"Applied Science, Faculty of"@en . "Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of"@en . "DSpace"@en . "UBCV"@en . "Johnson, Benjamin David"@en . "2009-06-12T23:59:26Z"@en . "1999"@en . "Master of Arts in Planning - MA (Plan)"@en . "University of British Columbia"@en . "Land claims, increased control over natural resources and movement towards self-government\r\ndemand that First Nations produce maps that bring local knowledge into planning and\r\ngovernance processes. For their mapping needs, First Nations are turning largely to geographic\r\ninformation systems (GIS), complex and expensive computer-based spatial database systems.\r\nThey are, however, developing their technical skills independently of each other, rarely\r\nexperiencing the knowledge-sharing benefits characteristic of an integrated community. To\r\naddress this problem, and to help build mapping capacities in general, the Aboriginal Mapping\r\nNetwork was created by Ecotrust Canada, an environmental non-governmental organization, and\r\nseveral First Nations. Using the medium of the World Wide Web, the Network seeks to create\r\nlinkages between First Nations mappers and to provide a space for the sharing of knowledge.\r\nThis thesis uses a formative program evaluation framework to assess the strengths, weaknesses\r\nand potential of the nascent Network. The evaluation draws on interviews with First Nations\r\nmappers and network developers. Conclusions are drawn on how effective the Network is in\r\ndeveloping communications linkages and facilitating knowledge sharing, and how this might\r\ncontinue in the future. Concurrently, the Network is used as a case study in the democratization\r\nof mapping. Capacity building in GIS technology, it is argued, will allow First Nations to\r\nproduce unconventional maps that articulate local worldviews and perceptions of place. As\r\nembodiments of local knowledge, these maps will in turn be used in planning, negotiations and\r\ngovernance to empower First Nations on their own terms."@en . "https://circle.library.ubc.ca/rest/handle/2429/9113?expand=metadata"@en . "8775986 bytes"@en . "application/pdf"@en . "T H E A B O R I G I N A L M A P P I N G N E T W O R K : A C A S E S T U D Y I N T H E D E M O C R A T I Z A T I O N O F M A P P I N G by B E N J A M I N D A V I D J O H N S O N B . A . (Honours), M c G i l l University, 1995. A THESIS S U B M I T T E D I N P A R T I A L F U L F I L M E N T O F T H E R E Q U I R E M E N T S F O R T H E D E G R E E O F M A S T E R O F A R T S in T H E F A C U L T Y O F G R A D U A T E S T U D I E S (School of Community and Regional Planning) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard T H E U N I V E R S I T Y O F B R I T I S H C O L U M B I A Apr i l 1999 \u00C2\u00A9 Benjamin David Johnson, 1999. UBC Special Collections - Thesis Authorisation Form Page 1 of 1 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the Uni v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Li b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r reference and study. I further agree that permission f o r extensive copying of th i s thesis for sc h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by h i s or her representatives. I t i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s thesis f o r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Dep^f^tment o The University of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date http://\AAAAA/.library.ubc.ca/spcoll/thesauth.html 4 / 1 / 9 9 Abstract Land claims, increased control over natural resources and movement towards self-government demand that First Nations produce maps that bring local knowledge into planning and governance processes. For their mapping needs, First Nations are turning largely to geographic information systems (GIS), complex and expensive computer-based spatial database systems. They are, however, developing their technical skills independently of each other, rarely experiencing the knowledge-sharing benefits characteristic of an integrated community. To address this problem, and to help build mapping capacities in general, the Aboriginal Mapping Network was created by Ecotrust Canada, an environmental non-governmental organization, and several First Nations. Using the medium of the World Wide Web, the Network seeks to create linkages between First Nations mappers and to provide a space for the sharing of knowledge. This thesis uses a formative program evaluation framework to assess the strengths, weaknesses and potential of the nascent Network. The evaluation draws on interviews with First Nations mappers and network developers. Conclusions are drawn on how effective the Network is in developing communications linkages and facilitating knowledge sharing, and how this might continue in the future. Concurrently, the Network is used as a case study in the democratization of mapping. Capacity building in GIS technology, it is argued, w i l l allow First Nations to produce unconventional maps that articulate local worldviews and perceptions of place. A s embodiments of local knowledge, these maps wi l l in turn be used in planning, negotiations and governance to empower First Nations on their own terms. i i i Table of Contents ABSTRACT II TABLE OF CONTENTS \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 Ill LIST OF TABLES IV LIST OF FIGURES \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 V CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 1 1.1 RATIONALE 2 1.2 THESIS OBJECTIVES 3 1.3 METHODS 4 1.4 THESIS ORGANIZATION 5 CHAPTER 2: MAPPING THEORY AND EMPOWERMENT THROUGH MAPS 7 2.1 MAPS AS SOCIAL CONSTRUCTIONS , 7 2.2 EMPOWERMENT THROUGH MAPS 11 2.3 FIRST NATIONS, MAPPING AND GEOGRAPHIC INFORMATION SYSTEMS 16 2.4 CONCLUSION 39 CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY 41 3.1 PROGRAM EVALUATION 41 3.2 PROGRAM EVALUATION METHODS USED IN THIS RESEARCH 46 3.3 CASE STUDY METHODS 50 CHAPTER 4: THE ABORIGINAL MAPPING NETWORK 54 4.1 INSTITUTIONAL CONTEXT 55 4.2 T H E HISTORY OF THE ABORIGINAL MAPPING NETWORK 57 4.3 T H E NETWORK'S FORM 62 4.4 GOALS AND OBJECTIVES 67 CHAPTER 5: EVALUATION OF THE ABORIGINAL MAPPING NETWORK 71 5.1 CHARACTERISTICS OF FIRST NATIONS MAPPING IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 71 5.2 COMPLEXITIES IN G I S IMPLEMENTATION AND OPERATION 75 5.3 T H E PROBLEM OF ISOLATION 81 5.4 NETWORK EVALUATION 83 5.5 T H E MEETING OF GOALS AND OBJECTIVES 109 CHAPTER 6: THE NETWORK AND THE DEMOCRATIZATION OF MAPPING 112 6.1 CAPACITY BUILDING IN GIS THROUGH THE ABORIGINAL MAPPING NETWORK 113 6.2 W H A T DOES DEMOCRATIZED MAPPING M E A N ? 118 CHAPTER 7: CONCLUSION 121 CONSOLIDATED RECOMMENDATIONS 126 BIBLIOGRAPHY 129 APPENDIX I - QUESTIONS FOR NETWORK DEVELOPERS 134 APPENDIX II -INTERVIEW QUESTIONS FOR FIRST NATIONS MAPPERS 136 APPENDIX III - INTERVIEW SUBJECTS 138 List of Tables Table 5.1 Aboriginal Mapping Network Website: Hits Per Month V List of Figures Figure 2.1: A Digital Elevation Model (DEM) of Mt. Baker, WA 25 Figure 4.1 Layout of the Aboriginal Mapping Network 63 Figure 4.2 The Aboriginal Mapping Network Homepage 64 Chapter 1: Introduction Guided by a mandate of 'networking the aboriginal mapping community,' the Aboriginal Mapping Network aims to open up pathways of knowledge sharing and communication between First Nations mappers in British Columbia with the goal of building capacity in map production. First Nations are active mappers, and in fact are one of the fastest growing user groups in the field of geographic information systems (GIS), computer-based spatial database programs capable of producing maps. There are several reasons why First Nations are actively engaged in mapping. First, the land claims process demands identification and demarcation of traditional territories. Indigenous populations are therefore required to consolidate large amounts of spatial data to generate an image of their traditional territories as a starting point in formal land claims negotiations with the federal and provincial governments. Second, as First Nations develop stronger governance roles in the province or engage in co-management partnerships with government and industry, their resource management initiatives mandate some form of comprehensive spatial planning which in turn requires the production of maps which reflect local priorities, objectives, sensitivities and worldviews. The technologies that First Nations are adopting to produce maps to inform their land claims and resource management planning activities are expensive and complex. Establishing a GIS mapping department is very costly in both human and capital resources, and First Nations governments are often functioning in economically tenuous situations. So while mapping is a requisite component of aboriginal governance in the province, developing the means to produce maps is a compelling challenge for First Nations communities. Introduction 2 This challenge is exacerbated by a context of isolation between First Nations mappers in B . C . While many groups are developing GIS capabilities, they are more often than not doing so in the absence of communication with other mappers. Consequently, there is evidence of wasted resources and redundancy in effort. Noting this reality, members of Ecotrust Canada, an environmentalist N G O (non-governmental organization), and representatives from a number of First Nations conceptualized and developed a network for aboriginal mappers. Manifest primarily as a website on the internet, the Aboriginal Mapping Network exists to facilitate communication linkages between First Nations mapping departments with the aim of creating a higher degree of knowledge sharing than is presently the case. Its objective is to create a support network where mappers can openly share experiences, methods and information as well as consult resources relating to First Nations mapping in the province. The network's goal is to facilitate the development of mapping skills and ultimately the empowerment of aboriginal communities and nations. 1.1 Rationale The aboriginal mapping experience is a subject rarely treated in planning or geographical theory. The literature is notably sparse and is often of an informal character, appearing as websites or as conference proceedings, but rarely published in an academic context. It is the hope that this thesis w i l l help to build knowledge on First Nations mapping. The intention is to relate everyday local experience with a specific program to theories of power relations, culture and meaning. In this sense, the research relates First Nations issues to planning theory - and social theory in general - where documentation of the aboriginal mapping experience is rarely evident. Introduction 3 Additionally, it is hoped that this research wi l l have an on-the-ground impact. This program evaluation of the Aboriginal Mapping Network offers feedback to the network's coordinators which can be used to improve its utility. If the network can realize its goal of creating knowledge-sharing linkages within the First Nations mapping community, this w i l l result in improved mapping capabilities, which wi l l in turn lead to planning that better reflects local needs, beliefs and priorities. This thesis, then, can possibly help facilitate the movement toward empowerment and community-guided development for First Nations. 1.2 Thesis Objectives The Aboriginal Mapping Network can be seen as a case of the democratization of mapping practice. Critical mapping theory suggests that maps are subjective documents that implicitly but powerfully articulate the agenda of the culture that created them (Aberley 1993, Monmonier 1991, Turnbull 1993, Wood 1992). Further, the interests portrayed on conventional maps are almost exclusively those of the dominant groups in society. It w i l l be argued in this thesis that the Aboriginal Mapping Network provides a means to develop mapping skills in First Nations communities, therefore leading to the creation of maps that convey alternative visions of reality. These maps can be used in the planning process to counterbalance what John Forester (1989) would suggest is the \"misinformation\" inherent in conventional maps. A s map production is generally the domain of government and industry, the development of First Nations mapping capabilities is an example of a counterbalance to the production of conventional maps. Drawing on theoretical material that problematizes maps, this case study wi l l explore the phenomenon of power articulated through maps at the local level. A n additional thesis objective therefore wi l l be to contribute to the literature that sees maps as active cultural products and articulations of specific worldviews. Introduction 4 The fundamental question that this thesis addresses is: what role can a network for aboriginal mappers play in the democratization of mapping practice, and therefore in the empowerment of First Nations in B .C .? A n d further, what are the opportunities and constraints a network faces in playing this role? Since maps play a fundamental role in the planning process, the ability of aboriginal mappers to produce maps that actively communicate a First Nations worldview wi l l improve the quality and relevance of the planning process and therefore lead to more effective local governance of lands, resources and communities. This thesis addresses these questions by undertaking a program evaluation of the Aboriginal Mapping Network to assess the degree to which it has been effective in \"networking the aboriginal mapping community\" and to identify the factors that determine it effectiveness. Drawing on data from personal interviews with First Nations mappers, this evaluation wi l l offer feedback to the network coordinators on how they might improve service to the user communities. A consequent and related objective of this thesis is to contribute to capacity building in mapping practice and thereby improving the planning capabilities of First Nations. 