"Business, Sauder School of"@en . "DSpace"@en . "UBCV"@en . "Lucas, Robert Gillmor"@en . "2010-02-23T19:50:01Z"@en . "1978"@en . "Master of Science - MSc"@en . "University of British Columbia"@en . "The objective of this thesis was to identify and critically analyze the existing theoretical origins of social exchange.\r\nThe identification and analysis of theoretically proposed origins of exchange was based on a thorough review of the works of the better known social exchange theorists.\r\nIn the course of the review and analysis, it was discovered that social exchange theory consists of two distinguishable bodies of literature. Further, each of the two bodies of literature proceeds from its own assumptions concerning the nature and extent of social exchange activity, including the origins of such activity.\r\nCritical analysis revealed the possibility of the construction of a unified, more parsimonious conception of the origins of social exchange. The concept of social solidarity and its role as both causal agent and social result of exchange, processes provided the basis for a new explanation of the origins of social exchange.\r\nThe general conclusions of the thesis are four. First, two models of social exchange exist in the literature. They are the generalized model and restricted model. Second, the origins of exchange assumed by each model differ. The generalized model posits the functional requirements of the group for integration and survival as origins. The restricted model posits psychological needs and/or rational economic motives as origins. Third, the generalized exchange model is capable of subsuming the restricted exchange model, at least insofar as origins of exchange are concerned. Fourth, it is concluded that both the restricted and generalized exchange models are linked in one crucial way. Both models implicitly deal with the creation of social solidarity, and the way in which the models are related through the concept of social solidarity is explained."@en . "https://circle.library.ubc.ca/rest/handle/2429/20777?expand=metadata"@en . "ORIGINS OF SOCIAL EXCHANGE by ROBERT GILLMOR LUCAS B.Comm., U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1968 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE IN BUSINESS ADMINISTRATION i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES FACULTY OF COMMERCE AND BUSINESS ADMINISTRATION We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY.OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August, 1977 \u00C2\u00A9 Robert G i l l m o r Lucas, 1977 In presenting th i s thes is in p a r t i a l fu l f i lment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the Un ivers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L ibrary sha l l make it f ree l y ava i lab le for reference and study. I fur ther agree that permission for extensive copying of th i s thes is for scho la r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h is representat ives . It is understood that copying or pub l i ca t ion of th is thes is for f i n a n c i a l gain sha l l not be allowed without my wri t ten permission. Depa rtment The Univers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date /3*>^;/ J. /9 7g ABSTRACT The objective of this thesis was to i d e n t i f y and c r i t i c a l l y analyze the existing t h e o r e t i c a l origins of s o c i a l exchange. The i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and analysis of t h e o r e t i c a l l y pro-posed origins of exchange was based on a thorough review of the works of the better known s o c i a l exchange theorists. In the course of the review and analysis, i t was dis-covered that s o c i a l exchange theory consists of two d i s t i n -guishable bodies of l i t e r a t u r e . Further, each of the two bodies of l i t e r a t u r e proceeds from i t s own assumptions con-cerning the nature and extent of s o c i a l exchange a c t i v i t y , including the origins of such a c t i v i t y . C r i t i c a l analysis revealed the p o s s i b i l i t y of the con-struction of a un i f i e d , more parsimonious conception of the origins of s o c i a l exchange. The concept of s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y and i t s role as both causal agent and s o c i a l r e s u l t of exchan, processes provided the basis for a new explanation of the origins \"of s o c i a l exchange. The general conclusions of the thesis are four. F i r s t , two models of s o c i a l exchange exist i n the l i t e r a t u r e . They are the generalized model and r e s t r i c t e d model. Second, the origins of exchange assumed by each model d i f f e r . The generalized model posits the functional requirements of the group for integration and survival as ori g i n s . The r e s t r i c t e d model posits psychological needs and/or r a t i o n a l economic motives as origins. Third, the generalized exchange model i s capable of subsuming the r e s t r i c t e d exchange model, at least insofar as origins of exchange are concerned. Fourth, i t i s concluded that both the r e s t r i c t e d and generalized exchange models are linked i n one c r u c i a l way. Both models i m p l i c i t l y deal with the creation of s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y , and the way i n which the models are rel a t e d through the concept of s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y i s explained. i v TABLE OF CONTENTS Page CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER I I : ORIGINS OF EXCHANGE IN INDIVIDUALIST THEORY 12 CHAPTER I I I : ORIGINS OF EXCHANGE IN COLLECTIVIST THEORY 46 CHAPTER IV: CONCLUSIONS 82 BIBLIOGRAPHY 101 V ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS In my f i n a l year at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I had the good fortune of meeting and studying with Dr. Walter Nord. To say that the i n t e l l e c t u a l stimulation and warm encouragement he provided inspired this thesis and proved a turning point i n my l i f e i s somewhat of an understatement. Only an appreciation of Walter Nord's modesty as an academic and as a f r i e n d keeps me from more fulsome praise. I am also indebted to Dr. Vance M i t c h e l l and Dr. Craig Pinder for their patience and support during the long process of completing this thesis. Several friends have provided both the i n s i g h t f u l c r i t i -cism and tolerant companionship so h e l p f u l over the past months. I would e s p e c i a l l y l i k e to thank Mr. T. P. Haridas, Dr. Richard Hardin, Dr. Stephen M i t c h e l l , Dr. Howard Schwartz, and Ms. Janice D i l l o n . To my patient t y p i s t , Ms. Pat Kauppinen, who knows this thesis perhaps better than anyone, many thanks f o r the many well made drafts. Chapter I INTRODUCTION This thesis i d e n t i f i e s and analyzes the various theo-r e t i c a l s t a r t i n g mechanisms, both i m p l i c i t and e x p l i c i t , which underpin the s o c i a l exchange process. The analysis of the origins of s o c i a l exchange w i l l focus on: (a) r e s t r i c t e d exchange: origins framed i n terms of psychological needs and r a t i o n a l economic motive and (b) generalized exchange: origins framed i n terms of the relationship between the in d i v i d u a l and the laws of the organized whole. Further, a new explanation of the origins of s o c i a l exchange, based upon the two major classes of st a r t i n g mechanisms posited by exi s t i n g theory, w i l l be proposed. The conceptual framework which w i l l be used can be sum-marized i n the following statements. (1) Social exchange theory i s d i f f e r e n t i a t e d into two main divisio n s : (a) i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c and (b) c o l -l e c t i v i s t i c . (2) I n d i v i d u a l i s t i c s o c i a l exchange i s characterized by r e s t r i c t e d (dyadic) int e r a c t i o n and mutual 1 2 r e c i p r o c i t y . C o l l e c t i v i s t i c s o c i a l exchange i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by g e n e r a l i z e d i n t e r a c t i o n and u n i v o c a l r e c i p r o c i t y . (3) R e s t r i c t e d exchange and mutual r e c i p r o c i t y focus on the nature of i n d i v i d u a l i n t e r a c t i o n and ex-change, and do not t h e o r e t i c a l l y r e q u i r e the assumption of a s o c i a l r e a l i t y independent of the i n d i v i d u a l . G e n e r a l i z e d exchange and u n i v o c a l r e c i p r o c i t y focus on exchange o c c u r r i n g i n a m a t r i x of s o c i a l t r u s t which e x i s t s p r i o r to s p e c i f i c a c t s of s o c i a l exchange. T h i s m a t r i x of t r u s t i s one aspect of a s o c i a l l y c o n s t r u c t e d r e a l i t y which i s independent of any gi v e n i n d i v i d u a l and which i s seen to be or g a n i z e d a c c o r d i n g to laws of i t s own. In other words, the assumption i s made of a s o c i a l f a c t which i s t h e o r e t i c a l l y t r e a t e d as a t h i n g (e.g., Durkheim, 1938, p. 14). S o c i a l exchange theory i n g e n e r a l encompasses two types of exchange: r e s t r i c t e d exchange and g e n e r a l i z e d exchange. R e s t r i c t e d exchange may be d e f i n e d as that which \" i n c l u d e s any system which e f f e c t i v e l y or f u n c t i o n a l l y d i v i d e s the group i n t o p a i r s o f exchange u n i t s so that f o r any one p a i r X-Y there i s a r e c i p r o c a l ' ' \" r e l a t i o n s h i p \" ( L e v i - S t r a u s s , 1969, p. 146). Before proceeding, the use of the term r e c i p r o c i t y should be 3 E k e h ( 1 9 7 4 , p . 51) n o t e s t h a t t h e r e i s a d i s t i n c t i o n t o b e made b e t w e e n w h a t h e c a l l s e x c l u s i v e r e s t r i c t e d e x c h a n g e a n d i n c l u s i v e r e s t r i c t e d e x c h a n g e . I n e x c l u s i v e r e s t r i c t e d e x c h a n g e t h e a c t o r s h a v e n o o t h e r s o c i a l p a r t n e r s , i . e . , t h e y a r e i s o l a t e d d y a d i c s o c i a l e x c h a n g e r e l a t i o n s h i p s . U n d e r i n c l u s i v e r e s t r i c t e d e x c h a n g e \" t h e r e s t r i c t e d e x c h a n g e p a r t -n e r s a r e i m p l i c a t e d i n a l a r g e r w h o l e a n d h e n c e t h e r e e x i s t s t h e p o s s i b i l i t y o f c h a n g e o f p a r t n e r s \" ( E k e h , 1 9 7 4 , p . 5 1 ) . I n r e s t r i c t e d e x c h a n g e t h e t w o p a r t i e s t o t h e s o c i a l e x c h a n g e t r a n s a c t i o n b e n e f i t e a c h o t h e r d i r e c t l y a n d do n o t g i v e t o a n y o t h e r p a r t y . G i v e n f o u r p e r s o n s t h e n , r e s t r i c t e d e x c h a n g e w o u l d o p e r a t e i n p a i r s : A - B , C - D , A - C , B - D , A - D , B - C . G e n e r a l i z e d e x c h a n g e , t o q u o t e E k e h ( 1 9 7 4 , p . 52 ) \" o p e r -a t e s o n t h e p r i n c i p l e o f w h a t L e v i - S t r a u s s c a l l s u n i v o c a l F o o t n o t e c o n t i n u e d f r o m p r e v i o u s p a g e : c l a r i f i e d . P a r a l l e l t o t h e d u a l i t y o f r e s t r i c t e d a n d g e n e r -a l i z e d e x c h a n g e t h e r e e x i s t d u a l m e a n i n g s f o r r e c i p r o c i t y a s w e l l . A s u s e d b y G o u l d n e r ( 1 9 5 9 , 1 9 6 0 ) , Homans ( 1 9 6 1 , 1 9 7 4 ) a n d B l a u ( 1 9 6 4 ) , r e c i p r o c i t y r e f e r s t o t h e m u t u a l r e i n f o r c e -m e n t b y two p a r t i e s o f e a c h o t h e r ' s a c t i o n s . G o u l d n e r ( 1 9 6 0 ) h a s p o s i t e d a n o r m o f r e c i p r o c i t y w h i c h g o v e r n s s u c h r e i n f o r c e -m e n t i n t h e r e s t r i c t e d e x c h a n g e s i t u a t i o n . I n L e v i - S t r a u s s 1 ( 1 9 6 9 ) t h e o r y t h e p r i n c i p l e o f r e c i p r o c i t y t a k e s o n a b r o a d e r m e a n i n g i n t h a t t h e r e i s a p o s i t e d o b l i g a t i o n t o r e c i p r o c a t e a g i v e n a c t i o n , n o t n e c e s s a r i l y b y d i r e c t l y r e w a r d i n g t h e e x -c h a n g e p a r t n e r f r o m whom a b e n e f i t c ame , b u t b y r e w a r d i n g a n o t h e r s o c i a l a c t o r i m p l i c a t e d i n t h e g e n e r a l s o c i a l m a t r i x o f w h i c h t h e g i v e r a n d r e c e i v e r a r e a p a r t . T h e t e r m m u t u a l r e c i p r o c i t y s h a l l b e u s e d i n s p e a k i n g o f e x c h a n g e s i t u a t i o n s i n v o l v i n g two i n d i v i d u a l s o n l y ( o r d y a d s ) , w h i l e t h e t e r m u n i - v o c a l r e c i p r o c i t y s h a l l b e u s e d i n s p e a k i n g o f e x c h a n g e s i t u a -t i o n s i n v o l v i n g a m i n i m u m o f t h r e e a c t o r s a n d w h e r e t h e s e a c t o r s r e w a r d o n e a n o t h e r i n d i r e c t l y . 4 re c i p r o c i t y . It occupies a unitary system of relationships i n that i t links a l l parties to the exchange together i n an integrated transaction i n which reciprocations are i n d i r e c t , not mutual\". The unitary system referred to implies the oppo-s i t e of the pairing which characterizes r e s t r i c t e d exchange: any and a l l members of a s o c i a l system are implicated i n any given exchange i n this conception. As i n r e s t r i c t e d exchange, there are two basic types. The f i r s t , Ekeh (1974, p. 53) c a l l s chain generalized exchange, i n which individuals are so positioned that they operate a chain of univocal (one-way) reciprocations to each other, as i n the following: A-B-C-D-A. The second Ekeh c a l l s net generalized exchange, of which there are two sub-types. These are (1) Individual-focused where the group as a whole benefits each i n d i v i d u a l consecutively as follows: ABC-D; ABD-C; ACD-B; BCD-A, and (2) Group-focused where individuals successively give to the group as a unit and then gain back as part of the group from each of the unit mem-bers as follows: A-BCD; B-ACD; D-ABC (Ekeh, 1974, p. 54). Ekeh (1974, p. 54) notes generalized exchange places the generally accepted notion of r e c i p r o c i t y (Gouldner, 1960) under some s t r a i n . Gouldner (1960, p. 169) states \" i t would seem that there can be stable patterns of r e c i p r o c i t y i n exchange only i n so far as each party has both rights and duties\". Dis-covering such rights and duties i n generalized exchange becomes more d i f f i c u l t i n that the focus of these rights and duties must also rest on the group sui generis. Therefore, an old 5 q u e s t i o n a r i s e s : i s the group r e a l ? The i n d i v i d u a l i s t s take the p o s i t i o n t h a t as f a r as s o c i a l exchange goes, the group, i n an e x t e r n a l sense, i s not r e a l . However, i f net g e n e r a l i z e d exchange e x i s t s e m p i r i c a l l y , as has been documented by L e v i - S t r a u s s (1969), Malinowski (1926) and Mauss (1925), then the r e a l i t y of the group would be i m p l i e d a p r i o r i . In net g e n e r a l i z e d exchange, f o r example, i n d i v i d u a l A who bene-f i t s BCD together cannot press claims a g a i n s t B, C, D, f o r separate r e t u r n s , but o n l y (BCD) together (Ekeh, 1974, p. 54). In the case of c h a i n g e n e r a l i z e d exchange, the s i t u a t i o n i s more s u b t l e and without l o g i c a l s o l u t i o n . As the o p e r a t i o n of exchange w i t h i n the A-B-C-D s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n i s much l e s s o b v i o u s l y u n i t a r y to each i n d i v i d u a l , why does t h i s type of exchange f u n c t i o n ? L e v i - S t r a u s s (1969, p. 265) proposes that both types, c h a i n and net, operate under what he c a l l s a law of extended c r e d i t , or more s u c c i n c t l y u n i v o c a l r e c i p r o c i t y , which i s d i s t i n g u i s h e d from mutual r e c i p r o c i t y . In a gener-a l i z e d exchange s i t u a t i o n \"the r e c e i p t of a b e n e f i t by any one p a r t y i s regarded as a c r e d i t to t h a t p a r t y by a l l other p a r t i e s and t h e r e f o r e h i s r e c i p r o c a t i o n i s regarded as a c r e d i t to a l l of them\" (Ekeh, 1974, p. 55). A major i m p l i c a t i o n of t h i s type of reasoning i s that g e n e r a l i z e d exchange systems r e q u i r e and are based on the concepts of t r u s t and s o l i d a r i t y . As p r e v i o u s l y s t a t e d , the o r i g i n s of s o c i a l exchange are framed i n terms of p s y c h o l o g i c a l needs and economic r a t i o n a l i t y i n i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c theory, and i n terms of the s t r u c t u r a l -6 f u n c t i o n a l requirements of s o c i a l r e a l i t y s u i ge n e r i s by the c o l l e c t i v i s t t h e o r i s t s . The dimensions of t h i s d u a l i t y , which a r i s e from a comprehensive review of the l i t e r a t u r e , determine the o r g a n i z a t i o n o f the t h e s i s . Thus Chapter Two i s devoted to a d i s c u s s i o n o f the i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c a l l y o r i e n t e d o r i g i n s proposed by Homans, Blau, Thibaut and K e l l e y , Coleman, Emerson and Foa, or at l e a s t i m p l i c i t i n t h e i r f o r m u l a t i o n s . Chapter Three w i l l examine the c o l l e c t i v i s t i c o r i g i n s p o s i t e d by L e v i -S t r a u s s , Malinowski,and Mauss. Chapter Four summarizes the two d i s t i n c t t h e o r e t i c a l c l a s s e s o f o r i g i n a t i n g mechanisms. More im p o r t a n t l y , Chapter Four proposes and d i s c u s s e s two new hypotheses which suggest a r e s o l u t i o n of the d u a l i t y between c l a s s e s of o r i g i n s now e x i s t i n g i n the l i t e r a t u r e of s o c i a l exchange theory. The o r i g i n s of s o c i a l exchange are, at t h i s p o i n t i n the development of s o c i a l exchange theory, framed to an overwhelm-i n g degree i n terms of the i n d i v i d u a l i s t o r i e n t a t i o n . The review of the s o c i a l exchange l i t e r a t u r e w i l l show th a t the best known, most o f t e n quoted t h e o r i s t s are g e n e r a l l y from North America and proceed, almost e x c l u s i v e l y , from an i n d i v i d u a l -a l i s t i c view p o i n t . The o r i g i n s o f s o c i a l exchange then, would appear to a n y o n e approaching the f i e l d to be c o n t a i n e d i n one or two concepts, or p o s s i b l y some combination of both. These two concepts are (1) p s y c h o l o g i c a l needs, and (2) r a t i o n a l economic motives. The task of t h i s t h e s i s i s to i s o l a t e the assumptions r e g a r d i n g o r i g i n s of s o c i a l exchange which have been used by 7 s o c i a l exchange t h e o r i s t s i n g e n e r a l , then to analyze and c a t e g o r i z e these assumptions r e g a r d i n g s t a r t i n g mechanisms, and f i n a l l y , to a s s e r t whether the extant c a t e g o r i e s of assumptions are i r r e c o n c i l a b l e or whether there i s an under-l y i n g u n i t y between them. The u n i f y i n g concept which w i l l be used i s s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y . I t w i l l be argued t h a t the c r e a t i o n of s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y may be accounted f o r by combin-i n g both c l a s s e s of t h e o r e t i c a l o r i g i n s . I t w i l l be demon-s t r a t e d t h at the use of e i t h e r c l a s s alone i s inadequate, and that each c l a s s of o r i g i n s complements the o t h e r i n a c c o u n t i n g f o r the c r e a t i o n of s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y . T h i s d i s c u s s i o n i s con-t a i n e d i n the c o n c l u d i n g chapter. I t w i l l be shown here that the i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c view i s s u f f i c i e n t unto i t s e l f , and indeed i s supported by a g r e a t d e a l of d i r e c t l y and i n d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d r e s e a r c h . However, i t s g r e a t s t r e n g t h , which i s a s o p h i s t i c a t e d understanding of s o c i a l exchange i n dyadic form, i . e . , r e s t r i c t e d exchange, i s a l s o i t s g r e a t weakness. For the i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c o r i e n t a t i o n i s unable to deal w i t h o r i g i n s of s o c i a l exchange beyond the p u r e l y a d d i -t i v e complexity of groups of dyads i n s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n . The proponents of the c o l l e c t i v i s t view, on the other hand, take the p o s i t i o n that s o c i a l exchange cannot be f u l l y under-stood u s i n g the dyadic f o r m u l a t i o n of r e s t r i c t e d exchange alone. When the dyadic f o r m u l a t i o n i s extended to the understanding of groups or s o c i e t i e s , i t leads to the c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n of s o c i e t i e s as aggregates. Aggregates of m u l t i p l e dyadic p a i r s 8 form the elements of the composite which i s then c a l l e d the group. A c o l l e c t i v i s t i c view regards the group as a whole, which has a s o c i a l structure independent of the p a r t i c u l a r elements which compose i t . As Piaget (1968, pp. 6-7) has pointed out, i t i s important to understand ... the.fundamental contrast between struc-tures and aggregates, the former being wholes, the l a t t e r composites formed of elements that are independent of the complexes into which they enter. To i n s i s t on t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n i s not to deny that structures have elements, but the elements of a structure are subordi-nated to laws, and i t i s i n terms of these laws that the structure qua whole or system i s defined. Moreover, the laws governing a structure's composition are not reducible to cumulative one by one association of i t s ele-ments (as i n the case of aggregates): they confer on the whole as such o v e r - a l l proper-ti e s d i s t i n c t from properties of i t s elements. This contrast i s a f a m i l i a r one i n systems theory, which makes a d i s t i n c t i o n between studying the elements of a whole or system, and studying the system i t s e l f . Bertalanffy, one of the founders of modern systems theory, has stated (1969, pp. 58-60) the c l a s s i c a l mechanistic view of science is now inadequate i n the psychological and s o c i a l sciences because the problems that they now face are no longer ones of 'pro-cess laws' such as Newton's laws or the laws of electrodynamics but rather they are faced with 'problems of organized complexity.' The c o l l e c t i v i s t i c approach to origins of s o c i a l exchange requires that origins, i n part, be a r t i c u l a t e d i n terms of a s o c i a l structure which i s independent of the individuals (ele-ments) of which i t i s composed. This i s not an i r r e s o l v a b l e 9 paradox, f o r the a r t i c u l a t i o n r e f e r r e d to i s , a t l e a s t par-t i a l l y , framed i n m a c r o - s o c i a l terms. To r e f e r once again to Durkheim (1938, p. 14} the c o l l e c t i v i s t i c approach does indeed t r e a t s o c i a l f a c t s , a ggregative p a t t e r n s , and con-s t r u c t e d s o c i a l r e a l i t i e s as t h i n g s . They are c o g n i t i v e ( r e f e r r i n g to the i n d i v i d u a l ) and s t r u c t u r a l ( r e f e r r i n g to the observer) o b j e c t s which have a f a c t i c i t y i n s o f a r as they r e p r e s e n t r e g u l a r i t i e s not observable i n i n d i v i d u a l s o c i a l a c t o r s , and which may be d e f i n e d as ...every way of a c t i n g , f i x e d or not, capable of e x e r c i s i n g on the i n d i v i d u a l an e x t e r n a l c o n s t r a i n t ; or again, every way o f a c t i n g which i s g e n e r a l through-out a given s o c i e t y , w h i l e at the same time e x i s t i n g i n i t s own r i g h t indepen-dent o f i t s i n d i v i d u a l m a n i f e s t a t i o n s (Durkheim, 1938, p. 13). While one may q u a r r e l w i t h the p a r t i c u l a r form of h i s d e f i n i t i o n , or w i t h aspects of i t , the g e n e r a l conception seems c l e a r enough. As d e f i n e d here, the s o c i a l f a c t , e x t e r n a l and independent from i n d i v i d u a l s o c i a l a c t o r s , i s a c o g n i t i v e s t r u c t u r e . As such i t has an o n t o l o g i c a l r e a l i t y of i t s own, even though i t i s both h e l d by and manifested through i n d i -v i d u a l s o c i a l a c t o r s . The t h e o r e t i c a l theme which, i t i s hoped, w i l l become ev i d e n t as the c r i t i c a l review c o n t a i n e d i n t h i s t h e s i s proceeds, i s that a p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l f a c t , i . e . , s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y , i s both a c a u s a l f a c t o r and a m a n i f e s t a t i o n of both the types of s o c i a l exchange which have been r e f e r r e d to e a r l i e r , i . e . , r e s t r i c t e d and g e n e r a l i z e d . A n a l y s i s cannot b e g i n w i t h the i n d i v i d u a l i n the context of g e n e r a l i z e d exchange because 10 an i n d i v i d u a l i s onl y one element i n the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . H i s a c t i o n w i t h i n i t i s bound by the s p a t i a l and temporal r e s t r i c t i o n s i m p l i c i t i n h i s c o g n i t i v e s t r u c t u r e of the s o c i a l f a c t . But n e i t h e r can the i n d i v i d u a l be ignored, f o r i f he i s then the elemental u