charge where I\nknew Captain Rabbeson and Lieutenant Martin were likely to be\nignorant of our movements\u00E2\u0080\u0094the Indians being hidden in the undergrowth and behind trees\u00E2\u0080\u0094there remained only the surer way of\nhis ordering them to charge at the same time, which he did in high\ndudgeon, at my suggestion. We beat the Indians entirely and did\nnot lose a man, but on returning to the tent I was threatened with\ncourt martial! At this my men said: \"You court martial him, we\nquit right here. We follow him or nobody. We'll fight Indians on\nour own hook, if you do so.\" At this he turned on his heel. I was\nnot court martialed. He saw scant military ceremony in the desperate faces of that crowd, who were all brave, good men, whose\nfamilies were even then in peril and much suffering and anxiety,\nhomes needing their care and all poor.\nDuring those first three months of service as volunteers with\nthe United States soldiers, we started from Steilacoom to Eastern\nWashington, where we were to meet the soldiers from Vancouver\nand the volunteers from Oregon. Near the eastern summit of the\nCascades, on the Naches River, an express overtook us in great\nhaste and excitement, bidding us return as quickly as possible. Snow\nwas then six inches deep and our horses very tired. It was deemed\nadvisable to send a man back with the express from each mess and\nvolunteers were at once forthcoming from our company, also some\nfew men who were with the United States soldiers, one man named\nMoses among them.\nThese returned in advance of ourselves, getting as far as Con- Van Ogle's Memory of Pioneer Days\n275\nnell's Prairie. Here they met Kitsap and Quiemuth (brothers of\nLeschi) chiefs of the Nisqually tribe, whose tribe were all following\nand in hostile mood. They pretended to be quite friendly, held a\nlong parley with the poor express men in order for a murderous\nband of them to waylay them in a swamp through which their route\nlay and which the Indians approached by a near cut. Without\ndreaming of treachery, the men were caught like rats in a trap.\nTwo were shot, one quite dead although he had the finest horse. The\nother\u00E2\u0080\u0094Moses\u00E2\u0080\u0094was shot through the body but clung to his horse\nuntil out of the swamp, about forty rods. Realizing that death was\ninevitable, the brave man begged the others most earnestly to leave\nhim and seek their own safety. \"Carry me off the trail into those\nbushes and just spread my coat over me. That is all. Now ride\naway boys. Good-bye. I can't live many minutes. Go on.\" It\nwas thus they found the poor fellow afterwards. He had not apparently moved. The body of the first man shot was horribly\nmutilated when we found it. The others had abandoned their horses,\nwandering three days on foot without a trail, crossing the Puyallup\non a drift and arriving at Fort Steilacoom in a state of exhaustion.\nWe were coming on behind, ignorant of the fate of those poor\nfellows. Our front guard ahead came to Connell's Prairie. One\nman espied an Indian riding alone and they gave chase. He lost his\nhat which poor Joe Brannon picked up, recognizing it as his own\nbrother's! The horrible possibility of his death seized them all. It\nwas quite true. His entire family had been massacred with many\nothers. A family named Jones bore frightful evidences of barbarity.\nThe poor woman's body was slashed open and an infant killed!.\nOther fearful indignities were in evidence on every hand. The\nhomes were all burnt. That place, now called Auburn, was the\nscene of the worst and most revolting cruelty.\nThe express riders had come back to meet us and to tell us of\ntheir calamities. They had halted and when we came up to them\nwe struck camp for the night, full of gloomy forebodings. On the\nfollowing morning, Captain Maloney gave orders for so many men\nto go with him and so many with Captain Hays, the balance to\nremain in camp.\nI went with Captain Hays about two miles down the White\nRiver where the Indians first fired on us before we had time to\ncross. We had left our tired horses at camp, taking it on foot to\nthe small settlement hoping to hear news and were thus surprised\ninto an immediate skirmish. A soldier of the front guard was killed 276\nVan Ogle\nby the first volley. We fought here eight hours, not being able to\nsee how many were killed or wounded as driftwood and brush hid\nso many and squaws were on hand to remove them as we saw from\nthe opposite bank of the river.\nNext day we forded the White River\u00E2\u0080\u0094our horses having\nrested\u00E2\u0080\u0094not far from Muckleshoot Reservation and followed the\nenemy over on to Green River, seeing blood along the road at\nvarious places where they had preceded us. At Green River we\nhad another hard fight, the hostiles keeping up a fire from the opposite bank. The day following it poured with rain and they stopped\nfiring. Having no food we had to go back to camp.\nThe following day, Captain Maloney called for volunteers to\njoin him as he started for South Prairie, about three miles, on a\npoor and very muddy trail. I was one. When near the prong of\nthe Puyallup River, we cut a tree to cross over. As the tree fell two\nsoldiers and two volunteers\u00E2\u0080\u0094one named Parham and the other,\nEdgar\u00E2\u0080\u0094started first to cross and had almost succeeded when shots\ncame out of the brush, killing one soldier and wounding another who\ndied the same night. Poor Edgar was also shot but lived four days.\nParham, shot through one lung, recovered. We never caught sight\nof an Indian in the thick underbrush. On litters we brought our\npoor fellows back into camp.\nThe express riders who had returned out of Steilacoom to meet\nus had brought us information that another company had been\norganized with James McAllister as captain. He was a good man,\nwhom all esteemed. He got as far from Nisqually as the Puyallup\nRiver with his brave company. There he camped. Leaving his\nmen, he took only Connell and an Indian guide with him, intending\nto go to Connell's place on the prairie for the purpose of reasoning\nwith the Indians. Knowing them all and not believing there was\nan enemy who would harm him, he felt sure they would be advised\nby him to return peacefully, giving up all hostile feelings which he\nscarcely believed they would retain. Perfectly fearless and without even the warning that Connell's place was then in ashes and the\nIndians' diabolical raid had begun, he was just drawing near the\nprairie when Indians shot him dead from a hollow cedar stump!\nConnell, wheeling his horse, started back and was shot about a\nquarter of a mile from McAllister by other Indians who had previously let the two men pass only to waylay them on returning.\nThese two were the first to lose their lives in that locality.\nThe Indian guide returned to the mouth of the Nisqually River Van Ogle's Memory of Pioneer Day.\n277\nwhere McAllister had lived and told the sad news to Mrs. McAllister that her husband and Connell were killed. This is some\nmeasure prepared her for our bringing home his remains.\nCaptain Maloney ordered us to search for and bring in the dead.\nConnell we buried on his own place with others, but McAllister and\nMoses we packed on horses and brought them to Steilacoom. No\nmonument marks the resting place of these brave men; no recognition was given by the Government to their families.\nOne man of that express party returning from the mountains\nwould not abandon his horse but declared he would ride through.\nHe was Doctor Burns, our company Surgeon. At what is now\nKelly's place on going up the hill from Connell's Prairie, the Indians\nfired on him from ambush, but as it was almost dark they failed to\nhit him. He then left his horse and wandered three days until the\nreturning express riders found him on the fourth day, crazed and\nalmost starved. He later recovered. The doctor's instruments and\nmedicines were in the saddlebags and the poor animal carried them\nall winter. The superstition of the redmen would not permit them\nto molest the \"mediicine man's\" things. In the spring our picket\nguard, seeing a portion of a horse's body in the undergrowth, fired,\nsupposing it was an Indian riding. Thus they killed the doctor's\nhorse. On removing the saddle, the hide came off with it!\nWhen the bodies of our dead comrades had been brought in,\nCaptain Maloney ordered his First Lieutenant Slaughter to go back\nto Stuck River where it puts in to the Puyallup at the present site\nof Sumner. He was to reconnoiter that locality as far as where\nAuburn now stands. There he met a company of volunteers. They\nalso were on the lookout but said they had seen no indications of\nthe enemy. He had not seen anything of them either and they all\ntherefore felt free from danger.\nThey built large fires as the night was cold. The Indians in\nambush had sneaked after -Lieutenant Slaughter, following him\nfrom Puyallup. They crept inside the guards, surrounding them and\nsuddenly opened fire and killed Lieutenant Slaughter and some\ntwelve others. So sudden was the attack, the poor fellows had no\ntime to return fire. Many were wounded in the attempt. They were\nall sitting around their camp fires when every camp had a separate\nband of Indians come on them in a moment. The undergrowth had\nhidden the Indians completely.\nA small steamer came up White River and took the dead and\nwounded to Fort Steilacoom. Our company was detailed to go and 278\nVan Ogle\ngather up the few soldiers and horses left of the unfortunate company.\nWe were almost in a destitute condition, having worn out all\nour clothing. I borrowed a pair of pants and moccasins from poor\nNorthcraft, a volunteer of our company who was afterwards killed\nby the Indians. Our Captain had gone to the garrison to obtain\nclothing for us. General Wool had given orders that we were not\nto have any but were to be discharged!\nCaptain Maloney gave his opinion of this and gave us some\ngarments, spite of General Wool's orders. Many had shared together the few things they had and never a quarrel with any had\ntaken place. I had saved Lieutenant Slaughter's life when crossing\nGreen River before the fight.\nLeschi and Quiemuth were brothers. Leschi, older of the two,\nwas Head Chief of the Nisqually tribe and it was he who signed\nthe treaty before Governor Stevens. It was signed without a word\nof coercion or misrepresentation, as the witnesses who signed with\nhim\u00E2\u0080\u0094Mike Simmons, Frank Shaw and 'others\u00E2\u0080\u0094afterwards informed me, although a contrary statement has been made. Mike\nSimmons was interpreter for the Nisquallies as I was for the\nPuyallups. Leschi and his brother were Klickitats by birth and\nspoke that language and also spoke to the Nisqually tribe in their\nown language. Both these men were of fine appearance and were\nintelligent. Leschi was cruel, cunning and treacherous. He was\nat the bottom of all the devilment and murderous raids made, starting the first outbreak with Quiemuth. Both assisted at the cruel\nmassacre of Connell, McAllister and the men of the express who\nwere attacked on Connell's Prairie. He also instigated the White\nRiver massacre where he was met by the Muckleshoots and the\nGreen River Indians and their chiefs\u00E2\u0080\u0094Kitsap land Tanascot and\nsome few of the Puyallups. Salatat, Sitwell and Chilliwilton, chiefs\nof the Puyallups, did not join the hostiles. Neither did Chief\nSeattle, and the Tulalip Indians helped us against the others. Few\nof the Sound Indians joined the malcontents, but I have reason to\nrecollect one. We were charging them on Connell's Prairie at the\nlast fight we had and an Indian was in the act of firing at my men,\nWilliam Martin, Second Lieutenant being just in line of his old\nmusket. A small portion of his body was just visible from behind\na tree and I fired, hitting the Indian in the lower part of his side,\nthe bullet passing through him. His gun dropped and Martin was\nsafe. Years afterwards that same Indian worked for me a long Van Ogle's Memory of Pioneer Days\n279\nwhile and showed me the bullet hole in his side. He said he knew\nit was my shot that downed him but he never attempted any revenge.\nOf Chief Leschi, much has'been written and said which sounds\nlike sentimental drivel to me. He was a murderer of the worst type\nand as J recollect the valuable lives he sacrificed and the homes\nand stock he destroyed, also the dead bodies of our respected comrades we packed in on our horses or laid away in unmarked graves,\ntheir deaths mark a \"tragedy\" in the history of this State,\u00E2\u0080\u0094not his!\nTried before twelve honest jurymen, he was sentenced by the judge\nand deservedly hung at Byrd's Lake,\u00E2\u0080\u0094that is, in a hollow place\nnear that lake. Not a white man living here at the time but felt the\nfull justice of the sentence.