"Arts, Faculty of"@en . "History, Department of"@en . "DSpace"@en . "UBCV"@en . "Woods, Jody"@en . "2009-05-28T19:49:18Z"@en . "1998"@en . "Master of Arts - MA"@en . "University of British Columbia"@en . "Through a theoretical and practical examination of how space is socially constructed and perceived, this\r\nstudy hypothesizes that the monolithically negative portrayal in the media and academic literature of the\r\nIndian residential school experience does not adequately reflect the full range of the experiences of all\r\nchildren at such institutions. A typology of spaces is constructed which establishes that concepts of gender,\r\nrace and age impact the ways that institutions and institutional spaces are organized and perceived. This\r\ntypology is applied to the Coqualeetza Residential School and the Coqualeetza Indian Tuberculosis\r\nHospital in Sardis, BC for the period 1935 - 1950. Interviews were conducted with former Coqualeetza\r\nresidents. Their comments, along with extant accounts of residential school experiences were examined\r\nwithin the context of this typology. The results reveal that, at Coqualeezta and at other residential schools,\r\nsocial constructions and personal perceptions of spaces affect and reflect peoples' experiences in profound\r\nways. Examining such perceptions has revealed that residents' experiences and memories are\r\nheterogeneous, diverse and very personal."@en . "https://circle.library.ubc.ca/rest/handle/2429/8373?expand=metadata"@en . "4359192 bytes"@en . "application/pdf"@en . "/ REMIND UNTIL I FALL: AN EXAMINATION OF SPACE, MEMORY AND EXPERIENCE AT THE COQUALEETZA RESIDENTIAL SCHOOL AND INDIAN HOSPITAL by JODY WOODS B.A. The University of British Columbia, 1996 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of History) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October, 1998 \u00C2\u00A9 Jody Woods, 1998 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. 1 further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of fV/ \"570/ The outside, male spaces were also spaces where boys were involved in certain team sports and girls were not. The importance of sports and related accomplishments to school experiences is evidenced by Myra Sam: J.W.: What sports did you play? M.S.: Ah, track and field, and high jumping and broad jtunping. Girls weren't allowed to play ball. You know, those days, we weren't allowed [to play] softball or soccer or anything.98 24 Within the context of institutional space, gender played a significant role in residents' experiences. For instance, unlike Mrs. Sam, who was not allowed to play certain sports because she was a girl, athletic boys often received extra food: \"the soccer team - they were really proud of their soccer team - they got extra nourishment. You know, we'd see them getting this extra stuff that we didn't get but they always made sure they looked after those guys\".99 This also illustrates an earlier point about institutional space: the importance of school and team spirit dictated that boys on athletic teams receive sufficient nourishment to succeed at their sports events. This suggests team successes were logged so that, when necessary, boys would get extra food to bolster team output; that is, so the team could produce better numbers.100 Regardless, the experiences of athletic boys were clearly different than those of girls (or non-athletic boys). At the preventorium, Mrs. Julian explains that patients were also separated by gender: \"I think that side was the girls and this side was the boys (points to photograph)\".101 Finally, at the hospital. Mrs. Julian describes how wards were organized according to both age and gender: J.W.: The girls and boys were separated by rooms or...? B.J.: Yeah, by wards, because the men were up here, the girls here, when I was there. And then they changed that into kids. So, we had girls on this side and boys on the other side. . . . I think we had forty kids. And then there was the centre piece [of the hospital building]. . . . There were babies up to about five years old. There were three parts to the second floor and the men's ward had two parts, but they were all men.102 Organizing babies according to gender was apparently not necessary until they were five years old, at which point, hospital officials regarded them as possessing gender. Perceptions of mstinitional spaces as gendered often have something to do with the body. Randy Fred describes the boys' and girls' dormitories at the Port Alberni Residential School as gendered spaces which 25 were to be symbolically defied. In particular, when the conditions were right, boys viewed the girls' dormitories, inside of which they were not allowed, as opportune places to have sex: One of the supervisors at Alberni during the fifties was easily bribed to open the door to the infirmary on the second floor which separated the boys from the girls. All it took was a bottle of whiskey and he'd open the door and ignore the stampede to the girls' side. Mrs. Rothwell, the girls head supervisor, slept like a log. As soon as her snoring stopped, all the humping stopped; what a way to make love \u00E2\u0080\u0094 