"Arts, Faculty of"@en . "Music, School of"@en . "DSpace"@en . "UBCV"@en . "Lingas, Alexander Leonidas"@en . "2009-03-17T18:45:37Z"@en . "1996"@en . "Doctor of Philosophy - PhD"@en . "University of British Columbia"@en . "This is an interdisciplinary examination of the office of Sunday Matins as celebrated\r\nin the Byzantine cathedral Rite of the Great Church from its origins in the popular\r\npsalmodic assemblies of the fourth century to its comprehensive reform by Archbishop\r\nSymeon of Thessalonica (fl429), Byzantium's last and most prolific liturgical\r\ncommentator. Specifically, it studies the influence of developments in liturgical music and\r\npiety\u00E2\u0080\u0094notable among which were the advent of monastic hymnody and virtuosic styles of\r\nchanting\u00E2\u0080\u0094on the order of service at the Constantinopolitan andThessalonian cathedrals of\r\nHagia Sophia. This is accomplished through reconstructions of the service of Sunday\r\nmatins as celebrated in the two churches from musical manuscripts, books of rubrics\r\n(Typika'), and liturgical commentaries. In general, these demonstrate that the interaction\r\nof cathedral and monastic elements in Byzantium's secular churches was far more complex\r\nthan is generally acknowledged.\r\nThe final two chapters of this study examine Symeon's revised version of the\r\nSunday morning office, which provides the context for an examination of broader\r\nquestions concerning the nature of developments in the ethos of Byzantine worship. The\r\nfocal point for this discussion is an evaluation of the liturgical reforms initiated by Symeon\r\nto save the cathedral rite from the indifference of his Thessalonian flock. Symeon himself\r\ndescribes these reforms in his liturgical commentaries as a selective \"sweetening\" with\r\npopular monastic hymnody. The reconstruction, however, shows that in addition to\r\nadding hymnody\u00E2\u0080\u0094itself the product of a previous revolution in Byzantine liturgical piety\u00E2\u0080\u0094\r\nhe updated the archaic service of cathedral matins by incorporating many of the central\r\nworks of the new repertory of florid chants. Taken together, these discoveries serve to\r\nilluminate important differences in liturgical style between a rite originally conceived for the\r\ngreat basilicas of Christian antiquity, and one formed by the fervent spirituality of\r\nhesychast monks during Byzantium's twilight."@en . "https://circle.library.ubc.ca/rest/handle/2429/6156?expand=metadata"@en . "20525175 bytes"@en . "application/pdf"@en . "SUNDAY MATINS IN THE BYZANTINE CATHEDRAL RITE: MUSIC AND LITURGY by ALEXANDER LEONIDAS LINGAS B.A., Portland State University, 1986 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES School of Music We accept this thesis as conforming tojhjjEqipred standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA June 1996 \u00C2\u00A9 Alexander Leonidas Lingas, 1996 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada DE-6 (2/88) I ABSTRACT This is an interdisciplinary examination of the office of Sunday Matins as celebrated in the Byzantine cathedral Rite of the Great Church from its origins in the popular psalmodic assemblies of the fourth century to its comprehensive reform by Archbishop Symeon of Thessalonica (fl429), Byzantium's last and most prolific liturgical commentator. Specifically, it studies the influence of developments in liturgical music and piety\u00E2\u0080\u0094notable among which were the advent of monastic hymnody and virtuosic styles of chanting\u00E2\u0080\u0094on the order of service at the Constantinopolitan andThessalonian cathedrals of Hagia Sophia. This is accomplished through reconstructions of the service of Sunday matins as celebrated in the two churches from musical manuscripts, books of rubrics (Typika'), and liturgical commentaries. In general, these demonstrate that the interaction of cathedral and monastic elements in Byzantium's secular churches was far more complex than is generally acknowledged. The final two chapters of this study examine Symeon's revised version of the Sunday morning office, which provides the context for an examination of broader questions concerning the nature of developments in the ethos of Byzantine worship. The focal point for this discussion is an evaluation of the liturgical reforms initiated by Symeon to save the cathedral rite from the indifference of his Thessalonian flock. Symeon himself describes these reforms in his liturgical commentaries as a selective \"sweetening\" with popular monastic hymnody. The reconstruction, however, shows that in addition to adding hymnody\u00E2\u0080\u0094itself the product of a previous revolution in Byzantine liturgical piety\u00E2\u0080\u0094 he updated the archaic service of cathedral matins by incorporating many of the central works of the new repertory of florid chants. Taken together, these discoveries serve to illuminate important differences in liturgical style between a rite originally conceived for the great basilicas of Christian antiquity, and one formed by the fervent spirituality of hesychast monks during Byzantium's twilight. ii T A B L E OF CONTENTS Abstract i i Table of Contents i i i List of Tables iv List of Figures v Principles of Musical Transcription vi Acknowledgement viii Dedication . ix Chapter 1 Introduction 1 Chapter 2 Sunday Morning Prayer in Late Antiquity: Cathedral and Monastery 18 Chapter 3 Sunday Matins in the Rite of the Great Church I: The Sources 40 Chapter 4 Sunday Matins in the Rite of the Great Church II: The Historical Structure of the Office 64 Chapter 5 Prelude to Reform: Musical Developments in Byzantine Monastic Liturgy 129 Chapter 6 The Setting and Sources for the Cathedral Liturgy in Late Byzantine Thessalonica 170 Chapter 7 Reformed Asmatic Matins of Ordinary Sundays: Structure, Music , and Interpretation 219 List of Abbreviati ons 279 Works Cited 280 ii i LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1. Musical Manuscripts Consulted i n Chapter 4 65 2. Sunday Matins According to the Rite of the Great Church 68 3 . Asmatic Refrains for Psalms 148-50 99 4. The Agrypnia of Abbot Nilus of Sinai 136 5 . Sunday Matins in the Studite and Neo-Sabai'tic Rites 159-62 6. List of Festal Psalms in the Psalterion of M S Athens 2047 207 7. Asmatic Sunday Matins According to Symeon of Thessalonica 222-23 8. Musical Repertories of the Antiphonaria for Psalm 118 on Ordinary Sundays: 'Stasis' 1 236 9. Musical Repertories of the Antiphonaria for Psalm 118 on Ordinary Sundays: 'Stasis' 2 241 10. Musical Repertories of the Antiphonaria for Psalm 118 on Ordinary Sundays: 'Stasis' 3 246 11. Plan of the Sunday Prokeimenon Coda \"fierd dvafaoi'rifj.dTcov\" by Koukouzeles 266 iv LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1. Plan of Hagia Sophia, Constantinople 67 2. The Placement of the A m b o in Hagia Sophia, Constantinople 90 3 . The Acheiropoietos: Longitudinal Section and Floor Plan 173 4. The Ambon of the Acheiropoietos 173 5 . Hagia Sophia, Thessalonica: Ground Plan of the Present Church and the Early Christian Basilica 176 6. Hagia Sophia, Thessalonica: Longitudinal Section Through the North Gallery of the Present Church in Its Original Form 176 7. Thessalonica in the Fourteenth Century 204 8. Hagia Sophia, Thessalonica: Reconstruction of the North Facade as It Appeared During the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries 224 9. Hagia Sophia, Thessalonica: Reconstruction of the Floor Plan During the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries 225 v PRINCIPLES OF MUSICAL TRANSCRIPTION The system established by founders of the Monumenta Musicae Byzantinae ( M M B ) series for the transcription of medieval Byzantine neumes into Western staff notation has been criticised from a variety of technical and ideological perspectives.1 For a variety of reasons, I have nevertheless chosen to produce the music examples for this present study employing a modified version of the M M B ' s method. 2 In addition to being familiar to Western scholars, this system is well-suited to the task of rendering on a five- l ine staff the intervals, the qualitative variety of ascending seconds, and the rhythmic lengthenings indicated by the medieval Byzantine notation. The reader should, however, note the following departures from the conventions of the M M B : 1) The petaste is represented by \" u , \" a sign that was first employed for this purpose by Frank Desby in his transcriptions of Chrysanthine chant. 3 It has since been adopted for use by the editors of the forthcoming series Monuments ofNeo-Byzantine Chant? 2) The Byzantine signs for acceleration and slowing gorgon (r) and argon (n ) are written above the staff in their original form; and 3) Byzantine neumes of expression, articulation or ornamentation that have usually been omitted from the transcriptions of the M M B \u00E2\u0080\u0094 e . g . the strepton, the piasma, and the tromikon\u00E2\u0080\u0094are placed around the staff in their original form. I would like to stress that my transcriptions are not attempts to represent the sound of fully realised chants according to the conventions of modern Western staff notation, but 1 E.g. J0rgen Raasted, \"Thoughts on a Revision of the Transcription Rules of the Monumenta Musicae Byzantinae,\" Universite de Copenhague Cahiers de Vlnstitut du Moyen-age grec et latin 54(1986): 13-38; Gregorios Th. Stathis, \" A n Analysis of the Sticheron Tdv f/Xtov Kpupavra by Germanos, Bishop of New Patras (The Old 'Synoptic' and the New 'Analytical' Method of Byzantine Notation,\" in MiloS Velimirovic, ed., Studies in Eastern Chant 4 (Crestwood: St. Vladimir's Seminar Press, 1979), 177-227; idem,\" 'H waAcutdt BvCairrLvfj or]iieioypaia ml TO TTpopXrjfia /leraypacfiffe rrfs els TO -newdypa^pov,\" BvCavTii/dl(1975): 193-220 [text], 427-60 [music examples and other illustrations];and the present author's article \"Byzantine Chant, Western Musicology, and the Performer,\" San Francisco Early Music News (April 1991): 3-5. 2 The MMB's method of transcription is succintly outlined in H.J. W. Tillyard, Handbook of Middle Byzantine Notation, M M B Subsidia 2 (Copenhagen: Levin and Munksgaard, 1935). 3 E.g. The Resurrection Service of the Orthodox Church: Offices of Matins and liturgy for Easter Sunday, 2d. ed. (Los Angeles: Greek Sacred and Secular Music Society, 1978). 4 Frank Desby, Alexander Lingas, and Jessica Suchy-Pilalis, A Guide to the Transcription ofNeo-Byzantine (Chrysanthine) Chant, ed. Nicolas Maragos (Bloomington: National Forum of Greek Orthodox Church Musicians, forthcoming). vi graphic tools to facilitate the comparison and structural analysis of Byzantine melodies as (incompletely) notated in manuscript sources. In addition, I would like to note that I have continued to employ the Western accent symbols chosen by the M M B to represent the vareia (\"A\") and the oxeia (\"-\") because of their convenience as familiar markers for these Byzantine neumes, rather than out of any belief i n their functional equivalence. In other words, I do not wish to suggest that the vareia and the oxeia were realised by Byzantine cantors in the same manner as late twentieth-century orchestral musicians interpreting their symbolic counterparts. A modern singer hoping to perform the musical works transcribed in this study would, like any fourteenth-century cantor, need to make a series of decisions regarding matters not fully notated in Byzantine musical manuscripts. Areas consigned by the medieval Byzantine tradition to the realm of performance practice include the tunings employed for the various modes, the proper realisations of signs of ornamentation, rhythmic subdivisions of the basic beat, the style of vocal production, and the chromatic alteration of individual pitches through the appropriate application of musica ficta. Yet, as the Early Music movement of the past few decades has shown for the pre-modern musical repertories of Western Europe, such problems of realisation are neither unique to medieval Byzantine chant, nor insuperable. vii A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T This present study would have been impossible, but for the gracious assistance of many institutions and individuals in North America and Europe. I gratefully acknowledge the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada for its award of a Doctoral Fellowship (1990-93), and the University of British Columbia for a University Graduate Fellowship (1988\u00E2\u0080\u009490). Additional support was given by the United States Educational Foundation in Greece in the form of a Fulbright grant for the spring and summer of 1995. A semester of study in 1990 at St. Vladimir's Orthodox Theological Seminary provided crucial background knowledge for this interdisciplinary study, and I am most grateful to its faculty, staff, and students for their continuing friendship and help. Special mention must be made of Harvard University's Dumbarton Oaks Centre for Byzantine Studies, which not only granted me a Summer Fellowship (1992) at the beginning of my work on this thesis, but also a Junior Fellowship during the academic year (1995-96) of its completion. Moving on to individuals, I would like to express my deep gratitude to my three diligent and insightful supervisors over the course of this project: Prof. MiloS Velimirovic , Dr . Dimitr i Conomos, and the long-suffering Professor J .E. Kreider. A t Dumbarton Oaks, special thanks are due to Dr . John Nesbitt, Mark Zapatka of the library, Dr. Eric Ivison for help with reconstructing the floor plan of Hagia Sophia, Thessalonica, and Miss Caren Calendine for reading earlier drafts. In Greece, I would like to thank M r . Michael Adamis, M r . Lycourgos Angelopoulos, and Prof. Ioannes Phountoules for their counsel; the staff of the National Library of Athens for access to manuscripts; and especially Dr. and Mrs . Christos Lolas, who unfailingly provided me with gracious hospitality. In Vancouver, Dr. and Mrs . R . W . Boyd provided loving encouragement and assistance throughout my years as a graduate student. Finally, I thank my wife A n n , whose love, forbearance* and diligent proofreading were central to the realisation of this present work. A l l faults that remain, are, of course, my own. viii Frank Desby (1922-1992) Aia/fLd lj /llSTJjUTJ. ix C H A P T E R 1 I N T R O D U C T I O N The modern service of Byzantine Sunday matins is unquestionably the longest and most complex segment of the contemporary Eastern Orthodox Liturgy of the Hours. 1 Historians of liturgy and chant investigating this office have revealed it to be the product of a lengthy and intense process of development that has left its surface is littered with vestigial forms. 2 The component parts of Byzantine Sunday matins have subsequently been traced to diverse times and places of origin, testifying to the formative influence of various local usages over the course of centuries.3 These initially ranged from the cathedrals of Antioch and Jerusalem to the deserts of Palestine and Egypt, followed later by Justinian's cathedral of 1 The contemporary Byzantine Office is contained in service books based on Greek editions published in Venice during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. At present, there are two major approaches to celebrating the offices from these books, from which further minor divergences in practice may be observed. With several exceptions (most notably Mt. Athos), the churches under the jurisdiction of the Ecumenical Patriarchate celebrate according to the Typikon of the Great Church (Tum/cov rfjs TOV Xpiarov MeydArjs- 'E/ocArjaias) edited by George Violakes (Constantinople: 1888; repr. Athens: Michael Saliveros, n.d.), a book of rubrics adapting the monastic rite for modern urban use while also demonstrating certain vestiges of cathedral rite practice. The remaining Orthodox churches still officially employ late medieval recensions of the monastic Typikon of St. Sabas as their basis for worship, but moderate its assiduous demands in most parishes. On the Venetian editions of the Orthodox service books, see N.B. Tomadakes,\" 'H iv 'haXiq ZKSOOIS iXXi)viKQ,v iKKXr\aiaoTLKu>v fiifiXL&v (Kvplajs XetTovpyimv) yevo\iivri im^eXetg 'EXArfvui' 6pBo86^u)v KXrpLK&v Kara robs L\u00E2\u0082\u00AC%C aiuJvaaJi> ZnovStSy 37 (1969\u00E2\u0080\u009470): 3-33. The critical role of these books in the forced harmonisation of Russian and Greek practice under Patriarch Nikon is discussed by Paul Meyendorff in Russia, Ritual, and Reform: The Liturgical Reforms of Nikon in the Seventeenth Century (Crestwood: St. Vladimir's Seminary Press, 1991). 2 When celebrated in full according to the Typikon of St. Sabas, the major forms in modern Byzantine Sunday matins which have been altered or moved in a way obscuring their original purpose are: the presbyteral prayers, the hypacoe, the hymns of ascent {anavathmoi), the resurrectional troparia following the Great Doxology, the redundant prokeimena scattered throughout the office (including \"Let everything that hath breath, praise the Lord\" and \"Holy is the Lord, our God\"), and the kontakion. The omission in parochial usage of such crucial structural elements as the monastic psalmody, the biblical canticles, the troparia of the canon other than the katavasiai, and the full text of psalms 148-50 only increases the confusion. For concise surveys of these issues, see Nicholas Egender, La priere des heures: 'QpoAoyiov, La priere des eglises de rite byzantin 1 (Chevetogne: 1975), 121-41; Mateos, \"Quelques problems de Porthros byzantin,\" Proche-orientchre'tien 11 (1961): 17-35, 201-20; and Phountoules, '\"H dKoXovdia rod opdpov,\" chap, in Aeirovpyixd Oefiara H (Thessalonica: 1987), 24-25. 3 On the modern service of Byzantine Sunday Matins, see Nicholas Egender, \"Celebration du dimanche,\" in Dimanche: Office selon les huit tons ( 'O/crajrjxosr), La Priere des eglises de rite byzantin 3 (Chevetogne: Editions de Chevetogne, [1971]), 29-34; Robert F. Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours in East and West: The Origins of the Divine Office and Its Meaning for Today (Collegeville: The Li turgical Press, 1986), 273-91. 1 2 Hagia Sophia, the Constantinopolitan monastery of Studios, and, during the reign of the Paleologan dynasty (1261-1453), Mount Athos . 4 A s the relative prestige of each centre waxed and waned, it would alternatively disseminate its own usages or adopt the practices of others. The present study of music and liturgy w i l l survey the impact of these processes of change on a vanished predecessor of modern Orthodox Sunday morning prayer, namely the office of Sunday matins as celebrated in the now-defunct Byzantine cathedral rite of Hagia Sophia. The development of this service w i l l be followed from its origins in Late Antiquity to its final reform in the early fifteenth-century. This introductory chapter w i l l further define the parameters of the problem, briefly review previous scholarly studies, and outline our approach to its solution. The Byzantine Cathedral Rite as a Musical Problem In the introduction to his pathbreaking article \"The Byzantine Office at Hagia Sophia,\" Oliver Strunk makes several remarkable assertions regarding the Liturgy of the Hours at Justinian's Great Church, otherwise known as the \"daixaTiKr) d.Ko\ovdia\" (\"Sung\" or \"Chanted\" Office). Two concern the proper approach to its study, while a third assesses its relevance to Byzantine musicology: Thus it appears that the problem of the \"chanted\" office is fundamentally a musical problem, and that it w i l l not be possible to solve it satisfactorily without taking music 4 These formative processes are outlined by Miguel Arranz in \"Les grandes etapes de la Liturgie Byzantine: Palestine Byzance-Russie. Essai d'apercu historique,\" in Liturgie de Vegliseparticuliere et liturgie de Veglise universelle, BibliothecaEphemeridesLiturgicae, Subsidia! (Rome: Edizioni Liturgiche, 1976), 43-72; and Robert Taft in \"Mount Athos: A Late Chapter in the History of the Byzantine Rite,\" DOP 42 (1988): 179-94. A more extensive treatment of this subject is Taft, The Byzantine Rite: A Short History. American Essays in Liturgy (Collegeville: The Liturgical Press, 1992). Although the study of Eastern Christian chant is as yet too immature for similar surveys of the corresponding musical developments, Peter Jeffery has suggested the potential fruitfulness of such a parallel methodology in Re-envisioning Past Musical Cultures: Ethnomusicology in the Study of Gregorian Chant (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1992), 55-59- Jeffery has himself pursued the trails forged by liturgiologists in a series of preliminary studies for a general history of Hagiopolite chant from the fourth to the twelfth century: \"The Sunday Office of Seventh-Century Jerusalem in the Georgian Chantbook (Iadgari): A Preliminary Report,\" Studia Liturgica 21 (1991): 52-75; \"The Lost Chant Tradition of Early Christian Jerusalem: Some Possible Melodic Survivals in the Byzantine and Latin Chant Repertories,\" Early Music History 11 (1992): 151-90; and \"The Earliest Christian Chant Repertory Recovered: The Georgian Witnesses to Jerusalem Chant,\" Journal of the American Musicological Society 47(1994): 1-39. 