n i t s , the ac t s and c o g n i t i o n s which com-pose the s t r u c t u r e , w i l l have been assumed away. The c o l l e c -t i v i s t s propose to d e a l w i t h the o r i g i n s of s o c i a l exchange on two l e v e l s . The f i r s t are the \"laws of or g a n i z e d complexity\" which govern the a c t i o n o f a whole or system, of which we have g i v e n an example, i . e . , the norm of r e c i p r o c i t y ; second, the f u n c t i o n of the i n d i v i d u a l as the composite element of the system, whose p s y c h o l o g i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s p r o v i d e the m a t r i x out of which, c o n s c i o u s l y or u n c o n s c i o u s l y , the d i v e r s e e m p i r i c a l s o c i a l r e a l i t i e s are made manifest. The i n d i v i d u a l i s t s , w h i l e f o c u s i n g t h e i r a t t e n t i o n on the process of r e s t r i c t e d exchange, a l s o are a d d r e s s i n g the i s s u e o f s o c i a l p a t t e r n s which, at l e a s t i n the sense i m p l i e d here, c o n s t r a i n and inform the p a r t i e s to any exchange.. I t w i l l be argued i n the f o l l o w i n g chapters t h a t although the twin conceptions of r e s t r i c t e d and g e n e r a l i z e d s o c i a l exchange appear to d i f f e r i n a c a t e g o r i c a l sense, they are i n f a c t aspects of a d i a -l e c t i c a l r e l a t i o n which both causes and manifests a s i n g l e s o c i a l f a c t : the f a c t o f the s o l i d a r i t y of s o c i a l groups. Fromm (1944, p. 380) o f f e r s a s u c c i n c t statement which charac-t e r i z e s the sense i n which the o r i g i n s o f s o c i a l exchange w i l l be developed i n the argument to f o l l o w . To paraphrase, 11 origins of s o c i a l exchange have to derive from an individual's desire (based on psychological cha r a c t e r i s t i c s ) for what i s objectively necessary (based on the s t r u c t u r a l laws which characterize the s o c i a l system as a whole) for them to do. This thesis s h a l l develop the p o s i t i o n that s o c i a l exchange, in both of i t s meanings, describes a d i a l e c t i c a l r e l a t i o n , one synthesis of which i s the s o c i a l fact of s o l i d a r i t y . Further, the c a u s a l f a c t o r s o f the \" d e s i r e \" o f the i n d i v i d u a l and the functional requirements of the c o l l e c t i v i t y may be accounted for i n a conception of s o c i a l exchange which treats r e s t r i c t e d and generalized s o c i a l exchange as being i n a d i a l e c t i c a l r e l a -tion, the dynamics of this d i a l e c t i c producing varying degrees and q u a l i t i e s of s o l i d a r i t y . Chapter I I ORIGINS OF EXCHANGE IN INDIVIDUALIST THEORY As s t a t e d i n the i n t r o d u c t i o n , t h i s chapter undertakes two t a s k s . F i r s t , i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c a l l y o r i e n t e d s o c i a l ex-change theory i s reviewed and i t s e x c l u s i v e emphasis on r e s t r i c t e d exchange i s documented. Second, i t i s shown that dyadic form as the i n t e r a c t i o n paradigm, which charac-t e r i z e s i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c s o c i a l exchange theory, has meant th a t i t s e x p l a n a t i o n s of o r i g i n s of i n t e r a c t i o n are framed i n terms which r e l a t e to i n d i v i d u a l a c t o r s alone. A review o f the s o c i a l exchange l i t e r a t u r e i n d i c a t e s that i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c s o c i a l exchange t h e o r i s t s r e l y e x c l u s i v e l y on i n d i v i d u a l p s y c h o l o g i c a l needs and r a t i o n a l economic motives to account f o r o r i g i n s o f exchange. In a rec e n t review, a l e a d i n g i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c exchange t h e o r i s t (Emerson, 1976, p. 337) notes t h a t the fundamental a n a l y t i c concepts o f s o c i a l exchange are s t i l l , i n h i s view, concepts o f reward, r e i n f o r c e -ment, u t i l i t y , c o s t , p r o f i t , p a y o f f , t r a n s a c t i o n , etc.\"'\" T h i s i s not to say that o t h e r o r i g i n s are i n f a c t i n c a p a b l e of being conceived o f i n i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c a l l y o r i e n t e d a n a l y s i s . A l t r u i s m i s a good example of an attempt a t framing an a l t e r -n a t i v e o r i g i n which has r e c e i v e d some a t t e n t i o n from i n d i -v i d u a l i s t s i n s o c i a l exchange theory. However, although Berkowitz (1972, pp. 64-65) s t a t e s that a l t r u i s m i s not the r a r e s p e c i e s i m p l i e d by i n d i v i d u a l i s t t h e o r i s t s , i t does seem accurate to say that o r i g i n s other than p s y c h o l o g i c a l need 12 1 3 The l i t e r a t u r e reviewed for this study included the major works of the better known i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c s o c i a l ex-change theorists--Homans ( 1 9 5 5 , 1 9 5 8 , 1 9 6 1 , 1 9 7 4 ) , Blau ( 1 9 6 4 , 1 9 6 8 ) , Thibaut and Kelley ( 1 9 6 1 ) , Coleman ( 1 9 6 6 ) , Emerson ( 1 9 7 2 ) and Foa ( 1 9 7 1 ) . The two tasks outlined at the beginning of this chapter s h a l l be accomplished i n the following way. F i r s t , evidence that i n d i v i d u a l i s t theorists base their analysis on the dyadic model of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n w i l l be presented. Second, i t w i l l be demonstrated, using relevant material from the works of each author, that, concomitant with the adoption of the dyadic model of s o c i a l interaction, i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c s o c i a l exchange theory posits that interaction originates from either psychological need, economic motive or some combination of the two. Before proceeding, i t should be pointed out that while the terms \" i n d i v i d u a l i s t \" and \" c o l l e c t i v i s t \" are used here to categorize both exchange theorists and their theories, this terminology i s not current within the l i t e r a t u r e of s o c i a l exchange. Rather, the terminology has been adapted from Ekeh ( 1 9 7 4 ) with the hope that i t s use as a c l a s s i f i c a t i o n device would enable one of the main arguments of this thesis to go forward. S p e c i f i c a l l y , this argument proceeds from the hypo-thesis that s o c i a l exchange theory i s divided into two main classes, each of which deals with d i f f e r i n g s o c i a l phenomena,-Footnote continued from previous page: and r a t i o n a l economic motive are not generally accepted i n i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c s o c i a l exchange theory. 14 wh i l e u s i n g s i m i l a r a n a l y t i c concepts. Hence t h i s chapter and Chapter Three are devoted to d e s c r i b i n g and t e s t i n g the \"h y p o t h e s i s \" t h a t each s o c i a l exchange theory so c l a s s i f i e d indeed should be, a c c o r d i n g to the c r i t e r i a which have been o u t l i n e d i n Chapter One. To b r i e f l y review these c r i t e r i a , i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c s o c i a l exchange theory i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by (1) dyadic s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n (2) mutual r e c i p r o c i t y (3) absence of r e f e r e n c e to any s u p r a - i n d i v i d u a l s o c i a l e n t i t y , w h i l e c o l l e c t i v i s t i c s o c i a l exchange theory i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by (1) g e n e r a l i z e d s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n : i . e . , not l e s s than three s o c i a l a c t o r s (2) u n i v o c a l r e c i p r o c i t y (3) the assumption of a s u p r a - i n d i v i d u a l s o c i a l e n t i t y , however p a r t i c u l a r l y d e f i n e d . I t w i l l not be assumed that any p a r t i c u l a r t h e o r i s t or theory must t o t a l l y meet these c r i t e r i a , but that the s u b s t a n t i v e body of any theory w i l l tend to meet one set of c r i t e r i a much more than the other. Hence, any giv e n theory may w e l l i n c l u d e some aspect of i n d i v i d u a l i s t (as d e f i n e d above) theory but be overwhelmingly framed a c c o r d i n g to the c r i t e r i a of c o l l e c t i -v i s t i c theory or v i c e v e r s a . (A) C l a s s i f i c a t i o n of I n d i v i d u a l i s t i c S o c i a l Exchange Th e o r i e s The use of the dyad as the model of i n t e r a c t i o n i n i n d i -15 v i d u a l i s t s o c i a l e x c h a n g e t h e o r y i s a t t h e r o o t o f t h e w o r k o f t h e b e s t k n o w n e x c h a n g e t h e o r i s t , G e o r g e C . H o m a n s . \" S o c i a l B e h a v i o r : I t s E l e m e n t a r y F o r m s \" ( 1 9 6 1 , r e v i s e d 1 9 7 4 ) , g e n e r a l l y c o n s i d e r e d t o b e H o m a n s ' p r i m e c o n t r i b u t i o n t o s o c i a l e x c h a n g e t h e o r y , w a s , h o w e v e r , p r e c e d e d b y two o t h e r w o r k s w h i c h d e a l t w i t h s o c i a l e x c h a n g e . T h e s e a r e \" S o c i a l B e h a v i o r as E x c h a n g e \" , p u b l i s h e d i n t h e A m e r i c a n J o u r n a l o f S o c i o l o g y , 1 9 5 8 , a n d \" M a r r i a g e , A u t h o r i t y , a n d F i n a l C a u s e s ; A S t u d y o f U n i l a t e r a l C r o s s C o u s i n M a r r i a g e \" ( 1 9 5 5 ) . I t i s i n t h e l a t t e r , r a r e l y q u o t e d , s h o r t b o o k t h a t Homans m a k e s h i s f i r s t a n d s e m i n a l c o n t r i b u t i o n t o s o c i a l e x c h a n g e t h e o r y , i n h i s c r i t i q u e o f L e v i - S t r a u s s ' ( 1 9 4 9 ) e x c h a n g e t h e o r y . T h e c e n t r a l a s s u m p t i o n t h a t Homans a t t a c k e d was L e v i - S t r a u s s ' a r g u m e n t t h a t e x p l a n a t i o n s b a s e d o n g e n e r a l i z e d e x c h a n g e a r e s u p e r i o r t o t h o s e b a s e d o n r e s t r i c t e d ( d y a d i c ) e x c h a n g e . Homans w a s h i g h l y c r i t i c a l o f t h e c o n c e p t o f g e n e r a l i z e d e x -c h a n g e , a s i s i l l u s t r a t e d b y t h e f o l l o w i n g q u o t e : I t m i g h t b e a r g u e d t h a t i n e x t e n d i n g t h e i d e a o f e x c h a n g e t h i s w a y [ t o g e n e r a l i z e d e x c h a n g e ] , L e v i - S t r a u s s h a s t h i n n e d t h e m e a n i n g o u t o f i t . ( H o m a n s , 1 9 5 5 , p . 7) I n t h i s b o o k , Homans w e n t o n t o e x p l i c a t e , i n p o l e m i c a l c o n t r a d i s t i n c t i o n t o L e v i - S t r a u s s ' e x c h a n g e t h e o r y , a n i n d i -v i d u a l s e l f - i n t e r e s t t h e o r y . He a r g u e d t h a t a n \" e f f i c i e n t c a u s e \" ( H o m a n s , 1 9 5 5 , p . 17) t h e o r y , a s o p p o s e d t o a f i n a l c a u s e o r f u n c t i o n a l , t h e o r y p r o v i d e d a m o r e g e n e r a l a n d p a r -s i m o n i o u s e x p l a n a t i o n . H o m a n s ' v i e w o f a n i n d i v i d u a l s e l f -i n t e r e s t t h e o r y i s a s f o l l o w s : 16 An i n s t i t u t i o n i s what i t i s because i t r e s u l t s from the d r i v e s , or meets the immediate needs of i n d i v i d u a l s , or sub-groups, w i t h i n a s o c i e t y . I t s f u n c t i o n i s to meet these needs. We may c a l l t h i s an i n d i v i d u a l s e l f - i n t e r e s t theory, i f we remember that i n t e r e s t s may be other than economic. (Homans, 1955, p. 15) Homans' \" e f f i c i e n t cause\" i n the p a r t i c u l a r anthropolo-g i c a l q u e s t i o n d e a l t w i t h i n the (1955) book i s i n terms of an e g o - a l t e r (dyadic) r e l a t i o n s h i p i n v o l v i n g one i n d i v i d u a l c o n s t r a i n e d by the \" a u t h o r i t y \" (Homans, 1955, p. 21) of another i n d i v i d u a l . T h i s a u t h o r i t y i s b u i l t up from e g o - a l t e r i n t e r a c t i o n i n which the i n d i v i d u a l i n a u t h o r i t y has been granted the r e s p e c t w i t h which he then e x t r a c t s compliance i n the form o f adherence to the a u t h o r i t y f i g u r e ' s wishes. In proposing the \" e f f i c i e n t cause\" as the t h e o r e t i c a l l y s u p e r i o r one, Homans argued that L e v i - S t r a u s s ' f u n c t i o n a l , or \" f i n a l cause\" theory i s e s s e n t i a l l y redundant. T h i s p o s i t i o n i s per-haps bes t i l l u s t r a t e d by Homans (1955) where he s t a t e s \"we do not argue that L e v i - S t r a u s s 1 theory i s wrong, onl y t h a t i t i s [given the i n d i v i d u a l s e l f - i n t e r e s t theory] now unnecessary\" (Homans, 1955, p. 59). From the above i t i s i n f e r r e d that Homans was i n i t i a l l y p roposing a s o c i a l exchange theory that i n c l u d e s i n d i v i d u a l s o n l y i n i t s f o r m u l a t i o n , and s p e c i f i c a l l y excludes any h i g h e r order a b s t r a c t i o n , i . e . , s o c i e t y , as explanatory. In \" S o c i a l Behavior: I t s Elementary Forms\" (1961, 1974) Homans more f u l l y e l a b o r a t e s h i s s o c i a l exchange theory. The premises o f t h i s exchange theory may be summed up by two 17 c r u c i a l assumptions: f i r s t , s o c i a l behavior i n v o l v i n g two ac t o r s (animals or humans) i s t o t a l l y -r e d u c i b l e to the behavior of i n d i v i d u a l a c t o r s ; and second, animal behavior i s g e n e r a l i z a b l e to human behavior. (Ekeh, 1974, p. 101) Homans says i t thus: We are l e s s i n t e r e s t e d i n i n d i v i d u a l behavior than i n s o c i a l behavior, or true exchange, where the a c t i v i t y of each of two animals r e i n f o r c e s (or punishes) the behavior of the other. Yet we h o l d that we need no new p r o p o s i t i o n s to d e s c r i b e and e x p l a i n the s o c i a l . With s o c i a l b ehavior n o t h i n g unique emerges to be analyzed i n i t s own terms. Rather, from the laws of i n d i v i d u a l behavior f o l -low the laws of s o c i a l behavior. (Homans, 1961, pp. 30-31) In \"Marriage, A u t h o r i t y and F i n a l Causes\" (1955) Homans charged that the c o l l e c t i v i s t i c o r i e n t a t i o n to s o c i a l theory had \" t h i n n e d the meaning\" out of exchange. In response, h i s more f u l l y developed theory e m p h a t i c a l l y s t a t e s that elemen-t a r y s o c i a l behaviour i s the key to s o c i a l exchange. His exchange theory i s l i m i t e d to r e s t r i c t e d exchange between two i n d i v i d u a l s i n both time and space: \" S o c i a l b e h a v i o r i s e l e -mentary i n the sense that the two men are i n f a c e - t o - f a c e con-t a c t , and each i s rewarding the other d i r e c t l y and immediately\" (Homans, 1961, p. 4). The f i v e e xplanatory p r o p o s i t i o n s which form the l o g i c a l f o u n d a t i o n of h i s theory o f s o c i a l exchange are a l l l i m i t e d to two-person i n t e r a c t i o n . The f i r s t f o u r p r o p o s i t i o n s r e f e r to an i n d i v i d u a l ' s (person's) responses on the b a s i s o f h i s past experiences' to another i n d i v i d u a l ' s 18 (other's) s t i m u l i . The response o f Person i s e n t i r e l y d e t e r -mined by c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f what Person gets from the t r a n s a c -t i o n . The p r o p o s i t i o n s are: From Romans, 1961, pp. 53-55: (1) I f i n the pas t the occur-rence of a p a r t i c u l a r s timulus s i t u a t i o n has been the o c c a s i o n on which a man's a c t i v i t y has been rewarded, then the more s i m i l a r the prese n t stimulus s i t u a t i o n i s to the past one, the more l i k e l y he i s to emit the a c t i v i t y now. From Homans, 1974, pp. 16-39: (2) I f i n the pas t the occur-rence of a p a r t i c u l a r s t i m u l u s , or set of s t i m u l i has been the o c c a s i o n on which a person's a c t i o n has been rewarded, then the more s i m i l a r the p r e s e n t s t i m u l i are to the past ones, the more l i k e l y the person i s to perform the a c t i o n , or some s i m i l a r a c t i o n , now. (2) The more o f t e n w i t h i n a given p e r i o d of time a man's a c t i v i t y rewards the a c t i v i t y o f another, the more o f t e n the other w i l l emit the a c t i v i t y . (1) For a l l a c t i o n s taken by a l l persons, the more o f t e n a p a r t i c u l a r a c t i o n of a person i s rewarded, the more l i k e l y the person i s to perform that a c t i o n . (3) The more v a l u a b l e to a man a u n i t of a c t i v i t y another gives him, the more o f t e n he w i l l emit a c t i v i t y rewarded by the a c t i v i t y o f the other. (3) The more v a l u a b l e to a per-son i s the r e s u l t o f h i s a c t i o n , the more l i k e l y he i s to perform the a c t i o n . (4) The more o f t e n a man has i n the r e c e n t p a s t r e c e i v e d a rewarding a c t i v i t y from another, the l e s s v a l u a b l e any f u r t h e r u n i t of t h a t a c t i v i t y becomes to him. (4) The more o f t e n i n the re c e n t past a person has r e c e i v e d a p a r t i c u l a r reward, the l e s s v a l u a b l e any f u r t h e r u n i t of that reward becomes f o r him. (5) The more to a man's d i s -advantage the r u l e of d i s t r i -b u t i v e j u s t i c e f a i l s of r e a -l i z a t i o n , the more l i k e l y he i s to d i s p l a y the emotional behaviour we c a l l anger. (5a) When a person's a c t i o n does not r e c e i v e the reward he expected, or r e c e i v e s punish-ment he d i d not expect, he w i l l be angry; he becomes more l i k e l y to perform a g g r e s s i v e behavior, and the r e s u l t s o f such behavior become more v a l u a b l e to him. 19 From Homans, 1974, pp. 16-39: (5b) When a person's a c t i o n r e c e i v e s the r e w a r d he e x p e c t e d , e s p e c i a l l y a greater reward than he expected, or does not r e c e i v e punishment he expected, he w i l l be pleased; he becomes more l i k e l y to per-form approving behavior, and the r e s u l t s of such behavior become more val u a b l e to him. Over the course of the t h i r t e e n years separating the o r i g i n a l and r e v i s e d formulations, Homans has made changes i n the b a s i c p r o p o s i t i o n a l base underlying h i s s o c i a l exchange theory. While the (1961) p r o p o s i t i o n s one, two, three and four remain e s s e n t i a l l y the same i n substance, p r o p o s i t i o n f i v e has changed considerably. F i r s t , the status of the r u l e of d i s t r i b u t i v e j u s t i c e as a p r o p o s i t i o n has been a l t e r e d from axiomatic to more problematic. Homans includes i n the 1974 r e v i s i o n an extended d i s c u s s i o n (pp. 248-268) on the r u l e of d i s t r i b u t i v e j u s t i c e , the conclusion of which i s summarized i n the f o l l o w i n g statement: R e l a t i v e d e p r i v a t i o n or d i s t r i b u t i v e i n j u s -t i c e occurs when a person does not get the amount of reward he expected to get i n com-par i s o n w i t h the reward some other person gets. (Homans, 1974, p. 268) But the r u l e i s no longer considered as a p r o p o s i t i o n . Second, p r o p o s i t i o n s (5a) and (5b), as r e v i s e d , more d i r e c t l y i n c l u d e expectations and o p e r a t i o n a l d e f i n i t i o n s of the outcomes of 20 the c o n f i r m a t i o n or d i s c o n f i r m a t i o n of such e x p e c t a t i o n s , i . e . , approving and a g g r e s s i v e behavior. A c l o s e examination of a l l the o r i g i n a l and r e v i s e d p r o p o s i t i o n s may a l l o w a d i f -f e r ence i n emphasis i n that i n s e v e r a l cases (e.g., p r o p o s i -t i o n s three and f o u r ) , a s p e c i f i c other person i s no longer mentioned. I t i s argued here that the changes i n language and content made i n the p r o p o s i t i o n s have not, however, a l t e r e d the s u b s t a n t i v e s t r u c t u r e i m p l i e d by Homans: social-exchange s t i l l occurs, f o r him, d i r e c t l y between two i n d i v i d u a l s , con-tiguous i n both space and time. I t i s important to note that the evidence Homans o f f e r s to v a l i d a t e the theory i s s t a t e d i n dyadic terms. I n t e r e s t -i n g l y , t h i s evidence was taken from r e s e a r c h conducted i n con-n e c t i o n w i t h m u l t i - p e r s o n i n t e r a c t i o n s , i . e . , Bales and B o r g a t t a (1955). In reviewing Homans1 i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the above experimental r e s u l t s . Ekeh (1974, pp. 132-138) s t a t e s t h a t Homans co n s i d e r e d the m u l t i - p e r s o n i n t e r a c t i o n s i n the group as i f they were i n i s o l a t e d dyadic r e l a t i o n s h i p . Ekeh s t a t e s that \"[Homans] i s wrong because, t r u e to h i s s o c i a l exchange theory, he i s redu c i n g m u l t i - p e r s o n i n t e r a c t i o n s to m u l t i p l e dyadic r e l a t i o n s h i p s under the assumption t h a t a l l s o c i a l ex-change processes must be d i r e c t , not i n d i r e c t \" (Ekeh, 1974, pp. 134-145). Ekeh may w e l l be c o r r e c t i n h i s assessment, but the more important p o i n t i s to note what Homans assumes when i n t e r p r e t i n g the Bales and Borgatta (1955) data. These assump-t i o n s are most c l e a r l y expressed i n both h i s opening and c l o s i n g 21 statements i n Social Behavior: Its Elementary Forms (1961, pp. 2, 378): s o c i a l exchange must be considered to be d i r e c t interaction, rather than i n d i r e c t , and i t must be face-to-face in t e r a c t i o n i n which each actor rewards (or punishes) immediately and i s always conducted between two individuals or i n multiples of two. The s o c i a l exchange theory of Peter Blau (1964, 1968) i s also i n d i v i d u a l i s t and r e l i e s heavily on dyadic in t e r a c t i o n . Following the e a r l i e r d e f i n i t i o n s of various types of ex-change, i . e . , r e s t r i c t e d vs. generalized, i t i s suggested that Blau views s o c i a l exchange as i n c l u s i v e r e s t r i c t e d exchange. However, unlike Homans, Blau notes that dyadic i n t e r a c t i o n does not take place i n i s o l a t i o n because individuals do have a l t e r -native partners with whom they may interact. Even the analysis of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n i n dyads, therefore, must not treat these pairs as i f they existed i n i s o l a t i o n from other s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . The mutual attrac-tion of two persons and the exchange be-tween them, for example, are affected by the alternative opportunities of each, with the r e s u l t that competitive processes arise that include wider c i r c l e s and that comple-ment and modify the processes of exchange and a t t r a c t i o n i n this pair and other pairs. (Blau, 1964, pp. 31-32) A close reading of Blau would indicate that he views s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n as the a c t i v i t y of pairs, each element of which i s , by degrees, free to partake of exchange with alternative partners. The basic concepts which Blau develops i n Exchange and Power i n Social L i f e (1964) r e f l e c t the assumption that s o c i a l exchange occurs between individuals i n a dyadic r e l a t i o n . 