1.3 Methods First, on the basis of documentary analyses and interviews with 'key players,' this thesis traces the history of the Aboriginal Mapping Network from its beginnings in 1996 and identifies the developers' rationale and expectations of the Network. Secondly, drawing on data from personal interviews with First Nations mappers, the thesis evaluates the network. The evaluation compares the network developers' expectations with the mappers' perceptions of the current context of aboriginal mapping practice in B . C . and their views on the network's performance. Third, this thesis draws on theories of how power relationships are articulated through maps to discuss how the network might contribute to the democratization of mapping and the consequent Introduction 5 empowering of First Nations communities. These methods are explained more fully in Chapter 3. 1.4 Thesis Organizat ion The thesis is divided into seven chapters. Following the introduction is a literature review that addresses the question of how maps articulate certain power relationships in implicit yet effective ways. The manner in which maps convey knowledge is related to John Forester's (1989) critical planning theory that examines issues of information, misinformation and power in planning. Chapter Two concludes with a review of the literature on First Nations use of a particular map-producing technology, geographic information systems (GIS), focusing specifically on the role maps play in land claims and resource management planning. The third chapter focuses on methodology, introducing program evaluation methods and case study analysis. The choice of these approaches is justified and the means of their use described. This chapter conveys to the reader why the respective methods were used, how they were applied and how the results are presented. Chapter Four sets the context for the study. It begins with a description of the institutional milieu in which the network evolved and then goes on to discuss this evolution. The need for a network of this kind is justified and the process and complexities of its development are documented. The network's present form is described, and the chapter concludes with the network's expressed goals and objectives. Chapters Five and Six comprise the analysis component of the thesis. The former is, in essence, the program evaluation of the Aboriginal Mapping Network. It addresses the current use of the network as well as perceptions of its strengths and weaknesses. Using the data from interviews with First Nations mappers, suggestions for the network's improvement are Introduction 6 forwarded. Since the network is operating in a context of limited resources, it is important that all recommendations be realistic. Chapter Six relates the experience of the network to the realm of theory, exploring the implications of local GIS capacity building. It considers the degree to which the network can develop the mapping capabilities of First Nations mappers and what impact this might have on planning practice and therefore local empowerment. Conclusions made in this chapter, and the seventh and final chapter, wi l l refer back to the ideas expressed by John Forester and in the theory that problematizes conventional maps as subjective documents expressing the interests of the culture that produces them. They wi l l explain why it is important that First Nations communities develop the ability to create maps that embody their worldviews. 7 Chapter 2: Mapping Theory and Empowerment Through Maps Every day we are in contact with maps; they help us make sense of the world around us and they provide us with information which we can use to make decisions. Maps are planning tools. If planning \"is the guiding of future action\" (Forester 1989, 3), maps can serve as decision-making aids for our anticipated activity, be it driving to Whistler, B . C . , or defining the boundaries of a community forest. Maps facilitate and enrich the planning process by unifying a diversity of data over a common spatial framework, illuminating unforeseen relationships. They thus convey knowledge in a form that can be readily used as a document to be referenced in the course of creating a plan or as a means to articulate a position. Maps, however, convey a misleading objectivity. It can be argued that maps are artifacts - socially constructed and selective in content - that tell you more about the culture that created them than what may actually be on the ground. This chapter explores the body of mapping theory that problematizes maps by suggesting that they are social constructions whose power is derived from their apparent passivity. It continues with a discussion of empowerment through local mapping which counteracts the power of conventional maps through the incorporation of local knowledge and worldviews. Questions of information and misinformation as they exist in the planning process are addressed. The final component of this chapter is a review of the use of computerized mapping (GIS) by First Nations as a means to create their own maps for use in land claims and natural resource planning. 2.1 Maps as Social Constructions Maps cannot ever expect to contain all aspects of a landscape they intend to represent. For example, you wi l l not find one map that portrays all of: indices of poverty, the distribution of Mapping Theory and Empowerment Through Maps 8 termites, areas of low precipitation, outcrops of basalt. Reality is far too complex to be faithfully recreated on a map. Maps, then, are models of reality or particular representations of 'truth.' A body of theory exists that suggests that all maps are social constructions, in that they implicitly reflect the culture of their creators (cf. Aberley 1993, Monmonier 1991, Turnbull 1993, Wood 1992). The fact that maps are simple models of reality is in itself unproblematic; when the content (specifically the selectivity thereof) of these maps is considered 'natural,' 'uncontestable,' or 'objective,' however, the implicit power of maps is actualized. We tend to reference our maps passively, uncritically accepting the information they offer. They do, however, represent one particular view of reality. The generation of alternative maps, in the case of this thesis by First Nations mappers using GIS technology, provides a counterpoint to the status quo that is portrayed in conventional maps. They present unconventional worldviews that offer First Nations planners and governments knowledge on their own terms. Maps are characterized by two facts: they represent some aspects of the landscape and they are selective (Turnbull 1993, 3). The selectivity inherent in maps reflects the culture which created them, suggesting its priorities and interests: To avoid hiding critical information in a fog of detail, the map must offer a selective, incomplete view of reality. There's no escape from the cartographic paradox: to present a useful and truthful picture, an accurate map must tell white lies (Monmonier 1991, 1). The power of maps, particularly Western maps, exists in the fact that the socially constructed nature of maps is rendered invisible by the apparent objectivity portrayed by them: \"no aspect of the map is more carefully constructed than the alibi intended to absolve it of this guilt\" (Wood 1992, 18). Our culture has developed an elaborate set of conventions that when applied to the mapping process, obscure the human agency that underlies this process. These conventions, however, are actively defined and redefined by our culture; they are dynamic, arbitrary and, Mapping Theory and Empowerment Through Maps 9 importantly, hidden constructions: \"[conventions often follow cultural, political and even ideological interests, but i f conventions are to function properly they must be so well accepted as to become invisible\" (Turnbull 1993, 8). A s Wood (1992, 70) suggests, \"[t]he map is powerful precisely to the extent that the author disappears.\" Maps adopt a particular code that renders them incontestable portrayals of the truth. When this code is problematized or confronted, however, they move from representations of reality to the realm of opinion: \"[...] no sooner are maps acknowledged as social constructions than their contingent, the conditional, their...arbitrary character is unveiled\" (Wood 1992, 19). Maps, in this sense, can be deconstructed to reveal the agency of their creators. The agenda of some maps is transparent, such as the route map of an airline that conveys the \"embarrassing abundance\" of the company's routes (Wood 1992, 73). In other situations, a map may be more subtle. Wood (1992, 80-94), in exploring a government topographic quadrangle from New Jersey, suggests ways in which a particular agenda is articulated in a seemingly passive map. What is chosen to be marked on the map as a permanent feature, for example, is a political decision. Highways, bridges and campsites are 'permanent;' polluted streams, traditional aboriginal territories and bird habitats are not. Further, the cost of compiling data for the map limits what is included. If it can't be photographed, it is rarely recorded. The consequence is that a map, i f it is effective in rendering its creators and its conventions invisible, creates a reality where all that is included on the map is legitimate and substantive, while everything that is omitted is somehow inconsequential or illusory: \"It is the isolation of everything not on the map that so potently naturalizes what's on it (what's not on the map...isn't real)\" (Wood 1992, 87). The worldview of the culture that created the map is thus articulated through the medium of the material map through the process of inclusion and exclusion. The incontestable and unequivocal Mapping Theory and Empowerment Through Maps 10 nature of maps within our culture leads us to accept what we see as a factual representation of reality, rendering us accomplices in the perpetuation of the status quo. Turnbull (1993) addresses the question of indexicality in maps. A n indexical statement is dependent for its truth on its context; an indexical map is understood only within its cultural milieu. It is generally presupposed that Western maps are non-indexical in that they can be \"understood independently of their context of use, the worldview, cognitive schema or culture of the mapmaker\" (Turnbull 1993, 20). This universal, objective nature of Western maps lends them a certain power that is rarely challenged. Non-Western maps, alternatively, are often seen as being comprehensible only from within the culture that creates them. Turnbull argues, however, that all maps are inherently indexical. Western maps are replete with conventions such as a grid coordinate system and projections (to translate a curved surface to a flat plain) that are only decipherable after familiarity to the Western worldview is developed. The maps of Australian Aborigines are indexical in that the knowledge necessary for their interpretation is tightly controlled and conveyed as a right of passage through life. They seem opaque and impenetrable to the uninitiated. The difference with Western maps is that their indexicality is covert; Western knowledge \"gains its power through denying, or rendering transparent, the inherent indexicality of all statements or knowledge claims\" (Turnbull 1993, 42). The invisible character that obscures subjectivity in conventional maps gives them a power that is uncontested and illusive. This power can, however, be counteracted i f it is understood and anticipated. Power is realized through the medium of information; it can be counteracted and contested through the articulation of alternative information. The following section looks at the role information plays in the planning process and explores ways in which maps can be used to articulate agendas that challenge the status quo. Mapping Theory and Empowerment Through Maps 11 2.2 Empowerment Through Maps A s suggested above, maps can play an important role in the planning process. They can be used as points of reference in the development of plans or they can be used to convey proposed courses of action. Maps, it has been argued, portray only a certain model of reality cloaked in the guise of objectivity. Since conventional maps are often used to inform the planning process, it becomes evident that the priorities of the status quo can subtly work their way into this process and influence the scope of outcomes. The creation of alternative maps can counteract the influence conventional maps have. Maps that embody a community's worldview can serve to bring local knowledge into the planning process, therefore empowering the community to chart a representative and meaningful course of development that is sensitive to its context. John Forester (1989, 28) suggests that \"information is a complex source of power in the planning process.