\nGovernor Stevens had nothing whatever to do with this trial or\nsentence. He was at Olympia at the time it was carried out. Yet\nsome have tried to implicate him unjustly.\nI never once saw Governor Stevens the worse for drinking and\nbelieve the statement untrue that is recorded in Ezra Meeker's book.\nLiving two years in his household, I can safely assure anyone he\nwas not addicted to drinking. It should not be believed of him.\nKnowing the importance of his work when first crossing the plains,\nhe was selected from among many efficient men to advise on the\npossibility of building a railroad to this coast, bringing surveyors\nwith him. He had the important trust of making treaties with all\nthe Indians, none being dissatisfied but the ones who fought in this\nTerritory.\nAfter the worst of the fighting was over, but previous to the\nhanging of Leschi, Quiemuth sent word to a cousin of his, also a\nKlickitat, a very bright squaw who had married a Scotchman of\nthe Hudson Bay set. The Scotchman's name was Edgar. The\nword sent by Quiemuth was that if Van Ogle and James Longmire\nwould take him to the Governor he would give himself up. Edgar\nwas employed as a guide by the United (States Army. His wife\nwas very fond of her cousin Quiemuth and faithful. She was often\nwith Mrs. James Longmire and told her to ask us to come to her\nhouse and talk. We went. The purport of the conversation was\nthat we must promise to see the Chief safely delivered to the Governor. Word was sent him that we agreed on taking him.\nOn a dark night he arrived at Mrs. Edgar's house alone. They\nrode over to Longmire's house, about two miles, finding Mrs. Longmire alone. James and I were walking from the blockhouse about\nhalf a mile distant. Hearing Indians approaching and not know- Vt\n: Ogle\ning who they were, we had stepped out of their way until they\npassed. Mrs. Longmire, perfectly fearless and much thought of\nby the Indians, received the Chief and his cousin and kept them\nthere until our return. Rain was pouring in torrents. The night\nwas dark and gloomy. We wished to keep our word, yet I was\nsomewhat afraid of treachery and, on consideration, flatly refused\nto start unless Edgar's squaw went with us to see that we fulfilled\nour part conscientiously and to inform the Indians on her return\nof our doing so. We also gave the Chief to understand if any trick\nor treachery was planned he would be instantly shot. I was suddenly impressed with the idea of taking the squaw nor would I\nconsent to move without her.\nI must add here it was a creepy sort of feeling that came over us\nas we passed through the thick brushy trail on the Reservation after\nleaving the open Yelm Prairie. Had we not taken this relative of\nQuiemuth, there is no doubt but the Longmire family would have\nbeen wiped out and I should not be here to tell of the circumstances\nwhich surrounded the cutting off of the Chief who had so confidently entrusted his life to our care. The Indians would have\nmade short work of us all for they thought so much of Quiemuth\nand mourn his memory to this day.\nIt was nearly three o'clock in the morning when we arrived at\nOlympia. A cold rain, pouring all the way, had wetted us to the\nskin. We were tired, hungry and sleepy as we entered the office\nadjoining Governor Stevens's residence. Informing him at once of\nour errand, he seemed somewhat disturbed, requesting us to take\nthe prisoner to Fort Steilacoom. We asked him to excuse our doing\nthis. The horses were unequal to the thirty-mile ride; our mission\nwas ended; our promise kept. We begged him to depute some other\nparty to go to the Fort as we had to return to Jim's family at early\ndawn.\nHe was awaiting the arrival of some men to do so, leaving us\nin the office to guard until they arrived. The Indian stretched out\non the floor and fell sound asleep. Longmire was leaning against\nthe wall, sitting on the floor with his feet near Quiemuth's head. I\nwas seated on a chief with my head leaning on my hands, trying to\nanswer various questions from men who had rushed in, hearing of\nthe surrender. The squaw was near the door so that no one could\ncome into the office without passing between her and myself.\nA shot rang through the room, aimed at the Chief's heart for\nthe bullet broke his wrist as his hand lay over his heart. We all Van Ogle's Memory of Pioneer Days\n281\njumped up. Some one blew out the candle. The Chief cried out\nthat he was shot and got to the door where he was stabbed in the\nbreast instantly.\nAll was darkness. We could not see who did this. The Chief\nattempted to return into the office, but fell. As light was made, we\nsaw his cousin trying to stanch the blood, making such a sorrowful\nmoan as one never forgets. The Indians have no word in their\nlanguage to express love, but five words expressing hate. Yet that\nIndian woman loved her relative.\nWe were all examined as witnesses. The squaw was able to\ntestify that Longmire and I were not implicated in the treacherous\nmurder. The shot came from outside the door, the assassin completing the deed there. We thus escaped the Indians' wrath and\nrevenge. We had a pretty clear idea of the murderer, but at that\ntime suspicions were unsafe to mention, a white man's life being\nrarely lost in repaying the cruelty of a redskin.\nA knife\u00E2\u0080\u0094a sheath knife\u00E2\u0080\u0094that belonged to Captain Jim McAllister who was killed at Connell's Prairie\u00E2\u0080\u0094the first martyr\u00E2\u0080\u0094\nwas found in the belt of Quiemuth. It had the previous owner's\nname on it and was duly recognized by all of us volunteers. McAllister's son-in-law was in the crowd at the door of the office and\nhad been foremost in asking us questions as to the proposed dealing\nout of justice to the prisoner and also as to the manner of his surrender. We did not deem it good policy to single out this individual\nat that exciting time, but always drew our conclusions when talking together of the matter.\nThe Nisqually Indians took the remains to their reservation\nwhere Quiemuth and Leschi are both buried. Occasionally a long\nline of vehicles with Indians can be seen driving there to pay respect\nto these, the last chiefs to hold sway over the country.\nI ought to here add by way of protest that for the bill due me\nfor various services and for horse feed sold to the Government, I\nreceived $444 in greenbacks worth only fifty cents to the dollar. My\nbill of fourteen hundred and some odd dollars was cut down by the\nGovernment, so that, after my hard experiences, I was really paid\n$222. I retain the paper to prove this. I should also add that I did\nnot receive that payment until . 1865! Everything I owned was\ntaken by the Indians and my house was burned. I never had a\nchance to receive anything from \"The Indian Depredation Fund\"\nafterwards appropriated because I had receipted that bill long\nbefore the appropriation was made.\nVan Ogle. OREGAN\u00E2\u0080\u0094RIVER OF THE SLAVES OR RIVER OF\nTHE WEST\nLL\nOregon derives its present name from a typographical error\nin Jonathan Carver's Travels Through the Interior Parts of North\nAmerica in 1766-1768. This error appears to have been first perpetuated by Hall Jackson Kelley, and then given to the country west\nof the Rockies and not the River. This error has, almost always,\nbeen continued by writers, since Kelley's time, in quoting Carver's\nTravels and the other earlier writers.\nCarver's Travels contain all data to elucidate the origin of the\nname OREGAN and its meaning. Though Alexander Henry, Sen's\nTravels and Adventures, made between the years 1760 and 1776,\ngives more detailed accounts of the slaves held by the Indians among\nwhom Carver was with; especially the Assinaboia and Chipeway\nTribes.\nHenry's sojourn among these Indians was during 1775 and\n1776, nine years after Carver's among the same Indian Tribes.\nThe vocabularies in Carver's Travels show, that, in the Sioux\ndialect, \"Owah Menah,\" as Falling or Running Waters or River;\nand the Chipeway dialect, \"Wa-kan,\" as Slaves or slave. Hence\n\"Owah-menah Wakan\" is River-Slaves, or as abbreviated by the\nIndians in their dialects, would be \"O'Wakan.\"\nThe sound of \"R\" is not used by these Indians, and that may\nexplain an attempt of Carver's to express the missing syllable meaning, \"of the.\" On page 239; he states that he renders the vocabularies as near as he could, using English characters with their sounds.\nThe word \"OREGAN\" as shown would, almost certainly, be of\nthe Assinaboia dialect; as they were an off-shoot of the Sioux Tribe\nand long allied with the Chipeways, and as noted by Henry the\nholders of Slaves from the \"River of the West,\" and from whom\nalmost all of their, knowledge of those rivers would come. No two\nof these slaves would have the same name for the river they had\ncome from; hence it would naturally be spoken of as the \"River of\nQuarterly\n/ *\ncal Society has re\nently given muct\nthe origin\nOregc\nn. Volume XXI.,\nNo. 4, (Decern\n1920.) was\ngiven\nThe\nthree articles we\ne \"Oregon\u00E2\u0080\u0094Its\nMea\nQing, Origin\nand Apph\ncation,\" by John. B. Eee\n\u00E2\u0096\u00A0he Early iErplorat]\nof th\ne Oi\nby Willi\nam H\nGalvani; \"The S\ntrange Case of\nJonathan Carver\nhe 1>\nElliott\nSince then Mr.\nElliott has conti\naued\nresulting\ntlcles\u00E2\u0080\u0094\"T\nHa Ori\nregon\" in Volum\ne XXtl., No. Z,\nand\nJonathan Carve\nVame Oregon\" in\nVolume XXin.,\n1922.\nMr. Meyers\na differen\nlpful whil\nubject is being dis\nIt\nhould also\na Contributions to\nEtt.\nnology, Vol.\nvn.,\nP_g\n507, TTos\nan\nis shown\nto m\nan \"spiritual,\" \"\nacred,\" or \"wo\niderf\nul\" in the\n(282) Oregon\u00E2\u0080\u0094River of the Slaves or River of the West\n283\nthe Slaves,\", or \"River of the West.\" Both Carver and Henry mention Slaves as a most valuable object of barter and trade.\nHenry says in his Travels; published in New York by J. Riley,\n1809, page 273: \"The Indians, who inhabit them immediately to\nthe southward [of Fort dest Prairie Plains], are called Osinipoilles\nor Assiniboins. At the fort I met with a woman who was a slave\namong the Osinipoilles; taken far to the westward of the mountains,\nin a country which the latter incessantly ravaged.. She informed me\nthat the men of the country never suffer themselves to be taken, but\nalways die in the field rather than fall into captivity. The women\nand children are made slaves, but are not put to death, nor tormented. Her nation lived on a great river, running to the southwest ; and cultivated beans, squashes, maize and tobacco. The lands\nwere generally mountainous, and covered with pine and fir. She\nhad heard of men who wear their beards. She had been taken in\none of the incursions of the Osinipoills. Of the men who were in\nthe village the greater part were killed; but few escaped, by swimming across the river.\"\nAs a digression: This would seem a first reference, to an agricultural\" attempt in the Columbia River Region; and the tobacco\nteing the only self-propagating plant mentioned, and the situation,\nwould indicate Tobacco Plains, near Gateway, Montana, as the situation of it.\nHenry, on pages 306-7, after relating the cruel treatment of\na female slave that had been captured west of the mountains, states:\n\"It is known that some slaves have the good fortune to be adopted\ninto Indian families, and are afterward allowed to marry in them;\nbut, among the Osinipoilles this seldom happens; and, even among\nthe Chipeways where a female slave is so adopted arid married, I\nnever knew her to lose the degrading appellation of 'wa-kan,' a\nslave.\"\nOn page 325, he mentions the buying of two slaves from the\nIndians from Lake Athabaska, who were natives of the country\nwest of the Rockies, one a woman of twenty-five years of age and\nthe other a boy of twelve, giving for each a gun. These would have\nbeen from the Fraser River country: but a \"River of the West.\"\nJ. A. Meyers. ORIGIN OF WASHINGTON GEOGRAPHIC NAMES\n[Continued from Volume XIII., Page 224.]\nSumas, the name of a stream, of mountains and a town, in\nthe northern part of Whatcom County at the international boundary. The name is derived from that of a Cowichan tribe of Indians who lived in that vicinity. (Bureau of American Ethnology,\nHandbook of American Indians, Volume II, page 649.)\nSumner, a town in the north central part of Pierce County.