"Arts, Faculty of"@en . "Music, School of"@en . "DSpace"@en . "UBCV"@en . "Myers, Gregory Arthur"@en . "2009-04-14T20:46:56Z"@en . "1994"@en . "Doctor of Philosophy - PhD"@en . "University of British Columbia"@en . "This study concerns the repertory and musical notation of the medieval Russian Kondakar. Five such documents survive from the eleventh to the thirteenth centuries and contain a mixed body of melismatic chants for the office and liturgy. All are notated in an archaic yet highly complex musical notation set in two rows above, the text: a small row of intervallic and rhythmic signs overlaid by a row of Great Hypostases. The texts are also distorted by the addition non-textual intercalations. For the first time the full collection of kondakars has become available for study and comparative analysis. The transcription of this notation remained elusive until the discovery of the kondakar\u00E2\u0080\u0099s relationship to the Byzantine Asmatikon or choir book which shares much the same repertory and melodic style with the kondakar. Further support to the Kondakar\r\nAsmatikon relationship was found with the discovery of the Kastoria 8 manuscript, an\r\nAsmatikon whose notational properties recall those of the kondakar. Through a type of\r\ncomparative analysis or \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccounterpart transcription\u00E2\u0080\u009D pioneered independently by Kenneth\r\nLevy and Constantin Floros, much has been learned about the nature of kondakarian chants\r\nand notation.\r\nThis study constitutes a rigorous application and test of their methods with the aim\r\nof expanding the repertory of the known kondakarian signs. The hymn types known as\r\ntroparia and stichoi, katavasiai, and hypakoai have been drawn from the Forefeast,\r\nChristmas, and Epiphany liturgical cycles and subjected to extensive analyses with the aim\r\nof expanding the known repertory of kondakarian signs. The chants are presented and\r\nstudied within the context of the liturgical cycle and subjected to analyses on different\r\nstructural levels. The study also takes into consideration historical factors and the role of\r\nthe liturgical ordines in use in Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 in the Kievan period.\r\nThe result has been an affirmation of the method\u00E2\u0080\u0099s effectiveness, an increased\r\nrepertory of known kondakarian signs, and an advancement in our own knowledge of the\r\nkondakarian system. Fifteen melodic formula-complexes have been identified within the\r\ncontexts of the chants analyzed. These are presented in a statistical concordance whose aim\r\nis to summarise by formula the cyclic and inter-hymnodic relationships among theses\r\nhymns. In light of this new knowledge and expanded notational vocabulary, we may now\r\nturn to that kondakarian repertory for which there is no known asmatic counterpart and\r\ntherefore no Byzantine control, i.e., the kontakia, with the hope of achieving effective\r\nmusical reconstructions of this vast chant body. Moreover, this study has served to\r\nillustrate the medieval Russian adaptors\u00E2\u0080\u0099 assimilation and mastery of the centonate\r\nprocedure of chant construction and their degree of musical literacy, which was developed\r\nto satisfy specific musical and liturgical needs in the rarefied cultural atmosphere of Kievan\r\nRus\u00E2\u0080\u0099."@en . "https://circle.library.ubc.ca/rest/handle/2429/7063?expand=metadata"@en . "7212260 bytes"@en . "application/pdf"@en . "THE ASMATIC TROPARIA, KATAVASIAI, AND HYPAKOAI\u00E2\u0080\u009CCYCLES\u00E2\u0080\u009D IN THEIR PALEOSLAVONIC RECENSIONS;A STUDY IN COMPARATIVE PALEOGRAPHY.byGREGORY ARTHUR MYERSB.Mus., The University of British Columbia, 1982M.A., The University of Virginia, 1986A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OFTHE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OFDOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY(MUSICOLOGY)illTHE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES(School of Music)We accept this as conformingto the required standardTHE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIAMarch 1994\u00C2\u00A9 Gregory Arthur MyersIn presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanceddegree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make itfreely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensivecopying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of mydepartment or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying orpublication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my writtenpermission.(Signature)Department of / (J 5 ic\u00E2\u0080\u0099The University of British ColumbiaVancouver, CanadaDate Jc-\u00E2\u0080\u0099 ,\u00E2\u0080\u0098j , 2 / \u00E2\u0080\u0098DE-6 (2188)IIABSTRACTThis study concerns the repertory and musical notation of the medieval RussianKondakar. Five such documents survive from the eleventh to the thirteenth centuries andcontain a mixed body of melismatic chants for the office and liturgy. All are notated in anarchaic yet highly complex musical notation set in two rows above, the text: a small row ofintervallic and rhythmic signs overlaid by a row of Great Hypostases. The texts are alsodistorted by the addition non-textual intercalations. For the first time the full collection ofkondakars has become available for study and comparative analysis.The transcription of this notation remained elusive until the discovery of thekondakar\u00E2\u0080\u0099s relationship to the Byzantine Asmatikon or choir book which shares much thesame repertory and melodic style with the kondakar. Further support to the KondakarAsmatikon relationship was found with the discovery of the Kastoria 8 manuscript, anAsmatikon whose notational properties recall those of the kondakar. Through a type ofcomparative analysis or \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccounterpart transcription\u00E2\u0080\u009D pioneered independently by KennethLevy and Constantin Floros, much has been learned about the nature of kondakarian chantsand notation.This study constitutes a rigorous application and test of their methods with the aimof expanding the repertory of the known kondakarian signs. The hymn types known astroparia and stichoi, katavasiai, and hypakoai have been drawn from the Forefeast,Christmas, and Epiphany liturgical cycles and subjected to extensive analyses with the aimof expanding the known repertory of kondakarian signs. The chants are presented andstudied within the context of the liturgical cycle and subjected to analyses on differentstructural levels. The study also takes into consideration historical factors and the role ofthe liturgical ordines in use in Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 in the Kievan period.The result has been an affirmation of the method\u00E2\u0080\u0099s effectiveness, an increasedrepertory of known kondakarian signs, and an advancement in our own knowledge of thekondakarian system. Fifteen melodic formula-complexes have been identified within thecontexts of the chants analyzed. These are presented in a statistical concordance whose aimis to summarise by formula the cyclic and inter-hymnodic relationships among theseshymns.IIIIn light of this new knowledge and expanded notational vocabulary, we may nowturn to that kondakarian repertory for which there is no known asmatic counterpart andtherefore no Byzantine control, i.e., the kontakia, with the hope of achieving effectivemusical reconstructions of this vast chant body. Moreover, this study has served toillustrate the medieval Russian adaptors\u00E2\u0080\u0099 assimilation and mastery of the centonateprocedure of chant construction and their degree of musical literacy, which was developedto satisfy specific musical and liturgical needs in the rarefied cultural atmosphere of KievanRus\u00E2\u0080\u0099.ivTABLE OF CONTENTSPageAbctiiTable of Contents I vList of Figures viiSigla viiiAcknowledgements xChapter One : INTRODUCTION 1Chapter Two: Background to the Period 5The Cultural and Political Climate of Kievan Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099;Cultural Development in Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099: The Music 1 1Chapter Three: The Musical Traditionof the Paleoslavonic Kondakar 16Toward a Definition of Kondakarnoie Pienie 16Chapter Four: The Sources 21A. The Paleoslavonic Sources 21Tipografsky Ustav 23Blagoveshchensky Kondakar 26LavrskyKondakar 29Uspensky Kondakar 31Sinodalny Kondakar 33B. The Greek Sources: Asmatika 35Grottaferrata Gamma-gamma I 37Vaticanus graecus 1606 38Kastoria 8 39Chapter Five: The Medieval Typikon and the LiturgicalPosition of the Genres;Liturgical Traditions in Medieval Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 41The Definition of the Genres Troparion,Hypakoe and Katavasia, andTheir Position AngkTiln 47Chapter Six: The Notational Systems and ChantConstruction; 53The Byantine and Paleoslavonic MusicalNotational Systems Compared 56VPageChapter Seven: The Method of CounterpartTranscription; 79Transcription and Analyses:The Comparable Hymns 821 and 3. The Katavasia for the High Feastof the Archangel Michael;The First Troparion for Christmas 852. The Hypakoai for the Forefeast of Christmas 93A. The Feast of the Forefathers 93B. The Three Children in the Fiery Furnace 101The Cycle of Great Troparia for Christmas,the Katavasiai, and Stichoi 1 104. The First Katavasia for Christmas 1 105. The Second Katavasia for Christmas 1206. The Katavasia for Epiphany 1287. The Second Troparion for Christmas 137The Stichoi 1438. The First Troparion for Epiphany 151The Stichoi 1559. The Second Troparion for Epiphany 161Summary of Analyses 166Chapter Eight: Summary Reclassification ofKondakarian Great Hypostases 167Statistical Concordance of Identified Melodic Formulae 169Chapter Nine: Conclusions 188Sources and Bibliography 194Selected Terminology 207Translations of Hymn Texts 212Appendices: I. The Lavra-gamma 67 (Ly67) Neume-Catalogue 217II, III, IV. Tables of Cheironomic GesturesExtracted from Codex A899 218-220V. The Koukouzelean Didactic Song of Manuscript St. Blasien 221-222VI. The Transcription of the Koukouzelean Didactic Songfrom Codex A2444 223-224Chant Transcriptions 225Chants 1 and 3: The Katavasia/Hypakoe for the High Feastof the Archangel Michael;The First Troparion for Christmas 226Chant 2: The Hypakoai for the Forefeast of Christmas:A. The Feast of the Holy Fathers 236B. The Three Children in the Fiery Furnace 248Chant 4: The First Katavasia for Christmas 256Chant 5: The Second Katavasia for Christmas 270Chant 6: The Katavasia for Epiphany 280Chant 7: The Second Tropanon for Christmas 295viChant 8: The First Troparion for Epiphany 303Chant 9: The Second Troparion for Epiphany 308VIILIST OF FIGURESPageFigure I: Map of the KievanSte.6Figure II: Chronological List of Byzantine Emperors and Russian Grand Princes, 842-1183 9Figure III: The Uspensky Kondakar, f. 204r, showing the 1207 colophon 35Figure IV: Schema of the Kanon with its Inserted Hymn Forms 5 1Figure V: Supplement to Chapter I; List of Kievan Metropolitans, 988-1305 214VIIISIGLAActa- Acta Musicoloica.Ban-Sof. - Library of the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences.BBGG - Bolletina della Badia reca di Grottaferrata.DOP - Dumbarton Oaks Papers.DOS - Dumbarton Oaks Studies.GBL - Tocyapcrermai B116.uHoTeKa nea .JIeHima (Moscow State LeninLibrary).GIM - Focyapcmemur HcTopwecK1 My3e (Moscow State Historical Museum).GPB - Tocyapcmemiasi Hy6inIrEmsi EH6JnIoreKa (Saltykov-Shchedrin StatePublic Library, St. Petersburg).JAMS - Journal of the American Musicological Society.MAEO - Musica Antigua Europae Orientalis, Bydgoszcz, Poland.MdO III, IV- Musik des Ostens III and IVMateos I & II - Le Typicon de la Grande Eglise, Volumes I and II, OCA 165 &166.NBKM - National Library of Cyril and Methodius, Sofia, BulgariaNik I & II- The Nikonian Chronicle, Serge Zenkovsky, ed.MMB- Monumenta Musicae Byzantinae.NG- The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians.OCA - OrientaliaChristianaAnalecta.OCP - Orientalia Christiana Periodica.PSRL - flomoe Co6pajiie Pycciuix .1Ieromice. (The Complete Collection of RussianChronicles.)PSRT - llepBoHatanim o-Pyccxii\u00C3\u00B1 TirrnucoH.(The First Slavo-RussianTypikon.)PVL - HoBecm BpeMeJImIx JIeT (The Tale of Bygone Years or The Russian PrimaryChronjcic).RRM - Fedotov, George. The Russian Religious Mind I and II.SEC - Studies in Eastern Chant.SEEJ - Slavonic and East European Journal.SEER - Slavonic and East European Review.TsGADA - Uewrpammi ro cmemui Apxni )JpeniiHx AKT0B (MoscowCentral State Archive ofAncient Acts).TsIAM - Library and Archives of the Bulgarian Theological Academy.ixxACKNOWLEDGEMENTSI would like to express a debt of thanks to the staff of Dumbarton Oaks where Ienjoyed a Fellowship in the Summer of 1987. Thanks are also due to Doris Bradbury andthe AUCC Canada/USSR Academic Exchange for giving me the opportunity to work at theMoscow State Conservatoiy during the Fall and Spring of 1990 and 1991, as well as to thestaff of the Ivan Dujcev Centre of Slavo-Byzantine Studies in Sofia, Bulgaria, where Icontinued my research in May of 1991.I would also like to acknowledge Professors Tatiana Vladyshevskaia of theMoscow State Conservatory, and Svetlana Kravchenko of the Gnessin Institute of MusicPedagogy in Moscow for their help during my Moscow stay, and Professors ElenaToncheva and Bozhidar Karastoianov of the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences in Sofia fortheir advice and encouragement.I am grateful to the U.B.C. Graduate Fellowship committee for the two years offellowships, 1989-90 and 1990-91, which helped cover the costs of my education. Iexpress a particular debt of gratitude to Professor J. Evan Kreider and the U.B.C. musicfaculty for enabling me to continue my work on this unusual subject under a difficult set ofcircumstances.A very special thanks goes to Professor Milos Velimirovic of the University ofVirginia, who guided this study, for his unfailing support, and for introducing me to thistopic so many years ago.Last but not least, I would like to thank my wife, Anna Levy, for herencouragement and inestimable help in the libraries and archives of Moscow and Sofia, andmy parents for their many years of forbearance.1CHAPTER ONEINTRODUCTIONThe Western researcher has always faced many difficulties when studying thehistory of Slavic musical culture. Historically, the source of these problems was theSlavic antipathy to foreign cultural influences; the Slays always tried to keep these elementsout, resisting first Hellenization then Westemisation. Although this isolation enabled themto nurture their own culture, it also kept them outside the mainstream of Westerndevelopment and deprived them of the benefits of Classical enlightenment. Researchershave consequently faced impregnable cultural barriers, inaccessible primary material, andproblems in presenting this foreign material to Western readers.This study examines the development of Russian musical culture at the time of thereception of Christianity by Russia. Specifically, it deals with the kondakar, a type ofmedieval Russian musical-liturgical manuscript which appeared shortly after the conversionof the Russian people. Only five of these manuscripts survive. Recently, and for the firsttime, all have become available for research and comparative study. The five inchronological order are: (1) the Tipografsky Ustav (TU--eleventh century, StateTretiakov Gallery, Moscow, MS K5349); (2) the Blagoveshchensky Kondakar (BK-twelfth century, Saltykov-Shchedrin State Public Library, St. Petersburg, MS Q.n.I. 22);(3) the Lavrsky Kondakar (LK--late twelfth century, State Lenin Library, Moscow, MSTr. Serg. No. 23); (4) the Uspensky Kondakar (UK--dated 1207, State HistoricalMuseum, Moscow, MS Usp,. 9); (5) the Sinodalny Kondakar (SK--mid-thirteenthcentury, State Historical Museum, Moscow, MS Sin. Tip. No. 777).1 The centralthrust of this project is concerned with the stability of the musical tradition preserved inthese manuscripts, the problems presented by its highly complex notation, and questionsconcerning its decipherment.In this study, the method of analysis and presentation builds on the pioneering1M. Velimirovic, \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Present Status Research in Slavic Music Music,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Acta MusicologicaXLIV (1972), pp. 262-264.2work of Kenneth Levy and Constantin Floros,2 and constitutes a rigorous application andtest of their transcription theories. Entire chants are presented, examined and placed intheir historico-liturgical framework to determine the manner of performance. Lessemphasis is placed on the meanings of the individual signs and more on how the melodicformulae are combined to create the complex structures of a given chant\u00E2\u0080\u0099s melodic fabric.The basis of the discussion is the comparison of the Paleoslavonic Kondakarianrepertory with its Byzantine counterpart. It is only through a comparison of this newly-acquired material with the corresponding Byzantine repertory that the stability of themusical tradition can be determined. The Troparia and the corresponding Stichoi or verses,the Hypakoai (Responds), and the Katavasiai (hymns of descent) for four feasts have beenselected from the elaborate Eastern Church calendar. These chants are an ideal choice; theyare organised in both a liturgical and musical cycle, are of substantial length, and in the caseof the verses, offer contrasting musical styles.The relationship of the Paleoslavonic Kondakar with the Middle ByzantineAsmatikon or choir book was acknowledged by Professors Floros and Levy, the latterclaiming that:the way to a partial solution is finally opened. Ideally the unknown Slavic neumeswould be tabulated against the known signs of the corresponding Greek melodyand the equivalent notational and musical values read off. In practice the process iscomplicated by two fundamental problems. One is that the two melodic traditionshave separated...melodies have drifted apart... A second obstacle to deciphermentlies in the nature of the notation itself...this notation was not intended as a completerecord of the music it represents. Its purpose was to identify characteristic featuresfor the singer who then supplied the rest by memory. The Slavic notationmaintained this uncompromising attitude because of the continuing vigor of the oraltradition and because of the special nature of the Byzantine and Slavic melodies.3There are formidable problems complicating the labelling of the specific functionsof the individual kondakarian signs. These involve: (1) the character of the Slavic2Kenneth Levy, \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Slavic Kontakia and their Byzantine Originals, \u00E2\u0080\u009CTwenty-Fifth AnniversaryFestschnft (1937-1962), Department of Music, Queens College (Flushing, New York, 1964), Pp. 79-87;\u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Byzantine Communion Cycle and its Slavic Counterpart,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Actes du Congr\u00C3\u00A8s Internationale d\u00E2\u0080\u0099EtudesByzantines. II. Ochride, 1961 (Belgrade, 1963), pp. 571-574; \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Earliest Slavic Melismatic Chants,\u00E2\u0080\u009DFundamental Problems of Early Slavic Music and Poetry. (MMB Subsidia, Vol. VI, Copenhagen:Munksgaard, 1978), pp. 197-210; Constantin Floros, \u00E2\u0080\u009CDie Entzifferung der Kondakarien-Notation,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Musikdes Ostens III (1965), PP. 7-70 and IV (1967), pp. 12-44; Universale Neumenkunde, Vols. I and II (Kassel,1970).3K. Levy, \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Earliest Slavic,\u00E2\u0080\u009D p. 2063melodies preserved in the kondakars and recorded in the notation, (2) the chants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 genesisin a long established oral tradition, and (3) the origins of the kondakarian GreatHypostases in cheironomic gestures. Our knowledge of this unique collection of chants isthus accessible only through comparative structural analysis of their transcribable Byzantinecounterparts for which we can catalogue the complete inventory of melodic formulae. Thecriteria for this type of analysis will consist of three stages or levels:(1) Internal or formulaic structural analyses:The meanings of signs within a given chant are determined by the contexts andcombinations in which they appear, both with each other and with the small interval andrhythmic signs.(2) Interlineal or external structural analyses:The correspondence of these formulae are studied as they appear in largercombinations of signs, i.e., how they represent the melodic formulae that compose a lineof chant.(3) Cyclic or \u00E2\u0080\u009CInter-hymnodic\u00E2\u0080\u009D analyses:Kondakarian chants, like their Byzantine originals, exist within liturgical orcalendanc cycles of feasts; chant cycles are often unified by a shared modality--in thisinstance Mode II Plagal or Mode VI--or melodic figuration. The best examples ofkondakarian chant cycles in which interchant correspondences are possible are those forThe High Feast of the Archangel Michael, The Forefeast of Christmas, Christmas, andEpiphany. These cycles can be expanded to include the kontakion for the given feast (forwhich there is no asmatic counterpart), and the Koinonikon or Communion chant.An exact and direct rendering of the kondakarian neumes into modern notation is,of course, impossible owing to the imprecise nature of the signs. Earlier investigationshave determined that the general formulaic or centonate construction of signs form complexpatterns which are more important than their individual meanings. Nonetheless, these donot fix pitches but rather indicate the general shape and direction of the chant melody.The deciphering of kondakarian musical notation is therefore beset with complexproblems. For instance, besides the differing cultural climates of the Greeks and Slays,local customs produce variants within a common manuscript tradition. Variants4notwithstanding, it should at least be possible to determine the contours of the melodiesshared and the general shapes of the formulae transmitted.In 1965, Professor Linos Politis discovered the Kastoria 8 Asmatikon--a uniquefourteenth-century Byzantine source employing two rows of musical notation. The lowerrow is composed of transcribable Middle Byzantine neumes, while the upper consists ofGreat Hypostases akin to those found in the kondakar. After a thorough analysis, Florosreported that a partial solution to the decipherment of kondakarian notation had beenfound.4This study also explores the possibility that the Kastoria 8 Asmatikon could be the\u00E2\u0080\u009CRosetta Stone\u00E2\u0080\u009D of kondakarian notation. It is therefore included in all the comparativeanalyses discussed below.Finally, Levy has emphasised in several studies5 that one must constantly bear inmind the continuing vitality of the oral tradition in the initial transmission of this repertory.This point remains at the forefront of any attempts at the reconstruction of KondakarnoiePienie.4Linos Politis, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cto Xetpypaa tv Kaatopu5,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Hellenika, Tome 20(1967), pp. 29-41; C. Floros, Universale Neumenkunde, (Kassel, 1970), Vol, II. pp. 265-270.5See note 2 above.5CHAPTER TWOBACKGROUND TO THE PERIOD: THE CULTURAL ANDPOLITICAL CLIMATE OF KIEVAN RUS\u00E2\u0080\u0099;BYZANTIUM AND THE SLAVS; CULTURALDEVELOPMENT-- THE MUSICThe period in Russia\u00E2\u0080\u0099s history known as Kievan or Pre-Mongol Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 was one ofunprecedented cultural development. Having been formed in the ninth century in theDnieper River basin on the Eastern European Plain, the Kievan State, owing to itsgeographical location on a major trade route along the Dnieper River to the Black Sea, sooncame into contact with the center of the civilised world--Byzantium--officially receivingfrom her at the end of the tenth century the Christian religion (see map, Figure I, below).1The historian Andreyev remarks that,Christianity in Russia was not transplanted into an uncultured soil, into awild desert, but into a powerful community, which though scattered andilliterate, had its own customs, art, and religion and which, insome sectors, had long maintained contacts with other civilisations.2According to Pritsak: \u00E2\u0080\u009CKiev emerged in the second half of the tenth century as apromising satellite of the new economic capital of the world--Constantinople.\u00E2\u0080\u009D3This wasa time of diplomatic, commercial, and cultural ties, ties which were at their closest in theeleventh century when Kiev became the cultural center of Eastern Europe.Under a series of enlightened princes--the so-called Riurikid Dynasty--and startingwith the Grand Prince Vladimir Sviatoslavich (\u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Great\u00E2\u0080\u009D), Kiev received fromByzantium not only diplomats and tradesmen but also architects, artists, translators, andskilled musicians.iN. D. Uspensky, \u00E2\u0080\u009CBH3a\u00E2\u0080\u0099rcKoe HenKe B KJIeBcof Pyci,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Akten des IX InternationalenByzantinisehen Kongresses, MUnchen, 1958, (Munich, 1960), p. 643.2Nikolay Andreyev, \u00E2\u0080\u009CPagan and Christian Elements in Old Russia,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Studies in Muscovy; WesternInfluence and Byzantine Inheritance, (London: Vanorum Reprints, 1970), p. 8.3Omeljan Pritsak, The Origin of Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099. Volume 1: Old Scandinavian Sources other than the Sagas,(Cambridge, Mass: Harvard Institute of Ukrainian Studies, 1981), p. 31.6Figure 144From: Robert Wallace. Rise of Russia. Great Ages of Man; A I-Iistory of the World\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Cultures.Alexandria, Virginia Time-Life Books, 1967, p. 19).7The surviving chronicles, for example, recall that Vladimir invited from \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe Greeks\u00E2\u0080\u009Dbuilders who constructed his \u00E2\u0080\u009CChurch of the Tithe\u00E2\u0080\u009D and the \u00E2\u0080\u009CStone Palace.\u00E2\u0080\u009D5In 1037 his son Iaroslav \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe Wise\u00E2\u0080\u009D of Novgorod, became the Grand Prince ofKiev. Under him, Kiev saw the artival of artists who adorned the interior of the GreatCathedral of St. Sophia with frescoes; this church stood, like its namesake inConstantinople, at the center of the city. More importantly, Iaroslav imposed Novgorod\u00E2\u0080\u0099slegal system (\u00E2\u0080\u009CPravda Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099skaia\u00E2\u0080\u009D)6on the Kievan state. In doing so, he succeeded intransforming Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 into a territorial community by uniting the city-states of Kiev,Chernigov, and Pereiaslavl under one legal jurisdiction. This was a bold political act whichresulted in a veritable cultural revolution. He also adopted the Cyrillic alphabet and the OldChurch Slavonic language as his nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009Clingua franca\u00E2\u0080\u009D, ensuring that Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 was able toinherit the Slavonic literary tradition established earlier by the Danube Bulgarians.7Iaroslav revived the cult of Boris and Gleb, princes who were martyred in 1015 bytheir older brother Sviatopolk. They were later canonised and inducted into thechurch calendar by the Bulgarian-born Metropolitan Ioann.8 The commemorationof these first Russian martyrs became the new feast of the Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 land and wascelebrated with great solenmity.9 In the years 1072 and 1115 respectively, on thedates of the transfer of their relics \u00E2\u0080\u009Call-national manifestations occurred,\u00E2\u0080\u009Dl\u00C2\u00B0 resultingin the first publication of \u00E2\u0080\u009Cspecially compiled redactions of original collections of5For this entiy, see: Kiprian Mitropolit i Makarii Mitropolit i Dr., CTeuerraa.a [tapcKaroPoo\u00C3\u00A7JIoBwsJ, conepxauasi HcTopmo PoccHcKy1o ConmeHHa5i TpyrtaHpeocnsuiteBm,Ix Mrrpouojnrro 1775, tlacm 1 (Moscow, 1775), CTeneu HepBi, rn 45, p.147.6D. Obolensky, The Byzantine Commonwealth; Eastern Europe. 500-1453, (London: Weidenfeldand Nicolson, 1971), p. 319. The earliest version of this legal code was compiled in the eleventh century.7lbid., p. 32.8See the list of the twenty-four metropolitans from the tenth to the thirteenth centuries in theAppendix. It is interesting to note that of the total, only two, Hilarion and Klim, were Russians. Of theothers, at least seventeen were Greek, the remainder, Bulgarian.Furthermore, S. Zenkovsky, in the introduction to Volume 1 of his English translation of theNikonian Chronicle (3 vols., Princeton: the Kingston Press, Inc., 1984, pp. LX-LXIII), points out that theearliest Russian Church was under a Bulgarian and not a Constantinopolitan bishopric.9The principal date commemorating Sts. Boris and Gleb, according to the liturgical calendar, is 24July. But a total of six times a year are reserved for their veneration. (Pritsak, 2P \u00C3\u00A7j., p. 32).100. Pritsak, The Origin, p. 34.8annals made at ...the Kiev Monastery of the Caves,\u00E2\u0080\u009D the new intellectual center ofEastern Europe.\u00E2\u0080\u00991Iaroslav divided Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 into appanages distributed among his five sons, but with hisdeath in 1054, the principalities of Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 gradually lost political unity, which, in the twelfthcentury, resulted in three separate political centers that paid only nominal homage to Kiev:(1) the Grand Principality of Kiev; (2)the North-Eastern Principality of Suzdal; and(3) theSouth-Western Principality of Galicia, what is now Ukraine.12 North-Eastern Russiaemerged as the strongest ally of Byzantium, and the Suzdalian princes were the forebearsof the grand princes of Muscovy, which became the political and cultural center of Russiain the fourteenth century (see Figure II, below, for a chronological list of Byzantine rulersand Kievan heads of state.)1 iLoc cit., p. 34.12j0Meyendorff, Byzantium and the Rise of Russia, (New York: Cambridge University Press,1981), p. 7.9John 1(969-976)Basil 11(976-1025)Romanus III (1028-34)Michael IV(1034- 1041)Constantine IX Monomachus(1042-1055)Isaac 1(1057-1059)Alexius I (1081-1118)John 11(1118-1143)l3The list of Byzantine rulers and Russian Grand Princes and Princesses were drawn from GeorgeOstrogorsky, History of the Byzantine State, (trans. Joan Hussey, Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1968), pp. 578-579; and An Encyclopedia of World History. (William L. Langer, ed., Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co.,1968), pp. 194, 260, 270, 341.Figure IIA chronological list of Byzantine Emperors and Russian Nobility (842-1222)13Byzantium RussiaMichael 111(842-867) Rurik (862-879)Basil 1(867-886) Oleg (879-912)Leo VI (886-912) Igor (913-945)Constantine VII (945-959) Olga (945-961)Romanus 11(959-963) Sviatoslav I (962-972)Nicephorus 11(963-969) laropolk I the Accursed(973-980)Vladimir the Great (980-1015)Sviatopolk (1015-19)Iaroslav the Wise (1019-54)Iziaslav I (1054-1078)Vsevolod I (1078-1093)Sviatopolk 11(1093-1113)Vladimir Monomach(1113-25)Mstislav 1(1125-1132)laropolk 11(1132-1139)Iziaslav 11(1146-1154)luri Dolgoruki (1154-1157)Manuell(1143-1180)Manuel 1(1143-1180) Andrei Bogoliubsky(1157-74)Michael (1175-1176)Alexius 11(1180-1183)Andronicus 1(1183-1185) Vsevolod III \u00E2\u0080\u009CGreat Nest\u00E2\u0080\u009D(1176-1212)Isaac II (1185-1195)(1203-1204)Alexius III (1195-1203)Alexius IV (1203-1204)Theodore I Lascaris (1206-1222)1011After Vladimir Monomach (1113-1128), Iaroslav\u00E2\u0080\u0099s grandson, new centersdeveloped which gradually overshadowed Kiev. Further difficulties beset Kiev when in1169, Prince Andrei Bogoliubsky of Rostov-Suzdal sacked the city and transferred the seatof the Grand Prince to the city of Vladimir. This act resulted in the emancipation of theSouth-Western principalities of Galicia and Volynia.l4Concurrent with these events, the twelfth century also witnessed the rise of theRepublic of Novgorod \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe Great\u00E2\u0080\u009D, with its strong Western political and economic ties. Asa close neighbour of the Scandinavian lands and the Baltic states, and as a member of theHanseatic League, she enjoyed a protracted period of prosperity and independence until herannexation to the Moscow State in the fifteenth century.In the twelfth century, crucial economic ties with Byzantium were graduallyloosened; those ties were effectively severed in the thirteenth century when both lands wereoccupied by foreigners: the Latin crusaders in Constantinople (1204) and the Tatars inRussia (1237-1240). Because of their geographic locations, Novgorod and Galich werethe only centers spared the devastation of the Mongol invasions which began in 1237 whenthe first of the medieval Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 cities, Riazan, fell to their war machine. After Kiev wasdestroyed by the armies of Batu Khan in 1240, all of Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 came under the Tatar yoke.Nevertheless, in spite of the drastically changed condition of the land, unity was maintainedby the Orthodox Church, whose representative was still the Metropolitan of Kiev appointedby the Patriarch in Byzantium.