in a dormitory of squeaky beds, listening to Rothwell snoring.103 Certainly, some boys at Alberni School perceived the girls' dormitories as ideal spaces for exploring their sexual desires. Unfortunately, Fred does not explain how the girls may have viewed the same spaces. Lois Guss' account of her experiences at her residential school may be useful here. She describes how girls perceived their dormitories and bathing rooms as shameful spaces in which their bodies were to be hidden: Living in a dormitory with twenty-five other girls was quite an experience. We were taught that the body was something to be hidden and to be ashamed of, even when bathing or showering, we wore clothing. At the important time in our life, when we became 'a woman', no one told us what was happening in our bodies ... The nuns would only tell us, \"now you must stay away from boys\".104 In a powerful short story, Louise Halfe describes the struggle she felt when her body, curious and sensual, was transformed at her residential school into a site of shame: \"I can't help it when the buds between my legs tingle. I can't help it when my eyes stray to explore the tits of the other girls. Why must I hide my body jesus? The rags that I wear when I shower are so heavy, will I ever be clean?\".105 Lois Guss illustrates that her and Randy Fred's perceptions of similar gendered spaces are different. Granted, what went on in the girls' dormitory at Alberni School defied school rules, so, to some extent, both boys and girls may have also viewed these dorms as spaces of resistance. Though boys and girls may have perceived similar gendered spaces differently, the body played a role in those perceptions. Foucault's contention that control is exerted on the body via the manipulation of space seems evident in the way that Lois Guss perceived her dormitory. Yet Randy Fred's perceptions of his 26 school's girls' dormitory illustrates that control of the body can also be resisted by manipulating space -as the boys at Alberni School did by sneaking out of and into gendered spaces to have sex. At Coqualeetza, examples of this were not so explicit; they were hinted at by Bev Julian who describes her embarrassment at being mistaken for a boy. One night when the hospital caught fire, patients were evacuated to other facilities: Then they got us and took us to the forest hall and put us into our beds there. And they put me head to head with a man. They thought I was a boy. They got me all mixed up. And I sat there for two days and I had to use the bedpan so bad, and I wouldn't get on. Every time he would get on his, I would hide, eh? \"Oh, no. Don't look, don't look\" Finally he says to me, \"what's your name?\" I said, \"Bev.\" And he said, \"Beverly?\" And I said, \"Yeah.\" and he said, \"Kelly?\" and I said, \"Yeah.\" He says, \"Hugh Kelly your Dad?\" I says, \"that's right.\" He says, \"nurse, nurse, this is a girl!\" And they had to move me. [I said,] \"get me a bed pan!\".106 Age also plays a role in the ways that institutional spaces are organized and perceived. At Coqualeetza, the Sto:lo elder's earlier description of how senior and junior girls occupied different dormitories clearly impacted her experiences there. She felt important and special when she was allowed to occupy the older girls' space. Basil Johnston discusses how work spaces at the residential school he attended were organized according to the ages of children: The seniors, in Grades 6, 7 and 8, went to their permanent occupations: to the barn, to tend horses, cows, sheep, pigs and all their products; to the chicken coop, to look after chickens; to the tailor shop, shoe shop, electrical shop, carpentry shop, blacksmith shop, mill or plumber's shack. These were jobs of standing and responsibility in the adolescent community. The other boys, from grades that had no status, waited outside the storeroom for the issue of mops, pails, sponges, soap, rags, brooms, dustpans, dust-bane and other janitorial paraphernalia for performing the menial tasks of washing, sweeping, mopping, dusting, polishing toilets, corridors, refectory, chapels, kitchen, dormitory, scullery, every conceivable area.107 Jane Willis illustrates how this occurred in the classroom at her residential school when she recalls how she and her fellow students were physically ordered with the \"junior girls up front and senior girls in the back\".108 Shirley Sterling also describes how, at Kalamak Indian Residential school, children's dormitories reflected age and grade divisions: \"We are divided into juniors grades one to four, intermediates grades five to eight, and seniors grades nine to twelve. Each group stays in different 2 7 dormitories called dorms, and recreation rooms called rees. We're not allowed to leave our own rec or dorm except for meals\".109' Age also determined the privileges children received in institutional spaces. Jane Willis explains who could perform, and who would receive, haircuts at her residential school: \"Miss Moore chose two senior girls to assist her in the cutting. The senior girls were allowed to wear any style they chose as long as it was not below the shoulders, but for the rest of us, Dutch-boy haircuts were it\".110 Randy Fred also illustrates this when he describes how, at Alberni School, older boys bullied younger boys into washing socks.111 The sock washing incident also illustrates how children empower themselves within age-related spaces. Particularly in institutions, hierarchies among children often develop. These exist parallel to power relationships between adults and children and are expressed through space. Neil Sutherland provides several descriptions of the hegemony of older children in children's spaces: 1. A group of the older boys tried to keep the soccer ball to themselves, passing it within a fairly tight circle . . . other [younger] boys lounged in clumps . . . 