\" Control of information is a fundamental component of power in planning. Forester argues that the provision of information, and, importantly, misinformation has significant implications: B y informing or misinforming citizens, power works through the management of comprehension, or obfuscation; of trust, or false assurance; of consent, or manipulated agreement; and of knowledge, or misrepresentation (Forester 1989, 45). Great emphasis is placed on awareness and anticipation of the implications of information and misinformation in planning. Misinformation can be systemic, Forester argues, and it \"undermines well-informed planning and citizen action by manipulating citizens' beliefs, consent, trust and sense of relevant problems, and planners can counteract these influences\" Mapping Theory and Empowerment Through Maps 12 (Forester 1989, 28). Distortions in communication can be checked by the provision of facts, expertise and warning. Maps - which consolidate, manipulate and articulate information - are key vehicles for misinformation in planning. The theory which sees maps as selective representations of a particular worldview would suggest that conventional maps are a form of misinformation, as they claim to convey 'truthful' representations of reality. In fact, they are models of reality that can, by nature, only portray a subjective vision of the world. The fact that this inherent partiality is largely invisible inhibits critical consideration of maps and consequently influences the planning process, subtly constraining it to the boundaries defined by the culture that created the maps. Counteracting these forces mandates the provision of alternative articulations of knowledge, in this case, the production of maps that embody different ways of seeing the world. John Forester (1989, 41) suggests that planners may counterbalance systemic misinformation by the production of their own information. In the case of mapping, local map-makers can create maps that are not so much examples of misinformation as enunciations of alternative points of view. Since all maps are inherently subjective creations, it must be acknowledged that local maps have no claims of being the incontestable 'truth,' but they do offer a challenge to the apparent objectivity of mainstream conventional maps. While conventional maps show one version of reality, community-based mapping presents an alternative vision which by nature is more representative of its milieu. The creation of such alternative visions is dependent on the democratization of the mapping experience. The production of maps is, for the most part, the domain of government, industry and the military. Maps are pervasive in our lives, but they are the products of those who Mapping Theory and Empowerment Through Maps 13 hold power in society: \"The result is that although we have great access to maps, we have also lost the ability ourselves to conceptualize, make and use images of place\" (Aberley 1993, 1). Although access to a multitude of maps is undeniable, they are predominantly articulations of established power structures. Counteracting the preponderance of conventional maps mandates the democratization of mapping through cartographic capacity building at the local level. Maps that embody a community's worldview can articulate local perceptions of their environment and infuse the planning process with knowledge that reflects community priorities and visions. The bioregional movement is one context in which locally-based mapping plays an important role. Bioregionalism is predicated on the idea of understanding and not compromising the ecological limits of the particular places in which we live: [it] calls for human society to be more closely related to nature (hence, bio), and to be more conscious of its locale, or region or life-place (therefore, region). [...] It is a proposal to ground human cultures within natural systems, to get to know one's place intimately in order to fit human communities to the Earth, not to distort the Earth to our demands (Andruss et al. 1990, 2). Our way of l iving, theory suggests, should reflect the ecological character of the bioregions in which we live. Notions of sustainability, appropriate technology and self-sufficiency are fundamental components of such thinking. The emphasis on 'getting to know one's place' suggests the importance mapping has to the bioregional movement. Bioregionalists generally advocate a grassroots approach to map-making wherein individuals create maps of their local regions as a means of articulating knowledge about their 'home places.' These maps are then used to educate the population about their bioregion and as key points of reference in local planning activities. \" B y consolidating local knowledge of community history, both human and habitat conditions, and the future potential for sustainability, maps can assist in setting a broad agenda for positive change\" Mapping Theory and Empowerment Through Maps 14 (Harrington 1994, 7). Bioregional mapping is done by individuals without formal training in cartography using non-technical methods (i.e. drawing, cutting, gluing and photocopying). The guiding idea behind this form of mapping is to unify local knowledge over a common and recognizable framework: the geography of the bioregion. The resulting maps are powerful documents which reveal relationships and phenomena which are rarely portrayed on conventional maps, and which assist in the \"reinhabitation of place\" (Aberley 1993). Parish mapping, a movement active in the United Kingdom, in many ways reflects the preoccupations of bioregionalism. The Parish Maps Project, originating in 1985, has resulted in the creation of over 1000 unconventional maps throughout Britain (King 1991, 40). The map subjects are varied and the methods used are diverse, but local knowledge and local places are the unifying elements of all maps. As Angela K ing (1991, 40) suggests: The Parish Maps Project encourages people to work together in mapping their area, including whatever features they deem important and using whatever materials they please. This heightens our awareness of place, which, in turn, heightens our desire to conserve. There exists an acknowledged contrast between parish maps and the formal Ordnance Survey maps which define the formal standard for cartography in Britain. While less precise and structured than Ordnance Survey maps, parish maps are powerful representations of local perceptions of the land. While the former gain power through their cool objectivity and implied truthfulness, parish maps serve to educate communities through the process of map production and presentation. Many other examples of the production of unconventional maps are documented. In Honduras and Panama, the invasion of indigenous lands by settlers who considered the land vacant was countered by grassroots mapping (Denniston 1994). In the context of inaccurate and misleading government maps, local communities used non-technical methods to create a picture Mapping Theory and Empowerment Through Maps 15 of indigenous life which, government cartographers concede, was superior to anything they could have done. \"The political momentum created by the process raised the regional awareness of the Indians, showing them the common ground they shared with other indigenous peoples and empowering them to pursue the legal protections they deserve for their homelands\" (Denniston 1994,31). In the Yuba river system in northern California, residents l iving a low-tech, \"off-grid\" existence employed mapping as a defensive measure against encroachment by mining and forestry interests (Snyder 1994). Two grassroots organizations, the Yuba Watershed Institute (YWI) and the Sierra Biodiversity Institute (SBI) used computerized mapping and satellite imagery to create previously unseen maps describing land ownership, wildlife habitat, population density, soil types, elevation and so on, which were used to inform land use decisions and to integrate ecological and economic concerns in local planning activities. Computerized mapping has also been used by Friends of the Earth, a U . K . environmentalist N G O (Doig 1993). Supplementing an existing digital database with information on environmental quality, pollution and more, Friends of the Earth developed the ability to create ecologically-oriented maps at a variety of scales for regions throughout Britain. It is the intention of F O E to supply this local ecological information to communities to facilitate their empowerment in environmental management. The production of maps, it has been suggested, is largely the domain of the dominant interests in society. A s models of reality, maps are inherently selective in what they contain and often implicitly convey the agenda of the status quo. If map production is democratized, however, the power of maps can be turned to the advantage of local communities and minority groups. Alternative models of reality are created which can supplement the planning process and Mapping Theory and Empowerment Through Maps 16 empower communities to develop in locally-sensitive and sustainable ways. The balance of this chapter w i l l explore how First Nations groups have used one form of mapping - geographic information systems - to consolidate local knowledge and use it in planning for land claims and resource management. 2.3 First Nations, Mapping and Geographic Information Systems Aboriginal populations are taking an increasingly active stance in the governance and management of their traditional territories. Through formal land claims processes, First Nations peoples in Canada are articulating a desire to re-acquire lands amounting to over half of the national territorial base, while bands, communities and nations are exercising governance over resources on their traditional lands. The development of First Nations governments as self-sustaining political institutions is heavily dependent on the resolution of these two issues: land claims settlement and management of local resources (Makokis and Buckley 1991). Land claims and resource management planning are activities involving the acquisition, manipulation and analysis of data that has a fundamental spatial component. For example, land claims are predicated on the formal identification of places of traditional occupancy and use by those undertaking the claim while indigenous natural resource governance is reflective of local values expressed in relation to inherently spatial phenomena. Conventional maps of such subjects rarely exist. The landscape in which First Nations traditional territories are contained has been mapped, but for the most part this has been done by government and industry. Consequently, these maps reflect a particular point of view. They describe topography, settlements, forestry cutblocks and political boundaries, but not traditional hunting and harvesting grounds, local history or places of spiritual importance. First Nations are Mapping Theory and Empowerment Through Maps 17 thus forced to create their own maps which embody knowledge of place and can be used in land claims and resource management planning. To produce these maps, many groups are turning towards digital mapping, specifically geographic information systems. Geographic information systems (GIS) are a computer-based means to consolidate and analyse spatially-referenced data. What separates GIS from a traditional digital database is its geographical component wherein all data are explicitly assigned a real-world location, allowing the integration of diverse data types and complex topological analyses (buffering, overlays). GIS is a powerful planning tool for the provision of information to help resolve problems with a spatial character. First Nations have applied GIS technology extensively in planning applications and are proving to be one of the fastest-growing new user groups of GIS. Using GIS, they are creating spatial documents that counterbalance the maps produced by government. They are using this means of map production to consolidate local knowledge and interpretations of place in map form. These maps, in turn, are used to strengthen the First Nations planning process, leading to informed and empowered First Nations governance. Using GIS, aboriginal groups are effectively integrating contemporary technology with traditional knowledge to help realise ecologically and traditionally relevant planning decisions. This section explores the secondary sources documenting the contemporary use of GIS by First Nations. It begins with a brief introduction to aboriginal mapping followed by a description of GIS technology. The relevance of GIS to the First Nations context is then discussed. Problems in reconciling traditional spatial knowledge with a digital information system predicated on European cartographic concepts are considered, followed by a look at real-life applications of GIS, exploring the nature of projects undertaken throughout North America. Mapping Theory and Empowerment Through Maps 1 8 Finally, the complexities of implementing a GIS in the unique First Nations context are addressed. 2.3.1 Aboriginal Mapping Increasing attention is being paid to the value of aboriginal maps as effective embodiments and conveyors of knowledge. Western society has traditionally seen maps of other cultures as understandable only from within their own milieu while it has imparted a supposed universality on its own maps. Turnbull (1993) argues that both Western and aboriginal maps are constructions which require a knowledge of cultural conventions before they can be interpreted. Western maps, for example, are based on a coordinate system - a grid - that is an arbitrary and variable construction, and can make no claims of universality. The grid cannot transcend the culture in which it was created. The maps of Australian Aborigines are not based on a coordinate system nor are they characterized by a standardized mode of representation that could be understood by non-Aborigines. Their maps are largely unrecognizable as 'maps' from a Western perspective. They are often naturalistic in form, with spatial information encoded in semi-abstract animal images. Nonetheless, they \"allow people to know about and travel across unknown, even distant territory\" (Turnbull 1993, 26). These maps are just as effective in consolidating and communicating spatial knowledge as Western maps, but they mandate familiarity with an established set of cultural conventions. Just as you have to understand the grid system and cardinal directions to interpret a western map, to derive knowledge from an Aborigine map you must \"know something of the stories, songs and dances of the creation of the landscape\" (Turnbull 1993, 33). Mapping Theory and Empowerment Through Maps 19 The maps of Marshall Islanders in Micronesia appear similarly abstract to the unfamiliar eye but are incredibly rich conveyors of spatial information (Aberley 1993). Having to navigate across vast stretches of open ocean to reach distant atolls, these cultures created a technology that describes \"the complex interaction of tides, currents and wind-driven wave patterns that are replicated in cycles over time\" (Aberley 1993, 10). Palm leaf ribs tied together with coconut fibre form complex geometric patterns which describe wave characteristics. Shells represent islands or atolls. These maps are used in navigation and for conveying knowledge about the environment. As with the maps of the Aborigines and with our own maps, these require education in the code which deciphers their knowledge. Little formal documentation exists of traditional mapping practices by First Nations in British Columbia. There is an awareness that aboriginal peoples l iving here maintain an acute spatial knowledge, but whether or not these were historically conveyed in material map form is the subject of limited research. Hugh Brody (1981) explores the articulation of spatial knowledge in B . C . in Maps and Dreams. In the late 1970s, the traditional territory of the Athapaskan peoples of Northeastern B . C . was threatened by the proposed Alasakan Natural Gas Pipeline. To communicate the value of this territory, a traditional use occupancy study was undertaken using conventional maps. The First Nations who lived there expressed their inherent cognitive knowledge of the landscape on these maps, l inking l iv ing spatial knowledge and representations of that space: The majority of men and many of the women in seven of the region's nine reserves drew maps of their land use. They also explained the seasonal round, shared knowledge, described changes over time, and indicated other aspects of land occupancy that underpin and interpret the information they drew on their maps. [...] The findings of such a thoroughgoing land-use and occupancy study cannot easily be denied. The Indians' maps are a strong affirmation of the peoples' enduring presence on the land (Brody 1981, 148-149). Mapping Theory and Empowerment Through Maps 20 Spatial knowledge is a fundamental component of aboriginal life throughout the world. Some cultures have articulated this knowledge in map form, while for other peoples it is alive in the oral tradition or as mental maps. The balance of this chapter w i l l focus on the use of a specific technology - geographic information systems - as a tool to make maps which convey indigenous perceptions of the landscape. 