3 into account. It likewise appears that the music of the \"chanted\" office constitutes a central and crucial chapter in the history of Byzantine music and that until this chapter is written our conception of Byzantine music is bound to remain one-sided and incomplete. 5 Despite the underlying logic of Strunk's clarion call to musicologists, this \"central and crucial chapter\" remains largely unwritten some forty-odd years after the original publication of his article. 6 Major surveys of Byzantine chant to the present day continue to tell mainly the monastic half of the story. 7 Nevertheless, the fact remains that for much of its history Byzantium celebrated the Liturgy of the Hours not according to one but two major distinct liturgical usages: the Constantinopolitan \"Sung\" Office and a monastic rite of Palestinian origin. This conclusion has been reinforced by recent liturgical scholarship, which has thoroughly discredited the cherished notion that the relative conservatism of contemporary Orthodox worship can be projected into the past to posit the existence of a monolithic tradition changing at a glacial pace. 8 The obvious but as yet unrealised consequence of this revolution in liturgical scholarly consensus is that musicologists must now discard erroneous conclusions based on a unitary model of liturgical development 9 and proceed by carefully distinguishing the various liturgical usages as they wend their way through Byzantine musical history. Strunk's other two assertions are somewhat more problematic. Whi le his claim that a satisfactory solution of the problem of the cathedral rite must take music into account is to some 5 Oliver Strunk, \"The Byzantine Office at Hagia Sophia,\" DOP 9-10 (1956); repr. as chap, in EMBW, 115. 6 Cf. the \"Review of Literature\" infra, pp. 9-15. 7 E.g. Egon Wellesz, A History of Byzantine Music and Hymnography, 2nd. ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1961); and more recently Milos\" Velimirovic-, \"Byzantine Chant,\" in The New Oxford History of Music, vol. 2, The Early Middle Ages to 1300, eds. Richard Crocker and David Hiley (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), 26-63. 8 Cf. the comments by Robert Taft, \"A Tale of Two Cities: The Byzantine Holy Week Triduum as a Paradigm of Liturgical History,\" in Time and Community, in Honor of Thomas Julian Talley, ed. J. Neil Alexander (Washington: The Pastoral Press, 1990), 21; and Nicholas Egender, \"Introduction,\" in Lapriere des heures 'OpoAdyiois, La priere des eglises de rite byzantin 1 (Chevetogne: Editions de Chevetogne, 1975), 88-89. 9 Wellesz, for example, states in his classic survey that the kontakion, a Constantinopolitan form of liturgical poetry that began to flourish in the sixth century, was replaced in the morning office by the poetic canons of such seventh-century Palestinian figures as John of Damascus and Andrew of Crete. In addition to chronological problems posed by the late date of the surviving textual kontakaria, this hypothesis is undercut by the fact that these two forms of hymnography were created for completely different rites: canons were designed to farce the biblical canticles of Saba'itic matins, while kontakia were originally written for popular urban vigils. See Wellesz, A History, 199-204; and the study of the present author, \"The Liturgical Use of the Kontakion in Constantinople,\" in ed. Constantin C. Akentiev, Liturgy, Architecture and Art of the Byzantine World: Papers of the XVIII International Byzantine Congress (Moscow, &-15 August 1991) and Other Essays Dedicated to the Memory ofFr. John Meyendorff, Byzantinorossica 1 (St. Petersburg: 1995), 50-57. 4 extent justified by his reliance on data found uniquely in musical manuscripts, Strunk never demonstrates exactly how Hagia Sophia's Liturgy of the Hours presents a \"fundamentally\" musical problem. The pretext for his assertions is nevertheless clear: the famous and relatively late description of these offices by Saint Symeon, Archbishop of Thessalonica (1416/17-1429) and Byzantium's most prolific liturgical commentator. In a passage referred to by Strunk, 1 0 Symeon takes the popular appellation for the Great Church's Liturgy of the Hours (\"aofiariKr) aKoXovdCa\") as the point of departure for his subsequent description and allegorical interpretation of the cathedral rite: This melodic service was originally sung by all the catholic churches of the entire world, which recited nothing without melody (except the priest's prayers and the deacon's litanies) \u00E2\u0080\u0094 especially the Great Churches such as Constantinople, Antioch, and Thessalonica, where alone today it is performed in the Church of the Holy Wisdom. 1 1 This glowing praise contrasts radically with his cool evaluation of the contemporary monastic Divine Office: In the monasteries here, and in almost all of the churches, the order followed is that of the Jerusalem Typikon of Saint Sabas. For this can be performed by one person, having been compiled by monks, and is often celebrated without chants in the cenobitic monasteries. Such a rite is necessary and patristic, since our holy Father Savas set this d o w n . . . 1 2 From this testimony, one might conclude, as have some scholars, that music was both the Byzantine cathedral rite's defining characteristic and what set it apart from an often dry monastic rite of St. Sabas.13 It is extremely unlikely, however, that Symeon, whose Thessalonian cathedral of Hagia Sophia was the last church in the shrunken Paleologan Empire to maintain the complete cycle of asmatic offices, was writing merely as an impartial observer. On the contrary, in open opposition to certain members of his flock who evidently preferred the reformed or \"Neo-Sabaitic\" monastic rite celebrated everywhere else at that time, 1 4 Symeon 1 0 Strunk, \"The Byzantine Office,\" 115. 1 1 Symeon of Thessalonica, flepi rffe &eias~ npoaevxfjsiDe sacraprecatione), PG 155, col. 624; poorly trans, by H.L.N. Simmons as Treatise on Prayer: An Explanation of the Services Conducted in the Orthodox Church (Brookline, Mass.: Hellenic College Press, 1984), 71. 1 2 Symeon, ITepl rfc feta? rrpoaevxris; col. 556;Treatise, 22. 1 3 E.g. Diane Touliatos-Banker, The Byzantine Amomos Chant of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries, AnalectaVlatadon 46 (Thessalonica: Patriarchal Institute of Patristic Studies, 1984), 50-51, 62-63. 1 4 On the Late Byzantine \"Neo-Sabaitic\" synthesis of monastic usages, see Taft, The Byzantine Rite, 78-83. 5 fervently advocated the maintenance of the \"Sung\" Office at his cathedral in perpetuity \"as a kind of divine spark.\" 1 5 It was therefore scarcely in his interest to provide a fully objective comparison of the two rites. Even a cursory glance at Neo-Sabai'tic worship is sufficient to confirm Symeon's bias in favour of the cathedral rite. As Antoniades has pointed out, the Byzantine monastic offices themselves had rapidly developed into what can only be described as \"sung\" services after the rise of Sabai'tic hymnography in the seventh century.1 6 More recently, their status as such had taken on a whole new meaning in the wake of the fourteenth-century musical reforms of the Athonite monk John Koukouzeles. 1 7 By the time Symeon was writing, the Neo-Sabai'tic offices had fostered the creation of an enormous repertory of florid \"kalophonic\" chant that was easily the most elaborate music Byzantium had ever produced. Even without a detailed comparison of the two forms of worship, therefore, circumstances suggest a broader interpretation of his effusive rhetoric. If one then leaves aside dubious comparisons, Symeon's assertion of music's fundamental importance to the asmatic rite rests on his testimony that cathedral worship was accomplished primarily through musical means, hardly an isolated phenomenon in the history of Byzantine liturgy. As any visitor to a contemporary Eastern Orthodox church soon learns, singing\u00E2\u0080\u0094varying in scale from intoned recitation to highly virtuosic melismatic chant and complex polyphony\u00E2\u0080\u0094is the medium par excellence for corporate worship in the Christian East. Eucharistic liturgies are by definition sung services, for the Orthodox Church has never had an equivalent to the spoken or \"low\" Mass of the Latin West. Singing also dominates the portions of the Neo-Sabai'tic Divine Office commonly celebrated today in most parishes. This is 1 5 Symeon, ITepl rfjs\" feias\" Trpoaevxns; col. 556; Treatise, 21-22. 1 6 Evangelos Antoniades, \"ITepl TOV dafiariKOv fj fivCavrivoi) KOOUUCOV TVTTOV T&V 'AKoAovdi&i' Tr)g T)\xepovvKTLOv -rrpooevxrjS,* OeoAoyia 20 (1949): 721. 1 7 The basic works on John Koukouzeles' contributions to Byzantine music are by Edward V. Williams: \"A Byzantine Ars Nova: The 14th-century Reforms of John Koukouzeles in the Chanting of Great Vespers,\" in Aspects of the Balkans: Continuity and Change, ed. Henrik Birnbaum and Speros Vryonis, Jr. (The Hague: 1972), 211-229; and his frequently cited but never published study of \"John Koukouzeles' Reform of Byzantine Chanting for Great Vespers in the Fourteenth Century,\" (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1968). 6 especially true of the two principal offices of orthros and vespers 1 8 which, thanks to an impressive melodic repertory for their psalmodic ordinary and an immense corpus of proper hymnography filling out fifteen volumes of text , 1 9 are veritably saturated with vocal music. The traditional close integration of vocal music with Eastern Orthodox liturgy has a number of implications not only for the reconstruction of the cathedral rite, but indeed for the study of nearly all Byzantine liturgy. Simply by virtue of the fact that Byzantine cathedral services were sung, music was important as the medium through which liturgical texts were perceived in a specific time or place. While the relative importance of music to any particular topic in liturgical scholarship may, of course, vary widely, there can be no doubt that scholarly consideration of its role within the \"Sung\" rite promotes a more thorough understanding of the asmatic offices through the recovery of a vital qualitative dimension. In this way, the aural environment provided by music may therefore be considered analogous to the physical setting provided by Byzantine church architecture, for both shaped the celebration of the asmatike akolouthia. Music , however, because of its privileged position as the medium by which the asmatic offices were conducted and by virtue of certain innate properties, had the potential to affect the reception of the cathedral rite's texts far more than any physical factor, with the possible exception of the acoustics that rendered them audible or inaudible. Some of the most important ways in which singing can affect the text it mediates stem from what we in the late twentieth century might call the psycho-acoustic properties of music, but which the Byzantines would probably have referred to as its ethos. In continuity with the philosophers of Greek Antiquity, many Church Fathers maintained that music has great power to affect the human soul for good 1 8 Orthros is the principal morning office of the Orthodox Church. Its rough Latin equivalent would be a composite of Roman matins and lauds (or, to use an alternative medieval terminology, nocturnes and matins). 1 9 For more information on the Neo-Sabaitic service books and their use in modern Orthodox liturgy, see the helpful introductory sections and appendices to Mother Mary and Archimandrite [now Bishop] Kallistos Ware, eds. and trans., The Festal Menaion (London: Faber and Faber, 1969), 38-97, 530-562. Many of the same books are discussed alongside their musical counterparts in Kenneth Levy, 'Liturgy and liturgical books. III. Greek rite,' The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. Stanley Sadie (London, 1980), vol. 11, 86-88. 7 or for i l l . 2 0 The descriptive poems that conclude each section of resurrectional hymnography in The Great Oktoechos also indicate that the Byzantines believed their cycle of eight modes was founded on such principles . 2 1 Unfortunately for the modem positivist scholar, such aspects remain maddeningly difficult to quantify in absolute terms despite attempts from Pythagoras to the present to create a metaphysics of music based in the mathematics of sound as a physical phenomenon. 2 2 A more promising avenue for investigating the role of music within the Byzantine cathedral rite is to observe the way in which texts were set. In the case of a single texted melody, this means noting the relationship of the text to such basic musical components as mode, range and its place on the continuum between syllabic and melismatic chant. Across an entire repertory of chants, these musical elements reveal the technical means preferred for the expression of certain texts in particular liturgical situations. The relevance of purely musical concerns to a genre of hymnography may also be assessed at this level by measuring the relative dominance of text or music, a significant consideration for Byzantine chant with its elaborate systems of model melodies and contrafacta. 2 3 Through an overview of a whole service or even an entire rite, one may discover the liturgical function of various styles of music within a religious tradition. Furthermore, one may also begin to discern from the juxtaposition 2 0 On the development of patristic thought about music, see Wellesz, A History, 52-62; Johannes Quasten, Music and Worship in Pagan and Christian Antiquity, trans. Boniface Ramsey, NPM Studies in Church Music and Liturgy (Washington, D.C.: National Association of Pastoral Musicians, 1983), 59-139; and James McKinnon, \"Christian Antiquity,\" in James McKinnon, ed., Music and Society: Antiquity and the Middle Ages (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1991), 81-S5. See also the excellent annotated collection of patristic references to music in James McKinnon, ed., Music in Early Christian Literature, Cambridge Readings in the Literature of Music (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987). 2 1 See the discussion of the \"Concept of Ethos\" in Frank Desby, \"The Modes and Tunings in Neo-Byzantine Chant,\" (Ph.D. diss., Univ. of Southern California, 1974), 22-51. The poems of the Oktoechos are given with English translations on pp. 25-28. 2 2 Sufficiently elusive in contemporary music, the ethos of a repertory such as medieval Byzantine chant presents further problems due to the conjectural nature of rhythmic subdivision, appropriate vocal production, musica ficta and other chromaticism. 2 3 The importance of this principle may be seen from the way in which the monastic rite's great number of contrafacta (prosomoia) effectively dilute through repetition the purely musical impact of each Byzantine model melody or automelon without in any way reducing the musical component of a given service. Exactly the opposite effect is achieved, however, by the phenomenon of multiple settings of a given text, whereby the relative importance of music increases. Taken to its Late Byzantine extreme of textless chant by named composers cultivating a highly personal musical style, music may thus achieve an unprecedented autonomy as an arbiter of liturgical ethos, cf. the present author's study of \"Hesychasm and Psalmody,\" Mount Athos and Byzantine Monasticism, ed. Anthony Bryer (London: Variorum, forthcoming). 8 of these styles an underlying set of aesthetic principles operating to create a distinct ethos of worship. Such investigations gain wider significance when the observed relationship between music and liturgy is viewed through the prism of time to reveal development. A s John Meyendorff pointed out, the continuities and discontinuities evident in liturgical development are significant tools for the study of change in Byzantine culture and religious thought. 2 4 Chant, as Dimitri Conomos recently demonstrated in his study of the Byzantine communion cycle, can be an excellent index of such development. 2 5 Moreover, its relative importance as an indicator of continuity and discontinuity in Byzantine liturgy greatly increased by default after the twelfth century, when the former torrent of textual additions was reduced to a trickle upon the completion of the standard collections of hymnodic propers. B y the time of Symeon's fifteenth-century episcopacy, as we have shown elsewhere, the musical innovations of John Koukouzeles and his fellow composers had given cantors the ability to alter drastically the surface of Byzantine liturgy without changing the 'official' texts of the services. 2 6 These developments, whose impact on and relationship to the archaic \"Sung\" rite has yet to be assessed, can essentially be reduced to two. The first\u00E2\u0080\u0094on which most scholarly attention has been fixed\u00E2\u0080\u0094was the cultivation of an embellished or \"kalophonic\" musical style of unprecedented virtuosity that often featured extended vocal ranges, textual troping, and even textless vocalisations on nonsense syllables. The second innovation was the 2 4 \"Continuities and Discontinuities in Byzantine Religious Thought,\" DOP47 (1993): 78. 2 5 Robert Taft, The Byzantine Rite: A Short History, American Essays in Liturgy (Collegeville: The Liturgical Press, 1992), 60; cf. Conomos, The Late Byzantine and Slavonic Communion Cycle: Liturgy and Music, Dumbarton Oaks Studies 21 (Washington, D . C : Dumbarton Oaks, 1985). Although it has long been common for Byzantine musicologists to discuss either the development of a particular chant or repertory of chants over the centuries, their conclusions have usually been strictly musical observations about changes in melody or melodic style. Consequently, they have long been quietly reproached by non-specialists for the impenetrability and perceived irrelevance of so many of their studies. Thoughtful discussions of current scholarly approaches to Byzantine chant from scholars outside of the field are provided by R. Taft, review of The Late Byzantine and Slavonic Communion Cycle, by D. Conomos, in Worship 62 (1988): 554-7; and Vladimir Morosan, review of Studies in Eastern Chant, vol. V, ed. by D. Conomos, in Orthodox Church Music 1 (1983): 37. Cf. also the hostile evaluation of Byzantine musicology by Joseph Kerman, Contemplating Music: Challenges to Musicology (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1985), 45. 2 6 Lingas, \"Hesychasm and Psalmody.\" 9 composition of highly expressive multiple settings of the same text, a radical departure from the tradition of anonymous music tied closely to a given text or group of texts.2 7 In summary then, we would like to supplement Strunk's hypotheses by asserting: 1) that further investigation of the Byzantine cathedral rite is of vital musicological interest because of its central but as yet poorly understood place in the Empire's musical history; 2) that asmatic liturgy is indeed both by definition and by appellation a musical problem because music is one of its fundamental constituent elements; and 3) that it is indeed impossible to gain a proper understanding of the \"Sung\" offices without taking singing into account. Additionally, it is our contention that the most promising means by which the cathedral rite can be assessed as a musical problem is through a multi-layered investigation of the relationship between text and music. Review of Literature The course of action we have been advocating above is in part an ideal, for a detailed survey of music and liturgy in the Byzantine cathedral rite throughout its history (let alone one of Byzantine liturgy in general) is still years away. From a strictly musical perspective, this situation can be partially explained by a continuing lack of basic studies for many musical repertories and periods, a fact that explains the still exploratory nature of most Byzantine musicology. 2 8 Also, one must not forget that the very existence of a separate Constantinopolitan rite for the Liturgy of the Hours was all but forgotten after the fall of the 2 7 A key outcome of this latter development was that the relationship between music and text within the Byzantine rite was subsequently analogous to that operative in Latin liturgy since the widespread adoption of polyphony. In other words, although the texts of a given service may remain the same in various circumstances, its overall impact may now differ radically depending on the music chosen for the occasion by a cantor or choirmaster. Taken to its modern Roman Catholic extreme, this means settings of the Eucharist's ordinary spread over a spectrum that includes, among other things, Gregorian chant, Palestrina's acappella polyphony, Mozart's orchestral masses, and modern 'pop'. 2 8 For a survey of Byzantine musicology prior to 1961, see Wellesz, A History, 1-21. Subsequent developments are summarised in the following progress reports: O. Strunk, \"Byzantine Music in the Light of Recent Research and Publication,\" in Proceedings of the Thirteenth International Congress of Byzantine Studies (London and New York: 1967), 245-54, repr. as chap, in EMBW, 240-54; M. Velimirovid, \"Present Status of Research in Byzantine Music,\" Acta Musicologica 43 (1971): 1-20; and D. Touliatos(-Banker), \"State of the Discipline of Byzantine Music,\" Acta Musicologica 50 (1978): 181-192; idem, \"Research in Byzantine Music Since 1975,\" Acta Musicologica 60 (1988): 205-26. 