\u00E2\u0080\u00995Yet in summing up that remarkable period from the official adoption of Christianityin the ninth/tenth centuries to the fall of the Kievan state in the thirteenth century, Andreyevobserves that,Indisputably, Byzantine influence after the introduction of Christianitygave both form and content to Russian culture, but the pagan foundationacted as a counterbalance which prevented the full unquestioningabsorption of the Byzantine heritage.\u00E2\u0080\u00996I 4j Meyendorff, Byzantium and the Rise., p. 16.\u00E2\u0080\u00985iPi4.p. 17.16N. Andreyev,. cit., p. 19.12Cultural Development in Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099--The MusicThe cultural climate ofmedieval Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 during the eleventh to thirteenth centuries--roughly that period from the official Christianisation at the end of the tenth century to theMongol invasions of 1 237--fostered the development of a complex and rich musical styleand notation, remnants of which are found in the kondakar. Byzantium knew how tomaintain cultural pluralism; the Slays received Christianity in their own language andpreexisting Slavic translations from the Moravian and Bulgarian mission of Saints Cyriland Methodius were brought to Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099. The seamless union of text and musical notationevidenced in the surviving manuscripts strongly supports the hypothesis that while Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099received Christianity with its rich ceremonial and liturgical books from Byzantium, shereceived it in toto through the intermediary of the South Slays, particulary through theMacedonians and Bulgarians. Indeed, according to Shchapov, the basic mass of Slavictranslations from the Greek, known in Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099, was the result of the work of these Slavicenlighteners and their disciples.\u00E2\u0080\u00997The bulk of these were made in Bulgaria under TsarSymeon, and translations from the Greek in Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 were organised by Iaroslav who\u00E2\u0080\u009Cassembled many scribes who translated many books from Greek in the Slav language\u00E2\u0080\u009D(1037).18As attested by surviving documents, Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 maintained a compliance in her liturgicaltexts and customs with those of Constantinople. Included among those books translatedwere musical manuscripts which recorded, in their oldest forms, the melodies to which thesacred texts were sung. An examination of the oldest surviving Paleoslavonic documentsreveals the remarkable process of adaptation and assimilation that occurred in this earlyperiod. Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099, however, after the Mongol invasions of the thirteenth century and thesubsequent disappearance of the kondakars,19 evolved its own indigenous musical7laroslav Shchapov, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ocyljal,cr\u00E2\u0080\u0099Bo t Tjepo B jipeBuen Pycn, X-XHI BB, (Moscow: HayKa,1989), pp. 176-177.l8The Nikonian Chronicle I (S. Zenkovsky ed., Princeton, N. J.: the Kingston Press, 1984), p.142; and, The Russian Primary Chronicle, (trans. S. Cross and H. Sherbowitz-Wetzor, Cambridge, Mass,1953), p. 137.l9Although the kondakars disappeared, manuscript types like the Heirmologion and Sticherarioncontinued to be copied. These contained a type of archaic notation known as Coislin (see below), reservedfor settings in a more or less syllabic melodic style. It is in these sources that the transition to theZnamenny musical tradition is evident.13system--the Znamenny chant\u00E2\u0080\u0094which may or may not have coexisted as an orallytransmitted musical tradition from pre-Christian times. Curiously, what emerged laterseems to have had no connection with Kondakarnoie Pieme.What was the state of Byzantine Chant at the time of its reception in Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099?According to Velimirovic, this music,the Byzantine Chant, was moulded according to the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmelody of speech\u00E2\u0080\u009Dof the Greek language, expressing the stresses and modulations of thevoice while enunciating the text. One of the first concerns in the processof the Christianisation of the Slays was to obtain the correct interpretation of thetext, so that the worship of the Slays could follow the same pattern as practised bythe Greeks.20Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 regarded the musical notation in which the Byzantine chant was written to be assacred as the texts themselves, faithfully copying the archaic signs in the same form forover two centuries after their reception, while in Byzantium itself, the system of musicalnotation was continually evolving.2\u00E2\u0080\u0099Once again, Velimirovic provides us with some basic points concerning its nature:(a) The oldest known manuscripts with the Byzantine chant datefrom about 950 A.D. If the Slavic Apostles [Sts. Cyril and Methodius]were instrumental in communicating to the Slays any musical aspects ofthe services, this was achieved in a purely oral tradition.(b) From about the middle of the tenth century, until the second half of thetwelfth there were two basic systems of signs--neumes--in use in Byzantium formusical notation. These oldest layers of Byzantine neumatic notation haveremained illegible to this day. The meaning of this notation can only be inferred incomparative studies with the help of manuscripts from later periods. Transcriptionsinto modern notation are possible from the end of the twelfth century onwards.(c) The whole body of chant is, as far as its musical organisation isconcerned, transmitted in eight so-called Modes (echoi).(d) Byzantine musical manuscripts have a typology of their own. Chants forspecific functions (or of the same type) usually are gathered together...(e) Finally, one of the essential features of Byzantine musical styleis the profuse use of melodic formulae as basic structural elements in the processof composition.2220M. Velimirovic, 9\u00E2\u0080\u0099he Influence of the Byzantine Chant on the Music of the Slavic Countries,Proceedings of the XIIIth International Congress of Byzantine Studies, Oxford. 1966, (London, 1967), p.121.p. 127.22M. Velimirovic, bc. cit., pp. 119-120.14Concerning the second of the above points, the conventionally acceptedterminology for the two types of Byzantine musical notation for which we have survivingexemplars are Coislin and Chartres , named after the places where the Western collectionsof these manuscripts were first studied.23 Both types are represented in the Russianmanuscripts from this period.Uspensky has moreover determined three artistic \u00E2\u0080\u009Cstrains\u00E2\u0080\u009D of music brought to Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099from Byzantium in the early years following its Christianisation.24 The first of these hehas labelled \u00E2\u0080\u009CPro-Byzantine\u00E2\u0080\u009D and is that belonging to the episcopy--the higher ranks ofclergy, including bishops, archbishops, metropolitans, and the Patriarch himself--compiledby the Greek monks of the Kiev Monastery of the Caves, and by learned members of thearistocracy. This social stratum aspired to the mastering of the Byzantine musical tradition.To this group most likely belongs the manuscript tradition of the kondakars. The secondgroup Uspensky characterises as the more moderate, including the majority of ordinaryRussian clergy, who worked liturgically more or less independently of the cathedral ornoble court.They accepted the Greek liturgical texts of the chants and the eight-modalsystem as the general compositional basis of the linear construction of the texts andmelodies, and also the notation, but they did not confine the creative possibilities tothe mastering of only the prepared Byzantine melodies.25Uspensky characterises the third strain as the antipode of the first. To this group,belongs the minority of Russian clerics who by the virtue of rigorousattachment to the grey-haired days of yore of their forefathers or by thevirtue of insufficient preparation for the mastering of Byzantine musicalculture--restricted the acceptance of it only to the very necessary, namely theliturgical texts, without which the services themselves would have beeninconceivable.26To this latter classification belongs the large collection of unnotated sources.27 \u00E2\u0080\u009CHere thesinging was rendered according to the personal artistic tastes of the singers and theirp. 125.24N. D. Uspensky, \u00E2\u0080\u009CBn3awrancKoe,\u00E2\u0080\u009D p. 653.25N. D. Uspensky, be. cit., p. 653.26N. D. Uspensky, bc. cit., pp. 653-654.27These are the so-cailed \u00E2\u0080\u009CPutiaty Menaia\u00E2\u0080\u009D, which comprise the central collection of annotatedliturgical manuscripts.15creative intuition.\u00E2\u0080\u009D28 It is the first of Uspensky\u00E2\u0080\u0099s musical \u00E2\u0080\u009Cstrains\u00E2\u0080\u009D, the Pro-Byzantine, thathas the greatest significance to our study, because doubtless it is for this group that thekondakars and the complex musical style were created.Regarding the musical style these notations recorded, melismatic and syllabictraditions coexisted in this early period and could have been two aspects of the same idea.As the former fell into disuse, the latter emerged in the monastic setting as the dominantmusical style of the new Znamenny tradition. In the century that followed the Mongoldevastation of Southern Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099, with the subsequent migration into the wilds of NorthernRussia and the founding in the fifteenth century of monastic communities in, for example,Beloozero or Perm, the musical tradition evolved almost imperceptibly from a Byzantine\u00E2\u0080\u009Cmelos\u00E2\u0080\u009D to a Znamenny one, while adapting the musical notation to the emergent musicalstyle.Is Kondakarnoie Pienie a derived tradition or an original phenomenon, a product ofa unique set of cultural circumstances? Two possible hypotheses as to its origins should beconsidered in turn. Firstly, it is conceivable that the Slays, especially those in Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099, had adistinct musical tradition, originally derived from, but in function and practice independentfrom Greek-speaking Byzantium. It is notable, for example, that at least one contemporaryPaleo-Bulgarian musical manuscript with notation survives from the thirteenth century, theZografskii Trifo1o.29Although only a small portion is notated, it may be sufficient for acomparative analysis with the medieval Russian sources. It is perhaps a coincidence thatthe curious hypostases found in the few notated lines resemble some of those found in theBlagoveshchensky Kondakar\u00E2\u0080\u0099s troparia to the Archangel Michael.This evidence then suggests that one should search for a Paleoslavonic rather thanPaleobyzantine archetype for the kondakar, perhaps one that was engineered on SouthSlavic or at least Southern Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 soil. It is therefore conceivable that an extinct archetypecould have been a Paleoslavonic \u00E2\u0080\u009CProto-Kondakar\u00E2\u0080\u009D rather than Greek Paleobyzantine.28N. D. Uspensky, j\u00C3\u00A7\u00C3\u00A7. cit., p. 654.29R Palikarova-Verdeil, L.a Musigue chez les Russes et les Bulgares, MMB Subsidia Vol. III,(Copenhagen: Munksgaard and Boston: Byzantine Institute, Inc., 1953), pp. 76,222,227ff; Stoian Petrovand Khristo Kodov, CTapo61m\u00E2\u0080\u0099apc Myxaam flaMeninrw, (Sofia. Bulgana HayKa H Ryc\u00E2\u0080\u0099rno1973), p. 148ff. See the comparative table of Paleobyzantine and Paleoslavonic signs reproduced fromElena Toncheva, Hpo6aeim i. CTapa\u00E2\u0080\u0099ra. &i,iirapcKa. Mrna. (Sofia, Bulgaria: HaTeiIcmo HaygaH3Kycmo, 1975), in Appendices II-IV.16Such a source could even have descended from the same common choral tradition thatfostered the Italo-GreekAsmatikon.30The only perceptible changes from such anarchetype to the surviving generation of sources would be a linguistic evolution from aSouthern to Eastern recension of the Old Church Slavonic language and the gradualdisappearance of the Great Hypostases.In sum, it is difficult to perceive the Paleoslavonic Kondakars as mere slavishcopies of Greek originals; since all surviving sources are late we can only be assured of acoexistent Greek and Slavic tradition from at least the eleventh century. There possiblycould even exist a yet-to-be-discovered Paleoslavonic source from the turn of the fourteenthcentury showing the next phase in evolution of the notation.31In opposition to this theory is the one which is more traditionally accepted andacceptable: that Kondakarnoie Pienie is Constantinople\u00E2\u0080\u0099s legacy to Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099--witness the well-documented fact that the Constantinopolitan typikon was in use simultaneously in Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099during this period along with the Alexian Studite Rule employed in the monasteries.32 Thisis further attested to by the presence of elements of the Constantinopolitan All-ChantedOffice in the \u00E2\u0080\u009CAzmatik\u00E2\u0080\u009D section of the Blagoveshchensky Kondakar (ff. 1 14a-121a) whichwill be discussed at length below.30K. Levy, 9\u00E2\u0080\u0099he Slavic Kontakia,\u00E2\u0080\u009D p. 85.3lThat such a source and notational phase could have existed is seen in the neumation of thesecond Koinonikon for the Dead, found in the UK, f. 204r. Here the row of great hypostases all but ceasesto exist.32See Chapter Five below.17CHAPTER THREETHE MUSICAL TRADITION OF THE PALEOSLAVONICKONDAKAR: TOWARD A DEFINITION OFKONDAKARNOIE PIENIE;Kondakarian musical notation is preserved in only five manuscripts which datefrom the eleventh to the thirteenth centuries.1 This system was used to notate a body ofhighly melismatic chants, the bulk of which were kontakia, hence its name. Kondakariannotation, like that of the Byzantine it does not fix the pitch of a chant melody. Moreover, itis unusual in that it comprises a complex script of two rows of neumes: a small row ofintervallic and rhythmic signs, and a row of Great Hypostases positioned above the smallsigns, which seems to record entire melodic formulae in a sort of stenographic shorthand.This archaic and enigmatic yet highly complex notational system was undoubtedly capableof recording all the subtle melodic and rhythmic nuances for which it was intended.2 Thesystem was obviously of Byzantine origins, its closest analogue being the Chartres systemof Paleobyzantine musical notation, preserved in a collection of eleventh-centurymanuscripts. Often, however, the kondakarian hypostases bear only a cursoryresemblance to the Chartres signs; furthermore, the kondakarian system is unique in that ithas neumes systematically ordered in two rows above the text.In contemporary Russian musicology the accepted definition of KondakamoiePienie is \u00E2\u0080\u009Csinging with cheironomiae\u00E2\u0080\u009D.3 In this regard the 1647 Euchologium graecorumof J. Goar includes the following description of what the practice of cheironomiae entailed:After the Kanonarches (master of the Kanon) had intoned the first verse of theTroparion from the hymn book, the Domesticos, who could be seen by all,directed the singers with the movements of his right hand and with certain gestures:raising, lowering, extending, contracting, or putting together his fingers, andinstead of the musical signs he formed the various melodic groups and theinflections of the voice in the air. And everyone watched the leader of the choirattentively and followed, as one might say, the structure of the wholecomposition.4tSee page 1 above.2This seems to contradict Levy\u00E2\u0080\u0099s hypothesis concerning the role of oral tradition in KondakarnoiePienie. The detailed aspects of the notation can, however, be taken into consideration if one regards thekondakar as the sole property of the Domesticos, who led singers trained in the oral tradition.3Yuri Keldysh, Hcwpng Pycctco MyiIKIf, Vol. 1 (Moscow: Myaia, 1990), p. 51.4The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, Vol. 4 (S. Sadie, ed. London: MacMillan& Co.), p. 195.18Among the most thorough of contemporary studies of cheironomiae is that done byConomos in his 1974 dissertation, Byzantine Trisagia and Cherubika of the Fourteenth andFifteenth Centuries.5According to Conomos, Byzantine musical manuscripts of the lateEmpire are full of such cheironomic signs which are usually written in red and situatedabove or below the black intervallic signs. These cheironomic signs are also found in theearliest Byzantine sources containing the ecphonetic notation.6 Conomos\u00E2\u0080\u0099 discussionincludes many references to late Byzantine treatises on music which refer to these signs asGreat Hypostases. Alone, these signs are voiceless and meaningless. But according to thenineteenth-century Greek music theorist and reformer, Chrysaphes, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhen tied to the majorneumes they create and broaden melody.\u00E2\u0080\u009D7 This also seems to be the origin of thekondakarian hypostases: cheironomic symbols stenographically depicting entire melodicfigures.The vast majority of the hypostases encountered in the Paleobyzantine notationalsystem disappeared with the advent of the diastematic or Middle Byzantine system ofnotation, but their functions remained \u00E2\u0080\u009Cspelled out\u00E2\u0080\u009D in small intervallic signs. This\u00E2\u0080\u009Cspelling out\u00E2\u0080\u009D is best illustrated by the Didactic Song attributed to the fourteenth-centurymaster John Koukouzeles. This is a pedagogical composition preserved in numerousByzantine and Slavic musical manuscripts from the fourteenth to the nineteenth centuries,which employs as its text the names of about sixty melodic formulae and whose functionsprovide the melody.8From a commentary by Gabriel Hieromonachos, a monk who resided in themonastery of Xanthopoulos, and as recorded in the fifteenth-century treatise on music byChrysaphes, we learn that:5Thessaloniki: The Patriarchal Institute, 1974, pp. 325-367.6\u00E2\u0080\u009DEcphonetic\u00E2\u0080\u009D or \u00E2\u0080\u009CLectionary\u00E2\u0080\u009D notation is that intended for texts which required only simplecantillation and vocal inflection, and not an elaborate musical setting. Such texts included the Epistles andGospels.7Conomos, 2P\u00E2\u0080\u00A2 ., p. 326.8Gabor Devai, \u00E2\u0080\u00989\u00E2\u0080\u0099he Musical Study of Cucuzeles in a Manuscript from Debrecen,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Acta AntiguaAcademiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Tom Ill, Facs., 1-2, (Budapest, 1955), pp. 151-179; and, \u00E2\u0080\u0098The MusicalStudy of Koukouzeles in a Fourteenth-Century Manuscript,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Act Antigua Academiae ScientiarumHungancae, Tom VI (1958), pp. 213-235; Edward V. Williams, John Koukouzeles\u00E2\u0080\u0099 Reform of ByzantineChanting for Great Vespers in the Fourteenth Century. (Doctoral Dissertation, Yale University, 1968).19In the art of chanting, the \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctheseis\u00E2\u0080\u009D are created by the said phonetic andsoundless signs which play the same role as do words in grammar.The\u00E2\u0080\u009Dcheironomiae\u00E2\u0080\u009D discriminate these and discern whether they are correct or not,for, as we have said, the signs which have a single sound each are six: one wouldplace them indifferently and not each in the appropriate position without the\u00E2\u0080\u009Ccheironomiae\u00E2\u0080\u009D which makes known to us the place for each and allocates by thehand how to create the appropriate \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctheseis\u00E2\u0080\u009D.The cheironomiae is not only useful for these reasons, but we also use itas an aid and a guide in the chants, since, just as those engaged in discussion decideto take a rest and become more inventive by moving their hand and even some theirwhole bodies, in the same way the chanters improve their chant by moving theirhand. For this and other reasons, if the \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccheironomiae\u00E2\u0080\u009D did not exist, a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpanphony\u00E2\u0080\u009Dbut not a \u00E2\u0080\u009Csymphony\u00E2\u0080\u009D would be created, for since we all use the same and not.different sounds, one [sound] would still precede and the other follow, the one saysthe \u00E2\u0080\u009Ceso\u00E2\u0080\u009D and the other the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cexo\u00E2\u0080\u009D even if the \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccheironomiae\u00E2\u0080\u009D which guides all ofthem did not exist. All of us make symphony by looking at the hand of thedomesticos, and for these reasons the \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccheironomia\u00E2\u0080\u009D is more useful to us.9The term \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctheseis\u00E2\u0080\u009D here refers to the union of signs which forms the melody. ToChrysaphes, the \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctheseis\u00E2\u0080\u009D played the same role as syllables in speech: the gatheringtogether of individual sounds into melody. This concept of \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctheseis\u00E2\u0080\u009D, however, is a lateByzantine one and we can only speculate as to whether Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 knew it in the eleventh centuryduring the formative years of Kondakarnoie Pienie.Cheironomiae and the hypostases which represent these gestures, when tied to atext, also suggest another aspect, that of the \u00E2\u0080\u009Ciconic\u00E2\u0080\u009D, i.e., the graphic or pictorial. As willbe shown in the discussion of the First Troparion of Christmas, found in two of thekondakars, one of the hypostases employed depicts a word in the text: \u00E2\u0080\u009Cstar.\u00E2\u0080\u009D The sign inquestion is identified as the Paleobyzantine Stavros apo Dexias; this identification suggestsyet another application of these signs as mnemonic devices for committing a given text tomemory.lOKondakarian musical notation may therefore be defined as a highly complex andcodified system of cheironomic gestures or symbols; the chants were transmitted andlearned through a living oral tradition brought to Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 from Byzantium by way of the SouthSlavic lands; the notation was devised and employed as a mnemonic device. The highpoint of its development seems to have been in the mid to late twelfth century, followed bya period of decline around the time of the Tatar invasions.9D. Conomos, The Treatise of Manuel Chrysaphes, The Lampadarios. (MMB, Corpus Scriptorumde Musica, Vol. 2, Vienna, 1988), p. 80.10fhe LavrskyKondakar, f. 109r.20Kondakarnoie Pienie disappeared in the second half of the thirteenth century; theapparent simplification of the notation in the later kondakars can be construed as anindication that the complex notation was evolving out of existence.11 It is, however,possible that many of the musical signs and perhaps even some of the repertory could havebeen absorbed in the emergent Demestvenny tradition of the fifteenth and sixteenthcenturies.12 We also know that Kondakarnoie Pienie, as a choral genre, was associatedwith certain poetic forms and used in an urban cathedral environment rather that inmonasteries.Although the curious paucity of sources has often puzzled scholars, there may bediscernable reasons for it. Professor Vladyshevskaia of the State Conservatory in Moscowcontends that the small number of surviving kondakaria--as the book of the Domestikos orchoir leader--is proportional to that of the other manuscript types.13 It is also notable thatindividual kondakarian chants can be found in other manuscript types containing an entirelydifferent repertory.14 Some of these even display a unique application of the notation. Afine example can be found on three folios of a twelfth-century Slavonic Sticherarionpublished by Nikishov in his article \u00E2\u0080\u009CCpanTeJrJNasi flaizeorpa4rnii KoiaKapHoroflnciia XI-XIV BeK0B\u00E2\u0080\u009D,lS in which kondakarian hypostases and intercalated text appearmidway through a Mode VIII Stichos to the first Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 Martyrs, Boris and Gleb.16The existence of such a chant has some curious implications, namely an unusualapplication of the notation and intercalations. These kondakarian \u00E2\u0080\u009Cinserts\u00E2\u0080\u009D which functionlike melismatic and notational \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctropes\u00E2\u0080\u009D are also found interspersed throughout the chants ofthe Lavrsky Kondakar. They are inserted between chant lines and are even found in the1 lCompare a setting of chant in the early Tipografsky Ustav or BlagoveshchenskyKondakar withthe version of the same chant in the later Uspensky or Sinodalny Kondakars.l2This was a highly florid chant-dialect related to the Znamenny tradition, but having its owndistinct notational system; it was not governed by the octomodal system.l3Professor Vladyshevskaia conveyed this to me in one of our weekly conversations while I wasstudying at the Moscow State Conservatory in the Fail of 1990.l4An example of an independent kondakarian chant can be found in the twelfth-century NovgorodMenaion for August, kept in the State Historical Museum, which has on ff. lr-lv the katavasia for theFeast of the Dormition of the Blessed Virgin written in kondakarian notation.l5Musica Antigua Europae Orientalis, Bydgoszcz, Poland, Actes du Congresse IV, pp. 570-572.I6Jbjd., p. 572.21margin and at the bottoms of folios. Also they are to be found on the few notated folios ofmanuscript OIDR 107, the \u00E2\u0080\u009CSixth Kondakar\u00E2\u0080\u009D (see below, next chapter), where they areplaced in a more or less syllabic musical and textual fabric as optional or alternativemelismas. These kondakarian signposts suggest that they were either the intermittentinterjections of a psalte-chorus or part of a pedagogical process in which the chanter(s)learned these melismas in \u00E2\u0080\u009Cblocks\u00E2\u0080\u009D. Further discussion will be undertaken in the specificexamples selected below.An examination of any folio of Kondakarnoie Pienie reveals chants of virtuosicproportions in spite of the choral idiom. The often-cited reference to the presence of threeGreek singers in the chronicles and in the sixteenth-century CTeuelmasl Kmira (TheBook of Degrees), if it is indeed a cursory reference to Kondakarnoie Pienie, could meanthat it was intended for a small ensemble of virtuosi, perhaps three, of either foreign orforeign-trained musicians. This could explain the small number of existing manuscripts,lack of duplicate copies, and their small format.17l7NikI, p. 151, (1051) \u00E2\u0080\u0098The same year, three Greek singers with their families came to Kiev.\u00E2\u0080\u009DSee also the CTeueImasl Knm\u00E2\u0080\u0099a,. cii. CTenen. Bropo, 6-asi. P. 244.22CHAPTER FOURTHE SOURCESA . The Paleoslavonic SourcesThe most concise and accurate description of the five kondakars is that written byBugge in his introduction to the Monumenta Musicae Byzantinae published facsimileedition of the Uspensky Kondakar.l Bugge demonstrates that in spite of a shared repertoryand general structural similarity, each of the five kondakars differs markedly from oneanother. This suggests that each represents a sub-tradition or the practice of the localchurch or cathedral for which they were written and used.The BK2 and UK are available in high-quality published facsimile editions;photographs of the TU were made available to this writer by Professor Vladyshevskaia ofthe State Conservatory in Moscow; and after considerable effort, a copy of the LK wasobtained from the State Lenin Library in Moscow.3 Only the last of the five, the SKremains locked away in the State Historical Museum in Moscow while that facility is closedindefinitely for major renovations.4It cannot be over emphasised that any analysis of Kondakarnoie Pienie will remainincomplete without access to all five sources--all are essential to establish the stability of therepertory and musical style transmitted. The kondakar must also be considered in the broadscheme of liturgical documents--how the mixed body of melismatic chants compares withthe repertories of other manuscript types, as well as how their actual use was prescribed bythe liturgical typikon.In general the kondakar contains a compendium of highly melismatic chants for theOffice and Liturgy; in its overall construction and repertory it has an affinity with the1A. Bugge, ed. Contacarium Paleo-Slavicum Mosquense, MMB, Volume VI, Main Series,(Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1960).2Bausteine zur Geschichte der Literatur bei den Slawen: Der altrussische Kondakar Auf derGrundlage des Blagovescenskij Nizegorodskij Kondakar, Tomus II: Blagovescenskij Kondakar (facsimile).(Edited by Antonin Dostal and Hans Rothe in association with Erich Trapp. Giessen: Wilhelm SchmitzVerlag, 1976); MMB VI, Main Series (Copenhagen, 1960).3 My thanks to Mr. I. Liovoshkin of the Moscow State Lenin Library for providing this copy.4A photocopy , however was generously provided by Nina Konstantinova of Copenhagen.23Byzantine Asmatikon augmented by a full complement of kontakia in the choral or asmaticstyle for the Fixed Liturgical Year, Triodion, Pentecostarion, and Oktoechos.24I. The Tipografsky Ustav (TU)Moscow State Tretiakov Gallery, No. K5349 (Tipografskoi Bibi. No. 142 or Nos.285 and 1206 with kondakar), eleventh century, parchment, 126 folios:The Tipografskii Ustav or Pskovsky Kondakar is thought to be the oldest extantmusical manuscript from Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099. This fact alone assures it of a certain three-foldsignificance: (1) it contains the oldest collection of Slavic liturgical music; (2) it probablypreserves the oldest stratum of Byzantine music in both choral and solo styles; and (3) as aliturgical typikon it is the oldest surviving exemplar of the Alexian Studite Liturgical Rulebrought to Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 and translated by the Venerable Theodosius of the Kiev Monastery of theCaves.5The TU is unique in construction and content. For each date or feast the text isprovided without notation or textual intercalations; this is thought to have a pedagogicalfunction, providing its user with the opportunity to study the text before performing it. TheTU has an economical design; of the five kondakars it is the only one to provide, like itsByzantine counterpart, the first ikos after each kontakion, without notation but with modalindication and whether the chant is an Automelon or Prosomoion. The TU shares with theBK (discussed below) sections of miscellaneous chants of a special nature in a contrastingnotational style, following the kondakar part of the manuscript. Unfortunately, much ofthe TU is unnotated and includes neither hypakoai nor koinonika.The first part of the TU is prefaced by part of a liturgical typikon based on theAlexian Studite model for the Triodion (if. lr-21r). This is followed by directions on bowto sing the Kathisma and the Pannychis (ff. 21v-24r).6The musical part of the TU has the following construction in two main divisions:5M. Lisitsyn, HepBoRaia3IIm Criano-Pyccn Timnou: HcTOPHKOApieoaormmecKoe HcrfetoBaHRe, (St. Petersburg, 1911), pp. 199-2006For definitions of these terms, please see the glossary at the end of this study.25PART AIa. The Kontakia of the Fixed Liturgical Year, ff. 24v-79r.lb. Two Miscellaneous Kontakia, ff. 92v-93v:(1) Dedication of a Church, Mode IV (f. 92v);(2) Molieben to the Theotokos, Mode VI (f. 93v).Ic. The Akathistos Hymn, ff. 59r-64r.II. The Kontakia oftheTriodion, ff. 79v-87r.III. The Kontakia of the Pentecostarion, ff. 87v-91v.IV. The Kontakia of the Oktoechos (Resurrection), 94r-96v.PART BV. The Kathismata of the Oktoechos with Pasapnoaria, ff. 97v- 11 lv.VI. The Festal Alleluiarion, ff. 11 lv- 1 17r.VII. OktoechalSticherarion, ff. 1 17v-125v. Folios 126r-126v containdamaged fragments of Resurrection Kontakia.Manuscript FeaturesEach of the kondakars contains its own unique collection of chants. As the oldest,the TU is perhaps the most interesting. Starting with the kontakia of the fixed liturgicalyear, the TU has chants for the following feasts which are not found in the other foursources:30 September, St. Gregory of Armenia; Mode VI, Prosomoion, f.3 lv.30 January, The Three Luminaries; Mode I, Automelon, f. 53v.8 February, St. Theodore Stratilates; Mode II, Prosomoion, f. 56r.6 March, The Forty-Two Martyrs; Mode Unknown, f. 57v.25 March, The Akathistos Hymn, Mode IV, ff. 59r-64r.2 June, St. Nicephorus; Mode I, Prosomoion, f. 68r.2617 July, St. Marina; Mode IV, Prosomoion, f. 72r.In the case of the Triodion, most feasts are interrupted by lacunae. For thePentecostarion the TU has a kontakion for the fourth week after Easter on f. 88r.Unfortunately, the mode is unidentifiable because of the poor condition of the folio.For the remainder of the kontakia in the TU, there are settings for the ResurrectionKontakia in all eight modes as well as for the Dedication of a Church and the Molieben orPrayer Service to the Theotokos.27II. The Blagoveshchensky Kondakar (BK)St. Petersburg (GPB) State Public Library, Saltykov Shchedrin, No. Q.n.I.32(Imperial Public Library No. 32), twelfth century, parchment, 130 folios.That the BK has immaculately written and highly stylised neumation suggests tothis writer that it was created and intended for use by a person with high social status.Circumstantial evidence also indicates that Novgorod or even Rostov Velikiy could havebeen its place of origin. Rostov Velikiy had an apparently longstanding\u00E2\u0080\u0094until the end ofthe fourteenth century--local custom of antiphonal choral singing in the cathedrals in whichone side chanted in Greek while the other responded in Slavonic.7 The chants of the BKcontain the most Byzantine elements; these include intonation formulae or epechemata,individual Greek words, and entire lines of Greek text rendered in Slavonic letters. Themost famous of these transliterations is the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbilingual\u00E2\u0080\u009D Hypakoe for the feast of theExaltation of the Cross (14 September--f. 84v), which is presented first in Slavonic andthen immediately following, in a Cyrillic transliteration of the Greek text with the samemusical notation.7Golubinsky, HcTop PyccKo IIepnK, I, I, pp. 359-360; 0. Fedotov, RRM I, Concerningthe use of the Greek language and the knowledge of Greek culture in Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099, Fedotov writes:We have seen that the Slavonic liturgy and the Slavonic Bible cut off the Russian peoplefrom immediate contact with Greek culture in its Byzantine as well as its classical forms.This barrier, however, was not unsurpassable; at least, Byzantium was living andflourishing close at hand and Russia had constant intercourse with the Byzantine empire inpolitical, commercial, and ecclesiastical matters... Greek prelates came to Russia as Metropolitansof Kiev, sometimes as bishops of provincial cities... Russians travelled to Greece as pilgrims,living as monks in the monasteries of Constantinople and on Mount Athos. On Athos there hadbeen a Russian monastery from early times. (pp. 57-58)Further on he adds:Studying the theological and scientific fund of the most learned Russian authors, onecannot discover, among their sources, direct Greek originals. (Ice.., p. 58)However:But the direct use of Greek books by some highly educated persons cannot bedismissed. We know at least one instance which occurred in the fourteenth century. A holymonk, Saint Stephen, is said to have chosen for his seclusion a monastery in the city of Rostov,because of the Greek library there. (. \u00C3\u00A7j., p. 59.)That Rostov was a Greek center is also supported by Meyendorff, who writes:Studies of Greek were probably concentrated in a few such centers as Vladimir, where the (hailPrinces\u00E2\u0080\u0099 libraries included a number of Greek books, or Rostov, where the bishop was normally aGreek and where Greek was used in liturgical services along with Slavonic (Byzantium and theRise of Russia, p. 21).Lastly in a recent study, Shchapov writes:Choirs sang Greek and Slavonic by turns in the cathedral churches of Kiev and Rostov.