2. preschool children had to shift their play space if it conflicted with the needs of older youngsters . . . 3. Bigger [often older] boys stepped on the feet of smaller ones . . . . 1 1 2 Age space governs children's behaviors and locations in institutions, like schools; but, within this space, children create their own divisions and boundaries according to age. In general, older children receive from adults or acquire through bullying more privileges than younger children. Although, I did not discover these relationships in my research on Coqualeetza, I believe this is a noteworthy dimension to the age component of institutional space. Spaces at Coqualeetza were also perceived as dangerous and safe by their residents based on their personal experiences of them. Strict rules and harsh punishments characterize how Bev Julian remembers the Coqualeetza Hospital, at which she spent most of her first 1.1 years: We had to rest again twice a day because there was no medicines and every time that I made a move there was one nurse, nurse's aid Eustice, [who would] stand there and watch in the doorway. And the girls would say to me, \"Bev, look out the window.\" And I'd sit 28 up and look out and they'd all just lay there still and I'd say, \"I don't see anything.\" And nobody would say nothing and then I would turn my head and that nurse would be standing there. . . . And she grabbed my ruler, \"put your hand out!\" And I'd have to put my hand out and she would strap me just because I looked out the window. And I'd end up crying, I would cry myself to sleep. They used to tuck in our sheets., .and so I would just stick my head under there, my face under and I would cry, cry until I went to sleep. And it was everyday that she was on duty that I always managed to get a lickin'. (laughter) And I never forgot that nurse's name. I never forgot the look of her either. And when she was on her days off, that's when I got a break. I was able to rest without watching, but I always forgot and would be looking to see what was going on outside. This went on for years.113 Mrs. Julian's experiences at the hospital mirror those of Janice Acoose who describes how she perceived a nun's room at the residential school she attended as dangerous because physical punishments were carried out there: \"My older sisters ... soon discovered one Sister's private chambers were used to punish girls who did not follow the rules. It was equipped with a wooden horse which allowed the Sister to lay the girls across it while she whipped their bare backsides until they screamed and cried\".114 Acoose also describes the terror she felt in her dormitory: \"Other times I cried because I was terrified of hearing the footsteps that regularly crept up the fire escape to our dorm. Those nights, listening to the little girls frantic whisperings, muffled screams and desperate cries, I jumped into bed with my sister, Carol and fiercely clung to her for protection\".115 Both Acoose and Julian describe how they felt their behaviour was always monitored, their bodies controlled, and both describe experiencing either an underlying or an overt fear of physical punishment. As Foucault has suggested in his discussion of how behaviour is controlled in prisons through manipulations of space and bodies, punishable offences include moving your body outside of the spaces assigned by institutions. In this case, Mrs. Julian sat up in bed and was punished for it or, as Randy Fred's sister remembers of her experiences at the Port Alberni Residential School, children were punished for sneaking out of their dormitories.116 These offenses and punishments confirm those outlined by Keith Carlson as mentioned earlier.117 The crimes were often offenses of the body or of space and the punishments were often violent. Clearly, Foucault's study of prisons proves to be a powerful, though limited, analytical tool for my study of other types of coercive institutions and Carlson's related 29 illustration of bodily and spatial offenses and punishments at schools is illustrative of what occurred at Coqualeetza. Yet, just as the coercive spaces theorized by Foucault can be perceived as dangerous, so can spaces be perceived as safe. The experiential nature of institutional spaces, like safe space, is a subject that Foucault's model does not address. As will be demonstrated, however, it can be understood if former residents are interviewed about their