\nThe town was originally platted by John Francis Kincaid on the\nold donation land claim of his father, William Kincaid, and named\nin honor of the American statesman Charles Sumner. John Francis Kincaid, eldest son of William and Nancy J. Wollery Kincaid,\nwas born in Marion County, Missouri, on December 6, 1838. His\nmother died in 1850 and the father, three brothers, three sisters\nand he joined a party which crossed the plains in 1853 and came on\nto Puget Sound over the Naches Pass. (History of the Pacific\nNorthwest: Oregon and Washington, Volume II, page 407.) A\ntradition arose that the name was an honor for Thomas Sumner,\nfather of Mrs. Ezra Meeker, another pioneer of those early days.\nAn inquiry as to the truth of this tradition was sent to Mrs. Eben\nS. Osborne, granddaughter of Thomas Sumner and she replied on\nSeptember 22, 1918, that Charles Sumner was the one honored by\nthe town's name. J. A. Costello says that the Indian name for the\nplace is Sta-hu. (The Siwash, Seattle, 1895.)\nSun-a-do, see Olympic Mountains.\nSundalE, a station on the Spokane, Portland and Seattle Railway, in the south central part of Klickitat County. The name was\nselected by L. W. Hill and C. M. Levy, railroad officials. (L. C.\nGilman, in Names MSS. Letter 590.)\nSun Lake, see Ozette.\nSunday Creek, a tributary of Green River, near Stampede in\nthe southeastern part of King County. Virgil G. Bogue, locating\nengineer for the Northern Pacific Railroad, discovered the stream\non a Sunday in 1881 and for that reason conferred the name it\nhas since worn.\n(284) Origin of Washington Geographic Nam\n285\nSunnyside, a town in the eastern part of Yakima County. Mr.\nE. F. Blaine writes that the town \"was laid out by Walter N. Granger in 1893. Before the establishment of this townsite the big canal,\nknown as the Sunnyside Canal, had been started. As the land under the Sunnyside Canal slopes toward the midday sun, the canal\nand district were named Sunnyside and Mr. Granger, believing that .\nSunnyside would be the principal town of the new district, called\nthe town Sunnyside.\" (In Names MSS. Letter 354.) Another\nversion of the origin of the name for the district is given by S. J.\nLowe who says that in 1882, he, with Joe Stephenson, Andy Mc-\nDaniels and one of the Nelsons, went exploring for bunch-grass\nhay in October, 1882. Lowe says that he, on that trip, conferred\nthe name Sunnyside. On returning, they met J. M. Adams, publisher of the Signal, wfco at that time recorded the new name in his\nnewspaper. (Yakima Herald, copied in the Washington Historical\nQuarterly, Volume XIII, page 120.)\nSunshine, a railroad station in the southeastern part of Whitman County, named from a small -stream of that name which flows\nnearby. (Lou E. Wenham, of Pullman, in Names MSS. Letter\n115.)\nSunset, in the south central part of King County, named by\nthe Sunset Cooperative Company in 1897. (Joseph T. Paschich, in\nNames MSS. Letter 31.)\nSuqualus Point, see Hazel Point.\nSuquamish, a town on Port Madison Bay, in the northeastern\npart of Kitsap County. For a time the place was known as Bartow,\nin honor of A. A. Bartow who was in charge of the Indian Reservation there. \"Suquamish Head\" is a name sometimes used for\nFoulweather Bluff. Suquamish Harbor, on the west side of\nHood Canal, opposite Port Gamble, in the northeastern part of Jefferson County, was named by the Wilkes Expedition, 1841. (Hydrography Volume XIII, Atlas, charts 78 and 84.) The United\nStates Coast and Geodetic Survey Chart 6450 gives the name as\nSquamish Harbor. The Bureau of American Ethnology says the\nSuquamish, a Salish division of Indians, claimed the lands from\nAppletree Cove in the north to Gig Harbor in the south and\n\"Seattle, who gave his name to the city, was chief of this tribe and\nthe Dwamish in 1853.\" (Handbook of American Indians, Volume\nH, page 652.) 286 Edmond S. Meany\nSurveyors Lake, at the head of Rockdale Creek in the east\ncentral part of King County. The name was suggested by The\nMountaineers Club who have a lodge in that vicinity. (In Names\nMSS. Letter 580.) The name was approved by the United States\nGeographical Board. (Report, 1890-1920, page 316.)\nSutter Mountain, in the central part of Skagit County,\nnamed in honor of John Sutter, an old time white settler. (Postmaster at Sauk in Names MSS. Letter 49.)\nSwadhums CeEEk, a small stream at East Twenty-fourth\nStreet or Puyallup Avenue, Tacoma, Pierce County. The Indians\nwho originally lived on its banks were known as Swadhums or\n\"Plains-people\". From them came the name. (Article by Henry\nSicade, an educated Indian, in the Tacoma News for June 30, 1916,\ncopy in Names MSS. Letter 567.)\nSwallalahoost, an Indian name for Saddle Mountain. (Rev.\nGustavus Hines, Exploring Expedition to Oregon, page 320.) He\ngives an Indian legend of the mountain to the effect that one of their\nmighty chiefs, \"who, after death, assumed the form of a monstrous\neagle, and taking wing, flew to the top of this mountain, and subsequently became the creator of the lightning 'and the thunder.\"\nSwantown, now a. portion of Olympia, Thurston County,\nnamed for John M. Swan, who settled there in 1850. (H. H. Bancroft, Works, Volume XXXI, page 18.)\nSwauk Creek, this small stream also gave its name to a mining district in the north central part of Kittitas County. The name\nis evidently of Indian origin for it first appears, with other Indian\nnames, for places, in the report of J. K. Duncan, topographer with\nCaptain George B. McClellan in 1854. There the name is spelled\n\"Schwock.\" (Pacific Railroad Reports, Volume I, chapter xviii,\npage 210.)\nSwinomish Slough, a waterway between Skagit Bay and\nPadilla Bay in the western part of Skagit County. On its east bank\nis the town of La Conner which was one time called Swinomish.\nOpposite the town is the Swinomish Indian Reservation. The\nname comes from that of a branch of the Skagit tribe of Indians.\nSwopeord, a town in the central part of Lewis County, named\nin honor of T. F. Swofford, who settled in the valley in 1887 and Origin of Washington Geographic Nam\n287\nhad the postoffice established in 1890. He was postmaster there\nfor several years and later moved to Mossy Rock. (T. M. Hill, in\nNames MSS. Letter 99.)\nSylopash Point, a large sandspit at the mouth of the Dose-\nwallips River, in the eastern part of Jefferson County, so named by\nthe Wilkes Expedition, 1841. (Hydrography Volume XXIII, Atlas,\nchart 78.) In 1847, Captain Henry Kellett extended the name to\napply to the Dosewallips River. (British Admiralty Chart 1911.)\nThe name has not persisted.\nSylvan, a town on Fox Island, in the northwestern part of\nPierce County. It was named in 1888 by Mrs. C. J. Miller, who\ncalled it Sylvan Glen. When the postoffice was established in\n1891, the name was cut down to Sylvan. (Postmaster in Names\nMSS. Letter 556.)\nTabook Point, on the western shore of Toandos Peninsula,\nDabob Bay, in the eastern part of Jefferson County. The name was\nfirst charted by the Wilkes Expedition, 1841. (Hydrography,\nVolume XXIIL, Atlas, chart 78.)\nTacoma, principal city of Pierce County, on Commencement\nBay, now known as Tacoma Harbor. The name is said to be of\nIndian origin, but its source and meaning have been the subjects of\nmuch debate and disputation. Of all those who have written on the\nsubject, the best authority is undoubtedly Thomas W. Prosch. A\npioneer newspaper man with a bent toward history, he had the ad- .\nvantage accompanying such training. Furthermore, on September\n12, 1877, he was married to Miss Virginia McCarver, whose father,\nGeneral Morton Matthew McCarver, reputed founder of the City\nof Tacoma, had been dead only two years at the time of his daughter's wedding. Mr. Prosch had thus entered upon access to family\ntraditions and records. In 1906 and 1909, Mr. Prosch wrote and\npublished two books\u00E2\u0080\u0094McCarver and Tacoma, and The Conkling-\nProsch Family\u00E2\u0080\u0094in which he tells with clearness and frankness how\nGeneral McCarver founded and named Tacoma and how a contention over the naming arose at the very beginning. He shows the\nfirst settler of Tacoma to have been Nicholas Delin, who arrived in\n1852 and began a small water-power sawmill. Peter. Judson and\nfamily, members of the famous party of immigrants who crossed\nthe Naches Pass in 1853, were the next to settle on the bay. There\nwere others who found employment in and around the mill. When 288 Edmond S. Meany\nthe Indian war broke out in 1855, the white people left the bay and\nMr. Delin sold his mill to J. L. Perkins, he to Milas Galliher, the\nlast owner being Frank Spinning. For several years prior to 1864,\nthe south side of the bay was deserted. On Christmas day of 1864,\nJob Carr settled there. His family are often counted the first settlers of Tacoma. In 1868, General McCarver arrived looking for a\ntownsite that would serve as the terminus of the proposed Northern\nPacific Railroad. He bought most of Job Carr's claim and acquired\nother lands. He had financial associates in Portland. The first plat\nof the proposed town bore the name \"Commencement City,\" a name\nderived from that of the bay. This plat was not filed of record. On\nFriday, September 11, 1868, Philip Ritz arrived at the McCarver\nhome. He was gathering information for the Northern Pacific Railroad Company and had heard of General McCarver's proposal to\nbuild a town. He wanted to suggest a name. He was enthusiastic\nabout the book The Canoe and the Saddle, by Theodore Winthrop,\nin which it was said the Indians knew Mount Rainier by the name\nof Tacoma. He was eloquent in advocating that, name for the town.\nMr. Prosch says sleep was banished from the McCarver home that\nnight and Saturday morning found the family still talking over the\nnew name. (McCarver and Tacoma, page 164.) The associates\nin Portland accepted General McCarver's suggestion that the new\nname be put upon the plat instead of \"Commencement City\" and\nthe naming was accomplished. Mr. Prosch says: \"The Indian\nname for the land taken by the Carrs was Chebaulip. None of the\ncitizens heeded that, and as the Indians themselves had little regard\nfor their own names, and were always willing to adopt those of the\nwhites instead, Chebaulip was passed and forgotten.\" (McCarver\nand Tacoma, pages 162-163.) A later and more extended publication is Tacoma, Its History and Its Builders, A Half Century of\nActivity, by Herbert Hunt, published in Chicago in 1916. Mr. Hunt\ndevotes pages 134 to 141 to a discussion of the name. It does not\ndiffer materially in results from the record of Thomas W. Prosch.\nHowever, he says (page 135) : \"That it was favorably received\nmay be assumed from the fact that Anthony Carr, M. M. McCarver,\nJohn W. Ackerson and C. P. Ferry each has claimed the honor of\napplying it to 'Chebaulip'.\" The author examines each of the claims\ncarefully and also calls attention to the facts that a hotel in Olympia\nand a lodge of Good Templars had each been known by the\nname Tacoma some months before it was applied to the new town.\nThese two names probably emanated from the same book by Theo- Origin of Washington Geographic Names\n289\ndore Winthrop. In 1908, Benjamin C. Harvey, of Tacoma, collected\nmuch material on the name which was published in Tacoma in 1914.\n(Washington State Historical Society Publications, 1907-1914,\nVolume IL, pages 440-464.) His work was in the interest of changing the name of Mount Rainier to \"Mount Tacoma.\" Of course\nmany references are there made to the origin and meaning of the\nword. One of the published letters is from Dr. Charles M. Buchanan, for many years in charge of the Tulalip Indian Reservation.\nHe was the greatest authority yet developed on the Indian languages and dialects of Puget Sound. In one of his letters to Mr.\nHarvey, he says Tacoma is not at all a local word but an Algonkin\nword meaning \"near to heaven,\" and he calls attention to many\nuses of the word in various forms east of the Rocky Mountains.\nThere are many meanings given for the word, \"such as \"nourishing\nbreast,\" \"mother of waters,\" \"frozen waters.\" Several writers, in\nthe correspondence referred to, suggest that Mr. Winthrop probably heard the Indians use the Chinook Jargon word T'kope meaning \"white.\" (Shaw's The Chinook Jargon, page 27.) Mr. Buchanan thinks it quite likely as the explosive pronunciation of T'kopt\nby the Indian would somewhat resemble the white man's pronunciation of Tacoma.\nTacootche-TessE, see Columbia.\nTacoutche, see Columbia.\nTaftsonvillE, formerly a settlement near San De Fuca, Whidbey Island, named in honor of Martin and Christian Taftson who\nsettled there in 1851. The place was charted by Surveyor General\nJames Tilton, in 1859, but modern maps omit the name.\nTahk Prairie, see Camas Prairie.\nTahoma, see Mount Rainier.\nTahuyeh Creek, flowing into Hood Canal, in the northeastern\npart of Mason County, got its name from two Indian words\u00E2\u0080\u0094\"ta\"\nmeaning that, and \"ho-i\" meaning done. Some surmise that the\nIndians referred to something notable done there long ago. ( Myron\nEells in American Anthropologist for January, 1892.)