(Tocviapcmo IIepKoB, pp. 176-177).28The BK comprises two main divisions: a Kondakar and an Asmatikon:PART A : THE KONDAKARI. The Kontakia of the Fixed Liturgical year, ff. la-56b.II. The Kontakia of the Triodion (incomplete), ff. 57a-65a.III. The Kontakion of the Pentecostaiion, ff. 65b-71b.IV. The Kontakia of the Oktoechos (Resurrection), ff. 73a-82a. Foliation inthis section is discontinuous with the kontakia grouped alternatelywith the eight Resurrection Hypakoai. Modes 1-Vill.PART B: THE ASMATIKONV. The Hypakoai of the Oktoechos (Resurrection), ff. 72b-81b. See PartIV above.VI. The Festal Hypakoai, ff. 83a-90a, The Nativity of the Theotokos, TheExaltation of the Cross (bilingual), The Archangel Michael, TwoHypakoai plus Stichoi for the Forefeast of Christmas.VII. The Great Troparia, Katavasiai, and Stichoi for the Vespers ofChristmas and Epiphany, ff. 90b-92b. Folios 93a to 94b form asubsection of Part VII, and include neumeless text-fragments of aHypapante for the Fifth Saturday of Lent, and an ApolitikionAutomelon for which there are notated epechemata.Viii. Oktomodal Arrangement of the Festal Koinonika, ff. 95a-103b. Thecollection is incomplete, missing Modes I and II. Folios 104a- 104bcontains a Mode VIII setting of the Ferial Trisagion.IX. The Resurrection Pasapnoaria, ff. 104b-106b. This is an octomodalarrangement with all eight modes represented. Folio 106b alsoincludes a Mode IV Megalynarion for 21 November.X. The Polieleoi of the Oktoechos, ff. 107a-1 13b. Folio 1 13b contains theEaster Troparion.XI. The Asmatikon of the Oktoechos, ff. 1 14-121a. This is an unusualcollection of bilingual hypopsalmoi intended for use in the All-Chanted Office.XII. Miscellaneous Chants, ff. 121b-130b. This section includes elevenExapostilaria and Stichoi, a Theotokion, and two Troparia inhonour of the Theotokos. Folio 130b has a Troparion to St.George in a different hand.29Manuscript FeaturesThis manuscript has been explored in detail in this writer\u00E2\u0080\u0099s article, \u00E2\u0080\u009CTheBlagoveshchensky Kondakar: A Russian Musical Manuscript of the Twelfth Century.\u00E2\u0080\u009D8The BK has much to distinguish it as probably one of the most important sources tosurvive from this period. The BK has considerable lacunae for the month of December,January, and August, but the other months are more fully represented. The month of Mayis particularly interesting because of the two feasts unique to it: the Mode II Prosomoion forthe Apostle Simon the Zealot, 10 May (42b), and a Mode III Prosomoion for the ProphetZacharias, 16 May (f. 43a). The disposition of chants for the Triodion and Pentecostarionare more conventional, as they are also for the Oktoechos, although the ResurrectionKontakia are paired with the oktoechal hypakoai.The BK is particularly noteworthy for its Asmatikon section which begins on folio104a with one of the oldest notated settings of the ferial Trisagion. This is followed by anoktoechal arrangement of the Pasapnoaria, the Polieleos, a unique \u00E2\u0080\u009CAzmatik\u00E2\u0080\u009D whichincludes an oktoechal arrangement of hypapsalmoi for the All-Chanted Office, and theExapostilaria of the Oktoechos, none of which are found in other Paleoslavomc sources.8Cyrillomethodianum XI (Thessaloniki, 1987), pp. 103-127.30III. The Troitsky or Lavrsky Kondakar (LK)Moscow (GBL) State Lenin Library, Coil. Tr.-Serg. Lavra no. 23, twelfth century(end), parchment, 115 folios.The LK is an incomplete document organised in six parts:Ia. The Kontakia of the Fixed Liturgical Year, ff. 2r-55r, with lacunae forthe months of December (ff. 22v-24v), and April (ff. 34-35).lb. Two Miscellaneous Kontakia, ff. 55v-56v:(1) The Kontakion for the Dedication of a Church (f. 55v), and;(2) The Kontakion for the Molieben to the Theotokos (f. 56v).II. The Kontakia of the Triodion, ff. 57v-63v, from the Wednesday of theFirst Week of Great Lent (f. 57v) to Great and Holy Friday (f. 63v).III. The Kontakia of the Pentecostarion, ff. 64r-75v, from Pascha (ff. 64r-Mv) to the Sunday of All Saints. (f. 75v).IV. The Kontakia of the Oktoechos (Resurrection), ff. 77r-83v. Modes I toVIII.V. The Hypakoai of the Oktoechos (Resurrection), ff. 85r-91v. Modes ItoVIII.VI. The Festal Katavasiai, Troparia, Stichoi and Miscellaneous OrdinaryChants, ff. 93r-115r. Folio 115v has a kontakion to St. Nicholaswritten in a different hand. The Stichoi for the Great Troparia ofChristmas and Epiphany, unlike those found in the UK (seebelow), are unnotated. The rubrics are, however, included.Manuscript FeaturesThe neumation of the LK has an individual character. Comparisons of the readingsof hymns with those in the other kondakars--as will be shown in the analyses below--reveal that an LK setting will often have a scarcity of large signs presented in a single row,with substitutions and borrowings from the syllabic Coislin type of notation employed inthe Heirmologion and Sticherarion and implying a more austere musical style. There arealso fewer non-textual intercalations. This greater simplicity of musical style hints that theLX could be older than originally thought and indications that it was copied from anarchetype which antedated the TU. At the same time it could also be argued that the fewerhypostases in a single row is an indication that the musical style was becoming simpler.31Unfortunately, the LK\u00E2\u0080\u0099s many lacunae (j.e., for November, December, April andMay) severely reduce the value of this source. For the fixed Liturgical Year, the LK shareswith the BK the Mode VI Katavasia-Prosomoion (f. 19r) for the High Feast of theArchangel Michael, 8 November. In addition, on folio 51r the LK provides a Mode IVKontakion-Prosomoion for the Feast of the Icon Made Without Hands, 16 August.Like the TU, the LK has many Iacunae for the Triodion but the Pentecostarion andOktoechos are more fully represented. The Hypakoai of the Oktoechos (Resurrection) arecomplete.In the collection of Festal Hypakoai, Troparia, and Katavasiai, the LK has, uniqueto it, two Mode VI Katavasiai and stichos for the December Feast of the Holy Fathers,Mode VI (1. 93r), the Katavasia for Palm Sunday (f. 99v), and the first Troparion forChristmas with unnotated Stichoi (ff. 109r-1 1 ir).For Miscellaneous chants of the Ordinary, the LK has only the Festal Trisagion (f.108v) and the Invitatorium (also f. 108v). The LK has no koinonika.32IV. The Uspensky Kondakar (UK)Moscow State Historical Museum (GIM), Usp. no. 9, dated 1207, parchment, 204folios. Published facsimile edition as Volume VI, Main Series, M?vlB.In his concise linguistic analysis of this source, Bugge has observed that the UKexhibits the linguistic features of the East Slavic redaction of the Church Slavonic languageand that it is possible that this source could have been written in a North-Russian centersuch as Novgorod9--an observation that this writer believes is applicable to all fivekondakars.The UK is by far the largest and most complete surviving collection of kontakia\u00E2\u0080\u0094Greek or Slavonic--and it has been thoroughly discussed in the introduction of thepublished facsimile.In its general construction, it most closely resembles the LK:Ta. The Kontakia of the Fixed Liturgical Year, ff. lv-1 12r.Tb. TwoMiscellaneous Kontakia, ff. 113r-114v:(1) The Dedication of a Church, Mode IV (f. 113r);(2) The Molieben to the Theotokos, Mode VI (f. 1 14v).II. The Kontakia of the Triodion, ff. 1 15v- 133r.III. The Kontakia of the Pentecostarion, ff. 134v-143r.IV. The Kontakia of the Oktoechos (Resurrection), ff. 144r-151v.V. The Festal Hypakoai, Troparia, Katavasiai and Stichoi, ff. 153r-171r.VI. The Hypakoai of the Oktoechos (Resurrection), ff. 171r-177v.VII. Miscellaneous Chants of the Ordinary, ff. 179r-183r.VIII. The Koinonika of the Oktoechos, ff. 183v-190v.IX. The Festal Koinonika, ff. 191r-204r.9A. Bugge, ed. Contacarium Paleo-Slavicum Mosguense, MIvIB, Volume VI, Main Series,(Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1960), p. XII.33Manuscript FeaturesA full discussion of the UK has been included in Bugge\u00E2\u0080\u0099s introduction to thepublished facsimile edition; a detailed description of the source would exceed the scope ofthis study, as it is by far the largest and most complete surviving copy of a kontakarion.The UK has a full contingent of kontakia for the fixed Liturgical Year, Triodion,Pentecostarion, and Oktoechos, augmented with complete collections of oktoechal andfestal hypakoai, katavasiai, and koinonika. It has one important lacuna in that it is missingthe first Troparion for Christmas and Stichoi, which, apparently, were once included, asthe manuscript was obviously rebound. The remaining stichoi are notated and include therubrics for performance which are in agreement with the Byzantine Asmatikon.Of particular interest to this study is the colophon on the last folio (f. 204r), whichreads:i4\u00E2\u0080\u0099r (o) IT HAflHCMIZI 1I1Lt4 KIiHF1 CHM (4)C(A)14 ti\u00E2\u0080\u0099AA EK P $14n4Mwr(h) (t,)Tr(4r)o np(o)poi HAwk.That is:In the year of 6715 [=1207 A.D.] this book was written [j.. completed] on thetwentieth day of the month of July on the day of the memory of the Holy ProphetEl ah 10In his fine introduction to the published edition of this manuscript, Bugge pointsout intriguing that the name of the source\u00E2\u0080\u0099s copyist was Constantine, indicating three smallphrases among a series of meaningless letters, that read;r(o)c(noA)H CH rAEHA(A) =0 Lord judge GabrielUOKAOII1i o\u00E2\u0080\u0099r I(pa) = Prostration from Feoclorr(cnoA)H flOMO3II ,4a\u00E2\u0080\u0099 rEoEM\u00E2\u0080\u0099 Rzpr4wr,iI1\u00E2\u0080\u0099 O\u00E2\u0080\u0099iwrii c niicvru Mu =0 Lord,help thy servant Constantine to learn writing and grant...11Bugge rightly exercises caution in attributing too much importance to this colophon,as does this writer, by stating that we have no idea of the connection of the first two names,Gabriel and Feodor, with the history of the manuscript, although an examination of the1 \u00C2\u00B0Lcjc cit., p. VII. The medieval Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 calculated their calendar from the date of Creation.p. XI.34koinonikon for the Dead at the bottom of the same folio is apparently in another hand.Moreover, the condition of the folio is poor; much of the readable text is presented in anabbreviated form (shown by the bracketed letters which have been restored). However, thename, Constantine, or at least an abbreviated form of this name, also appears on folio194r.2 While hardly legible, this fact lends support to the theory that this was the name ofthe manuscript\u00E2\u0080\u0099s copyist. Folio 204r is reproduced overleaf; the colophon is indicated bythe letter\u00E2\u0080\u0099B\u00E2\u0080\u0099, the three small phrases by \u00E2\u0080\u0098A\u00E2\u0080\u0099, and the Koinonikon for the Dead by \u00E2\u0080\u0098C\u00E2\u0080\u0099.l2jy, cit., p. XI.C IC36V. The Sinodalny Kondakar (SK)Moscow State Historical Museum (GIM), Sin. Tip. no. 777, mid-thirteenthcentury, parchment, 113 folios.Much more confusing in its construction owing to considerable lacunae, thismanuscript also follows a six-part construction like the LK:I. The Kontakia of the Fixed Liturgical Year, ff. lr-68r, from January toDecember. This is an unusual arrangement perhaps reflecting alocal custom or simply an indication that at some point in its historyit was rebound. These are followed by supplementary kontakia for themonths of January, February, May and August.\u00E2\u0080\u00993II. The Kontakia of the Triodion, ff. 69r-81r, from the Sunday of theProdigal Son.III. The Kontakia of the Pentecostarion, ff. 82r-92v, to the Sunday of AllSaints.IV. Miscellaneous Kontakia, ff. 94r-98v. Incomplete owing to a lacuna, thissection includes two Resurrection Kontakia (Modes I and II), the Kontakionfor the Molieben to the Theotokos, a Kontakion for the Sick, unique to thismanuscript, and one whose function is unidentifiable.V. The Great Troparia and Stichoi for the Vespers of Christmas andEpiphany, if. lOOr-104v. Like the LK, the Stichoi are unnotated.These are followed by the Third Antiphon for the Lesser Entrance.VI. The Koinonika for the Fixed Liturgical Year, ff. 105r- 1 13r. According toBugge, the disposition of koinonika is \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbewildering\u00E2\u0080\u009D.\u00E2\u0080\u00994These arefollowed by two Resurrection Koinonika.Manuscript FeaturesThe SK is the smallest of the five kondakars, and because of its peculiarconstruction, the most problematic; chants are literally scattered throughout the manuscript.Nevertheless, it contains much that is interesting.13f., A. Bugge, p. XVIII.14j \u00C3\u00A7j, p. XVIII.37For the Fixed Liturgical Year, the SK has:22 January, Saints Timothy and Anastasius combined,Mode I, Prosomoion, f. 58v.17 March, St. Alexius, Man of God,Mode VIII, Prosomoion, f. 5v.2 May, The Transfer of the Relics of Saints Boris and Gleb,Mode I, Prosomoion, f. lOv.11 May, The Holy Prophet Isaiah,Mode II, Prosomoion, f. 66r.The SK has only two Resurrection Kontakia, Modes I and II on folios 94r and 95rrespectively. On folio 97v, however, the SK includes a Mode II Kontakion-Prosomoionfor the Sick followed by one which eludes identification. Both are unique to thisdocument.The SK shares with the LK the first Mode VI Troparion for Christmas followed bythe three stichoi (unnotated), ff. lOOr-lOir. The SK is particularly rich in koinonika, agenre which unfortunately cannot be included in this study.It is worth noting here the existence of a so-called \u00E2\u0080\u009CSixth Kondakar\u00E2\u0080\u009D--OIDR 107--atwelfth-century source already cited, part of which is kept in the manuscript division of theState Lenin Library in Moscow. This manuscript contains only a few notated folios andhas been included here as a postscript. Comprising principally a collection of kontakiontexts, it shares with the LK the curious feature of notated intercalations in the margins ofthe folios, which seem to serve as inserts or tropes. According to Velimirovici 5, thekondakarian notation may be found on folios 3,5, liv, 12, and 15-15v.615\u00E2\u0080\u009DThe Present Status of Research in Slavic Chant,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Acta Musicologica XLIV (1972), p. 264l6FIe goes on to mention that a photograph of folio 15v can be found in 3almcKn OT3eaaPyKonnce, roc. Bn6n. CCCP, 27, (Moscow, 1965), on page 102.38B. The Greek Sources: The AsmatikaThe manuscript type known as the Asmatikon, with the exception of kontakia,shares the same repertory and musical style as the kondakar. The Asmatikon is a Byzantinechoir book comprising a body of melismatic chants for the Office and Liturgy of the Fixedand Movable parts of the church year. With its soloistic counterpart, the Psaltikon, itflourished in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries and was superseded in the fourteenth andfifteenth centuries by a new manuscript type known as the Akolouthia. Each of these oldermanuscript types is distinguished not only by the repertory of chants, but by separatemodal and melodic traditions with its stock of characteristic melodic formulae.17Floros has determined two distinct types of Greek Asmatikon: a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpure\u00E2\u0080\u009D and a\u00E2\u0080\u009Cmixed\u00E2\u0080\u009D.18 In the former, the chants are arranged in five specific categories, bestexemplified in three Italo-Greek codices, Grottaferrata Gamma-gamma I (fy 1), Gamma-gamma VI (Fy 6), and Gamma-gamma VII (Fy 7), in which the order of these five sectionsis most stable (less so in the two Byzantine sources, Athos Lavra gamma 3 and Kastoria). The five categories are as follows:I. The Hypakoai and Koinonika of the Oktoechos;II. The Hypakoai for the important feasts, and the Troparia for theVespers of Christmas and Epiphany;III. The Dochai or Prokeimena;IV. Miscellaneous Chants for the Ordinary;V. The Koinonika for the Great Feasts.17\u00E2\u0080\u009DAsmatikon,\u00E2\u0080\u009D New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, Vol. 1, (S. Sadie, ed., London:MacMillan & Co., 1980), p. 657.l8C. Floros, \u00E2\u0080\u009CDie Entzifferung,\u00E2\u0080\u009D MdO III (1965), pp. 17-24.39By contrast to the pure type of Asmatikon, the so-called \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmixed\u00E2\u0080\u009D type includes bothchoral and soloist chant bodies; repertories are often duplicated in both styles which are:consolidated and combined with other material to form a new compilation which,since it seems not to have been imitated elsewhere, may be said to bear theindividual stamp of the great monastery.. .San Salvatore of Messina.19Three sources, only one of which is used in this study, best represent this type ofAsmatikon: codices Messina 129 (M129), GrottaferrataGamma-gammaV (ry 5), andVaticanus graecus 1606 (VG). Each bears certain peculiarities in content and constructionthat makes it unique. In the mixed-type Asmatikon, the chants of a particular category arearranged in the prescribed liturgical order according to the feasts of the church year.2\u00C2\u00B0 Thecodex M129 has the most extensive repertory and seems to integrate most successfully thecontents of the Asmatikon and Psaltikon. Of the others, the codices VG and Fy 5 areslightly later and are more modest in scope.2\u00E2\u0080\u0099Since all known Asmatika transmit the same repertory in much the same order, theyare ideal for comparison with the konclakar. The Byzantine musical material used for thisstudy is drawn from three principal sources representing both the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpure\u00E2\u0080\u009D and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmixed\u00E2\u0080\u009Dtypes: T\u00E2\u0080\u0099y 1, VG, and Kastoria 8 (K8). This last source is of the pure type Asmatika butwith special properties which will be discussed below.190. Strunk, \u00E2\u0080\u009CS. Salvatore of Messina and the Musical Tradition of Magna Graecia,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Essays onMusic in the Byzantine World, (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1977), p. 48.2ONeil K. Moran, The Chants of the Byzantine Mass, 2 Volumes, (Hamburg: Verlag derMusikalienhandlung Karl Dieter Wagner, 1975), vol. 1, p. 35.210. Strunk, . cit., p. 47.40I. Grottaferrata Gamma-gamma I (hereafter Fy 1)In its general construction and repertory, this codex is perhaps the finest and mostrepresentative example of the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpure\u00E2\u0080\u009D type of Asmatikon. This source therefore providesone of the foundations for the comparative analyses with the kondakarian chants below.The manuscript is thought to have originated in the scriptorium of the monastery St.Demetrios in Calabria and dates from the twelfth century. Its current owner is the GreekAbbey of Grottaferrata near Rome.This incomplete document consisting of only forty-two folios, shows thecharacteristic five-part construction and is probably the best exemplar to display the moststable arrangement of these five parts:1. ff. 5r-14r, has under the heading \u00E2\u0080\u009CBeginning of the Asmatikon,\u00E2\u0080\u009D theHypakoai and the Koinonika of the Oktoechos. The order of eachmelody has the Hypakoe followed by the three standardKoinonika;II. ff. 14v-29r, contains the Hypakoai for the Great Feasts and fourTroparia for the Vespers of Christmas and Epiphany;III. ff. 29v-33r, has the Prokeimena or Dochai;2IV. ff. 33r-35v, contains some miscellaneous hymns for the Ordinary;V. ff. 35v-42v, contains the Festal Koinomka. Unfortunately themanuscript is incomplete.22The Prokeimena or Dochai are the Eastern Church equivalents of the Gradual Hymns, a seriesof psalm verses chanted responsorially before Scriptural readings in the Office and Liturgy. See the SelectedTerminology at the end of this study412. Vaticanus graecus 1606 (hereafter VG)This source dates from the end of the thirteenth century and consists of 185 folios,and for reasons to be made clear below, is perhaps the most important employed in thisstudy.23 It is typical of the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmixed-type\u00E2\u0080\u009D Asmatika, containing a repertory in both styles.In construction it most closely resembles the codex M129, which is in two largedivisions.24 The VG codex, however, more comfortably divides into four sections:I. ff. lr- 152v, corresponds exactly to M129 but lacks the Prokeimena andpsalm-verses for Orthros;II. ff. 152v-169r, also matches the M129 codex in construction andcontents with the exception that hymns in all eight modes aretransmitted;III, ff. 169r-171v, contains the Prokeimena of the Lychnikon for the entireweek;25IV. ff. 171v-179v, presents the Office of the Genuflection for Whitsunday;ff. 180r-181r adds the Kontakion Parakietikon.23My thanks to Father Leonard Boyle of the Vatican Library\u00E2\u0080\u0099s manuscnpt division for providingme with a microfilm of this source.24C. Floros, \u00E2\u0080\u009CDie Entzifferung,\u00E2\u0080\u009D MdO III (1965), pp. 23-24.25Lychnikon or Lucernarium, the Office of Light, is the term applied to the most ancient form ofthe Vespers service in the Eastern Church. It was used by the fourth-century pilgrim Egena in herdescription of the Evening Office in Jerusalem. According to Uspensky, this service,was shaped by three psalm-units. Each unit was made up of three sections, and eachsection was composed of psalms and antiphons followed by a prayer of the priest. The units wereperformed responsorially: one of the clergy sang a psalm, while the people responded to each versewith a refrain. (Evening Worship in the Orthodox Chirch, p. 30.)423. Kastoria8(K8)The pictorial or descriptive aspects of cheironomiae are clearly seen in the curiousfourteenth-century Asmatikon from the Kastoria Cathedral in Northern Greece. Thisunique manuscript, discovered quite accidentally in 1965 by the late Greek philologist,Politis, appears to bear an unusual correspondence with the kondakar.26 In four parts ofthis document the neumes are arranged in two rows; the lower, written in black, is of theMiddle Byzantine notational system and evidently records with some variation the samemelodies found in the copies of the Italo-Greek Asmatika.27 The uncommonly large signsin the upper row, written in red and sometimes in green, bear a striking resemblance tothose in the kondakar, especially those in the BK, suggesting that both sources descendedfrom a common archetype.In general construction and content, K8 concurs with all known copies of the\u00E2\u0080\u009Cpure-type\u00E2\u0080\u009D Asmatikon, i.e., it comprises only choral chants. The repertory divides intoseven parts; these form the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cstem\u00E2\u0080\u009D of the Asmatikon.28K8 contains 89 folios with lacunae between folios 77 and 78. The repertory has thefollowing breakdown:I. ff. lr-21r, contain the Koinonika and Hypakoai of the Oktoechos;II. ff. 21r-44v, include the Koinonika of the Liturgical year;III. ff. 44v-68r, contain the Hypakoai of the Liturgical year and the GreatTroparia for Christmas and Epiphany;IV. ff. 65r-68v, have both Ferial and Festal Trisagia;V. ff. 70r-74r, comprise the lesser and greater Dochai or Prokeimena;VI. ff. 75r-80r, contain Troparia among which are two Anastasima andmany for the Feast of the Elevation of the Cross;VII. ff. 80v-89v, contains the aforementioned Stichoi of the Hexapsalmoi.26L. Politis, \u00E2\u0080\u009CAio Xetpypcz4cz \u00E2\u0080\u0098n\u00E2\u0080\u009Dv KaoTopL,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Ellenika, Tomos 20 (1967), pp. 29-41.27D. Conomos, The Late Byzantine and Slavonic Communion Cycles: Liturgy and Music,Dumbarton Oaks Studies XXI (1985), p. 57. Conomos contends that K8 represents a third melodictradition of the Asmatikon, the Italo-Greek being the first, and the Constantinopolitan Ly 3 is the second.28C. Floros, Universale Neumenkunde II (Kassel, 1970), p. 268, According to Floros, sectionVII, the Stichoi of the Hexapsalmos, are assigned to the so-called \u00E2\u0080\u009CAsma\u00E2\u0080\u009D, a particular category ofAsmatikon, in the corresponding sources Fy6, Fy7, M129, and VG.43The most outstanding feature of K8 is of course its notation, for sections I throughIV have chants notated with two rows of signs. This source has proven to be of greatvalue in the comparative analyses of kondakarian musical notation. Although K8 is not thelong lost Paleobyzantine archetype of the Kondakar, it could represent an anachronisticform of missing link in the transmission of the choral repertory with cheironomiae. On theother hand, it may only be an oddity reflecting a peculiar and isolated local tradition of theKastoria Cathedral. Nevertheless, its value for this study should not be underrated; anexamination of its stylised hypostases in relation to the melodic formulae with which theyassociated should be fruitful in the structural and melodic analyses of the konclakarianchants.29290ne possible theory for the appearance of the large signs in this late copy of the Asmatikon isthat in spite of the fact that the cheironomic gestures had long disappeared from Byzantine musicalmanuscripts with the advent of diastemy, this source could have been written for pedagogical purposes, i.e.added later for the training of domestiki in the art of cheironomiae.44CHAPTER FIVETHE MEDIEVAL TYPIKON AND THE LITURGICALPOSITION OF THE GENRES; LITURGICALTRADITIONS IN MEDIEVAL RUS\u00E2\u0080\u0099The Medieval Typikon--Ustav or Ordo\u00E2\u0080\u0094its origins and exegesis in Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 from thetime of Christianizaton to the end of the fourteenth century, occupies a central role in theshaping of the musical practices required for the highly complex services. Survivingcopies of the early Slavonic Typika came under close scrutiny in the last half of thenineteenth and early decades of the twentieth century by a number of brilliant Russianliturgists. The result was the appearance of important studies by such authors as Odintsov,Skaballanovich, Mansvetov, and Lisitsyn.l It is this last author who provides us with themost valuable information. In his detailed comparative study, Lisitsyn has reproducedimportant folios of early typikon manuscripts otherwise inaccessible to Western scholars.During the period under discussion, no less than three such ordines were brought toRus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 from Byzantium and translated from the original Greek into the Church Slavoniclanguage. The first of these was the Constantinopolitan or Typikon of the Great Churchwhich was followed in the mid-eleventh century by the Alexian or Studite liturgical ruleadopted first by the Kiev Monastery of the Caves and then by all monasteries in Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099.2Concerning the adoption of the Studite Rule, the Russian Primary Chronicle provides thefollowing celebrated quotation:iN. M. Odintsov, HopsWoK Oniecmeunoro B tlacTHoro Borocnensi n J:[penne Pyciiio XVI BeKa, (St. Petersburg, 1881); I. Mansvetov, \u00E2\u0080\u009C0 HeeneBuoM flocBeoBa1KK, Ero gpe6nei1a5IOcHoBa O6nmi CTpOF\u00E2\u0080\u0099 in HpK6aBjiemIs K Iaumo TnopenB CRm]x OnteB B PyccKoMflepenoe a 1880, XXV (1880) (Moscow, 1880), pp. 752-797, and 972-1028; Idem. , epKoBm.IYcTan (TKImK), Ero 06pa3oBamsi K C\u00E2\u0080\u0099vni6a n Tpe\u00E2\u0080\u0099ecKo K Pycco flepg, (Moscow, 1885); M.N. Skaballanovich, ToBKoBo1 TmIKKoH, (Kiev, 1910); M. Lisitsyn, llepBoHajma3nmJ C.aaoPycc TBImKoa: llcTopllKo-ApKqeo3jorirqecKoe H3c3IeioBanKe, (St. Petersburg, 1911, hereafterHCPT).2The exact labelling of the liturgical ordo brought to Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 and translated by the VenerableTheodosius of the Kiev Monastery of the Caves, has been the topic of debate for the better part of a century.According to Lisitsyn (HCPT, p. 167), the Alexian Typikon takes its name from the ConstantinopolitanPatriarch Alexius who was its compiler. Lisitsyn uses the name \u00E2\u0080\u009CKtitor\u00E2\u0080\u009D (literally \u00E2\u0080\u009Cowner\u00E2\u0080\u009D) to describethis typikon, which is that applied to an ecclesiastical ordo that includes not only the liturgicalprescriptions but the daily rule followed by the monks of a monastery. In Byzantium, this contrasted thatof the Great Church Typikon which served the needs of the Patriarch and the cathedral episcopy, and wasthus called \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe General Ecclesiastical Ordo.