10 Byzantine Empire. Indeed, for several centuries Symeon of Thessalonica's AidAoyos\" Xpiarq} was essentially the only clear and accessible witness to the asmatic offices. 2 9 This situation began to change in the late nineteenth century as scholars uncovered and published texts from both the cathedral rite's classic Constantinopolitan phase and its Late Byzantine twilight. 3 0 At about the same time, the first modern studies taking the Byzantine cathedral rite into account were written by such scholars of liturgy as Mansvetov 3 1 Dmitrievskii 3 2 Skaballanovich, 3 3 and Baumstark.3 4 Based on this scholarship, Borgia made an early attempt at the more ambitious goal of reconstructing the texts of the actual services in a usable form. 3 5 A second wave of scholarly interest in the Byzantine cathedral rite occurred in the mid-1950s. Relying largely on Symeon and prior scholarship, Antoniades made some perceptive observations about the role of music in the \"Sung\" Office. 3 6 His work was followed by the more or less simultaneous appearance of detailed studies by Strunk 3 7 and Trempelas3 8 2 9 Published originally in Jassy, Moldavia in 1683, it later became widely available through its inclusion in volume 155 of Migne's monumental PatrologiaGraeca. (cols. 33-696), where it is accompanied by a poor Latin translation. 3 0 Most notably A. Dmitrievskii, Opisanie liturgicheskikh rukopisei khraniashchikhsia v bibliotekakh Pravoslavnogo Vostoka, 3 vols. (Kiev: 1895, 1902; Petrograd: 1917; repr. ed., Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1965); and idem, Drevneishie patriarshie tipikony Sviatogrobskii lerusalimskii i Velikoi Konstantinopolskoi Tserkvy (Kiev: 1907). Two interesting late Byzantine cathedral rite texts from musical manuscripts were also published by Alexander Lavriotes: a text for festal vespers from the musical MS Lavra A 165 in \"XvAAoyt) T&V Suxpopcov \u00C2\u00A3KK\r\oiaoTiK&v aKoAov&mv,\" EKKArpiaariKr) 'AArjOeLa 15, no. 21 (1895): 164-66; and the libretto of the liturgical drama of the three children from the same MS as \". 'AmAovdia tyaAAouevr) rfj KvpiaKf) Tv 'Ayiwv TTaTdpaiv npo TT)S Xpiarov Tzwrfoeus TJTOL TT)S Kap.ivov\" FiocAr)aiatTn/o] 'AArjdetaA'i (1895): 345-46. 3 1 1 . Mansvetov, \"O pesnennom posledovaniy,\" Pribavleniye k tvoreniam Sv. Otsov (1880): 752-97; idem, Tserkovny Ustav (tipik): Ego obrazovanie i sudba v Grecheskoi i Russkoi Tserkvi (Moscow: 1885). 3 2 Dmitrievskii, review of Tserkovny Ustav, by Mansvetov, in Kkristianskoe Chtenie (1888), no. 2, 480-576; and idem, \"Chin Peschnago dieistva,\" Vizantiiskii Vremennik, I (1894), 585-88. 3 3 M. Skaballanovich, Tolkovy tipikon: obiasnitelnoe izlozhenie Tipikona s istoricheskim vvedeniem, 3 vols. (Kiev: 1910-15; repr. ed., n.p.: JUH, n.d.). 3 4 \"Das Typikon der Patmos-Handschrift 266 und die altkonstantinopolitanische Gottesdienstordnung,\" Jahrbuch fur Liturgiewissenschaft 6 (1926): 98-111; \"Denkmaler der Enstehungsgeschichte des byzantinischen Ritus,\" Oriens Christianus 3, Serie 2 (1927): 1-32. 3 5 Nilo Borgia,\" XlpoXoyiov \"Diurno\" delle chiese di rito bizantino,\" OrientaliaChristiana 56, 16/1 (1929): 152-254. More recent and reliable examples of reconstructed cathedral services are the minor offices published by Phountoules in his practical series of liturgical sources: ITawvxiS', Kelpeva XeLrovpyiidys 2, 2nd ed. (Thessalonica: 1977); and Tpi&e/crrj, Keipeva Xeirovpyiicris 1,2nd. ed. (Thessalonica: 1977). 3 6 Antoniades, 'ITepl rod dapaTiKou.\"' 3 7 Strunk, \"The Byzantine Office at Hagia Sophia.\" 3 8 P.N. Trempelas, \"Ac evxai rov opdpov ml TOV eoirepivov,\" SeoAoyia 24 (1953): 174-89,359-74, 520-35; 25 (1954): 71-86, 244-59, 337-52, 497-520.; repr. in idem, Mi/cpdi/ EvxoAoyiov, II (Athens: 1955). 11 employing valuable new data from late Byzantine musical manuscripts associated with Symeon's Thessalonian cathedral of Hagia Sophia. From the Antiphonarion MS Athens 2061, both scholars were able to reconstruct the cathedral rite's distribution of the Psalter into a two-week cycle of psalmodic antiphons with extra-biblical refrains. Trempelas, whose study largely consists of asmatic service texts, also includes an interesting assortment of ferial and festal variants. Strunk, on the other hand, opened up the \"Sung\" Office as an object of musicological inquiry by publishing musical transcriptions of its psalmodic ordinary. Despite Strunk's vehement assertion of the cathedral rite's central importance to their field, Byzantine musicologists\u00E2\u0080\u0094having become preoccupied with such other problems as the interpretation of early notations and the results of John Koukouzeles' fourteenth-century reforms\u00E2\u0080\u0094have paid comparatively little attention to the \"Sung\" Office. Without really comprehending their significance, Wellesz refers to Strunk's discoveries in the second edition of his general survey within a chapter on \"The Structure of Byzantine Melodies.\" 3 9 In more recent years, Conomos has discussed the South Italian tradition of the kneeling vespers of Pentecost (dKoXovdCa tfjs- yovvKXnoLas), an unusual example of a cathedral rite office celebrated in a monastic context.40 Hannick touches upon issues relating to the cathedral rite's twilight in two short studies of music in Late Byzantine Thessalonica 4 1 and addresses the \"Sung\" Office directly in his brief \"Etade sur YdKoXovdCa ao/LtaTLKfj,\" which investigates the music from two late Byzantine musical manuscripts of Neo-Sabaitic provenance for asmatic festal vespers.42 Touliatos has also published a short study of the same musical tradition of 3 9 Wellesz, A History, 341-48. 4 0 Conomos, \"Music for the Evening Office on Whitsunday,\" Actes de XVe Congres International d'Etudes Byzantines, I (Athens: 1979), 453-469. 4 1 Christian Hannick, \"Thessalonique dans l'histoire de la musique ecclesiastique byzantine,\" chap, in 'H OeaaaAoviKT]: Merafv 'AmToAfjs- ml Avaeus (Thessalonica: 'Erepeia MaKeSovLKuJv ZnovSaiu, 1982), 111-20; and \"The Performance of the Kanon in Fifteenth-Century Thessalonica,\" in D. Conomos, ed., Studies in Eastern Chant 5 (Crestwood: St. Vladimir's Seminary Press, 1991), 137-52. 4 2 Hannick, \"fitude sur VdicoAovdia tfauaTuaj,\" JOB 19 (1970): 243-60. This article includes a short section on the music for what he takes to be an unusual form of vespers, but which in reality is the Thessalonian \"Acclamations in the Trullo\" for the feast of the Holy Cross. On this Thessalonian service of acclamations, see Ioannes Phountoules,\" '18i.oppvdp.ies rfjs AetTovpyiKfis npdgews rfjs &eaoaXoviKqs Kara TLS dpxes rod IE' ai&vos,\" chap, in Xpianai^i/cfj OeaaaAonKTj: ITaAaioAoyeios fm3^'(Thessalonica: 1989), 157-59. 12 cathedral vespers as Hannick using two different manuscripts, 4 3 and has a similar preliminary investigation of asmatic matins forthcoming in Studies in Eastern Chant.44 In addition, she devotes considerable space to the Thessalonian asmatic tradition of Psalm 118 in her monograph The Byzantine Amomos Chant of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries, thus providing the first survey of an entire cathedral repertory. 4 5 In comparison with the musicologists, a number of liturgiologists have worked arduously over the past few decades to increase our knowledge of the shape and history of the Byzantine cathedral rite. It is significant that they have also begun to document i n detail its complex interaction with the Palestinian monastic rite of St. Sabas. Their research has shown that the latter's introduction i n Constantinople by St. Theodore the Studite (759-826) set in motion a six hundred-year process of influence and competition between these two ultimately irreducible rites that finally ended in the formation of the modern Byzantine rite. One of the first attempts to chronicle the development of Byzantine liturgy and evaluate the cathedral rite's place within it is presented by Alexander Schmemann in his Introduction to Liturgical Theology.46 Basing his scheme largely on Russian scholarship from the turn of the century, Schmemann mistakenly eliminates the cathedral rite as an active player on the Byzantine liturgical scene much too early by positing a total \"Studite synthesis\" of the Palestinian Sabaitic offices with material from the Constantinopolitan rite of the Great Church in the tenth century 4 7 N . D . Uspensky's early work on cathedral rite vespers, published only rather recently in English translation, suffers from similar defects through reliance on outdated 4 3 Touliatos-Banker, \"The \"Chanted\" Vespers Service,\" /TAqpotiKTi Karavopr] T6)V ipaAp&v icai T&V d>8Qv els T&S 'Aoparims AKoXovOLas iamptvoii Kal opdpov. EXXTJUOCOI MovciKoi Kc6Saces 2061-2062 EOvucqs BipAioOfJKris 'AO-qvciv1\" (Ph.D. diss., Pontifical Oriental Institute, 1976). 5 7 David Balfour, ed., Politico-Historical Works of Symeon, Archbishop of T/iessalonica (1416117 to 1429), Wiener byzantinische Studien 13 (Vienna: Verlag der bsterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1979), 21. 5 8 Balfour, Politico-Historical Works; idem, ed., Ayiou Zupeajv Apxiemcnconou GecraaAoi/iKTjs: \"Epya &eoAoyi/cd, AnalectaVlatadon 34 (Thessalonica: Patriarchal Institute of Patristic Studies, 1981). See also Balfour's studies \"St. Symeon of Thessalonica: a polemical hesychast,\" Sobornost 4 (1982): 6-21; and \"Saint Symeon of Thessalonike as a Historical Personality,\" Greek Orthodox Theological Review 28 (1983): 55-72. 5 9 Ioannes Phountoules, ed., Svpeav Apxcema/cdrrov OeaaaAoi/i/ajs: Td AeiTovpyi/cd ZvyypdppctTa I: Evxal Kal v/uwi, Eraipeia Afa/ceSo^i/ceJi/ ZrrovS&i; 10, (Thessalonica: 1968). 6 0 Phountoules's most comprehensive discussion of this MS is found passim in his general survey To AeLTOvpyiKov ipyou \u00C2\u00A3v/j.ecbi> TOV OeaaaAoyi/crjs (Thessalonica: 1966), esp. pp. 37-47, 115-58. Phountoules has since refined his assessment of Symeon's liturgical reforms in the following two articles: \" 'IScoppvdpies rfjs AetTovpyiicfjs Trpd\u00C2\u00A3eios,\" 151-63;\" 'O ayios Svpeuu QeooaAoviKT)S owrdKrr]s TVTTLKOV,\" chap, in ITpa/rn/cd AzLTovpyiKov aweSptov eis nprju teal p.uTJfirji> rou dytocs narpos fipaju Zvpecdi/os 'Apxisiriaicdjrov BeaaaAoyc/ajs TOV Oavparovpyov, (Thessalonica: 1981), 107-20. See also his topographical study \"Maprvpiai TOV OeoaaAoviKrjs Svpecov irepi w va&v rfjs OeaaaAovLiais,'\" Emarrjp.oi'uoj Everr/pi's OeoAoyixrjs- \u00C2\u00A3xoAf}s,2\ (Thessalonica: 1976): 125-86. 15 worship at the Thessalonian Hagia Sophia from which Laourdas6 1 and Darrouzes6 2 have also published substantial extracts. Phountoules has gleaned numerous revelations from this important manuscript, including the startling fact that the \"sweetening and seasoning\" of the archaic asmatic offices with monastic hymnody to please his flock to which Symeon confesses in the published AtdAoyos- ei/ Xptatq) 6 3 was, in reality, a sweeping and systematic reform of the Liturgy of the Hours at his cathedral.64 The Present Study The scholarly advances of the past forty years today enable the contemporary musicologist to form a considerably more comprehensive image of the Byzantine cathedral rite and the role of music within it than was available to Strunk at the time of his pioneering investigation. Comparative liturgiology has provided insights into the Late Antique background of the \"Sung\" Office and its monastic competition, allowing their subsequent development and interaction to be located within the larger developmental histories of Byzantine and urban Christian liturgy. Studies and editions of unreformed asmatic sources\u00E2\u0080\u0094 most notably including collections of rubrics (\"Typika\"), prayers (\"Euchologies\"), and liturgical Psalters (\"Antiphonaria\")\u00E2\u0080\u0094offer important witnesses to the shape of the Constantinopolitan offices prior to the Latin conquest of 1204. Finally, Symeon of Thessalonica's newly expanded corpus of writings contains a wealth of information about the reformed system of cathedral worship he instituted at his cathedral, which was the final stage in the development of the \"Sung\" Office and one of the more intriguing dead ends reached in its interaction with the Palestinian monastic rite of St. Sabas. 6 1 Basil Laourdas, \"Zv^iewv QeaoaXoviKT)?, \u00C2\u00AB'AicpifiriS' Sidra^ig rf)s eoprffs rod aylov Arj^r/Tplom,\" rprjySptos 6 ITaAapds- 19 (1956): 326-41. 6 2 Jean Darrouzes,\"Sainte-Sophie de Thessalonique d'apres un Rituel,\" Revue des Etudes Byzantines 34 (1976): 47-58. 6 3 Symeon, ITepl rfjs1 Betas1 npoaevxfjs, col. 556; Treatise, 22. 6 4 Phountoules, \"'0 ayiog Svuediv OeaaaXovCicqs ovvrdKTris TimiKov,\" 109-110, 115-17. 16 As noted at the outset of the present chapter, this study of music and liturgy in the Rite of the Great Church will focus on the asmatic office of Sunday matins as it was celebrated in Byzantine Constantinople and Thessalonica. Our choice of a single service was governed both by the need to keep the length of the present study within reasonable bounds, and by its sufficiency to supply a representative sample of data for a detailed examination of music's place within the Byzantine cathedral rite. Sunday matins was selected because, as the most complex service in the weekly cycle of the asmatic Divine Office, its diverse musical repertories provide the best cross-section of material for analysis. We shall commence with a brief survey of the cathedral and monastic precedents for Sunday morning prayer in Late Antiquity, which will supply the necessary historical context for the reconstructions of the Constantinopolitan and reformed Thessalonian versions of Sunday matins that will form the central portion of this study. A n assessment of the settings and sources for asmatic liturgy in each city will prepare us for the task of combining material from the available musical and non-musical documents to reveal the shape of the office in question. This process wil l , in turn, provide the raw material for our evaluation of questions ranging from the interrelationship of text and music in particular chants, to the effect of liturgico-musical developments on the ethos of Byzantine worship. The previously unsuspected magnitude of Symeon's liturgical reforms will necessarily complicate our study of the Thessalonian version of Sunday matins. The massive quantities of hymnography and music from the Neo-Sabai'tic rite superimposed on the Constantinopolitan frame of the \"Sung\" Office will require us to distinguish carefully between native and foreign elements manifested by our reconstruction. However, rather than approaching this task as merely a tedious separation of cathedral wheat from monastic chaff, we welcome it as an excellent opportunity to investigate music's role within, and possible contribution to, a remarkable episode of liturgical development, the importance of which is underscored by two considerations. First, since the formative Studite period of wholesale borrowing from the Rite of the Great Church occurred before the advent of transcribable notation, the reverse process 17 evident in Late Byzantine Thessalonica is the only example of such intense interchange between the two rites that can be documented through contemporary musical documents. Secondly, the fact that Symeon's reforms appeared on the heels of a period during which Byzantium witnessed both great spiritual revival and heightened musical creativity\u00E2\u0080\u0094so much so that one scholar has even labeled it \"a Byzantine ars n o v a \" 6 5 \u00E2\u0080\u0094 o n l y heightens interest in the Thessalonian office of asmatic Sunday matins as an object of musicological study. 65Williams, \"A Byzantine Ars Nova,\" 229. C H A P T E R 2 S U N D A Y M O R N I N G P R A Y E R I N L A T E A N T I Q U I T Y : C A T H E D R A L A N D M O N A S T E R Y Before we can commence our study of Sunday matins in the Byzantine Rite of the Great Church, it is necessary to distinguish certain pre-existing liturgical principles and forms that, after contributing to the initial shape of this service, continued to influence its subsequent development. The present chapter w i l l therefore discuss seminal aspects of the Liturgy of the Hours in Late Antiquity, which, fortunately for our purposes, has recently been the subject of two excellent general histories.1 Since their interesting details need not be rehearsed here, particular attention w i l l be devoted to defining the place of Sunday morning in the nascent daily and weekly cycles of prayer, as well as to identifying characteristics of the archetypal genres of \"cathedral\" and \"monastic\" daily prayer. O f necessity, most of the examples w i l l be drawn from locations outside of Constantinople, for worship in the new capital became independent of such older Christian centres as Antioch only gradually, and its liturgy is not documented extensively until the late ninth century. Early Christian Origins Ever since Late Antiquity, Sunday matins has been the service celebrated by Christians at the intersection of the climax of a weekly cycle of worship and the morning gathering of a daily cycle of prayer beginning anew at each sunset. Although the service itself and the temporal cycles it inhabits emerge clearly only after the Peace of Constantine in 313, their roots stretch back considerably further, in some cases to the first decades of the Christian Church or 1 Paul F. Bradshaw, Daily Prayer in the Early Church (London: SPCK, 1981; New York: Oxford University Press, 1982); and Robert F. Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours in East and West: The Origins of the Divine Office and Its Meaning for Today (Collegeville: The Liturgical Press, 1986). 18 19 even to first-century Judaism. Despite considerable inquiry, the details of pre-Constantinian worship have remained somewhat obscure, leading to a scholarly consensus that attempts to trace systematically either the Daily Office or its music back to synagogue or temple worship\u00E2\u0080\u0094 after the fashion of Dugmore2 and Werner3\u00E2\u0080\u0094are untenable.4 The Daily Cycle The Acts of the Apostles records that Christians prayed daily, 5 and that they sometimes gathered for corporate prayer in private homes.6 Beyond these basic points, there is fundamental agreement among the sources only that the first Christians retained the contemporary Jewish practice of praying at fixed times during the day. The Jewish precedents for a daily cycle of worship were: 1) the daily morning and evening sacrifices carried out in the Temple, 2) an uncertain pattern of synagogue prayer, and 3) a private rule of praying three times a day at hours which differ from source to source.7 Modern attempts to perceive the adoption of these models by the primitive Church have proved to be highly problematic, for clear patterns of daily worship within the New Testament are elusive. Its books make only brief references to prayer at various times which may or may not correspond to one or more of the Jewish cycles.8 The gospels portray Jesus praying in the morning (Mark 1:35) and in the evening (Matthew 14:23; Mark 6:46; John 6:15), while the book of Acts depicts the apostles in prayer at the third (2:1,15), sixth (10:9), and ninth hours (3:1; 10:3,30). There are also numerous instances in the New Testament of either actual prayer at night or references to 2 Clifford W. Dugmore, The Influence of the Synagogue upon the Divine Office (Westminster The Faith Press, 1964). 3 Eric Werner, The Sacred Bridge (New York: Columbia University Press, 1959). 4 Paul F. Bradshaw, The Search for the Origins of Christian Worship: Sources and Methods for the Study of Early Liturgy (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), 1-29; James McKinnon, \"Christian Antiquity,\" chap, in idem, ed., Music and Society: Antiquity and the Middle Ages (Basingstoke and London: Macmillan, 1990; Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1991), 69; and Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours, 3, 10-11. 5 Acts 2:46. 6 Acts 2:1, 46; 4:23-31; 12:5, 12. 7 Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours, 5-9. 8 Taft, 9. 20 nocturnal vigils, possibly betraying the influence of contemporary apocalyptic Judaism. 9 O n the basis of such scant evidence, Taft concludes that \"the most we can say about the Jewish and New Testament background of the Liturgy of the Hours is that Christians, like Jews, adopted the custom of praying at fixed times, and that the most important times for public liturgical prayer in common in both traditions were the beginning and end of the day,\" which \"are natural prayer hours in any tradit ion.\" 1 0 The form of early Christian prayer outside of the Eucharist together with their relationship to Jewish thanksgiving and praise remain similarly unclear. Scholars now concede that there is no documentation for direct borrowing from synagogue worship, even with regard to what was once thought to be the self-evident case of psalmody. 