2.3.2 Geographic Information Systems (GIS) \"Geographic information systems (GIS) are computer-based systems that are used to store and manipulate geographic information\" (Aranoff 1989, 1). What differentiates GIS from a traditional database system is the assignation of location information to data. Non-spatial, or attribute, data is assigned an explicit geographic reference that corresponds to a real-world location measured in, for example, latitude and longitude or U T M (Universal Transverse Mercator) grid co-ordinates. Alternatively, information is related implicit ly to location through reference to addresses, census tracts, land parcels, and so on, which is in turn related to explicit geographic references, a process called 'geocoding' (Environmental Systems Research Institute 1998). The power of a GIS lies in this integration of spatial data and attribute data. This linkage enables the user to reconcile diverse data in an absolute co-ordinate system. Within a GIS, information is stored in distinct thematic layers. The connection between attribute information and real-world location data enables these layers to be related to each other. A s such, these thematic layers can be accurately superimposed upon each other; an action which can reveal complex spatial relationships between variables. Such self-evident relationships are generally invisible in a non-spatial database system. Additionally, the real-world spatial component within Mapping Theory and Empowerment Through Maps 21 a GIS allows for the inclusion of measurement capabilities within a GIS analysis. For example, i f an overlay of several thematic layers results in the identification of an area that meets certain criteria, this area can be accurately and instantaneously measured in conventional areal units (e.g. square metres). Similarly, GIS also facilitates proximity analysis, a process that defines distances between units (Aranoff 1989, 223). Proximity analysis enables the GIS user to identify all occurrences of a certain variable within a given distance of an object or area. For example, a GIS can identify all structures in a town that are within a fifty metre distance (or buffer) on each side of a sensitive salmon-bearing stream. The Environmental Systems Research Institute (1998) identifies five general processes that are performed by a geographic information system: input, manipulation, management, query and analysis, and visualization. \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 To input data into a GIS, it must be translated into a format the system can understand. For geographic data this might involve digitizing from paper maps (translating from analogue to digital format). Non-spatial attribute data must also be made compatible with the geographic data, a process that involves the creation of common identifying elements (i.e. census tract numbers) that relate a geographic element to its attribute information. \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 Manipulation of the data may also prove necessary. If, for example, your geographic information exists at a variety of different spatial scales or map projections, some process wi l l be necessary to make them compatible with each other prior to analysis. The inclusion of a variety of thematic layers in a GIS results in a complex collection of data elements. \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 The management of data is often dependent on database management system ( D B M S ) software. Such systems are generally based on relational concepts, wherein tables of data are linked together by linkages between common fields. This internally-referencing system facilitates powerful analyses while maintaining a logical and straightforward structure. \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 The structure of a GIS allows for a wide variety of spatial queries and analyses to be performed on the data. These can range from simple 'point-and-click' queries to identification of elements that meet certain criteria to complex topological overlays wherein entirely new geographic structures are created as the result of the merging of different thematic layers. The fundamental analytical tools within a GIS are those mentioned above, the overlay and proximity analysis. \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 Finally, visualization addresses the question of displaying the results of GIS operations. GIS Mapping Theory and Empowerment Through Maps 22 enables the production of maps that can be tailored to suit given questions and circumstances. Moreover, the database structure within GIS allows the dynamic updating of information and thus the rapid generation of up-to-date and accurate maps, an inherent drawback of manual cartography or non-GIS based digital map-making. GIS can also produce output such as three-dimensional representations of topography (digital elevation models or D E M ' s ) or digital maps that can be incorporated into reports or multimedia presentations. GIS is a powerful yet complex technology. The following sections wi l l address how it has found a place in First Nations planning activities and some of the ways in which groups have experienced difficulties undertaking GIS analyses. 2.3.3 Applicability of GIS to the First Nations Context GIS is becoming increasingly popular as a means of map production for First Nations groups. As suggested earlier, GIS is an important means of infusing knowledge into the spatial planning issues - land claims and resource management - that many First Nations groups are addressing at present. Land claims, for example, involve the integration and exploration of a wide variety of data. In determining the extent of a group's original territory, a fundamental component of a land claims settlement, numerous data layers concerning traditional use and occupancy can be overlaid in a GIS, resulting in the production of a map identifying a claim area. The layers used in the analysis might include historical and contemporary fishing and hunting sites, sacred areas, burial grounds, settlements, traditional gathering areas, trail corridors and so on (Asch and Tychon 1993, Makokis and Buckley 1991, Robinson and Sawicki 1996, 122). Likewise, in resource management planning, GIS analyses incorporate layers based on timber stands, road access, tourism and recreation capability, ecological sensitivity, wildlife habitats as well as cultural criteria (Brandt 1995). This integration of different data elements over real-world space suggests the relevance of GIS to First Nations mapping concerns. Mapping Theory and Empowerment Through Maps 23 First Nations planning activity is often typified by its inherently legal component. Marozas (1991, 77) suggests that due to its spatial character, \"GIS technology is well suited to provide litigation support.\" Land claims proposals are dependent on a high degree of spatial precision in order to be defendable in court, a rigorousness that GIS can provide. In essence, GIS conveys an air of scientific objectivity required within the legal system:, \"[a] graphic representation or map is likely to enhance a court's understanding, synthesis, and resolution of a land dispute[...]\" (Marozas 1991, 78). GIS, used in conjunction with a global positioning system (GPS) - a device that uses satellite signals to accurately pinpoint ground position in terms of global co-ordinate systems (i.e. latitude and longitude) - can provide the precision mandated by the legal demands of land claims and resource management. It has been suggested that GIS has the ability to produce maps that reflect a worldview held by many aboriginal people - one that celebrates a holistic rather than reductionist conceptualisation of the environment. The inclusion of a diversity of thematic layers within a GIS results in the creation of maps \"that move some way towards representing landscape as an integrated whole, a view that is reflective of native environmental images\" (Duerden and Keller 1992, 14). GIS enables First Nations to identify and consolidate information that characterises the landscape in terms that they are familiar with. This process of envisioning the characteristics of a landscape and integrating them into a GIS is an empowering process for a community, band or nation, for it formalises an integration of traditional knowledge and contemporary technology applicable to land claims and resource management (Robinson and Sawicki 1996, 122). Duerden and Johnson (1993, 729) state: \"GIS proves to be a useful tool in bridging the gap between traditional landscape images and the demand for formal cartographic representations of land necessary for land claim negotiation.\" Mapping Theory and Empowerment Through Maps I1 While GIS may possess the ability to incorporate traditional ways of knowing into its analyses, reconciling First Nations spatial knowledge with a digital information system based on European cartographic and scientific concepts is not straightforward. Indigenous knowledge \"describes home and action space, is innate and sustained knowledge about the land, identifies issues of immediate significance, and encodes the information about the environment in a language a region's inhabitants understand\" (Duerden and Kuhn 1993). First Nations spatial knowledge exists often in the \"informal\" realm of oral tradition and oral history: \"native peoples encode land use information mentally, viewing 'land' as a holistic environment which is the context for, and often quite inseparable from, life\" (Duerden and Keller 1992, 11). Conversely, the western scientific tradition formally classifies landscapes according to rigorous schemes predicated on geology, geomorphology, biology, and so on. Duerden and Kuhn (1993) suggest that \"the form and apparent informality of [indigenous] information does not sit comfortably with the western scientific tradition.\" This tradition, on the other hand, classifies, quantifies and formally maps \"aspects of land use, treating land as a commodity on which people live which can be abstracted easily from its broader context\" (Duerden and Kel ler 1992,11). Both approaches, however, maintain a legitimacy and relevance to the planning interests of First Nations. It is important to consider ways of reconciling the two. \"[M]ost GIS applications have been traditionally concerned only with scientifically-derived data\" (Robinson and Sawicki 1996,128). The application of GIS analysis to problems of interest to First Nations mandates the incorporation of traditional knowledge. The spatial analytical capabilities of this technology, as mentioned previously, offer great potential to aid in land-oriented decision making. The quantifiable and spatially accurate nature of GIS maps supports First Nations positions within political negotiations and legal contexts. The problem Mapping Theory and Empowerment Through Maps 25 remains, however, regarding the 'informality' of traditional knowledge. There are several ways to address this issue. First of all , by its very nature GIS has the potential to be more reflective of a holistic worldview than static analogue maps. The ability to layer diverse and subjectively chosen themes, variables and landscape characteristics can more closely approximate a less reductionist, more encompassing environment. The update-able character of GIS, moreover, can incorporate dynamic conditions in the real world into the analysis. When the Council for Yukon Indians (CYI) initiated a territory-wide digital mapping project in 1989, they took the standard topographic and planimetric maps provided by the government and augmented them with culturally-relevant layers incorporating traditional boundaries, historical information, and resource-use information, resulting in map coverages that were more sympathetic with local landscape perceptions (Duerden and Johnson 1993, 728). Figure 2.1: A Digital Elevation Model (DEM) of Mt . Baker, W A 1 The inclusion of such layers, however, was not completely sufficient in facilitating visualization of the landscape, particularly by elders unfamiliar with such formalised geographic 1 From \"Digital Elevation Models: U S G S Digital Elevation Model Information.' Mapping Theory and Empowerment Through Maps 26 information as topographic maps. In the case of the C Y I , GIS was used to create digital elevation models ( D E M ' s ) - computer-generated three-dimensional representations of terrain surfaces - from the digital geographical data. Essentially, the GIS was used to create on-the-ground perspective views that placed the informant in a familiar location or viewpoint. The result was an effective understanding of the terrain and identification of \"trails, archaeological sites, burial grounds and other culturally-important sites at a highly localised scale\" (Duerden and Johnson 1993, 729). D E M ' s are also relevant to resource management applications as they embody the potential to illustrate future outcomes of plans and proposals, such as forestry cutblocks, mining developments, and road construction, that impact on the landscape. 