\u00E2\u0080\u009D (IICPT, p. 164).45He [Theodosius] also interested himself in searching out the monasticrules. There was in Kiev at the time a monk from the Studion Monastery namedMichael, who had come from Greece with the Metropolitan George, andTheodosius inquired of him concerning the practices of the Studion monks. Heobtained their rule from him, copied it out, and established it in his own monasteryto govern the singing of monastic hymns, the making of reverences, the reading ofthe lessons, behaviour in church, the whole ritual, conduct at table, proper food forspecial days, and to regulate all else according to prescription. After obtaining allthis information, Theodosius thus transmitted it to his monastery, and from thelatter all others adopted the same institutions. Therefore the Crypt Monastery ishonoured as oldest of all.3These two ordines, the Constantinopolitan and Studite, coexisted in Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 until theend of the fourteenth century when Kyprian, Metropolitan of Moscow, introduced thethird, the Typikon of Jerusalem, and transformed Russian liturgical practices to conformwith contemporary Byzantine usage.4 Concerning this latest typikon adopted by theRussian Church, Uspensky, writing in our own time draws these conclusions:the Jerusalem \u00E2\u0080\u009Cordo\u00E2\u0080\u009D, which had been subject to many changes duringits widespread use in the Greek Church during the twelfth to fourteenthcenturies, made its appearance. All these factors taken together gave rise to amultiformity of Russian liturgical practice and brought about the peculiar Russianliturgical usages which existed in Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 until the end of the seventeenth century(1682). At that time, a \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctypikon\u00E2\u0080\u009D was published which eliminated all liturgicalfeatures of purely local significance and unified worship in conformity withcontemporary Greek practice.5Taft also supports the generally accepted argument concerning the order of typikaintroduced into Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 at the time of Christianisation, and adds a further point:The first developed typikon was composed by Alexis, patriarch from 1025-43 andearlier hegumen [= abbott] of Stoudios, for the monastery he founded nearConstantinople. It is this typikon, extant only in Slavonic [emphasis added] thatSt. Theodosius Pecerskij translated into Slavonic in the eleventh century andintroduced as the rule of the Kiev Pecerskaja Lavra or Monastery of the Caves inKiev, cradle of Orthodox Monasticism among the east Slays. From Ukraine itpassed to the whole of Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 and Muscovy. There are six extant Slavonicmanuscripts of this document dating from the eleventh to fifteenth centuries. Thissame usage appears in Magna Graecia at the beginning of the twelfth century as3Serge A. Zenkovsky, ed. Medieval Russia\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Epics, Chronicles, and Tales. (New York, E. P.Dutton, 1963, revised 1974), p. 109.4 The oldest surviving Slavonic copy of the Jerusalem Typikon is kept in the library of theBulgarian State Theological Academy in Sofia, catalogue number TsIAM 201. My thanks to ProfessorKarastoianov of the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences for his help in procuring a copy.5N. Uspensky, Evening Worship, pp. 90-91.46witness the Typikon of San Salvatore of Messina (A. D. 113 1).6Taft raises two important questions: (1) what is the relationship of the Great ChurchTypikon to that of the Alexian ordo introduced into Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 in terms of the liturgicalprescription for music, and (2) what are the relationships of these typika to that of Salvatoreof Messina?The second question is more easily answered by stating that the place of origin ofthe majority of the surviving Asmatika is the Cathedral of San Salvatore of Messina. Wealso learn from Mansvetov that the order of antiphonal singing as prescribed by the GreatChurch Typikon was also used by the Italian Greeks.7To answer the first question, however, one must confront the extant copies of thetypika themselves and seek out the liturgical instructions for specific feasts in order to seehow the rubrics shaped the role of music. That the earliest liturgical practices of theRussian Church followed the All-Chanted Constantinopolitan order of services issupported by Arranz who states that its sung office was practiced in the secular Russianchurches at the same time as in the monasteries--since St. Theodosius Pechersky--whichfollowed the Studite Typikon.8Speaking generally about the surviving evidence supporting Constantinopolitanpractices in Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099, Lisitsyn writes that those elements preserved to the present time in theKondakaria and Asmatika of the tenth and eleventh centuries corroborate the GreatChurch\u00E2\u0080\u0099s liturgical usage. By their very existence, the kondakars attest to the fact that theycould have a place in liturgical practice only under the authority of the Great ChurchTypikon. The chants and especially their means of performance recall the order describedby the fifteenth-century hierarch Symeon of Salonika in his essay \u00E2\u0080\u009CAsmatiki Akolouthia.\u00E2\u0080\u009D9In Chapter Four on the Slavonic sources, this evidence was borne out in the twelfthcentury Blagoveshchensky Kondakar. Constantinopolitan elements are manifest in two6Robert Taft, \u00E2\u0080\u009CMount Athos: A Late Chapter in the History of the Byzantine Rite,\u00E2\u0080\u009D DOP 42(1988), p. 184. For the Slavonic manuscripts of the Alexian Typikon, see the list of thirteen provided byLisitsyn on pages VIII and IX of HCPT.7\u00E2\u0080\u009Do HedilennoM flocieoBarni,\u00E2\u0080\u009D p. 753.8M. Arranz, \u00E2\u0080\u009CL\u00E2\u0080\u0099Office de vieille nocturne dans I\u00E2\u0080\u0099Eglise grecque et dans I\u00E2\u0080\u0099Eglise russe,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Part I, OCPXLII (1976), pp. 121-122.9ricPT, p. 77.47sections of the BK, the Polieleos and the Azmatik, occupying folios 107a-1 13b and 1 14b-121b respectively.\u00E2\u0080\u00990According to Mansvetov, these fragments of the Asmatikon were firstexamined by Metropolitan Makary in his history of the Russian Church.11Again, Arranz provides further support by saying that with the introduction ofcertain of these elements (e.g., the Polieleos), the monastic office could itself become a\u00E2\u0080\u009Cchanted office\u00E2\u0080\u009D at least in part. Arranz also cites the BK with its Greek transliterations andconsiderable number of Greek phrases preserved in the middle of Slavonic texts andobserves that they are for the most part dependent on the musical terminology of theChanted Office.12 The elements of which Arranz speaks could also be interpreted to meanmusical or non-musical insertions like those found in the margins of OIDR 107 and theLK. He also claims that when the monastic and cathedral ordines were combined, it was atthe expense of the latter.One can only speculate on the reasons for the abandonment of Great Churchpractices in Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099. Lisitsyn writes that in Byzantium the displacement of the Great ChurchTypikon by the Jerusalem ordo occurred in the wake of major historical upheaval. Yetthere was a similar set of circumstances in Russia during the first half of the thirteenthcentury. The Tatar invasions (1237-1240) had no less a disastrous effect on the servicesand churches of Russia than the Latin invasion of Constantinople during the FourthCrusade on the use of the Great Church Typikon. The only difference was that Russia hadseveral territories, as for example, that of Novgorod, which were relatively untouched bythe Tatars. Owing to this, Great Church practices continued to be observed long after therest of Russia was subjugated to the Tatars. But in those places that suffered thedestruction of the invaders, the Great Church Typikon was gradually supplanted, first bythe simpler liturgical practices of the Studite ordo, and then by that of the Palestinian orJerusalem rule first introduced into the South Slavic lands by Saint Sava and brought toRus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 by his disciples.\u00E2\u0080\u00993lOHcpr pp. 79-86.1 lQ cit., p. 753; Metropolitan Makary, Hcwpnsi pyccKoll UepcnK, II, (St. Petersburg, 1868),p. 203.l2Qp. \u00C3\u00A7j, p. 148.13jp\u00E2\u0080\u0099, p. 29.48Lisitsyn concurs with Mansvetov in saying that gradually in those districts that werelaid waste, the simpler m\u00C3\u00A0nastic Alexian Ustav was introduced, even though it embracedand included many of the liturgical customs of the Great Church. But at the same timeSaint Sava\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Jerusalem order was being introduced elsewhere through the agencies of theSerbian and Bulgarian monks from Mount Athos who maintained contacts with the clergyof the Russian Church. Thirty-four years after the invasions in many places in Russia, theorder of the Great Church was already so completely forgotten that it seemed absolutelyforeign to many prelates. Therefore at the Council of Vladimir (1274), the presidingMetropolitan Kyril ordered those Great Church elements extirpated from Russian liturgicalpractice.14Lisitsyn describes the decisions of this 1274 council, the territory Novgorod, andits relationship to the Great Church Typikon. Its use not only continued, but five yearsafter the Vladimir council in 1279, Kliment, Bishop of Novgorod, prepared a copy of theGreat Church Typikon. Because the influence of Novgorod stretched over all northernRussia until its subjugation to Moscow in the fifteenth century, one can confidently speakabout Constantinopolitan practices in the five Novgorodian \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccorners\u00E2\u0080\u009D well into thefourteenth century. Doubtless, during this period these practices were also employed inother places in Russia.15This discussion of typikonal usage in Medieval Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 illuminates several importantpoints about the kondakar and Kondakarnoie Pienie:(1) The greatest evidence of Constantinopolitan liturgical and musical practices,especially the All-Chanted Office, in Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 are found in the Pasapnoaria, Polieleos, andAzmatik sections of the twelfth-century Blagoveshchensky Kondakar, as well as in thoseindividual chants containing numerous epechemata or intonation formulae with the samenumber and placement as their Greek counterpart.l4Loc. cit.,p. 29; cf. I. Mansvetov, UepKoBmr YcTaB, pp. 271-271. Lisitsyn goes on to saythat Metropolitan Kyril was elevated not in Constantinople but in Nicaea where the Great Church Typikon,especially after the 1204 occupation by the Latins, was not employed in its fullest capacity. Obolenskyconcurs with Lisitsyn and adds, \u00E2\u0080\u009CAbout 1250 the Russian monk Cyril, sent to Nicaea by Prince Daniel ofGalicia for consecration as metropolitan, returned, duly consecrated to Russia.\u00E2\u0080\u009D (D. Obolensky, TheByzantine Commonwealth, p. 241.)15ncpr pp. 30-31.49(2) The Alexian Studite Typikon, brought to Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 in the eleventh century andtranslated into the Church Slavonic language by the Venerable Theodosius of the KievMonastery of the Caves, and which survives only in its Slavonic translations, is a hybridtypikon comprised of elements of the Great Church Typikon and the monastic order ofservices. The oldest surviving exemplar of this order also includes the oldest of thekondakars, the Tipografsky Ustav.(3) A similar liturgical usage appears in the Italo-Greek cloisters of Magna graeciain the twelfth century, notably in that of San Salvatore of Messina. The majority of allsurviving copies of the Byzantine Asmatikon which preserve the same genres and melodicstyle as the kondakars come from this monastery.(4) At the Council of Vladimir held in 1274 and headed by Metropolitan Kyril,attempts were made to extirpate Constantinopolitan liturgical elements from RussianOrthodox liturgical practices. At this time the Alexian Studite was most fully embraced--especially its more monastic aspects--and the Jerusalem Typikon in St. Sava\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Slavonictranslation was beginning to be introduced, brought to Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 by Serbian monks of MountAthos who maintained contact with the Russian clergy. The mid-thirteenth century marksthe approximate date of the last of the kondakars (Sinodalny); their disappearance coincidesroughly with the reforming actions that followed this council.(5) The territory of Novgorod the Great, whose influence spread all over theRussian North, was unaffected by the decisions of the 1274 council; evidence reveals thatConstantinopolitan liturgical practices were still in use in Novgorod until the annexation ofthat city-state by Moscow in the fifteenth century. All five kondakars employ the northernRussian recension of the Church Slavomc language. If any elements of KondakarnoiePienie survived, they would most likely be preserved in documents from this region.(6) Among those elements taken from the Great Church Typikon are the practices oftroparion singing for the Great Feasts, especially the cycle of troparia and stichoi forChristmas and Epiphany.50The Definition of the Genres Troparion, Hypakoe, and Katavasia, and theirLiturgical Position According to the TypikonAs a technical term, the word \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctroparion\u00E2\u0080\u009D is used both generically andspecifically. Generically, it may be applied to most poetic texts intended for singingand for liturgical use, thus to the entire contents of the Heirmologion andSticherarion, but it is seldom applied to Biblical texts, and never to the Trisagion, tothe Cherubic Hymns, to non-Biblical texts used as communions, to the stanzas ofthe kontakion, or to short refrains. Specifically, it is applied to the troparia sungbefore the dismissal at Vespers and with the \u00E2\u0080\u009COso\u00C3\u00A7 Kvptoc\u00E2\u0080\u009D, to the \u00E2\u0080\u009CGreatTroparia\u00E2\u0080\u009D of the Christmas and Epiphany vigils, to the troparia of the Christmas,Epiphany, and Good Friday hours, to the troparia on the gradual psalms (\u00E2\u0080\u009CotavaPcLO!.toL\u00E2\u0080\u009D), and to the stanzas that follow the heirmoi of the canons.\u00E2\u0080\u00996In short, a troparion is a non-scriptural hymn that employs a refrain.In the cathedrals of Byzantium during the ninth and tenth centuries, the musicalexecution of the major hymnodic forms usually involved either the antiphonal exchange oftwo bodies of chanters or the responsorial alternation of a solo precentor with a chorus orcongregation supplying stock refrains. Writing elsewhere, Strunk provides yet anotherdefinition:In Byzantine liturgical usage, the word \u00E2\u0080\u009Cantiphon\u00E2\u0080\u009D means a selection from thePsalter, followed by a doxology. Such a selection may consist of severalpsalms, not necessarily consecutive, it may consist of one psalm only, it mayconsist of single verses. The presence of a refrain is not essential, but when wefind one it will be called \u00E2\u0080\u009Cvnoia?qia\u00E2\u0080\u009D, \u00E2\u0080\u009C4n,!ivtov\u00E2\u0080\u009D, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cv3tct1coT\u00E2\u0080\u009D, \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctpoiraptov\u00E2\u0080\u009D-the name \u00E2\u0080\u009Cantiphon\u00E2\u0080\u009D is never given to the refrain itself, as it is in the West.17In addition to \u00E2\u0080\u009Chypakoe\u00E2\u0080\u009D, those hymnodic forms definable as troparia manifestthemselves under many labels, among them \u00E2\u0080\u009Ckatavasia\u00E2\u0080\u009D, \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctheotokion\u00E2\u0080\u009D, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cexapostilarion\u00E2\u0080\u009D,\u00E2\u0080\u009Cphotagogikon\u00E2\u0080\u009D, but in the case of the VG codex employed in the analyses below, simply\u00E2\u0080\u009Cantiphon\u00E2\u0080\u009D. Wellesz, in his now classic A History of Byzantine Music andHymnography,18 classifies these other hymn types as hymnodic forms of widely differingcharacter and poetic value. These particular forms were inserted between the Odes of theKanon in the Orthros or Matins Service. Concerning the liturgical position of these16Oliver Strunk, \u00E2\u0080\u009CTropus and Tropanon,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Essays on Music in the Byzantine World. (New York:W. W. Norton & Co., 1977), p. 268n.l7Idem., \u00E2\u0080\u0098\u00C2\u00B0The Antiphons of the Oktoechos,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Essays in Music in the Byzantine World, (NewYork: W. W. Norton & Co., 1977), p. 166.18Second Edition (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1980), pp. 239-240.51hymns, Velimirovic elaborates:Emulating the division of a kathisma into three staseis, the Kanon is neverperformed in its entirety without interruptions but is divided into three segmentswith interpolations after the third and sixth Odes. Thus for instance, after Ode 3follows the singing of a different type of hymn--hypakoe and a short collect,whereas after Ode 6 the singing of one stanza of the now drastically reducedKontakion takes place together with the readings from the synaxar and anothercollect. Furthermore, after Ode 8 and Ode 9 there is a requirement that the choirsleave their places on the sides of the nave and join in the middle of the church tosing together the \u00E2\u0080\u009Ckatabasia\u00E2\u0080\u009D hymn and upon the completion of the Kanon followsthe singing of the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cexapostilarion\u00E2\u0080\u009D hymn which, during Lent is replaced by anotherhymn called the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cphotagogikon\u00E2\u0080\u009D.\u00E2\u0080\u00999This description can be rendered in the following schema:Figure IVOde IOde IIOde IIIHypakoeOde IVOdeVOde VIKontakionOde VIIOde VIIIkatavasiaOde IXExapostilarion or PhotagogikonIn the early church, \u00E2\u0080\u009Chypakoe\u00E2\u0080\u009D referred to the refrain for the antiphonal psalms; inlater liturgical usage this genre was generated by the verse, the refrain to the whole ode, toa particular troparion and separated from its original function. But its original role inantiphonal hymnodic practice has been preserved in part up till the present. Mansvetov,citing an eleventh-century Greek Tropologion, where the use of the expressionartXoAoyLa rrj\u00C3\u00A7 vraKofl\u00C3\u00A7 , which implies the verse or the division of the psalm to which19M. Velimirovic, \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Byzantine Heirmos and Heirmologion,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Gattungen der Musik inEinzeldarstellungen; Gedenkschrift Leo Schrade, (Bern and Munich: Francke Verlag, 1973), p. 203.52the \u00E2\u0080\u009Chypakoe\u00E2\u0080\u009D is meant as a refrain \u00E2\u0080\u00A220 Wellesz notes that the hypakoe wasoriginally the liturgical term for a Troparion which was chanted in the MorningOffice as Ps. cxviii \u00E2\u0080\u009CBlessed are the Undefiled\u00E2\u0080\u009D; it seems that it was sung by thewhole congregation as a response to the chanting of the psalm by a singleprecentor.21As the above schema shows, the hypakoe was the name later given to a troparionwhich was sung after the third Ode of the Kanon.According to Wellesz, the katavasia is the liturgical term for the Heirmos repeated atthe end of the Ode22 and rendered in a highly melismatic style. Like the Heirmoi of theKanon, the katavasia texts number nine, most of which date from the eighth century, thetime of St. Cosmas of Jerusalem. Apparently, during the Morning Office, St. Cosmaswould leave his seat in the choir, move down to the middle of the church and sing a songhe composed (e.g., on the Nativity of Christ: \u00E2\u0080\u009CChrist is Born, Glorify Him!\u00E2\u0080\u009D) The actsymbolised Christ\u00E2\u0080\u0099s descent as the Word Incarnate.This tradition of descent in later times was continued by the bishop who wouldcome down from his seat to sing the first katavasia. Later the practice was undertaken bytwo groups of singers, the right- and left-handed choirs, who descended from their seats tothe center of the church and sang together as an ensemble.As evidenced by both Greek and Paleoslavonic musical manuscript sources, as wellas by liturgical documents, one and the same hymn can be given different designations inits various sources. This multiplicity of labels and their interchangeability raises someimportant liturgical questions concerning their usage. For example, when a hymn isdesignated \u00E2\u0080\u009Ckatavasia\u00E2\u0080\u009D, does this imply that it is to be sung as a \u00E2\u0080\u009Chymn of descent\u00E2\u0080\u009D, with adivided choir assembling on the amvon23 for its performance; and is its position betweenthe Odes of the Kanon in the Morning Office different when the same hymn is labelled\u00E2\u0080\u009Chypakoe\u00E2\u0080\u009D; or is it simply repeated as such with one text and melody functioning as both arespond and as a hymn of descent? When the same hymn is titled \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctroparion\u00E2\u0080\u009D, does this20j. Mansvetov, \u00E2\u0080\u009C0 flecIIeimoM Hoc iejoaanan,\u00E2\u0080\u009D p. 780.21j.oc cit. p. 240.22Ic, p. 240.23 \u00E2\u0080\u009CAmvon\u00E2\u0080\u009D or \u00E2\u0080\u009CAmbo\u00E2\u0080\u009D, the pulpit in early Christian churches. More specifically for ourpurposes, the center of the church.53mean that its last line is detachable and can function independently as a refrain interpolatedbetween psalm verses; or does the concept of \u00E2\u0080\u009CTroparion as refrain-form\u00E2\u0080\u009D apply exclusivelyto the Great Troparia for Christmas and Epiphany? This variety of terminology couldsimply be an illustration and application of Strunk\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009Cgeneric\u00E2\u0080\u009D definition, \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctroparion\u00E2\u0080\u009Dsimply used as a general term encompassing all hymn-forms that function as antiphons inthe broadest sense. This problem of designation is clearly demonstrated by the Secondkatavasia for Christmas (Chant No. 5 below), which is seen to carry all three labels. Nouniformity or concurrence is found in either the liturgical or musical sources consulted forthis study except that the hymns are performed by an ensemble of psaltes and not by asoloist.In subsequent centuries, the elaborate performances of the troparia, katavasia andhypakoe underwent a process of simplification. In contemporary practice the latter areoften omitted except in major feasts. Nevertheless, the cycles of Great Troparia forChristmas and Epiphany retained the original verse forms which were brought directly toRus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 from Constantinople. In this early period, Velimirovic does not even rule out thepossibility of a dramatic performance for these two feasts:As far as indirect evidence is concerned, Wellesz pointed out some time ago that thesuccession of \u00E2\u0080\u009Cstichera\u00E2\u0080\u009D for Christmas appears to have been arranged in such anorder as to suggest the possibility of a dramatic performance. Wellesz did not arguethat the hymns represented a play but rather inferred that a theatrical play could havedeveloped from such an order.24Indeed, the sources themselves suggest some sort of action.In an earlier Russian-language study, Uspensky quotes anecdotally from atwelfth/thirteenth-century list kept in the Moscow State Historical Museum (GIM)concerning the performance of the \u00E2\u0080\u009CKolyadi\u00E2\u0080\u009D in the Kiev Monastery of the Caves at thetime of the Venerable Theodosius (c. 1060).25 Folio 21 lv of this source gives instructionsfor the singing of \u00E2\u0080\u009CKolyadi\u00E2\u0080\u009D at table on festive occasions in the monastery. These weresung on the feasts of Christmas, Epiphany, and the Dormition (15 August, the monastery\u00E2\u0080\u0099spatronal feast).24M. Velimirovic, \u00E2\u0080\u009CLiturgical Drama in Byzantium and Russia,\u00E2\u0080\u009D DOP 16 (1962), pp. 351-2.25Ms Sin, no. 339/380.54At the end of the meal, before the serving of the sweet dish, the Igumen gave asignal to the Domesticos. Next, having received from him a blessing, according tohis choice, he invited the best singer from among the monks. Then he stood on thehighest step of the rostrum of the Igumen\u00E2\u0080\u0099s table and began to sing the chantmelody of the troparion. At the same time the Domesticos went between the tablesof the monks and selected a choir from them, which stood on the lower rostrum ofthe Igumen\u00E2\u0080\u0099s table--half the singers on the right side and half on the left. And whenthe soloist who stood on the rostrum sang the kontakion, the choir echoed itsrefrain. Then the domesticos and the soloist bowed to the Igumen and went to themonastery treasurer, from whom they received a monetary recompense. Havingreceived the \u00E2\u0080\u009CBlessing with Silver\u00E2\u0080\u009D, the Domesticos stood in the middle of the choirand sang the first strophe of the kontakion, which the other singers repeated.26It seems that these \u00E2\u0080\u009CKolyadi\u00E2\u0080\u009D were none other than the troparia for the feasts performedoutside of the Divine Office.Uspensky reports that such antiphonal practices were recorded in Byzantium byEmperor Constantine Porphyrogenitos in his \u00E2\u0080\u009CDe cerimoniis aulae Byzantinae\u00E2\u0080\u009D (c. mid-tenth century), and in the Byzantine court the singing began with the blessing of thePatriarch. But in the Monastery of the Caves, the blessing was given by the Abbott.27In \u00E2\u0080\u009CDe cerimoniis,\u00E2\u0080\u009D we learn that:The distinctive feature of the services in the Great Church was the predominance ofsinging and ritual dramatism. The singing was produced by organised choirs ofsingers, which were called \u00E2\u0080\u009CHagiosofitai\u00E2\u0080\u009D. This labour was shared by the cathedralclergy. The singing was chiefly antiphonal and performed in rotation by twosides....\u00E2\u0080\u009D28An eyewitness account of this practice is provided by the Russian pilgrim toConstantinople, Anthony of Novgorod, from the end of the twelfth century:When they sing Lands at Hagia Sophia, they sing first in the narthex then the gatesof Paradise are opened and they sing a third time before the altar. On Sundays andfeast days the Patriarch assists at Lands and at the Liturgy; at this time he blessesthe singers from the gallery and not ceasing to sing, they proclaim the Polychronia;then they sing again as harmoniously and sweetly as the angels and they sing in thisfashion until the Liturgy. After Lands they put off their vestments and go to receivethe blessing of the Patriarch; the preliminary lessons are read in the ambo; whenthese are over the Liturgy begins, and at the end of the service the chief priestrecites the so-called prayer of the ambo within the sanctuary while the second priestrecites it in the church beyond the ambo; when they have finished the prayer, bothbless the people. Vespers are said in the same fashion, beginning at an early26Translated from N. D. Usperisky,\u00E2\u0080\u009CBH3 coe HenKe B KIIeBCKO PycK \u00E2\u0080\u009C . 644, bythis writer.27pj. pp. 644-645.281. Mansvetov, LIepgomu,i YcraB, p. 233.55hour.29This recollection is reminiscent of some of the dramatic ritualism from the account of theKiev Monastery\u00E2\u0080\u0099s festival.290. Strunk, \u00E2\u0080\u00987he Office of Hagia Sophia,\u00E2\u0080\u009D in Essays on Music in the Byzantine World. p. 112;I. Mansvetov, 1jepKoBm YcTaB, p. 233.56CHAPTER SIXTHE NOTATIONAL SYSTEMS AND CHANTCONSTRUCTION; THE BYZANTINE ANDPALEOSLAVONIC MUSICAL NOTATIONALSYSTEMS COMPAREDIn his seminal study on the origin of the Latin neumes, \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Early History of MusicWriting in the 1 Treitler provides observations which also apply to the study of theByzantine and Kondakarian notational systems. Treitler believes that the oral transmissionof chant melodies was translated into writing after the ninth century and that written sourceswhich originated during this period show vestiges of the continuing oral tradition. Theconcurrent written traditions seem to support rather than vie against the oral, with thewritten score serving as a blueprint for a musical performance.2 From the study ofprosody, Treitler further derives two classifications of neume function: the \u00E2\u0080\u009Csymbolic\u00E2\u0080\u009D andthe \u00E2\u0080\u009Ciconic\u00E2\u0080\u009D, and traces an evolution in the various Latin notational dialects from the formerto the latter.The trend toward more informative notations must have been motivatedby the need to represent non-traditional matter, and also by the need torepresent even traditional matter for singers who were not as well versed in thetradition.3In the evolution of the western notations the iconic forms died out having been maderedundant by the establishment of diastemy, which \u00E2\u0080\u009Csucceeded, presumably, because itwas a simpler principle that could at the same time absorb the function of the iconicprinciple.\u00E2\u0080\u009D4Herein perhaps lies the explanation of the disappearance of kondakarian notation inthe later thirteenth century and the beginnings of the later Russian chant notations. Treitlertranslates \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdiastematic\u00E2\u0080\u009D to mean intervallic, and notes that the first scnpts writtendiastematically were in fact iconic.5 In the case of kondakarian notation we see a uniqueamalgam of the symbolic and iconic since the lower row of signs obviously indicates1JAMS XXXV (1982), p. 237.p. 237.3Loc. cit., p.261\u00E2\u0080\u0098L cih, p. 262.5Loc. cit., p. 265.57intervallic and rhythmic functions, while the upper row of Great Hypostases retains thesometimes pictorial functions and visual cheironomic gestures of a symbolic type.In another article, \u00E2\u0080\u009CCentonate\u00E2\u0080\u0099 Chant: Ubles Flickwerk or E pluribus unus?,\u00E2\u0080\u009D6Treitler provides a three-part description of the reformation of Gregorian chant:(1) The repertories of Gregorian chant are transmitted in melodic familiesthat are consistent with respect to liturgical category, to modal designation, and tocertain musical features, comprising principally melodic strategies or form andrecurrent melodic material. The members of a melodic family are related throughthose features, and they are distinguished from one another in that they havedifferent texts. That will clarify what is meant by \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfamily\u00E2\u0080\u009D and what by\u00E2\u0080\u009Ctransmission.\u00E2\u0080\u009D(2) In the transmission of melodic families, it is the more melismaticpassages that are most stable from one melody to another. A certain number ofrecurrent melismatic passages, or formulas, provide one of the definingcharacteristics of melodic families of certain types.