\nTakhoma, see Mount Rainier.\nTala Point, at the entrance to Port Ludow, in the northeastern\npart of Jefferson County. It was first charted by the Wilkes Expedition, 1841. (Hydrography, Volume XXIIL, Atlas, chart 78.) Edmond S. Meany\nTaluaptea, see Pillar Rock.\nTampico, a village in the central part of Yakima County, probably named by A. D. Elgin, a pioneer settler, after a town in Oregon\nwhere he had lived. (John H. Lynch, in Names MSS. Letter 302.)\nTanEum Creek, a tributary of the Yakima River in the central\npart of Kittitas County, first charted as Ptehnum, by McClellan in\n1853. (Pacific Railroad Reports, Volume I., pages 377-389, and\nMap 3.)\nTannum Lake, see Bumping Lake.\nTanwax, a lake and a creek flowing from it as a northern tributary of the Nisqually River in the south central part of Pierce\nCounty. Both were charted as \"Tanwux\" by the Surveyor General\nin 1857, the same .officer changing the names to Tanwax in 1859.\n(United States Public Documents, Serial Numbers 877 and 1026.)\nTarlit Creek, a name used in 1853, for a waterway near Baker\nBay, in the southwestern part of Pacific County, probably the Baker\nSlough of present maps. (James G. Swan, Northwest Coast, pages\n243-244.)\nTatoosh Island, off Cape Flattery, in the northwestern part\nof Clallam County, named by the British Captain John Meares in\nJuly, 1788, for the \"Chief Tatooche\" by whom he was welcomed.\nEvidently the Spanish Captain Quimper tried to honor the same\nIndian with a different spelling of the name when he charted \"Isla\nde Tutusi.\" (J. G. Kohl, \"Hydrography,\" in Pacific Railroad Reports, Volume XII., Part I\u00E2\u0080\u009E chapter xv.) The United States Government maintains an important lighthouse and weather bureau\nstation on the island.\nTatsolo Point, on Puget Sound, east of Anderson Island, \a\nthe west central part of Pierce County, first charted by the Wilkes\nExpedition, 1841. (Hydrography, Volume XXIIL, Atlas, chart\n79.)\nTatugh, on the east side of Blake Island in the west central I\npart of Kitsap County. It was named by Captain George Davidson,\nfor the United States Coast Survey in 1858, who wrote: \"The\neastern point of Blake Island is low and pebly, and called by the\nnatives Tatugh.\" ( United States Public Documents, Serial Number\n1005, page 448.) Origin of Washington Geographic Names\n291\nTaunton, a town in the southwestern part of Adams County,\nnamed by railroad officials after a town in Massachusetts. (H. R.\nWilliams, vice-president of the Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul\nRailway Company, in Names MSS. Letter 589.)\nTaylor, a town in the central part of King County, founded by\nthe Denny Clay Company in 1893 and named by the Oregon Improvement Company. (Sam Galloway, in Names MSS. Letter\n536.)\nTaylors Bay, in the northwestern part of Pierce County,\n\"named after old man Taylor, who came to this coast as a sailor on\nan English ship and settled by this bay. (E. Shellgun, Postmaster\nat Longbranch, in Names MSS. Letter 103.)\nTchannon River, see Tucannon River.\nTchil-ae-cum, see Steilacoom.\nTchinom Point, see Chinom Point.\nTeanaway River, a tributary of the Yakima River in the north\ncentral part of Kittitas County, first mentioned in 1853 as \"Yan-\nnoinse River\" by J. K. Duncan, topographer with Captain McClellan. (Pacific Railroad Reports, Volume I., page 210.)\nTeekalET, see Port Gamble.\nTee-nat-pan-up, an Indian n\nj applied to part of Palouse\nTeh nam Creek, see Taneum Creek.\nTe-hoto-nim-me, see Pine Creek.\nTekiu Point, on the east shore of Hood Canal, in the southwestern part of Kitsap County, was first charted by the Wilkes\nExpedition, 1841. (Hydrography, Volume XXIIL, Atlas, chart\n78.)\nTekoa, a town in the northeastern part of Whitman County,\nhas a name taken from the Bible. In 1906, at the request of the\nSeattle Chamber of Commerce, there was prepared a list of place\nnames in Washington supposed to be of Indian origin. The list was\npublished in the Seattle Times on October 6, 1906, and in 1907 it\nwas again published in a book, Sketches of Washingtonians, pages\n5-12. In 1908, the list was issued as a pamphlet by the Hyatt- 292 Edmond S. Meany\nFowells School. In all these printings the name of Tekoa was given\nas an Indian word, the information being originally gathered from\nTomeo, an Indian of Nespelem, who was sincere in his belief that it\nwas a Palouse Indian word. Arthur M. Johnson, of the Science\nDepartment of the Colfax High School, wrote a kindly letter saying\nan error had been made, and that the village had been named by a\nwoman pioneer who took the word from the Bible. In 1913, Rev.\nFrederick Tonge, of Davenport, called attention to the fact that the\nword appears several times in the Old Testament. In the Hebrew,\nthe word means \"firm\" or \"settlement.\" In a city of Judah, by\nthe name of Tekoa, six miles from Bethlehem and twelve miles\nfrom Jerusalem, there lived the Prophet Amos and also the wise\nwoman who interceded with David. (II. Samuel XIV: 2-20.)\n, Telpord, a town in the central part of Lincoln County, named\non July 4, 1909, for M. A. Telford, a prosperous rancher in that\nvicinity. The railroad tried to change the name to \"Fellows\" when\nthe road was being constructed. (A. Y. Smith, in Names MSS.\nLetters 399 and 453.)\nTenalquot Prairie, in Thurston County. The Nisqually\nJournal, for March 13, 1849, says: \"Sent two Ox tumbrills to\nTenalquot with provisions.\" (Reproduced in the Washington Historical Quarterly for July, 1919, page 206.)\nTenas Illihee Island, west of Puget Island in the Columbia\nRiver, in the southern part of Wahkiakum County, charted by that\nname on the United States Coast and Geodetic Survey Chart 6152.\nThe Wilkes Expedition, 1841, charted it as \"Katalamet Island.\"\n(Hydrography, Volume XXIIL, Atlas, chart 70.) The Chinook\nJargon words Tenas Illihee mean \"little place\" or \"little home.\" DOCUMENTS\nThe Nisqually Journal\n[Continued from Volume XIII, Page 232]\n[September, 1851]\n[Ms. Page 7]\nThursday 11th. Weather the same. Most of hands still very sick.\nFiandie1 & Tapou2 off to Linklater's with Oxen & Wagon for a load\nof wheat. No more Sheep to be sent to Tinalquot.4 Linklater's5 services no longer required. Charles [Ms. illigible] sent to bring home\nthe Horses that are with Linklater & belonging to the Co/5\nFriday 12th. A slight drizzling rain in the F. Noon. A. Noon fine.\nMr. Douglas6 & Mr. & Mrs. Peers7 set off for Cowlitz8 this Morning. Mr. Peers is to remain at Cowlitz in place of Mr. Roberts9 who\nhas resigned. Dr. Tolmie10 seriously indisposed. Northover11 off\nduty having very much injured his arm by the bursting of a powder\nhorn last Wednesday night he being intoxicated at the time.\nSaturday 13th. Fine. Barnes12 & Cross13 thrashing oats. Edwards1\n& Dean15 employed in Slaughter House.\nSunday 14th. Fine. Evening arrived a canoe from Victoria bringing letters. The Schooner \"Una\"16 has arrived at Victoria from\nthe Northward and will shortly be at this place with a cargo.\nMonday 15th. Fine. Edwards, Northover, Cross, Barnes & Dean\nlifting potatoes. Chaulifoux17 (who has recovered from his sickness) with Tapou & Cowie18, Commenced building New Stables.\n[Ms. Page 8]\nThurston Co. Thon\nPuget's Sound Agricultural Company,\nider for the Hudson's Bay Co. and si\n5 The Pus\n\u00E2\u0096\u00A0et's Sound\nAgricultur\na (\n6 Chief F\nictor Jame\ns Douglas.\n7 Henry D. Peers.\n8 Cowlitz\nfarm, a s\nib-post of\n9 George\nB. Roberts\n10 William\nFraser Tc\nImie, chief\na\n12\n14 A serva\n15 A\n16 A Hnds\non Bay Cc\n. vessel in\nest appearanc\nol. Tin, No\n1. Ban\n*\ntal wreck of\nthe Una o\n- Ca'pe Fla\nter\n(293) 294\nVictor J. Farrar\nTuesday 16th. Fine. Chaulifoux, Tapou & Cowie at New Stables.\nCross, Northover & Barnes F. Noon thrashing Oats. A Noon carting home Hay. Edwards gathering Onions in garden which are\nvery fine indeed, measuring 14 inches in circumference. Dean melting tallow in slaughter house. Fiandie laid up with influenza.\nWednesday 17. Fine. Hands employed as yesterday.\nThursday 18th. Fine. Chaulifoux, Tapou, Cowie at New Stables.\nNorthover, Cross & Barnes F. Noon Winnowing Oats. A Noon with\nEdwards & Dean hauling Carrots in garden. Young19 who has been\nlaid up this last six weeks with his bad hand resumed work in\nSlaughter house. Fiandie & Jollibois20 laid up with influenza. Reduced the price of goods, allowed the trade of Beaver 3 good ones\n1 Blanket 2j4 point formerly 5 for; a 2% Blanket. A Young Mare\nbelonging to the Co.y has been found shot dead close to Linklater's\nplace at muck.21\nFriday 19th. Fine. Northover, Barnes & Cross Fore noon cutting\nfirewood. A. Noon carting down to Store on beach. Edwards &\nYoung pulling carrots & Onions in garden. Dean cutting and melting grease in Slaughter house.\nSaturday 20th. Fine. Cross sent out to T [Ms. illegible] to assist at\ncutting Hay. Northover & Barnes digging potatoes. Chaulifoux,\nTapou & Cowie at New Stables. Edwards & Young as yesterday.\n[Ms. Page 9]\nSunday 21st. Fine all day, evening signs of rain. Ross in. Reports\nthe death of the Stud Horse \"Turk,\" supposed to have been shot,\nhe was found near Doherty's house at Steilacoom.\nMonday 22nd. Dull Gloomy Weather. Forenoon Englishmen driving cattle out of Swamp. A. Noon digging potatoes & Carrots.\nChaulifoux & Fiandie at New Stables. Tapou with S. Hattal22 killing beef Bill having knocked off Sulky. Mr. Douglas & party returned from Cowlitz. Fiandie still on sick list. An Indian sent\noff to Mr. Miller23 the deputy Collector for advice regarding the\nloading of the \"Cadboro.\"2*\nTuesday 23rd. Showery. Commenced loading \"Cadboro\" this after- The Nisqually Journal\n295\nnoon, the Georgiana25 a Sloop, Captain Boland, is now lying at the\nlanding. Capt. B up to the Fort endeavoring to make a bargain\nwith Mr. Douglas, to carry a load of Sheep to Victoria. Caulifoux & hands squaring timber for New Stables. Oxen employed\ntransporting luggage to Cadboro.\nWednesday 24th. Fine. Cadboro loaded early in Forenoon. Mr.\nDouglas and party on board by 2 P. M. Weighed anchor & went\ndown with the tide. No wind. Englishmen employed loading Cadboro & cleaning out Store at beach. Dean & Cush26 with Oxen out\nafter beef. [Ms. Page 10]\nThursday 25th. Fine. Chaulifoux & hands as before. Edwards\n&Northover F. Noon finished pulling Carrots in garden. A. Noon\nputting Sheep on board the Georgiana. Rams & 150 Wedders Shipped. Freightage [Ms. illegible]. Barnes & Dean fetching grass\nfrom Salt marsh to feed the Sheep on this passage down. Jolibois\n& his family goes as passengers in the G. to Victoria he having\ntaken a Small farm there. Georgiana sailed this morning.\nFriday 26th. Fine clear weather. Chaulifoux, Cowie & Tapou\nsquaring timber for a mill that is to be built at the mouth of the\nSequalitz27. Morning hands delving old carrot ground & garden.\nSaturday 27th. Forenoon Showery. A. Noon Chaulifoux & hands\nas before. Englishmen digging Potatoes for rations. Oxen carting firewood.\nSunday 28th. Fine all day.\nMonday 29th. Showery. Lapoitrie28 off to Cowlitz where he will\nremain with Mr. Peers, the Englishman Hey wards29 has taken his\nplace in the plains, hands employed as before. Fiandie resumed\nwork, is rather a lazy subject.\nTuesday 30th. Fine. Northover commenced ploughing land for\nWheat. Barnes, Edwards Fiandie & Dean delving in garden.\nChaulifoux & hands as before. [Ms. Page 11]\n[October, 1851]\nWednesday 1st. dull. Signs of rain. Chaulifoux & Cowie at New\nStables. Tapou with oxen hauling wood for same (the timber pur- 296 Victor J. Farrar\nchased from Glasgow30). Edwards, Barnes & Fiandie delving in\ngarden. Northover ploughing. Dean sent out to work with his\nfather.\nThursday 2nd. Fine, three ploughs at work. Tapou hauling firewood. Barnes & Edwards as before. Chaulifoux & Cowie at\nStable. The Indian S. Hatal [Ms. illegible] present cattle. [Killie?]\nwhile playing with a [Ms. illegible] this morning was knocked\ndown and his collar bone broken by the fall. Cart in from\nThthliow31 for a supply of leaf Tobacco & Medicine for washing\nand dipping Sheep. A report from Mr. Dean stating that [Ms.\nillegible] is beginning to appear among the Lambs.\nFriday 3rd. Showery. Cowie & Keavechow32 (who has been at\nwork this last month) making temporary horse stable. Barnes\nthrashing Barley. Edwards cleaning garden seeds. Young packing Tallow. Fiandie and Northover ploughing. Tapou with oxen\nout after feef. Shot a cow calf.\nSaturday 4th, drizzling rain all day, heavy rain towards night.\nBarnes & Edwards raising potatoes for todays rations. Northover\n& Fiandie ploughing. Tapou, Cowie & Keavechow at stables.