1 1 The debt of the medieval Divine Office to Judaism is therefore now viewed in terms of a common heritage of sacred texts and religious symbol ism. 1 2 A similar consensus has emerged about the musical traditions of the first Christians. The New Testament, which contains many references to sacred song, certainly manifests an attitude of general approval toward singing in praise of God. Nevertheless, as M c K i n n o n has noted, it is \"extremely difficult to determine just what is being sung and in what liturgical circumstances.\" 1 3 Elaborate models of musical development tracing the origins of later genres of Christian chant directly to the New Testament Church have therefore been abandoned. 1 4 9 Ibid. 1 0 Ibid., 11. 1 1 Despite abundant evidence for singing of biblical psalms in the Jerusalem Temple, there is no analogous testimony for Jewish synagogues during the period in question, or even for the existence of regular synagogue services. Neither did the placement of the fixed psalms within the later Christian Office have any concrete synagogue precedents. See John A. Smith, \"The Ancient Synagogue, the Early Church, and Singing,\" Music andLetters 65 (1984): 1-16; James McKinnon, \"On the Question of Psalmody in the Ancient Synagogue,\" Early Music History 6 (1986): 159-81; idem, \"Christian Antiquity,\" 69-70; idem, \"Desert Monasticism and the Later Fourth-Century Psalmodic Movement,\" Music andLetters 75 (1994): 509; Stefan C. Reif, \"The Early History of Jewish Worship,\" in The Making of Jewish and Christian Worship, ed. Paul Bradshaw and Lawrence Hoffman (Notre Dame, Indiana: 1991), 109-36; and Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours, 11. 1 2 McKinnon, \"Christian Antiquity,\" 69-70; Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours, 10-11. 1 3 McKinnon, Music in Early Christian Literature [henceforth MECL], Cambridge Readings in the Literature of Music, paperback ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 12. 1 4 E.g. Wellesz's interpretation of the terms \"psalms and hymns and spiritual songs\" (\"ipaApols xai vpvois ml aSalg irvevpaTiml?,9 Eph. 5:19) as liturgical prototypes for Byzantine psalmody, hymnography, and melismatic chant in A History of Byzantine Music and Hymnography, 2nd. ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1961), 35-45. 21 The number and specificity of documents relating to Christian daily prayer increase over the course of the next two centuries, yet without presenting a coherent picture of such worship. B y the third century, at least two cycles of prayer were in common use. Egyptian authors describe a system related to the three Jewish times of private prayer, but Taft believes that these same references may merely have been shorthand for a commendation to unceasing prayer . 1 5 North Afr ican authors and the Apostolic Tradition (ca. 215), a church order ascribed to Hippolytus of Rome, prescribe six or seven times for prayer that correspond more closely to the pattern of the later Daily Office, but disagree among themselves as to the relative priority of the individual hours. Tertullian, probably basing his argument on the daily Temple sacrifices, refers to the morning and evening times of prayer as statutory (legitimae),16 while Cyprian of Carthage mistakenly applies the Jewish cycle of private prayer to the Christian third, sixth, and ninth hours . 1 7 The Apostolic Tradition avoids singling out a subset of hours as mandatory, but does make a distinction between common assemblies and prayer i n the home. The former include a morning gathering for prayer and instruction, supplemented occasionally by the evening celebration of the agape, or communal m e a l . 1 8 Witnesses to the content of Christian prayer during this period are similar in character to the evidence for the hours at which it occurred, in that hints of later practices emerge without appearing normative. Theological themes common to the later morning and evening offices\u00E2\u0080\u0094 identifying the rising sun with Christ, the light of the world and sun of justice\u00E2\u0080\u0094appear in the writings of the Alexandrian biblical exegetes Clement and Origen, although their practical realisation i n daily prayer was at this point probably m i n i m a l . 1 9 O n the other hand, Tertullian describes an evening lamp-lighting ritual that may be a primitive antecedent of the lucernarium 1 5 Taft, Liturgy of the Hours, 17, 27. 1 6 Taft, 17-19 1 7 Ibid., 19-21. 1 8 Ibid., 21-27. Taft notes that this section of the text does not appear in the earliest sources of this document, but only in a late Ethiopic translation (after 1295) of an Arabic version. Nevertheless, its content seems to indicate an early origin. On the many problems associated with the text of the Apostolic Tradition and other related ancient church orders, see Bradshaw, The Search for the Origins, 80-110. 1 9 Taft, 14-17. 22 of cathedral vespers, while both h e 2 0 and the Apostolic Tradition21 testify to the existence of responsorial psalmody, a form of religious song employing a refrain to assure popular participation that became characteristic of later urban worship. Because the musical terminology remains f luid, with \"hymn\" and \"psalm\" being at this time roughly equivalent terms that often refer to non-biblical texts, it is still difficult to ascertain whether these were the canonical Psalms of David or so-called psalmoi idiotikoi, which were newly-composed songs of praise . 2 2 One also has to be cautious about extending the practice of communal singing beyond the evening agape, the only gathering at which this activity seems to have been a regular feature. The morning instruction mandated by the Apostolic Tradition seemingly included no singing, and it is doubtful whether even the pre-Eucharistic gathering on Sunday morning featured psalmody. 2 3 This is not surprising, for formal liturgical assemblies seem to have remained the exception rather than the rule for daily prayer in the third century. 2 4 The Weekly Cycle If a distinctly Christian system of daily prayer was slow to evolve, the same cannot be said of the primitive Church's weekly cycle. The Jewish precedent for a weekly observance is the Sabbath, the day on which G o d rested after Creation. According to Christian tradition, Jesus also rested on the Sabbath after his passion and death on the cross, rising from the tomb on the first day of the week (77 p.ta T&V oafSfiaTOdv) ?5 It would seem that since the primitive community in Jerusalem, Christians have observed Sunday as a weekly commemoration of Christ's resurrection. 2 6 B y the end of the first century, this day had acquired a special name, 2 0 MECL no. 78, p. 44; Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours, 18. 2 1 MECL no. 89, p. 47; Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours, 26-27. 2 2 McKinnon, \"Christian Antiquity,\" p. 71; Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours, 28. 2 3 McKinnon, \"Christian Antiquity,\" 72. 2 4 Paul F. Bradshaw, \"Cathedral vs. Monastery: The Only Alternatives for the Liturgy of the Hours?,\" chap, in Time and Community, ed. J. Neil Alexander (Washington, D . C : The Pastoral Press, 1990), 125. 2 5 Alkiviades Calyvopoulos [Calivas], Xpdws reAeaecos 7775\" Betas1 AeiTovpytas, AnalectaViatadon 37 (Thessalonica: Patriarchal Institute for Patristic Studies, 1982), 169. Cf. 1 Cor. 16:2; Acts 20:7; Mark 16:2; Luke 24:1; John 20:1. 2 6 Thomas J. Talley, The Origins of the Liturgical Year, 2nd. ed. (Collegeville, Minn.: The Liturgical Press, 1991), 14. 23 \" r] KvpiaKT) r)pepa\u00E2\u0080\u0094the Lord's Day , \" 2 7 and further theological significance was attached to its position within the week as the day after the Jewish Sabbath. In addition to its ancient status as the first day of creation, the Lord's Day became the eighth day, an eschatological day of Messianic fulfillment bursting forth from the confines of the old week. 2 8 The New Testament contains hints of a concurrent weekly rhythm of the Eucharist, the celebration of which was to become the central feature of Christian Sunday observances.29 The Eucharist was initially held most often on Saturday evening after the close of the Jewish Sabbath within the context of a communal meal known as the agape.2,0 By the latter half of the second century it had been moved to early Sunday morning, a usage clearly described by Justin Martyr (d. 165).31 Calyvopoulos has suggested three probable reasons for this change: 1) the influence of Gentile Christians following the Roman day, which began at midnight; 2) a desire to separate the agape from the Eucharist because of the negative example of contemporary pagan banquets; 3) the need to address such societal and practical concerns as the fact that Sunday remained a workday. 3 2 Yet whatever the proximate causes of this transfer, there is no evidence that the psalmody which had been characteristic of the evening agape was transferred to the Sunday morning, or even that singing was a significant component of the Eucharistic synaxis prior to the fourth century.3 3 Developments of the Fourth Century The fourth century, which began with the legalisation of Christianity and ended with its adoption as the state religion of the Roman Empire, was a period of explosive growth for the 2 7 Rev. .1:10. 2 8 Alexander Schmemann, Introduction to Liturgical Theology, 3rd. ed., trans, by Asheleigh Moorhouse (Crestwood: St. Vladimir's Seminary Press, 1986), 76-79. See also N. Egender, \"Calibration du dimanche,\" 14-22. 2 9 Robert Taft, \"The Frequency of the Eucharist Throughout History,\" chap, in Beyond East and West: Problems in Liturgical Understanding, NPM Studies in Church Music and History (Washington, D.C.: The Pastoral Press, 1984), 61-62. 3 0 Talley, The Origins of the Liturgical Year, 14-16. 3 1 MECL, 25. 3 2 Calyvopoulos, Xpo'vos- reAecrecos\" TJJS- Oetag Aeirovpyias; 178-85. 3 3 McKinnon, \"Christian Antiquity,\" 72. 24 Christian Church. As its leaders were transformed from hunted dissidents into civic dignitaries, its clandestine places of assembly were replaced by monumental basilicas constructed with imperial patronage. Beyond their obvious symbolic value as tokens of Christianity's new legal status, these churches were necessary to contain the multitudes of new converts and catechumens. At the same time, in what may have been in part a rigoristic counter-reaction to the flood of new and arguably less diligent Christians, the monastic movement which had been gathering momentum in the Egyptian desert since the late third century became a widespread phenomenon of considerable influence. Liturgy was not exempted from the general trend toward the crystallisation of fundamental forms and structures within the fourth-century Church. A rich assortment of sources documenting this process survive, including actual service texts, conciliar decisions, imperial legislation, ecclesiastical histories, homilies, and a variety of other patristic writings. From these materials, it is clear that by the beginning of the fifth century fully-formed daily and weekly cycles of services were being celebrated according to a host of liturgical usages or \"rites\" which had arisen across the Empire. Modern scholars have observed a number of significant geographical, functional, and structural distinctions among this plethora of rites that provide the basic parameters for the shape of future Christian worship. In particular, they have distinguished liturgical families that are dependent on such early regional centres of liturgical influence as Jerusalem, Antioch, and Rome. The diffusion of these usages according to the relative prestige of these centres is a central theme of subsequent liturgical development.34 Transcending regional differences in practice, however, is a clear divergence between \"cathedral\" and monastic approaches to the celebration of the Liturgy of the Hours. 3 5 Despite the early co-mingling of material in urban monastic services, this principle is particularly vital 3 4 A particularly lucid explanation of the formation of rites is Taft, The Byzantine Rite, 24-26. 3 5 Anton Baumstark demonstrated the importance of this distinction to liturgical scholarship in his pioneering work Liturgie comparie: Principes etMethodespour Ve'tude historique des liturgies chre'tiennes, 3rd ed., rev. Bernard Botte, Collection Ire'nikon (Chevetogne: Editions de Chevetogne, 1953), 123ff.; translated into English as Comparative Liturgy (Westminster, Maryland: 1958), 11 Iff. For a more recent assessment, see Bradshaw, The Search for the Origins, 187-92. 25 for a proper understanding of the Byzantine liturgical history because, as Arranz has affirmed, the two schemas remained ultimately irreducible until the end of the Empire.36 Without going into unnecessary detail about the particularities of the various nascent rites, let us therefore examine the characteristics distinguishing one approach from the other. Characteristics of Monastic Worship Thanks to the pioneering efforts of St. Anthony in Lower Egypt and St. Pachomius in Upper Egypt, Egyptian monasticism captured the imagination of fourth-century Christians everywhere, prompting a steady stream of pilgrims in search of spiritual guidance. Of particular significance were the visits of many important ecclesiastical personalities. As Taft has noted, the list of distinguished pilgrims to the Egyptian desert\u00E2\u0080\u0094which includes Basil, Rufinus, John Cassian, Jerome, Palladius, and Evagrius of Pontus\u00E2\u0080\u0094\"reads like a Who's Who of the Early Church.\"37 Upon their return home, these leaders of Christian opinion described the practices of the desert fathers in their writings and counseled others to follow their heroic example. The ascetic traditions of the Egyptian wilderness thus acquired an unparalleled prestige that spurred serious believers elsewhere to imitation. By the middle of the fourth century, Egyptian monks appear to have observed two daily 'synaxes' of prayer, one in the early morning and one in the evening. Despite the more common and literal use of the word 'synaxis' in reference to a gathering or assembly 3 8 these fixed hours of prayer may or may not have been celebrated in common depending on whether the form of monasticism in question was lavriote or cenobitic. The loosely organised groups of semi-anchorites of the lavras at Scetis in Lower Egypt would normally observe these times alone in their cells, coming together for worship only on the weekends in gatherings culminating in the Sunday Eucharist.39 On the other hand, in the cenobitic Pachomian 3 6 Arranz, \"Les grandes etapes,\" 45. 3 7 Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours, 75-76. 3 8 Cf. G.W.H. Lampe, A Patristic Greek Lexicon (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1961), s.v. \"ovva&s,\" pp. 1302-03 3 9 McKinnon, \"Desert Monasticism,\" 507; Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours, 61, 65-66. A good description of the lavriote compromise between cenobitic and eremitical monasticism is given in the ODB, s.v. \"Lavra,\" 26 monasteries of Tabennesi in Upper Egypt, where by definition life was lived in common, assemblies for prayer were daily events.40 Despite these different approaches to monastic koinonia, the content of lavriote and cenobitic synaxes was quite similar, reflecting the underlying assumption of all Egyptian monasticism that the ultimate goal of every monk was literally to pray \"without ceasing.\"41 The fixed times of prayer in both systems were but common points of reference in an unending quest for ceaseless prayer and personal transformation. Not surprisingly then, Egyptian monastic synaxes manifested the contemplative and continuous character of the private prayer of which they were effectively an extension.42 Their building blocks\u00E2\u0080\u0094all of which were equally characteristic of an individual monk's rule of devotions\u00E2\u0080\u0094were psalms and other scripture, followed by prayers and silent meditation.43 Especially symptomatic of the desert fathers' general attitude toward prayer is their unprecedented use of the biblical Psalter.4 4 Along with their own compositions, Christians had heretofore selectively employed individual biblical psalms, especially those with Christological significance. Breaking with previous practice, the Egyptian monks, who seem to have performed little or no non-scriptural hymnody, adopted all one hundred-and-fifty Psalms of David for use in private and public prayer. Bradshaw has suggested that the Psalter's assurance of divine authority during a time in which urban Christian churches were beleaguered by heretical hymnography, its tradition of Christological interpretation with positive implications for personal transformation, and the sheer variety of meditative material it offered for lifelong contemplation may all have been factors encouraging its adoption 4 5 p. 1190. On the place of the Eucharist in early monasticism, see Schmemann, Introduction to Liturgical Theology, 141\u00E2\u0080\u009444. 4 0 McKinnon, \"Desert Monasticism,\" 507; Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours, 62-65. 4 1 1 Thess. 5:17. 4 2 On the spirit of early monastic synaxes, see Schmemann, Introduction to Liturgical Theology, 133-41; along with Taft's more sympathetic account in The Liturgy of the Hours, 66-73. 4 3 It is at present uncertain whether the Pachomian weekday offices contained psalmody or only other scriptural readings. For references, see the discussion in McKinnon, \"Desert Monasticism,\" 507, n. 10. 4 4 Bradshaw, \"Cathedral vs. Monastery,\" 130-31. 4 5 Bradshaw, 131. 27 If the causes for this str ik ing development remain somewhat obscure, the result was c l e a r the Egypt ian fathers elevated the Psalter to a unique place o f honour as the h y m n b o o k fo r Chr is t ian ascetics. T h e y encouraged nov ices to memor ise the entire Psalter, and expressed profound admirat ion fo r the feat o f its complete recitation on a single o c c a s i o n . 4 6 T y p i c a l monast ic synaxes, whether observed alone or i n c o m m o n , also ref lected this ho l is t ic approach to the Psalter. In accord both w i t h the monks' ideal o f cont inuous prayer and w i t h their ruthless disregard of the present w o r l d , the psalms were chanted i n sequence without regard fo r their thematic relat ion to the appointed h o u r . 4 7 If performed i n the context o f a c o m m o n synaxis , the psalmody might be entrusted to a soloist to w h o m the rest of the brethren l istened i n s i l e n c e . 4 8 Other than this var iat ion , there was once again no clear d ist inct ion among the monks between private and communa l practice. T h e method of chanting ind iv idua l psalms was s imi la r ly invar iable accord ing to circumstances and analogously austere: they were s imp ly performed verse by verse without refrains. Furthermore, no contemporary source indicates that the aesthetic properties of monast ic psa lmody were o f any part icular importance. A l t h o u g h chanted, monast ic psalmody therefore seems to have been considered an a id to meditat ion rather than a mus ica l e v e n t 4 9 Characteristics ofCathedral Worship D u r i n g the fourth century, the scattered precedents fo r urban da i ly prayer appear to have coalesced fa i r ly q u i c k l y into what l i turg ica l scholars have ca l led \"cathedral of f ices.\" T h i s term is possib ly mis lead ing to modern readers, to w h o m the w o r d \"cathedral\" may suggest on ly the imper ia l splendour of a H a g i a Sophia . A c t u a l l y , \"cathedral l i turgy\" refers to the prayer in c o m m o n of ordinary urban Chr ist ians, whose worsh ip was centred upon the l oca l b ishop and h is c h u r c h . 5 0 T h e central ity of the bishop to l i turgy i n a g iven c i ty was a 4 6 Ibid. 4 7 Ibid., 127-130. 4 8 Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours, 54. 4 9 McKinnon, \"Desert Monasticism,\" 508. 5 0 Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours, 32. 28 continuing expression of an ecclesiology that Ignatius of Antioch had clearly stated at the dawn of the second century: You must all follow the bishop as Jesus Christ [followed] the Father, and [follow] the presbyters as the apostles; respect the deacons as the commandment of God. Let no one do anything apart from the bishop that has anything to do with the church. Let that be regarded as a valid Eucharist which is held under the bishop or to whomever he entrusts it. Wherever the bishop appears, there let the congregation be; just as wherever Jesus Christ is, there is the whole church. 5 1 The touchstone for this ecclesiology is the Eucharist, in which the fullness of the Church as the Body of Christ is manifested sacramentally by the gathering of the Christian community around the bishop and his ministers. Accordingly, episcopacy was derived from the sacramental assembly because, as Meyendorff affirms, \"the bishop was, first of all, the image of Christ in the Eucharistic mystery.\"5 2 Episcopal leadership rooted in the Eucharist also had ramifications that extended beyond celebrations of the Divine Liturgy, for as Ignatius makes clear, the bishop's presence in any ecclesial assembly was a visible symbol of Christ's presence within his Church. As bishops became the overseers of cities rather than of intimate communities resembling a modem parish in size, presbyters began to represent Christ within the average assembly. Nevertheless, the bishop's liturgy remained in a very real sense the liturgy of the city. Parochial services, modeled after those celebrated by the bishop and presided over by his designated representatives, were held to be extensions of episcopal liturgy. 