experiences and perceptions of space. For instance, in an earlier example, one elder describes a safe space in the older girls' dorm, where her girlfriend combed her hair.118 This experience is similar to that of Rosa Bell who illustrates safe space at the residential school she attended; she describes how she felt when visiting the older girls in school: \"They loved to sit me down and comb my hair. They'd let me pin curl their hair. I used to love to just sit on their beds while they did their schoolwork. Often I would go from one bed to another to talk with them\".119 The perceptual and experiential nature of dangerous and safe space within institutions spaces is particularly illustrated by the fact that the spaces that Janice Acoose and Bev Julian earlier describe as terrifying and Rosa Bell and the Sto:lo elder describe as comfortable and safe are both dormitories in institutions. The disparate perceptions of them are based on each girl's experiences. Mrs. Julian's perceptions of the institutional spaces around her shaped her experiences. The relationship between those spaces and her experiences is more evident when we look at the liminal objects and spaces which she describes. Mrs. Julian describes how a menacing nurse's aid, Eustice, tormented her from the doorway to her dormitory. Eustice stood in the doorway each night and would wait for her to make a mistake. Eustice would then come over to her bed and physically punish her. The doorway in this memory was the sort of liminal space discussed in McKlintock.120 It existed between spaces or at the edge of a space; as a door, it divided child/patient space from adult/supervisor space; as a doorway, it offered a chance for escape, and an avenue for torture. Randy Fred's account also suggests that liminal spaces, like doorways and windows, can be perceived as boundaries and portals; he describes how children temporarily escaped the residential school by climbing through the windows to get outside: \"One of my older sisters ... remembers girls being strapped most frequently for sneaking off the school grounds. This was a favourite pastime and preoccupation - busting out of the hellhole. Many dangerous risks were taken, such as climbing through the window, down three stories on a rope of bed sheets tied together\".121 This window contrasts sharply with the window described in Rita Joe's poem at the beginning of this paper. Rita Joe's window is what I would call a barrier object or space. Randy Fred's window is a portal - an opportunity to escape a space. The difference between the two windows is that someone chose to resist the imposed spaces around her by opening one. For Mrs. Julian, the doorway to her preventorium dormitory had clearly been a barrier between her and escape from her tormentor's wrath and also a portal which, on Eustice's days off, came to represent temporary, if symbolic, escape or relief: \"And when [Eustice] was on her days off, that's when I got a break. I was able to rest without watching\".122 Mrs. Julian also describes another seemingly innocuous liminal object, a table, which has come to take on experiential significance within the context of institutional space: \"I was sexually abused by one of the patients. To this day, I don't remember her name or what she looks like. All I can see is her laying in that bed next to me and a table in between us and remembering what happened\".123 Whether the table acted as a boundary object, a portal object, or possibly both, it is clear that Mrs. Julian associates the table, particularly the space it occupied between her bed and her abuser's bed, vividly with the experience of being abused. These liminal objects are especially interesting if they are understood within the context of institutional space. For instance, the dormitory to which Mrs. Julian's door was both a portal and a barrier manifests institutional space. The dormitory was set up to organize large numbers of people; it promoted conformity by its physical set up; it denied personal space in the sense that adult intrusion into Mrs. 31 Julian's bed space occurred from there; and, it allowed for Mrs. Julian's body to be controlled, monitored and disciplined, and abused by another patient. The doorway in which Eustice stood imitates the central watchtower of Foucault's panopticon in that it was a space from which discipline and surveillance were carried out. It was the position from which Eustice monitored child patients and punished them when they behaved in ways contrary to the rules of the institution, or the unwritten rules of the enforcer, Eustice. The doorway can be understood, and perhaps was experienced as a centre of surveillance, because it existed in institutional space, a space in which surveillance was deemed necessary. Furthermore, the liminal space of the doorway reinforces the social spaces that the nurse's aid and Mrs: Julian occupied. Mrs. Julian's bed and hospital dormitory room were defined by her age, gender, race and by her reduced status as a sick person. She occupied a ward for girls in a segregated Indian hospital, unfit to occupy the outside world; unfit to lead an \"ordinary life\".124 