\nChaulifoux off for Cowlitz, has leave of absence for one week.\nSunday 5th. Showery. [Ms. Page 12.]\nMonday 6th. Fine. McPhail33 with 6 Indians raising potatoes in\nSwamp. Edwards in garden. Barnes & Young making dip candles.\nNorthover & Fiandie ploughing and harrowing land. Cowie &\nhands at New Stables. Oxen bringing home potatoes. 60 Bis.\nraised & housed.\nTuesday 7th. Rainy. Hands employed as yesterday. 80 Bushels\nPotatoes up. Water appearing in Garden.\nWednesday 8th. Fine. Cowie, Tapou & Keaveachow at New\nStable. Barnes & Young making candles. Fiandie & Northover\nploughing Wheat Harrowing in Wheat 1 Bushel sown. McPhail,\nEdwards & Indian gang raising potatoes. Cush & an Indian boy\nMichael with oxen hauling home Potatoes, 96 Bushels up this day.\nThursday 9th. Fine. Hands employed as yesterday. 60 Bushels\nPotatoes up. \"Georgiana\" arrived.\n30 Thomas W. Glasgow. The Nisqually Journal\nFriday [10th]. Fine. Barnes employed cleaning out Stores. Remaining hands as before.\nSaturday 11th. Fine. Cowie, Tapou and Keaveachow at New\nStables. Edwards delving in garden. Barnes & Young cutting &\nmelting fat. McPhail & gang clearing land in Swamp. Oxen hauling firewood.\nSunday 12th. Fine clear weather. [Ms. Page 13.]\nMonday 13th. Foggy morning fine all day. Chaulifoux, Cowie,\nTapou & Keaveachow at New Stables. Edwards, McPhail & Indian gang digging potatoes. Barnes with two Indians winnowing\nwheat. The Sloop \"Georgiana\" sailed for Victoria taking 8 Oxen\nas part cargo. An express arrived from Victoria. [Ms. illegible]\nBushels up.\nTuesday 14th. Fine, three Ploughs at work. Barnes digging Potatoe pits in Fort yard. 40 Bushels up today. A canoe off to Victoria with mail.\nWednesday 16th. Morning Foggy & Cold. Fine all day. Chaulifoux, Tapou, Squally34 & Gohome35 at New Stables. Cowie,\nKoerne & Keaveachow making ready for a pleasure trip to the\nColumbia. They promise to return in a fortnight. Edwards,\nBarnes, McPhail & Indian gang burying potatoes in pits. Dr.\nTolmie rode down to Steilacoom and purchased 2 pr 7, Wagon\nWheels at $25.00 per Pair, also a small hand truck at $35.00.\nFriday 17th. Hands employed as yesterday. Three ploughs at\nwork. [Ms. Page 14.]\nSaturday 18th. Fine. Chaulifoux & Tapou at New Stables. Edwards & Barnes covering Potatoe pits. Indian gang weeding wheet.\nOxen hauling firewood.\nSunday 19th. Fine pleasant weather.\nMonday 20th. Fine. Chaulifoux & Tapou at Stable. Barnes, Edwards, McPhail & gang raising potatoes. Oxen carting firewood.\nTuesday 21st. Fine. Chaulifoux & Tapou assisting Barnes & Indian Bill with a herd of Wild Horses. Thrashing Wheat. McPhail, Edwards & Indian gang raising Potatoes. Oxen, F. Noon\ncarting home firewood. A. Noon hauling potatoes 70 Bushels up. Victor J. Farrar\nWednesday 22nd. Clear. Barnes thrashing wheat. McPhail, Edwards & Indian gang raising potatoes. Oxen hauling firewood &\npotatoes. Three Indians have died since yesterday. F. Noon &\nseveral more are lying sick in the Camp suffering from dysentery,\na visit from Dr. Haden.\nThursday 23rd. Hands employed as yesterday.\nFriday 24th. Fine. Barnes, Edwards, McPhail & Indian gang raising potatoes. Oxen F. Noon cutting firewood. A. Noon carting\nhome potatoes. 120 Bushels up. Slugomas breaking in two 2 year\nold Oxen. [Ms. Page 15.]\nSaturday 25th. Fine. Clear Weather. Chaulifoux mending Beef\nCart, one of the wheels of which was entirely smashed last night\nwhilst bringing home Beef. Hands at Potatoes as before Oxen\nhauling home potatoes, 50 bushels up.\n\u00E2\u0080\u00A2 Sunday 26th. Showery. Messrs. Dean36 & Ross37 in. A. Beinston38\nand G. Edwards set out for Cowlitz to declare before the Clerk of\nthe District Court, their intention of becoming American citizens.\nLetters reed, from Vancouver by Squally.\nMonday 27th. Rainy. Mr. Huggins39 seized with the prevailing\ncomplaint Dysentery. 100 bushels potatoes taken up. Chaulifoux,\nGohome & Tapou at stable. Letters forwarded to Victoria by a\nchance Indian.\nTuesday 28th. Rainy. Seventy five bushels taken up.\nWednesday 29th. Raining. 35 bushels taken up. Letters received\nfrom Victoria by the Georgiana bound for Olympia. Mr. Huggins\nrather better. Indians after dinner employed in picking potatoes.\nThursday 30th. Showery. 100 Bushels. Mr. Huggins no better.\nFriday 31. Partial Sunshine. 100 Bushels.\n[November, 1851]\nSaturday 1st. Rainy. Only 6 bushels housed, remainder given out\nfor rations. Mr. Huggins worse. There is only one Canadian here.\nAll Saints day was not observed as a holiday\u00E2\u0080\u0094an unprecedented\ndeparture from custom. [Ms. Page 16.]\n36 Mr. Dean.\n37 Walter Ross. He is in\nbe post at Tlilthlow, n\n38 Adam Beinston. Forme\n. He has a small placi\n' in the plaii\n39 Hdward Huggins, clerk\nAfter the\nremoval of the companj\nfrom Nisqt\ngins homesteaded the tract.\nHis son, M\nr. Thomas Huggins, of\nTacoma, Is\nThe Nisqually Journal. The Nisqually Journal 299\nSunday 2nd. Partial Sunshine. Showery. Edwards returned from\nCowlitz and intimated his intention of leaving the service forthwith.\nMonday 3rd. Showery. Edwards off. Sent Gohome and five Indians in two canoes to Newmarket40 for a load of lumber (Sheathing). Chalifoux jobbing. 78 bush.\nTuesday 4th. Fine. 75 bush.\nWednesday 5th. Fine. The Georgiana passed, bound for Queen\nCharlotte's Island.41 Gohome & party returned. 115 bush.\nThursday 6th. Fine. 151 bush. Mr. Huggins no better. Had a\nconsultation with Dr. Haden who spent the night here.\nFriday 7th. Showery. Sunshine. 70 bush. Operations resumed\nat Stable yesterday. John McPhail ill with dysentery.\nSaturday 8th. Showery. Mr. W. Ross in from the plains. Will\nassist in the Store. An express, from Victoria.\nSunday 9th. Mr. Huggins better.\nMonday 10th. Mr. H. continuing to improve. Indians taking up\nturnips. Thornhill the Steward taken ill. A brisk trade in Sale\nShop. $140 taken.\n[To be continued.]\n; Thurston Co.\n:sident physician a BOOK REVIEWS\nThe American Indian. An Introduction to the Anthropology of the\nNew World. By Clark WisslER. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1922. Pp. 474 & xxi; 83 illustrations and maps.\n$5.00.)\nThis is history. Despite the modest title, this book can lay\nclaim to have welded New World cultures into a synthetic whole,\nwhich others have been chary of doing. That is no mean feat for\nthe cultures are diverse and the methods must be largely inferential.\nHence all who are interested in Indians, the development of civilizations, and historical methods will welcome this second edition, with\nits enlarged sections on chronology and the non-material sides of\nlife.\nDr. Wissler does not claim to have begun the writing of the\nhistory of Indian cultures with this book. Fundamentally it is\nbased on Boas' paper, The History of the American Race and the\nmethods have long been set forth by Sapir in Time Perspective in\nAboriginal American Culture. But it represents a summation of all\nthe contributions of American anthropologists, and as a first approximation is likely to stand for some time.\nIt is more than history. It might properly be described as the\nfirst study of anthropology in a special area from the standpoint\nof the American school. It is interesting to note how little aware\nthese ethnologists have been as to the systematic way they have developed and applied such concepts as culture area, trait distribution, pattern phenomenon, and so on, in their attempts to get at the\ndynamics of culture growth. Dr. (Wissler has coordinated the\nideas: he might have called the book \"Culture Determinants, or\nFactors in the Growth of Civilizations.\"\nHistorians will undoubtedly be first struck with the extensive\nway in which distribution of tools, ideas, and ceremonies are figured.\nThe approach is always through the distribution of a trait: here it\noriginated and thence it spread. Dr. Wissler is so prolific with\nsuggestions of this sort that a degree of rashness in asserting identity may be forgiven him. Hazards of this sort are to be expected\nso long as' large and crucial areas, such as Washington and Oregon,\nremain practically unknown. Much of the history of our local\n(300) Official Explorations for Pacific Railroads\n301\nIndians can still be unravelled if we fill these gaps, but it means\nrapid and effective work to save the dwindling remnant of knowledge.\nLeslie Spier.\nOfficial Explorations for Pacific Railroads. By George Leslie\nAlbright. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1921.\nPp. 187. $1.50.)\nThis is a valuable study of an important phase of western history. The entire Pacific Coast is involved as well as the regions\ntraversed in surveying four possible routes from the Mississippi\nRiver westward. The northern route is, of course, especially interesting to readers in the Pacific Northwest. The surveying of\nthat route was in charge of Governor Isaac I. Stevens. His work\nis mentioned in the preliminary chapters and then Chapter IV. is\ngiven wholly to that subject under the title: \"Stevens's Explorations\nBetween the Forty-seventh and Forty-ninth Parallels.\" This chapter covers pages 44 to 84. The spirit of the author is revealed by the\nlast paragraph of this chapter as follows:\n\"The energy of Governor Stevens had enabled him to make one\nof the first Pacific railroad reports, on June 30, 1854. His ability\nis further attested by the fact that his was the only survey from\nthe Mississippi to the Pacific Ocean under a single commander. The\nzeal and thoroughness with which he had accomplished it were\ncharacteristic of the man; and these traits were further displayed\nin his administration as first Governor of Washington Territory.\"\nAfter discussing all four routes under those surveys, the author\ncloses his chapter called \"Conclusion\" as follows:\n\"By 1855 Secretary of War Jefferson Davis was able to make\nhis recommendation to Congress. He advocated the thirty-second\nparallel route as the most practicable of the four recommended to\nthe War Department; it was the least costly route, the shortest, and\nthe work upon it would be less interrupted by climate than upon\nany other route. Davis has been accused of allowing his sectional\nfeelings to influence his judgment, but there can be no doubt that he\nwas absolutely unpartisan in this respect. Upon the most northern\nsurvey he had expended almost double the amount given to any\nother section; but numerous explorations had demonstrated the\nsuperiority of the most southern.\n\"Despite the added information for which Congress had asked 302\nBook Reviews\nin 1852, there was as little prospect in 1855 of building the road as\nthere had been in 1850. Localism was even then giving way to slavery sectionalism, on account of which the South would oppose anything which would redound to the benefit of the North, and vice\n\u00E2\u0096\u00A0\u00E2\u0096\u00A0 versa. Moreover, the same deadlock still existed as to means of\nconstruction, whether private or national. The project suffered\npostponement, until, with the removal of southern opposition, the\ndemand for a railroad could not longer be resisted and the first\ncharter was granted in 1862.\"\nThe book is equipped with a specially engraved map, an index\nand a serviceable bibliography. That this Quarterly is especially\ninterested in the content of the book, is attested by the fact that the\nsubjects treated have been referred to frequently in its pages, and\nin the number for January, 1919, there appeared an article by Miss\nPearl Russell entitled: \"Analysis of the Pacific Railroad Reports.\"\nEdmond S. Meany.\nE. H. Harriman, A Biography. By George Kennan. (Boston:\nHoughton Mifflin Company, 1922. Two volumes boxed. Pp.\n421 and 421. $7.50.)\nThis is a monumental record of one of the most forecful American characters of the last century. Mr. Kennan has written it\nsympathetically, having the cooperation of the Harriman family\nand also having original documents before him. He has sought to\nmake the work complete from ancestry to the last days. Edward\nHenry Harriman was born on February 20, 1848, and died on\nSeptember 9, 1909. That span of three score and one years covers\nthe marvel-period of American industrial expansion. Much of that\nexpansion, of course, had to do with railroad and related interests.\nIn that great field, Mr. Harriman did the work set forth in these\nvolumes.\nThere is much divergence of opinion as to the basic morals involved in Mr. Harriman's manipulation of railroad securities, but\nmost writers agree that his handling of railroad properties was most\neffective and constructive. Mr. Kennan not only shows this but\ndiscusses, as well, the business quarrels, the removal of prominent\n:ailroad officials and the break with President Roosevelt. Commending the constructive side of Mr. Harriman's work, there was\na phrase frequently heard in the West\u00E2\u0080\u0094\"He took the Union Pacific\na streak of rust and he made it a railroad.