5 3 Moreover, since the bishop's presence retained its signal importance as a concrete manifestation of ecclesial unity, \"cathedral\" worship was also extended beyond the bishop's home church to embrace the entire populace through the phenomenon of \"stational\" liturgy. In such urban centres of Late Antiquity as Alexandria, Antioch, Constantinople, Jerusalem, Milan, and Rome, 5 4 the bishop 5 1 Smyrnaeans 8:1-2, quoted in John Baldovin, \"The Development of the Monarchical Bishop to 250 A.D.,\" chap, in Worship: City, Church, and Renewal (Washington, D . C : The Pastoral Press, 1991), 155. 5 2 John Meyendorff, Byzantine Theology: Historical Trends and Doctrinal Themes, 2nd ed. (New York: Fordham University Press, 1979), 209. 5 3 In fourth-century Rome, this theoretical unity was given concrete expression through the distribution of consecrated bread from the Papal Mass, known as the fermentum, to the presbyters celebrating the eucharist at the city's titular churches. On this practice, see Baldovin, The Urban Character of Christian Worship, 121, 123, 145-46. 5 4 Baldovin, The Urban Character, 39; 248-49. 29 was the focal point for newly developed cycles of worship at sites throughout the city, thereby offering a new means for the expression of ecclesial unity. 5 5 In addition to broadening the scale of episcopal liturgy, the new social and architectural environment of the fourth century resulted in other important liturgical developments, thereby establishing the basic patterns for subsequent urban offices. Presumably to accommodate working faithful, the various early schemes of daily prayer were consolidated into a system of morning and evening synaxes that Church fathers viewed as a fulfillment of the Jewish custom of two temple sacrifices.56 Unlike the two daily synaxes of the Egyptian monks, these were not way-stations in a quest for spiritual formation, but services of praise and intercession.57 The content of the urban morning and evening offices is described in some detail by the Apostolic Constitutions, a late fourth-century church order from the vicinity of Antioch. In the following passage, the document explicitly requires the entire community to manifest its unity by gathering for prayer twice each day: When you teach, bishop, command and exhort the people to frequent the church regularly, morning and evening every day, and not to forsake it at all, but to assemble continually and not diminish the Church by absenting themselves and making the Body of Christ lack a member. For it is not only said for the benefit of the priests, but let each of the laity hear what was said by the Lord: \"He who is not with me is against me, and he who does not gather with me scatters\" (Matt. 12:30)... Assemble each day morning and evening, singing psalms and praying in the Lord's houses, in the morning saying Ps. 62, and in the evening Ps. 140 5 8 A noteworthy detail of this description is fixed psalmody selected for its appropriateness to the hour, an element of cathedral praise that was first hinted at by the church historian Eusebius (ca. 263-339). 5 9 Psalm 62 speaks repeatedly of contemplating God in the morning watches, while Psalm 140 is suitable for evening use because of its second verse (\"Let my prayer arise as incense before Thy sight, the lifting up of my hands as the evening sacrifice\"). The significance of this relationship within the offices of the Apostolic 5 5 Ibid., 230. 5 6 Bradshaw, \"Cathedral vs. Monastery,\" 126-27. 5 7 Bradshaw, 127; Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours. 32. 5 8 Quoted in Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours, 44-45. 5 9 Ibid., 33-34. 30 Constitutions is heightened by evidence that the fixed psalms were supplemented in the morning by the Gloria in excelsis and in the evening by the Nunc dimittis.60 Other portions of the Apostolic Constitutions indicate that this principle of temporal suitability extended to the litanies and prayers that followed the psalmody of each office. The litanies were groups of diaconal intercessory petitions chanted with the congregational response \"Lord, have mercy.\" At the conclusion of each set of supplications, the bishop would pronounce a prayer. Additional prayers were offered prior to the dismissal of either service, when a diaconal command for the faithful to bow their heads introduced the bishop's closing blessing or \"prayer of inclination.\" 6 1 When these texts are placed in context with the preceding psalmody, the two services yield the following common outline: Psalmody (Psalm 62 or 140) [Gloria in excelsis or Nunc dimittis?] Litanies and Prayers Prayer of Inclination Dismissal 6 2 Modern comparative liturgy has shown that such complexes of prayers, litanies, and select fixed psalmody were characteristic of early cathedral liturgy right across the traditions.63 They also indicate divergences of both spirit and practice between urban and monastic usage. The Egyptian monks offered prayers and recited psalms in course as a contemplative exercise without regard to the hour, whereas cathedral psalmody and prayer were fixed acts of praise and supplication appropriate to the time of day. In addition, the psalmody and diaconal litanies of the urban offices were not occasions for passivity, but opportunities for popular participation through the medium of congregational refrains.6 4 The texts of these responses could be drawn from the psalm itself, or they could be non-psalmodic compositions varying in length from a few words to several complete sentences. 6 0 Although unclear regarding their exact use, the Apostolic Constitutions cites both the Gloria in excelsis and the Nunc dimittis, the latter of which constitutes part of an \"evening hymn.\" It seems probable that the former was sung as a morning canticle. See McKinnon, MECL, note to no. 238, p. 110; and Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours, 45 6 1 Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours, 46-47. 6 2 Cf. the charts in ibid., 47, 55-56. 6 3 Ibid., 211-12. 6 4 Ibid., 54-55. 31 The division of labour between congregation and different ranks of clergy evident in such documents as the Apostolic Constitutions is indicative of another distinguishing feature of cathedral worship, namely the regulated cooperation of diverse ministries within the urban liturgical assembly.65 The functional differentiation of individuals according to their charismata is discussed at several points in the New Testament,66 By the late fourth century these distinctions had evolved into a hierarchical structure of clearly defined liturgical ministries ranging from bishop down to doorkeeper. For example, bishops presided over the assembly, presbyters assisted the bishop or presided in his absence, deacons led the people in litanies, readers recited the scriptural lessons, and cantors were entrusted with sacred song. The creation of a minor order of clergy responsible for liturgical singing was accompanied in the fourth century by a narrowing of the repertory of chants to certain approved texts. Since Arians and other heretical sects of the period were notorious for employing hymnography as propaganda, it seems likely that both developments were motivated as much by the desire to guard against pernicious ideas as by the need for maintaining order in large congregations. The result was that the freely composed psalms or psalmoi idiotikoi previously offered by individual believers at Christians synaxes were\u00E2\u0080\u0094with such notable exceptions as the vesperal Phos hilaron or the matutinal Gloria in excelsis\u00E2\u0080\u0094abandoned in favour of scripture from the newly designated canon of the Old and New Testaments.67 As in earlier monastic worship, from out of the many canonical books of scripture, the Davidic Psalter came to occupy a unique place of honour in cathedral liturgy. Initially the Psalter supplied the cathedral offices with fixed morning and evening psalms. Later in the fourth century additional psalms flooded urban worship as what McKinnon has called a 6 5 Bradshaw, \"Cathedral vs. Monastery,\" 127; Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours, 32. 6 6 1 Corinthians 12:4-30; Ephesians 4:11-12; Romans 12:4-8. 6 7 The Canons of the Council ofLaodicea, a late fourth-century source of uncertain origin, prescribes a drastic approach to the problem of liturgical order. Canon 59 explicitly bans all non-scriptural hymnody (MECL no. 261, p. 119), while Canon 15 limits liturgical song to the chanting of designated cantors from the ambon (MECL no. 255, 118). As noted above, however, the continued use of the Phos hilaron and other texts indicate that non-scriptural hymns were never completely eradicated. Ephrem the Syrian (c. 306-73) offers a notable example of another approach to the problem of heretical hymnography. Choosing to fight fire with fire, Ephrem's response to the heretical hymnographer Bardesanes was to write Orthodox poetry of great beauty, the exact liturgical use of which remains unclear (MECL, pp. 92-93). 32 \"psalmodic movement\" swept the Church from East to West, 6 8 a development he attributes largely to monastic influence. He proposes that the rise of urban psalmody may be linked generally to the imitation of ascetic practices engendered by widespread admiration for the desert fathers.69 McKinnon also suggests a more direct means of transmission through newly-founded communities of urban monks who maintained a public regimen of continuous psalmody while also participating in the major cathedral services. Thanks to the astute observations of the Spanish pilgrim Egeria, Jerusalem is the best documented example from this period for such monastic coexistence with a cathedral rite. In her description of weekday morning worship in the church of the Anastasis, a monastic synaxis precedes a cathedral matins similar to the one in the Apostolic Constitutions: Each day before cockcrow, all the doors of the Anastasis are opened, and all the monazontes and parthenae, as they are called here, come down, and not only they, but also those lay people, men and women, who wish to keep vigil at so early an hour. From that hour until it is light, hymns are sung (dicuntur) and psalms are responded to, and likewise antiphons; and with every hymn there is a prayer. For two or three priests, and likewise deacons, who say these prayers with every hymn and antiphon, take turns to be there each day with the monazontes.70 Although the early morning monastic gathering remains distinct from the subsequent cathedral office of praise, a fact underlined by the absence of the bishop and the optional nature of the service for the laity, its elements evidently had been adapted to the norms of cathedral worship. The continuous psalmody is no longer recited verse-by-verse, but is supplemented by congregational refrains. Similarly, while silent meditation has apparently disappeared, the spoken prayers are said by deacons and priests assigned on a rotating basis from the secular clergy, thereby also conforming to typical cathedral patterns. Later in her travelogue, Egeria reports that the usual routine of successive monastic and cathedral prayer in Jerusalem was replaced on Sunday morning by a vigil of the Resurrection. This weekly observance is also prescribed by the Apostolic Constitutions which, while saying 6 8 McKinnon, \"Desert Monasticism,\" 506. 6 9 McKinnon, idem, 509. 7 0 MECL No. 242, p. 112. The \"monazontes\" appear to have been male monks attached to the rotunda of the Anastasis, while the \"parthenae'' in question seem to have been their female counterparts. 33 little about the vigil's specific contents, makes some noteworthy remarks regarding its significance to the Christian community: But especially on the Sabbath, and on the Lord's day of the resurrection of the Lord, meet even more diligently, sending up praise to God who made all through Jesus and sent him to us and allowed him to suffer and raised him from the dead. Otherwise how will one defend oneself before God, who does not assemble on that day to hear the saving word concerning the resurrection, the day on which we accomplish three prayers standing, in memory of him who rose in three days, on which day is accomplished the reading of the prophets and the proclamation of the gospel and the offering of the sacrifice and the gift of the holy food? 7 1 The weekly commemoration of Christ's resurrection\u00E2\u0080\u0094which included a gospel reading, prayers, and probably psalms as wel l 7 2 \u00E2\u0080\u0094is presented here as an indispensable part of the entire Christian community's observance of the Lord's Day. Moreover, the text implies that attendance at the vigil was a prerequisite to participation in the Sunday Eucharist. Although Egeria does link the two Sunday services in this manner, her description of Sunday in Jerusalem indicates that the Hagiopolite vigil service was so well attended that any such regulation would have been superfluous: On the seventh day, however, that is the Lord's Day, all the people gather before cockcrow, as at Easter, as many as is possible in that place, the basilica, which is located next to the Anastasis, yet out of doors, where lamps are hung for the occasion. Since they fear they might not arrive before cockcrow, they come early and sit there. Hymns are sung and also antiphons, and there are prayers with each hymn and antiphon. For priests and deacons are always prepared for vigils in that place because of the crowd which gathers, and because it is customary that the holy places not be opened before cockcrow. As soon as the first cock crows, straightway the bishop comes down and enters the cave in the Anastasis. A l l the gates are opened, and the entire throng enters the Anastasis, where countless lamps are burning, and when the people are within, one of the priests sings a psalm and all respond, after which there is a prayer. Then one of the deacons sings a psalm, similarly followed by a prayer, and a third psalm is sung by some cleric, followed by a third prayer and the commemoration of all. When these three prayers have been sung and the three prayers said, behold censers (thiamataria) are brought into the cave of the Anastasis, so that the entire Anastasis basilica is filled with the smell. And then as the bishop stands behind the railings, he takes the Gospel book and goes to the gate and the bishop himself reads the Resurrection of the Lord. When the reading of it has begun, there is moaning and groaning among everybody and such crying, that even the hardest of hearts could be moved to tears because the 7 1 Quoted in Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours, 45. 7 2 Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours, 53. Cf. Juan Mateos, \"La vigile cathe\"drale chez Egene,\" OCP 27 (1961): 299-301. 34 Lord has suffered so much for us. When the Gospel has been read, the bishop leaves and is led with hymns to the Cross, accompanied by all the people. There, again, one psalm is sung and a prayer said. Then he blesses the people, and the dismissal takes place. 7 3 The presence of the bishop among his entire flock from the outset of the service clearly marks this Sunday vigil as a cathedral office. Another cathedral trait is the ceremonial censing of the Sepulchre, which, according to Taft, was probably an evocation of the Myrrhbearers who first witnessed to the resurrection.74 The vigil climaxes with the proclamation of Jesus' death and resurrection not by a deacon, as was the usual practice for gospel pericopes, but by the bishop himself, thereby heightening the sense of occasion. Significant innovations in liturgical practice may be observed from Egeria's description of this impressive gathering. Formerly the Eucharist and its anaphora had presumably been the primary means by which the Church observed the Paschal Mystery on the Lord's Day. The creation of a complementary service within the framework of the cathedral Liturgy of the Hours effectively resulted in a double Sunday commemoration of the same event. In addition to establishing a precedent for subsequent weekly cycles of worship, the new non-sacramental vigil vividly enhanced the historical component of the weekly observance of the Resurrection.75 McKinnon identifies a second innovation in the psalmody which preceded the vigil. He astutely classifies it as \"a striking instance of the influence of monastic psalmody upon the laity: early on Sunday morning, the people did precisely what they had observed the monks and nuns doing on the other days of the week, while the clergy performed the same function of providing the interspersed prayers.\"7 6 One might also add that the psalmody in the courtyard effectively duplicated the pattern of responsorial psalmody interspersed by presbyteral prayers 7 3 MECL, Nos. 247-48, pp. 114-15. 7 4 Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours, 53. 7 5 Whether or not this development reflects a historicisation (and hence a debasement) of \"eschatological\" early Christian liturgy is at present beside the point Of interest to us here is the fact that the Sunday Eucharist, formerly sufficient for the weekly commemoration of the Lord's death and resurrection, was supplemented in the fourth century by a new service that was incorporated into later Byzantine offices. For a current appraisal of the problem of historicism in Late Antique liturgy, see Taft, \"Historicism Revisited,\" chap, in Beyond East and West, 15-30. 7 6 McKinnon, \"Desert Monasticism,\" 513. 35 contained in the following vigil. Indeed, the only difference Egeria notes between the two is quantitative, namely that the main service featured a fixed threefold unit of psalms and prayers, whereas the pre-vigil portion was of indeterminate length. As the psalmodic movement progressed and psalmody became a fixture of urban liturgical life from Basil's Cappadocia to Ambrose's M i l a n , 7 7 groups of responsorial psalms and prayers began to appear in contexts without direct monastic precedents. A n example of this phenomenon with seminal importance for Byzantine liturgy is the appearance of psalmody in the stational processions of Constantinople during the turbulent episcopacy of John Chrysostom (398-404).7 8 In a homily discussing a nocturnal translation of relics, Chrysostom speaks enthusiastically of multi-lingual psalmody in a procession led by the Empress Eudoxia, comparing her to Miriam (Ex. 15:20-21): Indeed you have led out many choirs from among us, those of the Roman tongue, of the Syrian, of the barbarians, and of the Greek, striking up the songs of David . 7 9 In addition to the occasional festal processions described by Chrysostom himself, the fifth-century Greek church historians Socrates and Sozomen record another context for stational psalmody during the famous orator's tenure as archbishop. At the time he was called to the capital from Antioch, the Arians, who had been forbidden the use of the city's churches by the Emperor Theodosius in 380, continued to rally people to their cause with nocturnal processions. Socrates (c. 380-450) describes the situation and Chrysostom's response in the following manner: The Arians, as I have said, conducted their assemblies outside the city. Each week when the festivals took place\u00E2\u0080\u0094I refer to the Sabbath and the Lord's Day on which the synaxes were accustomed to be held in the churches\u00E2\u0080\u0094they gathered within the gates of the city about the porticoes and sang antiphonal songs ((pSd? dvriV ev rols ScpcpiKiois' e^vnrjpeTovp.evu)v rfj re eipr]fj.evr) MeyaXq E/acArjoip ml rqi dyicoTdrq} narptdpxr).\" Text and commentary in Johannes Konidaris, \"Die Novellen des Kaisers Herakleios,\" chap, in Dieter Simon, ed., Fontes Minores V, Forschungen zur byzantinischen Rechtsgeschichte 8 (Frankfurt am Main: Lowenklau Gesellschaft, 1982), 62-72 [text], 94-100 [commentary]. 1 4 TGEII, 328-29. On the use of the term anagnostes in reference to singers in Byzantine documents, see Reinhold Schlotterer, \"Die kirchenmusikalische Terminologie der griechischen Kirchenvater,\" (Ph.D. diss., University of Munich, 1968), 4-13. 1 5 There is some evidence suggesting that a monastic community attached to Hagia Sophia\u00E2\u0080\u0094equivalent to the early fifth-century Hagiopolite monazontes and parthenae observed by Egeria, called spoudaioi in later documents\u00E2\u0080\u0094may have either participated in the \"Sung\" Office or celebrated their own services during the intervals between cathedral rite offices. If their uncertain numbers are taken into account, the musical establishment of Hagia Sophia would have been even larger than the imperial decrees indicate. On this question, see Arranz, \"L'office de l'Asmatikos Hesperinos,\" 408-10. 1 6 TGE, II, 328-9. For a general introduction to Hagia Sophia's choir of 25 psaltai, see Neil K. Moran, Singers in Late Byzantine and Slavonic Painting, ByzantinaNeerlandica 9 (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1986), 14-38. 