In Shirley Sterling's sketch maps of the Kalamak Indian Residential School, inequitable social relationships were also reinforced by space; the social relationships which existed in her residential school were manifested in the locations and organization of the school's buildings.125 Mrs. Julian also provides some very personal examples of how the institutional spaces at the hospital were perceived in complex ways which related to other categories of space. Not surprisingly, for Mrs. Julian, who spent much of her childhood in the beds of the hospital and preventorium, life in institutional spaces was characterized by monotony; yet, examining her perceptions of the spaces around her has revealed that she had a much wider range of experiences which have left an indelible mark on her memories. As discussed, Mrs. Julian remembers her bed as the very dangerous space where she was abused.126 However, she also remembers how lying in her bed brought about in her a spiritual awakening: When I was in Coqualeetza, that's when I started my gift. The spirits worked with me there and showed me how to meditate and how to say the prayers and why the prayers were so important. And I used to lay there and watch hght bulbs at night and they'd talk to me. They had little faces on them and I'd lay there and watch. Today I can't look at a lightbulb because they are too bright, but I'd just lay there and watch. I could hardly wait 32 until the lights went off so I could listen to them. And they would tell me stories and laugh and I'd smile. And I knew I couldn't laugh out loud because the others would wonder what I was doing, eh? . . . I was young, but I knew that. So I couldn't tell anybody about it and I never realized that I was getting my training there because there was nobody at home to help me.127 Mrs. Julian's memory of receiving what she calls her gift contrasts sharply with the image of her bed as a dangerous space. So significant was this experience that it helped Mrs. Julian come to terms with her sexual abuse, her childhood in an institution, and her future inability to conceive: So, I figure that's why the creator chose me to go and stay in the hospital all that time. And then I had TB of the womb so I was never able to have children or I never had my period.. . .And I said there was a reason for my not to have my period because the creator had already chosen my path, I was to do my healing work without any interruptions in my life. You have to be pure . . . be finished bearing children. So, my children are adopted.. . . So, that's where I really started. . . . and that's where I learned to release all the hurts that I carried for so many years.128 Mrs. Julian came to perceive her bed and her dorm as the site of her spiritual birth. This has left such an impact on her that, years later, when she returned to the hospital as an employee, she was overwhelmed with the feeling that she was home: \"So, I went back to Coqualeetza and worked as a Nurses' Aid there . . . And I worked fourteen years at Coqualeetza as a Nurses' Aid. My mom cried and she said, 'why are you going back there?' I said, 'that's my home, its the only home I know, the life there'.\"129 Mrs. Julian's unique perceptions of the spaces of the hospital as dangerous, safe, spiritual, and home-like reveal the amazingly diverse range of experiences and memories possible within the rigid organization of institutional spaces. Conclusion: At Coqualeetza, institutional space has played itself out in complex ways that reflect not only the physical grounds and buildings on the site over time but also the complex nature of individual school and hospital experiences. This paper has attempted to construct a framework, based on space, so that these experiences can be better understood. Interviewing former residents and reviewing the published history of residential school experiences were key to understanding these in terms of space. 33 This study has produced some surprising findings. In particular, Indian hospitals, in many ways historically forgotten, were similar environments and consequently fostered experiences analogous to those at residential schools. This is because they are variants of a particular type of space \u00E2\u0080\u0094 institutional space. Also, the institutionalized space category is as malleable and complex as the varied experiences of residents at Coqualeetza. Within this type of space, gender, race and age all shaped Sto:lo peoples' experiences. Further, the institutional spaces at Coqualeetza have been perceived as either dangerous or safe by its residents. Prominent conceptual approaches, like that of Michel Foucault, have examined space in terms of power relations. This study shows that institutional space also affects people in far more personal ways the life experiences of interviewees illustrate. Finally, Mrs. Julian's spiritual experiences at the Coqualeetza hospital illustrate some of the inadequacies of attempting to use such an institutional space model to learn about experiences; clearly, her spiritual awakening does not neatly fit into the categories of space I developed. Nor does it contradict them; interviews with her, in which I showed her photographs and asked questions about space, seemed to bring out these experiences. They are revealed and uniquely understood when they are examined in terms of space even if, in some cases, the typology model does hot directly apply. Finally, this study has shown that a spatial/experiential analysis can be used to re-examine extant literature to better understand individual experiences. Perhaps more significantly, I believe this approach is flexible enough to be applied to other types of settings, especially other institutional settings, to help better understand experiences of their residents. 