22 Thus Chapter One (1964, pp. 12-32) s t a t e s that b a s i c s o c i a l exchange processes are conceived of as a c t i v i t i e s o c c u r r i n g between two i n d i v i d u a l s , or \" a s s o c i a t e s \" . S o c i a l a t t r a c t i o n i s d i s c u s s e d i n terms of two i n d i v i d u a l s e s t a b l i s h i n g s o c i a l a s s o c i a t i o n on the b a s i s of the rewards each can p r o v i d e the other (Blau, 1964, p. 20) B l a u goes on to l a y out a s e r i e s of b a s i c concepts to be used i n h i s subsequently f u l l y d e v e l -oped d i s c u s s i o n of s o c i a l exchange processes, and i t i s empha-s i z e d that a l l of these b a s i c concepts are grounded i n the assumption of dyadic, d i r e c t i n t e r a c t i o n . For example, B l a u p o s i t s two d i f f e r e n t types of rewarding r e l a t i o n s h i p s , i n t r i n -s i c and e x t r i n s i c , which can occur. These types are a l s o p r esented i n terms of two i n d i v i d u a l s and the a l t e r n a t i v e p o s s i b i l i t i e s a v a i l a b l e through other i n d i v i d u a l s (Blau, 1964, p. 21). The d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of power, a b a s i c process w i t h which Blau i s i n t i m a t e l y concerned, i s i n t u r n developed out of the s o c i a l exchange between two i n d i v i d u a l s , dependent upon the d i f f e r i n g number and q u a l i t y of a l t e r n a t i v e s each exchange p a r t n e r has (Blau, 1964, pp. 32-33). Blau i n c l u d e s i n h i s e x p o s i t i o n of b a s i c processes an acknowledgement of i n d i r e c t exchange, and t h i s process i s framed i n dyadic, r e s t r i c t e d exchange terms as w e l l . In the 1964 book, Chapter Ten (pp. 253-232) e n t i t l e d \"Mediating Values i n Complex S t r u c t u r e s \" i s almost e n t i r e l y devoted to e x p l i c a t -i n g Blau's view of i n d i r e c t exchange between i n d i v i d u a l s i n l a r g e r groups. However, Blau's concept of i n d i r e c t exchange 23 i s q u i t e d i f f e r e n t from t h a t p o s t u l a t e d by the c o l l e c t i v i s t i c t h e o r i s t s . Blau views exchange a t t h i s l a r g e group ( i n d i r e c t ) l e v e l as a hi g h e r form of exchange. By c o n t r a s t , L e v i - S t r a u s s and the c o l l e c t i v i s t s c h o o l see i n d i r e c t exchange as an e l e -mentary u n i t i n t h e i r understanding of s o c i a l p r o c e s s . I n d i r e c t exchange, i n the view of Blau, a l s o d i f f e r s from that of the c o l l e c t i v i s t s i n t h a t i t does not i n v o l v e i n d i v i d u a l s i n g e n e r a l i z e d , u n i v o c a l l y r e c i p r o c a t e d , exchange. Rather, s o c i a l l y mediated and i n t e r n a l i z e d norms stand i n , as i t were, f o r i n d i v i d u a l s i n Blau's i n d i r e c t exchange. S o c i a l norms s u b s t i t u t e i n d i r e c t exchange f o r d i r e c t exchange between i n d i v i d u a l s . The members of the group r e c e i v e group approval i n exchange f o r conformity and the c o n t r i b u t i o n to the group t h e i r con-f o r m i t y to s o c i a l e x p e c t a t i o n makes.. Conformity to normative standards o f t e n r e q u i r e s that group members r e f r a i n from engaging i n c e r t a i n d i r e c t exchange t r a n s -a c t i o n s w i t h o u t s i d e r s or among themselves . . . . Conformity f r e q u e n t l y e n t a i l s s a c r i f i c i n g rewards t h a t c o u l d be a t t a i n e d through d i r e c t exchange, but i t b r i n g s other rewards i n d i r e c t l y . (Blau, 1964, p. 259) Blau l i m i t s the p a r t p l a y e d by i n d i v i d u a l s i n t h i s c o n c e p t i o n of i n d i r e c t exchange. In h i s view, i t seems that as the com-p l e x i t y of the web of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n s i n c r e a s e s , r e l a t i o n s are apt to become more impersonal. T h i s p o s s i b i l i t y a r i s e s because B l a u p o s i t s the \"replacement\" of an i n d i v i d u a l ( i n the more complex s i t u a t i o n ) exchange p a r t n e r w i t h the media-t i o n of impers o n a l i z e d , a u t h o r i t a t i v e r u l e s . Thus the i n d i -v i d u a l i s s t i l l seen to be i n a dyadic r e l a t i o n , but i n t h i s 24 case i t i s a r e l a t i o n between an i n d i v i d u a l and a set of imposed r u l e s or norms. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note such a r e l a t i o n would probably be expected to change somewhat i n i t s c o g n i t i v e and a f f e c t i v e processes, as e n t e r i n g an exchange w i t h a r u l e or s e t of r u l e s must, at the very l e a s t , d i f f e r i n some re g a r d from i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h another human being. However, s i n c e Blau (1964) d i d not attempt to de a l w i t h the i m p l i c a t i o n s of h i s n o t i o n of i n d i r e c t exchange v i s - a - v i s c o g n i t i v e and a f f e c t i v e processes, i t appears t h a t he i s most i n t e r e s t e d i n the s t r u c t u r a l or r e l a t i o n a l aspects of h i s concept. Blau (1964, p. 259) d i d , however, acknowledge something a k i n to what has been c a l l e d g e n e r a l i z e d exchange. He wrote: Exchange t r a n s a c t i o n s between the c o l l e c -t i v i t y and i t s i n d i v i d u a l members r e p l a c e some of the t r a n s a c t i o n s between i n d i -v i d u a l s as the r e s u l t o f conformity to normative o b l i g a t i o n s . There i s no d i r e c t exchange of f a v o r s , but group norms assure t h a t each f r i e n d r e c e i v e s a s s i s t a n c e when he needs i t . (Blau, 1964, p. 259) Se v e r a l w r i t e r s have i n v e s t i g a t e d the q u e s t i o n of s o c i a l norms, the best known of whom i s Gouldner on r e c i p r o c i t y (1959, 1960). Others who have i n v e s t i g a t e d norms other than that of r e c i p r o c i t y are Krebs (1970), Berkowitz (1972), Aronson (1967), Zimbardo (1967), and Leeds (1969) some of whom have w r i t t e n reviews and others who have undertaken o r i g i n a l r e s e a r c h . The co n c l u s i o n s of these s c h o l a r s , when taken together, seem to i n d i c a t e t h a t l i t t l e unambiguously s u p p o r t i v e evidence i s a v a i l a b l e i n d i c a t i n g the e x i s t e n c e and f u n c t i o n a l i t y of s o c i a l norms other than t h a t r e g a r d i n g r e c i p r o c i t y . These same w r i t e r s 25 of course do acknowledge the development of g r o u p - s p e c i f i c norms i n given s i t u a t i o n s , and i t i s these kinds of norms which i t i s b e l i e v e d B l a u i s r e f e r r i n g t o . U t i l i z i n g t h i s n o t i o n of norms, Blau's conception of g e n e r a l i z e d exchange i s expanded (1964, pp. 260-263) by a s e r i e s of examples i n which i n d i v i d u a l s exchange w i t h an o r g a n i z e d c o l l e c t i v i t y i n r e t u r n f o r rewards s u p p l i e d by t h a t c o l l e c t i v i t y . There i s an obvious i n c o n s i s t e n c y between Blau's n o t i o n of g e n e r a l i z e d exchange, as i l l u s t r a t e d i n the above q u o t a t i o n and h i s o v e r a l l theory of s o c i a l exchange. A c c o r d i n g to Blau's own f o r m u l a t i o n of s o c i a l exchange per se, exchange must i n v o l v e at l e a s t two i n d i v i d u a l s i n d i r e c t i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h one another; i n t e r a c t i o n ceases when one i n d i v i d u a l d e s i s t s from rewarding the other ( p r o f i t a b l y ) (1964, p. 6). But, as i s evidenced by the second quote from page 259, Blau a l s o p o s i t s a form of exchange which does not conform to h i s own p r o p o s i -t i o n s , and f a i l s to p r o v i d e any t h e o r e t i c a l b r i d g e between those p r o p o s i t i o n s and h i s ad hoc n o t i o n of g e n e r a l i z e d ex-change. T h i s quote (p. 259), which r e f e r s to \" t r a n s a c t i o n s between the c o l l e c t i v i t y and i t s i n d i v i d u a l members\" a l s o r e f e r s to the l a c k of d i r e c t exchange which i s a d i r e c t l y im-p l i e d c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of c o l l e c t i v i t y / i n d i v i d u a l exchanges. Thus, i n c o n t r a s t i n g Blau's b a s i c f o r m u l a t i o n of s o c i a l exchange (1964, p. 6) which p o s i t s the n e c e s s i t y of the d i r e c t i n t e r -a c t i o n of two i n d i v i d u a l s , w i t h h i s d i s c u s s i o n of g e n e r a l i z e d exchange, i t appears u n c l e a r whether Blau i s c o n t i n u i n g to 26 adhere to a dyadic model, or has i n fact adopted a d i f f e r e n t mo de1. To b r i e f l y summarize the points made i n the discussion of Blau's adherence to the dyadic model of interaction: (1) Blau's s o c i a l exchange model admits to only one kind of interaction: immediate, face-to-face interaction. (2) Individuals do have alternative partners with whom they may elect to interact. (3) Indirect exchange, i n Blau's view, consists of the i n t e r a c t i o n of a given i n d i v i d u a l with a \" s o c i a l norm\", which i s not sub s t a n t i a l l y d i f -ferent from the interaction described i n (1). It can be inferred then, that despite Blau's reputation as somewhat of a compromiser between the i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c and c o l l e c t i v i s t i c orientations i n s o c i a l exchange theory (Ekeh, 1974, p. 167), Blau's theory of s o c i a l exchange i s decidedly i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c . Thibaut and Kelley (1959), in a manner similar to that of Homans and Blau, discuss s o c i a l exchange i n terms of the outcomes a r i s i n g from i t . These outcomes are the rewards received and costs incurred by each participant i n an i n t e r -action (Deutsch and Krauss, 1965, p. 116). In deciding whether or not a given exchange i s l i k e l y to be a t t r a c t i v e , Thibaut and Kelley posit that an in d i v i d u a l w i l l make two kinds of 27 comparisons. F i r s t , the i n d i v i d u a l evaluates the rewards and/ or costs of a given exchange a g a i n s t a g e n e r a l i z e d a d a p t a t i o n l e v e l of d e s i r e d stimulus or reward. Secondly, he e v a l u a t e s the rewards (and/or co s t s ) expected from a g i v e n exchange p a r t -ner a g a i n s t those a v a i l a b l e from a l t e r n a t i v e o p p o r t u n i t i e s . These comparison l e v e l s are, r e s p e c t i v e l y the CL and C L a l t (Thibaut and K e l l e y , 1959, pp. 80-100). The CL concept r e f e r s to e v a l u a t i o n of the reward/cost r a t i o w i t h r e g a r d to a pros-p e c t i v e exchange p a r t n e r , i . e . , i n an i s o l a t e d dyad. The C L a l t concept widens the exchange context to i n c l u d e , q u i t e r i g h t l y , a l t e r n a t i v e sources o f i n t e r a c t i o n but s t i l l i n dyadic form. In the l a t t e r case, Thibaut and K e l l e y seem to envisage a c h a i n of p o s s i b l y dyadic i n t e r a c t i o n s l i m i t e d only by the i n d i v i d u a l ' s a b s o l u t e number of a l t e r n a t i v e s . In c h a r a c t e r i z i n g s o c i a l exchange, Thibaut and K e l l e y use a m a t r i x which d e s c r i b e s the outcomes (net reward/cost b e n e f i t s ) of s a t i s f a c t i o n or d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n to each p a r t i c i p a n t i n the exchange i n q u a n t i t a t i v e terms. C l e a r l y , Thibaut and K e l l e y ' s view of s o c i a l exchange i s i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c and focused on i n c l u -s i v e r e s t r i c t e d exchange. They are e x p l i c i t about both a s p e c t s . Thibaut and K e l l e y (1959, pp. 5-6) s t a t e : Because the e x i s t e n c e of the group i s based s o l e l y on the p a r t i c i p a t i o n and s a t i s f a c t i o n of the i n d i v i d u a l s comprising i t , the group f u n c t i o n a l i s r n becomes an i n d i v i d u a l f u n c t i o n -a l i s m . Our b i a s on t h i s p o i n t i s apparent: we assume th a t i f we can achieve a c l e a r understanding of the dyad we can subsequently extend our 28 understanding to encompass the problems of l a r g e r and more complex s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . Taking i n t o account the dyadic, i n d i v i d u a l focus of the comparison processes used by Thibaut and K e l l e y and t h e i r e x p l i c i t statement of t h e o r e t i c a l \" b i a s \" as g i v e n immediately above, i t seems f a i r to say that t h e i r theory of s o c i a l ex-change should be c l a s s i f i e d as i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c . Another c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n of s o c i a l exchange which appears to best be c a t e g o r i z e d as i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c i s that of Coleman (1964, 1966). Coleman's \"theory of c o l l e c t i v e d e c i s i o n s \" i s an attempt at r e c o n c i l i n g the p r i n c i p l e o f p u r p o s i v e a c t i o n (as r e p r e s e n t e d by maximization of i n d i v i d u a l u t i l i t y ) w i t h the r e a l i t i e s of implementing such a p r i n c i p l e i n a l a r g e c o l l e c -t i v e s i t u a t i o n developed out of the exchange paradigm. As Coleman (1964, p. 616) e x p l a i n s , exchange i n v o l v i n g o n l y two a c t o r s , A and B, w i l l occur when such an exchange i s b e n e f i c i a l to both. But i n the case where there i s a l a r g e number of a c t o r s A, B, C, D, . . . the c o n d i t i o n s f o r j o i n t exchange remain unique, i . e . , a l l agree that the proposed a c t i o n (ex-change) i s b e n e f i c i a l . Only under the most extreme c o n d i t i o n of consensus does a c t i o n s p r i n g spontaneously from the a c t o r s ' i n d i v i d u a l g o a l s . Under any other c o n d i t i o n , there i s no spontaneous a c t i o n , f o r at l e a s t one a c t o r p r e f e r s a d i f f e r e n t course of a c t i o n . (Coleman, 1966, p. 616) Thus, one may i n t e r p r e t Coleman's p o s i t i o n to mean that i n the case of i n d i v i d u a l a c t o r s , each w i l l spontaneously c a r r y out the a c t i o n w i t h the h i g h e s t u t i l i t y . Where the outcome of 29 an a c t i s , however, determined by two or more a c t o r s , then' although there may be some a c t i o n s where i t i s p o s s i b l e that a l l may agree, the l a r g e m a j o r i t y of a c t i o n s w i l l not be pre-f e r r e d by a l l , and the i n d i v i d u a l theory breaks down. Coleman (1966, p. 618) sees the problem as one of \" l i n k i n g together i n d i v i d u a l p r e f e r e n c e s and c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n i n s o c i a l o r g a n i -z a t i o n . \" Coleman views exchange as dyadic i n nature, but i n c l u s i v e , as h i s prime concern i s w i t h i n d i v i d u a l s , not i n i s o l a t i o n , but i n r e l a t i o n with, ( s e v e r a l ) o t h e r s . Out of t h i s dyadic r e l a t i o n a r i s e s the concept of power d i f f e r e n t i a l s (p. 621) between the v a r i o u s i n d i v i d u a l s . Power i s here d e f i n e d as \"the a b i l i t y to o b t a i n the outcomes . . . i n a system of c o l l e c t i v e d e c i s i o n s . . . that w i l l g i v e him the h i g h e s t u t i l i t y \" (p. 621). In the c o l l e c t i v e d e c i s i o n s i t u a t i o n an i n d i v i d u a l becomes powerful v i s - a - v i s the c o l l e c t i v i t y when he c o n t r o l s a c t i o n s and/or res o u r c e s which are v a l u a b l e ( i . e . , o f i n t e r e s t ) to others as w e l l as h i m s e l f . Coleman (1964, p. 622) p o s t u l a t e s that c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n ( i t s content and d i r e c t i o n ) w i l l be determined by a \"simultaneous c a l i b r a t i o n of the v a l u e of d i f f e r e n t a c t i o n s and the power of d i f f e r e n t a c t o r s ' . I t i s argued here that the \"simultaneous c a l i b r a -t i o n \" r e f e r r e d to i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by i n d i v i d u a l comparison of s o c i a l a c t o r s a g a i n s t one another i n a dyadic f a s h i o n , the a c t u a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between the i n d i v i d u a l s being one of ex-change. Hence, Coleman's concept of s o c i a l exchange may be c o n s i d e r e d as i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c . 30 Emerson's (1972) theory of s o c i a l exchange i s much more s i m i l a r to Homans' than any of the other above mentioned t h e o r i e s i n that Emerson's v e r s i o n of s o c i a l exchange theory i s based on the dyadic i n t e r a c t i o n paradigm as r e g u l a t e d by the p r i n c i p l e s of operant psychology. Indeed, as Ekeh (1974, p. 166) p o i n t s out, \"Emerson seems to out-Homans Homans i n h i s f a i t h i n the a b i l i t y of operant psychology to perform the func-t i o n of the fountainhead of a l l b e h a v i o r a l s c i e n c e s . \" In h i s (1972) work, Emerson goes d i r e c t l y to Skinner's operant be-h a v i o u r a l psychology f o r h i s concepts i n the d e r i v a t i o n of an ungrounded, l o g i c o - d e d u c t i v e s e r i e s of p r o p o s i t i o n s a l a Homans which d e s c r i b e s o c i a l exchange and leaves the r a t i o n a l economic aspect of Homans' theory completely untouched. The i n t e r e s t i n Emerson here r e s u l t s from h i s w e l l a r t i c u l a t e d approach to s o c i a l exchange developed from what he h i m s e l f c a l l s \" t h i s skimpy b a s i s \" (Emerson, 1972, p. 45). I t i s suggested that h i s base i s indeed skimpy, although the r e s u l t i n g f o r m u l a t i o n i s f a r from simple, i n that Emerson does \"not presume to know the needs and motives of men\" (1972, p. 45). He argues that knowledge of such needs adds noth i n g to h i s theory of exchange, e x c e p t i n g that t h e i r s a t i s f a c t i o n a c t s e x i s t e n t i a l l y as a r e i n f o r c e r upon i n d i v i d u a l s . Thus Emerson has chosen operant psychology be-cause \"operant behavior is_ behavior w i t h i n a form of exchange process, otherwise c a l l e d feedback or r e i n f o r c e m e n t \" (1972, p. 42). He f u r t h e r excludes the c o g n i t i v e concept of expec-t a t i o n from h i s f o r m u l a t i o n : hence, one may r u l e out any n o t i o n 31 of r a t i o n a l , i . e . , economic, motive as a p o s s i b l e o r i g i n of exchange i n t h i s theory. In Emerson's D e f i n i t i o n 1, an exchange r e l a t i o n i s d e f i n e d as \" c o n s i s t i n g of a s e r i e s of t e m p o r a r i l y i n t e r s p e r s e d o p p o r t u n i t i e s , i n i t i a t i o n s , and t r a n s a c t i o n s \" , i n which the f i r s t \"evokes\" or i s accompanied by the second, which, i n t u r n , \"evokes\" the t h i r d . An oppor-t u n i t y i s a stimulus s i t u a t i o n which co n t a i n s a p p r o p r i a t e d i s -c r i m i n a t i v e s t i m u l i f o r evoking an i n i t i a t i o n . An i n i t i a t i o n i s an operant response and a t r a n s a c t i o n i s a p o s i t i v e l y r e i n -f o r c e d i n i t i a t i o n (Emerson,.1972, p. 45). Emerson concludes h i s (1972) e x p o s i t i o n by n o t i n g t h a t operant p r i n c i p l e s are \"nothing more than the study of c o n t i n g e n c i e s r e l a t i n g an organism, to i t s environment\" (p. 87). One aspect of the \"environment\" c o n s i s t s i n the presence of another i n d i v i d u a l i n a dyadic r e l a t i o n . The f i n a l example of a concept of s o c i a l exchange which may be d e s c r i b e d as i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c t h a t of Foa (1971). H i s \".theory\" of s o c i a l exchange does not f i t e a s i l y i n t o the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n o f i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c vs. c o l l e c t i v i s t i c because Foa's f o r m u l a t i o n i s concerned w i t h the nature of rewards, or \" r e s o u r c e s \" . Foa appears to conceive of s o c i a l exchange as b e i n g a mutually rewarding process (p. 346). However, he p o s i t s that there are s e v e r a l forms of exchange due to d i f f e r e n c e s i n the type of reward or \" r e s o u r c e \" b e i n g exchanged. Foa (1971, p. 347) i d e n t i f i e s s i x types: love, s t a t u s , i n f o r m a t i o n , money, goods, and s e r v i c e s . An i l l u s t r a t i o n of Foa's p o s i t i o n i s 32 found i n the following (Foa, 1971, p. 346): It matters a great deal from whom we receive love since i t s r e i n f o r c i n g effectiveness i s close l y t i e d to the stimulus person. Money, on the other hand, i s the least p a r t i c u l a r -i s t i c resource, since, of a l l resources, i t i s most l i k e l y to r e t a i n the same value re-gardless of the r e l a t i o n between, or charac-t e r i s t i c s of, the rei n f o r c i n g agent and recipient. Services and status are less p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c than goods or information. Foa, i t i s suggested, f a l l s into the i n d i v i d u a l i s t school as his exposition nowhere implies i n t e r a c t i o n outside of that provided by the dyad of stimulus (person A) - response (person B). To summarize b r i e f l y the discussion thus far, i t has been the object of the argument to c l a s s i f y certain theories of s o c i a l exchange as i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c , as opposed to c o l l e c t i -v i s t i c , using stated c r i t e r i a . Hence, for the purposes of this thesis, a s o c i a l exchange theory would be classed as i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c i f i t was characterized by (1) dyadic s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n (2) mutual r e c i p r o c i t y (3) the absence of reference to any supra-in d i v i d u a l s o c i a l entity. In the case of each of the theories examined thus far, i t has been argued that these c r i t e r i a indeed characterize them, and thus they may be l a b e l l e d i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c s o c i a l exchange theories. 33 (B) Theoretical Origins of Social Exchange i n I n d i v i d u a l i s t i c Theory The second task of this chapter i s to demonstrate that, given the dyadic nature of i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c a l l y conceived s o c i a l exchange, the origins of such exchange must and do l i e i n : (a) i n d i v i d u a l psychological needs (b) r a t i o n a l economic motives. Homans stands out among other s o c i a l exchange theorists in attempting to combine both behavioural psychology and ele-mentary economics i n formulating a theory of s o c i a l exchange. In t h i s , then, he concomitantly employs both u t i l i t a r i a n and hedonistic motives as the originators of s o c i a l exchange i t -s e l f . The psychological meaning of hedonism, i n general, i s the seeking of pleasure and the avoidance of pain. I t i s , then, e n t i r e l y physical i n nature, without e x p l i c i t considera-tion of space and time constraints. U t i l i t a r i a n i s m , i n eco-nomics, refers to an i n d i v i d u a l r a t i o n a l l y c a l c u l a t i n g his course of action i n terms of gains and loss, with the aim of maximizing the difference between the two. Thus, hedonism represents the process of enjoying oneself here and now, while u t i l i t a r i a n i s m represents the p r o f i t i n g from s o c i a l interaction, perhaps immediately, but also over time. Homans' usage of these two concepts as explanatory i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n the following: B r i e f l y , behavioral psychology and elemen-tary economics envisage human behavior as a function of i t s payoff: i n amount and kind i t depends on the amount and kind of 34 reward and punishment i t f e t c h e s . . . . Thus the g e n e r a l set of p r o p o s i t i o n s I s h a l l use envisages s o c i a l b ehavior as an exchange of a c t i v i t y , t a n g i b l e or i n t a n g i b l e , and more or l e s s rewarding or c o s t l y between two persons. (Homans, 1961, p. 13) Homans (1961, pp. 12-13) s t a t e s t h a t the p r o p o s i t i o n s of b e h a v i o r a l psychology and elementary economics can be \" s t r e t c h e d \" and i n so doing mesh together to \"form a s i n g l e s e t \" . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , he does not e x p l i c i t l y concern h i m s e l f w i t h p r o v i n g that t h i s i s so, and l e s s a m b i t i o u s l y proposes to \"suggest what the s i n g l e set might be\". (1961, p. 13) Homans1 attempt to \" s t r e t c h \" over the a d m i t t e d l y (by Homans, 1961, p. 12) l a r g e gap between hedonism and u t i l i -t a r i a n i s m as o r i g i n a t o r s of s o c i a l exchange i s n e c e s s i t a t e d by the f a c t t h at n e i t h e r b e h a v i o u r a l p s y c h o l o g i c a l p r o p o s i -t i o n s nor those of elementary economics alone are s u f f i c i e n t to e x p l a i n s o c i a l exchange i n human beings. The p r o p o s i t i o n s of b e h a v i o u r a l psychology are based on the study of behaviour i n animals i n very c o n s t r a i n e d environments, whereas economics s t u d i e s symbolic behaviour i n man. As Ekeh (1974) p o i n t e d out, meshing these two s e t s of p r o p o s i t i o n s i s not a simple matter. Ekeh (1974, p. 107) suggests t h a t what i s i n n a t e l y human i s \"non-natural\" and that t h i s subset of human a c t i v i t y i s i n the realm of symbolic behaviour. A c l o s e r e a d i n g of Homans i n d i c a t e s that one should agree w i t h Ekeh's (1974, p. 113) statement t h a t Homans, i n combining the two s e t s of p r o p o s i t i o n s , i s arguing that i t i s p o s s i b l e to upgrade the 35 nonsymbolic to the symbolic, to g e n e r a l i z e from c o n d i t i o n e d behaviour i n animals to symbolic behaviour i n humans. F o l l o w i n g Homans' view o f s o c i a l exchange then \"as an exchange of a c t i v i t y . . . more or l e s s rewarding or c o s t l y \" (1961, p. 13), i t i s suggested that he employs a combination of two independent sets of m o t i v e s f (1) Sensual or somatic s t i m u l i which are immediately g r a t i f y i n g or pu n i s h i n g , and (2) symbolic behaviour i n which present c o n d i t i o n s may be con-s i d e r e d r a t i o n a l l y a g a i n s t p r e v i o u s or a n t i c i p a t e d c o n d i t i o n s . Homans, as has been noted, does not c o n s i d e r t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n to be damaging to h i s theory. Rather, he proposes t h a t the two sets o f p r o p o s i t i o n s , i n t e r a c t i n g w i t h one another i n a \" s i n g l e meshed s e t , \" are i n f a c t compatible, and by t h e i r com-b i n a t i o n , do e x p l a i n s o c i a l exchange behaviour. I f i t i s granted that c o n d i t i o n e d behaviour, as i t i s observed i n animals, i s d e s c r i p t i v e of a great deal of human a c t i v i t y and at the same time symbolic (e.g., economic) beha-v i o u r i s assumed to be u n i q u e l y human (and not g e n e r a l i z a b l e from animal b e h a v i o u r ) , then Homans' attempt at meshing the two sets o f p r o p o s i t i o n s i s q u i t e understandable. In order to cover the range of human a c t i v i t y , Homans, to h i s gre a t c r e d i t has r e c o g n i z e d that both p s y c h o l o g i c a l needs and economic motives must be p o s i t e d , r a t h e r than e i t h e r alone. Whether, i n f a c t , the combination o f the two sets of p r o p o s i t i o n s i n t o one i s compatible seems s t i l l an open q u e s t i o n . Both Deutsch and Krauss (1965) and Ekeh (1974) b e l i e v e that the c o m p a t i b i l i 36 Homans assumes has not been demonstrated. The p o i n t at i s s u e here i s not whether Homans has adequately demonstrated a p l a u s i b l e l i n k a g e between c o n d i t i o n a l and s y m b o l i c a l l y charac-t e r i z e d behaviour, but i s th a t Homans p o s i t s both h e d o n i s t i c -a l l y d e f i n e d p s y c h o l o g i c a l need and s y m b o l i c a l l y r e p r e s e n t e d economic motive as o r i g i n a t o r s of s o c i a l exchange a c t i v i t y . I t was noted e a r l i e r t h a t B l a u has enjoyed the r e p u t a t i o n of being a compromiser between the i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c and c o l l e c -t i v i s t i c o r i e n t a t i o n s i n s o c i a l exchange theory. I f t h i s i s indeed so, then does he r e l y on p s y c h o l o g i c a l needs and the p o s t u l a t e s of elementary economics to pro v i d e the t h e o r e t i c a l o r i g i n s of s o c i a l exchange? The answer to t h i s i s not c l e a r cut because a t f i r s t glance Blau seems to employ p s y c h o l o g i c a l r o o t s of behaviour i n h i s assumptions of the o r i g i n s o f exchange. The b a s i c s o c i a l processes t h a t govern a s s o c i a t i o n s among men have t h e i r r o o t s i n p r i m i t i v e p s y c h o l o g i c a l processes, such as those u n d e r l y i n g the f e e l i n g s o f a t t r a c t i o n between i n d i v i d u a l s and t h e i r d e s i r e s f o r v a r i o u s k i n d s o f rewards. These psycholo-g i c a l tendencies are p r i m i t i v e o n l y i n r e s p e c t to our s u b j e c t matter, t h a t i s , they are taken as giv e n without f u r t h e r e n q u i r y i n t o the m o t i v a t i n g f o r c e s t h a t pro-duce them, f o r our concern i s w i t h the s o c i a l f o r c e s that emanate from them. (Blau, 1964, p. 19) An i n d i v i d u a l i s a t t r a c t e d to another i f he expects a s s o c i a t i n g w i t h him to be i n some way rewarding f o r h i m s e l f , and h i s i n t e r e s t i n the expected reward draws him to the other. The p s y c h o l o g i c a l needs and d i s p o s i -t i o n s of i n d i v i d u a l s determine which r e -wards are p a r t i c u l a r l y s a l i e n t f o r them and thus to whom they w i l l be a t t r a c t e d . (Blau, 1964, p. 20) 37 Mutual a t t r a c t i o n prompts people to estab-l i s h an a s s o c i a t i o n , and the rewards they p r o v i d e each other i n the course of t h e i r s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , u n l e s s t h e i r expecta-t i o n s are d i s a p p o i n t e d , m a i n t a i n t h e i r mutual a t t r a c t i o n and the c o n t i n u i n g assoc-i a t i o n . Processes of s o c i a l a t t r a c t i o n , t h e r e f o r e , l e a d to processes of s o c i a l exchange. (Blau, 1964, p. 21) These s e c t i o n s are c r u c i a l to understanding Blau's p o s i -t i o n on the o r i g i n s of exchange f o r s e v e r a l reasons. He does indeed seem to b e . r e f e r r i n g to p s y c h o l o g i c a l needs as o r i g i -n a t i n g f a c t o r s . However, two t h i n g s happen to them i n Blau's treatment. F i r s t , needs are l a b e l l e d as p s y c h o l o g i c a l i n terms of t h e i r d e r i v a t i o n . However, i n d i s c u s s i n g these p s y c h o l o g i c a l needs Blau tends to t r e a t them l e s s as c a u s a l f a c t o r s i n o r i g i n a t i n g exchange, than as the ground i n which r a t i o n a l economic motive i s based. T h i s i s apparent from the c o n c e n t r a t i o n on the n o t i o n of e x p e c t a t i o n which Blau e x h i b i t s . Put s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t l y , the impetus f o r i n t e r a c t i o n seems to be i n the c a l c u l a t e d g a i n any s o c i a l a c t o r expects to o b t a i n from a g i v e n s o c i a l exchange a c t r a t h e r than the s t r i v i n g f o r the s a t i s f a c t i o n of a g i v e n p s y c h o l o g i c a l need. Second, i n the passage from page 20, B l a u p o s i t s t h at needs are s a l i e n t o n l y i n the d e t e r m i n a t i o n of r e l e v a n t reward, w h i l e emphasizing the processes o f c a l c u l a t i o n and e x p e c t a t i o n as the r e a l causes of exchange behaviour. A more a c c u r a t e d e s c r i p t i o n of Blau's c o n c e p t i o n would be to say that p s y c h o l o g i c a l needs and d i s p o s i t i o n s p r o v i d e the context of \" r e s o u r c e s \" from which i n d i v i d u a l s s e l e c t i v e l y c a l c u l a t e the v a r i o u s expected reward/ 38 cost benefits of engaging i n s o c i a l i nteraction. Social a t t r a c t i o n i s the force that induces human beings to establish s o c i a l associa-tions on the i r own i n i t i a t i v e and to expand the scope of their associations once they have been formed . . . . An i n d i v i d u a l i s attracted to another i f he expects associ-ating with him to be i n some way rewarding for himself, and his inter e s t i n the expect-ed s o c i a l rewards draws him to the other. (Blau, 1964, p. 20) It must be noted that there has been a transformation here, i n which s o c i a l a t t r a c t i o n , which was e a r l i e r treated as a primitive psychological tendency, i s spoken of now i n terms of rewards, and expected ones at that. I t i s the expected nature of the rewards which d i f f e r e n t i a t e s Blau's approach from those u t i l i z i n g h e d o n i s t i c a l l y defined rewards. For i f we say that expected, rather than immediate and sensual, rewards are c r u c i a l to the o r i g i n of s o c i a l exchange then we are at once speaking of a the o r e t i c a l scheme where rewards are treated as the subject of the r a t i o n a l c a l c u l a t i o n of gain. From this p o s i t i o n one has then begun to describe very closely what i s generally referred to as economic motive. It i s not being argued that \"primary\" rewards are not subject to such calcula-tion: rather, i n Blau's view, rewards of any description merely provide the basis for cal c u l a t i o n and expectation, with that expectation of reward actually providing the causal impetus for s o c i a l exchange behaviour. Psychological needs enter into the formulation because they determine the nature and value of that which i s rewarding for the individuals themselves. F i n a l l y , i t i s noted that Blau considers r a t i o n a l economic 39 o r i g i n s important enough to exclude any other from c o n s i d e r a -t i o n i n the context of h i s theory of s o c i a l exchange. S o c i a l exchange as here conceived i s l i m i t e d to a c t i o n s that are con t i n g e n t on rewarding r e a c t i o n s from others and t h a t cease when these expected r e a c t i o n s are not forthcoming. (Blau, 1964, p. 6) The b a s i c p r i n c i p l e u n d e r l y i n g marginal a n a l y s i s , and exchange g e n e r a l l y , i s that of e v e n t u a l l y d i m i n i s h i n g marginal u t i l i t y . (Blau, 1964, p. 169) Two c o n d i t i o n s must be met f o r b e h a v i o r . t o l e a d to s o c i a l exchange. I t must be o r i e n t e d towards ends that can only be achieved through i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h other persons, and i t must seek to adapt means to f u r t h e r the achievement of these ends . . . the r e c i p r o c a l exchange of e x t r i n s i c b e n e f i t s . (Blau, 1964, pp. 4-5) . . . many aspects o f s o c i a l l i f e do r e f l e c t an i n t e r e s t i n p r o f i t i n g from s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , and these are the focus of the theory of s o c i a l exchange. (Blau, 1968, p. 452) On the b a s i s of these r e f e r e n c e s , i t i s argued here that i n Blau's theory o f s o c i a l exchange the c a l c u l a t e d e x p e c t a t i o n of g a i n , i . e . , r a t i o n a l economic motive, may be c o n s i d e r e d as the t h e o r e t i c a l o r i g i n of s o c i a l exchange. Turning to Thibaut and K e l l e y (1959), i t was demonstrated e a r l i e r t h a t they view s o c i a l exchange as t a k i n g p l a c e i n a r e s t r i c t e d , dyadic format. A c c o r d i n g to pre v i o u s r e a s o n i n g i t may be asked whether the o r i g i n s of s o c i a l exchange i n t h e i r theory l i e i n p s y c h o l o g i c a l needs or i n economic motives. I t i s suggested that Thibaut and K e l l e y ' s theory r e l i e s on eco-nomic motive alone f o r i t s o r i g i n s . T h i s i s so because \" a t t r a c -t i o n \" between two i n d i v i d u a l s , which Thibaut and K e l l e y s t a t e 40 i s r e q u i r e d both to i n i t i a t e and s u s t a i n an exchange, i s determined by two types of i n t e r p e r s o n a l comparison: the CL comparison and the C L a l t comparison. That the v a r i o u s com-pa r i s o n s are made i n terms of rewards which are t r e a t e d as symbolic and not somatic can be i n f e r r e d from the m a t r i x mechanism which c h a r a c t e r i z e s Thibaut and K e l l e y ' s s o c i a l exchange: The c e l l s of the m a t r i x r e p r e s e n t a l l p o s s i b l e events t h a t may occur i n the i n t e r -a c t i o n between A and B. (p. 13) The reward/cost v a l u e s i n the m a t r i x r e p r e -sent the outcomes each person would exper-ience f o r each of the m a n i f o l d i n t e r a c t i o n p o s s i b i l i t i e s . . . . The a c t u a l course of the i n t e r a c t i o n cannot be p r e d i c t e d s o l e l y from a knowledge of t h i s matrix. (p. 19) To summarize the main p o i n t s . . . the formation of a r e l a t i o n s h i p depends l a r g e l y on the (1) the m a t r i x of the p o s s i b l e out-comes of i n t e r a c t i o n (2) the process of e x p l o r i n g or sampl-in g the p o s s i b i l i t i e s ; and u l t i m a t e l y (3) whether or not the j o i n t l y exper-i e n c e d outcomes are above each member's C L a l t . (pp. 22-23) (from Thibaut and K e l l e y , 1959) These passages would seem to l e n d support to the n o t i o n that expected g a i n i s the motive behind s o c i a l exchange a c t i v i t y . The focus i s on events which may occur i n the f u t u r e , out of which event p o p u l a t i o n an exchange p a r t i c i p a n t chooses the one which i s both more v a l u a b l e to him and more 41 l i k e l y to occur g i v e n h i s s u b j e c t i v e p r o b a b i l i t y estimate. I t would appear that i t i s these f a c t o r s which cause an i n d i -v i d u a l to explore the m a t r i x of outcomes, r a t h e r than any c a u s a t i v e p r o p e r t y of the m a t r i x i t s e l f . Put s l i g h t l y d i f -f e r e n t l y , an i n d i v i d u a l decides whether or not to undertake a g i v e n a c t of s o c i a l exchange based on h i s c a l c u l a t i o n of expected b e n e f i t , both i n terms of v a l u e and l i k e l i h o o d , which i s a very adequate d e f i n i t i o n of economic motive. Coleman (1966) proceeded to d e f i n e a theory of c o l l e c t i v e d e c i s i o n s based on the exchange paradigm, and i n so doing u t i l i z e d a demonstrably dyadic framework i n which that exchange occurred. His concern was much more w i t h the r e s u l t s o f i n t e r -a c t i o n of ( l a r g e ) numbers of i n d i v i d u a l s i n v o l v i n g themselves i n a d e c i s i o n process, r a t h e r than on the o r i g i n s of the i n v o l v e -ment or i n t e r a c t i o n i t s e l f . I t i s suggested that Coleman assumes that i s i s a p o s i t e d \"purposive a c t i o n p r i n c i p l e \" (Coleman, 1966, p. 615) which o r i g i n a t e s exchange i n t e r a c t i o n , i . e . , the r a t i o n a l c a l c u l a t i o n of u t i l i t y , w i t h a c t i o n s being chosen which maximize s a i d u t i l i t y . Hence, i t i s f u r t h e r sug-gested t h a t Coleman's theory i s eminently i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c and r e l i e s on u t i l i t a r i a n economic m o t i v a t i o n to e x p l a i n the o r i g i n of s o c i a l exchange. Emerson (1972) o u t l i n e d an exchange theory based on the dyadic i n t e r a c t i o n paradigm as r e g u l a t e d by the p r i n c i p l e s of operant psychology. I t was p o i n t e d out e a r l i e r t h a t Emerson r e l i e d t o t a l l y on the p r i n c i p l e s of operant psychology i n 42 c o n s t r u c t i n g h i s s o c i a l exchange theory i n that he d i d not \"presume to know the needs and motives of men\" (Emerson, 1972, p. 45). One then can argue, as i s argued here, that Emerson may have d i s t a n c e d h i m s e l f i n the formal p r e s e n t a t i o n o f h i s theory from any concern w i t h p s y c h o l o g i c a l needs. However, i t i s f u r t h e r argued that, due to h i s u n a l l o y e d adoption of operant p r i n c i p l e s , i t seems c l e a r t hat the same o r i g i n s t hat have been noted i n Homans' theory may a l s o be p o s i t e d to be o p e r a t i v e i n Emerson's, l e a v i n g a s i d e Homans' n o t i o n s of eco-nomic r a t i o n a l i t y . I t i s not h e l d here that operant c o n d i t i o n i n g theory focuses on needs f o r that would be a t t r i b u t i n g to i t a charac-t e r i s t i c which i s e x p l i c i t l y denied by most operant t h e o r i s t s . However, i f s p e c i f i c need i s something which need not be ex-p l i c i t l y d e f i n e d i n operant c o n d i t i o n i n g theory, the u n d e r l y i n g assumption of a need-behaviour l i n k a g e i s s t i l l r e q u i r e d ; otherwise behaviour a v a i l a b l e f o r operant c o n d i t i o n i n g would not occur. Many needs may be imputed to any giv e n a c t , and operant c o n d i t i o n i n g i n e f f e c t d e f i n e s a f o c a l need by the nature of the p r o v i d e d reward. I t i s p r e c i s e l y because operant behaviour i s behaviour i n an exchange form, that Emerson can, as he sees i t , d i s r e g a r d the assumptions of content i n exchange behaviour, those assumptions being the u n d e r l y i n g complex of p s y c h o l o g i c a l needs p o s i t e d by b e h a v i o u r a l psychology. Hence, the p o s i t i o n of t h i s paper i s that Emerson's (1972) s o c i a l 43 exchange theory p o s i t s p s y c h o l o g i c a l needs and rewards as o r i g i n a t i n g f a c t o r s . The previous d i s c u s s i o n o f Foa's (1971) s o c i a l exchange framework p o i n t e d up the f a c t t h a t Foa regarded s o c i a l i n t e r -a c t i o n as a mutu a l l y rewarding process. F u r t h e r , Foa h e l d that the type o f reward was most s a l i e n t f o r understanding the nature and dynamic process of exchange r e l a t i o n s . His taxonomy o f s i x types o f rewards (Foa, 1971, p. 347) i . e . , love, s t a t u s , i n f o r m a t i o n , money, goods, and s e r v i c e s , are f o r the most p a r t s o c i a l l y mediated rewards: i t i s the a t t r a c t i o n response o f any given i n d i v i d u a l to any one of these rewards when presented by a second person which Foa p o s i t s as the o r i g i n of exchange r e l a t i o n s . I t i s not c l e a r that Foa d i s -t i n g u i s h e s i n any meaningful way between s o m a t i c a l l y r e l a t e d and symbolic reward, and indeed i t i s argued here t h a t Foa regards such a d i s t i n c t i o n as i n c o n s e q u e n t i a l . Foa b e l i e v e s that the source of the reward and the r e s u l t a n t i n t e r a c t i o n of the source and the reward i t s e l f are the c r i t i c a l f a c t o r s i n the i n s t i g a t i o n and maintenance of exchange. But, i t i s s t r o n g l y suggested here that Foa u l t i m a t e l y r e s t s h i s n o t i o n of the o r i g i n of exchange on the a t t r a c t i v e power of reward per se, i r r e s p e c t i v e of i t s type or source. Summary Thi s chapter has made two g e n e r a l arguments, u s i n g as data the p r o p o s i t i o n s , statements and arguments of i n d i v i d u a l i s t 44 s o c i a l e x c h a n g e t h e o r i s t s . ( 1 ) I n d i v i d u a l i s t s o c i a l e x c h a n g e t h e o r y u t i l i z e s t h e r e s t r i c t e d e x c h a n g e p a r a d i g m a l o n e , u s i n g i n t e r a c t i o n i n d y a d s a s t h e m o d e l o f e x c h a n g e r e l a t i o n s . ( 2 ) G i v e n t h e d y a d i c m o d e l o f i n t e r a c t i o n , o r i g i n s o f i n t e r a c t i o n i n i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c s o c i a l e x c h a n g e t h e o r y m u s t b e , a n d i n f a c t a r e , f r a m e d i n t e r m s o f ( a ) i n d i v i d u a l p s y c h o l o g i c a l n e e d s (b ) r a t i o n a l e c o n o m i c m o t i v e s . I n c o n c l u d i n g t h e s e two a r g u m e n t s , i t i s a r g u e d t h a t , g i v e n t h e e x a m i n a t i o n o f t h e w o r k s o f H o m a n s , B l a u , T h i b a u t a n d K e l l e y , C o l e m a n , E m e r s o n , a n d F o a , t h e i r t h e o r i e s do i n d e e d u t i l i z e t h e d y a d i c m o d e l o f i n t e r a c t i o n a n d may b e c l a s s e d as i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c . A s r e g a r d s t h e t h e o r e t i c a l o r i g i n s o f s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h i n t h e d y a d i c m o d e l o f e x c h a n g e , t h e r e i s a d i c h o t o m y o f o r i g i n s u t i l i z e d , a s r e p r e s e n t e d b y t h e f o l l o w i n g c h a r t . P s y c h o l o g i c a l N e e d / R e w a r d R a t i o n a l E c o n o m i c M o t i v e Homans ( 1 9 6 1 , 1974 ) B l a u ( 1 9 6 4 ) E m e r s o n ( 1 9 7 2 ) T h i b a u t a n d K e l l e y ( 1 9 5 9 ) F o a ( 1 9 7 1 ) C o l e m a n ( 1 9 6 6 ) T h e a b o v e d i c h o t o m y o f o r i g i n a t i n g m e c h a n i s m s i s c l e a r l y s u p p o r t e d b y d a t a f r o m t h e w o r k s o f t h e t h e o r i s t s t h e m s e l v e s , a n d i t i s b e l i e v e d t h a t t h e r e s u l t s o f t h e l i t e r a t u r e r e v i e w 45 show that, fortunately, no theory examined presented an i n -surmountable c l a s s i f i c a t i o n problem. Chapter III ORIGINS OF EXCHANGE IN COLLECTIVIST THEORY In Chapter II, the origins of s o c i a l exchange as con-ceived by the i n d i v i d u a l i s t theorists were examined. The conclusions following this examination were: (1) the i n d i v i d u a l i s t s employ the dyadic format of interpersonal interaction. (2) Out of this concentration on dyadic i n t e r a c t i o n , the necessity of origins of s o c i a l exchange developed s o l e l y from a consideration of the indi v i d u a l , i . e . , his psychological needs and/or his hope of gain, was demonstrated. In this chapter i t w i l l be shown that the c o l l e c t i v i s t i c theorists have put forward a concept of generalized exchange and r e c i p r o c i t y which i s capable of subsuming, without a l t e r -ing the formulations of, i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c , r e s t r i c t e d exchange. This capacity i s important i n that i t permits the p o s s i b i l i t y of combining otherwise disparate elements into a s i m p l i f i e d paradigm explaining the origins of s o c i a l exchange. In addition, i t follows that c o l l e c t i v i s t i c origins of s o c i a l exchange may l i e outside those postulated by indivi d u -alism. That i s , origins under a generalized exchange paradigm 46 47 may be s t a t e d i n terms of something other than what may be d i s c o v e r e d w i t h i n the r e l a t i o n s between two i n d i v i d u a l s at a p o i n t i n time. Relevant to t h i s d i s c o v e r y i s the work of L e v i - S t r a u s s (1969), Mauss (1954), and M a l i n o w s k i (1922, 1926) concerning s o c i a l exchange and e s p e c i a l l y the o r i g i n s o f s o c i a l exchange. A l s o examined i s the important work of Gouldner (1959, 1960) on the norm of r e c i p r o c i t y . L e v i - S t r a u s s (1969), i n the p o l e m i c a l t r a d i t i o n which has h i s t o r i c a l l y c h a r a c t e r i z e d the development of s o c i a l exchange theory, has s t a t e d that i t was h i s unhappiness w i t h dyadic, r e s t r i c t e d f o r m u l a t i o n s of s o c i a l exchange which l e d to h i s development of g e n e r a l i z e d exchange. A formal study o f the n o t i o n of exchange, such as s o c i o l o g i s t s have so f a r employed, has shown us t h a t i t d i d not succeed i n embracing the f a c t s i n t h e i r i n t e g r i t y . Rather than d e c i d i n g to l e n d a s t e r i l e d i s c o n t i n u i t y to phenomena which are, a f t e r a l l , of the same type, we have p r e f e r r e d to seek a wider and m o d i f i e d conception of exchange i n an attempt to a r r i v e a t a sys-tematic typology and an exhaustive explana-t i o n . [A r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of a n t h r o p o l o g i -c a l data] taken from the c l a s s i c r e g i o n of r e s t r i c t e d exchange . . . imposed upon us, as i t were, the n o t i o n of g e n e r a l i z e d ex-change. ( L e v i - S t r a u s s , 1969, p. 220) Malinowski, w r i t i n g e a r l i e r (1922), a l s o developed a n o t i o n o f c i r c u l a r or g e n e r a l i z e d exchange. His work i s remarkable es-p e c i a l l y i n that he developed from grounded data an e x p l a n a t i o n of exchange behaviour i n which g e n e r a l i z e d and r e s t r i c t e d ex-change operated s i m u l t a n e o u s l y . 48 [ I n M a l i n o w s k i 1 s f o r m u l a t i o n ] w h i l e r e s t r i c t e d e x c h a n g e e m p h a s i z e s t h e p s y c h o l o g i c a l n e e d s o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l e x c h a n g e a c t o r s , g e n e r a l i z e d e x c h a n g e s t r e n g t h e n s t h e b o n d s o f s o l i d a r i t y i n s o c i e t y . T h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n e n a b l e s M a l i n o w s k i t o w o r k o u t a n i s o m o r p h i s m b e t w e e n i n d i v i d u a l p s y c h o l o g i c a l n e e d s a n d t h e s o c i a l n e e d s o f t h e w i d e r s o c i e t y . ( E k e h , 1 9 7 4 , p . 209 ) T h e t e r m s o f t h e \" s o m e t h i n g o t h e r \" i n w h i c h c o l l e c t i -v i s t i c o r i g i n s o f e x c h a n g e m u s t b e a r t i c u l a t e d a r e f a r l e s s a m e n a b l e t o e x p l i c a t i o n t h a n t h e r e l a t i v e l y c l e a r , s t r a i g h t -f o r w a r d o r i g i n s p o s t u l a t e d f o r r e s t r i c t e d e x c h a n g e . I t i s b e l i e v e d t h a t a g r e a t d e a l o f t h e c a u s e o f t h i s u n f o r t u n a t e s i t u a t i o n l i e s i n t h e d i f f e r e n c e s i n t h e w a y b o t h o r i e n t a t i o n s f o r m t h e i r s t r a t e g y o f i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . On t h e o n e h a n d , u t i l i t a r i a n i s m , t h e b o d y o f t h e o r e t i c a l k n o w l e d g e t h a t p l a c e s i n d i v i d u a l d e s i r e s a n d n e e d s a t t h e c e n t e r o f i t s a n a l y s i s , a n d w h i c h h a s l o n g b e e n t h e d o m i n a n t p a r a d i g m i n A n g l o - S a x o n c o u n t r i e s , h a s t e n d e d t o f o r m t h e s o c i a l s c i e n c e s i n t h e i m a g e o f t h e p h y s i c a l s c i e n c e s , i . e . , r a t i o n a l , m e c h a n i c a l a n d a n a l y t i c a l . T h u s , i t i s b e l i e v e d t h a t a l l s o c i a l p h e n o m e n a a r e r e d u c i b l e t o l a w s , a n d a l l t h e l a w s o f t h e s o c i a l w o r l d a r e i n t h e i r t u r n e x p l i c a b l e b y t h e ' l a w s o f human n a t u r e . 1 B u t t h e l a w s o f human n a t u r e a r e t h e m s e l v e s o f two k i n d s : p h y s i c a l l a w s , t h e d e f i n i t i o n o f w h i c h t h e e c o n o m i s t a n d t h e j u r i s t b o r r o w f r o m t h e p h y s i c i a n , t h e g e o -l o g i s t , a n d t h e b i o l o g i s t ; a n d p s y c h o l o g i c a l l a w s . ( H a l e v y , 1 9 2 8 , p . 4 3 3 ) T h e l o g i c o - d e d u c t i v e s t r a t e g y o f t h e o r y c o n s t r u c t i o n h a s i t s r o o t s i n t h e u t i l i a r i a n t r a d i t i o n a n d h a s b e e n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c -a l l y a d o p t e d b y t h e i n d i v i d u a l i s t s o c i a l e x c h a n g e t h e o r i s t s a s 49 t h e i r own s t r a t e g y . T h e l o g i c o - d e d u c t i v e s t r a t e g y p r e s c r i b e s t h a t s o c i a l t h e o r i e s may b e c o n s t r u c t e d i n t h e a b s t r a c t f r o m w h i c h human b e h a v i o u r may t h e n b e d e d u c e d . I t i s t h i s l o g i c a l d e d u c i b i l i t y t h a t l e a d s t o t h e n o t i o n o f r e d u c t i o n i s m , w h i c h p r e s c r i b e s t h a t t h e u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h e l a r g e r s o c i a l w h o l e m a y , i n p r i n c i p l e , b e d e r i v e d f r o m t h e u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f i t s c o n s t i t u e n t p a r t s . S p e c i f i c a l l y , t h e r e d u c t i o n i s t s t r a t e g y a r g u e s t h a t t h e d i f f e r e n c e s b e t w e e n p s y c h o l o g i c a l a n a l y s i s a n d s o c i o l o g i c a l a n a l y s i s a r e q u a n t i t a t i v e , n o t q u a l i t a t i v e ; t h e y a r e l i n k e d b y a c h a i n o f d e d u c t i v e r e a s o n i n g ( E k e h , 1 9 7 4 , p . 