(3) These are primarily the psalmodic chants of the Mass andOffice that come down from a time before the practice of musical notation.Underlying every psalmodic chant is a stereotyped melodic procedure with verysharply defined points of departure (intonations and initial formulas) and arrival(medial and final cadences) that articulate the melody. It is at these points ofarticulation that the melodies show the most stereotyped formulas and that theyshow them most often.Standard formulas tend to occur with decreasing frequency as the melodymoves away from the opening and with increasing frequency as it moves towardthe cadence. That is, a melodic family may have a standard opening formula thatoccurs with high frequency at openings. There may be a formula that immediatelyfollows the opening formula, and the tendency is that it may occur in fewermelodies than the opening formula, but not in more melodies, and so on. For eachsuch family, then, a certain number of formulas may be identified, and individualmelodies of the family will show these in greater or lesser degree, separated bypassages that are more variable. The principal genres thus characterised are certaingroups of Office Antiphons and Responsories [corresponding to our Byzantine andkondakarian Hypakoai], certain groups of Introits and Graduals of the Mass, andall the Tracts. The phenomenon of stereotyped openings and cadences is notrestricted to these categories, but of all the chants, the psalmodic ones proceed withthe highest degree of regularity through phrases marked by cadences andreinitiations, and they show the phenomenon of formulaic stereotyping in thehighest degree.7In addition to his observations on the symbolic and iconic aspects of neumaticnotation and its parallel in the Byzantine and Slavonic notational systems, all that Treitlerhas ascribed to the Gregorian repertory with regard to formulaic structure, stereotyped6JAMS XXVIII (1975), pp. 1-23.7lbid., pp. 9-10.melodic procedure, sharply defined points of arrival and departure, and recurrentmelismatic passages as defining characteristics of melodic families, is also equally anddirectly applicable to the Byzantine and kondakarian repertory. These features will beprovided ample illustration in Chapter Seven below. In preparation for undertaking theanalyses, a digression into the nature of Byzantine and kondakarian musical notation isnecessary.5859The Byzantine and Paleoslavonic Musical Notational Systems ComparedAs inferred at the beginning of this chapter, the Byzantine and Kondakariannotational systems do not fix pitch but indicate interval, direction and melodic shape. Arelative starting pitch is provided by either a modal signature or an intonation formulapreceding a chant; mode can change several times during the course of a chant. While theprecise meanings of the Paleoslavonic notations remained elusive, the Byzantine systemsattained full diastemy and precision by the end of the twelfth century; we can transcribe thenotation in these sources with little difficulty. Known as Middle Byzantine notation, thissystem comprises a stock system of signs and hypostases that include pitch-repetition, stepand leap ascent and descent, accentuation, and rhythm.The following section introduces a complex and unfamiliar terminology. AllByzantine neumes bear colourful Greek epithets which in most cases describe the melodicfunction they represent. This Byzantine nomenclature has been applied with reservation tothe signs in the Paleoslavonic kondakarian notational system, although in subsequentcenturies, those signs absorbed into the Znamenny chant system were given equallydescriptive Slavic labels that also depicted their melodic function. Where possible, for agiven neume, an attempt has been made to provide the etymological origins, definitions forthese terms, and their musical applications in the citations. Readers are requested to refer tothe neume illustrations on pages 63 and 64, and in the tables at the end of the chapter.Byzantine musical notation, its various types, its stages of development and theproblems of its decipherment have been thoroughly documented in numerous studies overthe past century. The following discussion builds on the latest paleographical researchposing new solutions for some long-standing problems.The table of Chartres hypostases and their corresponding Koukouzelean DidacticSong representations, shown at the end of the chapter, scarcely exhausts the list of possiblemelodic figures absorbed into or developed by the kondakarian system. The identificationand nomenclature ofPaleobyzantine, and in turn, kondakarian musical notation, is indeedbeset with many difficulties. Velimirovic (see Chapter One above) noted that anexamination of the very shapes of the neumes themselves shows that musical notationcontinued to develop in Byzantium from the eleventh to the fourteenth centuries. A60comparison of the tenth-century Chartres L.avra-amma 67 (hereafter Ly67) neumecatalogue with later charts provides ample evidence.8In their oldest forms many of theneumes bear striking resemblance to one another, .g., the Tromikon,9 Anatrichisma,Parakalesma, Parakletike,10 Rapisma,I\u00E2\u0080\u0099 Choreuma,l2etc. Others have no representationin the oldest lists, e.g., Plasma;\u00E2\u0080\u00993 while some are obviously later evolutions from aprototype, most evident in the so-called \u00E2\u0080\u009CTheta\u00E2\u0080\u009D group--those based on the stylised GreekTheta (0) letter. Then there are those that do not appear at all in the later system, e.g.,Gronthisma.l4 Evidence for this latter point can be found in the Ly67 chant which liststhe Theta sign in its primal form, while later tables provide its subsidiary forms: theThematismos Eso and Exo, Thema Haploun, and Thes kai Apothes,15 which share similargraphic designs and melodic functions.The mere evolution of the graphic shapes of signs also suggests an evolution offunction. Extreme caution must therefore be exercised in the identification of the melodicformulae stenographically depicted by the old hypostases. Such caution, for example, is8Folio 159r of Athos Lavra-gamma 67, a tenth-century Triodion, has been reproduced from 0.Strunk, Specimina Notationum Antiguiorum, pars princjplis, (MMB VII, Copenhagen: Munksgaard,1965), plate 12, and appears as Appendix I.9A11 definitions for the notational terminology have been drawn from Conomos\u00E2\u0080\u0099 study ByzantineTrisagia and Cherubika of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries, (Thessalonika, 1974), pp. 334-367, orfrom Gertznian, Biina1rracKoe My3Io3anane, (Leningrad: MynjiKa, 1988), pp. 212-222 and pp. 241-245. Tromikon (Conomos, p. 354) derives from the Greek word \u00E2\u0080\u009CTptw\u00E2\u0080\u009DtI tremble, and implies the vocalornamentation of an agitation or trembling of the voice. The Anatrichisma shares a similar function(Gertzman, p. 215).lOParakletike and Parakalesma jConomos, pp. 351-363) share the same root, \u00E2\u0080\u009CHapxicati\u00E2\u0080\u009D= tosupplicate or entreat, implying melodic passages of a prayerful nature, without intensity but with joy (p.352).iFrom \u00E2\u0080\u009C tleLv\u00E2\u0080\u009D= to strike or hit, implying perhaps a percussive quality to the voice. Itslater manifestation was the Kolaphismos, which had a similar function (Gertzman, p. 219).12From \u00E2\u0080\u009CXopsLw\u00E2\u0080\u009D=tI dance, suggesting a circular melodic motion (Gertzman, p. 219).l3From \u00E2\u0080\u009C(av)3tLw\u00E2\u0080\u009D=I squeeze or compress, a sign applicable to vocal quality (Conomos, p.350; Gertzman, p. 215).14The Gronthisma is also based on the Theta, and appears in two forms in the Ly 67 list (seeappendix). As in the case of other Chartres signs, the first form of this hypostasis appears in the KS codex.According to Gertzman (p. 221), who cites Floros, the melodic motion implied by this hypostasis involvesthe step of a third. For a related hypostasis, see Table VIII of the comparative chart, Chants I (K8), 2b, and4.lSTo these three signs can be added the Thema Haploun.61shown by Levy in his early studies, concerning the medial \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccadential idiom\u00E2\u0080\u009D , thecombination of Ouranisma-plus-Thematismos Es16 among the earliest of thekondakarian formulae with Chartres counterparts tentatively identified by him.17The position of kondakarian musical notation and that of K8 in the course ofchronological development of Byzantine notation is called into question. Many of the\u00E2\u0080\u009Cpositive\u00E2\u0080\u009D identifications of the kondakarian hypostases have been made on the basis oftheir similarities to the later developmental stages of the Byzantine neumes and not on theChartres stage (.g., the Tromikon). Others, because of their unique, stylised and oftenhighly ornamental designs (while having similar appearances to some Chartres signs, .g.,the Katabatromikonl8and kondakarian Ouranisma), have either different melodicrepresentations in counterpart transcriptions or are unidentifiable.Identification problems encountered in the K8 Asmatikon are made even morecomplex by the late date of that source\u00E2\u0080\u0099s compilation, since it was written long after theheyday of the Asmatikon and the Chartres neume-tables. As discussed in Chapter Four onthe Greek sources, this manuscript dates from the fourteenth century, its small signs areMiddle Byzantine neumes, and except for some peculiarities, they can be transcribed withlittle difficulty according to the methods outlined by Tillyard, Wellesz, H\u00C3\u0098eg and theMonumenta Musicae Byzantinae.19 The great hypostases, however, bear directcomparison with the oldest forms of the Chartres signs (.g., the Synagma)2\u00C2\u00B0like thosefound in the Ly67 list, as well as those manuscripts preserving this type of notation. Tocite but a single example, the K8 sign identified as the Ouranisma (see formula No. 6 in thel6Oup.jsma from \u00E2\u0080\u009Coi pcvkz\u00E2\u0080\u009D=heaven1y, indicates the ascent of the voice (Gertzman, pp. 216-217).17n a footnote (no. 9) to his Study, \u00E2\u0080\u009CAn Early Chant for Romanus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 Contacarium TrimnPueroruna,\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Classica et Mediawalia XXII (1961), pp. 172-175), concerning the above-mentioned figure,Levy says:The interpretation of Slavic neumes is in its infancy and the parallel I suggest here is quitetentative; at best this may be a notational counterpart but not a melodic equivalent. (p. 175,emphasisadded.)18 See Tromikon above.19H. J. W. Tillyard, Handbook of the Middle Byzantine Musical Notation MMB SubsidiaVol. I, (Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1935).20Synagma from \u00E2\u0080\u009Cavvcyw\u00E2\u0080\u009D= I assemble, suggests the assembling of a group of four to six notes(Conomos, p. 346).62appended table), in its function and position is identical with that found in the Chartresmanuscripts Lavra-gamma 74 (f. liv) and Sinai 1219 (f. 49r).2l Many others have a moreor less direct visual similarity to the kondakarian neumes, especially those found in the BKcodex.22To what extent the melodic functions represented by these signs have changed, theanswer is unknown; we have only those later pedagogical tools such as the Didactic Songscomposed in the fourteenth century by Glykys, Koukouzeles and others, which list thesesigns and their functions as known in the fourteenth century.23 If, however, as in thejudgment of Levy and Floros, we can trust the conservative and consistent transmission ofthose identifiable melodic formulae found in the South Italian Asmatika and theirPaleoslavonic parallels, then our basis for making more positive identifications of thosemelodic formulae transmitted orally and recorded by the older Slavic sources is on moresolid ground.The chart following this discussion is a comparative table showing in the leftcolumn the Chartres representation of the Paleobyzantine Great Hypostases which havebeen drawn principally from the Ly67 neume list. The other main source is the cataloguefound in the St. Blasien manuscript published by Gerbert in his 1774 monograph De Cantuet Musica Sacra.24 In his 1988 Russian-language study of Byzantine music, Gertzman25provides a more comprehensive list of Paleobyzantine neumes and their descriptions whichcould give additional information for the task at hand. Those hypostases not shown in thetable can be found in a second list on page 64. Other later Chartres catalogues reproduced2iLevy, p. cit., p. 174.22See Chant 2b below, line 2, and the sign tentatively identified after Floros as the Stavros apoDexias23To illustrate that sign meanings have changed, the Isojpitch-repetition) and Baitia, two of themost basic signs which survive from the oldest strata of Byzantine notation can be cited as examples. In itsoldest manifestation, the Ison was identical to the Oligon, a sign indicating step ascent. It did not take onits current form or function as a sign for pitch-repetition until the advent of the Middle Byzantine system atthe end of the twelfth century.The original function of the Baiia was for melodic descent, the complement of the Oxeia, the signfor accented pitch-ascent. In its Middle Byzantine guise the Bainia lost this function, and served only as anaccent sign.24Gp, Austria, reprint 1970.2SS note 9 above.63by Toncheva, Kujumdzieva, as well as by Wellesz and Floros, have also been eitherconsulted or included as Appendices II to IV.26For the transmission of the Koukouzelean Didactic Song in the chart\u00E2\u0080\u0099s right-handcolumn, selections from its oldest known versions, as found in the fourteenth-centurycodices A2458 and A2444 (reproduced as Appendix VI), have been used.27 Floros\u00E2\u0080\u0099choice of appropriate signs have also been edited; most of those without Chartres and/orkondakarian representation have been omitted. At the same time the list includes some thatFloros does not mention.28 The present number stands at thirty-three melodic formulaewhich are as follows:(1) Kratemokatabasma/Psephiston (Ly67/A2458)29(2) Tromikon/Katabatromikon (Ly67/St. BlasienIA2444)(3) (Ek)Strepton (St. BlasienJA2444)3O(4) Thes kai Apothes (St. BlasienIA2444)(5) Thematismos Eso (St. BlasienIA2444)(6) Ouranisma (Ly67/CHRJCBG300/St. BlasienIA2458)(7) Seisma (Ly67/St. Blasien/A2444)326Floros, gp. cit., p. 47. These include the Codex Chrysander (CHR), Codex Barbarinus graecus300 (CBG300), and the Messina Papadike (MP). Also Elena Toncheva, \u00E2\u0080\u009CHpemcR naXKpoHoMa\u00E2\u0080\u0099wcoTo fleB\u00E2\u0080\u0099IecKo YnpazuenKe na. loan KyKy3eJI,\u00E2\u0080\u009D in flpo6neMn na CTapaTaThnrapcKa My3na, (Sofia: HitaiencTno HayKa K H3KycTBo, 1975), PP. 53-58 for Codex A899; andSvetlana Kujumdzieva, \u00E2\u0080\u009CUber die Zeichen w\u00C3\u00A4hrend der spat- und post byzantinischen Periode,\u00E2\u0080\u009D inMusikkulturgeschichte: Festschrift f\u00C3\u00BCr Constantin Floros zum 60 Geburtstag, (Herausgegeben von PeterPetersen, Sonderdnick, Breitkopf & Hartel, Weisbaden, 1990), pp. 449-460. I would like to thank ProfessorKujumdzieva for the offprint of her article.271n a Masters Thesis presented to the Department of Music of the University of Virginia in 1966,I also included a transcription of the Didactic Song from the fifteenth-century codex A899.Appendix V is a reproduction of the fifteenth/sixteenth-century St. Blasien redaction of the DidacticSong as found in Gerbert De Cantu et Musica Sacra, Tables XII -XVII.28This table does not include the kondakarian hypostases.29According to Conomos (p.348), Psephiston derives etymologically from the word \u00E2\u0080\u009Cto count\u00E2\u0080\u009D or\u00E2\u0080\u009Cenumerate\u00E2\u0080\u009D; \u00E2\u0080\u009Cit is placed where the sounds are to be separated and not said together, but as if counted out.\u00E2\u0080\u009D3OThe (EkiStrepton, from \u00E2\u0080\u009Cotpw\u00E2\u0080\u009D= I turn about (Conomos, p. 354), depicts a turning inmelodic motion and is usually found in close proximity with the Tromikon.31The Seisma, like its Greek stem \u00E2\u0080\u009Cae iw\u00E2\u0080\u009D= move or shake, implies similar musical motion.64(8) Anatrichisma (Ly67/A2458)(9) Synagma (Ly67ISt. Blasien/A2458)(10) Kylisma (St. BlasienIA2458)32(11) Krousma (no Chartres representationlA2458)33(12) AnavasmafKatavasma (no Chartres representationlA2458)34(13) Parakalesma (Ly67ISt. Blasien)A2458)(14) AporrhoelHyporrhoe (no Chartres representationlA2458/A2444)(15) Antikenoma (St. BIasienIA2444)35(16) Rapisma/Kolaphismos (Li67/A2458)(17) Parakietike (Ly67/St. BlasienJA2444)(18) Choreuma (Ly67/St. BIasienICHRJCBG300/A2444)(19) Klasma (Ly67/A2458)36(20) Chairetismos (no Chartres representationlA2444)37(21) Bareia (Ly67it. BIasienIA2458)(22) Piasma (Ly67/St. BlasienIA2458)(23) Echadin (Ly67IA2458)38(24) Thema Haploun (Ly67ISt. BlasienIA2458)32Kylisma from \u00E2\u0080\u009CKi\u00C3\u00B1.(w\u00E2\u0080\u009D= I roll or revolve, implies melodic motion of this sort (Gertzman, p.243).33Krousma, from \u00E2\u0080\u009CKpoiknc\u00E2\u0080\u009D= striking, sounding, implies melodic accent.34\u00E2\u0080\u0099rhe exact meaning for these terms was not found.35conomos (p. 334) claims that the term Antikenoma derives from two Greek words \u00E2\u0080\u009C&vxt\u00E2\u0080\u009D(instead of or opposite to) and \u00E2\u0080\u009CKvwa\u00E2\u0080\u009D (empty space), \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthus its use may be to avoid any lingering onthe notes to which the hypostasis is attached.\u00E2\u0080\u009D3tiKlasma from \u00E2\u0080\u009CK\u00E2\u0080\u009D= I cut, another sign for vocal quality, implying that the voice should be\u00E2\u0080\u009Ccut\u00E2\u0080\u009D wth roughness (Conomos, p. 342).37Chairetismos seems to derive from the Greek word \u00E2\u0080\u009CXaipexUw\u00E2\u0080\u009D= I hail or salute.38Echadin often interchanges with the word \u00E2\u0080\u0098xoc\u00E2\u0080\u009D or mode, and its function is often found \u00E2\u0080\u009Cspeltout\u00E2\u0080\u009D in intonation formulae (Gertzman, p. 219)65(25) ApothemaJEpeerma (Ly67ISt. BlasienIA2458)39(26) StavrosfStavros apo DexiaslMeta Stavrou (Ly67ISt.BlasienICHRIA2444)40(27) NaNa (Ly67/A2458)41(28) Phthora (Ly67/A2444)(29) Enarxis (St. BlasienICHR/MP/A2444)42(30) Tessara (Ly67IA2444)(31) Tria (Ly67/A2444)43(32) Strangisma (Ly67/A2458)44(33) Gronthisma (Ly67IA2444)Those signs not represented in the Didactic Song but found in later neume tables(and having ample kondakarian representation), or not mentioned in the list above becauseof identification problems, include:(1)Tinagma:45(2) Stavros apo Dexias:46(3) Parechon:4739Epeenna, from \u00E2\u0080\u009Cujspw\u00E2\u0080\u009D= I arise, may imply some melodic ascent. According toConomos (p. 345), it usually accompanies a medial cadence.4OThe Stavros or cross, is found only in the sixteenth-century Codex Chrysander transmission ofthe Didactic Song. The Meta Stavrou, shown by Gertzman (op. ct., p. 216), immediately follows theSynagma in the Ly67 catalogue, and appears to be a ligature of that sign with the Stavros apo Dexias(literally \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca cross from the right\u00E2\u0080\u009D)4lFound only in the A2458 codex.42This term means beginning, opening or introduction.43Formulae nos. 30, Tessara (literally \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfour\u00E2\u0080\u009D) and 31, Tria (literally \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthree\u00E2\u0080\u009D) were omitted fromFloros\u00E2\u0080\u0099 initial list.44Strangisma, from \u00E2\u0080\u009Cotpayyte(v\u00E2\u0080\u009D= I squeeze45Tinagma etymologically derives from the word to shake, and suggests a shaking melodicfiguration.46See note no. 19 above.47From \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnxzpix1wcL\u00E2\u0080\u009D for a succession of sounds or an alliteration.66(4) Revma:48 LAA.\u00E2\u0080\u009D(5) Pelaston:49(6) Kondevma:50To this list, should be added yet one more fundamental sign, theLygisma:51It is important to note that many of the Chartres signs bear strong resemblance toone another, as do the kondakarian hypostases, while their functions in the Didactic Songalso seem to overlap in melodic shape, direction and interval content. Moreover, many ofthe Paleobyzantine Great Hypostases recur in Middle Byzantine notation in new guises.These include:(l)Bareia: \(2) Seisma: J(3) Psephiston:..J(4) Parakalesma: 14%(5) Parakletike:(6) Kylisma: >\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0098(7) Antikenoma: ,...-il(8) Antikenokylisma: )\u00E2\u0080\u0094r,(9) Tromikon: 5\u00E2\u0080\u009D(10) Strepton: \u00E2\u0080\u009C(11)Omalon:52\u00E2\u0080\u0094-,(12) Thematismos Eso: 0(13) Thematismos Exo: ..--\u00E2\u0080\u0098(14) Thema Haploun:(15) Synagma: \u00E2\u0080\u0098EZ48From \u00E2\u0080\u009CpErn\u00E2\u0080\u009D= flow, torrent, or stream. Again this depicts a specific type of melodic motion(Gertzman, p. 214).49The exact origins of this term are unknown.50 Kondevma derives from the word for shortening or abbreviation (Gertzman, p. 218).51lncluded by Floros, the Lygisma (from \u00E2\u0080\u009C).vy lw\u00E2\u0080\u009D= I turn or bend) resembles the Antikenoma infunction, with which it freely interchanges. It suggests a bending of the melody (Conomos, p. 338).52From the word meaning even, level, smooth, etc.67Most of these have drastically altered shapes and it is only by means of latersurviving neume charts, the Koukouzelean Didactic Song, and the testimonies of theoriststhat they can be shown to be survivors from the older system. Even with such evidence itis difficult to ascertain stability of transmission of a given melodic formula; if shapes canchange so can function. The relationship, therefore, of these signs to the kondakariansystem remains tenuous at best.To answer the question posed concerning the chronological relationship of thekondakarian notational system to that of the Chartres, we admit that many of thekondakarian hypostases have been identified by means of the later neume tables and by thegraphic designs of those signs in their later guises. It seems that the kondakarian systembelongs midway in the course of notational development between the Chartres and MiddleByzantine systems.CI{ARTRESHYPOSTASISDIDACTICSONGREPRESENTATION1)____L67PEPHIS[ttm\u00E2\u0080\u0094A.24582)/_____L67TROMIKON7KATABATROMIKONA.2444St.BlasienT1MIKONCIIARTRESHYPOSTASISDIDACTICSONGREPRESENTATION.bF3)Z\u00E2\u0080\u00A2)f \u00E2\u0080\u0098cJJ.St.BlasienEKSTREPTONA.24444)ST.BLASIENItoQ\u00E2\u0080\u009D\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u0098E$THESKAIAPOTHESA24445)EEFEZST.BL2SIEN\u00E2\u0080\u0094OSTHEMATISMOSESOA2444CIIARTRESHYPOSTASISDIDACTICSONGREPRESENTATION7)ST.BLASIENOtJRANISACodexCI.,ysanderG*,CodexBarberinusgraccus300---a\u00E2\u0080\u00A2\u00E2\u0080\u0098-L67SEISMA \u00E2\u0080\u0098v-I\u00E2\u0080\u0094ST.BLASIENSEISMA0\u00E2\u0080\u0094-\u00E2\u0080\u00A2 A2458elII.t -A2444C\u00E2\u0080\u0099CIIARTRESHYPOSTASISDIDACTICSONGREPRESENTATION8)\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0098JcLLS?ANATRICHISMAA2458./em-..TS;91L67SYNAGMA2458a,war111:T.BLASINSYNAGMACHARTRES11YPOSTASISDIDACTICSONGREPRESENTATION10)I.ST.BLASIEMKYLISMAiZ___j__._.__.A2458NOCHARTRES)REPRESENTATION---___\u00E2\u0080\u0094o\u00E2\u0080\u0094d.cIA\u00E2\u0080\u0099-\u00E2\u0080\u0099 A.\u00E2\u0080\u0094.A2458zjazzNOCHARTRES12)REPRESENTATION\u00E2\u0080\u0094--.---\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u00A2--\u00E2\u0080\u00A2..\u00E2\u0080\u0094----___-A2458CIIARTRESHYPOSTASIS13)L67PAJ1SWSt.BlasienParakalesma\u00E2\u0080\u0094*zz.LiDIDACTICSONGREPRESENTATION.0\u00E2\u0080\u00A2\u00E2\u0080\u00A2\u00E2\u0080\u0094iL245.:NOCHARTRES14)REPRESENTATION--.,\u00E2\u0080\u0094-\u00E2\u0080\u0094------.--..\u00E2\u0080\u0094-\u00E2\u0080\u0094--\u00E2\u0080\u0094____-o.-a.1-A2458A2444CHARTRESHYPOSTASISDIDACTICSONGREPRESENTATION--15)-.\u00E2\u0080\u0094.-\u00E2\u0080\u0094-.-\u00E2\u0080\u0094-ST.BLASIEJANTIKENOMAA2444in1e.L.16)L67RAPISMA0-a\u00E2\u0080\u0098oZ*LZ\u00E2\u0080\u00A2oe.a-o.o-oL4A2458CIIARTRESHYPOSTASIS17)L67PARAKLETIKESt.B1as\u00C2\u00B1enPARAKLETIKEDIDACTICSONGREPRESENTATION-w-.\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0094.---\u00E2\u0080\u0094-------\u00E2\u0080\u0094--\u00E2\u0080\u0094-----.--..--rg.kbk\-\-\u00E2\u0080\u0098\u00E2\u0080\u009C444-CJcxC1iysaiderCdexBai-tiirinwsjraecus300\u00E2\u0080\u009Cz!\u00E2\u0080\u0098j\u00E2\u0080\u00A2Z--a..A245818))C L67CHOREUMAST.BLASIENCHORUMA.\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0094T\u00E2\u0080\u0099wiZE\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u00A2zI0__\u00E2\u0080\u00A2__.ij------_CHARTRESHYPOSTASISDIDACTICSONGREPRESENTATION19)L57KLASMAM4a(,\u00E2\u0080\u00A2eo.ToA245820)NOCHARTRESREPRESENTATION.,.-$oLL..A244421)L67BAREIA-.\u00E2\u0080\u0094-.i.-.--\u00E2\u0080\u0094--\u00E2\u0080\u0094--\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0094______--.--,--.-..L(.U1fU\u00C3\u00B8JBLASIENA2458BAREIA22)CHARTRESHYPOSTASIS/\u00E2\u0080\u00A2cL67PlASMAST.BLASIENPlASMADIDACTICSONGREPRESENTATION-A245823)4\u00E2\u0080\u0094F.U\u00E2\u0080\u00A2_pZE0L67EXDHADINA.2458CHARTRESHYPOSTASISDIDACTICSONGREPRESENTATION24)ST.BLASIENTHEMAHAPLOtJU:-\u00E2\u0080\u0098j___.__w#_w_._._._-L\u00E2\u0080\u0099)4\u00E2\u0080\u0094A2458\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0098,CC\u00E2\u0080\u0094-\u00E2\u0080\u0094L67THEMA25)_LL.eww.L67APOTHEMAST.BLASIENEPEGERMA14\u00E2\u0080\u0098e.A2444CHARTRESHYPOSTASISDIDACTICSONGREPRESENTATION26)STBLASIENSTAVrOSOtLu CODEXCRRL67STAVRO5APO..DEXIAS\u00E2\u0080\u00A2L67METASTAVROU27)L67aNaA2458CIIARTRESHYPOSTASISDIDACTICSONGREPRESENTATION,Iz-z1\u00E2\u0080\u00A2zzzz28)JJZZZJZL67PHTHORAA2444.1\u00E2\u0080\u0094.29)ST.BLASIENENARXISLvCoderBarberirna,graecus300VCoderChysanderA2444PapadikevonMcsslna\u00E2\u0080\u0098F30)ru:AJL67TESSARA.SZA2144CIIARTRESHYPOSTASISDIDACTICSONGREPRESENTATION31)7\u00E2\u0080\u00A2L67TRIAA244432)A2458L67SThZNGISMATA,,-\u00E2\u0080\u00A2.0\u00E2\u0080\u00984*l\u00E2\u0080\u0094roj/-Fyr\u00E2\u0080\u0094a---.1------.---------L67GRONTHISMATAA24440082CHAPTER SEVENTHE METHOD OF COUNTERPART TRANSCRIPTION;TRANSCRIPTION AND ANALYSES: THECOMPARABLE CHANTSThe term \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccounterpart transcription\u00E2\u0080\u009D of kondakarian musical notation was coinedand its method was pioneered and first presented more than twenty-five years ago by Levyin a series of seminal articles. A similar and even more exhaustive technique wasdeveloped independently somewhat later by Floros.i To recount in detail Floros\u00E2\u0080\u0099 elaboratemethod would exceed the scope of this study. Briefly, however, he followed four basicsteps:(1) identification of the kondakarian signs by comparison with the Chartres signs asfound in the oldest neume catalogues, such as Ly67, as well as the Russian Azbuki--lists ofZnamenny neumes--of the fifteenth through seventeenth centuries;(2) transcription and analysis of those Byzantine hymns from the Asmatikon forwhich there exists a Paleoslavomc counterpart;(3) intabulation of the Paleoslavomc settings with their Byzantine asmaticanalogues;(4) the identification of the transcribed melodic formulae by means of theKoukouzelean Didactic Song, whose oldest redactions date from the fourteenth century.2Roros provides copious illustrations of the identifications made by means of hissystem. Yet at the same time, caution is advised in the acceptance of any identification asabsolute. Firstly, for our purposes, it must be constantly borne in mind that the1K. Levy, \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Slavic Kontakia and their Byzantine Originals,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Twenty-Fifth AnniversaryFestschrift (1937-62), Department of Music, Queens College, (Flushing, New York, 1964), pp. 79-87;\u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Byzantine Communion Cycle and its Slavic Counterpart,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Actes du Congres Intemationale d\u00E2\u0080\u0099Etudesbyzantines, II, Ochride, 1961, (Belgrade, 1963), pp. 571-4; \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Earliest Slavic Melismatic Chants,\u00E2\u0080\u009D inFundamental Problems of Early Slavic Poetry. (MMB, Subsidia VI, ed. C. Hannick, Copenhagen:Munksgaard, 1978), Pp. 197-210; C. Floros, \u00E2\u0080\u009CDie Entzifferung der Kondakarien-Notation,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Musik desOstens III (1965), pp. 7-70; IV (1967), pp. 12-44; Universale Neumenkunde, Vols. I and II (Kassel, 1970).2The remarkable stability of the Koukouzelean Didactic Song is demonstrated in the above chartand in Appendices V and VI. Appendix V is a transcription of the song from the fourteenth-century codexA2444, the other is a reproduction of the Song from the St. Blasien codex of the fifteenth-sixteenth century,and reprinted by Gerbert as tables XII-XVII of his 1774 monograph De Cantu et Musica Sacra. Minorvariants notwithstanding, the transmissions of the song in these disparate sources are identical.83employment of melodic formulae--kondakarian or asmatic--and their interpretation mustmake sense within the context of the mode and the composition of the hymn as a whole.Figures, and their rendering in musical notation, serve a defining role to create musicallythe syntax of the text.Secondly, one must also be cautious when using Chartres nomenclature for theidentification of both kondakarian, and to a lesser extent, the K8 large signs. Although ithas been shown that some of the terminology can be applied to both, there are as manyinstances in which it cannot; kondakarian notation and the K8 signs are chronologically andgeographically quite distant from the Chartres system and a notational correspondence doesnot necessarily constitute an absolute identification.Thirdly, those early musicians responsible for engineering the kondakariannotational system and adapting it to the Slavonic texts obviously had a working knowledgeof the extant Paleobyzantine systems and freely borrowed signs from them, as well as thecentonate procedure of musical composition. But not all was borrowed. Other signs werenewly created to fit the translations. The best illustration is the unique sign which isidiomatic to the kondakarian system: that corresponding to the Strangisma, but whosemanifestation--usually a Stavros followed by five short lines (Floros\u00E2\u0080\u0099 \u00E2\u0080\u009CFtinfergruppe\u00E2\u0080\u009D)-has no foundation in either the Chartres or Coislin Paleobyzantine systems. Itsidentification and function can only be determined through extensive comparative analysiswhere the transcription of the figure consistently agrees with the Didactic Songtransmission of that melodic formula. Further support of the identification comes from theK8 Asmatikon, whose Strangisma in this case is identical to that found in the Ly67 neumechart.3 It must be repeatedly emphasised, however, that kondakarian notation is, above all,a system of codified cheironomic gestures, and that this sign has its origins in specificmusical practice.Other factors must also be taken into account. The deployment of the small intervaland rhythmic signs with the great hypostases serves multifarious roles; the text (word orname choice) and choice of mode, and of melodic formulae within a calendaric cycle are allcontributing factors. This mnemonic nature and relationship between text and neumes3See formula no. 32 above.84adds further support to the oral transmission theory.Although Floros\u00E2\u0080\u0099 method is the most thorough to date, it does not give us the finalword on the deciphering of kondakarian notation. He does not take into account theconsiderable disparity of ages of the sources employed, maintaining that the melodies andnotation found in all sources from the eleventh through fifteenth centuries resisted any typeof evolutionary development. Furthermore, all figures identified by Floros have beenobserved in isolation rather than presented in the context of the hymns in which they arefound.4The four basis steps of counterpart analysis outlined above were followed for thepreparation of the examples presented below.4Perhaps the first to show the structural roles of the kondakanan notational system in chantconstruction was Levy in his article \u00E2\u0080\u009CDie Slavische Kondakarien-Notation,\u00E2\u0080\u009D in Anf\u00C3\u00A4nge der SlavischeMusik (Symposia I, Bratislava, 1964), pp. 77-92. Levy provides an interesting structural analysis of thebilingual Hypakoe for the Feast of the Elevation of the Cross (14 September) as found in the BK (f. 85r).85Transcription and Analyses: The Comparable HymnsIn the first part of his monumental article on the transcription of kondakariannotation,5Floros determined the following five categories of melismatic chants common toboth Asmatikon and kondakar that are suitable for comparative analysis:(1) the two Oktoechal cycles of Hypakoai;(2) the two Oktoechal cycles of Koinonika;(3) the Great Troparia for the Vigils of Christmas and Epiphany;(4) some miscellaneous hymns of the Ordinary;(5) three isolated exemplars from the asmatic kontakion repertory:(i) the KontakionlHypakoe for the Sunday of Orthodoxy;6(ii) the KontakionlHypakoe-refrain for Palm Sunday;(iii) the Kontakion for the Dedication of a Church.7To this list can be added as the sixth category the katavasiai and hypakoai for all theGreat Feasts of the Fixed Liturgical Year, for which there is full kondakanan and asmaticrepresentation. It is especially noteworthy that the cycles of hypakoai and koinonika existin the two melodic styles, solo and choral, as can be found in such mixed-type Asmatika asthe codices VG, Fy5, and M129, which contain both repertories.8It is from this sixth category that the body of chants chosen for analysis in thisstudy have been drawn, in particular those chants that exist as veritable \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccycles\u00E2\u0080\u009D within theliturgical calendar. All are in plagal modes, employing predominantly one modal area--Mode VI (Mode II Plagal in the Byzantine system). The cyclic correspondence opens thedoor to greater levels of comparative analysis, that of the calendaric or inter-festal. All are5c. Floros, \u00E2\u0080\u009CDie Entzifferung der Kondakarien-Notation,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Musik des Ostens III (1965), pp. 7-70.6The first Sunday of the Great Lenten Fast.7c. Floros, p. cit., p. 26.8Levy, in his article, \u00E2\u0080\u009CA Hymn for Thursday in Holy Week\u00E2\u0080\u009D (JAMS XVI (1963), p. 150),remarks:The repertories of the Asmatikon and the Psaltikon are generally independent, but in afew cases they complement one another, as the Asmatikon supplies the choral refrains for some ofthe solo verses in the Psaltikon. And in one case they overlap, as full cycles of the Responds(Hypakoai) have come down in the characteristic styles of both collections. The reasons for thedouble tradition are not clear, although it seems likely that the choral versions were intended forprocessional use, while the ones for the soloist were reserved for stationary functions within thechurch.86selected from the Pre-Christmas, Christmas, and Epiphany church festivals. The tenchants are:(1) The HypakoeIKatavasia for the Feast of the Archangel Michael andAll Angels, a contrafactum chant modelled on,(3) The First Troparion for Christmas;(2) Two Hypakoai for the Forefeast of Christmas:(a) The Sunday of the Forefathers;(b) The Three Children in the Fiery Furnace.(4) The First katavasia for Christmas;(5) The Second katavasia for Christmas;(6) The katavasia for Epiphany;(7) The Second Troparion for Christmas and Stichoi;(8) The First Troparion for Epiphany and Stichoi;(9) The Second Troparion for Epiphany and Stichoi.As recounted in the discussion on the notation in Chapter Six, the use ofPaleobyzantine labels for the kondakarian hypostases remains a problem. For want of analternative nomenclature, labels appropriated from the Chartres system have been appliedwith certain reservations. The method of transcription used for the Byzantine material alsodeviates from that pioneered by the Monumenta Musicae Byzantinae.9 Instead the methodhas been simplified to a system of \u00E2\u0080\u009Cshorts\u00E2\u0080\u009D and \u00E2\u0080\u009Clongs\u00E2\u0080\u009D rendered in note-heads withoutstems; the longer note values are indicated by tenuto marks (-) and fermata signs. The aimis to show as clearly as possible the melodic shape of each formula absorbed into thekondakarian system from the Byzantine. The chants are discussed in the order in whichthey are found in the kondakars and not according to the typikon, since typikonal ordervaries among the sources. Readers are referred to the end of this study where the chantanalyses are presented in their entirety, as well as to the neume charts in the previouschapter and in Appendices II through IV. All transcriptions are written in the treble clef.9See H. J. W. Tillyard, A Handbook of Byzantine Musical Notation, MMB Subsidia Vol. 1(1935).871 & 3: The HypakoefKatavasia for the High Feast of theArchangel Michael; The First Troparion for10\u00E2\u0080\u009CAaOwv EtExOqc\u00E2\u0080\u009D/\u00E2\u0080\u009DTh \u00C2\u00A3oirM\u00E2\u0080\u009D- -\u00E2\u0080\u009CAion 4,w\u00E2\u0080\u0099These two chants are discussed together (see p. 226 below for the analysis) becausethey are provided with almost identical neumation; the former is a contrafactum of the latter,and as far as is known, is the only extant exemplar of a katavasia modelled on a troparion.Their inclusion and analysis provide fine examples of interchant-interfestal correspondence.For the first time, those sources which were previously unavailable--the Lavrsky andSinodalny Kondakars--have now been included in the comparative analyses.The First Troparion for Christmas is found only in the LK (ff. 109r- 109v) and SK(f. lOOv), from which it has been drawn and tabulated with the transcription from the fyicodex (f. 18v) and the neumation from K8 (f. 52r).il The St. Michael hymn, however, isfound only in the older BK codex (f. 86a) and the LK (f. 19v). Rubrics for this chant aresparse; according to the typikon and the kondakars, two dates are prescribed in honour ofthis saint: 6 September and 8 November (for the High Feast). The katavasia is indicatedfor the latter, while a kontakion is reserved for the former date.These chants bear special significance for three principal reasons: (1) there is noknown Greek setting in Middle Byzantine notation; this analysis will therefore provide aunique opportunity to see how the neumation of the troparion is adapted to the Slavonickatavasia and how both in turn match the melodic construction of the Byzantinetranscription; (2) the fact that a troparion can provide a model for a katavasia demonstratesthe flexibility and interchangeability of these hymn forms, and the economy with which thelOThe published edition of the Great Church Typikon (J. Mateos, Le Typicon de Ia Grande Egiise.2 Vols., OCA 165-166(1962-63), pp. 148-151) provides the following rubrics for the performance of theFirst Christmas Troparion, which is included for the Lucemarium (Lychnikon or \u00E2\u0080\u009COffice of Light) on theevening of 24 Decemberthe \u00E2\u0080\u009CIncline, Lord\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Ps. 85), the last antiphon, and the \u00E2\u0080\u009CLord, I have cried unto Thee\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Ps.140) together with the Mode II Troparion, \u00E2\u0080\u009CWe have known God incarnate.