34 Appendix I: Map of Kalamak Indian Residential School Mountains School Map by M a r t h a Stone road io +he highway 1 \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 d Teachers' homes potato field Soccer field new 0 Id cSau room$ class din ing \u00E2\u0080\u0094j-room orchard D Q O D D TJ D \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 KalawflkC\u00C2\u00AB'+y 3 5 Appendix II: Map indicating locations of residential schools on British Columbia Appendix III: Aerial photograph of the Coqualeetza Indian Residential School/Hospital c.1946. 3 ? Appendix IV: 1996 site plan of the Coqualeetza grounds 38 Notes: 1. Joe, Rita. \"Hated Structure: Indian Residential School, Shubenacadie, N.S.\" in Miller, J.R. Shingwauk's Vision : A History of Residential Schools (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1996) 317-318. 2. An important article has recently come to my attention which is very relevant to this study of space experience. Please see: Brown, Helen. \"Gender and Space: Constructing the Public School Teaching Staff in Nanaimo, 1891-1914\" in B C Studies: Women's History and Gender Studies. Numbers 105 & 106, Spring/Summer 1995. Though it is too late to include a discussion of it in this study, it is related specifically to some of the issues I discuss. 3. Gilchrist, Roberta. Gender and Material Culture: The Archaeology of Religious Women (London: Routeledge, 1994) 15. 4. Cameron , Laura, Openings to a Lake: Historical Approaches to Sumas Lake. British Columbia. UBC: M . A . Thesis, 1994, 18 5. Rodaway, Paul. Sensuous Geographies: Body. Sense and Place (London: Routeledge, 1994) 14. 6. School students and hospital patients will hereafter be referred to as residents when they are being discussed together. 7. See: Rev. Ferrier, Thompson. Indian Education in the Northwest (Toronto: Department of Missionary Literature of the Methodist Church, Canada, cl906) 25. Dickie, D.J. Joe and Ruth Go to School. Toronto/Vancouver: J .M. Dent and Sons, 1940). Oblate Fathers Indian Welfare Commission. Residential Education for Indian Acculturation. (Ottawa: Oblate Fathers, 1958) Pettit, George A. Primitive Education in North America. (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1946). 8. Parminter, A . V . The Development of Integrated Schooling for British Columbia Indian Children. Dissertation, (Vancouver: University of British Columbia, 1964) ii . Like those expressed by Parminter, common criticisms of residential schooling were about the failure of residential schools to assimilate First Nations people. However, increasingly, the violation of the civil and human rights of First Nations peoples was being discussed. See also: Caldwell, George. Indian Residential School Study (Ottawa: Canadian Welfare Council for Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, 1967). Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development. 5.000 Little Indians Went to School (Canada: Education Branch, 1971). For further discussion on integration, please see: Barman, Jean. \"Separate and Unequal: Indian and White Girls at Al l Hallows School, 1884-1920\" in Barman, Jean, Yvonne Herbert and Don McCaskill (eds.) Indian Education in Canada. Volume One: The Legacy (Vancouver, U B C Press, 1986) 110-131. Laroque, Emma. Defeathering the Indian (Agincourt, Canada: The Book Society of Canada, 1975) 2. The conflicting goals and practices of The Indian Affairs Department are also evident in other areas of assimilative Indian policy. See also: Carter, Sarah. \"Two Acres and a Cow: \"Peasant Farming for the Indians of the Northwest, 1889-97\" in Ian McKay (ed.) Challenge of Modernity (Vancouver: U B C Press, 1992)27-40. 9. See: Barman et a l , ibid. Furniss, Elisabeth. Victims of Benevolence: The Dark Legacy of the William's Lake Residential School (Vancouver: Arsenal Pulp Press, 1992). Haig-Brown, Celia. Resistance and Renewal: Surviving the Indian Residential School (Kamloops: The Secwepemc Cultural Education Society, 1988). Jaine, Linda, (ed.) Residential Schools: The Stolen Years (Saskatoon: First Nations, 1993). Miller, ibid. This literature has also been enriched by a number of biographical and autobiographical materials written by survivors of residential schools. Please see: Bull, Linda R. \"Indian Residential Schooling: The Native Perspective\" in Canadian Journal of Native Education 18 (supplement) 1-64. 