2.3.4 Applications of GIS by First Nations GIS, as suggested, has significant potential as a means of culturally-sensitive map production, and thus as a spatial decision-making tool for First Nations. Despite the complexities of reconciling traditional knowledge with a formalised digital technology, First Nations groups are applying GIS to a wide variety of planning concerns ranging from land claims settlement to health concerns to forestry management. The intention of this section is to explore an assortment of case studies, looking first at applications in the land claims process, then exploring resource management initiatives using GIS. 2.3.3.1 Land Claims First Nations are increasingly active in pursuing formal land claims. The land claims process involves the acquisition and analysis of large volumes of data as groups make efforts to reconstruct their traditional territorial base. GIS has proven to be an effective means of Mapping Theory and Empowerment Through Maps 27 compiling this data, facilitating spatial decision-making and supplementing legal propositions for the recovery of territory. Duerden and Keller (1992) and Duerden and Johnson (1993) address the relevance of GIS to the land selection process. They suggest three tasks to which GIS technology is applicable in this context. First, GIS is used to aid in the \"identification of areas of use and occupancy as a basis for establishing legitimacy of a claim\". Data which represent the group's conception of their land, including historical uses, cultural sites, and harvesting areas, is incorporated into a GIS. Thematic layers are overlaid and an image of traditional territory produced, serving as the foundation of a land claims proposal. Fol lowing this land-use inventory, a second stage involves identification of land selection priorities. Empirical evidence shows that First Nations typically retain less than one-tenth of their traditional territory after the settlement process, therefore it is important that they identify areas of high economic and cultural value for retention (Duerden and Johnson 1993, 727). This process involves defining what criteria are valuable in terms of present and future usage and the identification of these land areas within the group's traditional territories as well as excluding land unobtainable due to government constraints (Duerden and Keller 1992, 13). It is here where a GIS overlay process, preferably with weighted thematic layers reflecting local valuation, can be used to identify areas that meet the greatest number of criteria for retention. These areas are then presented in the negotiation as an optimal scenario in the land claim. GIS may also be applicable to a third stage in the negotiation process. A s the claims progress, First Nations groups can explore alternative settlement scenarios and present their own proposals in an iterative manner using a GIS (Duerden and Johnson 1993, 727). The flexibility and rapid update capabilities of GIS render it an effective and efficient evaluative tool; assessing Mapping Theory and Empowerment Through Maps 28 and generating alternatives using analogue technology (paper maps) would prove time-consuming and difficult. Moreover, the geographic characteristics inherent in a GIS give these generated responses the spatial accuracy demanded in legal cases. Cit ing land restoration litigation cases in the United States, Marozas (1991, 85) states \"[...] the role of GIS is to provide an unbiased spatial database that can be queried by both parties.\" A n d \"[...] the capability to provide such information as testimony increases the ability of the court to make its decision.\" GIS, therefore, can be used by First Nations to construct a realistic vision of their traditional territories, assess areas with the greatest value for retention, analyse alternative scenarios as they are put forward and present effective and accurate proposals for settlement. A number of documented cases of GIS use in land claims exist. The Dene of the Northwest Territories, Yukon, northern British Columbia, Alberta and Saskatchewan, for example, have been applying digital information technology to their land claims explorations since 1981 (Asch and Tychon 1993). The data were drawn from the Dene Mapping Project initiated in 1974 wherein individuals marked on 1:250,000 map sheets \"hunting and trapping trails; fishing areas; species sought; the years, seasons and frequency of use; and in some cases cabins, camps, and important cultural sites\" (Asch and Tychon 1993, 732). The objective of this exercise was to identify the extent of land use and occupancy between 1890 and 1975. Computerisation of the data involved the creation of two databases. The first was a trail database, essentially a digitized geographic coverage of trapper activity generated from the work done on the original paper map sheets. The second was a tabular database incorporating biographical/use data - including the specifics of trail usage, biographical information on the trappers, and source information - and segment data, which served to link the biographical/use data with the trail database, creating a comprehensive and functional relational database Mapping Theory and Empowerment Through Maps 29 structure. The Dene Mapping Project digital databases have been used for a number of applications including land claims negotiations with the federal government, border placement between Denedeh and Nunavut, and exploration of overlapping Dene/Metis - Inuvialut land use in the Inuvialut settlement region (Asch and Tychon 1993, 733). Between 1989 and 1991, the Council for Yukon Indians, an umbrella group representing fourteen First Nations, worked to create digital maps of each nation's traditional territory based on topography, historical boundaries and other culturally-relevant information (Duerden and Johnson 1993, 728). The result was the creation of a complete digital coverage of the Yukon territory at a scale of 1:250,000. In 1991, this information was used in formal land claims negotiations with the federal government resulting in a settlement covering 41,000 square kilometres. A succeeding stage involved the selection of land to be retained from their traditional territories by individual First Nations, an exercise that could be realized at a more local scale as many communities possessed their own GIS analysis facilities based on compatible hardware and software platforms. Other documented cases of GIS use in land claims include the Zuni Pueblo of New Mexico and the Shuswap Nation of British Columbia. Beginning in 1987, the Zuni sought to calculate the total acreage of land taken from the Zuni Aboriginal Area between 1846 and 1939 with the aim of receiving accurate monetary compensation (Marozas 1991). Translating non-graphic descriptions of the appropriated lands into digital cartographic format resulted in the identification of 255,266 additional acres of land beyond an original Zuni estimation. The analytical capabilities of the GIS facilitated the visualization and quantification of appropriated aboriginal land in the legal process, and resulted in a significant appreciation in the monetary compensation offered to the Zuni tribe. In 1991, the Shuswap Nation began to investigate the Mapping Theory and Empowerment Through Maps 30 possibilities of using GIS \"as a tool to help settle issues of historical, cultural, economic, social, and political value to them\" (Le Dressay 1993, 701). One application of GIS was the creation of digital maps of traditional boundary information by Shuswap communities. The synthesis of this data is intended to form the basis of the comprehensive land claim for the entire Shuswap Nation. 2.3.3.2 Resource Management The outcome of land claims settlements is the creation of autonomous or semi-autonomous governance structures. A n implication of this is the management of local economies with the aim of maintaining and increasing the independence of the newfound political entities. Makokis and Buckley (The Role of Integrated Resource Management...) suggest: \"[i]n order to operate and survive as self-governing political nations, Indian bands must first and foremost develop an economic infrastructure to sustain their political institutions. To achieve this it is imperative that economic resources be identified and a resource management strategy be developed and implemented.\" Marozas (1991, 91) likewise identifies a progression from traditional territory designation to legal land claims settlement to management of newly acquired land, a process to which GIS can be applied at each stage. A s with land claims, the ability of GIS to store, process and analyse large quantities of spatial data is proving useful in the First Nations mapping for resource planning context. Effective resource management requires the input of disparate data describing social, ecological and environmental phenomena, and the ability to respond flexibly and dynamically to rapidly changing real world conditions, characteristics inherent in GIS (Makokis and Buckley 1991). A rich variety of approaches have been taken and many innovative applications realised in the field of resource management by First Nations. Mapping Theory and Empowerment Through Maps 31 One such example is the resource management initiative undertaken by the Lake Superior First Nations Development Trust ( L S F N D T ) with the assistance of the Canadian Forest Service (CFS) (Neto 1996b). The focus of the project is the integration of the Fort Wi l l i am First Nation (a member of L S F N D T ) forest reserve and management data with traditional land values such as historical information, burial grounds, and fishing and hunting areas, within a GIS. The intention is to develop a comprehensive picture of the landscape before resource extraction begins so that development might be sympathetic with locally-held values. A similar approach was taken in the case of the Neskonlith Band, a member of the Shuswap Nation in British Columbia. In the context of a resource-rich environment and a history of outside exploitation (the band has imposed a moratorium on logging since 1970 to counter forestry abuses) a GIS analysis was initiated to explore the implications of alternative development scenarios (Mackasey 1993). With the aid of a GIS, three management alternatives for Neskonlith land were generated: economic, ecological and balanced. The economic alternative was predicated on the maximisation of short-term profits and utilised nine data layers including resort and golf course development, forestry, aquaculture, range, cultivation and so on. The second alternative, the ecological approach, incorporated twenty-five layers such as wildlife corridors, cultural sites, traditional uses, forestry, and riparian zones. The third alternative, balanced, sought to illustrate a middle ground between immediate exploitation and ecological preservation and used eighteen data layers. The aim of the project was not to define an explicit resource management plan, but rather to illuminate in a compelling and visual way the outcomes and trade-offs inherent to various management alternatives. A s the band begins to move in the direction of resource management, this framework wi l l serve to inform future decisions. Mapping Theory and Empowerment Through Maps 32 With an intention to \"preserve its rich historical heritage, promote economic development and efficient land management,\" the Winnebago, or Ho Chunk, nation of Wisconsin established a GIS division in 1991 (He 1995). A variety of diverse and innovative projects were initiated. The Land and Population Mapping project was created as a source to inform an overall land and human service management plan. The layers in A R C / I N F O (GIS software) format included roads, hydrography and population data. Another project involved the creation of a spatial model to analyse and predict the location of burial mounds. Mapping the relationship between twenty identified burial mounds and a suite of environmental characteristics, a GIS was used to indicate areas with high probabilities of mound sites. Recognising a high correlation between historical vegetation data, soil characteristics and the existence of burial mounds, GIS contributed to a richer understanding of the function and meaning of these mounds, knowledge much appreciated by Ho Chunk elders. GIS was also beneficial in the reacquisition of traditional lands containing sixty-four effigy mounds and the development of a management plan for this area incorporating \"mound restoration, buffalo range, cultural park development, etc.