\" The Geographical Revit\n303\nA sectional publication like the Washington Historical Quarterly must confine itself rather closely to its own field. There is\nample reason for Northwestern interest in these volumes. There\nis the conflict with James J. Hill to control the Burlington, the\nNorthern Pacific and the Northern Securities Company. There\nis also a big item of interest on the other, or play, side of Mr. Harriman, in which Puget Sound is particularly interested. Perhaps\nthis can best be indicated by quoting from the table of contents in\nVolume I.:\n\"The Expedition to Alaska\u00E2\u0080\u0094Charter of Steamer George W.\nElder\u00E2\u0080\u0094Harriman invites twenty-five distinguished scientists to accompany him and pays all their expenses from New York to Siberia\nand back\u00E2\u0080\u0094Departure from Seattle\u00E2\u0080\u0094Scenery, fauna, and flora of\nAlaskan waters\u00E2\u0080\u0094Visit to Muir Glacier\u00E2\u0080\u0094Side trip over ice to 'Howling Valley'\u00E2\u0080\u0094Visit to Malaspina Glacier\u00E2\u0080\u0094Discovery of Harriman\n'Fiord\u00E2\u0080\u0094Stop at Island of Kadiak\u00E2\u0080\u0094Harriman shoots great Kadiak\nbear\u00E2\u0080\u0094Steamer strikes reef in Bering Sea- in dense fog\u00E2\u0080\u0094Visit to\ncoast of Siberia\u00E2\u0080\u0094Return to Seattle\u00E2\u0080\u0094Scientific results of expedition.\"\nThe volumes are well printed, carry twenty-two illustrations\nand an adequate index.\n\"The Geographical Names Used by the Indians of the Pacific Coast,\"\nin The Geographical Review. By T. T. Waterman. (New\nYork: American Geographical Society, April, 1922. Pp. 175\nto 194.)\nIn a footnote on the first page, Professor Waterman says that\nthe expense of the journeys on which he obtained the Indian place\nnames was borne by several institutions, among them the University of California, the University of Washington, and the Museum\nof the American Indian, Heye Foundation.\nHis paper shows a remarkable industry in the field he has\nchosen, as may be seen from these brief sentences: \"Indians are\nextraordinarily industrious in applying and inventing names for\nplaces. On Puget Sound alone, there seem to have been in the\nneighborhood of ten thousand proper names. I have secured about\nhalf of this number, the remainder having passed out of memory.\"\nFor making records he used the topographic maps of the United\nStates Geological Survey and the charts of the United States Coast\nand Geodetic Survey. These ample sheets were often inadequate as 304\nBook Reviei\nthe Indians had so many names for even minute features that room\ncould not be found even for numerals. He says: \"A special name\nwill often be given to a rock no larger than a kitchen table while,\non the other hand, what we consider the large and important features of a region's geography often have no names at all. Mountain\nranges are nameless; there are no names for bays.\"\nA map of Seattle and the immediate environs is used to locate\n143 place names recorded by the author and explained in the appendix to the present article. Local historians and others should certainly appreciate Professor Waterman's success in obtaining so\nmany names thus skillfully recorded.\nThe paper is illustrated with four beautiful pictures, three of\nthem from photographs copyrighted by Asahel Curtis, of Seattle.\nGuide to the County Archives of California. By Owen C. Coy.\n(Sacramento: California Historical Survey Commission, 1919.\nPp. 622.)\nThe California Historical Survey Commission consists of John\nF. Davis, Herbert E. Bolton and Edward A. Dickson. In the letter\nof transmittal to the Governor this book is referred to as the \"product on one phase of the activities of this commission in its work\nof making a survey of material on local history within the state.\"\nThe author of the book is listed as Director and Archivist.\nIn addition to information about the public records in the\nvarious offices of each county there is also given a sketch map\nindicating the changes made in the county boundaries and seat of\ngovernment. There is evidence of commendable industry in assembling this mass of helpful information. California, as a State, is\ncertainly attaining high rank for historical research and publication.\nOregon Pioneer Association Transactions. Edited by George H.\nHimes. (Portland: The Association, 1920 and 1921.)\nBelated pamphlets containing the records of the forty-fifth and\nforty-sixth reunions of the Oregon Pioneer Association and the\nthirty-first and thirty-second Grand Encampments of the Indian\nWar Veterans of the North Pacific Coast. No collector wishes to\noverlook such items after they have run into such numberings as\nindicated above. Alaska\u00E2\u0080\u0094Richardson Road\u00E2\u0080\u0094Valdez to Fairbanks\nQueen City Yacht Club Annual. (Seattle: The Club, 1922. Pp. 32.)\nThe pamphlet contains matter of interest to boatmen and to\nthe members of the club in particular. Pages 13 and 14 are devoted\nto a brief chronology called \"A Few Dates in Seattle's History.\"\nAlaska\u00E2\u0080\u0094The Richardson Road\u00E2\u0080\u0094Valdez to Fairbanks. (Photographs by Guy F. Cameron, of Valdez; Printing by the Valdez\nMiner, of Valdez, 1922. Pp. 40.)\nAs an attraction for tourists, this pamphlet has been issued\nwith a map and numerous illustrations. It is one of those fugitive\nitems revealing the progress and the hopes of Alaska, which are\nwell worth saving for future reference.\nHistory of the Southern Pacific. By Stuart Daggett. (New\nYork: The Donald Press Company, 1922. Pp. 470. $5.00.)\nThe author is professor of Railway Economics and Dean of\nthe College of Commerce, University of California and, in addition to the advantage of his academic position, he confesses that\neight years have been needed to search the original sources on which\nthe book is based. The volume is a substantial addition to the historical literature of the Pacific Coast. Its scope does not include\nthe Pacific Northwest but it should be intensely interesting to Cali-\nfornians. The Ronald Press Company specializes on publications\non business. It is appropriate that Dean Daggett's book should be\nin such lists.\nRailroads and Government\u00E2\u0080\u0094Their Relations in the United States,\n1910-1921. By Frank Haigh Dixon, (New York: Charles\nScribner's Sons, 1922. Pp. 384. $2.75.)\nThe last ten years have seen more of experiment in railroad\nhistory than was the case for nearly a century of years before. Professor Dixon of the Department of Economics, Princeton University, has divided his book into three parts\u00E2\u0080\u0094\"Federal Regulation,\n1910 to 1916,\" \"The War Period,\" and \"The Return to Private\nOperation.\" The last chapter is headed \"The Future,\" and an appendix deals with a \"Tentative Plan for Railroad Consolidation.\"\nMassachusetts Historical Society Proceedings.\nciety, 1922. Pp. 378.)\n(Boston: The So- 306\nBook Revie\nThe Massachusetts Historical Society is an American institution. It was founded in 1791. It has been a friend and a model for\nmany other organizations. The present book, Volume LIV., is,\nike its predecessors, packed with useful information. Samuel\nEliot Morison has a paper on \"Boston Traders in the Hawaiian\nIslands, 1789-1823,\" covering pages 9 to 47. Mr. Morison has been\na contributor to this Quarterly in that same field.\nThe Transition of a Typical Frontier. By Wilson Porter ShorT-\nridge. (Louisville, Kentucky: The Author, 1922. Pp.186.)\nThe extended sub-title of the book gives an idea of its scope\nand field\u00E2\u0080\u0094\"With illustrations from the Life of Henry Hastings\nSibley, Fur Trader, First Delegate in Congress from Minnesota\nTerritory, and First Governor of the State of Minnesota.\" The\nauthor is Professor of History at the University of Louisville.\nPropaganda as a Source of History. By F. H. Hodder. (Lawrence, Kansas: The Author, 1922. Pp. 18.)\nIn this reprint from the Mississippi Valley Historical Review,\nProfessor Hodder, of the Department of History, University of\nKansas, has given his numerous friends a chance to read the scholarly address he gave at the annual dinner of the Mississippi Valley\nHistorical Association, held in connection with the meeting of the\nAmerican Historical Association in St. Louis, December 27, 1921.\nHe concludes that every age rewrites the history of the past from\nnew points of view and says: \"And I venture the prediction that\nwhen, after the mist of controversy has lifted and the poison gas\nof propaganda has rolled away, the history of the last decade is\nwritten, Woodrow Wilson will rank with Washington and Lincoln\nas a national hero and in world history will occupy a place not\nopen even to them.\"\nEarly History of the Creek Indians and Their Neighbors. By John\nR. Swanton. (Washington: Bureau of American Enthnol-\nogy, 1922. Pp. 492.)\nNorthern Ute Music. By Frances Densmore. (Washington:\nBureau of American Enthnology, 1922. Pp. 206.)\nThese two books constitute Bulletins 73 and 75 in the well\nknown and dependable series of monographs issued by the United\nStates Government. They do not fall within the field of the Washington Historical Quarterly.\n_J A Daughter of the Middle Border\n307\nA Daughter of the Middle Border. By Hamlin Garland. (New\nYork: The Macmillan Company, 1921. Pp. 405. $2.00.)\nA Son of the Middle Border. By Hamlin Garland. (New York:\nThe Macmillan Company, 1922. Pp. 467. $2.50.)\nThe two books contain the pioneering record of Mr. Garland's\nfamily. The book devoted to the \"Daughter\" really succeeds the\nother in the narrative. It tells also about the author's own struggles. Though autobiographic, the books read like novels.\nOTHER BOOKS RECEIVED\nBolton, Reginald Pelham. Indian Paths in the Great Metropolis.\n(New York: Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, 1922. Two volumes.)\nCrane, William H. In the Rocky Mountains with the Indian,\nBear and Wolf. (Denver: Carson Press Company, 1922. Pp.\n36.)\nGammon, Samuel Rhea. The Presidential Campaign of 1832.\n(Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1922. Pp. 180.)\nHarrington, M. R. Cherokee and Earlier Remains on Upper\nTennessee River. (New York: Museum of the American\nIndian, Heye Foundation, 1922. Pp. 321.)\nMerriam, Charles Edward. The American Party System\u00E2\u0080\u0094An\nIntroductory to the Study of Political Parties in the United\nStates. (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1922. Pp. 439.).\nMuzzey, David SavillE. The United States of America. I.\nThrough the Civil War. (Boston: Ginn, 1922. Pp. 621.)\nNew York Historical Society. Collections, 1919, 1920. Cad-\nwallader Colden Papers, Volumes 3, 4. (New York: The\nSociety, 1920, 1921. Pp. 448, 499.)\nNusbaum, Jesse L. A Basket-Maker Cave in Kane County, Utah.\n(New York: Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, 1922. Pp. 153.)\nSchlesinger, Arthur Meier. New Viewpoints in American History. (New York: The Macmillan Companv, 1922. Pp.299.\n$2.40)\nSmith, William. First Days of British Rule in Canada. (Kingston: Queen's University, 1922. Pp. 18.)\nStreeter, Floyd Benjamin. Michigan Bibliography. (Lansing:\nMichigan Historical Commission, 1921. Two volumes. Pp.\n753, 466.) PACIFIC NORTHWEST AMERICANA\nRoderick Finlayson Manuscripts\nThe family of the late Roderick Finlayson have recently presented the following manuscripts to the Provincal Archives of\nBritish Columbia. The first two are on parchment and are signed\nby the Governor and Committee of the Hudson's Bay Company in\nLondon, the third is signed by Queen Victoria.\n1. Roderick Finlayson. Appointed as Chief Trader in Hudson's Bay Company. 23rd January 1850.\n2. Appointment as Member of Council and Chief Factor in\nHudson's Bay Company. 1 February 1859.\n3. Appointment as Member of the Council of Vancouver\nIsland. Signed by Queen Victoria. 16th March 1852.\nRoderick Finlayson was one of the most trusted servants of\nthe Hudson's Bay Company. He was born March 16, 1818, at\nLochalsh, Rosshire, Scotland, and came to Canada in July, 1837. On\narrival, he at once secured appointment in the service of the Company, and in 1839 crossed over to the Pacific Coast. In the Spring\nof 1842, Finlayson was employed at Fort Simpson. In May, 1843,\nhe was removed by Mr. Douglas to the intended new post at the\nsouth end of Vancouver Island, now the city of Victoria. When\nFort Victoria was established Mr. Charles Ross was placed in charge\nwith Finlayson as second. On the death of Ross in the spring of\n1844, Finlayson was placed in charge and he there remained for\nmany years. He was thus virtually the founder of Victoria. He\nwas a Member of the Legislative Council for Vancouver Island\nand its dependencies from 1851 to 1863. He retired in 1872 and\ndied in Victoria, 30 January 1892.