1 7 The Typikon of the Great Church assigns the antiphons of trithekte and the Divine Liturgy to the readers on several occasions. On the Saturday of the Akathistos in Lent, the ninth-century Patmos manuscript of the Typikon requires the presence of all Hagia Sophia's readers at the church of Blachernae to chant entire services. The readers of the first week performed vespers (\"rd earrepivd\") and the kontakion, while the readers of the second week were charged with matins. See TGE, II, 52,283. 1 8 TGE, II, 289; Moran, Singers, 15. 1 9 John F. Baldovin, \"Worship in Urban Life: The Example of Medieval Constantinople,\" in Worship: City, Church and Renewal (Washington, D.C.: The Pastoral Press, 1991), 25. The setting and sources for 4 5 of the Great Church shows that over the course of the liturgical year the entire city was encompassed by sixty-eight processions, a considerable number that nevertheless appears to be the remnant of an even more pervasive stational system.2 0 In particular, the magnificence of processions featuring the participation of the Emperor\u00E2\u0080\u0094according to the Book of Ceremonies compiled by the Emperor Oonstantine VII Porphyrogenetos (913-59),2 1 about one third of the annual total22\u00E2\u0080\u0094was legendary and continued to impress travelers to Constantinople until the Empire's final century.23 Since the starting and ending points for Constantinopolitan processions were usually churches with their own continuing cycle of services, stational worship was often joined seamlessly to the liturgy of the church of arrival or departure. Ultimately, as Taft has noted, the coming and going of stational processions influenced the development of Constantinopolitan worship to such a degree that ceremonial \"entrances, processions, and accessions came to characterise all Byzantine liturgy.\" 2 4 Evidence for this may be seen clearly in the ferial introit processions of the Great Church, which assumed a stational character even on days when there was no procession through the city's streets. Unlike in the Latin West, where the congregation waited in the nave for the arrival of the clergy, in Constantinople the people gathered outside the church in order to proceed into the nave together with the clergy in a grand ceremonial \"entrance.\"25 Constantinopolitan cathedral liturgy's acquisition of stational features necessitated the development of an ecclesiastical architecture adapted to their particular physical requirements. The early churches of the city were therefore equipped with a large atrium and a narthex to Constantinopolitan stational liturgy through the eleventh century are thorougly discussed in idem, The Urban Character of Christian Worship: The Origins, Development, and Meaning of Stational Liturgy, OCP 228 (Rome: 1987), 167-204. 2 0 Baldovin, The Urban Character, 211-14. 2 1 Ed. Albert Vogt, Le livre des cdrdmonies de Constantin Porphyroginete, texte I\u00E2\u0080\u0094II (Paris: 1935, 1939; repr. ed. Paris: 1967). 2 2 Baldovin, \"Worship in Urban Life,\" 18-19. 2 3 Taft, The Byzantine Rite, 33-35. 2 4 Ibid., 32. 2 5 Ibid., 33. 46 provide gathering places for the congregation, together with multiple entrances to facilitate their rapid entry after the ceremonial opening of the nave. 2 6 The development of buildings suited to local needs during the \"imperial phase\" of Byzantine liturgy worked in parallel with a government-sponsored quest to adorn the capital with impressive religious monuments. These two streams of architectural thought converged with the construction of Justinian's Great Church of Hagia Sophia. On the one hand, Hagia Sophia was the ultimate exercise in Constantinopolitan liturgical planning, accommodating every facet of the local rite through the inclusion of such details as coloured marble bands on the floor to guide the movement of processions.27 On the other hand, it was the supreme architectural achievement of its age, containing what would remain for a thousand years the largest enclosed space in the world. From the perspective of the individual believer, the combination of Hagia Sophia's stunning interior with the \"imperial\" liturgy that unfolded within it gave unprecedented reality to the old anagogical explanations of Christian worship as a reflection of the perpetual angelic liturgy at the throne of G o d . 2 8 By the beginning of the seventh century, this cosmic vision was made explicit in new liturgical texts such as the Cheroubikon and the liturgical commentary of St. Maximus the Confessor.2 9 At the same time, the Great Church of Constantinople and its Rite became influential models for imitation in cities throughout the Empire, notably including Thessalonica and its own cathedral church of Hagia Sophia. External circumstances soon conspired to make further liturgical development along Justinianic lines impossible. Beginning in the middle of the sixth century, natural disasters, 2 6 Ibid., 33-34. The basic study of the interdependence of architecture and liturgy in the early Byzantine period is Mathews, The Early Churches of Constantinople. Another excellent study, focusing more narrowly on the function of the western portions of Justinianic churches, is Christine Strube, Die westliche Eingangsseite der Kirchen von Konstantinopel in justinianischer Zeit: Architektonische und quellenkritische Untersuchungen, Schriften zur Geistgeschichte des ostlichen Europa, Bd. 6 (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1973), certain liturgical details of which are clarified in Robert Taft, review of Strube, Die westliche Eingangsseite, OCP 42 (1976): 296-303. 2 7 George P. Majeska, \"Notes on the Archeology of St. Sophia: The Green Marble Bands on the Floor,\" DOP32 (1978): 299-308. 2 8 Robert Taft, \"The Liturgy of the Great Church: An Initial Synthesis of Structure and Interpretation on the Eve of Iconoclasm,\" DOP 34/35 (1980-81): 47-48 2 9 Taft, The Byzantine Rite, 37. 47 imperial profligacy, and foreign invasions brought about the collapse of the Roman Empire's frontiers and the permanent loss of many provinces, ushering in two hundred years of near constant crisis that Cyril Mango has labeled Byzantium's \"dark centuries.\"30 With the exception of Southern Italy, the Western lands reconquered by Justinian were all lost for good by the middle of the seventh century. Decades of intense warfare leading up to the final defeat of Persia in 627 devastated the Empire's Middle Eastern possessions, leaving Syria, Palestine and Egypt open to permanent conquest by the Arabs within a generation. In the Balkans, previously ravaged by invasions of Huns and Ostrogoths in the fifth century, Byzantium remained in possession only of Thessalonica and a few coastal fortresses as migrating tribes of Slavs overran the countryside. Even in Asia Minor, which remained under nominal Byzantine control, cities either disappeared completely or\u00E2\u0080\u0094as was the case with such centres as Ephesus, Amorium, Nicea, and Ancyra\u00E2\u0080\u0094retreated to their fortified citadels. The second century of external crises was accompanied at home by a protracted theological dispute with severe political repercussions over the imperially sponsored policy of Iconoclasm (726-843). Recovery began with the final victory of the iconodule Orthodox and continued until it was cut short by the Latin Conquest of Constantinople in 1204. It is amazing that, in the face of pressure exerted by secular forces and new currents of religious thought, the Rite of the Great Church continued to be performed in Constantinople, apparently with few alterations, through both the Empire's \"dark centuries\" and the recovery that followed the end of Iconoclasm 3 1 Given the state of the Byzantine Empire after the reign of Heraclius, its maintenance must be viewed, as Taft suggests, within the context of imperial attempts to project or at least preserve the memory of past greatness.32 Nevertheless, it is also clear from eyewitness reports that the combination of early Christian liturgical forms with whatever could be mustered of Justinianic pageantry was still quite potent when performed in 3 0 Cyril Mango, Byzantine Architecture, paperbacked. (New York: Rizzoli International Publications, 1985), 89. The collapse of urban life in the Empire in the late sixth and early seventh centuries is surveyed in idem, Byzantium: The Empire of New Rome (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1980), 60-81. 3 1 The relatively minor changes made to the Rite of the Great Church after the defeat of Iconoclasm are sketched in Taft, The Byzantine Rite, 52-56. 3 2 Ibid., 43-45. 48 its original setting. Even the topos likening the liturgy of the Great Church to that of Heaven seems to have retained its validity, finding its most famous expression in the report of the emissaries of Prince Vladimir of Kiev, whose attendance at services in Hagia Sophia in the year 987 led them to exclaim that they knew not whether they were in heaven or on earth. 3 3 Sources of the Byzantine Cathedral Offices34 Despite abundant archeological evidence for the \"imperial phase\" of Byzantine liturgy, only the Eucharist and stational liturgy of Constantinople are documented to any substantial degree before the onset of Iconoclasm.3 5 Nearly all of the sources for the Rite of the Great Church and its \"Sung\" Office postdate a liturgical consolidation that accompanied Byzantinum's recovery from its \"dark centuries.\"36 Although occasionally displaying the infiltration of elements from the Palestinian monastic rite or otherwise betraying signs of atrophy in some of their liturgical patterns, these manuscripts seem on the whole remarkably faithful to Late Antique traditions of urban worship. For our present purposes, they may be divided into the following categories: 1) books regulating the liturgy of the Great Church; 2) service books of the Great Church, some copies of which contain musical notation; 3) special musical collections for the choirs and soloists of Hagia Sophia; and 4) contemporary descriptions in non-liturgical texts. 1. Collections of Liturgical Regulations The extensive rubrics included among the contents of the Kanonarion and the Synaxarion provide a comprehensive overview of the Constantinopolitan cathedral rite and its cycles of worship comparable to that given for the urban liturgy of Jerusalem in such 3 3 The Primary Chronicle, in Serge A. Zenkovsky, ed. and trans., Medieval Russia's Epics, Chronicles, and Tales, (New York: 1974), 67. 3 4 Cf. Robert F. Taft,\"Mount Athos: A Late Chapter in the History of the Byzantine Rite,\" DOP 42 (1988): 179-80. The following descriptions of non-musical sources for Byzantine liturgy are largely dependent on the taxonomy of liturgical books developed by scholars associated with the Pontifical Oriental Institute. 3 5 Taft, The Byzantine Rite, 28-29. 3 6 Ibid., 42-45; 52-56. 49 documents as the so-called 'Armenian Lectionary' of the fifth century.3 7 The Kanonarion is an index of biblical readings covering the annual movable cycle from Easter Sunday to Holy Saturday, while the Synaxarion is the fixed festal calendar of Constantinople. Both books are dependent on the lectionaries of the Great Church, to which they were occasionally attached as an appendix.3 8 Their rubrics provide a detailed picture of the Constantinopolitan cycles of sacraments and offices, recording exactly which services were being celebrated, where they were taking place, and when the patriarch participated. Also included with the Kanonarion-Synaxarion were lists of the proper texts for the variable portions of each service, usually identified by their incipit and modal designation, but occasionally consisting of complete psalm verses or short hymns. In contrast to the contemporary monastic office, these proper texts included relatively small quantities of extra-biblical hymnography, thus attesting to the archaic nature of the \"Sung\" Office. The earliest copies of the Kanonarion-Synaxarion to have survived are the post-Iconoclast manuscripts Patmos gr. 266 and Hagios Stavros gr. 40. Patmos 266, which was published at the turn of the present century by Dmitrievskii, 3 9 has been dated to the mid-ninth century, but features curious omissions and incursions from the Palestinian monastic rite.40 The slightly later Hagios Stavros 40, which Baldovin believes to be a late tenth-century copy of a mid tenth-century source, appears to be a more reliable witness of Constantinopolitan practices.41 Edited by Mateos, Hagios Stavros 40 has been published with a critical apparatus derived from Patmos 266 and several other manuscripts under the anachronistic collective title of the \"Typikon of the Great Church.\" 4 2 A number of more specialised Byzantine documents regulated narrower aspects of the liturgy of the Great Church. A Diataxis, for example, is a relatively brief treatise regulating the 3 7 The sources for the cathedral rite of Jerusalem are described in Gabriel Bertoniere, The Historical Development of the Easter Vigil and Related Services in the Greek Church, OCA 193 (Rome: 1972), 8-18. 3 8 Arranz, \"L'office de l'Asmatikos Hesperinos,\" 401-02. 3 9 Opisanie I, 1-152. 4 0 TGE I, x-xviii. 4 1 Baldovin, The Urban Character, 191. 4 2 TGE, I\u00E2\u0080\u0094II. On the question of the proper definition of a Typikon, see supra, p. 13, n. 51. 50 movement and actions of ecclesiastical personnel during a particular service.4 3 Imperial participation in the public liturgy of Constantinople prior to the Latin conquest was governed by the tenth-century Book of Ceremonies, a work initially edited by the Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenetos VII (913-59).4 4 Though not strictly a liturgical book, this manual of Byzantine court ceremonial not only includes detailed accounts of worship in the chapels of the Great Palace, but also describes the Emperor's role in the stational liturgy of Hagia Sophia. 4 5 Information on the liturgical aspects of imperial ceremonial after the Empire's restoration in 1261 is found in the Treatise on the Offices of Pseudo-Codinus, a fourteenth-century descendent of the Book of the Ceremonies.46 2. Service Books Like their medieval Latin counterparts, Byzantine services were not celebrated from a single volume, but were assembled from a series of specialised liturgical books that varied in their contents according to their intended users. Celebrants, deacons, readers, and cantors recited or sang their appointed texts from separate collections of prayers, lections, psalms, and hymns according to the stipulations of the Typikon of the Great Church. With the rise of Byzantine musical notation in the ninth century, certain of these books also began to appear in notated versions. The invariable skeleton for the asmatikeakolouthia of the Great Church was provided by the office prayers of the celebrant's Euchology (evxoXoytov) or \"Prayerbook,\" a collection of orations that also includes the texts of Byzantine sacraments and is therefore roughly 4 3 While no ceremonial order for the pure asmatic offices has survived, the careful orchestration of different ranks of clergy in the Rite of the Great Church may be seen in the Diataxis for the Divine Liturgy edited with commentary by Taft as \"The Pontifical Liturgy of the Great Church according to a Twelth-Century Diataxis in Codex British Museum Add. 34060,\" OCP45 (1979): 279-307; 46 (1980) 89-124. 4 4 Ed. Vogt, Le livre des cirimonies. 4 5 Although Cyril Mango has recently suggested that this manual should be viewed more as a record of ancient precedents than as an indicator of actual Middle Byzantine court life, the relatively circumscribed information it provides with regard to the Rite of the Great Church has been profitably exploited by Baldovin to supplement and corroborate the provisions of the Typikon. See Baldovin, The Urban Character, 197-202; and Taft, The Byzantine Rite, 44. 4 6 Ed. Jean Verpeaux, Pseudo-Kodinos: Traitedes offices (Paris: Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 1966). 51 equivalent to the medieval Western Sacramentary. Like the corresponding texts of such sources of ancient urban liturgy as the Apostolic Constitutions, the Euchology's office prayers are texts of praise and supplication which are in general thematically appropriate to the hour. 4 7 The earliest Euchologies reflecting pure Constantinopolitan usages include a series of prayers for a daily 'cursus' or cycle of six services: two complex major offices of orthros (matins) and lychnikon (vespers), and four minor offices (terce, sext, none, and a midnight service known as \"mesonyktikon\") that share an identical structure of three psalmodic antiphons and five prayers. 4 8 These daily services are supplemented by two seasonal offices similar in outline to the minor offices: the Lenten morning service of trithekte (literally \"terce-sext\") and the nocturnal pannychis. Contrary to the meaning of its name (\"all-night\"), pannychis was a cathedral vigil celebrated after vespers on the eves of major feasts and during Lent. 4 9 The earliest Constantinopolitan Euchology is the eighth-century codex Barberini gr. 336, which reflects the pre-Iconoclastic form of the collection. 5 0 The Barberini manuscript and other early exemplars are extremely terse, presenting the individual prayers for the cathedral offices under brief tides with little additional rubrication. Later copies\u00E2\u0080\u0094some of which bear signs of adaptation to Palestinian monastic usages\u00E2\u0080\u0094include two prayers for a new service of prime alongside ever-increasing quantities of rubrics and diaconal texts.51 Most of the fixed and variable texts which accompanied the office prayers of the Euchology were drawn from the Antiphonarion, the Byzantine cathedral rite's liturgical Psalter. 4 1 General introductions to the prayers of the \"Sung\" Office are Miguel Arranz, \"La liturgie des heures selon l'ancien Euchologe byzantin,\" in Eulogia:Miscellanea liturgica inonore diP. BurkhardNeunheuser, Studia Anselmiana 68=AnalectaLiturgica 1 (Rome: Editrice Anselmiana, 1979) 9-19; and Stefano Parenti, Praying with the Orthodox Tradition, trans. Paula Clifford (London: Triangle, 1989), 99-101. The latter work by Parenti includes English translations of all the Euchology's prayers for the asmatike akolouthia together with an excellent appendix of commentary. For examinations of these prayers and their relationship to predecessors in Christian Antiquity, see Arranz's articles on the individual offices cited supra, p. 10, n. 47. 4 8 Arranz, \"La liturgie des heures,\" 9. 4 9 Parenti, Praying with the Orthodox Tradition, 98. 5 0 Parenti, 93-94. See also the detailed description by Anselm Strittmatter, \"The 'Barberini S. Marci' of Jacques Goar,\" EphemeridesLiturgicae 47 (1933): 329-67. 5 1 On various strata of Euchologies and the office prayers that they contained, see Arranz, \"La liturgie des heures,\" 5-9; idem, \"L'office de 1'Asmatikos Hesperinos,\" 112-117 ; and idem, \"L'office de l'Asmatikos Orthros,\" 123-25. For more recent studies which further refine the taxonomy of these sources, see the references cited by Taft in The Byzantine Rite, 53-55. 52 Manuscripts of this book divide the biblical Psalter into either seventy-four or seventy-six \"antiphons\" of psalms, consisting of a total of 2,542 individual verses according to a system attributed to the Patriarch Anthimos (535-36).5 2 The one hundred-and-fifty Psalms of David are supplemented by an additional fifteen poetic \"odes,\" all but two of which\u00E2\u0080\u0094the \"Prayer of Manasses\" and the Great Doxology (Gloria in excelsis)\u00E2\u0080\u0094are canticles taken directly from the Old and New Testaments.53 Fourteen of the odes and sixty-eight of the antiphons, labeled the \"Distributed Psalter\" by Oliver Strunk, 5 4 were prefixed to the two major cathedral offices of matins and vespers in a cycle of continuous psalmody. 5 5 The remaining antiphons were assigned permanent positions within the Great Church's Liturgy of the Hours according to their thematic content in a manner reminiscent of the fixed morning and evening psalms of the fourth century cathedral offices. In further accord with the patterns of popular psalmody established in Late Antiquity, each of the Antiphonarion's psalmodic antiphons and odes featured a refrain after each of its verses. A l l the odd-numbered psalmodic antiphons were followed by an \"Alleluia\" refrain, whereas the even-numbered antiphons and all of the odes were accompanied by such short phrases as \"OiKTeipr\o6v pe, Kvpie\" (\"Have compassion on me, O Lord\") or Md&z ooi 6 OeoY (\"Glory be to Thee, O God\") . 5 6 The earliest Antiphonaria are ninth-century Psalters with marginal illustrations, several of which already include Palestinian rubrics for alternative use in what was at that time the new Studite urban monastic rite.57 The only exemplars to present the psalmodic antiphons within 5 2 Taft, \"Mount Athos,\" 181. Cf. Arranz, \"Les grandes etapes,\" 50-51; and idem, \"L'office de l'Asmatikos Hesperinos,\" 391-401. 