\" (He 1995). In addition to these projects, the Ho Chunk Nation has used GIS analysis in health and housing management studies. GIS has been applied by First Nations to resource management issues in numerous other contexts. The E . A . G . L . E . (Effects on Aboriginals from the Great Lakes Environment) Project explored the problem of the ingestion of toxic chemicals by First Nations consuming fish and wi ld meat (Neto 1996a). The analysis involved using a GIS to map the interrelationship between the presence of pollutants and the traditional fishing and hunting sites of sixty-one First Nations communities. The Gwich ' i n community of the Northwest Territories maintain a rich spatial knowledge they feel has been fundamental to their survival (Neto 1996d). With the presence of Mapping Theory and Empowerment Through Maps 33 new opportunities to manage local resources in the context of a Comprehensive Land Cla im agreement, the community took steps to adopt GIS as a planning tool in the summer of 1994. In a co-management scheme similar to the Fort Wi l l i am First Nation, the Pueblo of Jemez, New Mexico , working with private and public sector institutions, has established a GIS operation to record, quantify and analyse natural and cultural resources important to them (Pueblo of Jemez 1998). The mandate of the GIS project is to effectively recognise and assess impacts on local resources and to supplement resource management activities. GIS, used as a map-producing, and thus a decision-making, tool, has assisted First Nations in developing resource management strategies within their jurisdiction and thus move more readily towards true self-governance and independence. The capabilities of the technology have been employed in a wide variety of applications which serve to provide First Nations with a richer understanding of their land as well as explore the implications of alternative development scenarios. Implementing a GIS, however, is a complex and challenging exercise. The following section wi l l discuss the frustrations various First Nations have had with setting up GIS as well as explore some of the solutions they have applied to these problems. 2.3.5 The Complexities of GIS Implementation While GIS offers great potential as a means to consolidate, in map form, knowledge applicable to issues of land claims and resource management, establishing a geographic information system has proved problematic for numerous First Nations groups. A s a computer-based technology, GIS is expensive, requires extensive training and demands significant amounts of high quality data i f the output is to be meaningful and beneficial. These issues seem generally Mapping Theory and Empowerment Through Maps 34 applicable to the majority of First Nations experience with GIS and are important factors to consider for any group considering the adoption of the technology. Many organizations of diverse scales are implementing GIS technology. It is clear that this process is not simple. In addressing the issue of GIS implementation in an organizational context, Johnson and Dyke (1997) identify a suite of requisite factors for successful adoption of GIS. These factors include: \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 A person knowledgeable in GIS to champion its adoption in the organization; \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 High-level management support; \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 GIS education and training for affected employees and management; \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 Co-ordination of GIS development and staff continuity; \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 Completion of a user needs assessment; \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 Clear goals and objectives defined for the GIS department; \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 A defined funding plan (Johnson and Dyke 1997, 57). While capable of addressing some of these issues, First Nations are constrained significantly by resource limitations, both temporal and financial. These limitations not only impact on the ability of First Nations to adopt GIS systems, but also to engage in future analyses. It w i l l be suggested below how such constraints affect the ability of aboriginal communities to produce local, culturally relevant maps. Le Dressay (1993) identifies four general areas of difficulty the Shuswap Nation Tribal Council (SNTC) experienced in implementing a GIS (listed in perceived order of importance): 1) GIS funding; 2) data acquisition; 3) organisation, personnel selection and training; and 4) hardware and software selection. These S N T C ' s difficulties are not unique, but rather are apparent in many First Nations cases. Mapping Theory and Empowerment Through Maps 35 2.3.4.1 Funding and Finances Funding problems are characteristic of many First Nations mapping endeavours due to the costly nature of system implementation and maintenance (Le Dressay 1993; Marozas 1991, 1993 ). The use of a GIS requires a long term financial commitment, yet in many cases adequate resources are simply unavailable due to the fact that GIS, as yet, is not considered a fundamental component of First Nations infrastructure (Le Dressay 1993, 704). A n awareness of this fact exists and groups have taken steps to allay the problem of financial difficulties. Drawing on the Shuswap Nation experience, L e Dressay (1993, 704-705) suggests the need for First Nations to develop an implementation strategy that reflects funding realities, to generate community support for GIS as soon as possible, and to establish external funding partnerships. Such partnerships were developed by the Ho Chunk Nation of Wisconsin after they suffered a \"severe financial crisis\" while setting up their GIS department (He 1995). Through the development of alliances with a GIS software company (ESRI) and a hardware company (Summagraphics), and with aid from the federal Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) , the Nation was able to maintain an active department engaged in a wide variety of planning activities. It is also important to look beyond the present in planning a GIS to maintain the viability of the program in future analyses. Infrastructure and data, as expensive elements of a GIS, should be oriented towards continued use, not just present problems (Neto 1996a). 2.3.4.2 Data Acquisition The quality of any GIS analysis is dependent on the quality of data used. Aboriginal groups are not alone in experiencing difficulties with data. Rowley (1993, 2) suggests that \"the overriding factor inhibiting the success of GIS has been data.\" The problems with spatial data Mapping Theory and Empowerment Through Maps 36 are numerous. In many cases, the quality of the data may be suspect, in that it can be incomplete, inaccurate or of unknown origin. Further, computerizing spatial data is very expensive and therefore can compromise one's ability to map efficiently. Finally, access to data may be restricted; the appropriate data for a given analysis may exist, but it may be made unavailable for use by its creators. Acquiring data has proved to be a problem for First Nations due to its expense and problems with data availability and accuracy (Makokis and Buckley 1991). In the Shuswap case, it was found that the optimal digital geographical data source, provincial Terrain Resource Inventory Maps (TRIM) were prohibitively expensive at the desired scale of 1:20,000 (Le Dressay 1993, 706). To cover the Nation's territory in T R I M format was estimated to cost $700,000, far beyond the means of the program. Moreover, much of the land area (approximately one-half) is unmapped, a reality across many First Nations territories (Marozas 1991, 90). Alternative digital coverages are available from the Ministry of Forests, but these are considered outdated, inaccurate or insufficient for Shuswap needs. Due to the legal nature of the land claims process and the demands of resource management, spatial accuracy is of fundamental importance to First Nations planning activities. The E . A . G . L . E . project has likewise experienced problems with the acquisition of data: \"the largest obstacle to date has been with purchasing and assembling clean basemaps. Much of their time has been spent editing the maps to ensure accuracy\"(Neto 1996a). Quality data is clearly of high importance for meaningful GIS use, yet problems of data cost and quality are pervasive. Accordingly, First Nations are forced to commit substantial resources to the acquisition and generation of useful data. A s with funding in general, groups have explored creative responses to the issue. The Shuswap Nation, for example, is seeking to Mapping Theory and Empowerment Through Maps 37 subcontract T R I M mapping work from the provincial government in order to acquire accurate base maps and build GIS capacity within the Nation (Le Dressay 1993, 707). Despite such approaches, data shortcomings and expense remain a significant stumbling block for applications in GIS by First Nations. 2.3.4.3 Training and Capacity Building In addition to funding and data difficulties, First Nations must also address the question of skills and training. To avoid the excessive cost of hiring outside consultants and technicians and to develop internal independence, the necessity arises for local capacity-building. GIS, however, is generally difficult to use and the learning curve steep (see Makokis and Buckley 1991; Neto 1996f; Marozas 1993, 691). Efforts must therefore be made to develop skills locally through training programs and partnerships. In the case of the H o Chunk Nation, not long after their GIS program was introduced, a short training course was given to provide initial familiarity with GIS to Nation members with the aim of providing community understanding and support for the project (He 1995). In addition, a relationship was established with the Bureau of Indian Affairs who provided formal training for Ho Chunk program staff. A s mentioned previously, the Shuswap nation has envisioned a partnership with the British Columbia provincial government to subcontract mapping services with the aim of augmenting internal GIS skills. A further educational strategy evident in the Shuswap case is the installation of GIS equipment in several communities, the provision of initial training and the commencement of a concise project characterised by tangible results - in this case, the mapping of traditional territory for a comprehensive land claim. A dissemination of basic GIS skills and the generation of community support are the intended outcomes of this strategy. Mapping Theory and Empowerment Through Maps 38 Robinson and Sawicki (1996) are advocates of a participatory action research (PAR) approach to GIS training in the First Nations context. In essence, P A R is predicated on community activism, local resource building and self-reliant development. Although non-local consultants and technicians may possess GIS skills, their role is to provide training, share knowledge and build local capacity with the aim of \"working themselves out of their jobs within a specified time\" (Robinson and Sawicki 1996, 123). In the P A R scheme, external experts are sharers of information rather than permanent additions to local GIS projects. Successful implementation of a GIS is dependent on the existence of well-trained operators and managers who are sensitive to local conditions. The complexity of the technology can prove intimidating to new users, but creative approaches to education can result in a sound skil l base and effective community buy-in, a necessity in the context of limited resources. 2.3.4.4 Hardware and Software Considerations First Nations wishing to establish a GIS program are presented with an intimidating and expensive array of hardware and software alternatives. Choosing a GIS package should not be the starting point in the creation of a GIS program. Rather, the decision should be made after the scope of GIS applications is understood: \"the system selection should be based on the organisation's needs, the extent of the information base to be entered into a system, and the nature of the data analysis requirements\" (Le Dressay 1993, 708). This system should incorporate certain fundamental components, such as an intuitive interface, a spatial referencing system, query capabilities and the ability to read and export a variety of data types (Robinson and Sawicki 1996, 125). Additionally, the hardware and software choice must be sympathetic to the constraints imposed by limited resources. Mapping Theory and Empowerment Through Maps 39 In choosing their GIS system, the Shuswap Nation Tribal Counci l used two methods (Le Dressay 1993, 708-709). First they held, at their own expense, an Integrated Resource Management Workshop to which they invited industry representatives who were given the opportunity to present the applicability of their products to Shuswap present and future needs. Second, they researched a variety of software packages and generated an evaluative matrix based on the criteria: ease of use and learning; analytical capability; application development capacity; information interchange capacity; use by potential information sources; support; and cost. Each GIS package was ranked on a five-point scale for each variable and the figures summed. More consideration was given, understandably, to ease of use, cost and application development criteria. Continued hardware improvements and price decreases are resulting in significantly greater performance for one's investment, while competition in the GIS software market is stimulating the creation of sophisticated products at reasonable prices (Robinson and Sawicki 1996, 126). Accordingly, the ability to realise powerful GIS analyses is possible. Wi th some careful forethought, First Nations can acquire GIS 's that are wel l suited to their planning intentions without draining their financial resources. Purchasing a system, however, does not confer the ability to engage in effective application of GIS technology. The barriers of data acquisition, financing and user training remain to be overcome, thus the necessity of thoughtful and well-informed project planning. 