\nThe \"Kamloops Wawa\"\nReverend J. Edward Rendle of the Nitinaht Mission, Clo-Oose,\nBritish Columbia, has presented to the University of Washington\nLibrary a file of the first five volumes of the Kamloops Wawa,\ncovering the years 1891-1896. This journal has the distinction of\nbeing the only periodical ever regularly published in the Chinook\nJargon. The history of the beginning of this publication and a description of the early numbers is to be found in Pilling's Bibliography of the Chinookan Languages, pages 45-51. A complete, or A New P. N. L. A. Bibliography\npractically complete, set of this periodical .\nProvincial Library at Victoria, B. C.\nto be found in the\nA New P. N. L. A. Bibliography\nAt its recent meeting in Olympia, the Pacific Northwest Library\nAssociation authorized the publication of a Select List of Titles\nrelating to the Pacific Northwest. The new work will cover the\nmost important items relating to the history of the Pacific Northwest. These will be chosen with special reference to the needs of\nthe smaller libraries of the region. The principal facts regarding\nthe books will be given, including prices of books in print and the\nrange of prices on out-of-print items. The compilation is in charge\nof E. Ruth Rockwood of the Library Association of Portland. Miss\nRockwood has built up the splendid collection in that Library and\nher adequate knowledge of subject matter will be drawn upon in\ngiving critical annotations upon all important, items listed. This\nbrief list of best books will doubtless prove of great assistance to\ncollectors and librarians of the smaller libraries.\nThe Tacoma Daily Ledger of September 9 carries a half column\narticle upon the \"Publishing Activities of the Pacific Northwest\nLibrary Association.\" The Quarterly refers to this article and\njoins in the sentiment there expressed, that \"such publishing activities as these are destined in time to leave their mark on the cultural\ndevelopment of this entire region.\"\nHewitt's \"Notes by the Way\"\nThe University of Washington Library has recently received\nby gift a copy of one of the rarest pamphlet narratives of overland\ntravel to the Pacific Northwest, namely, Notes by the Way. Memoranda of a Journey Across the Plains from Dundee, III., to Olympia,\nW. T., May 7 to November 3, 1862, by R. H. Hewitt. This item\nwas unknown bibliographically until Mr. H. R. Wagner in his The\nPlains and the Rockies located and described the copy in the Bancroft Library, University of California. The Checklist of Pacific\nNorthwest Americana later revealed another copy in the Library\nof the Oregon Historical Society. The present copy is donated by\nthe son of the author, Judge Leslie R. Hewitt, of the Superior Court\nof Los Angeles, California. Of the original published narrative of\nthis important journey to the Pacific, there are now three recorded 310 ' Pacific Northwest A:\ncopies, one in each of the Pacific Coast States. The following letter\nby Judge Hewitt illustrates the wise and generous public spirit\nwhich places fundamental historical records in trust in safe and\naccessible deposit within the borders of the commonwealth most\nconcerned:\nLos Angeles, California\nAugust 17, 1922\nMr. W. E. Henry\nLibrarian, University of Washington\nSeattle, Wash.\nDear Sir:\nSome time before her death, which occurred on May 7th this I\nyear, my mother handed me your letters to her, dated Jan. 17 and\nJanuary 26. (1921) relative to obtaining copies for the University\nLibrary of the journal printed by my father, Randall H. Hewitt,\n(1863) entitled \"Memoranda of a Journey Across the Plains\" and\nof his book entitled \"Across the Plains.\" My mother had no extra\ncopy of either one, nor did I, but we were both very desirous of\ncomplying with your request. She did, however, finally get hold\nof a copy of the book, and requested me to forward it to you. Since\nher death, in searching among her books and papers, I have found\na copy of the pamphlet, both of which I am forwarding to you\nunder separate covers. I am very glad to do this, for these publications may have some value for those who have an interest in the\n\"ancient\" history of the North-west, and I know my mother was\nespecially anxious to send them to you. Surely there is no more\nappropriate place to deposit these publications than in the University Library.\nMy father and mother came to Los Angeles in 1876, but I know\nthat their first love was always the Puget Sound Country, and the\n\"trek\" across the plains to Olympia in 1863 was the one great adventure in their early lives that they cherished with increased delight as their years increased. I have some \"sentimental\" feelings .\non the subject myself, and am pleased to render, in memory of my\nparents, both of whom themselves now \"gone west,\" this slight\nservice to the University of the State of my birth.\nVery truly yours,\n(signed) Leslie R. Hewitt. NEWS DEPARTMENT\nApproaching His Centennial\nMajor Junius Thomas Turner passed his ninety-sixth birthday\non September 4, 1922. Though suffering much from physical ailments he keeps up a remarkably good cheer and takes an interest in\ncurrent events as well as in history. He recently wrote: \"With\nDr. N. D. Hill's heath, Robert S. Hathaway's, and now the passing\nof Charles Terry, there remain still living of Whidbey's pioneers\nof 1852 and 1853 only Thomas P. Hastie, Abe Lincoln Alexander\n(the first white child in Island County) and myself.\"' Major Turner's address in 414 B Street, N. E., Washington, D. C.\nTotem Pole at Everett\nThe people of Everett had an interesting ceremony on July 26,\n1922, when they erected an eighty-foot totem pole as a monument\nfor Patkanim, the ruling Indian chief of that region in the days of\nIndian treaties and Indian wars. The Chief signed the treaty with\nChief Seattle and others on January 22, 1855. Later in the year,\nwhen the Indian war broke out, he led a company of his braves to\nfight on the side of the white people. The totem pole was cavred by\na skillful Indian, William Shelton, of Tulalip. He gave years to\nthe work of transforming this trunk of a large cedar tree into a\nthing of Indian beauty and meaning. The principal address of the\noccasion was by Hon. W. H. Clay, Mayor of Everett, who told\nwhat honor was intended for the Chief and also how committees\nof Everett people, led by the Order of Redmen, had raised the neces->\nsary funds.\nLater there is to be placed on the base of the totem pole a\nbronze tablet bearing an appropriate inscription and a portrait of\nthe Chief.\nVancouver Island Historic Sites\nMr. John Forsyth, Provincial Librarian of British Columbia,\nhas been cooperating with a Victoria Chamber of Commerce committee in marking certain historic sites. Artistic signboards are\nbeing placed on the roadways to attract the attention of motorists\nand others passing that way. The information contained in the\nsigns reads as follows:\n(311) 312\nNews Department\n\"Colonial School, 'Craigflower,'\u00E2\u0080\u0094One of two buildings erected\nfor schools by the first Council of Vancouver Island, 1853, and the\nonly one still standing. Many of the notable pioneers received their\nearly education in this building. Called 'Craigflower' after a farm\nin England, which belonged to Andrew Colville, then Governor of\nthe Hudson's Bay Company.\"\n\"Craigflower Farm\u00E2\u0080\u0094This is one of the large farms established\non Vancouver Island by the Puget Sound Agricultural Company. It\nwas established in 1853 by Kenneth Mackenzie, of Rosshire, Scotland, and called 'Craigflower' after the farm of Governor Colville\nin England. Besides the farm, there was a bakeshop, flour mill\nand planing mill. The farm was one of importance, and supplied\nmost of the produce necessary, not only for the colony, but also for\nthe naval vessels at Esquimalt. In the early days, besides tilling\nthe soil, the men engaged were drilled to repel attacks, if necessary,\nfrom the Indians who gathered near the settlement in large numbers.\"\n\"Colwood Farm\u00E2\u0080\u0094'Colwood Farm' was the first of the farms\nestablished by the Hudson's Bay Company in British Columbia.\nThese buildings are, therefore, the first farm buildings erected in the\nProvince. The farm was managed by Capt. E. Langford, who lived\nthere with his family, 1851 to 1853. He called it 'Colwood' after his\nown farm in Sussex, England.\"\nPermission for the erection of the sign placed on the Colwood\nFarm was given by the present owner, Mr. Wales; that on the Craigflower Farm by Mr. Wilson, of the Hudson's Bay Company; and\nfor the Craigflower School by the School Board.\nEarly Report of University Regents\nMr. Harry B. McElroy, of Olympia, has again contributed to\nthis Quarterly two interesting historical documents. One was the\nmessage to the Legislature by William Pickering, Washington Territory's war governor. This was printed in 1862 and other copies\nare available. The other is a manuscript and probably was never\nprinted except in the official journals of the Legislature for 1864-\n1865. It is an early report by the Board of Regents of the\nUniversity. The original in the penmanship of the author will be\nfiled in the official archives of the University of Washington. It is\nreproduced here for its historical values: Captain Gray in Song\nOffice President Board of Regents\nW. T. University\nOlympia, Dec. 19, 1864.\nTo the Legislative Assembly of Wash. Terr'y\nIn accordance with the act of the Legislature, passed January\n24th. 1864 directing the President of the Board of University Regents to make an annual report, I beg leave to submit the following\nstatement.\nThe total amount of land donated to the Territory for University purposes was 46,080 acres, according to report of Rev'd. D.\nBagley, President Board of University Commissioners. Of this\namount there has been sold 43,928 acres, which, at $1.50 per acre,\nbrought $65,892.\nThe cost of Buildings and other incidental expenses appears to\nhave reduced the amount to $24,013.\nThe investment of this sum, upon bond and mortgage, at not\nless than 12 per centum per annum, creates a revenue, upon which\nthe annual or current expenses are based.\nDuring the two years last past there has been a gradual transmutation of this fund to the legal tender currency, but during the\nsame time the expenses of the University has been paid in coin, or\nits equivalent.\nThe effect of this for a year past has been practically to reduce\nthe principal one half.\nIn June last, a meeting of the Board of Regents was held at\nSeattle, and, in view of the state of the fund the Board discharged\nall assistant teachers and continued the University under the sole\ndirection of the President, Mr. W. E. Barnard, A. M. At that\ntime the pupils numbered about 42.\nThe improvement of the scholars under the instruction of Mr.\nBarnard and his accomplished assistants was observed with pleasure\nby the Board at their visit to the University in March and June,\n1864.\nThe Board of Regents was unable to ascertain the condition of\nthe fund until last October. From oral information on the subject\nat the meeting in March, 1864, authority was given to pay teachers\nand incur other expenses, but upon receiving in October, from\nRev'd. D. Bagley, President of Commissioners, a statement of the\ncondition of the fund, it was ascertained that the revenue would\nnot allow the payment of the salary of the University President for 314\nNews Department\nthe last few months, so it was deferred, with the understanding that\nthe facts should be reported to the Legislature with the hope that\nyour Hon. body would devise a means by which the Board of Regents comply with the contract with Mr. Barnard relating to his\nsalary, as also other necessary expenses, as the Board of Regents\ncould not pay him from the principal of the Fund and there was\nsuch an amount of interest money overdue from the borrowers of\nthe Fund, and also some of the sums lent were unavailable, particularly in the case of Mr. Thos. M. Chambers, who is reported by\nthe former Treasurer of the Fund as a debtor to a large amount,\nbut Mr. Chambers claims damages for alleged failure on the part\nof the then President and acting Treasurer to comply with the\nterms of the contract by which Mr. Chambers was to receive the\nsum of money borrowed by him from the University Fund.\nThe undersigned would respectfully request that the matter of\ndifference between the Treasurer of the Fund and Mr. Chambers\nbe considered and determined and that such legislation be now had\nas will place the management of the University, its lands and all its\ninterests under one Board, as that course will obviate confusion and\nestablish responsibility as well as promote economy by dispensing\nwith the expense of one Board entirely.