\u00E2\u0080\u009D After theentrance of the Patriarch, he says the evening Prokeimenon, the three little antiphons are thenperformed, which is followed by litany with petitions. These are followed by the readings fromGenesis 1, 1-13, Numbers 24, 2b-18, and Micah 4, 6-5, 3.1lWith the exception of the St. Michael chant, which has no Byzantine representation, all thechants are also found in VG. The First Christmas Tropanon can be found on f. 37r followed by threestichoi in the psaltic style, ff. 37v-38v.88adaptors reused materials to create something new; (3) it seems that in Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 the Feast of theArchangel Michael bore some special significance to that land.12Chants 1 and 3 are exemplary for their composition in large centonate blocks(shown by large brackets over the upper-most line). Musical unity is attained on twostructural levels: by line and by recurrent melodic formula. These are aligned by hypostasisand punctuation (i.., dots which serve as internal line breaks). The chants are divided intoten lines according to textual division, with lines 1 and 2 forming a pair. Textually, line 7of the Christmas Troparion constitutes the refrain, raiseing the question whether the St.Michael chant was also treated as a refrain-form, and if so, whether its refrain occurred atthe same spot.It is significant that both LK and SK include the verses with the rubrics forperformance, but without notation. Apparently, the first Christmas Troparion withneumated verses was also once a part of the UK codex, but discrepancies in foliation at theapproximate spot in this manuscript show that they have been lost.l2Lisitsyn records that, \u00E2\u0080\u009Caccording to the chronicles, the Venerable Theodosius received a preparedcopy of the Ustav from the icon of the Archangel Michael. But in his Vita, it says that he purposely sentto Constantinople for it.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Further on the same author writes: \u00E2\u0080\u009COne might think that in the icon of theArchangel Michael, the Venerable Theodosius saw the image of St. Theodore Studite\u00E2\u0080\u009D (HCPT, p. 165).Professor Gail Lenhoff, in her article \u00E2\u0080\u009CChristian and Pagan Strata in the East Slavic cult of St. Nicholas:Polemical Notes on Boris Uspensky\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009CL oiortiecae paaiican a o6aacm cnanaacxtpeanocTe,\u00E2\u0080\u009D SEEJ Vol. XXIX, No. 2 (Summer 1984), pp. 147-163), notes that St. Michael wasvenerated as the patron of royalty and that in medieval Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 there was some confusion with St. Nicholas.Although the evidence is thin and at best circumstantial, the particularly good representation of chants forSt. Michael in the BK possibly implies that the source\u00E2\u0080\u0099s place of origin was in a noble household orprincely cathedral.89The AnalysisLine 1:Four melodic formula-neume sequences have been bracketed in line 1. The lineopens with a figure identifiable as a recurring incipit formula-signature: a four-noteconjunct ascending pattern incorporating the step wise motion of the Echadin. 13 Thekondakarian hypostasis has two forms, both of which are represented in the openingfiguration. All four kondakarian lines are consistent, while the K8 line has a hypostasisresembling the Chartres Gronthisma in one of its Ly67 guises:ivLK . \u00C2\u00B0A HLLJiL\u00E2\u0080\u00A2\u00E2\u0080\u00A2iBK fI\u00C2\u00B04H pQK8 \u00C2\u00A3fyi)S93V eThe second formula is the Lygisma-plus-Parakalesma,\u00E2\u0080\u00994shown here in a single row in allfour kondakarian lines and in K8 as a ligature:LK HH\u00E2\u0080\u0099hHH\u00E2\u0080\u0099HH-rL c. >. \u00E2\u0080\u0098ry4tz.\u00E2\u0080\u00A2TL5L - St3The Echadin-Gronthisma appears three times in lines 1, 3, and 7, and consistently displays twovariants, it can be found in all the chants surveyed in this study often as a four-note rising figure at thebeginning of lines, but can also occur medially in a free melisma or cadence, and in final cadential patterns.14These two signs appear in proliferation in all kondakarian chants. In Chant 1 it occurs fourtimes in four different combinations-variants. These signs are used consistently as medial figures in eitheras a constituent of a free melisma or medial cadence, but rarely in an incipit or final cadence.90The Lygisma and Parakalesma are two of the fundamental kondakarian signs,which occur equally among the small signs and the great hypostases. The former has noChartres representation, although it has a cognate in the Kylisma, but appears in the laterMiddle Byzantine notation. The Parakalesma, however, with its cognate the Parakietike, isfound in the oldest Chartres lists. Both signs appear in combination and in ligature withother signs.The third phrase has been subdivided to illustrate best its composition with twofigures. The first is a Theta formula which recurs as part of a cadential composite in line10.15The last hypostasis, found only in the BK line and which recurs in the cadence tothe second phrase of line 3 and in the incipit figure of line 4, is identified as theTromikon,16which is an integer of the Theta:., r4-BKK8\u00E2\u0082\u00AC. 7I \u00C2\u00A3 EI rSjl5dentification of this figure in line 1 as the Thema Haploun is oniy tentative. The transcriptioncorresponds to a complex of kondakarian and K8 signs that bear considerable structural importance. Similarrelated formulae occur in lines 2, 3, and 10 of this chant for total of five times. Similar Themata are foundin Chants 4, 5, 7, and 9 as components of cadential composites. Only in Chant 4 is it found in a medialcadence.\u00E2\u0080\u00986This census takes into account all possible variants of the TromikonlStrepton, including theChartres form known as the Katabatromikon, as well as the late manifestation known as theTromikoparakalesma ligature, recognisable among the K8 hypostases. The Katabatromikon retains thecircular motion of the Tromikon, often appearing on the pitches d-e-d-c-b, or as a step-wise descendingpattern, g-f-e-f-e-d, as cited by Gertzman (p. 218). The Chartres Katabatromikon bears a strikingresemblance to a form of the kondakarian Ouranisma, to which its melodic function has only a cursorysimilarly.The figure corresponding to the Strepton in line 2 is identical to that cited by Conomos in hisstudy of the Tnsagia and Cherubika (1974, pp. 354-357). The Tromikon is found in all the chants of thisstudy.91Line 2:Three melodic formula-groups have been bracketed and labelled in line 2. Each ofthe three has been positively confirmed by its transmission in the Chartres neume-tablesand corresponding melodic function in the Koukouzelean Didactic Song. The incipitfigure, mentioned in connection with line 1,is the Strepton:LKcLi %\u00E2\u0080\u0098 ;7K8 \u00E2\u0080\u0098-\u00E2\u0080\u0098\u00E2\u0080\u0098.\u00E2\u0080\u0098 rm \u00E2\u0080\u00A2i or- -.--1\u00E2\u0080\u0099_____________iyi\u00E2\u0080\u0094.J -rtthe second, the Katabatromikon:\u00E2\u0080\u0098\u00E2\u0080\u0098-?LK 1b r1\u00E2\u0080\u0099TcZ), 3... c._/K8iz1\u00E2\u0080\u0099 I .jyl\u00E2\u0080\u0094I-kand third, the rarely-encountered Antikenoma:17LK,tJeaXa o X x\u00E2\u0080\u0099FyiThe transmission of the Antikenoma is complicated since it is perhaps the leaststable of melodic figures represented. There is no concordance among the K8 hypostases;its presence here is as the Antikenoma-plus-Parakalesma, an example that corresponds to17A signs resembling the Antikenoma is also found in Chants 2a, 6, and 7 below.92examples presented by Conomos.18Line 3:As a composite of lines 1 and 2, line 3 exhibits a remarkable economy ofneumation; the first two phrases are appropriated from line 1, the cadential sequence fromline 2. Two figures have been bracketed, but only the second is identified from line 2: theKatabatromikon (see line 2 above). Particularly noteworthy in the LK contrafactum to St.Michael is the increasing proliferation of Coislin-type signs substituting the kondakarianhypostases.Line 4:The KS line presents different textual and simpler, more skeletal melodic materialfor line 4. It has therefore been provided with its own transcription positioned below theFyi line. Three melodic formulae within one phrase have been identified. The first, whichcorresponds to the single-step rise in the transcription, occurs in lines 1, 2, and 3; thesecond is a form of the TromikonlStrepton (see line 2 above), and is found in three of thefour kondakarian lines; the lowest of the LK lines (St. Michael Hypakoe), has only Coislinneumes. The identification of the third melodic figure has been absolutely verified by itsChartres and Didactic Song transmission, and is particularly apparent in the transcription ofthe K8 fragment, the Epegerma:19181). Conomos, The Byzantine Trisagia, p. 362. The Antikenoma occurs only once in this chantas part of the medial cadence. It can be found in Chants 2a (in a free melisma), 6 (in the medial cadence),and 7 (as part of the final cadence).l9The actual appearance of the Epegeniia \u00E2\u0080\u0098s melodic feature has been displaced in the transcription,but is nevertheless an exact replication of that found in the Didactic Song. The Epegerma is structurallyimportant to this chant and occurs only this once. It can also be found in Chants 2a and 8 (in the initium),4 and 6 (in the medial cadence), 9 (as a component of a free melisma), and in the Epiphany Stichoi.Line 4 of Chant 1, along with lines 6, 7, and 8 discussed next, also has elements of the Katabasmaand Stavros apo Dexias.93,_. / i\u00E2\u0080\u0099 t\u00E2\u0080\u00A2 \u00E2\u0080\u00A2\u00E2\u0080\u00A2 \u00E2\u0080\u00A2Ia1,. 0 0K8--\u00E2\u0080\u00A2\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u0099- 1 6A. \u00E2\u0080\u0098 r YX Z, XCL ,I, \u00E2\u0080\u0098K8\u00E2\u0080\u0098 )cL -Line 5:Line 5 divides into two distinct phrases, designated A and B, which almost form apalindrome with each other, Nothing has been identified although some of the figurationreappears in lines 7 and 8.Lines 6,7, and 8:Again this chant\u00E2\u0080\u0099s economical construction is apparent; these three lines arecomposites of one another and also form the structural midpoint of the chant. Of particularnote is the textual discrepancy between the BK and LK transmissions of the St. MichaelHypakoe: the BK line includes the name of the saint.The figure dominating the incipit and first phrase of line 6 is a component of line7\u00E2\u0080\u0099s cadential sequence and line 8\u00E2\u0080\u0099s central phrase, and is introduced each time by the samehypostasis-ligature in the K8 line. Although there is minimal correspondence betweenneumation and transcription, each of the lines is distinguished and characterised by anoscillation around the pitch a, and a descending four-note internal cadence. It is alsointeresting to note the melodic-syllabic correspondence (irpo...tpoo) with the recurrenceof these patterns--not evident in the neumation of the Slavonic versions--as if the figureswere chosen to match the assonance of the text.Only the incipit of line 7, which recalls line 1, has been identified; the step-motionand repeated pitch suggest the Echadin (see line 1 above for the illustration).94Lines 9 and 10:This pair of lines comprises the refrain for the Christmas Troparion, andcoincidentally the St. Michael chant shares the same text, adding support to the theory thatthis hymn is also a refrain-form, one which would reclassify it as a troparion rather than ahypakoe or katavasie. The questions remain as to whether its Byzantine counterpart existsand if there is an Paleoslavonic source containing notated alternating verses for a soloist.The transcription shows a low vocal tessitura. Only the last figure of line 9 hasbeen bracketed, showing a complex composed of a Tromikon, found only in the BKtransmission of the St. Michael hymn:..-,-, ?CBK\u00E2\u0082\u00AC\u00E2\u0082\u00AC< ..t_/; $ I. \u00E2\u0080\u0098K8,Fyi EELine 10 has a quasi-isometric design; the first phrase is composed of the Thetafigure, which recalls line 1, the second, identified as the Thema Haploun, is the caclentialcomposite concluding line 1, but occurs here at a transposition a sixth lower:.. .4 / 4. r \u00E2\u0080\u00A2LKHKS 7\u00E2\u0080\u0099f/-o95The KatavasiailHypakoai for the Forefeast of Christmas:2A. The Feast of the Holy Fathers, Mode IIPlagallMode VI\u00E2\u0080\u009CEL\u00C3\u00A7 Apouov tot\u00C3\u00A7 HaLoL\u00E2\u0080\u009DI\u00E2\u0080\u009Dg Lor\u00E2\u0080\u0099S\u00E2\u0080\u0099 O\u00E2\u0080\u0099rpoio&x\u00E2\u0080\u009D- - \u00E2\u0080\u009CLuwrai*The Forefeast of Christmas is represented in this study by two principal chants, thekatavasialHypakoe for the Sunday of the Holy Fathers (see p. 236 below), and the ThreeChildren in the Fiery Furnace (see p. 248 below). Both are approximately of equal length\u00E2\u0080\u0094six to seven lines--and are particularly appropriate for illustrating interchant correspondence(if any). It cannot, however, be overemphasised, that the identification of kondakarianneumes and the formulae they represent is only tentative; local variants of a melodictradition are often serious impediments. Identifications are made and consolidated onlywhen there is consistency in the neumation and concordance among the sources.The BK and LK also include the Stichoi for these chants in the same melodic style,one for each. These have not been considered in this study for the following reasons: (1)the corresponding Byzantine versions are in the psaltic or soloist style; (2) there is no K8representation which is essential for the comparison of the hypostases; and (3) mostimportantly, they do not appear to have the same internal link to the katavasiai/hypakoai asdo the Christmas and Epiphany Stichoi to the Great Troparia.For the analysis, the manuscripts employed have been limited to the BK (ff. 87a-87b), LK (f. 93r), K8 (f. 45r), with the transcription prepared from codex fyi (f. 16v).The chant is characterised by extreme line length and a regular metrical structure ofAABCCD (shown below by the upper case letters after the line numbers). For theanalysis it has been divided into six lines according to textual division with further20\u00E2\u0080\u009Diwr,q 3wom\u00E2\u0080\u009D, which appears first in the order of chants in the manuscript, is unique tothe BK, and is a mystery since it is not indicated in any of the liturgical sources consulted. For theprincipal hymn, \u00E2\u0080\u009C poc\u00E2\u0080\u0099 o\u00E2\u0080\u0099r,oicol. \u00E2\u0080\u009C, Lisitsyn provides some interesting details concerning itsperfonnance. According to the Alexian Typikon:In the first week of the Holy Forefathers after the first Kathisma, the Hypakoe in Mode VI,\u00E2\u0080\u009C ,or(o1rpoIom orn n wwm\u00E2\u0080\u009D is sung with the following instructions: \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfirst by thepsalte; also by the people. Then the psalte says the stichos. Again the hypakoe is sung by thepeople; and again by the psalte; also by the people. At this point, the psalte joins in only at theend of the hypakoe.\u00E2\u0080\u009D (HCP\u00E2\u0080\u0099l\u00E2\u0080\u0099, p. 210)Lisitsyn is citing manuscripts Nos. 1136, f. 1; Ustav No. 330, 1. 9; and Ustav No. 144, f. 5v., allliturgical typika.96subdivision into hemistichs owing to line length where necessary. To regulate line length,the epechemata from the fyi transcription have been omitted. Paired lines are discussedtogether.The AnalysisLines 1 and 2: AOwing to their lengths, both lines have been divided into two hemistichs, eachhaving almost identical neumation. There is a displacement of hypostases, with the K8 linerepeating the opening figure, a hallmark feature of the chants transmitted by this source,suggesting that the opening syllable or word is sung by a solo precentor which is thenrepeated by the choir.21 The transcription is also noteworthy, showing melodic movementin thirds.Six figures have been bracketed, illustrating how the kondakarian hypostases formlinks of interconnecting musical ideas; graphically similar signs are found in the K8 line asligatures. They have been tentatively identified by means of the Chartres neume-cataloguesand the Koukouzelean Didactic Song. A sign unique in its design to the kondakariannotation, which has been labelled Strangisma (Floros\u00E2\u0080\u0099 \u00E2\u0080\u009Cftinfergruppe\u00E2\u0080\u009D), is one of the mostconsistently represented and transcribed melodic formulae transmitted to the kondakariansystem. It occurs twice in this line and in each remaining line of the chant for a total offifteen times, accompanied by the same figuration in the transcription. One may regard it asa notational idiom for Model! and Model! Plagal/Mode VI chants.22 If the transcriptioncan be trusted, this five-note figure most typically depicts two oscillating thirds, usually onthe pitches gb ac (b).2lThis is implied by the abbreviation of the word \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca?o\u00C3\u00A7\u00E2\u0080\u009D (another) separating the repeat of theopening word.22This notational idiom is perhaps the most easily recognised and charactetistic kondakarianmelodic formula. It first appears in the initium for the Mode II Kontakion for the 1 September feast of St.Symeon the Stylite (the Indiction of the Byzantine Liturgical Year) which provides a model for numerouscontrafacta. Roros (\u00E2\u0080\u009CDie Entzifferung,\u00E2\u0080\u009D MdO III, pp. 43-45, and Tables I and II) has misinterpreted thissign--usually a Stavros followed by five short lines, or some variant thereof--as the Laimos, a Chartresneume that has no physical resemblance to this unique kondakarian figure.The Strangisma is often found in combinations with other hypostases and is represented as aligature in the K8 lines, which bears strong resemblance to its oldest Chartres form. It is also wellrepresented in Chants 2b, 4, and 9, and will be included in the discussion of those chants below.97Other melodic formulae identified by the same means and also showing remarkableconsistency among the sources are: the Tinagma and a form of the Epegerma:2 J-J21), \u00E2\u0080\u0098 9BK c.T\u00E2\u0080\u0099 \u00E2\u0080\u0098z.4-/z-I (J.- DK 8 , -- -,,\u00E2\u0080\u0094:c Leo C C C. oa - I .\u00E2\u0080\u0094,.; \u00E2\u0080\u00A2atwo forms of the Ouranisma:23-BK \u00E2\u0080\u0098\u00E2\u0080\u0098VMkbK817 17 \u00E2\u0080\u0098Fyi 0the Tromikon: cli (\u00E2\u0080\u0094BKKSand a complex comprising the Tinagma, Parakalesma, and the Synagma-Hyporrhoe:24/ i, U-\u00E2\u0080\u0098 uBK \u00E2\u0080\u0098t\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u0099-\u00E2\u0080\u0099.-J7KS ;-..;7\u00E2\u0080\u00A2, -These figures are exhibited in the kondakarian lines as individual hypostases and in the K8line as ligatures.23The Ouranisma is usually found in tandem with the Thematismos Eso, They do not, however,appear so in this chant (fragments of which are found in lines 5 and 6). The Oumnisma also shares some ofthe same intervallic content as the Piasma. The more common manifestation of Ouranisma-plusThematismos Eso is found in a medial application in Chants 2b to 7.24The Synagma and its integers, the Seisma and Hyporrhoe are found in the medial cadences ofChants 2a though 9 inclusive.98Line 3: BAll figures in line 3 have been bracketed to show its centonate construction with noless than ten complexes represented. Not all have been identified. The first two formulaeare the Lygisma-plus-Parakalesma, shown as a ligature in the K8 line:2\u00E2\u0080\u0094BK Mo\u00E2\u0080\u0099K8r. x. -fyiThis is followed by the somewhat enigmatic figure always associated with the four-noteconjunct rise--Echadin/Gronthisma--which introduces the next melodic phrase:I\u00E2\u0080\u0099 \u00E2\u0080\u0098 VBK b\u00E2\u0080\u0099VfyiCv a.vThe kondakarian Strangisma, shown here with the Stavros apo Dexias, is remarkablyconsistent in all four manuscript transmissions:254 1T?BKK8po ZLSfyiThe complex, a ligature combination of the Lygisma-plus-Strangisma, ending thefirst hemistich of line 3, seems to serve as a half-cadence:25The Stavros apo Dexias (SAD) occurs four times in this chant, in three of which it appears inconjunction or as a ligature with the Strangisma, as it does here. It is used medially in the context of a freemelisma. The SAD is, with the Tinagma and Ouranisma, a sign that exists in variant forms, with eachmanifestation suggesting different functions.Its significance structurally is particularly evident in the highly stylised form that occurscadentially, as in Chants 2b and 5. Some form of the SAD is found in all the chants in this study, and isnot associated with any particular position.99;. \u00E2\u0080\u0098.BK X\u00E2\u0080\u0099b\u00E2\u0080\u0099c\u00E2\u0080\u0099K8 2eI O oc.c;fyiThe second hemistich opens with the Thes kai Apothes hypostasis-melodicformula, depicted in the kondakarian lines by a combination of two different hypostases,the second of which is the Tromikon:26B KK8fyiXThe line concludes with the Strangisma.Lines 4 and 5: CA sign akin to the Paleobyzantine Parechon opens both lines, indicated by stepascent in the transcription:L\u00E2\u0080\u0099t)T: VBKCA \u00E2\u0080\u0098YK8_fyiThis enigmatic sign is one of the most difficult to identify and classify; it exists onlyin the oldest Chartres sources and apparently also is in the kondakarian system, but hasneither Middle Byzantine nor Didactic Song representation. This sign seems to have somestructural significance, positioned usually in the incipit of a line or in the penultimate phrasebefore the final cadence. Floros has noted that, depending on the mode, it usually involvesmelodic motion around the pitches c and d. It can be observed, however, that in spite of26The Thes kai Apothes finds its best and most idiomatic representation in Chant 2b. Roros hasdiscerned two different types of fla. conveniently designated A and B (\u00E2\u0080\u009CDie Entzifferung,\u00E2\u0080\u009D MdO Ill,Tables XVIII and XIX.100modal designation, this sign corresponds in transcription to the note a.27 In its Chartresguise, it is commonly accompanied by the Chamele (X), while in the kondakarian form it ispresented with Kentemata:..Six additional formula-complexes have also been bracketed, but only fourtentatively identified: a fragment of an Ouranisma, the Lyisma-plus-Parakalesma, shownas a ligature in the K8 line, and the Strangisma-with-SAD, presented here with a differentinterval content but retaining the same melodic shape as its appearance in line 3:.. ,BK W-K8-1Th.- \u00E2\u0080\u0094fyiThe neumatic complexes preceding the cadence of line 4 include a figure tentatively labelledas the Katabatromikon:I,..\u00E2\u0080\u0094, lBK rcooo1.K8FyiThe K8 line shows two of these hypostases in succession, which are represented in thetranscription as descending melodic sequence (f ed c dc b, then d cb b b). Theunidentified BK contrafactum (top line) has a figure resembling the Chartres Psilon whichseems to correspond to the pitch d in the transcription.28Line 5 is slightly longer than line 4; its last extended phrase shows differentneumation. The antipenultimate figure is once again a form of the Strangisma.27C. Horns, \u00E2\u0080\u009CDie Entzifferung,\u00E2\u0080\u009D MdO III (1965), pp. 66-67. Also E. Gertzman, p. ., p. 213.28E. Gertzman, . cit., p. 212.101.Line 6: UThe first hemistich of line 6 exhibits a quasi-isometrical design, evident by theneumation of all three kondakarian lines and K8. The BK contrafactum is somewhatshorter, concluding in line 6a. It is particularly interesting to see how the text and finalcadence are extended to accommodate and conclude the longer hymn.Five ligature-formulae have been bracketed and labelled; in the opening phrase theEchadin corresponds to the four-note ascending figure in the transcription:BKy,-\u00E2\u0080\u0099 _iT17-fyi \u00E2\u0080\u0094The Lygisma-plus-Strangisma have combined to create the Thes kai Apothes ligature in theK8 line, is the principal melodic formula concluding the BKcontrafactum:ii ii \u00E2\u0080\u0094s \u00E2\u0082\u00AC-\u00E2\u0082\u00AC.\u00E2\u0080\u00A2BKK8Fyi zzzThe Tinagma is the dominant hypostasis used to continue the Forefeast chant:TZ \u00E2\u0080\u00A2.I1%.K8Fyiwhile two Strangismata in the second phrase are the most easily recognised in the secondhemistich. Two other possible identifications in this last phrase are a fragment of the Theskai Apothes and an archaic form of the Ouranisma which immediately precedes theStrangisma.1022B The Three Children in the Fiery Furnace, Mode IVPlagaJ/Mode V11129\u00E2\u0080\u009CAyyko\u00C3\u00A7 Hca\u00C3\u00B6ct\u00C3\u00A7\u00E2\u0080\u009DI \u00E2\u0080\u009C&riix M\u00E2\u0080\u0099poI\u00E2\u0080\u0099oMz\u00E2\u0080\u009DFor the second chant of the Forefeast, the Hypakoe for the Three Children in theFiery Furnace, the number of sources has intentionally been limited to only the BK (f.89a), LK (f. 94v, part), and K8 (f. 47r).30 Moreover, the LK transmission is incomplete.Owing both to its generally poor condition and to its sometimes irreconcilable notationalpeculiarities, chants from the K8 codex are almost impossible to transcribe accurately. Thissetting, however, is completely readable. Using the VG transmission of this chant only asa reference (f. 31r), the K8 version has been transcribed into modern staff notation,providing a version that is more directly comparable with its Paleoslavonic counterpart (seep. 248 below).Unlike the previous hymn of the Forefeast cycle, with its clear-cut metrical structureand line repetition, this chant is through-composed, showing no large-scale interlinearcorrespondences but some isometry. For analytical purposes it has been divided into sevenlines according to textual breaks, with lines 6 and 7 further subdivided into two largephrases. In line 3, the BK setting interpolates additional text not found in either Byzantine29Velimirovic writes about this feastIn the menaia, the remembrance of the Three Children falls on December 17. Dmitrievsky alsopointed out that the Patmos manuscript of the Typikon of the Great Church records the memoiy ofthe Three Children both on December 17 and on the Sunday before Christmas, while a SinaiticKanonarion of the eleventh century records the remembrance of the Children only on December 17and on that date links their memory with that of the Forefathers. (\u00E2\u0080\u009CLiturgical Drama in Byzantiumand Russia,\u00E2\u0080\u009D DOP 16 (1962), p. 371.)Velimirovic echoes Lisitsyn, who compares the Alexian ordo prescription of this chant with othertypika of the same type and writes:The Hypakoe \u00E2\u0080\u009C porl( orpoo*i \u00E2\u0080\u009C is sung at the first Kathisma in the Alexian Ustav, but inthe Evergetis after the Amomos [Psalm] (HCPT, p. 293).In a note, this same author acknowledges the general influence of the Great Church Typikon,saying that the indication in the Alexian ordo is repeated in the Evergetis, but adding the important rubric:\u00E2\u0080\u009CFirst by the Psalte, then by the people with cheironomiae (emphasis added).\u00E2\u0080\u009D But his following remark isagain echoed by Velimirovic on the Liturgical Drama:Both the placement of the indicated troparia for the service in question and their solemnperformance by the established order of the Great Church, apparently in this case points to theorder of the Three Youths in the Fiery Furnace. At least with regard to the sixteenth century onemay already establish without a doubt, that the order of the Fiery Furnace existed inRussia...(Ibid., n. 51).30Codex VG, f. 3 lr, reverses the order of the two Forefeast chants. The latter is followed by twoverses in the psaltic style.103setting examined; only the final phrase is comparable. The melodic construction of eachline shows regular partitioning by text and punctuation which is complemented by themelodic fonnulae and the hypostases representing them. As in other examples, there is analmost uncanny resemblance between the kondakarian large signs and those of K8, withgroups of kondakarian figures presented as conjunctions or ligatures in the K8 line.Regarding the K8 version, its setting is often characterised by extreme intervallicleaps. This peculiarity was confirmed by the VG transmission, and in order to keep thechant melody within the mode and voice range, certain of these leaps were intentionallydisregarded when the transcription was prepared.31The AnalysisLine 1:Four principal hypostases compose the melody of line 1: a form of the Tromikon:BK Tfrk000\u00E2\u0080\u0099K8 r\u00E2\u0080\u0099the Tria:32BK o\u00E2\u0080\u009D\u00E2\u0080\u0099x3(5:) _;:Jc\u00E2\u0080\u0099yj - x q - .L.K84,\u00C2\u00B1,and the three bracketed kondakarian hypostases and the corresponding K8 ligature,identified by its Didactic Song transmission as an almost note-for-note rendition of the Thes3lFor example, the Hypsele over the syllable \u00E2\u0080\u009Cta\u00E2\u0080\u009D in line 432The along with its cognate the Tessara. is rarely encountered in this collection of chantsand its identification is tenuous. In their Didactic Song transmission both are distinguished by largeintervallic leaps: the Tria by a downward fourth, as seen here, the Tessara by a downward fifth. Theyresemble each other in appearance.104kai Apothes:33rDBK \u00E2\u0080\u0098\u00E2\u0080\u0094 \u00E2\u0080\u00A2-/) I_4 T74,,.K 8 - I .,-. _-K8Similar figuration occurs in two places in line 2, providing and interlinear link. Themelodic cadence of the line corresponds in the transcription to a form of the Stavros apoDexias (hereafter abbreviated SAD), although the K8 figure is dissimilar:D \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 \u00E2\u0080\u0094i:iVK8 S /.C0K8?,EELine 2:A chain of nine melodic formulae, each delineated by text and punctuation, has beenbracketed to show the relationship between the kondakarian and K8 hypostases, and toillustrate the line\u00E2\u0080\u0099s centonate construction. Although not all have been labelled, thefollowing constitute positive identifications: the Strangisma initium idiom:.\u00E2\u0080\u00A2BK-)\u00E2\u0080\u00A2;\u00E2\u0080\u0094 \u00E2\u0080\u0098, s-,,K8K8EEtwo variants of the Thes kai Apothes , linked to a similar figure in line 1:331n the transcription, the first of the two highly stylised figures that forms the incipit of line 7bis represented by a melodic fragment which seems to have the same intervallic composition as those inlines 1 and 2.105I \u00E2\u0082\u00AC.t, :\u00E2\u0082\u00AC\u00E2\u0082\u00AC,eK8. -i-, ,., K8 .:o 0 a o rr& \u00E2\u0080\u0098 \u00E2\u0080\u0098 I\u00E2\u0080\u0099 \u00E2\u0080\u0098 iKS \u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0094. KS-the ascending conjunct four-note figure followed by a third descent, resembling theGronthisma:34I:BKcE-\u00E2\u0082\u00AC\u00E2\u0080\u009977 \u00E2\u0080\u0094 1 77KS c - -and a form of the SAD, an example that best illustrates the graphic similarities of the twonotational cognates:BKKS \u00E2\u0080\u00A2I I I ,.vK8Y____Line3:The BK line has been considerably expanded with additional text not transmitted inthe Byzantine sources; only the final phrase shows any correspondence among the sources.The penultimate BK hypostasis is identical to the Ly67 depiction of the ChartresRapisma:3534This identification was based on its melodic exposition in the Didactic Song, as well as by thephysical resemblance of both kondakarian and K8 hypostases to the first of the two manifestations of thissign in the Ly67 neume-catalogue.35This is by no means a positive identification. Moreover, the corresponding K8 hypostasisdefies description, but the transcription retains some of the melodic shape of that sign--known in latersources as the Kolaphismos--as transmitted by the Didactic Song. The Kolaphismos appears medially inChants 5, 7, and 9.106BK-The final figure recurs five times in different guises and seems to correspond in thisexample to the Synagma:36BK_______Cooo\u00E2\u0080\u0099 c-re.K8 .. \u00E2\u0080\u0094-K8D\u00E2\u0080\u0094 -Line 4:Line 4 divides into three melodic phrases, each delineated by three largecomponents of formula-complexes. The first phrase corresponds in neumation andmelodic figuration with the cadence of line 1, providing yet another good illustration ofinterlinearconnection:BK ,o- 1id\u00E2\u0080\u0099L(, \u00E2\u0080\u0098\u00E2\u0080\u0098(\u00E2\u0080\u0098(\u00E2\u0080\u0098iI.