2.4 Conclusion This section is meant to present the breadth and complexity of the use of a particular map-producing technology - geographic information systems - by First Nations communities. Mapping Theory and Empowerment Through Maps 4 0 The challenge of creating maps which represent an indigenous worldview is suggestive of the importance such maps hold. Conventional, mainstream maps represent one model of reality; this model is countered by the production of maps by aboriginal communities who are cognisant of the inherent and inescapable need to create their own models of reality. A willingness to tackle the complexity and expense of GIS is indicative of an awareness, on the part of First Nations mappers, to create cartographic documents that are powerful enough to counter those created by the government and industry. When the Nisga'a nation used GIS in a 1993 presentation with the government concerning their land claim, their dynamic computer-generated and computer-presented maps eclipsed the low-tech presentation by the government: \"Probably for the first time in Canada, a local government, and in this case an aboriginal one, had challenged centralised government agencies in the 'information game,' and had come out on top\" (Pearse 1994, 112). This scenario was a true articulation of the power of maps, where the First Nations countered the government's version of reality through the presentation a seemingly valid and inherently more powerful version of reality manifest in map form. The balance of this thesis will focus on the question of capacity building in GIS mapping for First Nations by the Aboriginal Mapping Network. With the power of maps described and the practice and complexities of GIS use by First Nations noted, this thesis can begin to explore how one entity, the network, can assist in the development of mapping skills for aboriginal mappers, leading them to create spatial documents that are meaningful articulations of indigenous worldviews. Moreover, these maps can counteract what John Forester (1989) defines as 'misinformation' emanating from the status quo. As the Nisga'a example suggests, First Nations maps can stand on equal footing with conventional maps, illuminating and eventually realising development paths that may otherwise have remained invisible. Chapter 3: Methodology This exploration of the Aboriginal Mapping Network employs two sometimes related methodological frameworks: the program evaluation and the case study. These conceptions are not mutually exclusive, and in fact often converge (Yin 1994, 14). Program evaluation, as the name suggests, is a means of assessing the practicality, worth and function of a course of action made in response to a perceived situation. The Aboriginal Mapping Network, in this case, is the program evaluated as a means to build GIS capacities for First Nations. A case study methodology allows the research to be placed in a larger theoretical context. Instead of simply evaluating the effectiveness of the Network on its own terms, a case study approach facilitates the creation of linkages between the limited scope of the evaluation and more general theories, in this case, those pertaining to the democratization of mapping and the empowerment of minority communities. This chapter wi l l introduce both program evaluation and case study methodologies and describe how they are used in the research. 3.1 Program Evaluation Pietro (1983, 7) defines program evaluation as the identification of strengths, weaknesses and relevance of a program, the assessment of the impacts of a program on the lives of community members, and the application of lessons learned to the activities of the program. Herman, Morris and Fitz-Gibbon (1987, 11) suggest that the results of an evaluation can guide the allocation of resources, help set priorities and facilitate the modification and refinement of program structures. Within the field of evaluation, however, there exists a wide variety of Methodology 42 methods for generating data and analyzing the results, ranging from the quantitative and 'objective' to the naturalistic and 'subjective.' In the earlier years of evaluation, there was heavy emphasis on technical methods. Discrete and measurable goals were identified and quantitative data gathering techniques (experimental designs, control groups) were employed (Herman, Morris and Fitz-Gibbon 1987). In the 1970s, however, a trend away from positivist methods and towards more qualitative evaluation developed as sensitivity to subjectivity in the social sciences grew. Awareness of unanticipated outcomes, the importance of perceptions and the desire to move towards inclusive, participatory models of evaluation encouraged this shift (Pietro 1983, 8). Exploration of various models of evaluation makes evident the diversity of thought and practice in the field of program evaluation. Rutman (1977) in several ways straddles the line between quantitative and qualitative approaches to evaluation. The method advocated strongly emphasizes the importance of \"scientific procedures,\" \"reliable and valid evidence,\" and the identification of causal linkages between activities and outcomes (Rutman 1977, 16). Whereas early evaluation models focus exclusively on the realization of identified and anticipated goals, however, Rutman places additional emphasis on implicit goals or unanticipated outcomes: [...] evaluation researchers often limit their attention to only those outcomes which fall under the stated goals. This places restrictions on the scope of the research because such an approach can miss latent goals (i.e., those which are not formally stated), unintended consequences, as well as other anticipated effects (Rutman 1977, 17). While this approach remains strongly dependent on more technical methods and linear relationships, and is strongly oriented towards the realization of pre-determined goals, its awareness of alternative impacts is an important addition to program evaluation theory. Methodology 43 Subsequent approaches demonstrate awareness of the implications of unanticipated outcomes while moving the methods employed in a more qualitative direction. The Program Evaluation Kit, an eight-volume publication first produced Herman, Morris and Fitz-Gibbons in 1978 embraces both qualitative and quantitative methods in evaluation. In certain circumstances, a technical approach may have utility; what is most important is that the evaluation remain flexible to adapt to its context (Herman, Morris and Fitz-Gibbons 1987, 11). It is paramount that the expectations of the evaluation are figured out in advance and that the limitations of the evaluation are communicated. Specifically, a negotiation takes place between the evaluator and the 'client' wherein the latter's needs for the evaluation are understood along with what they accept as credible information and as a reporting style (Herman, Morris and Fitz-Gibbons 1987, 13). Consequently, the methods to be used in the evaluation are determined. If appropriate, quantitative and/or qualitative techniques are used. Depending on what stage the evaluator is brought in, the evaluation may be either formative or summative. Both begin with the same basic exploration of the context: the evaluator w i l l research the program - to learn its history, scope, rationale and goals and objectives - through personal communication with the program's developers and through the study of documentation (request for proposals, plans, etc.) (Herman, Morris and Fitz-Gibbons 1987, 27). A formative evaluation is done to improve a program, to help steer it toward its goals, in the course of its development. A summative evaluation takes place upon the completion of a program to determine how effective it has been in reaching its goals and objectives. These two types of evaluation have similar characteristics, in that they w i l l seek out multiple sources of information, they wi l l communicate the findings in a means appropriate for the 'client', and they wi l l focus the data collection on indicators that can be feasibly measured or observed (Herman, Methodology 44 Morris and Fitz-Gibbons 1987, 32-36). Additionally, formative evaluations, where possible, will monitor the program on a periodic basis. The Program Evaluation Kit approach to evaluation places great emphasis on the relevance and usefulness of the study to those who will use it. A wide variety of analytical techniques are legitimate so long as they reflect the character of the program, can adequately interpret the realization of goals and objectives, and are understood by the 'clients' for whom the evaluation is prepared. A very important characteristic of this approach is the research done prior to the collection of evaluation data. The exploration of the context determines the methods used, the limits of, and the expectations held for the evaluation. Positioned more strongly in the qualitative camp is the approach presented by Pietro (1983). The emphasis here is \"simple but persuasive methodologies\" where controlled experimental designs are used only as a \"last resort\" (Pietro 1983, 12). As with the Program Evaluation Kit, this approach mandates a solid understanding of the evaluation context. When this is achieved, the evaluator can create an appropriate evaluation predicated on good information and relevance. The evaluator often works with constraints on time and resources therefore it is important that he/she produces an evaluation that selectively uncovers the most useful information (that conveys the true state of affairs) at reasonable expense (Pietro 1983,41). Pietro (1983, 67-80) identifies five models of evaluation ranging from very qualitative and 'objective' to the strongly participatory and qualitative. Goal based evaluation is predicated on the identification of discrete goals and objectives, their translation into measurable indicators and the subsequent collection of appropriate data. Appropriate for programs with very self-evident results, this model may ignore important issues and unanticipated outcomes. Decision-2 Pietro's (1983) work is based on research in the PVO (private and voluntary organizations) sector, where human and fiscal resources are often quite limited. Methodology 45 making evaluation suggests that decisions, not goals and objectives, are the key element in evaluation design. A s such, more attention is paid to a pre-project assessment and process concerns. A third model - Goal-free evaluation - focuses not on the realization of goals and objectives, but instead on all the outcomes of a program. Advocates of this approach feel that because programs often fall short of their intended goals, it is important to study what actually happens to those affected by the program. The Expert Judgment model moves further away from rigorous data collection and relies on the critical abilities of evaluator, the 'expert.' This approach mandates that the evaluator have expertise in the relevant subject, and consequently is able to provide insightful, sometimes subjective comments impossible otherwise. The final model of evaluation - the one favoured by Pietro (1983, 79) - is naturalistic evaluation. The design, in this case, is emergent, in that it responds to the needs of the stakeholders. The evaluation is holistic in that it seeks to understand a program's operations through the exploration of a pluralism in viewpoints and values. Rather that restricting the scope of data through experimental designs, this approach attempts to generate its holistic understanding though direct observation (often participant observation), unstructured key informant interviews and the review of historical information. Appropriate presentation of the evaluation findings is important. Novel presentation methods - using photographs, maps, graphs, displays - that w i l l communicate results clearly and understandably to stakeholders take precedence over traditional evaluation reports. The naturalistic model, as its name suggests, offers a more 'natural' portrayal of program, unconstrained by the predetermined scope and selectivity of a rigorous experimental design. It approaches the problem of evaluating a program with a blank slate and is thus more receptive to nuance, complexity and unanticipated outcomes. Methodology 46 3.2 Program Evaluation Methods Used in this Research In many ways, this research into the Aboriginal Mapping Network adopts a naturalistic approach to evaluation. First, it delves into the Network's context and history, as well as into the issue of First Nations mapping, prior to any evaluation data collection within the mapping community. The institutional context and the Network's evolution are explored through the consulting of as many documents (grant proposals, specifically) as possible. Additional history and background are derived from interviews with two members of Ecotrust Canada who are instrumental to the development of the Network (for a list of questions for the Network developers, see Appendix I). These interviews focus on the first two years of the Network's history, the justification for its existence, its operational characteristics and its anticipated outcomes. The questions themselves are derived from the background research done in advance of the interviews. An understanding of the institutional context and the reasons for the Network's existence helped scope the questions while a formal four-month internship with Ecotrust Canada further contributed to an understanding of the program prior to any interviewing. A comprehensive literature review focusing on First Nations' use of geographic information systems provides additional grounding for the evaluation, contributing a solid understanding in the documented reality of Aboriginal mapping practice in B.C. and elsewhere. This preparation sets the stage for commencing the component of the evaluation involving communication with the Network users, the First Nations mappers. Methods here again are characteristic of a naturalistic-type evaluation. Eleven key informant interviews are conducted. They are semi-structured in the sense that they are based on pre-established questions answered on an open-ended basis. The questions themselves are derived from the background research into First Nations mapping and the Aboriginal Mapping Network, and from the interviews with Methodology 47 the Network developers (for a list of interview questions, see Appendix II). They address questions of current mapping practice, problems encountered with running a First Nations GIS department, and the