1991. Harper, Maddie \"Mushhole\". Memories of a Residential School (Toronto: Sister Vision Press, 1993). Moine, Louise. M y Life in a Residential School. A Native Writers Contest Winning Manuscript, 75th Anniversary Project of Provincial Chapter IODE. (Regina: Louise Moine, 1975). Northern Native Broadcasting Yukon. The Mission School Syndrome (videotape). Willis [now Pachano], Jane. Geniesh: An Indian Girlhood. (Toronto: New Press, 1974). 10. Ibid., Miller, preface, ix. (emphasis mine). See also: Raibmon, Paige. \" A New Understanding of Things Indian: George H. Raley's Negotiation of the Residential School Experience\" in B C Studies, no. 110. Summer, 1996, 69-96. 11 Miller, ibid., 327 - 330. 12. Furniss, ibid., 67. 13. Tennant, Paul. Aboriginal People and Politics: the Indian Land Question in British Columbia. 1849-1989 (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1990) 79-80. See also: Carlson, Keith (ed.) You are Asked to Witness: The Sto:lo in Canada's Pacific Coast History. (Chilliwack: Sto:lo Heritage Trust, 1997) 101. 39 14. Foucault, Michel. Discipline and Punish (London: A. Lane, cl977, 141 - 145. 15. Foucault, ibid. 16. Foucault, ibid. 17. Spain, Daphne. Gendered Spaces (The University of North Carolina Press, 1992) preface, xiv. 18. Brooks Higginbotham, Evelyn. \"The Metalanguage of Race\" in Joan Wallach Scott, (ed.) Feminism and History (Oxford: Oxford University Press. 1996) 195. 19. Tennant, ibid. 20. Carlson, ibid., 102. 21. Carlson, ibid., 102. 22. Barman, Jean. Growing up British in British Columbia: Bovs in Private Schools (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1984) 101. 23. Barman, ibid., 102. 24. Barman, ibid., 100. 25. Sterling, Shirley. My Name is Seepeetza (Vancouver: Douglas and Mclntyre, 1992) 9 - 10. 26. Carlson, Keith. Personal Communication. January 10, 1998. 27. Cameron, ibid. 28. Cameron, ibid., 92. 29. Miller, ibid., xii. 30. Sutherland, Neil. \" \"Everyone Seemed happy in those Days\": The Culture of Childhood in Vancouver Between the 1920s and the 1960s\" in Jean Barman, Neil Sutherland and J. Donald Wilson (eds.) Children. Teachers and Schools in the History of British Columbia (Calgary: Detselig Enterprises, 1995, 81 - 100) 82. 31. Barman, ibid. 32. Barman, ibid. 178 - 186. 33. Wherret, George. The Miracle of Empty Beds: A History of Tuberculosis in Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1977) 249 - 255. See also: Dumont, Michelle. Girls' Schooling in Quebec. 1939- 1960 (Ottawa: The Canadian Historical Association, 1990). 34. Wherret, ibid., 44. 35. Barman, ibid., 86. 36. Sutherland, ibid., 81. 37. Brooks Higginbotham, ibid., 195 38. Francis, Daniel The Imaginary Indian: The Image of the Indian in Canadian Culture (Vancouver: Arsenal Pulp Press, 1992). Francis uses this term to refer to the stereotyped First Nations person as s/he is portrayed in the media and in scholarly literature. 39. Pascoe, Peggy. \"Race, Gender and Intercultural Relations: The Case of Interracial Marriage\" in Elizabeth Jameson and Susan Armitage (eds.) Writing the Range: Race. Class and Culture in the Women's West (London: University of Oklahoma Press, 1997) 70. 40. Brooks Higginbotham, ibid., 185. 41. Spain, ibid., 120-121. 42. Fillingham, Linda Alex. Foucault for Beginners (New York: Writers and Readers Limited, 1993) 126. 43. Brooks Higginbotham, ibid., 184. It could also be argued that gender shaped this racial space or that both shaped each other. 44. Spain, ibid., 149. 45. See also: Gilchrist, ibid. Roberta Gilchrist's work also seeks to establish gender and gendered space as analytical categories to better understand women's experiences. Like Spain, Gilchrist looks at actual spaces, specifically, plans of nunnery churches to see how conceptions of gender in the Middle Ages impacted space. 46. Spain, ibid., 149. 47. Sutherland, ibid., 83. 48. Barman, ibid., 67. 49. Barman, ibid., 67. 50. Dubinsky, Karen Rape and Heterosexual Conflict in Ontario. 1880- 1929 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993). 51. Danylewycz, Marta.. Taking the Veil: an alternative to marriage, motherhood and spinsterhood in Ouenbec. 1840-1920 (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1987) 62. 52. Lynch, Kevin. The Image of the City (Massachussetts: The MIT. Press. 1960)5-6. 40 53. McClintock, Anne. Imperial Leather. Race. Gender and Sexuality in the Colonial Contest (London. Routeledge, 1995) 170. 54. McKlintock, ibid, 170-171. 55. Raibmon, ibid. See also, McClintock ibid, 167-172. 56. Woods, Jody. \"Sto:lo Nation Site Tour Source Book\". July, 1998. 57. Edmeston, Mrs. H. (Ed.) The Coqualeetza Story: 1886 - 1956 in the Sto:lo Nation Archives. Uncatalogued. 5-8. 58. Edmeston, ibid., 8. 59. Interview with Mrs. Bev Julian, conducted by Jody Woods and Christie Shaw, June 10th, 1998, 6. 60. Interview with Myra Sam, conducted by Jody Woods and Christie Shaw, June 12*, 1998, 11. 61. See Higginbotham, ibid., 195. 62. Raibmon, ibid., 73-75. 63. Raibmon, ibid., 73. 64. Dominion of Canada. Annual Report of the Department of Indian Affairs for die Year Ended June 30. 1903. Sessional Paper No. 27 (Ottawa: S.E. Dawson, Printer to the King's Most Excellent Majesty, 1904) 80. Dominion of Canada. Annual Report of the Department of Indian Affairs for die Year Ended March 31. 