1 5 ) . On t h e o t h e r h a n d , t h e c o l l e c t i v i s t o r i e n t a t i o n d o e s n o t a c c e p t t h e p r i m a c y o f i n d i v i d u a l s e l f - i n t e r e s t a s t h e c e n t r a l i s s u e i n s o c i a l t h e o r y . R a t h e r , i t i s h e l d b y t h e c o l l e c t i v i s t s t h a t s o c i a l p r o c e s s e s ( s u c h a s s o c i a l e x c h a n g e ) g a i n r e l e v a n c e a c c o r d i n g t o t h e d e g r e e t o w h i c h t h o s e p r o c e s s e s c o n t r i b u t e t o t h e e x i s t e n c e o f s o c i e t y o r s p e c i f i c g r o u p s a s w h o l e s . T h e c o l l e c t i v i s t i c s t r a t e g y o f t h e o r y c o n s t r u c t i o n i s b a s e d o n t h e n o t i o n o f \" t h e a u t o n o m y o f s o c i e t y a n d t h e i r r e d u c i b i l i t y o f s o c i a l p r o c e s s e s t o p s y c h o l o g i c a l o n e s \" ( E k e h , 1 9 7 4 , p . 1 5 ) . G l a s e r a n d S t r a u s s ( 1 9 6 6 , p p . 1 -11 ) p o i n t o u t t h a t t h i s s o c i o -l o g i c a l t r a d i t i o n p r o c e e d s t o d e v e l o p t h e o r i e s g r o u n d e d i n t h e d a t a o f some s o c i o l o g i c a l p r o b l e m . I n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f s u c h d a t a t h e n y i e l d s a n i n d u c t i v e u n d e r s t a n d i n g o r o r d e r i n g o f t h e s i t u a t i o n w h i c h may ( o r may n o t ) y i e l d d e d u c t i v e l y d e r i v e d h y p o t h e s e s . G l a s e r a n d S t r a u s s p o i n t t o t h e t h e o r i e s o f D u r k h e i m a n d W e b e r a s p r i m e e x a m p l e s o f s u c h g r o u n d e d t h e o r i e s : 50 Blau's theory of s o c i a l exchange i s c i t e d as a major example of an ungrounded logico-deductive theory. In the c o l l e c t i v i s t i c view, s o c i o l o g i c a l concepts (such as s o c i a l exchange) are those which either define or contribute to the d e f i n i t i o n of society as an ent i t y sui generis, i . e . , without and apart from the individuals who constitute i t s population. Society i s then i n the nature of a the o r e t i c a l construct. There i s some dispute between the c o l l e c t i v i s t theorists as to whether this construct i s consciously apprehended by individuals or remains a manifestation of the unconscious. In any case we may be clear on one thing: the theorist who describes such s o c i o l o g i -c a l constructs i s ce r t a i n l y aware of them and i t i s i n the reasons, l o g i c a l and empirical, that he posits for the i r o r i g i -nation and operation that the origins of s o c i a l exchange, c o l -l e c t i v i s t i c a l l y viewed, must be found. The p o s i t i o n taken here i s that, unlike those of the i n d i -v i d u a l i s t i c s o c i a l exchange theories, c o l l e c t i v i s t i c s o c i a l exchanges occur i n a process informed by norms and rules which are external ( i . e . , r e i f i e d ) to the individuals involved. The rules (or norms) of behaviour governing s o c i a l exchange a c t i v i t y are the f a b r i c of what was recently referred to here as society sui generis, i . e . , s o c i a l r e a l i t y as a fac t or thing external to the i n d i v i d u a l . I t i s of course paradoxical to ref e r to something which i s a mental construct as being \"external\". And at this l e v e l , the paradox rests unresolved. Only when the notion of symbolic behaviour, that which i s uniquely human and 51 c u l t u r a l , r a t h e r than n a t u r a l or b i o l o g i c a l l y determined i s in t r o d u c e d , may the seeming paradox c l a r i f y i t s e l f . Symbolic behaviour i s behaviour which i s conscious of i t s e l f , i s capable of having (and has) meaning att a c h e d to i t , w h i l e at the same time being r o o t e d b i o l o g i c a l l y . E x t e r n a l i t y i n the sense r e f e r r e d to here, and throughout t h i s t h e s i s , d e r i v e s from the c a p a c i t y f o r the conscious apprehension of s o c i a l a c t i o n ( i . e . , the attachment of meaning to i t ) on the p a r t of the s o c i a l a c t o r s themsel ves. That i s , the s o c i a l a c t takes on a l i f e of i t s own, i s seen as being capable of a c t i n g back upon i t s o r i g i n a t o r s . In short, p a t t e r n s o f a c t i o n have the c a p a c i t y to become r e i f i e d . An understanding of the d i a l e c t i c between man as a b i o -l o g i c a l organism and man as a c r e a t i o n of and by s o c i a l i n t e r -a c t i o n i s c r u c i a l . Organismic e x i s t e n c e i s b i o l o g i c a l l y d e t e r -mined, s u b j e c t to n a t u r a l laws and may be understood i n i t s terms. Human \"be-ing\" i s produced by men together i n i n t e r -a c t i o n , and t h i s \"be-ing\" i s not e n t i r e l y determined by n a t u r a l law: r a t h e r t h i s s t a t e o f human \"be-ing\" i s determined s o c i o - c u l t u r a l l y , w i t h n a t u r a l laws c o n s t i t u t i n g the outer boundaries of human a c t i v i t y (Berger and Luckmann, 1966, pp. 50-53). I t i s \" be-ing\" r e s u l t i n g from the s o c i a l a c t i o n of men together which i s a t once \" i n t e r n a l \" to the i n d i v i d u a l ( i . e . , a c o g n i -t i v e c o n s t r u c t ) and \" e x t e r n a l \" to him ( i . e . , the c o g n i t i v e c o n s t r u c t has meaning a s c r i b e d to i t by the i n d i v i d u a l which de f i n e s i t s o n t o l o g i c a l s t a t u s as separate and apart from the i n d i v i d u a l ) . 52 I t has been s t a t e d that the context i n which o r i g i n s of s o c i a l exchange are c o l l e c t i v i s t i c a l l y i n t e r p r e t e d has two b a s i c parameters. F i r s t , the context must t h e o r e t i c a l l y i n c l u d e \"something ot h e r \" than that i m p l i e d i n a dyadic, p u r e l y i n d i v i d u a l i s t context. I t has been f u r t h e r suggested t h a t s o c i a l r e a l i t y , s u i g e n e r i s , a f a c t which may be c o n s i d e r e d \" e x t e r n a l \" to the i n d i v i d u a l s i n v o l v e d i n a s o c i a l exchange, i s one such parameter. Second, t h i s s o c i a l r e a l i t y , w h i c h takes the form of r u l e s which inform a l l s o c i a l exchanges, d e r i v e s from that which i s u n i q u e l y human, i . e . , a c a p a c i t y to symbolize and e x t e r n a l i z e behaviour. I t may then be p o s i t e d t h a t the laws governing s o c i a l exchanges as d e f i n e d by the c o l -l e c t i v i s t s , are i n the nature o f t h e o r e t i c a l c o n s t r u c t s , which as has al r e a d y been noted, may or may not be c o n s c i o u s l y appre-hended by the i n d i v i d u a l exchange a c t o r s . I t remains now to demonstrate two t h i n g s : f i r s t , the nature of t h i s s o c i a l r e a l i t y and second, the way i n which o r i g i n s of s o c i a l exchange may be understood u s i n g t h i s p o s t u l a t e d s o c i a l r e a l i t y . Berger and Luckmann (1966) i n t h e i r d i s c u s s i o n of the emergence of s o c i a l order s t a t e that \"one must undertake an a n a l y s i s , that eventuates in, a theory of i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a -t i o n . \" We w i l l not d i s c u s s t h e i r whole theory here, but wish to draw from i t some p o i n t s r e l e v a n t to an understanding of an e x t e r n a l s o c i a l r e a l i t y . Berger and Luckmann (1966, pp. 53-58) make the p o i n t that the f a c t t h a t human a c t i v i t y i s s u b j e c t to h a b i t u a l i z a t i o n has at l e a s t two consequences. F i r s t , choices 53 which once covered the entire range of a c t i v i t y become nar-rowed, and hence free the i n d i v i d u a l to some extent both from time constraints and the psychological tension of decision making. Second, individuals obtain the important advantage that each i n d i v i d u a l w i l l be able to predict the other's a c t i v i t y to a greater or lesser degree. Therefore, the i n t e r - action between individuals becomes more predictable. Berger and Luckmann (1966, p. 54) further state that . . . h a b i t u a l i z a t i o n of human a c t i v i t y i s coextensive with the l a t t e r ' s i n s t i t u t i o n -a l i z a t i o n . . . . I n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n occurs when ever there i s a r e c i p r o c a l t y p i f i c a t i o n of habitualized actions by types of actors. Put d i f f e r e n t l y , any such t y p i f a c t i o n i s an i n s t i t u t i o n . The t y p i f i c a t i o n s of habitualized actions that constitute i n s t i t u t i o n s are always shared ones. They are available to a l l the mem-bers of the p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l group i n question, and the i n s t i t u t i o n i t s e l f t y p i -f i e s i n d i v i d u a l actors as well as i n d i v i d u a l actions. The i n s t i t u t i o n posits that actions of Type X w i l l be performed by actors of Type X. This view of i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n represents the basis for p o s i t i n g the externalization, or analogously, the symbolic objectivation (Berger and Luckmann, 1966, p. 20) of human a c t i v i t y . In the view of Berger and Luckmann (1966, p. 55), i n actual experience i n s t i t u t i o n s are manifest i n groups of con-siderable size. However, they also recognize that i t \" i s t h e o r e t i c a l l y important . . . to emphasize that the i n s t i t u -t i o n a l i z i n g process of r e c i p r o c a l typification''\" would occur T y p i f i c a t i o n refers to the process of recognizing h a b i t u a l l y 54 even i f only two individuals began to i n t e r a c t . \" Thus any two prototypical individuals begin to structure t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l and j o i n t l i v e s i n terms of a growing number of habitualized routines. This h a b i t u a l i z a t i o n allows for, among other things, d i v i s i o n of labour between them, and the emergence of innova-tion. Phenomena previously novel and demanding of time and resources i n their understanding, become routinized, and cap-able therefore of h a b i t u a l i z a t i o n and t y p i f i c a t i o n . The re-s u l t i n g reduction i n demand for both time and undifferentiated resource i n turn allows for d i v i s i o n of labour and innovation. Further, Berger and Luckmann (1966, p. 5 7) state \"each action of one i s no longer a source of astonishment and p o t e n t i a l danger to the other.\" This point i s of significance to L e v i -Strauss' formulation of the origins of exchange i n which he views i n i t i a l interactions as threat-producing and s o c i a l order (or p r e d i c t a b i l i t y ) as threat-reducing (Levi-Strauss, 1969, p. 59). The d i s t i n c t i o n between i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n (and i n t e r -action) between two individuals and that i n groups of more than two has c r u c i a l implications, however. The r e c i p r o c a l t y p i f i -cation (which constitutes i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n ) cannot occur except i n a continuing s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n i n which the habitu-a l i z e d actions of two or more individuals interlock. Where the Footnote continued from previous page: performed acts as represented by \"types of actors\". The recog-n i t i o n by actors i n i n t e r a c t i o n with one another i s referred to as r e c i p r o c a l . 55 i n s t i t u t i o n s are c r e a t e d by on l y two i n d i v i d u a l s (dyadic i n t e r -2 a c t i o n ) , t h e i r o b j e c t i v a t i o n o f r e a l i t y remains somewhat tenuous, e a s i l y changeable. T h i s i s because the r o u t i n e s of the two i n d i v i d u a l s ' a c t i v i t i e s are a c c e s s i b l e to d e l i b e r a t e i n t e r v e n t i o n by those i n d i v i d u a l s . They are f u l l y aware of the nature o f the r o u t i n e s which they themselves have, so to speak, c o n s t r u c t e d by hand. I t may be noted here that t h i s n o t i o n of a c c e s s i b i l i t y has some support from s m a l l group r e s e a r c h con-c e r n i n g the nature of dyadic i n t e r a c t i o n (e.g., Bales and Borgatta, 1965, pp. 501-502). However, where the i n s t i t u t i o n s are passed to o t h e r ( s ) , as i n the case o f one g e n e r a t i o n to another, a t h i r d person (or more) i s added to the i n t e r a c t i o n p r o c e s s . T h i s a d d i t i o n then i m p l i e s two t h i n g s : the i n s t i t u -t i o n s become h i s t o r i c a l i n nature, and the q u a l i t y o f t h e i r obj e c t i v i t y or e x t e r n a l i t y becomes more e v i d e n t . Moreover, t h i s l a t t e r p o i n t i s e m p i r i c a l i n the sense t h a t as more i n d i -v i d u a l s partake of the i n s t i t u t i o n s , these i n s t i t u t i o n s become more o b j e c t i v e i n the minds o f the i n d i v i d u a l s . The r o u t i n i z e d and i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d world becomes \" t h i c k e n e d \" or \"hardened\" i n i n d i v i d u a l consciousness as i t becomes e v i d e n t t h a t the i n s t i t u t i o n s cannot be so r e a d i l y changed (Berger and Luckmann, O b j e c t i v a t i o n of r e a l i t y r e f e r s to the e x t e r n a l i z a t i o n and r e i f i c a t i o n o f modes of human a c t i v i t y : these modes express-i n g to both t h e i r producer, and any other, s u b j e c t i v e i n t e n t . The term i s d e r i v e d from the Hegelian/Marxian \" V e r s a c h l i c h u n g \" (Berger and Luckman, 1966, p. 197). 56 1966, p. 59). I t i s at t h i s p o i n t only that one may r e a l l y b e gin to speak of an \" e x t e r n a l \" s o c i a l r e a l i t y or o b j e c t i v a t e d w o r l d at a l l . F or the i n d i v i d u a l experiences t h i s i n s t i t u -t i o n a l w o r l d as one which has a h i s t o r y a n t e d a t i n g h i s own e x i s t e n c e , and i s not o b v i o u s l y a c c e s s i b l e to h i s own i n t e r -v e n t i o n . Thus i n s t i t u t i o n s are there, e x t e r n a l to him, p e r s i s t e n t i n t h e i r r e a l i t y , whether he l i k e s i t or not . . . they r e s i s t h i s attempts to evade or change them . . . they have c o e r c i v e power over him by the sheer f o r c e of t h e i r f a c t i c i t y , and through the c o n t r o l mechanisms u s u a l l y a t t a c h e d to them. The o b j e c t i v e r e a l i t y of i n s t i t u t i o n s i s not dim i n i s h e d i f the i n d i v i d u a l does not under-stand them . . . s i n c e they e x i s t as e x t e r n a l r e a l i t y , the i n d i v i d u a l cannot understand them by i n t r o s p e c t i o n . He must go out and l e a r n about them. (Berger and Luckman, 1966, p. 60) I t i s important to keep i n mind that the ob-j e c t i v i t y of the i n s t i t u t i o n a l w o r l d i s a humanly produced, c o n s t r u c t e d o b j e c t i v i t y . The o b j e c t i v e w o r l d then does not a c q u i r e an o n t o l o g i c a l s t a t u s apart from the human a c t i v i t y t h a t produced i t . . . . Man and h i s s o c i a l w o r l d i n t e r a c t w i t h each other: the producer and h i s product a c t upon one another i n a d i a l e c t i c a l way. (Berger and Luckmann, 1966, p. 61) The d i a l e c t i c i s thus made up of the f o l l o w i n g : s o c i e t y i s a human product; s o c i e t y i s an o b j e c t i v e r e a l i t y ; s o c i e t y pro-duces s o c i a l man. Le t us q u i c k l y summarize the d i s c u s s i o n thus f a r . The need f o r \"something o t h e r \" than that c o n t a i n e d i n p u r e l y dyadic exchange i n which to a r t i c u l a t e the o r i g i n s of g e n e r a l i z e d s o c i a l exchange was proposed. I t was s t a t e d that the parameters 57 of this \"something other\" must be two-fold: one, i n the nature of rules which guide a l l exchanges and two, that these rules are human and c u l t u r a l i n derivation. What has been i l l u s t r a t e d over the l a s t few pages i s the nature of this \"other\" which has been c a l l e d s o c i a l r e a l i t y sui generis, borrowing from the sociology of knowledge of Berger and Luckmann (1966). If the v a l i d i t y of the form of s o c i a l r e a l i t y as i l l u s -trated above i s granted, one may proceed within this frame-work to describe the origins of s o c i a l exchange i n c o l l e c t i v e terms. For Levi-Strauss, Mauss, and Malinowski a l l express the necessity of granting the existence of such an external s o c i a l r e a l i t y and, i n fact, develop their views of s o c i a l exchange and r e c i p r o c i t y with this concept as a cornerstone. Origins of s o c i a l exchange as conceived by the c o l l e c -t i v i s t s are the functional consequences of s o c i a l exchange interactions. Functional consequences are the re s u l t s , either intended or unintended, of s o c i a l a c t i v i t y relevant to\u00E2\u0080\u00A2the (non)survival and (non)adaptation of the s o c i a l unit as a whole. . . . [functional] consequences of any s o c i a l a c t i v i t y [are those] which make for the adaptation and adjustment of a given structure or i t s component parts. (Coser and Rosenberg, 1969, p. 609) . . . functions are those observed conse-quences which make for the adaptation and adjustment of a given system; and dys-functions, those observed consequences which lessen the adaptation or adjustment of the system. (Merton, 1949, p. 50) 58 The f u n c t i o n a l consequences r e f e r r e d to by the c o l l e c t i v i s t t h e o r i s t s are those summed up i n the phenomenon of s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y . S o c i a l exchange processes i n t h i s view are seen as i n t e r v e n i n g between the d i v i s i o n of labour (and by i m p l i -c a t i o n , d i s c r e t e i n d i v i d u a l s ) and the s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y of the group or c o l l e c t i v i t y , to paraphrase Ekeh (1974, p. 75). Put s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t l y , the c o l l e c t i v i s t i c view p o s i t s t h a t s o c i a l exchange processes o r i g i n a t e i n order to i n t e g r a t e the d i f f e r e n t i a t e d a c t i v i t i e s of the c o l l e c t i v i t y . I t would seem that at t h i s p o i n t one must be very c l e a r as to j u s t which l e v e l of e x p l a n a t i o n one i s o p e r a t i n g i n now. For there are two d i s t i n c t l e v e l s of e x p l a n a t i o n on which to a t t a c k the i n t e l l e c t u a l problem, i . e . , c o l l e c t i v i s t i c o r i g i n s o f s o c i a l exchange. The attempt may be made to form a model based on the i n d i v i d u a l ' s need f o r s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y , and/or the requirement f o r s a i d s o l i d a r i t y by the c o l l e c t i v e s o c i a l r e a l i t y i t s e l f . Durkheim makes the o b s e r v a t i o n t h a t , to h i s mind, f u n c t i o n without i n t e n t i s not f u l l y e x p l a n a t o r y of the o r i g i n and e x i s t e n c e of s o c i a l phenomena. . . . we must seek s e p a r a t e l y the e f f i c i e n t cause which produces [the s o c i a l phenomenon] and the f u n c t i o n i t f u l f i l l s . (Durkheim, 1938, p. 95) But Durkheim goes on to note that questions o f s u b j e c t i v e i n t e n t are not amenable to s c i e n t i f i c o b s e r v a t i o n and d i s c o u r s e . We must determine whether there i s a c o r r e s -pondence between the f a c t under c o n s i d e r a -t i o n and the g e n e r a l needs of the s o c i a l organism, and i n what t h i s correspondence 5 9 c o n s i s t s , without occupying o u r s e l v e s w i t h whether i t has been i n t e n t i o n a l or not. (Durkheim, 1938, p. 95) The e x p l i c a t i o n of o r i g i n s i n t h i s chapter f o l l o w s the l a t t e r c o nception out of n e c e s s i t y as the c o l l e c t i v i s t the-o r i s t s themselves c o n s i d e r the unique e x i s t e n c e of a p a r t i c u -l a r i n d i v i d u a l as unimportant or even i r r e l e v a n t to t h e i r t h e o r i e s of s o c i a l exchange. T h i s i s not to say t h a t i n d i -v i d u a l requirements f o r s o l i d a r i t y can be thus assumed away. The work of Malinowski (1922) indeed o f f e r s a c o n c e p t i o n of s o c i a l exchange, and s o c i a l needs are s a t i s f i e d i n g e n e r a l i z e d exchange. But the main approach taken here to the problem o f c o l l e c t i v e o r i g i n s of exchange i s w i t h i n the context of the c o l l e c t i v i t y i t s e l f . Thus, the \"cause\" or o r i g i n of s o c i a l exchange i s i n t e r p r e t e d i n the l i g h t of i t s f u n c t i o n a l s i g n i -f i c a n c e f o r the s o c i e t y as a whole, both i t s s t r u c t u r a l c o n f i -g u r a t i o n and i t s dynamic process. To be more s p e c i f i c , s o c i a l exchange processes perform an i n t e g r a t i v e f u n c t i o n simultane-o u s l y w i t h the d i v i s i o n of labour which performs a d i f f e r e n t i -a t i n g f u n c t i o n . The c o l l e c t i v i s t i c s o c i a l exchange p e r s p e c t i v e sees exchange processes as promoting s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y or s o c i a l cohesion. Thus, one f u n c t i o n a l d i f f e r e n c e between the types of s o c i a l exchange, r e s t r i c t e d and g e n e r a l i z e d , i s the degree to which e i t h e r achieves i n t e g r a t i o n and s o l i d a r i t y i n the c o l l e c t i v i t y . I f the e x i s t e n c e of s o c i a l r e a l i t y s u i g e n e r i s can be taken as given, then f o l l o w i n g Berger and Luckmann (1966, 6 0 pp. 55-58), t h i s s o c i a l r e a l i t y i s s u b j e c t to two dynamic f o r c e s , o p e r a t i n g i n d i a l e c t i c a l f a s h i o n : d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n (as r e p r e s e n t e d by the d i v i s i o n of labour) and i n t e g r a t i o n (as r e p r e s e n t e d by the s i m u l t a n e i t y of i n d i v i d u a l s o c i a l r e a l i t i e s ) . These processes have been noted by other s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s as w e l l , most n o t a b l y Durkheim. Durkheim (1933, p. 41) s t a t e s : . . . the d i v i s i o n of l a b o r , at the same time t h a t i t i s a law, of nature, i s a l s o a moral r u l e of human conduct . . . i t i s not necessary to show the g r a v i t y of t h i s p r a c t i c a l problem, f o r whatever o p i n i o n one has about the d i v i s i o n of l a b o r , every one knows that i t e x i s t s , and i s more and more becoming one of the f u n c t i o n a l bases of s o c i a l order. And to i l l u s t r a t e the complementary i n t e g r a t i o n process Durkheim (1933, p. 56) s t a t e s : We are thus l e d to c o n s i d e r the d i v i s i o n of labour i n a new l i g h t . In t h i s i n s t a n c e . . . the moral e f f e c t t h a t i t produces, and i t s t r u e f u n c t i o n i s to c r e a t e i n two or more persons a f e e l i n g of s o l i d a r i t y . In whatever manner the r e s u l t i s obtained, i t s aim i s to cause coherence among f r i e n d s . The nature of the s o c i a l r e a l i t y i n which a l l but s o l i -t a r y , i s o l a t e d i n d i v i d u a l s are a p a r t has been d e s c r i b e d . In t h i s view, s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y i s simply the degree to which i n d i v i d u a l s ' s o c i a l r e a l i t i e s c o i n c i d e w i t h one another. I f , at one extreme, none of the i n d i v i d u a l s ' s o c i a l r e a l i t i e s i n any way o v e r l a p , there e x i s t s no \" s o c i e t y \" i n the l o g i c a l sense at a l l . T h i s non-overlap may be seen as analagous to Durkheimian anomie. I f on the other hand the i n d i v i d u a l s o c i a l 61 r e a l i t i e s are i d e n t i c a l , then a t o t a l l y m o n o l i t h i c s o c i e t y would be the r e s u l t . The m o n o l i t h i c nature o f such a s o c i e t y i s perhaps b e s t d e s c r i b e d by Durkheim's n o t i o n o f the \"common conscience\" i n which . . . the c o l l e c t i v e conscience [ s o c i e t y l i v i n g w i t h i n us] completely envelops our whole conscience and c o i n c i d e s i n a l l p o i n t s w i t h i t . (Durkheim, 1933, p. 130) N e i t h e r of these extremes are extant i n r e a l i t y , to our know-ledge. But the extremes p r o v i d e a continuum along w h i c h e m p i r i c a l l y measured s o l i d a r i t i e s o f v a r i o u s c o l l e c t i v i t i e s may be plac e d . To add to the complexity, however, i t must be noted that s o c i o l o g i c a l theory has i d e n t i f i e d two types of