perceived utility, appropriateness, strengths and weaknesses of the Network. The first component of the interviews (\"the state of your GIS department\") and the second (\"needs and problems\") address experiences with mapping in a First Nations context. Questions are asked which serve to describe the usage of GIS, its specific applications and the skills of its users. Further, subjects are asked about the difficulties they face as First Nations mappers in B . C . The literature suggests that aboriginal mappers using GIS technology wi l l face problems in terms of data acquisition, funding, training and so forth. The interview seeks to confirm and elaborate on these hypotheses. The third component of the interview process (\"use of the Aboriginal Mapping Network\") focuses specifically on the Network itself. Explored are questions of exposure, useful components of the website, omissions and future management. Broader questions that relate to the case study are also addressed here. Mappers are asked explicitly whether or not the Network might help to build an aboriginal mapping community and if the Network can facilitate the democratization of mapping by building capacity in GIS for First Nations. The open-ended character of the interviews places this evaluation in the category of more qualitative approaches. The unconstrained nature of the informants' responses allows for the expression of answers that may have been lost in a survey-oriented or experimental design-type evaluation. The interview design itself is emergent, in that the approach to interviewing the mappers is developed within the evaluation after the context had been established (following the interviews with program developers and other background research). If key issues become apparent in the course of interviewing, they are raised in subsequent interviews. A lack of the Methodology 4b\" appearance of unanticipated issues during the course of interviewing, however, corroborates the questions' validity and stands as testimony to the necessity and utility of preparatory research done in the early part of the evaluation. The interview subjects themselves were chosen by one or more criteria. Ecotrust Canada has a mailing list of First Nations contacts who received notification of the existence of the Aboriginal Mapping Network. Selected from this list were approximately thirty individuals or mapping offices who had either been in communication with Ecotrust Canada about the Network or who live in the Lower Mainland and thus would be easy to contact. Each was mailed an introductory letter along with sample interview questions, and contacted with a telephone call . Of the thirty, eleven were interviewed, the remainder either too busy, unreachable or unwilling (for a list of interview subjects, see Appendix IH). The interviews lasted between twenty minutes and one-and-a-half hours. Five were done in person while six were done over the telephone and two via email correspondence. The extensive geographical distribution of the interview subjects prohibited face-to-face contact in the majority of cases. In either situation, the interview process followed the same procedure. The subjects were informed of the ethical requirements of the research and gave their consent either verbally or by signing a consent form i f possible 3. They were then given a description of the thesis subject and objectives, and the interviewing began. With questions in hand, the interviews generally followed the outline provided. Digression sometimes occurred and was encouraged with the intention of uncovering new or overlooked ideas. With the exception of the email responses, all of the interviews were recorded on audio cassette and subsequently transcribed verbatim. 3 The entire research process conforms to the University of British Columbia's ethical review process as defined by the Behavioural Research Ethics Board. To approve a project involving human subjects, the applicant must describe to the board the subject of the research, the nature of any interviews, and the procedure for analyzing the data. The Methodology 49 Enthusiasm to participate in the process was expressed by many of the subjects. This fact reflects their dedication and interest in their mapping work and their willingness to participate in the development of the Network, and by extension, mapping skills among First Nations. Those who agreed to participate were generally interviewed in the middle of the day from their workplace, which suggests the relevance of this research to them. Two mappers, in fact, asked to be interviewed as soon as they received their introductory letter, rather than waiting for the follow-up phone call, which was standard procedure. Similar enthusiasm was manifest throughout the interviews. This is evident in the fact that the majority of interviews are over thirty minutes in length and one approached one-and-a-half hours. Such active participation is an encouraging affirmation of the value this research has to its community. The interview findings are analyzed in relation to the perceptions, expectations, goals and objectives of the Network's developers. Being a formative evaluation, this research is intended to suggest improvements to the Network by presenting the response from the mapping community as a means to move the Network closer to its goals and objectives. A s such, the input from the mappers is presented as a critique of the program with suggestions as to how it can better \"network the aboriginal mapping community.\" The methodology does not allow for an uncontestable, rigorous judgement of the Aboriginal Mapping Network's worth; rather the evaluation is dependent somewhat on personal conclusions, moving the evaluation somewhat towards the expert judgement model. A n y judgements, however, w i l l be informed by first-hand communication with the stakeholders. This evaluation, then, borrows heavily from the naturalistic model proposed by Pietro (1983). It is rooted in a solid understanding of the context the Aboriginal Mapping Network is researcher is asked to submit a copy of all interview questions. All interviewing must conform to certain criteria including the expression of consent by subjects. Ethical approval was conferred by the Board in August of 1998. Methodology 5 0 operating within, including the institutional environment, the current state o f Abor ig ina l mapping practice and the Network 's goals and objectives. T h e methodology is exclusively qualitative, predicated on open-ended personal interviews, and emergent, in that it develops as the evaluation progresses and remains flexible. Further, conclusions drawn regarding the evaluation are not incontestable, r igid 'facts' or judgements, as are found in more quantitative goal-based approaches. Rather, they are expressed as suggestions or i l luminations o f key issues which are intended to assist in organizational growth and improvement of service to the stakeholders (and thus the realization of organizational goals and objectives). 3.3 Case Study Methods T h e case study provides a means for mov ing from the specific to the general in social science research. A case study \" attempts to provide a theoretical as wel l as a descriptive account o f its case material. [...] It is an inductive method which proceeds f rom observation and goes on to show how general abstract explanatory principles manifest themselves in one example of observed reality\" (Johnston 1991,45). Th i s study moves f rom the particular - the program evaluation of the Abor ig ina l Mapp ing Network - to a more universal, theoretical level through the use of a case study methodology. A case study approach facilitates the convergence of theory and everyday life, l inking phenomenon and context ( Y i n 1994, 14). Th i s study places the evaluation of the Abor ig ina l M a p p i n g Network into a larger theoretical framework, namely that of the democratization of mapping and the implicit social and political power that maps maintain. Identification of a theoretical foundation is an explicit component of case study analysis; this research is predicated on an established body of theory based on ideas of information control and empowerment. T h e case study itself - an exploration Methodology 51 of the Aboriginal Mapping Network is unique - but its linkage to theory renders it less abstract and isolated, and more global. Y i n (1994, 20-26) identifies four components in case study design to which this present research adheres. First, there is the issue of study questions; case studies lend themselves to 'how' and 'why' questions. Questions asking 'who' , 'what', and 'where' - as in \"who uses this particular service?\" or \"where are the stakeholders from?\" - are more suited to archival studies or surveys. 'How ' or 'why' questions, which focus on operational links rather than incidence or frequencies, are more suited to case study analysis. The linkage between theory and experience is made in the course of defining a study question. In the present example, the study questions can be expressed: \"How does the Aboriginal Mapping Network democratize the mapping experience for First Nations mappers in B.C. ?\" and subsequently, \"Why is the democratization of mapping experience - and more specifically, the development of GIS capacities - important and how will it impact the planning activities of First Nations?\" The generation of study questions leads to the development of a study proposition. In essence, this is a hypothesis, a guiding argument around which to structure the study. In the current study, this is expressed: \"The Aboriginal Mapping Network has the potential to build capacity in GIS mapping for First Nations. The ability to use this technology will facilitate the bringing of local knowledge into planning and governance processes and lead to the empowerment of First Nations of their own terms.\" This proposition guides the present research; it serves to link the local (the program evaluation) with the theoretical (mapping theory and community empowerment). The questions raised in the course of the interviews help resolve the study questions and elaborate on the study proposition (see Appendix I and Appendix II). Initial background for the Methodology 52 First Nations mapping experience is revealed in the early components of the interviews. Mappers are queried initially about their mapping departments (size, type of work) and then about specific problems they face as First Nations mappers in B . C . (such as funding shortfalls and data acquisition). These questions supply the background for the evaluation and the case study. The third component of the interviews focuses on the mappers' experience with the Aboriginal Mapping Network - their perceptions of strengths and weaknesses, their likes and dislikes, and visions of future management. Here, mappers are asked about the worth of the Network to them. Specifically, they are asked i f they concur with the Network developers' perception that individuals in the aboriginal mapping community are indeed developing mapping skills independently of each other, and what the consequences of this are. How they could benefit from a networked community is discussed along with their feelings on whether or not the Aboriginal Mapping Network can help democratize mapping. The practical experiences and perceptions of mappers and related to theories of information and power in maps. The third component is straightforward: the case study unit of analysis. For the purpose of this thesis, the unit of analysis is the Aboriginal Mapping Network, defined not only as the website itself, but all means used to \"network the aboriginal mapping community.\" This incorporates all the proposed and existing activities of the Network and the Network management. The final component - linking the data to propositions and criteria for interpreting the findings - addresses the question of methods and data interpretation. Y i n (1994, 91-98) suggests that there are three principles of data collection which help deal with the reliability of a case study; these have been incorporated into this body of research. First, the study must use multiple sources of evidence. Triangulation, Y i n suggests, allows for \"converging lines of Methodology 53 inquiry,\" strengthening any arguments. Second, there is the creation of a case study database which comprises 1) the data or evidentiary base and 2) the report of the investigator. The former, in this case, are the transcribed interviews, institutional reports, bibliography and secondary research which inform this case study. The latter - the report - is this thesis itself. Finally, the researcher must maintain a chain of evidence. This chain of evidence is simply an explicit linkage (citation) between the case study conclusions and the evidence collected (the primary research). Clear linkages wi l l by definition strengthen the validity of the case study. A case study approach serves, in this thesis, to link the evaluation of the Aboriginal Mapping Network to broader theoretical considerations pertaining to mapping theory. The methods proposed by Y i n (1994) help focus the analysis by mandating an articulation of statements that link the theory and the unique case. Moreover, validity and reliability are strengthened by the conscious development and use of diverse data sources and explicit linkages between data and argument. A case study methodology facilitates the generating of broad theoretical arguments and conclusions based on the immediate experiences of First Nations mappers. 5 "Thesis/Dissertation"@en . "1999-05"@en . "10.14288/1.0099349"@en . "eng"@en . "Planning"@en . "Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library"@en . "University of British Columbia"@en . "For non-commercial purposes only, such as research, private study and education. Additional conditions apply, see Terms of Use https://open.library.ubc.ca/terms_of_use."@en . "Graduate"@en . "The Aboriginal Mapping Network : a case study in the democratization of mapping"@en . "Text"@en . "http://hdl.handle.net/2429/9113"@en .