5 3 The odes are listed along with their asmatic refrains in Arranz, \"L'office de l'Asmatikos Orthros,\" 140-41. Their texts are provided in an arbitrary order based on a division between the odes of the Palestinian Psalter and five \"Odae aliae\" in Alfred Rahlfs, ed., Septuaginta, 2 (Athens and Stuttgart: 'EXXriuLKq fiiftAiKr) eraipiaand Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 1979), 164-83. On the origins of the Constantinopolitan set of fifteen odes, see Heinrich Schneider, \"Die biblischen Oden seitdem sechsten Jahrhundert,\" Biblica 30 (1949): 245-52. 5 4 Strunk, \"The Byzantine Office,\" 122. 5 5 The basic study of psalmodic distribution in the Antiphonarion is Kosmas I. Georgiou,\" 'H efiSopaSiaia din-Lcpo^vLid) Karavopf] raJv tyaAputv Kal TUJV aSwu els rds AapariKds AKoAovdias eaTreptvov Kal opdpov. 'EAAT)VIKOI MovaiKol KdSiKes 2061-2062 'E6vLKf)s BifiAiodfJKrjs A6r)v&v* (Ph.D. diss., Pontifical Oriental Institute, 1976). See also Arranz, \"L'office de l'Asmatikos Hesperinos,\" 391-401. 5 6 The refrains are listed in Strunk, 140-41; and Georgiou,\" 'H ifiSouaSiaia dvriificovLiaj Karavopij,\" 190-96. 5 7 The textual contents, origin, and liturgical use of these manuscripts are thoroughly discussed in Kathleen Corrigan, Visual Polemics in Ninth-Century Byzantine Psalters (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 124-47. The earliest antiphonarion is the famous Khludov Psalter, (Moscow State Historical Museum, 53 the context of their weekly cycles of distribution are two Late Byzantine musical manuscripts of Thessalonian provenance, both of which are presently located in the National Library of Greece. Athens 2061 is dated by Georgiou to c. 1410-25, a period overlapping two thirds of Symeon of Thessalonica's episcopate.58 The manuscript begins with a two-week cycle of psalmody for cathedral vespers and matins that presumably corresponds to the weekly alternation of two choruses in the Rite of the Great Church, attached to which are seventy-five folios mostly containing asmatic propers for the liturgical year. Written between 1355 and 1385, Athens 2062 contains only the first week of offices from Athens 2061, but includes some music and rubrics left out of the later manuscript. The one-week ordinary of Athens 2062 is followed by a few asmatic propers, music in honour of Thessalonica's patron St. Demetrios, and kalophonic compositions by various fourteenth-century composers. Despite their late date, the asmatic ordinaries of Athens 2061 and 2062 are remarkably faithful to the Byzantine cathedral tradition, being entirely free of the sort of extensive borrowings from the monastic rite described by Symeon of Thessalonica. The only notable concessions made to the musical culture of the Paleologan period within the two cycles of daily offices are a few through-composed verses of Psalm 118 by Late Byzantine composers that appear among the ordinary of Sunday matins. The archaism of these documents has been confirmed by liturgiologists, who have found that the distribution of cathedral psalmody in Athens 2061 and 2062 generally fulfills the prescriptions of earlier Constantinopolitan Euchologies and Typika. 5 9 Furthermore, Strunk has noted that the antiphonal psalms of the two Thessalonian musical manuscripts follow the format of a Middle Byzantine musical source for the \"Kneeling Vespers\" of Pentecost, an unusual example of a complete \"Sung\" office celebrated in a Studite monastic environment.60 A l l of this would therefore seem to argue for Codex 129), which has been published in facsimile\u00E2\u0080\u0094with the unfortunate omission of folios devoid of illustrations\u00E2\u0080\u0094as M. V. Shchepkina, Miniatyury Khludovskoy Psaltyri: Grecheskiy illyustrirovannyy kodeks IX veka (Moscow: Iskusstvo, 1970). 5 8 Georgiou,\" 'H efiSouaSLaia dvncpcouLid) tcaTavofirj,\" xix. The dating and contents of the manuscripts Athens 2061 and 2062 are discussed more thoroughly in Chapter 6 of the present study, infra, pp. 211-16. 5 9 Arranz, \"L'office de l'Asmatikos Hesperinos,\" 399,404-5. 6 0 Strunk, \"The Byzantine Office,\" 137, 149. The source in question is Grottaferrata T. /?. 35, fol. 52v.-72v. On this unusual service and its music, see also Arranz, \"L'office de l'Asmatikos Hesperinos,\" 412-15; Dimitri 54 the existence of lost Constantinopolitan archetypes for the notated Thessalonian Antiphonaria, unless one is willing to entertain the (not entirely unreasonable) possibility that transmission of the ordinary psalmodic chants of the asmatikeakolouthia was entrusted solely to oral tradition until the eve of the Byzantine cathedral rite's disappearance.61 The cycles of Biblical readings for the Constantinopolitan liturgical year are contained in three lectionaries: the Evangelion, the Apostolos, and the Prophetologion.62 The Evangelion contains gospel pericopes chanted primarily by the deacon, whereas the Apostolos features the lections from the epistles and other apostolic writings cantillated by readers. Both of these New Testament lectionaries were used primarily for the eucharistic liturgies of St. Basil and St. John Chrysostom. 6 3 The Prophetologion, on the other hand, is a collection of Old Testament pericopes that was employed by readers or cantors almost exclusively within the asmatike akolouthia, especially the \"Sung\" offices of vespers and trithekte.64 In addition to the readings themselves, the surviving Prophetologia contain incipits, modal indications, and occasionally entire proper texts for the musical cycles of prokeimena, alleluiaria, and troparia which accompanied the Old Testament and apostolic lections. The earliest manuscripts of the Prophetologion, like those of so many other liturgical books, appeared after the victory over Iconoclasm, with production peaking in the twelfth century.6 5 This period coincides with the rise of Byzantine \"ecphonetic\" or \"lectionary\" E. Conomos, \"Music for the Evening Office on Whitsunday,\" ActesdeXVe CongresInternationald'Etudes Byzantines, I (Athens: 1979), 457-65. 6 1 The vexing question of the method by which the musical repertories of the Rite of the Great Church were transmitted has received little attention since Oliver Strunk evaluated the problems associated with the Psaltikon and Asmatikon in \"Byzantine Music in the Light of Recent Research and Publication,\" Proceedings of the Thirteenth International Congress of Byzantine Studies (London and New York: 1967); repr. as chap, in EMBW, 241-45. Of considerable interest for Byzantine musicologists, however, is the current scholarly debate over oral versus written mechanisms for the transmission of Gregorian chant in the medieval West, aspects of which are summarised and further examined in Peter Jeffery, Re-envisioning Past Musical Cultures: Ethnomusicology in the Study of Gregorian Chant (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1992). 6 2 Kenneth Levy, \"Liturgy and liturgical books, III. Greek rite,\" The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, vol. 11, ed. Stanley Sadie (London: 1980), 86-87. 6 3 The exceptional gospel or apostolic readings outside of the Eucharist required by the Typikon of the Great Church are noted by Mateos in TGE, II 286, 295. 6 4 Sysse Gudrun Engberg, \"The Greek Old Testament Lectionary as a Liturgical Book,\" Universitede Copenhague Cahiers de I'Institut du Moyen-dge grec et latin 54 (1986), 44-45. Cf. the critical edition prepared under the auspices of the MMB: Prophetologium, MMB, Lectionaria 1.1:1-6, Carsten H0eg and Giinther Zuntz, eds. (Copenhagen: 1939-70), II.1-2, Gudrun Engberg, ed. (Copenhagen: 1980-81). 6 5 Engberg, \"The Greek Old Testament Lectionary,\" 41. 55 musical notation, an untranscribable system of staffless neumes whose sole purpose was to direct the cantillation of readings.66 A substantial minority of the three types of Byzantine lectionaries produced from the ninth to the thirteenth century provide each of their readings with this notation.67 In the case of the Prophetologion, forty-two out of one hundred and seventy-four sources contain ecphonetic notation, which, however, is applied only to the readings and never to the other hymns and responsories.68 Since the offices of the Great Church appear to have featured only a small number of non-Biblical hymns, most of their texts were scattered about the Synaxaria, Kanonaria, and lectionaries. The only hymnography employed in the \"Sung\" Office apparently worthy of a separate liturgical book was the kontakion, Constantinople's single major native form of ecclesiastical poetry. Sometimes transmitted in specialised collections known as \"Kontakaria,\" kontakia are lengthy hymns that are headed by a prologue or \"prooimion\" announcing the subject of the text, followed by as many as thirty metrically identical stanzas called \"oikoi.\" The oikoi are bound by an acrostic, while the oikoi and prooimion share a common (and presumably at one time congregational) refrain. Having arisen as a distinct form during the cathedral rite's \"imperial\" phase, possibly from Syrian models, complete kontakia continued to be composed in Constantinople through the ninth century. The greatest author of kontakia was the sixth-century poet St. Romanos the Melodist, who wrote poems for most of the major feasts of the liturgical year. The most complete sources for the Constantinopolitan cycle of kontakia are the eleventh-century manuscripts Patmos 212 and 213.69 Proceeding primarily from a careful examination of the style and content of the poems themselves, Grosdidier de Matons has argued that the kontakia of Romanos and his fellow 6 6 The classic study of this notation is Carsten H0eg, La notation ekphonetique, MMB Subsidia, i, 2 (Copenhagen: 1935). See also the useful summary in Wellesz, A History, 246-60. 6 7 Wellesz, A History, 256. 6 8 Engberg, \"The Greek Old Testament Lectionary,\" 41,45. Engberg notes that the notation is transmitted with particular stability in sources directly traceable to the Great Church. While being careful to point out variants in the internal organisation of prophetologia, she suggests that the diffusion of lectionaries with ecphonetic notation that began in the ninth century was part of a conscious attempt to standardise the performance of readings. 6 9 The major extant sources of the kontakion are listed in Jose' Grosdidier de Matons, Romanos le Melode et les origines de la poesie religieuse a Byzance (Paris: Editions Beauchesnes, 1977), 67-74. 56 early melodes were composed for the instruction of the laity at popular cathedral vigi ls . 7 0 This tradition was apparently continued through the Iconoclastic period and into the tenth century, for the Typikon of the Great Church mentions the performance of a festal kontakion after the asmatic office of pannychis.71 From the twelfth century onwards, the number of oikoi transmitted by Kontakaria and other liturgical manuscripts dropped precipitously until, as in modern practice, only the prooimion and a single oikos remained 7 2 3. Special Musical Collections The post-Iconoclastic consolidation of the Rite of the Great Church coincided with two significant innovations in Byzantine ecclesiastical music. Undoubtedly the most important of these was the development of Byzantine melodic notation, a lengthy process that may be divided into two stages. During the initial period, ranging from the appearance of the earliest surviving notated sources in the tenth century until approximately the year 1175,7 3 musical notation functioned only as a reminder of the overall shape of melody for singers who continued to learn the exact pitches from oral tradition, an approach made possible by a standardised and anonymous repertory of musical formulas and gestures that could be reflected stenographically. These formulas were depicted by the so-called 'Chartres' and 'Coislin' families of neumes, independent systems of stenographic notation with modem appellations derived from the library holding the manuscript in which each type of notation was first identified. Having examined the provenance of manuscripts bearing these two types of neumes, Strunk has traced the roots of 'Chartres' notation to Constantinople, and the 'Coislin' notation to Palestine.74 / u Grosdidier de Matons, Romanos le Melode, 104. 7 1 Arranz, \"Les grandes Stapes,\" 51; and the present author's study, \"The Liturgical Use of the Kontakion in Constantinople,\" in Liturgy, Architecture and Art of the Byzantine World: Papers of the XVIII International Byzantine Congress (Moscow, 8-15 August 1991) and Other Essays Dedicated to the Memory ofFr. John Meyendorff, Byzantinorossica 1, ed. Constantin C. Akentiev (St. Petersburg: 1995), 50-57. 7 2 Grosdidier de Matons, Romanos le Melode, 101-2. 7 3 Conomos, \"Music for the Evening Office on Whitsunday,\" 453. 7 4 Strunk, \"The Notation of the Chartres Fragment,\" in EMBW, 108-10. 57 The second stage of notational development began in the late twelfth century with the widespread adoption of a fully diastematic notation derived from the 'Coislin' neumes, generally referred to by modern scholars as \"Round\" or \"Middle Byzantine\" notation. While still imprecise with regard to the matters of rhythmic subdivision and chromaticism, Round notation provided Byzantine composers and scribes with the means to record melodic subtleties in unprecedented detail. Its advent, as Levy has pointed out, simultaneously facilitated the preservation of the traditional anonymous repertory while providing the necessary preconditions for the cultivation of highly individual compositional styles by Paleologan composers of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.75 The success of this new system may be gauged not only by the rapidity with which manuscripts employing the older stenographic neumes were replaced by new editions in Middle Byzantine notation, but also by the fact that it remained in use with only minor alterations until the Chrysanthine reforms of the nineteenth century. Working in tandem with the rise of Byzantine neumatic notation was a progressive melodic elaboration of certain repertories of chant that Strunk believes may have begun in the mid ninth or early tenth century.7 6 The initial result of this process was the creation of a 'classic' repertory of florid but otherwise conventionally formulaic chants which, according to Levy, must have existed by the eleventh century when it was transmitted to the Slavs. 7 7 Especially prominent among these collections of elaborated chants were melismatic versions of the Great Church's cycle of kontakia pared down to their prooimion and first oikos. The 'classic' Byzantine repertory of extended formulaic chant is contained in the Asmatikon and the Psaltikon, two specialised collections for the professional singers of Hagia Sophia that combined under a single cover hymns and responsories previously scattered / 3 Kenneth Levy, \"Le Tournant depisif dans Miistoire de la musique Byzantine: 1071-1261,\" Actes de XVe Congres International d'Etudes Byzantines, I (Athens: 1979), 475-79. 7 6 Oliver Strunk, \"Some Observations on the Music of the Kontakion,\" EMBW, 160. 7 7 Kenneth Levy, \"Byzantine rite, music of the,\" The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, vol. 3, 559. 58 through other unnotated liturgical books. Probably the first to appear was the Asmatikon, 7 8 a book that modern scholars have identified with the small choir of the Great Church. 7 9 Only a small number of Asmatika in Middle Byzantine notation have been preserved from the thirteenth to the fifteenth centuries, all but two of which were copied for monastic use on the Empire's periphery in Southern Italy. 8 0 To these \"pure\" Asmatika may also be added a few thirteenth-century Sicilian manuscripts associated with the monastery San Salvatore in Messina that combine its contents with those of the Psaltikon. 8 1 The Asmatikon contains choral chants for the ordinary of the Constantinopolitan eucharistic liturgies, a number of propers for the asmatike akolouthia, and, in certain manuscripts, a few items for the monastic offices. 8 2 A l l of these chants are characterised by the intercalation of consonants within the course of melismas, perhaps as an aid to vocal phrasing. The music for the \"Sung\" Office includes: the hypakoai ('responds'), a series of 7 8 Simon Harris (\"The Byzantine Responds for the Two Sundays Before Christmas,'' Music and Letters 74 (1993): 2-4, 9) very tentatively suggests the priority of the Asmatikon's repertory of hypakoai or 'responds' over the parallel collection in Psaltikon, citing as possible evidence the relative completeness of the Asmatikon's cycle of hypakoai. However, implicit in his discussion\u00E2\u0080\u0094which touches upon the elaboration of music in the ninth and the tenth centuries while raising the possibility that some parallel repertories may have been suppressed, presumably with the aim of assuring a neater complementarity between the asmatikon and psaltikon\u00E2\u0080\u0094are the building blocks for a circumstantial case giving precedence to the entire Asmatikon, or at least to those portions which were duplicated in the Psaltikon. Harris himself hints that this may be the case, mentioning that a forthcoming article will propose the theory that the two traditions of hypakoai developed from common origins. Proceeding from the clues left by Harris, we offer the following additional points in support of the pre-existence of the Asmatikon: 1) only the repertories of the Asmatikon were adapted to the Slavonic language in copies employing a Slavic variant of the Chartres notation; 2) no copy of the Psaltikon bearing early Byzantine neumatic notations has ever been discovered; 3) chants transmitted by both collections feature a more developed melismatic idiom in their Psaltikon versions, probably reflecting a later stage in the process of musical elaboration already at work; and 4) the hymns contained in the Asmatikon's cycle of hypakoai generally conform to the usages of the Great Church, whereas the Psaltikon's cycle is in closer agreement with the requirements of monastic service books (on p. 6, Harris himself observes the concordance of the monastic Menaia with the Psaltika, but does not take into account the existence of a separate cathedral rite). According to this model of development, the presumed Asmatic versions of the kontakia contained in the Slavic Kondakars were supressed in later Greek Asmatika in response to the emergence of a soloistic variant repertory in the Psaltikon. 7 9 Levy, \"Liturgy and liturgical books, III. The Greek Rite,\" 87. 8 0 The South Italian Asmatika and their contents are described in Bartolomeo di Salvo, \"Asmatikon,\" Bolletino dellaBadiaGrecadiGrottaferrata 16 (1962): 139-53. The MSS from mainland Greece are Lavra T.3 and Kastoria 8, the latter of which is described in Linos Polites, \"Avo x\u00C2\u00A3LP\u00C2\u00B0yPa4>a diro TT\V Kaaropid,\" 'EAXrji/iicd 20 (1967): 29-41. The musical style of the Asmatikon and its relationship to that of the Psaltikon is discussed in Harris, \"The Byzantine Responds,\" 1-9; and Kenneth Levy, \"A Hymn for Thursday in Holy Week,\" Journal of the American Musicological Society 16 (1963): 129-54. 8 1 On these MSS, see Oliver Strunk, \"S. Salvatore di Messina and the Musical Tradition of Magna Graecia,\" EMBW, 45-54; and Christian Thodberg, Der byzantinische Alleluiarionzyklus: Studien im kurzen Psaltilconstil, MMB, Subsidia 8 (Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1966), 23-24. 8 2 E.g. the eight-mode cycle of pasapnoaria in Lavra T.3, f. 8v.-9r. 5 9 non-scriptural hymns for matins83; the Great Troparia for the vigils of Christmas and Theophany; the Sunday order for the Great Doxology and its related troparia; and the dochai or choral refrains of the daily prokeimena.84 The Greek-language Asmatika are supplemented by five Slavonic manuscripts\u00E2\u0080\u0094known as \"Kondakars\" because of their cycles of notated kontakia \u00E2\u0080\u0094that date from the eleventh to the thirteenth century 8 5 The melodies of these Slavonic Asmatika are conveyed in so-called 'kondakarion' notation, a Slavic variant of the 'Chartres' notation that, like its Greek parent, is not fully transcribable 8 6 Their kontakia appear to be derived from a lost asmatic repertory that was dropped from the extant Greek copies, perhaps because of their contemporary duplication in the Psaltikon. Another cathedral repertory without a counterpart in a surviving Greek Asmatikon is the Blagoveschchensky Kondakar's eight-mode series of \"asmatikoi. \"87 Evidently model melodies for the psalmodic ordinary of the \"Sung\" Office, they consist of sample psalm verses, refrains, and transliterated versions of\" Tr)u OIKOV\I\u00E2\u0082\u00ACVT)V. 'AMnXovia,\" 8 3 The hypakoe as a genre of hymnography is discussed by Panagiotes Trempelas, EicAoyi) FAAqw/cqs' 'Op6o8d\u00C2\u00A3ov vpuoypacjvovY on folios 80v-83v. 9 7 The three mystagogical treatises in question are the early seventh-century Mystagogy of Maximus the Confessor, the eighth-century Ecclesiastical Hierarchy by Patriarch Germanos I, and the eleventh-century Protheoria by Nicholas and Theodore of Andida. The basic study of patristic commentaries on the Byzantine Eucharist is Rend Bornert, Les Commentaires Byzantines de la Divine Liturgie du Vile au XVe Siecle, Archive de VOrient Chretien 9 (Paris: Institut Francais d'fitudes Byzantines, 1966). Two scholarly works that successfully exploit the potential of the commentaries to recover not only the structure of the services, but also the intellectual and symbolic contexts in which they were understood, are Hans-Joachim Schulz, The Byzantine Liturgy: Symbolic Structure and Faith Expression, trans, by Matthew J. O'Connell (New York: Pueblo Publishing Company, 1986); and Taft, \"The Liturgy of the Great Church,\" 45-75. 