s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y : mechanical and o r g a n i c . Durkheim (1933, p. 130) says t h a t mechanical s o l i d a r i t y d e r i v e s from a common conscience i n s o c i e t y and i s a t i t s maximum when the c o l l e c t i v e conscience completely envelops our whole conscience and c o i n c i d e s at a l l p o i n t s w i t h i t . O rganic s o l i d a r i t y , on the other hand, d e r i v e s from the d i v i -s i o n o f labour i n the c o l l e c t i v i t y , f l o w i n g from the comple-mentary r e l a t i o n s between the d i f f e r e n t f u n c t i o n s composing the e n t i t y t h a t i s s o c i e t y . A r e v i s e d view of the two types of s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y which a i d s i n the e x p l a n a t i o n i s pro-v i d e d by Turner (1967, pp. 62-63). Organic s o l i d a r i t y r e q u i r e s . . . an e f f e c -t i v e substratum of mechanical s o l i d a r i t y . And the d i v i s i o n o f l a b o r f a i l s without a working mechanical s o l i d a r i t y [as] each p a r t i c i p a n t i n a d i v i s i o n of l a b o r must n e g l e c t some e s s e n t i a l tasks i n order to 62 accomplish h i s own. He can only do so when he has confidence that the n e g l e c t e d tasks w i l l be performed by o t h e r s . The most b a s i c source of each confidence i s the assurance that people share common sentiments. Second, the u s e f u l n e s s of s p e c i a l i z e d tasks i s not obvious . . . the i n d i v i d u a l must depend on group consensus to v a l i d a t e h i s c l a i m to be doing something u s e f u l . T h i r d , the i n d i v i d u a l i s unable to c o n t r o l the o v e r a l l d i r e c t i o n of group e f f o r t under d i v i d e d labour. I f the d i v i -s i o n o f l a b o r i s to produce o r g a n i c s o l i -d a r i t y , there must f i r s t be confidence t h a t the g e n e r a l d i r e c t i o n i n which the group product i s moving i s a d e s i r a b l e one. I t i s important to p o i n t out that s o l i d a r i t y as a molar con-cept i s being developed here which may then be broken down i n a molecular f a s h i o n i n t o o r g a n i c and mechanical s o l i d a r i t y . I t i s h e l d by the c o l l e c t i v i s t s t h a t s o c i a l exchange processes, as a whole, r e l a t e s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y , as a whole, to p a r t i c u l a r types of s o c i a l exchange processes r e s u l t i n g i n d i f f e r e n t types and degrees of s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y . Now, the nature of the e x t e r n a l s o c i a l r e a l i t y which, the c o l l e c t i v i s t s p o s i t as the arena i n which s o c i a l exchange occurs has been d e s c r i b e d i n some d e t a i l . F i r s t , the need f o r \"some-t h i n g o t h e r \" i n a d d i t i o n to that c o n t a i n e d i n p u r e l y dyadic exchange i n which to a r t i c u l a t e the o r i g i n s o f c o l l e c t i v i s t i c s o c i a l exchange was p o s i t e d . Second, the d e f i n i t i o n o f t h i s \"something other\" was tw o - f o l d (a) i n the nature o f r u l e s which inf o r m a l l exchanges, (b) that these r u l e s are u n i q u e l y human and c u l t u r a l i n d e r i v a t i o n . A l s o d e s c r i b e d was the nature of s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y (which, i s a primary parameter of e x t e r n a l s o c i a l r e a l i t y ) and the 63 d i a l e c t i c a l l y opposed processes, d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n and i n t e g r a -t i o n , of which s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y or cohesion i s a s y n t h e s i s . F i n a l l y , i t was. s t a t e d that the c o l l e c t i v i s t s o c i a l exchange t h e o r i s t s f i n d the o r i g i n s o f such exchange i n the f u n c t i o n a l s i g n i f i c a n c e of exchange processes i n c r e a t i n g s o c i a l s o l i -d a r i t y . T h i s l a s t p o i n t has not yet been adequately supported here and the f i n a l task i n t h i s chapter w i l l be to i l l u s t r a t e how the c o l l e c t i v i s t t h e o r i s t s formulate the l i n k between ex-change and s o l i d a r i t y . The key to t h i s l i n k a g e l i e s i n the form of r e c i p r o c i t y u t i l i z e d i n the c o l l e c t i v i s t view of g e n e r l i z e d exchange. I t i s u n i v o c a l , one-way r e c i p r o c i t y which underpins g e n e r a l i z e d exchange. T h i s i s of course opposed to the more c u r r e n t s o c i o -l o g i c a l usage of r e c i p r o c i t y , which, f o l l o w i n g Gouldner (1959, 1960) i s a d i f f e r e n t type, i . e . , mutual or two-way r e c i p r o c i t y . I t i s not b e i n g argued here that one or the other type of r e c i p r o c i t y i s wholly r e s p o n s i b l e , through i t s concomitant exchange processes, f o r s o l i d a r i t y . What i s being argued i s th a t mutual r e c i p r o c i t y (through i t s concomitant: r e s t r i c t e d , dyadic exchange) leads to one of two p o s s i b l e kinds of s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y . Conversely, u n i v o c a l r e c i p r o c i t y leads, through g e n e r a l i z e d , m u l t i - a c t o r exchange, to quite a d i f f e r e n t k i n d of s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y . Gouldner's (1959, 1960) concept of mutual r e c i p r o c i t y deals w i t h r e l a t i o n s between Ego and A l t e r . S p e c i f i c a l l y , I suggest t h a t a norm of r e c i p r o c i t y , i n i t s u n i v e r s a l form, makes 64 two i n t e r r e l a t e d , minimal demands: (1) people should help those who have helped them, and (2) people should not i n j u r e those who have helped them. (Gouldner, 1960, p. 171) T h i s conception of r e c i p r o c i t y emphasizes the mutual, i n d i -v i d u a l nature of i n t e r a c t i o n and, i n f a c t , i s d e f i n e d on t h i s b a s i s . R e c i p r o c i t y connotes that each p a r t y has r i g h t s and d u t i e s . . . there can be s t a b l e p a t t e r n s of r e c i p r o c i t y qua ex-change on l y i n so f a r as each p a r t y has both r i g h t s and d u t i e s . . . mutual r e c i -p r o c i t y may mean that a r i g h t (x) of A l t e r a g a i n s t Ego i m p l i e s a duty (-y) of A l t e r to Ego or i t may mean that a duty (-x) of Ego to A l t e r i m p l i e s a r i g h t (y) of Ego a g a i n s t A l t e r . (Gouldner, 1960, p. 169) The norm of mutual r e c i p r o c i t y thus operates i n f a c e - t o - f a c e i n t e r a c t i o n and i t r e q u i r e s r e c i p r o c a t i o n only f o r what has a c t u a l l y been gi v e n or r e c e i v e d . One i m p l i c a t i o n of t h i s con-cept of r e c i p r o c i t y i s th a t s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s are based on the e x i s t e n t i a l c o n t a c t of i n d i v i d u a l s , and t h e i r e v a l u a t i o n of the rewards e n t a i l e d i n the context of the p a r t i c u l a r s i t u a -t i o n . The sureness of continued rewarding i n t e r a c t i o n i s b u i l t up from ongoing i n t e r a c t i o n between the same two i n d i -v i d u a l s . That i s , t r u s t between the a c t o r s emerges as a r e s u l t of the i n t e r a c t i o n , r a t h e r than p r e c e d i n g the i n t e r a c t i o n and forming i t s b a s i s . B l a u (1964, p. 94) i n h i s d i s c u s s i o n of t r u s t i n the s o c i a l exchange process, w e l l i l l u s t r a t e s the source of such t r u s t i n mutual r e c i p r o c a l i n t e r a c t i o n : 65 T y p i c a l l y , however, exchange r e l a t i o n s evolve i n a slow process, s t a r t i n g w i t h minor t r a n s a c t i o n s i n which l i t t l e t r u s t i s r e q u i r e d because l i t t l e r i s k i s i n v o l v e d . . . . By d i s c h a r g i n g t h e i r o b l i g a t i o n s f o r s e r v i c e s rendered, i f o n l y to p r o v i d e inducements f o r the supply of more a s s i s -tance, i n d i v i d u a l s demonstrate t h e i r t r u s t -worthiness, and the g r a d u a l expansion o f mutual s e r v i c e i s accompanied by the p a r a l -l e l growth of mutual t r u s t . An i n t r i g u i n g footnote to t h i s d i s c u s s i o n i s Blau's observa-t i o n t h a t : Only s o c i a l exchange tends to engender f e e l -ings of p e r s o n a l o b l i g a t i o n , g r a t i t u d e , and t r u s t ; p u r e l y economic exchange as such does not. (Blau, 1964, p. 94) P a r e n t h e t i c a l l y , i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that Blau seems to d i f f e r e n t i a t e between s o c i a l exchange and economics, or p u r e l y e x t r i n s i c reward, exchange here w h i l e i n h i s d e f i n i -t i o n of s o c i a l exchange (1964, p. 6) he d e f i n e s s o c i a l exchange as being contingent on the t r a n s f e r of such rewards. A l s o , by t h i s q u o t a t i o n , Blau i s very n e a r l y agreeing w i t h the c o l l e c t i -v i s t s who s t a t e that s o c i a l exchange processes may i n c l u d e , but are at the same time, a d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e c l a s s of processes d e f i n e d i n terms ot h e r than economic. To r e t u r n to the d i s c u s s i o n of t r u s t , then, as opposed to L e v i - S t r a u s s and the c o l l e c t i v i s t s c h o o l , who view s o c i a l ex-change t r a n s a c t i o n s t a k i n g p l a c e w i t h i n a m a t r i x of s o c i a l t r u s t which e x i s t s b e f o r e i n d i v i d u a l exchange a c t s , B l a u i n s i s t s t h a t each a c t o r must be c a u t i o u s , as t r u s t i s an a t t r i -bute of each i n d i v i d u a l engaged i n exchange. B l a u p o s i t s , u s i n g the n o t i o n of mutual r e c i p r o c i t y , a t r i a l and e r r o r 66 exchange process which i m p l i e s t h a t s o c i a l exchange has to be d i r e c t , takes time enough to develop each s p e c i f i c context of exchange, and a c t o r s t r y each other out, s t a r t i n g from the b e g i n n i n g each time an i n t e r a c t i o n s i t u a t i o n presents i t s e l f . B l a u s p e c i f i c a l l y excludes the n o t i o n of norms or g e n e r a l i z e d values p r o v i d i n g a context i n which exchange takes p l a c e . He s t a t e s \"group norms to r e g u l a t e and l i m i t the exchange t r a n s -a c t i o n s emerge, i n c l u d i n g the fundamental and u b i q u i t o u s norm of r e c i p r o c i t y \" (Blau, 1964, p. 92.) In Blau's theory the norm emerges out of exchange t r a n s a c t i o n s between members of dyads. I t may be s a i d , then, that dyadic exchange and i t s companion o p e r a t i n g p r i n c i p l e of mutual r e c i p r o c i t y leads to s o l i d a r i t y or cohesion, of a type which p a r a l l e l s Durkheim's (1933) mechanical s o l i d a r i t y - - t h a t i s , a s o l i d a r i t y based on s i m i l a r i t y between i n d i v i d u a l s and f u n c t i o n s . Examined at the l e v e l of the i n d i v i d u a l , such s o l i d a r i t y must be maintained by continued contact between the g i v e n a c t o r s , or i n l i e u o f t h a t , i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h an emergent norm which has developed from the exchange process i t s e l f . T h i s type of s o l i d a r i t y , notes Durkheim (1933, p. 124) i s based on a d i v i s i o n of labour, where a common task i s d i v i d e d i n t o tasks which are q u a l i t a -t i v e l y s i m i l a r , but mutually i n d i s p e n s -able, which i s a simple d i v i s i o n of l a b o r of the f i r s t degree. But simple d i v i s i o n of l a b o r i s o n l y one of two p o s s i b l e types, and which leads to \" s t r u c t u r a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n \" and \"mechanical s o l i d a r i t y \" (Durkheim, 1933, p. 130). F o l l o w i n g 67 Berger and Luckmann's (1966) a n a l y s i s , t h i s type of s o l i -d a r i t y i s s u b j e c t to i n t e r v e n t i o n by the a c t o r s themselves and l a c k s o b j e c t i v i t y or a sense of e x t e r n a l s o c i a l r e a l i t y to any g r e a t extent. C l e a r l y , i n the absence of an o b j e c t i v e r e a l i t y e x t e r n a l to the a c t o r s to r e f e r t o, comparisons r e s u l t i n g from any exchange w i l l be i n t e r p e r s o n a l . Often, these comparisons w i l l be v i s i b l e , and the i n d i v i d u a l who gains l e s s from an exchange w i l l f o l l o w h i s s e l f - i n t e r e s t and seek a new exchange p a r t n e r . T h e r e f o r e , i n s t a b i l i t y or low s o l i d a r i t y i s much more l i k e l y under mutual r e c i p r o c i t y . General exchange and i t s comparison p r i n c i p l e of u n i v o c a l r e c i p r o c i t y , on the other hand, o r i g i n a t e s i n the n e c e s s i t y to i n t e g r a t e f u n c t i o n a l l y d i f r e r e n t i a t e d c o l l e c t i v i t i e s . Func-t i o n a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of s o c i a l a c t i o n occurs, a c c o r d i n g to Durkheim where a common task i s d i v i d e d i n t o tasks which . . . are of a d i f f e r e n t c h a r a c t e r [ r a t h e r than q u a l i t a t i v e l y s i m i l a r , which r e s u l t s i n ] a compound d i v i s i o n of l a b o r , s p e c i a l i -z a t i o n p r o p e r l y c a l l e d . (1933, p. 124) Durkheim i s here a d d r e s s i n g the s p e c i a l i z a t i o n o f f u n c t i o n s , r a t h e r than the d i s t r i b u t i o n of l i k e tasks among members of a c o l l e c t i v i t y . His i n t e g r a t i v e mechanism of a \"conscience c o l -l e c t i v e \" (1933, p. 130) i s adequate f o r d e s c r i b i n g mechanical s o l i d a r i t y a r i s i n g from s t r u c t u r a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , i . e . , simple d i v i s i o n o f labour. T h i s i s because the s i m i l a r i t y o f tasks promotes ease of c o m p a r a b i l i t y between i n d i v i d u a l s engaged i n those tasks, r e s u l t i n g i n an e x i s t e n t i a l l a c k of 68 c o n f l i c t , a s o l i d a r i t y of s o r t s , but one i n which the s l i g h t e s t change i n i n t e r p e r s o n a l e q u a l i t y ( c o m p a r a b i l i t y between tasks) may upset the cohesion. Where f u n c t i o n a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , or t r u e s p e c i a l i z a t i o n , has o c c u r r e d there i s no c o m p a r a b i l i t y between f u n c t i o n s , because the tasks are q u a l i t a t i v e l y d i f -f e r e n t . For s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y to e x i s t i n such a context, cohesion i s achieved not by the o b j e c t i v e s i m i l a r i t y between f u n c t i o n s (which are not s i m i l a r i n any case) but by the commit-ment of each a c t o r to a common s o c i a l r e a l i t y . The means of t h i s commitment are the s o c i a l exchange processes themselves. T h i s i s p r e c i s e l y L e v i - S t r a u s s ' p o s i t i o n when he s t a t e s (1969, p. 139) The exchange r e l a t i o n s h i p comes b e f o r e the things exchanged and i s independent of them. I f the goods c o n s i d e r e d i n i s o -l a t i o n are i d e n t i c a l , they cease to be so when as s i g n e d t h e i r proper p l a c e i n the s t r u c t u r e o f r e c i p r o c i t y . . . . I t i s the exchange which counts and not the things exchanged. F o l l o w i n g Berger and Luckmann (1966) once more, i t would seem th a t the process of o b j e c t i v a t i n g i n d i v i d u a l a c t i v i t y i n t o p r e d i c t a b l e , e x t e r n a l i z e d r o u t i n e s i s the o b j e c t of the s o c i a l exchanges. For an i n d i v i d u a l to a c t on h i s own i s h i s own a f f a i r , but to act i n c o n c e r t w i t h another (or others) i n v o l v e s the r e c o g n i t i o n of d i f f e r e n c e and the e f f o r t of i n t e g r a t i o n . R o u t i n i z e d a c t i o n i s the o b j e c t of commitment ( e x t e r n a l s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y ) w h i l e commitment e f f o r t s ( s o c i a l exchange pro-cesses) are the i n t e g r a t i v e f o r c e s u p p o r t i n g the o b j e c t . In g e n e r a l i z e d exchange u n i v o c a l r e c i p r o c i t y i s the p r i n c i p l e upon 6 9 which a c t i o n by i n d i v i d u a l s i s d i r e c t e d . But f o r a c t i v i t y to be i n i t i a t e d i n such an exchange, there must be t r u s t , f o r the i n i t i a t i n g a c t o r w i l l not n e c e s s a r i l y r e c e i v e back what he has g i v e n to the other i n d i v i d u a l from t h a t i n d i v i d u a l . I t i s e s s e n t i a l to note t h a t under the r u l e s of g e n e r a l i z e d exchange, t h i s t r u s t , i . e . , the f a i t h t h a t the exchange w i l l u l t i m a t e l y be r e c i p r o c a t e d , i s p r i o r to the exchange i t s e l f . In Berger and Luckmann's terms, the r e l e v a n t s o c i a l r e a l i t i e s o f the i n d i v i d u a l s i n v o l v e d are i n s u b s t a n t i a l agreement. But t h i s t r u s t , which i s r e a l l y a m o r a l i t y s u i g e n e r i s to the exchange t r a n s a c t i o n s , i s i t s e l f b u i l t up by the exchanges. G e n e r a l i z e d exchange e s t a b l i s h e s a system of o p e r a t i o n s conducted on c r e d i t . A g i v e s [something] to B, who surrenders [something] to C, who i n t u r n w i l l surrender [something] to A . . . there must be confidence that the c y c l e w i l l c l o s e again . . . . The b e l i e f i s the b a s i s of t r u s t , and confidence opens up c r e d i t . . . the whole system e x i s t s only because the group adopting i t i s prepared, i n the broadest meaning of the term, to s p e c u l a t e . ( L e v i - S t r a u s s , 1969, p. 265) So there i s a c i r c u l a r system of c a u s a l i t y at work i n which the o r i g i n s of g e n e r a l i z e d exchange are the t r u s t , confidence and p r e d i c t a b i l i t y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h a s o l i d a r y e x t e r n a l s o c i a l r e a l i t y , w h i l e at the same time the exchange processes them-se l v e s are the very a c t i v i t i e s by which the e x t e r n a l s o c i a l r e a l i t y (which pro v i d e s such a s t a b l e context f o r exchange) comes to e x i s t . To quote Berger and Luckmann (1966, p. 149) the e x t e r n a l s o c i a l r e a l i t y m aintains i t s e l f by being embodied i n r o u t i n e s , which i s the essence of i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n . . . however, 70 the e x t e r n a l s o c i a l r e a l i t y i s ongoingly r e a f f i r m e d i n the i n d i v i d u a l ' s i n t e r -a c t i o n s w i t h o t h e r s . J u s t as r e a l i t y i s o r i g i n a l l y i n t e r n a l i z e d by s o c i a l process, so i t i s maintained i n consciousness by s o c i a l p r o c e s s e s . Thus, i n a q u i t e d i f f e r e n t context, the s o c i o l o g y o f knowledge, Berger and Luckmann converge on the same concept pursued by L e v i - S t r a u s s and the c o l l e c t i v i s t s . That i s that s o c i a l ex-change (processes) are both cause and e f f e c t i n the f u n c t i o n a l understanding o f s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y . I t i s b e l i e v e d t h a t they p r o v i d e f u r t h e r support f o r the a s s e r t i o n t h a t o r i g i n s of s o c i a l exchange, c o l l e c t i v i s t i c a l l y viewed, are to be found i n the s i g n i f i c a n c e of those exchanges i n c r e a t i n g s o c i a l s o l i -d a r i t y . But there may be a p o i n t at which to break i n t o t h i s c i r c u l a r c h a i n of c a u s a l i t y . Both L e v i - S t r a u s s (1969) and Berger and Luckmann (1966) make r e f e r e n c e to t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y . F i r s t , Berger and Luckmann (1966, pp. 52-57) s t a t e The i n h e r e n t i n s t a b i l i t y of the human organism makes i t im p e r a t i v e that man him-s e l f p r o v i d e a s t a b l e environment f o r h i s conduct . . . human be i n g must ongoingly e x t e r n a l i z e i t s e l f i n a c t i v i t y . . . these b i o l o g i c a l f a c t s serve as a necessary pre-s u p p o s i t i o n f o r the p r o d u c t i o n o f s o c i a l order. To which L e v i - S t r a u s s would add t h a t b i o l o g y p r o v i d e s o n l y one type of u n c e r t a i n t y i n human conduct. The prime r o l e of c u l t u r e i s to ensure the group's e x i s t e n c e as a group, and, conse-quently to r e p l a c e chance by o r g a n i z a t i o n ... . t h i s problem of [ s o c i a l ] i n t e r v e n -t i o n i s r a i s e d , and r e s o l v e d i n the a f f i r m -a t i v e , every time the group i s f a c e d w i t h the i n s u f f i c i e n c y or the u n c e r t a i n d i s t r i -b u t i o n o f a v a l u a b l e o f fundamental impor-tance. ( L e v i - S t r a u s s , 1969, p. 32) 71 T h i s i s to say that i n s t a b i l i t y and u n c e r t a i n t y may be s o c i a l l y as w e l l as b i o l o g i c a l l y d e r i v e d . I t i s the concept of u n c e r t a i n t y and i t s r e s o l u t i o n that one may use to d r i v e a wedge i n t o the c i r c l e of f u n c t i o n a l c a u s a l i t y . In an anec-d o t a l d e s c r i p t i o n of two s t r a n g e r s engaged i n a simple dinner, L e v i - S t r a u s s i l l u s t r a t e s the formation o f a group f o r which, because of i t s temporary nature, no obvious formula f o r i n t e -g r a t i o n e x i s t s . For two i n d i v i d u a l s f o r c e d by circumstances to share a t a b l e f o r the purpose of d i n i n g , a s o c i a l context i s c r e a t e d , but n e i t h e r i n d i v i d u a l has a c l e a r procedure to f o l l o w v i s - a - v i s the other. An almost i m p e r c e p t i b l e a n x i e t y i s l i k e l y to a r i s e i n the minds of these t a b l e com-panions . . . t h i s i s the f l e e t i n g , but d i f f i c u l t s i t u a t i o n r e s o l v e d by the ex-changing of wine. I t i s an a s s e r t i o n o f good grace t h a t does away w i t h mutual u n c e r t a i n t y . I t s u b s t i t u t e s s o c i a l r e l a -t i o n s h i p f o r s p a t i a l j u x t a p o s i t i o n . But . . . wine o f f e r e d c a l l s f o r wine r e t u r n e d . . . the r e l a t i o n s h i p of i n d i f f e r e n c e s can never be r e s t o r e d [ i n t h i s s i t u a t i o n ] . . . f u r t h e r , acceptance of t h i s o f f e r s a n c t i o n s another, f o r c o n v e r s a t i o n , In t h i s way a whole range of s o c i a l t i e s are e s t a b l i s h e d . . . always beyond what had been gi v e n or accepted. ( L e v i - S t r a u s s , 1969, p. 59) T h i s r e d u c t i o n of u n c e r t a i n t y then has i t s obverse, the c r e a -t i o n of p r e d i c t a b i l i t y o f one's own a c t i o n s i n a g i v e n s i t u a -t i o n , and the p r e d i c t a b i l i t y of the course o f the i n t e r a c t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l s . But as was s t a t e d e a r l i e r , the c o l l e c t i v i s t e x p l a n a t i o n of o r i g i n s i s not couched i n these m i c r o - s o c i a l terms. The above anecdote i n L e v i - S t r a u s s (1969) was not 7 2, intended by him to p r o v i d e such an e x p l a n a t i o n . Rather, i t i s b e l i e v e d t h a t i t g i v e s h i s very sketchy view of the b e g i n -3 n i n g of the \" t o t a l s o c i a l f a c t \" of a s o c i a l system. Marcel Mauss was the f i r s t s o c i o l o g i s t to emphasize t h a t s o c i a l exchange qua s o c i a l exchange o c c u r r e d w i t h i n , and indeed was a c o n s t i t u e n t p a r t of \"the t o t a l f a c t . \" No one t r a n s a c t i o n , i n h i s view, c o u l d take p l a c e i n i s o l a t i o n from the r e s t of s o c i e t y (Mauss, 1954, p. 71). I t i s Mauss' view t h a t s o c i a l exchange processes c r e a t e a m o r a l i t y or g e n e r a l i z e d b a s i s f o r r e g u l a t i n g behaviour o f the c o l l e c t i v i t y . Each s o c i a l exchange t r a n s a c t i o n c r e a t e s bonds which t i e i n d i v i d u a l s to one another i n a c o l l e c t i v i t y . Mauss f u r t h e r a s s e r t s that the g e n e r a l i z e d r u l e s which emerge from the p a t t e r n i n g of these bonds become e x t e r n a l i z e d i n t o a s o c i a l r e a l i t y which then a c t s back on i t s c r e a t o r s to i n f o r m and guide a l l s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . In a l l . . . i n s t a n c e s [of s o c i a l exchange] there i s a s e r i e s of r i g h t s and d u t i e s about consuming and r e p a y i n g e x i s t i n g s i d e by s i d e w i t h r i g h t s and d u t i e s about g i v i n g and r e c e i v i n g . The p a t t e r n of symmetrical and r e c i p r o c a l r i g h t s i s not d i f f i c u l t to understand i f we r e a l i z e t h at i t i s f i r s t and foremost a p a t t e r n of s p i r i t u a l bonds between things which are to some extent p a r t s of persons, and persons and groups that behave i n some measure as i f they were t h i n g s . (Mauss, 1954, p. 11) The \" t o t a l s o c i a l f a c t \" i s , to Mauss, the e n t i r e s o c i a l system. I t i s h i g h l y analogous to the \"system\" i n open sys-tems theory, e s p e c i a l l y i n r e g a r d to Mauss' view that no s o c i a l a c t may be c o r r e c t l y i n t e r p r e t e d i n i s o l a t i o n from the system of s o c i a l a c t s . 