\nSome additional legislation is needed with regard to authority\nto institute suits at law against delinquent debtors, and to defray\nthe current expenses of the institution until funds can be collected\nto constitute means in the Treasurer's hands for the purpose of\nkeeping up the instruction at the School.\nIn the hope that another year may see the University upon a\nfirm basis, and self supporting, with means to place all the pupils\nwho may be sufficiently advanced into higher classes and so be\nable a full collegiate course\nI am most respectfully\nYour obt.\nJames Tilton,\nPres't Board of Regents\nW. T. University. INDEX TO VOLUME XIII, 1922\nAdvertising and the Klondike. By Jeannette Paddock Nichols 20-26\nAlaska Purchase (Farrar) 93-104\nAlbright, George Leslie. Official Explorations for Pacific Railroads.\nReviewed by E. S. Meany 301-302\n(The) American Indian (Wissler). Reviewed by Leslie Spier 300-301\nAmerican Indian Life (Parsons). Reviewed by Erna Gunther 233-234\nAndrews, Clarence L. The Story of Sitka. Reviewed by E. S. Meany_237-238\nAndrews, Clarence L. (The) Wreck of the St. Nicholas 27-31\nAuction Prices of Western Americana 77,154\nBackground of the Purchase of Alaska. By V. J. Farrar 93-104\nBagley, Clarence B. Crossing the Plains 163-180\n\"(The) Beaver,\" House Organ of the Hudson's Bay Company 239\nBell, James Christy, Jr. Opening a Highway to the Pacific. Reviewed\nby C. W. Smith 235\nBoit Journal, Echo of the , 154-155\nBook Reviews 67-73; 142-151; 233-238; 300-307\nBowman, Isaiah: The New World. (Review) 146-147\nBrainerd Scrapbook Collection in Library of Congress , 20\nBritish Columbia Archives Publications 153\nBryce, James. The Study of American History. Reviewed by Ebba\nDahlin 235-236\nBryce, James, A Tribute (McMahon) 105-106\nButte, Montana, Sketches of. (Review) 68\nBywater, Hector C. Sea Power in the Pacific. Reviewed by E. S.\nMeany 142-143\nCanadian Bibliography. (Note) 152-153\n(The) Chronicles of America, edited by Allen Johnson. (Noted) 149\nCounty Archives of California (Coy). Reviewed 304\nCounty Records ! 78\n(The) Cowboy (Rollins). Reviewed by Clarissa Goold 236-237\n(The) Cowlitz Convention. By E. S. Meany 3-19\nCoy, Owen C. Guide to the County Archives of California. Reviewed 304\nCrossing the Plains. By Clarence B. Bagley 163-180\nDaggett, Stuart. History of the Southern Pacific. Reviewed 305\nDahlin, Ebba. Review of Bryce's Study of American History 235-236\nDavies, John F. Review of Davis' Sketches of Butte, from Vigilante\nDays to Prohibition 68\nDavis, George Wesley. Sketches of Butte. Reviewed by J. F. Davies\u00E2\u0080\u0094 68\nDenny, Arthur Armstrong\u00E2\u0080\u0094A Bibliography. By Agnes C. Peterson__209-211\nDixon, Frank H. Railroads and Government\u00E2\u0080\u0094Their Relations in the\nUnited States. (Noted) 305\nEarly Development of Railroads\nEcho of the Boit JournaL.\ni the Pacific Northw\nr C. J.\nEverett (Wash.) Totem Pole Erected 311\nFarrar, Victor J. The Background of the Purchase of Alaska 93-194\nFarrar, Victor J., Editor, The Nisqually Journal, 1851\t\n 57-66; 131-141; 225-232; 293-299\nFinan McDonald\u00E2\u0080\u0094Explorer, Fur Trader and Legislator. By J. A.\nMeyers I 196-208\nFinlayson, Roderick, Manuscripts 308\n(315) Forsyth, John. Assists in the Marking of Historic Sites 311-312\nFreeman, Lewis R. Down the Columbia. (Review) 144-145\n(The) Fur Trade of America, by Agnes Laut. Reviewed by C. W. Smith 68-69\nGarrett, Robert Max. (Note) 152-153\nGeographic Names of Washington. By E. S. Meany\t\n 32-56; 122-130; 212-224; 284-292\nGeographic Names Used by the Indians of the Pacific Coast. (Waterman) . Reviewed 303-304\nGoold, Clarissa. Review of Rollins' The Cowboy 236-237\nGunther, Erna. Review of Parsons' American Indian Life 233-234\nHarriman, E. H. Bibliography by George Kennan. Reviewed 302-303\nHaworth, Paul Leland. Trailmakers of the Northwest. Review 69-70\nHewitt, Leslie R. Letter transmitting copies of the publications of his\nfather, R. H. Hewitt 310\nHewitt, Randall H. \"Notes by the Way.\" (Note) 309-310\nHistory of the Southern Pacific Railroad (Daggett) Reviewed 305\nHodder, F. H. Propaganda as a Source of History. (Noted) 306\nHoover War Collection (Adams). Note 73\nHorner, John B. Oregon, Her History, Her Great Men, Her Literature. Review 70\nHoway, F. W. The Loss of the \"Tonquin\" 83-92\n 79\nward McMahon 105-106\nn the Chinook Jargon. (Note) 308-309\nin, a Bibliography. Reviewed 302-303\nNichols) 20-26\nIdaho History, Interest in\t\nJames Bryce, a Tribute. By Ed\n\"Kamloops Wawa,\" a periodical\nKennan, George. E. H. Harrim\nKlondike, Advertising and the\nLaut, Agnes. The Fur Trade of America. Reviewed by C. W. Smith- 68-69\nLewis, William S. Narrative of Christina M. M. Williams 107-117\nLibrary Acquisitions 152\nLibrary Activity 239-240\nLibrary School Bibliographies 240\n\"The Literary Guide Post,\" a department of the Tacoma Daily Ledger 239\n(The) Loss of the Tonquin. By F. W. Howay 83-92\nMacDonald, Angus, Narrative of His Daughter, Christina MacDonald\nMcKenzie Williams 107-117\nMcDonald, Finan, Explorer, Fur Trader, Legislator (Meyers) 196-208\nMcLeod, John. (Note) 134\nMcMahon, Edward. James Bryce, a Tribute 105-106\nMcMahon, Edward. Review of Channing's History of the United\nStates, Volume 5 143\nMcMahon, Edward. Review of Paxson's Recent History of the United\nStates 143-144\nMaritime History of Massachusetts (Morison). Review 70-71\n(The) Mazama, 1921. (Noted) 145-146\nMeany, Edmond S. The Cowlitz Convention: Inception of Washington\nTerritory 3-19\nMeany, Edmond S. Newspapers of Washington Territory 181-195; 251-268\nMeany, Edmond S. Origin of Washington Geographic Names\t\n 32-56; 122-130; 212-224; 284-292\nMeany, Edmond S. Review of Albright's Official Explorations for\nPacific Railroads . 301-302\nMeany, Edmond S. Review of Andrews' The Story of Sitka 237-238\nMeany, Edmond S. Review of Bywater's Sea Power in the Pacific 142-143 Meany, Edmond S. Review of Williams' History of the, San Francisco\nCommittee of Vigilance of 1851_ 67\nMeany, Edmond S. Review of Williams' Papers of the San Francisco\nCommittee of Vigilance of 1851 67\nMeeker, Ezra. Birthday Celebration 79\nMeeker, Ezra. Seventy Year of Progress in Washington. (Review) 144\nMemorial Trees 79\nMeyers, J. A. Finan McDonald\u00E2\u0080\u0094Explorer, Fur Trader and Legislator_196-208\nMeyers, J. A. Oregan\u00E2\u0080\u0094River of the Slaves or River of the West 282-283\nMontana Bibliography. (Note) 153\nMorison, Samuel Eliot. Maritime History of Massachusetts, 1783-1860.\nReview 70-71\nMorton, Mrs. Sabina. Donates books 80\n(The) Mountaineer, 1921. (Noted) 145\n(A) New P. N. L. A. Bibliography. (Note) 308-309\nNews Department 78-80; 155-160; 311-314\nNewspapers of Washington Territory. By Edmond S. Meany__181-195; 251-268\nNichols, Jeannette Paddock. Advertising and the Klondike 20-26\nNisqually Journal, 1850. Edited by Victor J. Farrar\t\n 57-66; 131-141; 225-232; 293-299\nOfficial Explorations for Pacific Railroads (Albright). Reviewed by\nE. S. Meany 301-302\nOgle. See Van Ogle.\nOlympia's First Election 156-158\nOpening of a Highway to the Pacific (Bell). Reviewed by C. W.\nSmith 235\nOrbit, Brig 133\nOregan\u00E2\u0080\u0094River of the Slave, or River of the West. By J. A. Meyers__282-283\nOregon, Her History, Her Great Men, Her Literature (Horner).\nReview 70\nOregon Pioneer Association Transactions. (Noted) 304\nPacific Northwest Americana. Department\u00E2\u0080\u009475-77; 152-154; 239-240; 308-310\nParsons, Elsie Clews. American Indian Life. Reviewed by Erna\nGunther 233-234\nPatkanim, Totem Pole Erected in Memory of 311\nPaul Bunyan Comes West (Turney). Review 69\nPendexter, Hugh. Kings of the Missouri. Reviewed by C. W. Smith. 68-69\nPeterson, Agnes C. Arthur Armstrong Denny\u00E2\u0080\u0094A Bibliography 209-211\nPrices of Western Books 154\nPropaganda as a Source of History (Hodder). Noted 306\nRailroads and Government\u00E2\u0080\u0094Their Relations in the United States. By\nFrank H. Dixon. (Noted) 305\nRailroads, Early Development (Smith) 243-250\nRailroads to the Pacific (Albright). Review 301-302\nRegional Bibliography 75-76\nRichards, John S. Arouses Interest in Idaho Local History 79\nRockwood, Ruth. Preparing a Select List of Books Relating to the\nPacific Northwest 309\nRoderick Finlayson Manuscripts presented to Provincial Library at Victoria, B. C 308\nRollins, Philip Ashton. The Cowboy: His Characteristics, His Equipment, and His Part in the Development of the West. Reviewed\nby Clarissa Goold 236-237\nRoss, Walter. (Note) 131\n\"St Nicholas,\" Wreck of the (Andrews) 27-31\nSea-Power in the Pacific (Bywater). Reviewed by E. S. Meany 142-143 -\nSeattle, Origin of Name 44-46\nShelton, William, Carves Totem Pole as a Monument to Patkanim 311\nSitka, Story of. By C. L. Andrews. Reviewed by E. S. Meany 237-238\nSmith, C. J. Early Development of Railroads in the Pacific Northwest_243-250\nSmith, Charles Vv1. Review of Bell's Opening a Highway to the\nPacific 235\nSmith, Charles W. Review of Laut's The Fur Trade of America 68-69\nSmith, Charles W. Review of Pendexter's Kings of the Missouri 68-69\nSpier, Leslie. Review of Wissler's The American Indian\u00E2\u0080\u0094_. 300-301\nSpokane, Origin of Name _ 212\"^H\nTacoma, Origin of Name : 287-289\nTilton, James. Report as President of Board of Regents of University\nof Washington, 1864 312-314\nTolmie, Dr., Serves Notice to American Settlers to Quit H. B. Co.'s\nLands 135\n(The) \"Tonquin\" (Howay) 83-92\nTotem Pole at Everett. (Note) 311\nTrailmakers of the Northwest (Haworth). Review 69-70\nTurner, Junius Thomas, Passes His Ninety-sixth Birthday 311\nTurney, Ida Virginia. Paul. Bunyan Comes West. Review 69\nUna, Captain Sangster. (Note) 131\nUnion List of Canadian Books\u00E2\u0080\u0094\nUniversity of Washington, Regents' Report for 1864 312-31H\nVancouver Island Historic Sites Marked 311-3M\nVan Ogle's Memory of Pioneer Days 269-281\nVillard, Henry, Papers of, Wanted 158-159\nWagner, Henry R California Imprints. Review 237\nWagner, Henry R, Continues His Bibliographic Work 153\nWashington Geographic -Names. By Edmons S. Meany\t\n 32-56; 122-130; 212-224; 284-292A\nWashington Territorial Newspapers (Meany) 181-195; 251-268\nWaterman, T. T. Geographical Names Used by the Indians of the\nPacific Coast. Reviewed 303-304 .'\nWhitman College Relic 79-80\nWhitman County Pioneers 159-160\nWilliams, Christina MacDonald McKenzie. Narrative, recorded by Wm.\nS. Lewis _107-117\nWilliams, Mary Floyd. History of the San Francisco Committee of\nVigilance of 1851. Reviewed by E. S. Meany 67\nWilliams, Mary Floyd. Papers of the San Francisco Committee of\nVigilance of 1851. Reviewed by E. S. Meany 67\nWissler, Clark. The American Indian. Reviewed by Leslie Spier 300-301\nWork, Letitia. (Note) 63, 141\n(The) Wreck of the. \"St. Nicholas.\" By C. L. Andrews 27-31\nWyoming State Historian's First Biennial Report. (Noted) 151\n\"Yakima Herald.\" Yakima Reminiscences 118-121 : \u00E2\u0096\u00A0-\u00E2\u0096\u00A0\u00E2\u0096\u00A0'.\u00E2\u0080\u00A2\u00E2\u0096\u00A0 \u00E2\u0096\u00A0\u00E2\u0096\u00A0.\"\nQnnotinteti^^\nY* fl> The leadi^g/aftic^e^in^his^s1l4I^^|^l\n-'\u00E2\u0080\u00A2 ten by C. J. Smith-.- a pioneer raUroa_rl\nman, a successful business mad well\"%\nknown^rbug^ou^Bie^^^ffl Nortl!^\n. ^ west. ^M-iss^^^^^^^^^H be widei^o\nappreciated. It is 'plariife^m^publisl,^\nother articles on early transportation's^\nexpeiyences from well a|1^^^B\nW& ities\nf jT \"Van Ogle's Memory of Pioneer-Dayg|l|\nis an-article the. pioneers will .read withpsi\n|jj delight He'had passed his iUnety-tibj^O\nbirthday when he died at the State \"Soli-l\ndie'rs' Home, iiri01() His active par_\\\nin the Indian war, and his relations Avitl^|\nk-w -^t-tejlist Go%_^_^^^|ajsh-_ig-bi\u00C2\u00BB|^^\nritory make his waiting historica%\u00C2\u00A3|j\nvaluable\nft This number contains the index aH "Includes index.

Other copies: http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/8872251"@en . "Periodicals"@en . "F886 .W28"@en . "I-1553-II-0433-V13"@en . "10.14288/1.0355822"@en . "English"@en . "Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library"@en . "Seattle : University of Washington Press"@en . "Images provided for research and reference use only. For permission to publish, copy, or otherwise distribute these images please contact\u00A0digital.initiatives@ubc.ca."@en . "Original Format: University of British Columbia. Library. Rare Books and Special Collections. F886 .W28"@en . "Northwest, Pacific--History--Periodicals"@en . "The Washington historical quarterly. Vol. XIII"@en . "Text"@en .