-\u00E2\u0080\u0099, .J \u00E2\u0080\u0098- P\u00C2\u00B0\u00E2\u0080\u00A2-The final phrase is composed of perhaps the most consistent of all formulae: theStrangisma:BKK8K80Nothing has been identified in the middle phrase group.36As in most instances, each appearance of this hypostasis in the K8 line relates to a combinationof hypostases in the kondakarian line. It freely interchanges with the Seisma and Hyporrhoe which serve asintegers or components of the larger melodic formula.107Line 5:Lines 5 and 6 form composites. Both clearly show division and subdivision of lineby formula. The first is identified by means of an example provided by Levy and DidacticSong as a form of the Ouranisma.37Others include Tinagmata, Thematismos Eso, andSynagma:I i)I-\u00E2\u0080\u0098j, ?2.B K ? \u00E2\u0080\u0098 / t.\u00E2\u0080\u0099 s\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0099 / V c.j ,!D 1-\u00E2\u0080\u0098 ,.-. _) 2. ., .\u00C2\u00A3 #Q r r(76t C 0 0 pK 8 \u00E2\u0080\u0098 \u00E2\u0080\u0094---f. I IThe antipenultimate formula is a complex of three neume-groups: the Strangisma,Ouranisma, and Tinagma:r1 \u00E2\u0080\u0094II-, \ \u00E2\u0080\u0098. \u00E2\u0080\u0098. \u00E2\u0080\u0098. \u00E2\u0080\u0098\u00E2\u0080\u0098\u00E2\u0080\u00A2 \u00E2\u0080\u0098 (..L.BKK8K\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u0099-\u00E2\u0080\u0098Although the transcription is incomplete owing to the condition of the manuscript, itappears that the closing sequence parallels that of the incipit with similar melodic shape inthe transcription.37K. Levy, \u00E2\u0080\u009CAn Early Chant for Romanos\u00E2\u0080\u0099 Contacarium Tnum Puerorum?\u00E2\u0080\u009D, p. 174. Bothkondakarian and K8 forms of the Thematismos--shown without the Ouranisma with which it is oftenlinked--are identical to the Chartres forms found in the codices Ly74 and Sinaiticus graecus 1219, as well asto the transcription presented by Levy from ms. Paris graecus 265 (Loc. \u00C3\u00A7., p 174). It seems that in thekondakarian system this sign has a double form and therefore possibly a double function: one that isidentical in graphic design and function with its Chartres counterpart, the other a distinctly kondakariantype, more closely resembling the Chartres Katabatromikon, but usually encountered in combination withthe Thematismos Eso.108Line 6:Line 6 exhibits a fine instance of structural interlocking with line 5; the openingSynagma-Tinagma sequence is a repetition of a pattern found in the middle of line 5, thetwo sharing an isometrical relationship:F ilL..) 4-DI\u00E2\u0080\u0099K8 - \u00E2\u0080\u0094I\ rK_____________\u00E2\u0080\u0098cIThis concurrence between lines is confirmed by the transcription, which shows a melodicrepetition of line 6. The line concludes with a figure similar to that found in line 2; a relatedsequence also opens the second phrase of line 6. The step rise concluding the same linehas also been bracketed.Line 7:Line 7 is divided into two large melodic phrases, a and b, because of itsconsiderable length. Three figure-groups have been bracketed and labelled. The first is thenow-familiar Strangisma. The second, which opens line Th, is an ornate neume whosedesign is typical of the stylized notational forms found in the BK. This is a complex figureand seems to be a form of the Thema Haploun, previously encountered in this chant. In thetranscription, it is depicted by leaps of a fourth, but it is not an exact replica of that found inthe Didactic Song. It is presented here with its K8 analogue (encountered for the firsttime):L) 1BKK8#This is followed by a second related figure also designated Thema Haploun:109BKcsKSK8E5ETogether, the two seem to form a melodic sequence, dividing the first musical phrase intotwo.110The Cycle of Great Troparia, Stichoi, and Katavasiai forthe Vigils of Christmas and Epiphany:384. The First Katavasia for Christmas\u00E2\u0080\u009CTv A2Eapqv twv \u00C2\u00A3Ovwv\u00E2\u0080\u009D/\u00E2\u0080\u009DHa\u00E2\u0080\u0099IvrEKx M3iIKX\u00E2\u0080\u009D39By way of an introduction, it is worth noting that all the chants selected for thisstudy which are designated as Troparia--including Chant 3 discussed above\u00E2\u0080\u0094share muchthe same melodic figuration, especially in the final cadences, which are in each case almostidentical. A similar instance occurs with the hypakoai and katavasiai but to a lesser degree.This is an important consideration when seeking out those factors that bind these chantsinto a cycle.One finds a discrepancy of modal designation, which is not uncommon among thekondakars; the LK indicates Mode VI while the BK and UK designate Mode VIII.Furthermore, this chant shares the same initium formula with the Mode V Katavasia, \u00E2\u0080\u009COtEtq ErrL4cxveLa aoi,\u00E2\u0080\u009D I\u00E2\u0080\u009DIFrM M&FHHifMh TiouMh\u00E2\u0080\u009D, for Epiphany, but with a slightlydifferent transcription on a different set of pitches.The Christmas Katavasia is found in five of the available sources:BK (f. 90b), LK (f. 95v), UK (f. 155r), fyi (f. 19v) from which the transcription was38Lisitsyn provides and appropriate introduction to this important collection of hymns, by sayingthat,The singing of the troparia with the verses and in turn that by the soloist, the choir, or bythe congregation is encountered in the Typikon of the Great Church for every festive service.(HCPT, p. 212).Robert Taft, in his celebrated study of the Byzantine Great Entrance, provides the formula for theperformance of these genres and succinctly summarises the Byzantine musical practice of the Troparia forthese feasts:lithe Troparion was rather long, it was sung in its entirety only at the beginningand the end of the psalmody. After each psalm verse the respective choir [or congregation] wouldrespond with only the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwcpotevttov\u00E2\u0080\u009D or final phrase of the refrain. This explains why manyByzantine tropana conclude in a final phrase, intelligible in itself, and hence easily detachable fromthe rest of the composition. The final psalm verse was always followed by the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cgloria patri.\u00E2\u0080\u009DWe have a clear example of this type of psalmody in the antiphons which interrupt thereadings on the vigils of Christmas and Theophany. (The Great Entrance: The Transfer ofGifts in the Offices of the East. OCA 200, p. 87).39For some reason the Great Church Typikon does not include this hymn, even though it has fullrepresentation in the manuscripts used for this study. it is, incidentally, found in the modern GreekMenaion (p. 350, Athens, 1971) for December and is classified as a Mode II Plagal Hypakoe.111made, and K8 (f. 49r).0 The chant is one of the longest in this study and has been dividedinto fourteen lines according to its textual divisions (see p. 256 below).The AnalysisLine 1:Two figures have been bracketed and tentatively identified by means of theKoukouzelean Didactic Song. No labels have been applied to the initium pattern, althoughall four manuscript sources show a figure that strongly resembles the Synagma:BK-As observed in the opening of Chant 2B above, a distinguishing characteristic ofmany of the K8 settings is the intoning of the initium, probably by a soloist, which isimmediately followed by its repetition and the continuation of the chant in its choral setting.The two bracketed formulae are faithful renditions of the Epegerma and Tessara.The kondakarian lines seem to reproduce the former by means of two hypostases intandem, while the K8 line presents a ligature. This particular K8 ligature bears a strongresemblance to the Chartres Apothema, as found in the Ly67 neume-catalogue:4BKiy4OIt is also found in the VG codex, f. 41r.41The Epeerma in this chant is a complex entity. The figure found in line 1 in the K8 line andin the F1 1 transcription is in accordance with all the neume-charts consulted and the Didactic Songtransmission of that melodic formula. The kondakarian lines show something different: a combination of aTinagma-like hypostasis with an unidentified sign. The same neume-combination appears in line 14, butwith a different corresponding transcription. In the other three occurrences, the K8 neume is identified bythe neume-chart found in the fifteenth-century A899 codex (see the Appendix) as the Tromikoparakalesmaligature. Its exact function is unclear, although a transcription of the K8 small signs might provide a clue.Compare this K8 sign with that found in Chants 1 and 3 above, and Chant 6 below.112The second figure is identified by its characteristic descending leap of a fifth, as theTessara, which is found here on the same pitches as its Didactic Song transmission:w 2I7XKS7J *\u00E2\u0080\u0098 7d1 /1yFyi___cEAn intonation formula appears at the end of the first line in the BK and fyitranscription while the UK has a modal signature in the form of a cipher. A singlehypostasis has been tentatively identified in the epechema, the SAD, whose design closelyresembles that found in the BK line, and is implied in the transcription by the single stepmotion, g a:42BKK8 .\u00E2\u0080\u0098..y. ,.\u00E2\u0080\u0094. . rc...ri_________ __L -L.. .\u00E2\u0080\u0094Line 2:Line 2 is composed of three melodic phrases, with the first of these comprisingthree formulae: the Echadin ascending scalar figure, which appears each time with the samekondakarian neumation; the Strangisma, also consistent in its form and transcription; andthe Lygisma:1B K H\u00C3\u00B4l.K8\u00E2\u0080\u0094fr rrFy1The second phrase is made up of two figures: the Tinagma, concurrent amongkondakarian, K8, and the transcription; and the Tromikon:4342For a discussion of the intonation formulae found in the Christmas Katavasiai and theirsignificance, see J. Raasted, Intonation Formulas and Modal Signatures in Byzantine Musical Manuscripts,MMB Subsidia Vol. VII (Copenhagen, 1966), pp. 102-118.43The K8 line shows one of the later Tromikon ligatures.1133,UT( \u00E2\u0080\u0098ri. J\u00E2\u0080\u00A2II r4X1\u00E2\u0080\u0099rw(L ..-LKSfyi .\u00E2\u0080\u00A2 .,The third complex, which forms the cadence of the line, employs two kondakarianhypostases, the TinagmalHyporrhoe, to compose one figure, the Synagma; the K8 lineshows a ligature:9,I IBK \u00E2\u0080\u0098KSryi,.4____________i, p\u00E2\u0080\u0094Lines 3 and 5:These two form a pair, as do lines 4 and 6, and are therefore discussed together.Lines 3 and 5 are among the shortest lines of the chant, both conclude with the sameintonation formula, and they are made up of melodic formulae classifiable as kondakariancompositional idioms: two forms of the Ouranisma, the first in its older Chartres form, thesecond, more \u00E2\u0080\u009Ckondakarian\u00E2\u0080\u009D and paired with the Thematismos Eso. The latter are oftenfound in tandem at medial cadences:BK .4U0 rfKS ;;-;7/;,WC\u00E2\u0080\u0099p LLLfyi ,1 ; \u00E2\u0080\u0098 ;9;,,A dominates the epechema, recognised here by its characteristic downwardleap of a fourth in the transcription:114T \u00E2\u0080\u0098 I .._. ,D1 rAM4Arw.. .-K8r I \u00E2\u0080\u00A2-.T\u00E2\u0080\u00A2FyiThe transcriptions of these lines, while exhibiting some of the same melodic shapeand rhythmic patterns, differ sharply. Line 3 is distinguished by an octave leap at thebeginning of the Ouranisma formula, while the intervallic value in the corresponding spotof lineS is reduced to a fourth. Line 5 also begins a step higher.Lines 4 and 6:These, although of different lengths, have basically the same neumation andmelodic construction; line 4 occurs a fourth higher than line 6. Five formulae have beenidentified in line 4, the first of which, the Echadin, presents few difficulties, although thehypostasis depicting its melodic shape is found only in the BK and LK lines and isaltogether absent in line 6. The Echadin is recognised in the Didactic Song by its oscillatingmelodic motion around two pitches, a a b a b a. It appears at a transposition a thirdhigher in the transcription: c d(e) c d.M?i$BK_::yK8fyi rThe Echadin is elided with the formula immediately adjacent to it a form of theSAD, which manifests itself three times in this form, the third of which is in line 7. Witheach occurrence it coincides with the same descending four-note pattern in the transcription,although each time at different pitch-levels. Its rhythm is also the same each time:LKTy1(.115The Epegermata, shown in the second bracket, appear in exactly the same form anddisposition in the next chant. The first is recognised here by the ascending second-descending fourth-ascending second, a b f g (the tritone has not been corrected), in thetranscription, a step lower than in the Didactic Song. This pattern repeats a fifth lower inline 6:/ \u00E2\u0080\u0094 \u00E2\u0080\u0098O C4 XQ CLdC OLLKK8fyi \u00E2\u0080\u00A2.The cadences of lines 4 and 6 are worth particular attention, especially the form inwhich they appear in the BK line. Together they constitute another kondakarian idiomwhose melodic shape is consistent with each appearance. The figure appears in therecurrent cadential composite of Chant 5, the Second Christmas Katavasia, providing anexcellent illustration of interchant correspondence within the cycle. The formulae arepresented here in more complete forms:44CA h b VBKK8 -,.,\u00E2\u0080\u0098,fyi ZZh.Line 4 has an intonation formula appended to it in both the BK and fyitranscription. The kondakarian hypostasis resembles the Chartres Strepton-Gronthisma.The corresponding transcription exhibits the same interval content as the precedingEpegerma, found in the same line, as well as the Tromikon in line 10. Line 6 lacks theintonation formula:IBKTTTY \u00E2\u0080\u00A2\u00E2\u0080\u00A27f 711IU 1 .. CL ri .fyi44This cadential sequence resembles the Thema Haploun, already encountered in Chants 1 and 3.116Line 7:Only the initium of line 7, which is composed of the Tinagma, has been bracketedsince it is an identical recurrence in neumation and transcription of a figure first encounteredin line 2:-\u00E2\u0080\u0098 ic\u00E2\u0080\u0098 \u00E2\u0080\u0098 \u00E2\u0080\u0098 3 .i..B K tAA6\u00E2\u0080\u009Dr.K8fyi_______This is the form in which it is found in all the chants analysed in the cycle.As encountered in lines 4 and 6 above, the next two bracketed formulae are theSAD and Katabasma, whose melodic functions, according to their Didactic Songtransmissions, complement each other. The K8 hypostasis complies but is more oftenassociated with the Katabatromikon:BK C.pAA4AK8? i.-\u00E2\u0080\u0099. \u00E2\u0080\u009CL )\u00C3\u00A9fyiLine8:Although the neumation is consistent in all its transmissions, no specific figure hasbeen labelled in this line, nor does this line share any correspondence with the others in thischant.Line 9:The imtium and cadential patterns have been bracketed in line 9. The opening is theascending scalar pattern that opens many lines but the corresponding kondakarianhypostasis resembles more the SAD in the form most frequently encountered in cadentialpatterns. Some of the corresponding transcription recalls the melodic motion of that figure:117.. lilt\u00E2\u0080\u0098. flQCfIpIb14CC6BKK8.... 9 IifyiThe second, tentatively labelled Epegerma, is notable for its recurrence in lines 4and 6 (also line 7), distinguishable by a descending leap of a fourth. Here the intervalliccontent has been reduced to a third while retaining much of its characteristic shape. Itsoccurrence is also on different pitches:BKa\u00E2\u0080\u0094K8\u00E2\u0080\u0094. \u00E2\u0080\u0098-A\u00E2\u0080\u009D-Fyi-Lines 10 and 11:Lines 10 and 11 have almost identical neumation and melody with only slightvariation. Although the kondakarian and K8 hypostases bear strong resemblance to eachother, only a form of the Tromikon has been labelled. It is an exact repetition a step lowerof the Tromikon in line 2:B K , I IK8 L\u00E2\u0080\u0094 7i fl \u00E2\u0080\u0094 So XC OVi A\u00E2\u0080\u009D(fl,__I__._I,I \u00E2\u0080\u00A2The transcription of cadential hypostases recalls the Thema Haploun-like figure in line 4:2bprbBKK8FyiEBoth lines end with intonation formulae in the BK and fyi transcription, but only theepechema at the end of line 11 is neumated.118Line 12:Line 12 is the shortest line of the chant, consisting of a single word. Yet it isimportant structurally. A sign resembling the Chartres Parechon is discernible and alwaysseems to herald the approach of the final cadence. Its exact function, however, isunknown:BKK8II liThe Ouranisma, recalling lines 3 and 5, is the only other melodic formula in thisline. This fragment is third lower than its Didactic Song transmission:, p ,LKKS../. 7;fy1No signs have been identified in the intonation formulae found at the conclusion of the line.Line 13:Line 13 divides into two asymmetrical phrases, each of which is dominated by andends with the same hypostasis, identified by its Didactic Song transmission as the SeismaSynagma: f.BK Q<-cK8. ,,\u00E2\u0080\u0094 ec e o Of r. T:fyi\u00E2\u0080\u0094J\u00E2\u0080\u0099%\u00E2\u0080\u0098In the second phrase, only a fragment of the Antikenoma, recognised by its upwardleap of a fourth, has been bracketed:B KfyiThe appearance of this formula in the chants of the Asmatikon and thecorresponding kondakarian settings is fairly consistent, although it is usually a variant or a119fragment of that provided by the Didactic Song. The figure immediately adjacent, ae f, inthe transcription and with the corresponding neumation, is the same as in the initium of theopening line.Line 14:Only two figures are shown in line 14: a rare appearance of the Choreuma,recognised by its Didactic Song presentation, and a hypostasis that is also found in lines 10and 11. The K8 line shows the Synagma:fl \u00C2\u00B0LKK8FyiThe second melodic formula is the cadential form of the SAD, recalling that in line 9above. The kondakarian and K8 hypostases are identical, both of which appear in themiddle of the line and resemble the figure first encountered in line 1. The transcriptions,however, differ: 4LKK8Ce1205. The Second Katavasia for Christmas, Mode V:\u00E2\u0080\u009CAu?.wv HoqvtKwv\u00E2\u0080\u009DI\u00E2\u0080\u009DGouAk llAc\u00E2\u0080\u0099rIi,anczIx\u00E2\u0080\u009DAs in the following example, this chant deviates from the set in its modaldesignation: Mode I Plagal/Mode V. It has, however, a particular significance andrelevance to our study in that the kondakarian settings, especially the BK, contain the mostpurely Byzantine elements. Consistently identical intonation formulae of the same type,number, and position occur correspondingly in the BK and fyi transcription.This second Christmas Katavasia is found only on the folios of the followingsources: BK (f. 91b), LK (f. 97r), UK (f. 156v), fyi (f. 18r), and (K8. 51r).45The hymn exhibits a remarkably symmetrical construction and has been divided intoten lines according to textual division with the following line pairings:Line 1=3Line 2=4Line 5=7Line 6=8A cadential composite is found at the ends of lines 6,8, and 10. Structural unity isfurther reinforced with the presence of the enigmatic Parechon-line sign, which serves inthis case as some sort of introductory figure, at the beginnings of lines 1,3, 5, 6, 7, (8),and 9. Each line pair will be discussed together (see p. 270 below).45The Great Church Typikon provides the following infonnation concerning its position in theservice, stating that the Mode IV Plagal (note different modal designation) is sung in the Orthros or Matinsimmediately following Psalm 50. This chant is not found in the VG codex.121The AnalysisLines 1 and 3:Six melodic formulae have been distinguished and labelled. Of these, four havebeen positively identified by means of the Didactic Song. The opening Parechon-likeformula, in each case, seems to correspond to the pitches g b in lines 1 and 3 (with the e);g a b ofline5;a a bofline6;a bofline7;andg g aofline9:464..LKCc\u00E2\u0080\u0099fyi EA\u00E2\u0080\u009DThe second bracketed figure is only tentatively labelled Thematismos, whichcorresponds to only a fragment of that figure a step lower than in its Didactic Songtransmission. The large sign found in the K8 line resembles more a Tinagma, although itsappearance almost always coincides with a Thematismos in the transcription:BKK83Vfyi =r\u00E2\u0080\u0094The corresponding spot in line 3 presents a different sign in the transcription.The Stavros concurs in all four settings, represented by an ascending fragment inthe transcription:BKfyiThe Tromikon is displaced in the K8 line, the actual hypostasis appearing before theactual figure is spelt out in the transcription:46This sign is best represented in this chant, occurring in the openings of six of its ten lines.Parechon-like signs can be found in Chants 4 (two appearances in line 12 and 13, above), 6 (once in line12), and 8 (also once in line 4). In each instance it forms part of the initium complex.122r\u00E2\u0080\u009DrF\u00E2\u0080\u0094 .\u00E2\u0080\u0094%_ .,KSfyi AE. yThe third melodic formula is interlinked with the figures immediately preceding andfollowing it. While bearing a strong resemblance to the Kratemokatabasma, it correspondsalmost note-for-note with the Didactic Song transmission of the Antikenoma. It ispresented a third lower in line 3:z-..# ..,BKK8fyi) 1L yeThe last sign in both lines appears to be an Ouramisma:TlQLXI, 7_ 7t so 0 0 0FyiThe intonation formula in the BK line is notated.Lines 2 and 4:These two lines share a more flexible relationship than do lines 1 and 3. Both openwith the ascending conjunct figure; line 4 begins a fourth lower. As in its manifestation inother chants, its neumation is consistent in each case: two sets of Dyo Kentemata overlaidby a great hypostasis. The BK version of this line shows a sign resembling the Tinagma,while the LK, UK, and K8 settings have a sign, designated Echadin-Gronthisma, that isconsistent in function with other appearances:47The K8 figure at this same place in the chant preserves the Chartres form of this hypostasis, butthe transcription corresponds to the Didactic Song transmission of the Ouranisma-plus-Thematismos Eso.123\u00E2\u0080\u00A2I ILK {K8 c--\u00E2\u0080\u0099-.3a. \u00E2\u0080\u0098tLThe K8 line presents a ligature at this same place in line 4. The BK line also has thestraight Ison-plus-tria-kentemata, which is consistent in the corresponding transcriptionwith a rhythmic repetition of pitches, d e d e.The Parakalesma, which appears as a ligature in the K8 transmission in both lines 2and 4 and is enclosed in the next set of brackets, concurs with the Didactic Songtransmission:J?9--IBKK8 \u00E2\u0080\u0098\u00E2\u0080\u0094Fy1 \u00E2\u0080\u0098\u00E2\u0080\u0098-E, Vs. Xv. )(v\The last set of figures is noteworthy. Related patterns conclude lines 4, 5,6, 7,8,and 10. The individual functions of the hypostases forming this chain of figures appear tobe amalgamated into a form of cadential composite, and can be found in some of the otherchants in this analysis. Although difficult to identify with any certainty, the hypostases-clearest in the BK line--and transcription recall the Thema Haploun:48BKfl, ,,K87I\u00E2\u0080\u0099y1izE 9L a. .Lines 5 and 7:Once again this line pair opens with the Parechon-like hypostasis, the K8 lineexhibiting a similar neume (see the illustration in the discussion of lines 1 and 3 above).The three signs that follow successively, though fragmented, present few identification48Although no two appearances are identical, each shares the same general shape and cadentialfunction. In the case of a final cadence, the neume is missing from the composite; its function, however, isexplicit in the transcription, which is the same as that found in line 6. In general, the BK settings are themost notationally detailed. In this chant, the corresponding K8 hypostasis is absent.124problems. That labelled at c b c in the transcription, is identical in shape to thatfound in the Ly67 neume-list:VLKK8fy1The Stavros is also clear in function, appearing here over the two-note ascendingfigure, a c.The Kolaphismos, which is obviously an amalgam of signs in the K8 line, isconsistent with most of its occurrences in the other chants, and is identical in this case withits Chartres manifestation (as the Rapismaj and with its presentation in the Didactic Song.A fragment of this figure is found here but is distinguished by the descending leap of afourth,c-ga:BKHY\u00E2\u0080\u0094K8 _..fyiTwo corresponding signs are found in all three kondakarian lines, the second ofwhich resembles a Tinagma:..LI g, -41BK\u00E2\u0080\u009D FOr-AKS;Its appearance is also consistent here. Line 7 presents a different fragment of this figure,and has in addition a second SAD.Lines 6 and 8:The relationship between these two lines is only slight. Line 6 opens with the sameintroductory Parechon-like figure, which is absent in the K8 line. The Lygisma andstraight seem to define the melodic shape of the passage; the a b a b motion isdetermined by the Lygisma, the pitch-repetition by the Ison:125gBKfyi \u00E2\u0080\u0098\u00E2\u0080\u0098- tN 4<he second bracketed set of formulae has not been identified, although part of theThematismos Eso is suggested. The K8 sign bears a strong resemblance to the Ly67version of the Plasma:f\u00E2\u0080\u00A2BK MHHJH\u00E2\u0080\u00A2K 8 c.,5i\u00E2\u0080\u00A2\u00E2\u0080\u0098-_\u00E2\u0080\u009C\u00E2\u0080\u009Cfyi..The kondakarian lines have what seems to be a Parakalesma, reminiscent of whatappears in line 2:BK DXO>XOThe second sub-phrase of both lines opens with the familiar ascending conjunct passageand corresponding neumation:H IJBK \u00E2\u0080\u0098\u00E2\u0080\u009CfyiPcLine 8 reproduces this passage a step lower and the K8 line has a figure more closelyresembling the kondakarian hypostasis. While line 6 concludes with the first of threeidentical cadential composites which are also found at the ends of lines 8 and 10:1 \u00E2\u0080\u0094.BK .\u00E2\u0082\u00AC\u00E2\u0082\u00ACK 8_ _9-2.\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0094c.i.,\u00E2\u0082\u00AC.L oVfy?_____________________-\u00E2\u0080\u00A2. . .\u00E2\u0082\u00AC\u00C2\u00A3 ovThe BK epechema is again notated.126Lines 9 and 10:Lines 9 and 10 do not constitute a pair but can be conveniently discussed together.The opening of line 9 is like that of lines 6 and 8 above, sharing both the Parechon-likeopening neume and the same pitch-oscillation, g g a g a, with the previous lines, althoughthe K8 figure is amalgamated with the Lygisma that follows:,\u00E2\u0080\u0098, I.BK HHyjK8\u00E2\u0080\u0094fyi_______The remaining hypostases, the Thematismos Eso, ab c c b a, Lygisma, ag a, (theK8 shows the Parakalesma), and Stavros, (g) e f, though fragmented, were easilyidentified by means of their shapes and their Didactic Song transmissions:;. 4 ..lLK c% jcpM \u00E2\u0080\u00984 b4K8F\u00E2\u0080\u0094 /C-\u00E2\u0080\u0099 L d L.1 0 \u00E2\u0080\u0098Fyi i I1 a.\u00E2\u0080\u0094 \u00E2\u0080\u0094 \u00E2\u0080\u0094 \u00E2\u0080\u0098 \u00E2\u0080\u00A2.(: IcKxp Ao1f_j LH\u00E2\u0080\u00944.7 \u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0098-\u00E2\u0080\u0094 \u00E2\u0080\u0094...3 -; ?\u00E2\u0080\u0098 ,\u00C3\u00A70-4\u00E2\u0080\u00A2\u00E2\u0080\u00A2_\u00E2\u0080\u00A2 Dig\u00E2\u0080\u0094 \u00E2\u0080\u0094 ,_,\u00E2\u0080\u00A2Line 10: 0L1. )(t L oLL L .h.c) A2 9 eSLine 10 opens with the characteristic conjunct rise followed by a descent of a third;the figure in the K8 line--a Theta--recalls the transcription of the Gronthisma:fyiAll three kondakarian lines concur in the selection of neumes. The penultimatefigure preceding the final cadential composite is, in the K8 line, an amalgamation into aligature of the three figures found in the kondakarian lines and previously encountered in127Chant 4. They could easily be any number of combinations of melodic formulae presentedin the Didactic Song. The K8 hypostases, although providing few clues, show an uncannyresemblance to the kondakarian signs:I ijtBK Z\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u009D\u00E2\u0080\u0099K811)?c ;-The aforementioned cadential composite is similar to those found in lines 6 and 8.The transcription is consistent in each case:BK \u00E2\u0080\u0098\u00E2\u0080\u0098I.\u00E2\u0080\u0099 IK8 \u00E2\u0080\u0098 -\u00E2\u0080\u0098 \u00E2\u0080\u0098ric(.v1/ \u00E2\u0080\u0098efy1.\u00E2\u0080\u00A2 \u00E2\u0080\u00A2\u00E2\u0080\u00A2 .\u00E2\u0080\u00A2.cv1286.The Katavasia for Epiphany, Mode I Plagal/Mode V\u00E2\u0080\u009COtE tq EirL4xxvLa aov\u00E2\u0080\u009DI\u00E2\u0080\u009DIirM Muunir*u Thonu\u00E2\u0080\u009D49The Epiphany Katavasia is considerably longer than either troparion for this feast.It has been selected for analysis from the following sources: BK (f. 92b), LK (f. 98r), UK(f. 160v), fyi (f. 21v for the transcription), and K8 (f. 54v).0 The chant has beendivided into fourteen lines according to its textual breaks, but is incomplete in the BK(breaking off part way through line 7) and in the LK which, for some unknown reason,continues with completely different text and neumation after line 10 (see p. 280 below).Like the second Christmas Katavasia, this chant is also marked by a uniquestructural parallelism and regularity of cadential patterns. Both also share the same imtium,which precedes the first line of the chant with the pitches abc d c (b) c b a. In thetranscription, this figure begins and ends the first line. This melodic uniformity does not,however, extend to the kondakarian neumes, which are different for the correspondingplaces in that line.\u00E2\u0080\u009CInterlinear Structural interlocking\u00E2\u0080\u009D is the hallmark feature of this chant, withelements of lines 4 and 8 recalling line 1, whose initium and cadential pattern form thecadence of line 4 and the imtium of line 8. Similar interrelationships unify lines 4 and 5.Line 5 is very short, consisting of a single word that is set elaborately in two musicalphrases, the second of which recurs cadentially in line 6 (the chant\u00E2\u0080\u0099s structural midpoint)in variant form in the final cadence of line 14.49Like the first Katavasia for Christmas, the typikon makes no mention of this chant. It is,however, found on p. 142 of the modem Greek Menaion for January.50Once again the VG codex changes the order of chants. It is found on f. 52r.129The AnalysisLine 1:Chants 4,5, and 6 share a common imtium figure in spite of a difference inmode.51 The cell of the initium begins and ends the first line of the transcription; thecadence on a is modally correct for most of the lines. Line 1 is clearly composed of twomelodic phrases which do not coincide with the textual breaks, occurring in the middle andeliding the Greek and Slavonic words \u00E2\u0080\u009CtL4avELa\u00E2\u0080\u009D-- \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctdr,.AIIirnEMk\u00E2\u0080\u009D. The first phrasesubdivides into two formula-complexes, the first, the initium, can be identified with no lessthan five melodic formulae transmitted by the Didactic Song: the Synagma, Parakletike,Hyporrhoe, Krousma, and Seisma. The hypostasis found in the K8 line is clearly theChartres form of the Synagma: 2-2? \1,,BK \u00E2\u0082\u00ACrArK8 \u00E2\u0080\u0094- I\u00E2\u0080\u00A2> \u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0098J 0 Q Cfyi_________The second hypostasis, corresponding to the six-note disjunct figure in the fyitranscription, ab fg e a, is possibly a form of the Thes kai Apothes which recurs in analtered form in line 3:BKzfyi_The second phrase of line 1 is an excellent illustration of the choice of kondakariansigns used for pitch-repetition as transmitted by the three manuscripts: Apostrophus-plusDyo Kentemata (BK), and the Stroka and Straight Ison-plus-Tria Kentemata (LK and UK),all corresponding to the repeated a in the transcription:5lThe cell of this incipit is found in the intonation fonnula of the Fyi transcription preceding thefirst line of the chant with the pitches abc d c (b) c b a. It has not, however, been included in theexample because of lack of space.1302> I\u00E2\u0080\u0094BKfyiThe Seisma, with the Hyporrhoe as an integer, comprises the cadence of line 1:I.BK i\u00E2\u0080\u0099K82I. -, . .fyiLine 2:Line 2 shares similar cadential figuration--kondakarian, K8, and transcription--withline 1 but transposed a step higher. This pattern recurs in lines 4, 5, and 12, and serves asa strong unifying device. It is again identified with the Seisma formula, which is one of themost stable transmitted. The two-note rise, corresponding to the kondakarian hypostasesfound in all three lines, is identified with the Echadin. Perhaps most noteworthy are thedifferences among the kondakarian transmissions; there is concordance between the BKand UK lines, but the LK, in keeping with its own manuscript tradition, includes a non-textual trope. The Apostrophus as a sign for pitch-repetition is also a distinguishing featureof this line.Line3:Two figures have been bracketed in line 3, the first of which was found in line 1; itstranscription shows some change in transmission, with altered interval content and areduction to five notes:BK 1C4< \u00C3\u00A7r\u00E2\u0080\u0099 I\u00E2\u0080\u00A2-----The second is clearly the Lygisma, which is a component of the line\u00E2\u0080\u0099s cadence:BK 2fyi____131Line4:Line 4 is composed of two unequal phrases. The cadential pattern, which is alsofound in lines 5 and 12, was mentioned in the discussion of lines 1 and 2:BKCT H L )-l t-K8The two other bracketed figures are worth mentioning because of their correspondence withthe two-note rise in the transcription; the latter is the Echadin, and the former introduces thelonger of the two phrases.Line5:Line S is introduced by the four-note conjunct rise, which, because of its frequencyand consistency of occurrence can be classified as an idiom. The kondakarian hypostaseswhich represent this pattern, as in other examples are absent. The cadence, a SeismaSynagma formula, is shared with lines 1, 2, 4, and 12, and has already been discussed.Line 6:This line is clearly composed of three phrases, each demarcated in turn by threeformula-complexes. The first of these is the older form of the Chartres Ouranisma, whosedesign is consistent in all four neumated versions, and in the four-note figure bracketed inthe transcription:BKK81_\u00E2\u0080\u0099.YIE3j5ZZJ__.132The central figure in the transcription repeats in line 7, 10 and 14, and in the notation (lines10 and 14 only), recalls the Antikenoma:BKN\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u00A2L),. r\u00E2\u0080\u0099 \u00E2\u0080\u009C 5sfyi E5E!Only the BK line has a great hypostasis for the cadence, which remainsunidentified. The fyi transcription concludes with the characteristic double-gamma (Eyy\u00E2\u0080\u0094yys) rise usually reserved for the final cadence.Line 7:In transcription, line 7 shares the same central figure and cadence with line 6,although the neumation in all four manuscript traditions differs between these two lines.Together lines 6 and 7 form the structural midpoint of the chant.Line 8:Although the notation of the kondakarian lines recalls the initium of line 1, there isno concordance in the transcriptions shown here. More interesting, however, is the figureenclosed by the box. It recurs in a number of chants with similar and correspondingtranscriptions. Yet although there is no exact relationship with the Didactic Songtransmission, the characteristic descending leap of a tritone (b to f, shown by the asterisk),and its general melodic its shape, distinguishes this figure as the Epegerma:52BK --\u00E2\u0080\u00982--XAA4,.K8 -fyiThe identification of this sign has also been verified by Roros.52The Epegenna is also found in Chant 7. See: C. Floros, \u00E2\u0080\u009CDie Entzifferung,\u00E2\u0080\u009D MdO III (1965),Tables XXIX and XXX.133Line 8 is in two phrases, the second of which is dominated by the Epegerma.line 9:Line 9 is also clearly made up of two unequal phrases, demarcated by text,punctuation, and melodic formulae. The figures concluding the first phrase are acombination of the Lygisma and the Strangisma. The K8 ligature resembles the Tinagmaplus-Lygisma:2\u00E2\u0080\u0094B K itillctK8I-.Line 10:Line 10 opens with a distinctive upward leap of a fourth followed by the descent ofa third.3 This figure occurs cadentially with the same neumation in line 11, and can befound in other chants of the cycle:BKK8o\u00E2\u0080\u0099vFyi______The Antikenoma, comprising the central formula, has been positively identified by meansof the Chartres catalogues and Didactic Song:B K CAA PiflfyiThe cadential pattern of this line recalls that found in lines 6 and 7. Mostimportantly, this line is the point of divergence for the LK; its line concludes with adifferent word and resumes with entirely different text and neumation not included in this531t is possibly a form of the Echaclin-Gronthisma134example.Line 11:The BK also breaks off at this point simply because there is a lacuna in themanuscript. The central melodic formulae in this line each have been positively identifiedas the Ouranisma-plus-Thematismos Eso idiom, consistently represented in its kondakarianform by a complex of two great hypostases:54BKI\u00E2\u0080\u00A2.