73 So, i n Mauss' theory, s o c i a l exchange acts take p l a c e w i t h i n a m a t r i x o f s o c i a l r u l e s which e x i s t b e f o r e i n d i v i d u a l a c t s and each a c t o r t h e r e f o r e assumes as given. In the w e l t e r of p o i n t s d i s c u s s e d i n the pre c e d i n g few pages, there have been s e v e r a l major concepts running through the argument. F i r s t , c o l l e c t i v i s t i c o r i g i n s of exchange are the f u n c t i o n a l consequences of s o c i a l exchange, which are summed up under the heading o f s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y . Second, dyadic ex-change and g e n e r a l i z e d exchange l e a d to q u i t e d i f f e r e n t types of s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y . T h i r d , the l i n k between exchange and s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y i s to be made by examining the two types of r e c i p r o c i t y assumed to be o p e r a t i n g i n dyadic and g e n e r a l i z e d exchange, r e s p e c t i v e l y . Fourth, mutual r e c i p r o c i t y allows f o r no s o c i a l m o r a l i t y of t r u s t p r e e x i s t i n g s o c i a l exchanges, w h i l e u n i v o c a l r e c i p r o c i t y i s completely dependent upon such a sup-p o r t i n g m a t r i x o f t r u s t or p r e d i c t a b l e r e l a t i o n s . F i f t h , mutual r e c i p r o c i t y and dyadic exchange l e a d to a tenuous and f r a g i l e s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y based on i n t e r p e r s o n a 1 comparison, w h i l e u n i v o c a l r e c i p r o c i t y and g e n e r a l i z e d exchange l e a d to a more supple and s t r o n g e r s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y based on i n t r a -p e r s o n a l comparison w i t h and commitment to a shared e x t e r n a l s o c i a l r e a l i t y . S i x t h , the c o l l e c t i v i s t s propose t h a t s o c i a l exchange acts are, at one and the same time (a) b u i l d i n g the ma t r i x of s o c i a l t r u s t ( r o u t i n i z e d and p r e d i c t a b l e s o c i a l r e -l a t i o n s ) r e p r e s e n t e d by s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y , and (b) \"caused\" by the f u n c t i o n a l requirement o f any s o c i a l system f o r s o l i d a r i t y . 74 It i s the \" t o t a l s o c i a l f a c t \" of a functioning s o c i a l . system which i n a sense explains the s o c i a l exchange processes. P r e d i c t a b i l i t y and trust being absolutely required for a s o c i a l system to continue, i n a very r e a l way i t i s they that are the s o c i a l system. It follows then that trust of i n d i -viduals i n given exchange transactions does not derive from the individuals themselves. Rather trust of individuals i s promoted by the existence of a s o c i a l r e a l i t y , i n which the individuals are implicated, by v i r t u e of the predictable posi-tion each in d i v i d u a l holds i n i t . And how else do these pre-dictable positions come about except by the inte r a c t i o n of individuals i n which their i n d i v i d u a l and mutual a c t i v i t i e s become habitualized and routinized? The interactions are the s o c i a l exchange processes themselves. It has been argued that these interactions occur i n two general classes: r e t r i c t e d (dyadic) exchange and generalized (multi-actor) exchange. Each of these very d i f f e r e n t exchange processes results i n d i f f e r i n g s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t i e s , and there-fore, d i f f e r i n g societies themselves. Restricted exchange, based as i t i s on dyadic interaction, tends to form a series of closed dyadic systems.* The s o l i d a r i t y l i n k i n g these closed systems, based as i t has to be on s i m i l a r i t y calculated through interpersonal comparisons, i s purely \" s t r u c t u r a l \" . I t has no means of maintaining the group as a group, and i t would not take long to fragment the s o c i a l group into a multitude of [dyads] which no pre-established harmony could prevent from p r o l i f e r a t i n g or coming into c o n f l i c t . (Levi-Strauss, 1969, p. 479) 75 R e s t r i c t e d exchange i s l i t e r a l l y t h a t what i t says i t i s : the r e s t r i c t e d i n t e r a c t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l s i n a s o c i a l group, where p r e d i c t a b i l i t y i s sought through the p e r c e p t i o n and e v a l u a t i o n of s i m i l a r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of e i t h e r the other i n d i v i d u a l h i m s e l f or of those things which the other i n d i -v i d u a l presents f o r n e g o t i a t i o n . The i n t e r p e r s o n a l compari-sons made i n any g i v e n dyadic i n t e r a c t i o n are not e a s i l y t r a n s f e r a b l e to other i n t e r a c t i o n s , and so, q u i t e a s i d e from the f r a g i l i t y of the i n t e r p e r s o n a l comparisons themselves, there i s no easy way to understand and compare one t r a n s a c t i o n w i t h any other. Deutsch and Krauss (1965, pp. 114-115) recog-n i z e d t h i s problem o f g e n e r a l i z e d c o m p a r a b i l i t y i n t h e i r d i s -c u s s i o n of Homans' s o c i a l exchange theory. [ r e s t r i c t e d exchange] i m p l i e s that there i s a common currency or a s i n g l e dimension to which the v a l u e o f d i f f e r e n t experiences can be c o o r d i n a t e d so t h a t the va l u e of a 'u n i t ' o f one such a c t i v i t y r e c e i v e d can be compared w i t h the v a l u e o f another u n i t . I f there i s such a common currency of 'value', i t has not yet been i d e n t i f i e d nor have methods of u n i t i z i n g a c i t i v i t y been worked out. T h i s l i m i t a t i o n o f the g e n e r a l i z a b i l i t y of r e s t r i c t e d exchange has consequences f o r both the i n d i v i d u a l and the s o c i a l system. F i r s t , as has been noted e a r l i e r , the i n d i v i d u a l s themselves s t r u g g l e to m a i n t a i n e q u a l i t y w i t h i n the exchange t r a n s a c t i o n s , and the r e s u l t a n t emotional l o a d i n g makes the r e l a t i o n s h i p sub-j e c t to u n p r e d i c t a b l e d i s s o l u t i o n . Second, on the systemic s i d e , L e v i - S t r a u s s (1969, pp. 441-442) notes 76 There i s thus a b a s i c d i f f e r e n c e between [ r e s t r i c t e d and g e n e r a l i z e d ] exchange i n that the former i s extremely p r o d u c t i v e as regards the number of systems which can be based upon i t , but f u n c t i o n a l l y i s r e l a t i v e l y s t e r i l e . . . . The r e p e t i t i o n of the i n i t i a l process of dichotomy, end-i n g w i t h dual o r g a n i z a t i o n , w i l l be f r u i t -l e s s i n d e f i n i t e l y . No f u r t h e r i n t e g r a t i o n w i l l occur, and the process [of dichotomy], i f s e t i n motion, w i l l mark time i n d e f i -n i t e l y . . . without changing the s o c i a l u n i t s i n v o l v e d or the type o f connexion between them. The c o l l e c t i v i s t s s t a t e that r u l e s of exchange precede any g i v e n exchange, and the i n d i v i d u a l i s t s argue t h a t exchange occurs without b e n e f i t of g e n e r a l r u l e s , y e t g e n e r a l i z e d exchange a r i s e s out of r e s t r i c t e d exchange. Put another way, s o c i a l a c t o r s sometimes s p e c u l a t e (or i n c r e a s e u n c e r t a i n t y ) i n order to reduce u n c e r t a i n t y . L e v i - S t r a u s s (1949, p. 440) i s not sure whether the a c t u a l act of s p e c u l a t i o n r e q u i r e d to i n i t i a t e g e n e r a l i z e d exchange s p r i n g s from l u c k or f a t e , or i s the cumulative r e s u l t of the i n t e r a c t i o n between \"deep\" i n t e r n a l s t r u c t u r e s of the mind and the environment. Nonetheless, g e n e r a l i z e d exchange and u n i v o c a l r e c i p r o c i t y r e f l e c t s the p o s i t i o n t h a t n a t u r a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of a s s e t s should not be the b a s i s of s o c i a l p r a c t i c e . In any f i e l d v i t a l to the group's s u r v i v a l , g e n e r a l i z e d r u l e s ( i . e . , the m o r a l i t y i n which g e n e r a l i z e d exchange occurs) a f f i r m \"the pre-eminence of the s o c i a l over the n a t u r a l , the c o l l e c t i v e over the i n d i -v i d u a l , o r g a n i z a t i o n over the a r b i t r a r y \" ( L e v i - S t r a u s s , 1969, p. 45). The b a s i s of the r u l e s i s the c r e a t i o n and p r e s e r v a -t i o n of the group i t s e l f , which i s an a s s e r t i o n of the c u l t u r a l 77 over the n a t u r a l , o r d e r l i n e s s over chaos. The b e l i e f i n the group i s s p e c u l a t i o n i n the true sense, an act of w i l l i n the face o f b i o l o g i c a l f a c t . L e v i - S t r a u s s emphasizes (1969, pp. 450-452) the r i s k i n e s s of t h i s venture, which to the i n d i v i d u a l i s a long-term s p e c u l a t i o n c o n t i n u a l l y v e r g i n g on bankruptcy i f the unanimity of c o l l a b o r a t i o n s and the c o l l e c -t i v e observance of r u l e s should ever come i n t o d e f a u l t . In [ g e n e r a l i z e d exchange], the o v e r a l l c y c l e o f [ u n i v o c a l ] r e c i p r o c i t y i s coex-t e n s i v e w i t h the group i t s e l f both i n time and space, s u b s i s t i n g and develop-i n g w i t h i t . In [ r e s t r i c t e d exchange] the m u l t i p l e [mutually r e c i p r o c a l ] c y c l e s which are c o n t i n u a l l y c r e a t e d f r a c t u r e and d i s t o r t the u n i t y o f the group . . . groups which have not h e s i t a t e d to plunge i n t o t h a t great s o c i o l o g i c a l venture, the system of g e n e r a l i z e d exchange, which i s so r i c h l y promising o f r e s u l t s but a l s o so f u l l of hazards, have remained obsessed by the [ r e s t r i c t e d exchange] formula, which o f f e r s none of the advantages but does not e n t a i l the same dangers. I f the group i t s e l f i s an a s s e r t i o n o f c o l l e c t i v e w i l l over the chaos of n a t u r a l occurrence, then so again i s the g e n e r a l i z e d exchange a c t , based on u n i v o c a l r e c i p r o c i t y . I f the advantages of c o l l e c t i v e u n i t y are man i f e s t i n the c o l l e c t i v i t y , then so are i t s r i s k s , d i s s o l u t i o n and a r e t u r n to u n c e r t a i n t y . Here l i e s the m u l t i p l e s i g n i f i c a n c e s of both the g e n e r a l i z e d ex-change and the p r i n c i p l e o f u n i v o c a l r e c i p r o c i t y upon which i t operates. The exchange i t s e l f , r a t h e r than that which i s exchange, i s of value i n t h a t i t c r e a t e s bonds between i n d i -v i d u a l s w i t h i n the group. To quote L e v i - S t r a u s s (1969, p. 480): 78 Exchange . . . has i n i t s e l f a s o c i a l v a l u e . I t p r o v i d e s the means of b i n d i n g men t o -gether, and of superimposing upon the n a t u r a l l i n k s of k i n s h i p the h e n c e f o r t h a r t i f i c i a l l i n k s o f a l l i a n c e governed by r u l e . F u r t h e r , the p r i n c i p l e of u n i v o c a l r e c i p r o c i t y , o p e r a t i n g i n the context o f a t r u s t m o r a l i t y s u i g e n e r i s , p r e s c r i b e s t h a t i n d i v i d u a l A s h a l l surrender something to another i n d i v i d u a l B, not e x p e c t i n g immediate r e t u r n from that i n d i v i d u a l , but from the group i t s e l f , as w i l l be re p r e s e n t e d by i n d i v i d u a l Z. . . . i t r e q u i r e s the deferment of exchange, so that the settlement i s not to the same people as bore the burden of the s a c r i f i c e ; i n s h ort, so t h a t the exchange mechanism s h a l l f u n c t i o n i n r e l a t i o n to the whole group and not j u s t the i n d i v i d u a l s immedi-a t e l y i n t e r e s t e d . ( L e v i - S t r a u s s , 1969, p. 448) So, i n s o f a r as exchange i t s e l f i s s i g n i f i c a n t i n a s s e r t i n g the r e a l i t y o f the group, under g e n e r a l i z e d exchange each t r a n s -a c t i o n i n v o l v e s , r a t h e r than an i s o l a t e d p a i r , a l l the members of the group. T h i s i s the r e s u l t o f the b e l i e f of the i n d i -v i d u a l A, who has surrendered, f o r no immediate r e t u r n , some-t h i n g to i n d i v i d u a l B, that he can expect a r e t u r n or succor-ance of h i s s p e c i f i c need by a ( p o s s i b l y y e t unknown) i n d i v i d u a l T h i s concept of g e n e r a l i z e d r i g h t s and d u t i e s based on u n i v o c a l r e c i p r o c i t y leads d i r e c t l y to such h i g h e r order con-ce p t i o n s as c i t i z e n s h i p , i n which r i g h t s and d u t i e s are r e a -l i z e d i n an i n d i r e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p between one person and another (Ekeh, 1974, p. 206). These g e n e r a l i z e d r i g h t s and 79-d u t i e s are the r u l e s which make up the o b j e c t i v e s o c i a l r e a l i t y t h a t s o c i a l exchange c r e a t e s and maintains. I t i s the very process of exchange, g i v i n g here and now e x p r e s s i o n to the r u l e s , which makes r e a l t h at which i s d e s i r e d by the members of the c o l l e c t i v i t y . What i s r e a l i z e d i s the o b j e c t i -v a t e d s o c i a l r e a l i t y of the s o c i a l system i t s e l f , c h a r a c t e r i z e d by s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y d e r i v e d from p r e d i c t a b i l i t y of r e l a t i o n s and the consciousness of being i m p l i c a t e d i n a s o c i a l whole of which one i s a p a r t . G e n e r a l i z e d exchange, w h i l e r e l a t i v e l y unpro-d u c t i v e i n the matter of system ( s i n c e i t can engender o n l y one s i n g l e pure system) i s ver y f r u i t f u l as a r e g u l a t i n g p r i n c i p l e : The group remaining unchanged i n extent and composition, g e n e r a l i z e d exchange allows the r e a l i z a t i o n o f a more supple and e f f e c t i v e s o l i d a r i t y w i t h i n t h i s m e c h a n i c a l l y s t a b l e group. ( L e v i - S t r a u s s , 1969, p. 441) Summary S e v e r a l arguments have been made i n t h i s chapter: one, th a t o r i g i n s of exchange, c o l l e c t i v e l y i n t e r p r e t e d , must a r i s e out o f \"something other\" than that i n h e r e n t i n the i n t e r a c t i o n between two i n d i v i d u a l s alone; second, that c o l l e c t i v i s t i c o r i g i n s are not mutually e x c l u s i v e of i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c o r i g i n s ; t h i r d , c o l l e c t i v i s t i c o r i g i n s o f exchange are the f u n c t i o n a l consequences of exchange, i . e . , s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y ; f o u r t h , that the r e s t r i c t e d exchange and mutual r e c i p r o c i t y model leads to a f r a g i l e , r e l a t i v e l y u n i n t e g r a t e d s o l i d a r i t y , whereas the g e n e r a l i z e d exchange and u n i v o c a l r e c i p r o c i t y model (a) e x p l a i n s 8'0 a wider var i e t y of s o c i a l phenomena, e.g., the integration of functionally d i f f e r e n t i a t e d groups, and (b) leads to a more supple, stronger s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y from which can be developed higher order concepts (such as citizenship) based on i n d i r e c t rather than purely face-to-face r e l a t i o n s . It has been argued here that functional, c o l l e c t i v i s t i c , origins of s o c i a l exchange may be viewed as \"external\" to the in d i v i d u a l himself, and that there i s strong t h e o r e t i c a l e v i -dence supporting this position. Thus, one i s not trying to overwhelm the pos i t i o n of those theorists described i n Chapter II, i n whose s o c i a l exchange theories the origins of exchange derived s o l e l y from the individuals involved i n interaction. Rather i t i s asserted i n th i s chapter that an or i g i n a t i n g causal linkage between s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y and s o c i a l exchange may be in f e r r e d from c o l l e c t i v i s t s o c i a l theory. The conclud-ing chapter w i l l complete the argument of this thesis by pro-posing that the c o l l e c t i v i s t and i n d i v i d u a l i s t models of s o c i a l exchange are not mutually exclusive, but describe t h e o r e t i c a l elements which are i n a d i a l e c t i c a l r e l a t i o n with one another. Chapter IV CONCLUSIONS Chapters II and III reviewed the th e o r e t i c a l origins of contemporary models of s o c i a l exchange. Out of the analysis presented i n those chapters have come four broadly stated conclusions: (1) Two models of s o c i a l exchange exist i n the theo r e t i c a l l i t e r a t u r e . They are: (a) the dyadic, r e s t r i c t e d exchange model based on mutual r e c i p r o c i t y , and (b) the multi-actor, generalized exchange model based on univocal r e c i p r o c i t y . (2) Origins of s o c i a l exchange are dual i n nature. The two classes of origins are: (a) individual motivators: psychological needs and economic motives, and (b) functional requirements of the group for integration and continued existence. (3) The c o l l e c t i v i s t i c s o c i a l exchange theorists have formed a model of s o c i a l exchange which i s capable of subsuming the i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c conception. This 81 8 2 conclusion turns on the fact that c o l l e c -t i v i s t theory includes both the r e s t r i c t e d exchange of the i n d i v i d u a l i s t s and generalized exchange. The reverse i s not the case; indeed, the i n d i v i d u a l i s t s do not deal with the n o t i o n of generalized exchange, and, therefore, origins of s o c i a l exchange a r i s i n g from the functional requirements of the c o l l e c t i v i t y . (4) I t may be hypothesized out of the analysis that both the i n d i v i d u a l i s t and c o l l e c t i v i s t s o c i a l exchange models are linked i n one c r u c i a l way: i n both approaches, one important consequence, and hence, functional o r i g i n , of exchange i s the creation of s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y , which helps provide for the continued existence of both the s o c i a l unit and the individuals which compose i t . Conclusions (1) and (2) have been f u l l y developed i n Chapters II and I I I . These conclusions are summaries of reviews d e t a i l i n g the origins of s o c i a l exchange assumed by the various t h e o r e t i c a l models. I t was discovered that s o c i a l exchange theory consists of two quite d i f f e r e n t conceptualiza-tions. These were labelled, following Ekeh (1974), the \" i n d i -v i d u a l i s t \" and \" c o l l e c t i v i s t \" concepts. The essence of the difference between the two, as developed i n the two previous chapters, turns on the d i s t i n c t i o n between (a) r e s t r i c t e d ex-change operating on the p r i n c i p l e of mutual r e c i p r o c i t y , and 83 (b) generalized exchange operating on the p r i n c i p l e of univocal r e c i p r o c i t y . The positions of the various theorists were out-l i n e d i n d e t a i l so as to be able to i d e n t i f y which concept of exchange they u t i l i z e d i n t h e i r respective theories. Further, the review of the theories of s o c i a l exchange themselves reveals a duality i n the t h e o r e t i c a l origins of s o c i a l exchange. Hence, conclusion (2) states that there are two d i s t i n c t classes of t h e o r e t i c a l o r i g i n s : i n d i v i d u a l motivators (psychological needs and/or economic motives), and functional requirements of the s o c i a l unit for i t s s u r v i v a l . There are of course no l o g i c a l or empirical reasons to assert that origins of s o c i a l exchange must be either unitary or not. I t seems that i n the case of both the i n d i v i d u a l i s t s and the c o l l e c t i v i s t s , the use of either psychological needs and s e l f - i n t e r e s t economic motive or functional s o c i a l require-ments as origins of s o c i a l exchange i s largely a matter of choice on the part of the theorists involved. I t must be emphasized that currently, both i n d i v i d u a l i s t and c o l l e c t i v i s t approaches are s t i l l only models of complex human behaviour. As t h e o r e t i c a l models, they function only as well as t h e i r assumptions allow them to i n explaining s o c i a l exchange behav-iour. The purposes of t h i s thesis were to i s o l a t e the assump-tions regarding origins of s o c i a l exchange used by s o c i a l exchange theorists i n general, then to analyse and categorize these assumptions, and f i n a l l y to c r i t i c a l l y analyze the sets of assumptions to discern whether they are i r r e c o n c i l a b l e or 84 i f an underlying unity exists between them. This c r i t i c a l analysis has led to two further conclusions which are not of a summary, review nature. Conclusion (3) i s t r a n s i t i o n a l i n that i t s elements, the c o l l e c t i v i s t and i n d i v i d u a l i s t models, are available i n the l i t e r a t u r e , but the v a l i d i t y of the linkage between them i s proposed here. Conclusion (4) d e t a i l s a pattern of unity, formulated for the f i r s t time i n this thesis, between the t h e o r e t i c a l origins of the two major models of s o c i a l exchange: r e s t r i c t e d and generalized. In conclusion (3) i t i s asserted that the c o l l e c t i v i s t s o c i a l exchange theorists have conceived the s o c i a l exchange process i n such a way that the i n d i v i d u a l i s t model may be sub-sumed, y i e l d i n g a more parsimonious o v e r a l l formulation. The c o l l e c t i v i s t s do not address themselves s p e c i f i c a l l y to this notion of i n c l u s i o n . The inference of this l i n k has arisen from the present examination of both theories. S p e c i f i c a l l y , the i n d i v i d u a l i s t s base th e i r model of s o c i a l exchange on dyadic r e s t r i c t e d exchange operating through mutual r e c i p r o c i t y . It was noted i n Chapter II that Homans and Blau, especially, view s o c i a l exchange between individuals as the location of elementary processes. The i n d i v i d u a l i s t s as a body s p e c i f i c -a l l y r e j e c t any notion of s o c i o l o g i c a l processes as being q u a l i t a t i v e l y d i f f e r e n t from psychological ones. In t h e i r view, s o c i o l o g i c a l processes may simply be aggregated from more basic psychological processes. 8 5 The c o l l e c t i v i s t s , on the other hand, include both r e s t r i c t e d , dyadic exchange and generalized, multi-actor ex-change i n t h e i r model of s o c i a l exchange. The c o l l e c t i v i s t s recognize the existence of exchanges between individuals based on economic and/or psychological premises, and exchanges involving the i n d i v i d u a l within and among s o c i a l constructed \"external\" r e a l i t i e s (e.g., s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , rules, and norms). The c o l l e c t i v i s t s do not admit, however, as pointed out i n Chapter III, that the former type of exchange i s s o c i a l exchange, reserving that l a b e l for the l a t t e r . It i s argued here that the point at which c o l l e c t i v i s t s o c i a l exchange theory subsumes i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c exchange theory i s i n the origins of exchange. In a sense, to say that one theory subsumes the other with regard to origins i s misleading. While c o l l e c t i v i s t theory does recognize the v a l i d i t y of both r e s t r i c t e d and generalized exchange, i t i s exclusive i n that i t sees no r e l a t i o n between the two and i n fact derogates economically and psychologically motivated exchange to an \" i n f e r i o r \" status. It regards this \" i n f e r i o r \" class as not being t r u l y \" s o c i a l \" exchange. However, i t i s held here that i t i s much closer to the truth to assert that the two types of exchange, th e i r o r i g ins, and t h e i r consequences, are i n d i a l e c t i c a l r e l a t i o n with one another. This p o s i t i o n avoids the continuing, and somewhat s t e r i l e dispute over which expla-nation has p r i o r i t y . Simply stated, i t i s asserted here that neither has such p r i o r i t y , but neither can one exist without the other, either i n a f u l l y developed theory of s o c i a l ex-change, or i n s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n as i t actually goes on. For (a) given the existence of s o c i a l r e a l i t i e s sui generis, then .