1907. Sessional Paper No. 27 (Ottawa: S.E. Dawson, Printer to the King's Most Excellent Majesty, 1907) 79 - 80. Dominion of Canada. Annual Report of the Department of Indian Affairs for the Year Ended March 31. 1911. Sessional Paper No. 27 (Ottawa: CH. Parmelee, Printer to the King's Most Excellent Majesty, 1911) 14. Dominion of Canada. Annual Report of die Department of Indian Affairs for the Year Ended March 31. 1913. Sessional Paper No. 27 (Ottawa: CH. Parmelee, Printer to die King's Most Excellent Majesty, 1913) 14. 65. Interview with Mrs. Myra Sam, ibid., 2. 66. From a series of informal, unrecorded interviews with a Sto:lo person. June, 1998. 67. Two of four interviewees who engaged in formal interviews consented to having their interviews recorded. One interviewee met with me on three separate occasions for informal 'walking tour interviews'. He wished not to be recorded. 68. Appendix II, an aerial photograph of the site circa 1946 is from the Chilliwack Archives. W.S.Barclay Fonds. Box 859. Appendix IV is a 1996 site plan produced by the Sto:lo Nation which is currently given out to the public. 69. Interview with Myra Sam, ibid, 28. 70. Interview with a female Sto:lo elder, conducted by Jody Woods and Christie Shaw, June 4*, 1998. 71. Willis, ibid., 37-38. 72. Interview with a female Sto:lo elder, ibid. 73. Several photos showing children in this apparel are available at the Chilliwack Archives.' W.S. Barclay Fonds. Box 859. 74. Interview with a female Sto:lo elder, ibid. 75. Willis, ibid., 37-38. 76. \"Coqualeetza Residential School Sardis, B.C. Commencement Annual, June, 1931\". Sto:lo Nation Archives. Not catalogued. 77. Johnston, Basil H. Indian School Days (Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press, 1988)33. 78. Barman, ibid., 86. 79. The Big house is the house on Vedder Street that was formerly the school principal's and head doctor's house. 80. From a series of informal, unrecorded interviews with a Sto:lo person, ibid. 81. Behind the big house, facing Vedder Road. 82. Interview with female Sto:16 elder, ibid. 83. Interview with Myra Sam, ibid., 28. 84. Willis, ibid., 44. 85. Interview with a female Sto:lo elder, ibid. 86. Woods, ibid. 87. Interview with Myra Sam, ibid., 15-16. 88. Johnston, ibid, 28-38. 89. Squakin, Wilfred. \"Life at Coqualeetza\" in Coqualeetza Courier. March. 1958. P. 12a. Coqualeetza Archives. Box with label \"Coqualeetza Courier\". 41 90. Interview with Myra Sam, ibid., 1. 91. \"Coqualeetza Residential School Sardis, B.C. Commencement Annual, June, 1931\". From Sto:lo Nation Archives. Not catalogued. 92. Nock, David A. \"The Social Effects of Missionary Education: A Victorian Case Study\" in R. W. Nelsen and D.A. Nock, eds., Reading, writing, and Riches: Education and the Socio-Economic Order in North America Toronto and Kitchener: Between-the-Lines, 1978) 236. 93. Interview with a female Sto:lo elder, ibid. 94. Interview with Myra Sam, ibid., 4. 95. Ferrier, ibid., 26. 96. Ferrier, ibid., 26 - 28. 98. \"Coqualeetza Residential school Sardis, B.C. Commencment Annual, June, 1931\". 29 -32. Sto:lo Nation Archives. Not catalogued. 98. Interview with Myra Sam, ibid., 1. 99. Interview with Myra Sam, Ibid., 15. 101. See page 9 for a discussion of this point. 101. Interview with Bev Julian^ ibid., 16. v 102. \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 Interview with Bev Julian, ibid., 17. 103. Furniss, ibid., 22. 104. Guss, ibid., 92. 106. Halfe, Louise B. \"Retiirning\" in Jaine, ibid. 95 - 97. 107. Interview with Bev Julian, ibid., 9. 107. Johnston, ibid., 32- 33. 108. Willis, ibid., 46. 109. Sterling, ibid., 12. 110. Willis, ibid., 45. 111. Haig-Brown, ibid., 19. 113. Sutherland, ibid., 81, 88, 90. 113. Interview with Bev Julian ibid., 6. 114. Acoose in Jaine, ibid., 5. 115. Acoose, ibid., 6. 116. Haig-Brown, ibid., 21. 117. Carlson, ibid., 1997, 102. 118. 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Aboriginal People and Politics: the Indian Land Question in British Columbia. 1849-1989. Vancouver: UBC Press, 1990. Wherret, George. The Miracle of Empty Beds: A History of Tuberculosis in Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1977. Unidentified Sto:lo person. Unrecorded interviews conducted June, 1998. Willis [now Pachano], Jane. Geniesh: An Indian Girlhood. Toronto: New Press, 1974. Woods, Jody. \"Sto:lo Nation Site Tour Source Book.\" July, 1998. \"Coqualeetza Residential School Sardis, B.C. Commencement Annual, June, 1931.\" Sto:lo Nation . Archives. Not catalogued. 46 "@en . "Thesis/Dissertation"@en . "Coqualeetza Indian Tuberculosis Hospital (Sardis, B.C.)"@en . "1998-11"@en . "10.14288/1.0088662"@en . "eng"@en . "History"@en . "Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library"@en . "University of British Columbia"@en . "For non-commercial purposes only, such as research, private study and education. Additional conditions apply, see Terms of Use https://open.library.ubc.ca/terms_of_use."@en . "Graduate"@en . "I remind until I fall: an examination of space, memory and experience at the Coqualeetza Residential School and Indian hospital"@en . "Text"@en . "http://hdl.handle.net/2429/8373"@en .