\u00E2\u0080\u0099K8\u00E2\u0080\u0094_______IFyi-This line concludes in the transcription, with a descending conjunct pattern which links itwith line 12. There is, however, no hypostasis correspondence.Line 12:Line 12 has a unique construction, evident in the kondakarian and K8 neumation,each identified as the Hyporrhoe-Synagma. The notation demonstrates that the first twophrases have an isometrical relationship, not shared by the transcription. Here, the lineopens and closes with the same four-note descending pattern that concluded line 11,illustrating a structural link between these two lines:\u00E2\u0080\u00A21UK 3AK86 evro oP4 \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 ,I54These were thought by Levy to be a combination of the Ouranisma-plus Thematismos Eso.(9\u00E2\u0080\u0099he Slavic Kontakia and Their Byzantine Originals,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Actes du Xlle Congr\u00C3\u00A8s Intemationale d\u00E2\u0080\u0099EtudesByzantines, II. Ochride, 1961, (Belgrade, 1963), p. 81) Only the latter, however, is explicit in each of itappearances.135Line 13:Because of its length, line 13 has been divided into two separate lines, eachconsisting of two phrases. The second phrase of the first half opens with the four-noteascending pattern, but shows no corresponding great hypostases; only the UK presents thischant in a complete form. Three formulae have been identified: the Ouranisma, found onlyin the K8 line and in the transcription:c e. efyithe Echadin:UK H H BaK 8fyi_________and the Hyporrhoe-Synagma, all in the second phrase. Line 13 shares the same scalarcadence with lines 11 and 12.Line 14:Two features characterise line 14. The first is the scalar Echadin-Gronthisma risefrom a with the corresponding hypostasis; this, however, occurs in the middle of the line:UKfyiThe second is the cadence, which has been identified as the ALntikenoma, recalling line 10(see above in line 6 for the illustration). This is an uncommon cadential figure::1K8 Cz*fyi\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0098-\u00E2\u0080\u0098--l1367. The Second Troparion for Christmas and Stichoi,Mode VI\u00E2\u0080\u009CAwtEL).a\u00C3\u00A7 Xpiot\u00E2\u0080\u009DI\u00E2\u0080\u009De3mIz Ifni X,.i\u00E2\u0080\u0099r\u00E2\u0080\u009DThe Second Troparion for Christmas is found in the following sources: LK (f.11 ir), UK (f. 153r), SK (f. lOOr), VG (f. 38v, from the which the transcription wasmade), and K8 (f. 53v).This chant is remarkable for its structural organisation and large-scale symmetricaldesign. The centonate construction is evident in the first line where kondakarian figuresform an interlocked chain of melodic formulae, reflected by the graphically similarhypostasis-ligatures in the K8 line. These formulae consist of neumatic complexes whichare seamlessly linked, yet differentiated by text and punctuation.The chant is incomplete in the UK as the incipit has been omitted, beginninginstead with the second line. All three kondakarian settings are tabulated with atranscription from the VG codex. There is a paucity of great signs in the UK line and onlythose neumes which have been positively identified have been bracketed. It is divided intosix lines according to the lines of text (p. 295 below). The following observations on thechant\u00E2\u0080\u0099s construction are appropriate:(1) Lines 1, 4, and 6 are linked by the Theta--here the Thema Haploun--figure,which opens and closes the chant, and comprises a \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccadential composite\u00E2\u0080\u009D in lines 4b and6b, lines subdivided owing to length:55For the Second Troparion for Christmas, the Great Church Typikon provides the followinginformation (Mateos I, pp. 150-151). After the readings from Isaiah 11, 1-10, Jeremiah 3:35-4:4, andDaniel 2, 31-45, the above troparion is sung. The seventh reading from Isaiah (9, 5-6) immediatelyfollows. After which the deacon says the little litany and the three antiphons for the Liturgy.In his annotations to the published edition of the Typikon, Mateos echoes TaftStichos means here the chant comprised of psalm verses. Each stichos is followed by thetropanon in its entirety...(p. 151).Concerning who sings the refrain, choir or congregation, Mateos cites the rubrics of one the sources used tocompile his edition of the Typikon:According to ms. P. it is the people who respond: \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwith them, have mercy on us,\u00E2\u0080\u009D aftereach stichos. (. cit., p. 151).137CI FLK \u00E2\u0080\u009C7\u00E2\u0080\u0099-\u00E2\u0080\u0099 \u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0098_s-,,s\u00E2\u0080\u0099 .\u00E2\u0080\u0094 ,KS \u00C3\u00A7 (, FO t\u00E2\u0080\u00A2VGza-\u00E2\u0080\u0099 j, .(2) The second phrase of line 4a shares neumation and melodic figuration with thefirst phrase of line 1:\u00E2\u0080\u0098 7 7K8\u00E2\u0080\u0094 -- ., Z\u00E2\u0080\u0099 7,\u00E2\u0080\u0098- \u00E2\u0080\u0098e 0 a .c. j4. C r -\u00C3\u00A7Ti1_________________________\u00E2\u0080\u00A2_________---(3) Line 3 is composed of two isometrical phrases, although K8 and the VGtranscription show a lacuna in the second phrase, the first of which corresponds with thatof line 4a;(4) Line 5 constitutes the first line of the refrain, whose opening Ouranismacomplex is found in line 2. This comprises a link between the main body of the troparionand its musically-detachable refrain:Y\u00E2\u0080\u0099b\u00E2\u0080\u009D)c bl H1\u00E2\u0080\u0099LKKS -\u00E2\u0080\u0094-----\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0094 .a .,VG(5) Finally, many lines contain a Tinagma-like neume-complex that corresponds tothe same set of oscillating pitches, (b) g a g a, which are consistent in their recurrenceeach time:7 i1T\u00E2\u0080\u0099i %4j..JLKK87T\u00C2\u00B0 &eVG138The AnalysisLine 1:Line I is composed of six linked neume-complexes, each clearly demarcated by thepunctuation in the kondakarian lines and K8. Of these, the Thema Haploun, Echaclin, andTinagma, whose functions overlap and interlink, have been identified and bracketed:LKq* $ \u00E2\u0080\u00A2s \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 \u00C3\u00AA.IK8. ., / ,,;-i.MLL L E L )ioc X( -rz:VG \u00E2\u0080\u0098 \u00E2\u0080\u0098The Thema Haploun, in the form in which it appears here, is usually thecomponent of the final cadence, and occurs as such in line 6b. The K8 hypostasis is truerin shape to the Chartres Psephiston.Line 2:Line 2 shows three hypostases: the Tromikon:LK,K8_____VG:the Ouranisma-complex, which is fragmented:LK__VG4E139and the cadential form of the SAD:56\u00E2\u0080\u00A2.\u00E2\u0080\u0094LK-1 4,KS C 0 oI\u00E2\u0080\u00983 t I ,fThe transmission of the Ouranisma-complex is in accordance with the DidacticSong but presented here a fourth lower.Line 3:Three complexes are bracketed in line 3. The kondakarian row defines the motionin the transcription of the first group. The remaining two groups can be found in line 1 ofChant 8, and in succession in line 1 of Chant 9, in each case preserving some of themelodic motion of the Katabatromikon:\ %# \. % .il\u00E2\u0080\u00A2LK r x LK \u00E2\u0080\u0098T7 D 12 0VG_______VGLine4:Line 4 divides into two phrases, labelled 4a and 4b. Phrase 4a is furthersubdivided into two phrases, which is best observed in the transcription. Only the smallsigns in the kondakarian line suggest the ascending step-motion of the opening phrase.The ending of the first recalls the second of the two figures bracketed in line 3:L.K8VG \u00E2\u0080\u009856The hypostasis found in the K8 line more closely resembles the late Byzantine ligature,Tromikoparakalesma, an example of which can be found in Svetlana Kujumdzieva., \u00E2\u0080\u009CUber die ZeichenAphona w\u00C3\u00A4hrend der spat- und postbyzantinischen Periode,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Musikkulturgeschichte: Festschrift f\u00C3\u00BCrConstantin Floros zum 60 Geburtstag, (Herausgegeben von Peter Petersen Sonderdruck, Wiesbaden:Breitkopf und Hartel, 1990), p. 450.140Nothing has been labelled in the first half of line 4a. Line 4b consists of only twosyllables of text which are provided special emphasis by the dominant Thema Haploun:LK , /\u00C3\u00A7-\u00E2\u0080\u009C-tT20 \u00E2\u0080\u0098\u00E2\u0080\u0098 \u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0098-\u00E2\u0080\u0098 \u00E2\u0080\u0094,\u00E2\u0080\u0094I0>4VG\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u00A2 S\u00E2\u0080\u00A2 \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 \u00E2\u0080\u00A2This formula in turn recalls the incipit of line as well as the final cadential composite of line6b.Line 5:Line 5 is the beginning of the refrain, and only one figure has been labelled, anunusual manifestation of the Ouranisma-plus-Thematismos Eso combination which isusually found in a medial cadence:IUK vr)\u00C3\u00A7F/ H:1SKAX fHLine6:Line 6 is the second line of the refrain, and like line 4 is divided into two largephrases, a and b, by the epechema, clearly exhibiting an isometrical relationship betweenthem. There is an interesting textual correlation between this line of the refrain and therefrain of Chants 1 and 3. Similar neumation also complements this chant interrelationship.Line 6a divides into two irregular phrases; the first is the ascending incipit, which isprovided with a single kondakarian hypostasis resembling the Tinagma:LK ,,C\u00E2\u0080\u0099 NMH\u00E2\u0082\u00AC\u00E2\u0082\u00AC.I,\u00E2\u0080\u0094K8\u00E2\u0080\u0094 \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 ,,,..e Grf-\u00E2\u0080\u00A2o:VG141The continuation of the chant melody features much oscillation around the pitches g and a,implied by the kondakarian Echadin-Gronthisma formula in both its guises:___-----------LK ,3\u00E2\u0082\u00AC)L\u00E2\u0082\u00AC EA\u00E2\u0082\u00ACMK8__ 7VGV.Line 6b also divides into two phrases, each with two formula-complexes. The firstof these continues the neumation and pitch-motion of phrase 6a:LK 04 A\u00E2\u0080\u0099 )(K8 \u00E2\u0080\u0094 \u00E2\u0080\u0094-ar(d;cD o?cdVGt.LThe second phrase is dominated by the Thema Haploun cadential composite:LKc/ A 1\u00E2\u0080\u0098.K 8 \u00E2\u0080\u00980 o142The StichoiThe first set of Stichoi are drawn from Psalm 92, verses 1-2,3, and 4-5, and thesewere sung by a solo precentor. Confirmation of this practice is provided by the sourcesthemselves; the UK and at least one of the Italo-Greek sources used in this study (codexVG, ff. 39r-40v), include not only the troparion and notated verses, but also theinstructions as to how they are to be performed by a soloist and chorus. Moreover, Buggeadds:The psalm verses of this group of three stichoi are in the Greek Menaiondivided into five stichoi, after each of which the last half of the precedingTroparion (rubric \u00E2\u0080\u009CH Axi\u00E2\u0080\u009D) is recited, in accordance with generalpractice.57The inclusion of both troparion and notated stichoi within one source is unique tothe UK and may provide a rare glimpse at how the two genres of psalmody and freely-composed hymnody and their contrasting musical styles, complemented each other, andhow the whole practice of responsorial hymnody was brought to Rus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 and rendered in theChurch Slavonic language.A close examination of their musical construction reveals an interesting andcomplex handling of interwoven and recurring melodic patterns which are employedinternally to unify all six psalm-strophes into a cycle. Each of the Stichoi has three to fivelines which are set in a florid musical style. Most have been divided into two largeasymmetrical phrases showing an antecedent-consequent construction. The first three linesof Stichos I have a stock cadential pattern (designated A) comprising the consequent phraseand mechanically applied regardless of the text (shown below). Line 4 of Stichos Iincludes only a fragment of the cadential pattern (Al).The last line of all the verses in the set is usually the shortest and the mostinteresting. It breaks the pattern of the previous two, and significantly introduces the nontextual letters and syllables into the text of its cadential pattern, concluding with the samedouble-gamma rise as the Troparion (Greek version only). This is interpreted as anindication that the chorus enters on the last half of the last strophe, like a codetta ordovetailing, providing a continuous and musically unified musical fabric, as well as a57A. Bugge, MMB VI, p. xxv.143smooth transition to the refrain, which in this case is a restatement of lines 3 and 4 of thetroparion. This final cadential figuration is shared by the stichoi in both Christmas andEpiphany cycles.The Paleoslavonic settings of these verses are texturally less florid than their Greekcounterparts. The lines show a curious mix of neumation with the introduction ofkondakarian hypostases into a Coislin-like notational setting. The result of this blending isthe creation of a hybrid or intermediary stage of musical notation suggesting a process ofcustomization by the Slavic adaptors of this music. Those kondakarian hypostasestentatively identified are the Tromikon (Stichos I, lines 1,3, and 4; Stichos II, line 2;Stichos III, lines 1B, 2, and 3), the Strepton (Stichos I, line 3), and the Katabasma(Stichos I, lines 1 and 2; Stichos II, line 2; Stichos III, line 2). The sign resembling theKatabasma is found in both phrases of each line, and where it is applicable, perhapsrepresents and defines the descending melodic motion in the transcription.The construction of Stichoi II and III is like that of Stichos I but with the cadentialpattern less rigorously applied. Line 3 of the Slavonic setting of Stichos II shows theStrangisma (not apparent in the transcription), which is a notational link to the final line ofStichos III.One last and curious point occurs in line 3 of Stichos I. Exclusive to thekonclakarian line is a brief passage which has been bracketed and marked with an asterisk(*). Apparently the Slavomc word \u00E2\u0080\u009CcIMl1W\u00E2\u0080\u0099 (\u00E2\u0080\u009CTv OKovvrlv\u00E2\u0080\u009Dt\u00E2\u0080\u009Dthe inhabitedearth\u00E2\u0080\u009D) has been subjected to some special \u00E2\u0080\u009Casmatic\u00E2\u0080\u009D treatment, as if the chorus interjects atthis point to add some textual emphasis.58These same three stichoi accompany the Second Epiphany Troparion and are heardafter the second set of Old Testament readings as designated by a truncated set of rubricsfound in both the UK (f. 160v) and VG (f. 53r). This is the strongest evidence supportingthe liturgical and musical treatment of this set of troparia and their verses as a cycle.59Concerning the choice of mode, the VG codex provides a Mode III Plagal signature58Thjg text is a key refrain or hvpopsalmos in the Constantinopolitan All-Chanted Office.S9Following these rubrics, the VG codex supplies three additional stichoi with much the samemelodies and treatment.144for each stichos, one indicating a start on f for the first and third verse, and on a for thesecond. By contrast, the modal choice for the first set of Epiphany Stichoi is Mode IVPlagal for the first voice but Mode III for the second and third. Yet regardless ofdesignation, melodic figuration common to both sets of verses occurs at the same pitchlevels in transcription.In the UK immediately following these rubrics are the instructions to perform theMode V Katavasia for Christmas, Chant 5 above.The set of Stichoi to which this discussion refers, follows overleaf.L.,.1:-I\u00C2\u00B0rHu7z>tLiL1 1I-U i: CHii\u00E2\u0080\u00990.0 ot\u00E2\u0080\u0098\u00E2\u0080\u0098\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0098Tr_.1- U*l\u00E2\u0080\u00A2\u00E2\u0080\u0098 4\u00E2\u0080\u0099.0 0C\u00E2\u0080\u0098V r 0 -7w Cl)II b(0 0r1I>rI C;\u00E2\u0080\u00990 \u00E2\u0080\u0098-SC-) H Cl) Cl) CI) H C-), 0 (n H0 0 \u00E2\u0080\u0098C.(U 0 >.1 C> C C 0 01:-IfH0 0 0 U-cU-$C.\u00E2\u0080\u0099It.-V0-1,.Jl\u00E2\u0080\u0098-a9 r.t:rJ3 0\u00E2\u0080\u0099oiVt 414rn (t0:1,\u00E2\u0080\u00980 (p DI Ir3:1 .4. \u00E2\u0080\u00A28440 I 0c\u00E2\u0080\u009421I...4I.0 C C C,rI16p0 XI>cr r xiz-.I.rd 0 0 ci a 0o.t:-lH 2: Li UiIn \u00E2\u0080\u0098\u00E2\u0080\u0094I ci 0 \u00E2\u0080\u0098p 0 0 ci 0 0 1 2 0 C\u00E2\u0080\u0098I0 C >cCt,C (C,I-\u00E2\u0080\u0098I.b 0\u00E2\u0080\u0099. 0\IIE34.0C\u00E2\u0080\u0098.3:I1.400U\u00E2\u0080\u009804\0\u00E2\u0080\u00944IQi.ljo\u00E2\u0080\u00A2-oIo\u00E2\u0080\u0098\u00E2\u0080\u009820UH!!,\u00E2\u0080\u00A2isiiL00\u00E2\u0080\u00981\E7i1HI.j0(.31}\I\u00E2\u0080\u0094.23IU070U)1:11F-i2\u00E2\u0080\u009820Hbi1El\u00E2\u0080\u0098toHHU)0C-)HF-iCl)(I)F-\u00E2\u0080\u0099U)HC-)100-I0000)330000\u00E2\u0080\u009810\u00E2\u0080\u009831\u00E2\u0080\u009832LA3\u00E2\u0080\u00984C->.(c.\u00E2\u0080\u0099-z*VH00::(.3D>i--i0H z tlj b:I0L H ti0\u00E2\u0080\u0099 ,1 vJ\u00E2\u0080\u00990 cl.aC- Cr\u00E2\u0080\u0099 :4 ni Cr\u00E2\u0080\u0099 ii C.\u00E2\u0080\u0099(J C C \u00C2\u00A3 C c.IIC c. C1508. The First Troparion for Epiphany, Mode IIPlagal/Mode VI\u00E2\u0080\u009CExt4xv&c v tqi K\u00C3\u00B3 w\u00E2\u0080\u009D/\u00E2\u0080\u009DNnn c h AUIp4\u00E2\u0080\u009D6oThe first Troparion for the Epiphany is by far the shortest chant of the cycle. It isthe third Troparion of the set and is found in the following sources: LK (f. 1 13r), UK (f.157r), VG (f. 49v, from which the transcription was prepared), and K8 (f. 56r). Thechant divides into five lines according to the text (see p.303 below).The AnalysesLinel:The opening of this chant shares the same neumation with that of the Hypakoe forthe Holy Fathers (Forefeast); unfortunately, the K8 version is missing the incipit. The firstline divides into two symmetrical phrases but no signs have been identified. In the secondphrase only the Tromikon, or possibly in this case the Katabatromikon, has been providedwith a label:LK\u00E2\u0080\u00983 QLine 2:Lines 2 and 4 constitute a pair and together constitute a link between the Troparionand its autonomous refrain. Line 2 opens with the idiomatic conjunct rise, which it shareswith line 4, and which is frequently encountered in other chants of the cycle. This rise isdesignated in the kondakarian lines by three sets of Kentemata (.. .. ..), but with adifferent hypostasis:60According to both the Great Church Typikon (Mateos I, pp. 176-177) and the Prophetologion(MMI3 Lectionary I, C. H\u00C3\u00B8eg and G. Zuntz eds., Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1970-1980/81, p. 61), on theEve of the feast (5 January) after Psalm 140 (\u00E2\u0080\u009CLord, I cry\u00E2\u0080\u009D) when the Patriarch and the prieats enter with theGospel, a litany with the responses is sung. The Patriarch ascends his throne and the readings arecommenced: Genesis 1, 1-13, Exodus 4, 15-29, and Exodus 15, 22-16:1. Then follows this troparion inMode III, with verses alternating with the refrain, after which the troparion is sung in its entirety.Immediately after, the readings resume: Joshua 3, 7-9, 2 Kings 2, 4-14, Kings 5, 9-14.151LK ,,, , /NIHK8________VGThe Tromikon-like hypostasis is also shared by line 4. This structural parallelism isalso carried over to the bracketed hypostasis which strongly resembles its Chartresanalogue and melodic representation in the Didactic Song as the Kratemokatabasma:/LK H pCV-K8 \u00E2\u0080\u0098..\u00E2\u0080\u0094VGLine 3:Line 3 is the beginning of the musically independent refrain, and with line 4constitutes two phrases of one line. The shape, number and placement of the hypostases isremarkably consistent in the kondakarian and K8 versions. Three of them have beenidentified in line 3: the Strepton, Katabatromikon, and two occurrences of the LygismaParakalesma. These last two have been clarified by an examination of the K8 line whereboth consistently recur as ligatures:\u00E2\u0080\u0098\u00E2\u0080\u0094J..,,LK ujNHHT( 2L 13 ....VG ,2\u00E2\u0080\u0099Line 4:Line 4 was discussed in conjunction with line 2, which in itself comprises thesecond phrase of line 3. The opening neume in all three kondakarian lines stronglyresembles the Chartres Parechon, in combination with a form of the Tromikon, and seemsto function here as in other cases, as a signal to the approach of the final cadence; smallkondakarian signs substitute the hypostasis in indicating the scalar-rise of the passage:152LK-r;KSXT,q \u00E2\u0080\u00A2\u00E2\u0080\u0094The bracketed figure in the second phrase resembles the Kratemokatabasma. Line 4also shares some structural parallelism with lineS in that they both have the same cadentialfigure\u00E2\u0080\u0094in the transcription at least--tentatively identified in the K8 line with one of the Thetaneumes. Although the notation is inconsistent in line 5, the pattern recurs in a number ofchants in this cycle: /LKK8.i ..JVG EEEEELine 5:The opening shows consistency of neumation between two of the three kondakarianand K8 figures bracketed: the Lygisma and Tinagma:,____ ?i\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0099 ,, \u00E2\u0080\u00A2.LK \u00E2\u0080\u009C \u00E2\u0080\u0094 \u00E2\u0080\u0098\u00E2\u0080\u0098 \u00E2\u0080\u0098 \u00E2\u0080\u0098 \u00E2\u0080\u0098\u00E2\u0080\u0098s A O( 3(K8 a-\u00E2\u0080\u0099 \u00E2\u0080\u0098-vVG EEEEThe sign and melodic pattern that introduce the second phrase and final cadence, areby their regularity of occurrence and Echadin-Gronthisma, distinguished here by a single-note rise, a repetition of the second pitch and the downward leap of a third:LKK8-9Th 6VG____153The final cadence is, according to the K8 transmission, composed of the ThemaHaploun in its final cadential position:LK \u00E2\u0080\u00A2\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u009C- - \u00E2\u0080\u0098-\u00E2\u0080\u009816 \u00E2\u0080\u0098L.K8 \u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u00A2\u00E2\u0080\u0094 \u00E2\u0080\u0094. \u00E2\u0080\u0094oVG___0 a154The StichoiThe texts for the Epiphany verses are drawn from Psalm 66: 2-3,4-5, and 6-8.Again, only the UK provides notation for their Slavonic transmission (ff. 158r-159v); thetranscription was prepared from the VG codex (ff. 49v-SOv). Like those for the ChristmasTroparion, each has from four to six lines which are set in a florid musical style sharingsimilar notational and melodic figuration. The lines of the stichoi have been divided andbracketed to illustrate the regularity of this figuration, internal and cadential. As in the firstset of verses, the last line of each stichos introduces asmatic elements--and in this casekondakarian hypostases--in order to execute a smooth transition to the refrain.However, musically and notationally, the Epiphany Stichoi are more complex. Inaddition to variants of the A-cadential patterns employed in the Christmas Stichoi, theseverses employ and alternate a new form (designated B), which concludes lines 1 and 2 ofStichos II, and line 1 of Stichos III. More important is the appearance of the Epegerma as amedial and final cadential pattern, suggesting the interjection of the chorus into the soloist\u00E2\u0080\u0099srepertory. This sign is a cheironomic gesture recurrent in the choral chants and normallydirected at a group of singers as well as a notational element foreign to the predominantlyCoislin notational fabric. According to the transcriptions, the Epegerma is fairlyconsistently represented, occurring in lines 1, 2 (medially) and 4 (final) of Stichos I; line 5of Stichos II (final); and line 6 (final) of Stichos III. The Tromikon also recurs in theseverses as it did in the Christmas set, and is found in line 3 of Stichos I, and line 3 ofStichos III.Rubrics in both kondakar and Asmatikon corroborate the practice of the refrainbeing repeated after each verse: folio 159r of the UK and 51r of VG have the words \u00E2\u0080\u009C414n,orWkrtLIH\u00E2\u0080\u009D\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u009DL\u00E2\u0080\u0099vu 4xonjoq\u00C3\u00A7\u00E2\u0080\u009D , respectively, implying that the refrain should appear aftereach stichos. Both Typikon and Prophetologion also record that after the last statement ofthe refrain there is a Lesser Doxology followed by a full restatement of the Troparion.6lInthe UK, the Second Epiphany follows immediately.61Prophetologion I, g. cit., pp. 61-62.00Os(5H Li 3:\u00E2\u0080\u0098C V. 0 Xr\u00E2\u0080\u00984 aP C 1p LAI-rj 11:1 0 tn\u00E2\u0080\u0098I-tiIi H z Cl)\u00E2\u0080\u0098-3 H C-) 0 Cl) IHXrJ::II#1I\u00E2\u0080\u0099 C 0aa c C 0 C 0 C(0III;?:1;I1.x4zI\u00E2\u0080\u00993:\u00E2\u0080\u0094:k 1,\u00E2\u0080\u00981 r.\u00E2\u0080\u009CV.r.-U 0-xt6:XrZrZrIt.LZi\u00E2\u0080\u00A2II.C\u00E2\u0080\u0099 .331:11 tI H I-3 H C) 0 C,) H H> 4 21 3:C\u00E2\u0080\u00990 C.. 0>$* x0x16 II0:1:\u00E2\u0080\u009D\u00E2\u0080\u0098S0 0 0 0 1C\u00E2\u0080\u009D(\u00E2\u0080\u0098 7\u00E2\u0080\u0099(12< ,bLi (-U1\u00E2\u0080\u0099 3\u00E2\u0080\u0094zIibL..>ci0GD23003o., 0,c.>>()(.-.,) \u00E2\u0080\u00941\u00E2\u0080\u0099(C-w-w-Io\u00E2\u0080\u0098 rI 4-x\u00E2\u0080\u0098SLflzHC-,t\u00E2\u0080\u0098D\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u0098\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0098\u00E2\u0080\u0094NL..d\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0098--LofrdL.GiLIr1E6\u00E2\u0080\u00941+/)V//77I.\u00E2\u0080\u00A2LK7/k\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u009D\u00E2\u0080\u009C/1r7\u00E2\u0080\u00980C4/,kSKIII.113KLK77\u00E2\u0080\u0094,7,.+4\u00E2\u0080\u0099Cj4\u00E2\u0080\u00A2/7CbflcyE\u00E2\u0082\u00AC7p/LJ\u00E2\u0080\u009C)\u00E2\u0080\u0098iIHtij,\u00E2\u0080\u0098\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0098-.\u00E2\u0080\u0098\u00E2\u0080\u0098\u00E2\u0080\u00A2cj\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0094,,1,,..,-7;,\u00E2\u0080\u00A22If\u00E2\u0080\u0098\u00C2\u00A3rvoc7L.)\u00E2\u0080\u0098CorrLJrP&1TPo..L\u00E2\u0080\u0094..\u00E2\u0080\u00A2\u00E2\u0080\u00944\u00E2\u0080\u0094-\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00C2\u00B1\u00E2\u0080\u00A2-1:(\u00E2\u0080\u009CxoI.tre232LINE 7ECHADINLJ...J ,_\u00E2\u0080\u009C : \\u00E2\u0080\u0098 \u00E2\u0080\u00A2\u00E2\u0080\u0098\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u00A2 .__, / V/. .\u00E2\u0080\u0098 7 CJ.\u00E2\u0080\u0098 ...-_\u00E2\u0080\u0098, 5.,LKS K 7 \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 \u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0098 / / V /.. .. \u00E2\u0080\u00A24hABK I.VV_-CflPLK V v \u00E2\u0080\u0098Ct1 cr o ).C iP 4K 8VL 61\u00E2\u0080\u0099VV., ..,\u00E2\u0080\u0094-; /1 i. 77V 7 7 fi //a: fl\u00C3\u00A7 v\u00E2\u0082\u00AC. \u00C2\u00A3 V E n tVG1 -____________________--.F :#:;::, \u00E2\u0080\u0094VV7?V&L233ILINE 87,__,4\u00E2\u0080\u00A2SKc\u00E2\u0080\u0094 / + 7 7 +i\u00E2\u0080\u0099/LK p0 o)\u00C3\u00A7 ,\u00C3\u00A7 . r-c, ,, / t /17\u00C3\u00A72j.Z / 7vTW4 t H Cm\u00E2\u0080\u0099 4-A X4 A/9. 4- . / I LJ /., r .fl c/1 Hc TH XH\u00E2\u0080\u0099 IA A-L/ 7 I\u00E2\u0080\u0099 \u00E2\u0080\u0098. \u00E2\u0080\u0094 41 ii 7Xk-\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u0098Lu\u00E2\u0080\u0098b\u00E2\u0080\u0099-7\u00E2\u0080\u0099--4\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u0094,_\u00E2\u0080\u0098\u00E2\u0080\u00947,vG1jh, /, X4\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u0099LX \u00E2\u0080\u0098\u00E2\u0080\u0098 fl t, \u00E2\u0080\u0098\u00E2\u0080\u0094 \u00E2\u0080\u0098- 1__., . :) \u00E2\u0080\u0098--\u00E2\u0080\u0098_ 7 \u00E2\u0080\u0098-\u00E2\u0080\u00A2_ a- g.. , // 4,.77KLdv \u00E2\u0080\u0098.7 V-VO )\u00E2\u0080\u0098JI-, ,47 1. QUA. V V Y)\u00E2\u0080\u0094i-i .::) ;\u00E2\u0080\u009C .,__(__, 2\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u00A2t. )L8. - ro\u00E2\u0080\u0099; c X4 ?CLp\u00E2\u0080\u00A2\u00E2\u0080\u00A2. ! \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 0, - V ----\u00E2\u0080\u0098p\u00E2\u0080\u0098\u00E2\u0080\u0094 \VcJXQ. \u00E2\u0080\u0098- ofc X.1LINE 9REFRAIN7 7 \u00E2\u0080\u00A2. I.LK2347 ;c\u00E2\u0080\u00A22 //;eJ%\i 7 I\u00E2\u0080\u0099 /.\u00E2\u0080\u0094 7 ,.i_,e. e,e-\u00E2\u0082\u00AC Er[_ TROMIKON14\u00E2\u0080\u0094. I_I__I43 / \u00E2\u0080\u0098\u00E2\u0080\u0098 L.b I / W / \u00E2\u0080\u0098.\u00E2\u0082\u00ACc6 ,\u00E2\u0082\u00AC \u00C2\u00A3T.\u00E2\u0082\u00AC. 6\u00E2\u0080\u0094-\u00E2\u0080\u0098J1.SK, I I / , V / I I I 3 I LBK C\u00E2\u0080\u009Dg. \u00E2\u0080\u0098F \u00E2\u0080\u00A27 \u00E2\u0080\u0098 LI .L \,\u00E2\u0080\u0098 \u00E2\u0080\u0098lLK C H Mil 4 \u00E2\u0080\u009C eex T5\u00E2\u0080\u0099K8, > / 2II I , I\u00E2\u0080\u0099 \u00E2\u0080\u0098,.U\u00E2\u0082\u00AC,\u00E2\u0080\u0094 4 E \u00E2\u0080\u0098- (\u00E2\u0080\u0098i&- e\u00E2\u0082\u00AC.\u00E2\u0080\u009D4., \u00E2\u0080\u0094c:..-\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u00A2-\u00E2\u0080\u0094-\u00E2\u0080\u0094-f\u00E2\u0080\u0094f $ /.p ,.\u00E2\u0080\u0098)c; x\u00E2\u0080\u009D4. \u00E2\u0080\u0094-- ,,-2 \u00E2\u0080\u0098fi J C,.4JC..235\u00E2\u0080\u0094;; ! !I;(*7; LLtJL-\u00E2\u0080\u0098z v 0;:E- :\u00E2\u0080\u0094-i)\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u00943c-o\u00E2\u0080\u0094)X \u00E2\u0080\u00A2Z\u00C2\u00A3\u00E2\u0080\u0098o \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 I-c-\u00E2\u0080\u0098\u00E2\u0080\u009C0 \u00E2\u0080\u0094)c.\u00E2\u0080\u00943 i=x\u00E2\u0080\u0098.wx\u00E2\u0080\u009C:1:-ii\u00E2\u0080\u00980z236LINE laCHANT NO. 2A: THE FOREFEASTOF CHRISTMAS: THE KATAVASIEFOR THE HOLY FATHERSMODE VISTRANG. 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"1994-11"@en . "10.14288/1.0088170"@en . "eng"@en . "Music - Musicology"@en . "Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library"@en . "University of British Columbia"@en . "For non-commercial purposes only, such as research, private study and education. Additional conditions apply, see Terms of Use https://open.library.ubc.ca/terms_of_use."@en . "Graduate"@en . "The asmatic troparia, katavasiai, and hypakoai \"cycles\" in their Paleoslavonic recensions: a study in comparative paleography"@en . "Text"@en . "http://hdl.handle.net/2429/7063"@en .