(b) s o c i a l exchange processes originate i n order to integrate those s o c i a l r e a l i t i e s , i . e . , create s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y . By s o c i a l exchange processes i s meant either r e s t r i c t e d or generalized exchange processes, each of which produce a d i f -ferent \"set\" of s o c i a l r e a l i t i e s for the i n d i v i d u a l , and, i n turn, a d i f f e r e n t type and degree of s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y . While this assertion may seem to assume that which the i n d i v i d u a l i s t s take as problematic or ignore, i . e . , external s o c i a l r e a l i t y , i t i s emphasized that s o l i d a r i t y may r e f e r to the s o l i d a r i t y between two individuals as well as the s o l i d a r i t y characteriz-ing relations i n larger groups. It i s this l i n k between ex-change processes and s o l i d a r i t y which leads to the conclusion that the c o l l e c t i v i s t model i s i n d i a l e c t i c a l r e l a t i o n with that of the i n d i v i d u a l i s t s . In conclusion (4 ) i t i s hypothesized that the i n d i v i d u a l -i s t i c model of r e s t r i c t e d exchange and the c o l l e c t i v i s t i c model of generalized exchange are not i r r e c o n c i l a b l e , at least i n one major respect. As both are models of complex human behaviour i t i s f e l t that i t i s possible that, while th e i r obvious parameters (e.g., interpersonal i n t e r a c t i o n vs. i n s t i -t u t i o n a l interaction) d i f f e r greatly, a unifying concept may exist to integrate them. 87 As has been made abundantly clear i n the discussions of the t h e o r e t i c a l origins of i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c and c o l l e c t i v i s t i c s o c i a l exchange, each of the schools tends to negate the origins posited by the other. In Chapter III i t was pointed out that, to a great extent, t h i s s i t u a t i o n i s due to the d i f f e r i n g ways i n which both schools form th e i r t h e o r e t i c a l strategies, i . e . , psychological (interpersonal, dyadic) vs. s o c i o l o g i c a l (macro-social unit, generalized). In the sense that the th e o r e t i c a l strategies d i f f e r q u a l i t a t i v e l y , then the two schools are speaking past one another with regard to o r i g i n s . Without proposing to provide an all-encompassing solution to this impasse, i t i s pointed out here that i t may be possible to provide a t h e o r e t i c a l l i n k between the two exchange models. This l i n k i s the s o c i a l construct of s o l i d a r i t y i t s e l f : more s p e c i f i c a l l y , the roles which both r e s t r i c t e d and generalized exchange play i n the emergence and maintenance of s o c i a l s o l i -darity. I t i s at this point, for the purposes of this argument that s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y must be defined. Social s o l i d a r i t y i s defined here as the r e s u l t of the r o u t i n i z i n g , regularizing, reduction of uncertainty as may exist between s o c i a l actors i n their cognitive and behavioural l i f e . S o l i d a r i t y may be seen as the constructed (by s o c i a l actors) s o c i a l r e a l i t y which both informs and reassures the participants i n a s o c i a l system. The key notion on which this d e f i n i t i o n rests i s the assumption that s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y i s a cognitive construct which i s simil a r to that providing the basis of the structure of d e f i -n i t i o n s of, for example, personality. To elaborate on this d e f i n i t i o n , then, one may say that s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y qua construct i s the s o c i a l equivalent of the individual's own ordering of the world: as such i t has, for that i n d i v i d u a l , the seemingly separate ontological status of the individual's own personality. That i s , i t appears to exist outside of the being of the individual's now-existing s e l f . In a word, i t i s r e i f i e d , at least to some degree. Using the above d e f i n i t i o n , i t i s argued here that while the c o l l e c t i v i s t s s p e c i f i c a l l y deal with the s o l i d a r i t y i m p l i c i t i n macro-social structures, the i n d i v i d u a l i s t s , without using the term s o l i d a r i t y , also deal with the same concept, but i n the context of dyads alone. The c r i t i c a l l i n k i n the posited th e o r e t i c a l connection i s that both types of exchange are s o c i a l exchange i n the true sense i n that both integrate members of a s o c i a l group and thus r e s u l t i n the s o l i d a r i t y of that group. But the attendant caveat imposed by the nature of the argu-ments made i n Chapters II and III must be recognized: r e s t r i c t e d exchange and generalized exchange integrate s o c i a l actions i n di f f e r e n t ways and thus lead to di f f e r e n t types and degrees of s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y . How then do both contribute to s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y per se? 89 Weber (1947, p. 101) wrote: . . . c o l l e c t i v i t i e s must be t r e a t e d as s o l e l y the r e s u l t a n t s and modes of o r g a n i -z a t i o n of p a r t i c u l a r a c t s of i n d i v i d u a l persons. Since these alone can be t r e a t e d as agents i n a course of s u b j e c t i v e l y understandable a c t i o n . . . the o b j e c t of c o g n i t i o n i s the s u b j e c t i v e meaning-complex of a c t i o n . Weick (1976c, pp. 10-31) s t a t e s : . . . a c t o r s immersed i n e x p e r i e n t i a l streams organize and punctuate those streams by p o s i t i n g o r g a n i z a t i o n s and environments and Gods and t r a i t s . . . what a person does i s what he e v e n t u a l l y w i l l know . . . o r g a n i z i n g a c t s are acts of i n v e n t i o n r a t h e r than acts of d i s c o v e r y , they i n v o l v e a superimposed order r a t h e r than u n d e r l y i n g order. . . . communication occurs when some raw data input has been m e a n i n g f u l l y r e l a t e d to some p o r t i o n of the t o t a l p s y c h o l o g i c a l system . . . the meaning of any experience i s c o n s t i t u t e d by the very process of i t s accommodation i n t o the dynamic p s y c h o l o g i c a l system. These quotations i n d i c a t e the g e n e r a l t h r u s t of an answer to t h i s q u e s t i o n . Both w r i t e r s focus on the s u b j e c t i v e nature of meaning atta c h e d to s o c i a l a c t s . F u r t h e r , the meaning of the a c t inheres i n i n d i v i d u a l s , the a c t t a k i n g on meaning as the experience i s accommodated i n t o the i n d i v i d u a l ' s t o t a l p s y c h o l o g i c a l system, or, as Weber s t a t e s i t , h i s s u b j e c t i v e meaning-complex of a c t i o n . Berger and Luckmann (1966) p r o v i d e a c l e a r c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n of the process i n v o l v e d i n the ob-j e c t i v a t i o n of the s u b j e c t i v e meaning-complex, as has been noted i n Chapters I I and I I I . They p o i n t out that a c t s become 90 r o u t i n i z e d , and these r o u t i n e s are s u b j e c t to t y p i f i c a t i o n : which i s to say, s u b j e c t to the a s c r i p t i o n of meaning to p r e v i o u s l y c o g n i t i v e l y unordered a c t i v i t y . I t i s i n the a s c r i p t i o n of meaning which becomes unequivocal between s o c i a l a c t o r s during the processes of s o c i a l exchange which c o n s t i t u t e s i n t e g r a t i o n and r e s u l t s i n s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y . F u r t h e r , s o c i a l exchange processes o r i g i n a t e , i n a f u n c t i o n a l sense, to manifest i n a c t i o n such s u b j e c t i v e meanings between s o c i a l a c t o r s . Put s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t l y , at the s i m p l e s t l e v e l o f a n a l y s i s , i n d i v i d u a l s b egin to make sense of or enact (Weick, 1976b, p. 17) t h e i r s u b j e c t i v e s o c i a l r e a l i t y by and through s o c i a l exchange a c t s they engage i n . I t should be noted that s o c i a l exchange i s not regarded here as some separate c l a s s of a c t i v i t y . I t s d e f i n i t i o n f o r t h i s paper i s that s o c i a l exchange c o n s t i t u t e s a l l i n t e r a c t i o n between mem-bers of a s o c i a l u n i t . From t h i s p o s i t i o n , r e s t r i c t e d and g e n e r a l i z e d exchange may be seen as primary, a l b e i t q u i t e crude, d i s t i n c t i o n s made out of a (perhaps e x c e s s i v e l y broad) g e n e r a l case. S o l i d a r i t y o f some degree and type then w i l l c h a r a c t e r i z e the two cases c r e a t e d by the i n i t i a l d i s t i n c t i o n . The two types of exchange are q u a l i t a t i v e l y d i f f e r e n t and thus produce d i f f e r e n t types of i n t e g r a t i o n and s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y among s o c i a l a c t o r s . I t i s argued that s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y r e s u l t s from the o p e r a t i o n of two d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e c l a s s e s of i n t e g r a t i v e pro-cesses, the processes themselves being acts o f s o c i a l exchange. A d e s c r i p t i o n of the two c l a s s e s of i n t e g r a t i v e p r o cesses, d i s c r e t e and u n i t a r y , i s presented i n Table I. 91 Table I (1) Discrete: r e f e r r i n g to actions i - which are already routinized and habitual i i - to which subjective meaning has been attached and substantially agreed upon by s o c i a l actors i i i - which are t y p i f i e d both by content and the type of s o c i a l actor expected to perform them i y - i n which the primary motivation of actors i s the seeking of i n d i v i d u a l reward: such reward deriving value from mutually agreed upon subjective meanings of the reward v - i n which comparison i s interpersonal between known e n t i t i e s , either individuals, or objects of exchange v i - which are engaged i n by actors who are, for the pur-pose of these p a r t i c u l a r actions, unconscious of the r e l a t i o n of those acts to any larger s o c i a l e n t i t y v i i - which reaffirm the s o l i d a r i t y represented by routinized patterns of s o c i a l action v i i i - which are manifested i n dyadic, r e s t r i c t e d exchange (2) Unitary: r e f e r r i n g to actions i - which are sense making for the i n d i v i d u a l i i - which enact r e a l i t y and represent the formation of subjective meaning complexes i i i - i n which comparison i s intrapersonal as between the subjective meaning of an act and the subjective meaning complex representing the individual's s o c i a l world i v - which are i n the process of becoming t y p i f i e d through the removal of equivocality between the subjective meanings held by individuals with regard to the acts v - i n which the primary motivation of actors.is the order-ing and mapping of the flow of events v i - i n which consciousness of the r e l a t i o n between the act and a larger s o c i a l whole i s presupposed v i i - which construct s o l i d a r i t y by r o u t i n i z i n g event flows and attaching meaning to those enacted routines v i i i - which are manifested i n generalized exchange. 9 2 The two types of s o l i d a r i t y r e s u l t i n g from d i s c r e t e and u n i t a r y i n t e g r a t i o n processes do not e x i s t independently of one another. I t i s proposed that t h e i r r e l a t i o n to one another i s a d i a l e c t i c a l one, each i n f l u e n c i n g and b e i ng i n f l u e n c e d by the other. The d i f f e r i n g types of s o l i d a r i t y r e f l e c t the d i a l e c t i c a l t e n s i o n between s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e and p rocess. A c t i o n s which occur i n g e n e r a l i z e d exchange ( u n i t a r y i n t e g r a t i o n ) p r o v i d e the meaning-complex of a c t i o n which r e p r e -sents s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . A c t i o n s which occur i n r e s t r i c t e d exchange d e r i v e t h e i r meaning from t h e i r accommodation w i t h i n e s t a b l i s h e d p a t t e r n s of behaviour ( i . e . , h i g h l y t y p i f i e d , agreed upon meaning-complexes), these e s t a b l i s h e d p a t t e r n s b e i ng the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . In essence, the g e n e r a l i z e d exchange a c t sets out to e s t a b l i s h a p a t t e r n of behaviour and the a c t o r i s prob-a b l y conscious of t h a t a c t ' s s i g n i f i c a n c e as p a r t of a p a t t e r n . The r e s t r i c t e d exchange a c t i s not a r e f l e c t i o n of such an o r d e r i n g i n t e n t , but r a t h e r i s an a c t i n accordance w i t h a g i v e n s t r u c t u r a l p a t t e r n . I t should be remembered that a c t i o n s , not people, c o n s t i -t u t e groups (Weick, 1969, Chap. 1), and that i n t e r a c t i n g mean-i n g - a c t i o n complexes are the f a b r i c of s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e : hence i t i s proposed that g e n e r a l i z e d s o c i a l exchange a c t s (which t y p i f y the sense-making of s o c i a l l i f e ) p r o v i d e s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e \ \ 9.3 and allow for the overreaching (unitary) s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y i n which r e s t r i c t e d exchange may continue to take place. Restricted exchange i n i t s turn makes use of (indeed could not exist without) the bounded, routinized world implied i n unitary s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y which i s created by generalized s o c i a l exchange. The dyadic (discrete) s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y r e s u l t i n g from the r e s t r i c t e d exchange re l a t i o n s between any pai r of s o c i a l actors contains both an affirmation of and tension within the general (unitary) s o l i d a r i t y i n which i t exists. This tension does necessarily lead to a continual modification of both the meaning-action complex ( i . e . , s o c i a l structure) and the generalized s o c i a l exchange acts which ty p i f y i t . Thus, the inherently d i a l e c t i c a l r e l a t i o n between process and structure i s manifested i n the tension within and continuing modification of the meaning-action complex and the actual acts of r e s t r i c t e d and generalized exchange which pro-vide their phenomenal base. The s o c i a l actor makes no dis-t i n c t i o n between acts of s o c i a l exchange: they are part and parcel of a coherent s o c i a l construction of r e a l i t y . Hence, i t i s misleading to conceive of acts of exchange as mutually exclusive representations of either generalized or r e s t r i c t e d exchange. A more accurate description i s to say that any given s o c i a l exchange act represents somewhat more of a s t r u c t u r a l (generalized:unitary) quality or somewhat more of a process (restricted:discrete) quality. It i s , of course, the conse-quences of any exchange act which provide the evidence charac-94 t e r i z i n g the quality of that act. It has been argued here that one of the more important consequences of s o c i a l exchange is s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y . Further, that s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y , as a r e i f i e d cognitive construct, has the capacity to influence further action, i . e . , future s o c i a l exchange acts. This i s one aspect of the d i a l e c t i c at work in s o c i a l exchange. But there i s another aspect of the d i a l e c t i c which derives from the i n i t i a l d i s t i n c t i o n c l a s s i f y i n g s o c i a l exchange.into two major types, r e s t r i c t e d and generalized. This d i s t i n c t i o n turns on the notion of the difference between interpersonal and intrapersonal comparison, which i s the underlying d i f -ference between the two types of r e c i p r o c i t y , mutual and univocal. The statement that the discrete l e v e l of s o l i d a r i t y , characterized by r e s t r i c t e d dyadic exchange r e l a t i o n s , implies both affirmation of and tension within a given ordering of the world ( i . e . , a unitary s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y ) i s based on Levi-Strauss' observation that dyadic relations are based on Inter-personal comparison. As such these comparisons do e x i s t phenomenally and thus represent integration of meaning-action complexes of individuals. But as 'inf er sub j ective comparison cannot, by d e f i n i t i o n be perfect between individuals then mis-interpretation (intentional or otherwise), tension, and con-f l i c t u a l d i s s o l u t i o n must ensue, at least to some degree. Out of this d i s s o l u t i o n of discrete s o l i d a r i t y , pressure for even-tual change i n unitary s o l i d a r i t y w i l l arise, based on the 95 demonstrated incapacity for a p a r t i c u l a r world-ordering ( i . e . , meaning-action complex) to accommodate a p a r t i c u l a r set of discrete r e l a t i o n s . This i s the essence of the second aspect of the d i a l e c t i c a l r e l a t i o n between r e s t r i c t e d and generalized exchange, and of course their functional consequences, discrete and unitary s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y . I f the vessel containing the a c t i v i t y i s \" r e a l \" at any point i n time, i t i s also changed by that a c t i v i t y over time. Hence, the s o c i a l structure (here characterized as unitary s o l i d a r i t y which i s i n turn phenome-n a l l y represented i n generalized exchange) i s continually modi-f i e d by the s o c i a l processes (here characterized as discrete s o l i d a r i t y which i s i n turn phenomenally represented i n r e s t r i c t e d exchange) that operate within i t . I t must be noted however, that to say these processes operate within the struc-ture i s misleading, an unfortunate aspect of the language available to describe what i s the case. For the processes are the structure, and that i s why the d i a l e c t i c a l description i s the proper way of conceiving the s i t u a t i o n , both at one point i n time and over time. To b r i e f l y summarize the above discussion, i t i s argued that: (1) two types of s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y exist, l a b e l l e d discrete and unitary, which are characterized by r e s t r i c t e d and generalized exchange, respectively. (2) unitary s o l i d a r i t y , a s t r u c t u r a l construct, repre-sents the degree of consensus upon meaning-action complexes or world-orderings: discrete s o l i d a r i t y , a process construct, represents the dyadic r e l a -tions of s o c i a l actors. 9 6 (3) dyadic, r e s t r i c t e d s o c i a l exchange r e l a t i o n s take p l a c e w i t h i n the bounds of a world-order (a u n i t a r y s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y ) or s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e which i s t y p i f i e d by g e n e r a l i z e d s o c i a l exchange r e l a t i o n s . Now, the n o t i o n of g e n e r a l i z e d exchange, based as i t i s upon u n i d i r e c t i o n a l r e c i p r o c i t y , p r o v i d i n g the s o l i d a r i t y i n which r e s t r i c t e d , mutually r e c i p r o c a l exchange takes p l a c e i s s t a t e d as a p r o p o s a l - - a rudimentary hypothesis which remains to be r e f i n e d and p o s s i b l y t e s t e d . There i s some r e s e a r c h evidence a v a i l a b l e which bears on the sense making aspect of the p r o p o s a l , however, and which giv e s some hope f o r the f r u i t -f u l development of f u t u r e hypotheses. De c i (1975, pp. 51-59) has p r o v i d e d a review of the l i t e r a t u r e d e a l i n g w i t h the i n d i v i d u a l ' s r e d u c t i o n of uncer-t a i n t y and the concepts of competence and s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n . Deci d i s t i n g u i s h e s between u n c e r t a i n t y which i s d e r i v e d from i n c o n g r u i t y and t h a t d e r i v i n g from the ignorance of f u t u r e events. The l a t t e r n o t i o n i s of i n t e r e s t here and hence the c o g n i t i v e dissonance or balance theory d e f i n i t i o n s of uncer-t a i n t y are not d i s c u s s e d . To quote D e c i (1975, p. 53) People want to be able to p r e d i c t the f u t u r e , so they engage i n some beha v i o r s , not to reduce i n c o n g r u i t y , but to gather i n f o r m a t i o n which w i l l a l l o w them to p r e d i c t the f u t u r e more a c c u r a t e l y . Kagan (1972) proposed that u n c e r t a i n t y i n the p r e d i c t i o n of f u t u r e events leads to an i n t r i n s i c need to r e s o l v e such un-c e r t a i n t y . He notes (1972, p. 57) that . . . s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s are c o n v e n i e n t l y organized ways to p r o v i d e r o u t i n e s to deal w i t h u n c e r t a i n t y . . . . These r i t u a l i z e d s o l u t i o n s may f a i l when a s i g n i f i c a n t p o r t i o n of the p o p u l a t i o n questions t h e i r e f f e c t i v e n e s s . . . . T h i s i n -co n s i s t e n c y , which produces u n c e r t a i n t y , can be t o x i c to the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of the procedure. Kagan i s d e a l i n g w i t h both the need to c r e a t e p r e d i c t a b i l i t y , and, h e l p f u l to the pr o p o s a l made here, the process i n which such p r e d i c t a b i l i t y a r i s e s . He seems to see p r e d i c t a b i l i t y as o r i g i n a t i n g i n c o n s i s t e n t b e l i e f p a t t e r n s among i n d i v i d u a l s . I t i s h e l d here that s o c i a l exchange processes f o s t e r t h i s type o f c o n s i s t e n c y . L a n z e t t a (1963, 1971) pr o v i d e s some sup-p o r t as w e l l , as he shows that i n f o r m a t i o n g a t h e r i n g behaviour i s motivated by response u n c e r t a i n t y , and \" t h a t t h i s search behaviour w i l l be a mo n o t o n i c a l l y i n c r e a s i n g f u n c t i o n of the amount of u n c e r t a i n t y . \" Some r e s e a r c h conducted from the p e r s p e c t i v e of o r g a n i z a -t i o n a l r e d u c t i o n of u n c e r t a i n t y a l s o lends credence to the v a l i d i t y of the pr o p o s a l presented here. Van deVen and Delbecq (1974) used n o t i o n s of r e d u c t i o n of u n c e r t a i n t y ( o p e r a t i o n a l i z e d as task v a r i a b i l i t y and d i f f i c u l t y ) developed by s e v e r a l w r i t e r s (e.g., Perrow, 1967; March and Simon, 1958). The l a t t e r w r i t e r s propose t h a t task v a r i a b i l i t y ( i . e . , u n c e r t a i n t y ) \" d i r e c t l y a f f e c t s the mode of o p e r a t i n g w i t h i n a u n i t of s t r u c t u r e work a c t i v i t i e s . \" Van deVen and Delbecq t e s t e d the hypothesis t h a t the s t r u c t u r i n g of a c t i v i t y i s contingent on the u n c e r t a i n t y r e d u c t i o n r e q u i r e d of a work u n i t . T h e i r data i n d i c a t e t h a t , indeed, work u n i t s r e q u i r e d to d e a l w i t h low u n c e r t a i n t y , s t r u c -ture t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s to a hig h degree, w h i l e those u n i t s f a c e d 98 with high uncertainty do not use pre-specified means to deal with that uncertainty. Rather these high uncertainty work units develop strategies to f i t the p a r t i c u l a r nature of the uncertainty so as to accomplish the general ends of the work unit. It i s argued here that the Van deVen and Delbecq research may be interpreted as o f f e r i n g support for the proposal pre-sented above i n two ways: (1) work units which are dealing with high un-certainty, are i n fact engaged i n an order-ing of the world which is analogous to the generalized exchange functions: whereas work units which are faced with low uncertainty engage i n highly structured a c t i v i t y , which is analogous to the r e s c t r i c t e d exchange function. (2) i t i s further i n t u i t i v e l y obvious that t h e i r data indicate that the high uncertainty work units provide the structure upon which the low uncertainty work units base their a c t i -v i t i e s : this i s p r e c i s e l y why such units i n fact face.low uncertainty. The uncertainty has been reduced by a separate functional unit; i n this case a work unit whose task i s to do just that. Reduction of uncertainty by the construction of a model of the world which has the quality of being \" r e a l \" i s evidence both i n the psychological l i t e r a t u r e and that of some organi-zational theorists. In the former l i t e r a t u r e the unit of analysis i s the i n d i v i d u a l and his cognitive processes, while in the l a t t e r , the unit of analysis i s the organization and group processes within i t . But each describe the duality of process involved i n the l i f e of both the individual and the 99 organization: the construction of an ordered world and the subsequent l i v i n g within that world, the r e l a t i o n between the thing and the act being a d i a l e c t i c a l one. 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"Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library"@en . "University of British Columbia"@en . "For non-commercial purposes only, such as research, private study and education. Additional conditions apply, see Terms of Use https://open.library.ubc.ca/terms_of_use."@en . "Graduate"@en . "Origins of social exchange"@en . "Text"@en . "http://hdl.handle.net/2429/20777"@en .