62 plan of Hagia Sophia, 9 8 documents regulating the ecclesiastical personnel of the Great Church 9 9 and the written testimony of visitors to the Imperial capital. Within the last of these categories, the witness of the Russian pilgrim Antony of Novgorod from the year 1200 is of particular interest. In the course of an extended description of the interior of St. Sophia and its relics, he records many details regarding the conduct of liturgy at the Great Church. In one passage, for example, he notes that the singing during a particular ritual was distributed between a monk soloist and a group of eunuchs. 1 0 0 The employment of castrati at Hagia Sophia is confirmed elsewhere by the twelfth-century canonist Theodore Balsamon, who claims that all the psaltai of the Great Church were eunuchs. 1 0 1 Of greater significance is Antony's general summary of the \"Sung\" offices of matins, in which he describes a service with stational characteristics. Because of its unique witness to the asmatike akolouthia before the Latin conquest, this passageis worth quoting in full from de Khitrowo's translation: Et quand on veut chanter matines a Sainte-Sophie, on chant d'abord devant les grandes portes de l'6glise, dans le narthex, puis on entre, et Ton chante au milieu de l'eglise; et 1'on ouvre les portes du Paradis, et Ton chante la troisieme fois devant l'autel. Les dimanches et jours de fete, le patriarche assiste aux matines et a la messe, et alors i l benit les chantres du haut des tribunes; cessant de chanter, ils prononcent alors le polykronid; puis ils recommencent a chanter aussi harmonieusement et aussi doucement que les anges, et ils chantent ainsi jusqu'a la messe. Les matines finies et ayant quitte leurs surplis, ils sortent et demandent la benediction du patriarche pour la liturgie. Apres les matines, on lit le prologue sur J'ambon jusqu'a la messe; quand le prologue est fini, on commence la liturgie, et, le service termine, l'archipretre prononce dans l'autel la priere dite de l'ambon, tandis que le second pretre la prononce dans l'eglise, au dela de l'ambon; tous les deux, ayant acheve leur priere, benissent le peuple. C'est ainsi que, de bonne heure, ils chantent aussi les vepres. On n'a pas de cloches a Sainte-Sophie, mais, un petit battoir hagiosidere a la main, [avec lequel] on frappe pour les matines, et on ne frappe ni pour la messe ni pour les vepres, tandis que, dans d'autres eglises, on frappe et pour la messe et pour les 9 8 Most importantly the sixth-century description of Paul Silentiarius, Descriptio s. Sophiae et ambonis, in Paul Friedlander, Johannes von Gaza und Paulus Silentiarius: Kunstbeschreibungen justinianischer Zeit (Leipzig: 1912), 225-65. This and the other known literary sources relating to liturgical planning in Hagia Sophia are analysed in Mathews, The Early Churches of Constantinople, 88-180; and Majeska, \"Notes on the Archeology of St. Sophia at Constantinople,\" 299-308. 9 9 Summarised in Moran's discussion of \"The Byzantine Choir,\" in Singers in Late Byzantine and Slavonic Painting, 14-38 1 0 0 Ed. B. de Khitrowo, Itineraires Russes en Orient, 1,1 (Geneva: Society de 1'Orient Latin, 1889; repr. ed., Osnabrtick: Otto Zeller, 1966), 93. 1 0 1 Moran, Singers, 15. 63 vepres; c'est d'apres les preceptes de l'Ange qu'ils ont ce battoir; quant aux Latins, ils sonnent les cloches. 1 0 2 Conclusion The paucity of sources antedating the Middle Byzantine recovery leaves many details of the Constantinopolitan cathedral rite's formative \"imperial phase\" uncertain. Nevertheless, the documents emerging from the ninth century onwards, while not without signs of decay or development, display a remarkable sense of continuity both with the past and with each other. The conservatism of the sources is most evident in the fact that the material from manuscripts ranging in chronology from the eighth or ninth-century Barberini Euchology to the late fourteenth and early fifteenth-century Thessalonian Antiphonaria is complementary. This state of affairs has previously allowed liturgiologists to employ documents scattered over six centuries in the service of their investigations of the shape of the \"Sung\" Office. In the following chapter, we shall follow a similar procedure to outline the form of Sunday matins according to the Rite of the Great Church, with the addition, however, of notated chants from the scattered remains of Hagia Sophia's musical establishment. De Khitrowo, Itineraires, 97. C H A P T E R 4 S U N D A Y M A T I N S I N T H E R I T E O F T H E G R E A T C H U R C H II: T H E H I S T O R I C A L S T R U C T U R E O F T H E O F F I C E T o the present, musicologists have barely begun collating the recent advances in liturgical scholarship on the Constantinopolitan cathedral offices with the raw data in the musical manuscripts. This situation may be attributed to a number of factors, not the least among which is the fact that Byzantine musicology\u00E2\u0080\u0094a discipline that has been dominated over the past thirty years by initial surveys of various repertories previously known only in outline, if at a l l 1 \u00E2\u0080\u0094is still in an embryonic state. Moreover, musicologists have, by and large, made the chants of the Divine Liturgy\u00E2\u0080\u0094which was celebrated by Byzantine monks and secular clergy alike from the same texts of the Constantinopolitan Euchology 2 \u00E2\u0080\u0094their first priority in examining the Psaltikon and Asmatikon. 3 While the prominence of Eucharistic music i n these collections may be fairly invoked to justify this preference, it has nevertheless deferred scholarly consideration of the thorny questions of provenance raised for their office chants by the existence of parallel cathedral and monastic rites for the Liturgy of the Hours. 1 This conclusion may be reached by quickly surveying the titles of a few well-known monographs: Christian Thodberg, Der byzantinische Alleluiarionzyklus: Studien im kurzen Psaltikonstil, MMB Subsidia 8 (Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1966); Dimitri Conomos, Byzantine Trisagiaand Cheroubika of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries (Thessalonica: Patriarchal Institute for Patristic Studies, 1974); Gisa Hintze, Das byzantinische Prokeimena-Repertoire: Untersuchungen and kritische Edition, Hamburger Beitrage zur Musikwissenschaft 9 (Hamburg: Verlag der Musikalienhandlung Karl Dieter Wagner, 1973); Diane Touliatos-Banker, The Byzantine Amomos Chant of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries, Analecta Vlatadon 46 (Thessalonica: Patriarchal Institute of Patristic Studies, 1984); etc. 2 The monks of Studios, who had imported the Palestinian Divine Office, did not replace the Constantinopolitan Eucharistic liturgies with the Hagiopolite Liturgy of St. James. 3 E.g. Simon Harris, \"The Communion Chants in Thirteenth-Century Byzantine Musical Manuscripts,\" in Studies in Eastern Chant 2, ed. M. Velimirovi<5 (London: Oxford University Press, 1971), 51-67; Kenneth Levy, \"A Hymn for Thursday in Holy Week,\" Journal of the American Musicological Society 16 (1963): 127-75; and Neil K. Moran, The Ordinary Chants of the Byzantine Mass, 2 vols., Hamburger Beitrage zur Musikwissenschaft 12 (Hamburg: Verlag der Musikalienhandlung Karl Dieter Wagner, 1975). 64 65 T A B L E 1 LIST O F M U S I C A L M A N U S C R I P T S C O N S U L T E D I N C H A P T E R 4 Asmatika a Grottaferrata, Badia greca, M S Crypt., r.y. VI I : 13th c. Kastoria, Cathedral Library, M S 8: 13th/14th c. Mount Athos, Great Lavra, M S f1. 3: 13th (?) c. b Messina, Biblioteca universitaria, M S San Salvatore, gr. 161: 13th c. c Cathedral Antiphonaria d Athens, National Library, M S 2061: ca. 1410-25 Athens, National Library, M S 2062: ca. 1355-85 Akolouthiaie Athens, National Library, M S 2622: 1341-ca. 1360 Mount Athos, Iviron, M S 1120: \"1458\" Mount Athos, Koutloumousi, M S 457: ca. 1360-85 Vienna, National Bibliothek, M S Theol. gr. 185: ca. 1385-91 a Except where noted, the dates cited for the Asmatika follow the list provided in Dimitri E. Conomos, The Late Byzantine and Slavonic Communion Cycle: Liturgy and Music, Dumbarton Oaks Studies 21 (Washington, D . C : Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 1985), 55. Cf. the discussion of the Asmatikon supra, pp. 57-61. b As Harris has observed, modern scholars are in disagreement regarding the date of this manuscript, variously ascribing it to anywhere from the 13th to the 15th century. See Simon Harris, \"The Byzantine Prokeimena,\" Plainsong and Medieval Music 3 (1994): 146, n. 52. c Description in Bartolomeo di Salvo, \"Gli asmata nella musica bizantina,\" Bolletino delta Badia Greca di Grottaferrata 13 (1959): 50. d On these MSS, see the discussion infra, pp. 211-16. e Dates for Akolouthiai are taken from Conomos, The Late Byzantine and Slavonic Communion Cycle, 73. 66 Despite gaps in the documentary record of the Rite of the Great Church, the textual and musical sources discussed in the previous chapter are sufficient to undertake a preliminary reconstruction of the unreformed \"Sung\" office of Sunday matins. Musical examples w i l l generally be chosen from the oldest known settings for each text (Table 1). In some cases these are found in Late Byzantine Akolouthiai containing a few cathedral chants alongside their music for the Neo-Sabai'tic monastic rite. The Thessalonian Antiphonaria Athens 2061 and Athens 2062, which contain eponymous compositions by fourteenth-century composers, w i l l be consulted only for their anonymous asmatic chants. A ful l description of their Sunday repertories w i l l be presented in the following chapters on the reformed offices of Late Byzantine Thessalonica. The Structure of Sunday Matins The sources for the Byzantine cathedral rite confirm the testimony from the year 1200 of the pilgrim Antony of Novgorod quoted in the preceding chapter regarding the tripartite structure of asmatic matins. A s shown in Table 2, the office of Sunday matins was divided into three distinct sections marking the gradual progression of the clergy from the narthex to the apse of Hagia Sophia (Figure 1). Each of these segments was characterised not only by the location of its celebration within the church, but also by its selection of texts and musical forms. On ordinary Sundays, the morning office began outside the closed central doors of the nave\u00E2\u0080\u0094generally known in the liturgical terminology of the Great Church as the \"fiaoiXiKai nvXat\" (\"Royal\" or \"Imperial Doors\"), but occasionally referred to as the \"copalai trvXaC (\"Beautiful Doors\") 4 \u00E2\u0080\u0094with a vigi l of pre-matutinal psalmody in the vast narthex of Hagia Sophia (Table 2.1). Should the congregation have been unusually large and unable to fit in this area, ample room was provided for additional faithful in the exo-narthex and atrium. After the clergy ceremonially opened the main body of the church by processing through the central doors, the congregation entered the nave and galleries. A n office of morning praise (Table 2.2) 4 John F. Baldovin, The Urban Character of Christian Worship: The Origins, Development, and Meaning of Stational Liturgy, OCA 228 (Rome: 1987), 176. 68 TABLE2 SUNDAY MATINS ACCORDING TO THE RITE OF THE GREAT CHURCH 3 1. PSALMODIC VIGIL IN THE NARTHEX Opening Blessing (Hypakoe) b Synapte of Peace First Morning Prayer First Antiphon (Ps. 3, 62, 133) Small Synapte Morning Prayer (2-7?) Amomos, Antiphon 1 (Ps. 118: 1-72) Small Synapte Morning Prayer (2-7?) Amomos, Antiphon 2 (Ps. 118: 73-131) Small synapte Eighth (?) Morning Prayer Amomos, Antiphon 3 (Ps. 118: 132-76) Entry into the nave. 2. MORNING PSALMODY AT THE AMBO Benedicite: Dan. 3:57-88 Small Synapte Prayer of the 50th Psalm Psalm 50 and Pentekostaria Small Synapte Prayer of Lauds Lauds (Ps. 148, 149, 150) Great Doxology (Gloria in excelsis) Trisagion Entry into the sanctuary.0 3. PRAYERS AND SUPPLICATIONS IN THE SANCTUARY [Resurrectional Hymn] Fixed Sunday Prokeimenon (Ps. 9:33) [Prayer of the Gospel] [Resurrectional Gospel] Litany and Prayer of the Catechumens Litanies of the Faithful and two prayers Synapte of Supplication Prayer of Dismissal Prayer of Inclination and Final Blessing Chanting and reading until the beginning of the Divine Liturgy a After Arranz, \"L'office de l'Asmatikos Orthros (\u00C2\u00ABmatines chantees\u00C2\u00BB) de l'ancien Euchologe byzantine,\" OCP 44 (1978): 126-32; idem, \"Les prieres presbyterales des matines byzantines,\" OCP 37 (1971): 409-10; and TGE, I, xxiii-xxiv. Texts sung by the cantors and readers are given in bold print. Brackets indicate items that belong to the Order of the Resurrectional Gospel, which appears to have been a post-Iconoclast addition to the office (see the discussion of this order infra, pp. 100-23). k Since the TGE records only the use of festal hypakoai at this point in the service, it is possible that these hymns may not have been performed on ordinary Sundays in the Byzantine cathedral rite. c Moved to the conclusion of Lauds in the fourteenth-century sources. 69 featuring such elements of primitive urban Christian worship as Psalms 148-50 and the Great Doxology (the Eastern Orthodox redaction of the Gloria in excelsis) was then celebrated at the ambo, a monumental platform slightly off-set toward the East from the centre of the church. L i k e their counterparts in the preceding psalmodic v i g i l , Psalm 50 and the three psalms of Lauds were chanted antiphonally. 5 The accession of the higher clergy into the sanctuary marked the start of the third and final portion of the service (Table 2.3), which concluded with presidential prayers and benedictions delivered by the celebrant from the benches of the synthronon set in the semi-circle of the apse (Figure 1, B) . The dismissal of matins was regularly followed by an interval of reading and chanting before the start of the Sunday Eucharist. 6 Even in so schematic an outline, the similarities between asmatic Sunday matins and the corresponding cathedral offices of Late Antiquity are immediately apparent. L ike its ancient urban predecessors, the bulk of this \"Sung\" office consisted of prayers and antiphonal psalmody proper to the hour and occasion of celebration. In great contrast to the modern Byzantine service of Sunday matins, which is ful l of ecclesiastical poetry commemorating the Resurrection, 7 extra-scriptural hymnody was sparingly employed and mostly limited to a few psalmodic refrains. Moreover, allowing for the omission of details particular to the topography of Jerusalem, the Byzantine cathedral service exhibits the same basic threefold stational structure as the fourth-century Sunday morning office described by Egeria . 8 Both the early fifth-century Hagiopolite vigi l and Constantinopolitan Sunday matins commenced with a vigil of psalms and prayers outside the closed doors of the church, followed in each case by a ceremonial opening of their respective basilicas leading to additional psalmody inside. Finally, 5 I.e. by two choirs with refrains. On the technical use of the term \"antiphonal\" in reference to Byzantine psalmody, see the article by Taft cited supra, p. 36, n. 81. 6 Cf. TGEII.315; and the description of Antony of Novgorod, ed. B. deKhitrowo, Itindraires Russes en Orient, 1,1 (Geneva: Soci&6 de l'Orient Latin, 1889; repr. ed., Osnabrtick: Otto Zeller, 1966), 97. 7 Eight lengthy sets of Resurrectional poetic propers for Sunday matins corresponding to the eight musical modes of Byzantine chant are presently added to the ordinary of the morning office according to an eight-week cycle of rotation. The texts of these Sunday propers are contained in the service-book known as the Great Oktoechos or ITapaKAriTiiaj. Notated post-Byzantine musical settings are collected in the Anastasimatarion. 8 On this office, see supra, pp. 32-35. 70 the third section of the two offices featured an entry of the clergy into the sanctuary prior to the reading of a Resurrectional gospel. According to the Typikon of the Great Church, the structure of asmatic matins was remarkably stable and varied relatively little throughout the course of the liturgical year. For three solemnities of the Mother of God and four annual commemorations of civic calamities, the Trisagion after the Great Doxology marked the beginning of a stational procession eventually leading to another church for celebration of the Divine Liturgy, after which matins at Hagia Sophia may or may not have resumed as usual with the remaining personnel. 9 On another seventeen occasions\u00E2\u0080\u0094namely Ascension Thursday and three movable Sundays from the Kanonarion, together with thirteen fixed feasts from the Synaxarion\u00E2\u0080\u0094the structure of the service was altered by having matins begin at the ambo, although it is unclear whether this meant the total suppression of the portion in the narthex or merely its transposition to the centre of the church . 1 0 Arranz has suggested that the transfer of matins to the ambo might have been a practical measure to accommodate the large crowds on feasts, but it seems equally plausible the faithful may have already been in place from a prior office as Hagia Sophia remained open throughout the night on the vigils of solemnities. 1 1 O f considerable interest, however, is the fact that on Easter Day, the greatest (and presumably most crowded) of all Christian feasts, Sunday matins retained its usual tripartite f o r m . 1 2 Moreover, in striking contrast to the 9 Arranz, \"L'office de l'Asmatikos Orthros,\" 150-51. Since the Typikon provides no rubrics regarding conflicts of the annual cycle with the normal Sunday Resurrectional order of matins, it is uncertain whether all the propers of these special commemorations would have replaced the Sunday ordinary. 1 0 Ibid., 149-156. As stated in the preceding note, it cannot be determined from the text of the Typikon if commemorations from the fixed temporal cycle of the liturgical year automatically replaced the usual Sunday order for cathedral matins. In present usage, the Resurrectional ordinary of Sunday matins takes precedence over all commemorations other than such major feasts of the Lord as Christmas and Theophany. See The Festal Menaion, trans. Mother Mary and Archimandrite Kallistos Ware [now Bishop Kallistos of Diokleia] (London: Faber and Faber, 1969), 41-^2. 1 1 For a brief discussion of popular vigils in pre-Iconoclastic Constantinople, see Robert Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours in East and West: The Origins of the Divine Office and Its Meaning for Today (Collegeville: The Liturgical Press, 1986), 171-74. It is also possible that, as in early fifth-century Jerusalem, the more diligent believers may have participated in a separate cycle of services maintained by the cathedral's resident monks. The evidence for a parallel monastic cursus of offices at St. Sophia is summarised by Arranz in \"Les prieres presbyterales des matines byzantines,\" 110-12. 1 2 Arranz, \"L'office de l'Asmatikos Orthros,\" 155; Gabriel Bertoniere, The Historical Development of the Easter Vigil and Related Services in the Greek Church, OCA 193 (Rome: 1972), 140-41. 71 medieval Hagiopolite Paschal offices and their modem Orthodox descendants, 1 3 only a few proper psalmodic refrains distinguished Paschal asmatic matins from the weekly matutinal commemoration of the Resurrection. These characteristics not only underline the simplicity and textual conservatism of the \"Sung\" Office, but also provide an illustration of Anton Baumstark's \"law\" that the highest seasons retain the oldest liturgical f o r m s . 1 4 Having briefly scanned the structure of Sunday matins in the Byzantine cathedral rite, we shall now return to the start of the service for a somewhat more specific examination of its constituent elements. In order to provide the reader with a working knowledge of this extinct service, priority w i l l be given to surveying the variety of chants employed in the office and determining their place within the broader liturgical context, thereby allowing some preliminary conclusions to be drawn about the determinative qualities of Sunday matins in the unreformed Byzantine cathedral rite. 1. Vigil in the Narthex The Hypakoe L i k e all Constantinopolitan services, Sunday matins began with the celebrant's exclamation \"Blessed is the Kingdom of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit, both now and ever, and unto the ages of ages,\" 1 5 answered by a congregational \"Amen.\" According to several Middle Byzantine collections of rubrics, this opening blessing was at times followed by the chanting of an hypakoe, a practice not corresponding to any prayer of the Euchologies. The literal meaning of \"urraKorj\" is \"respond,\" and sources of Jerusalem's cathedral rite use the word genetically in reference to psalmodic refrains, leading Mateos to 1 3 On these offices, see Bertoniere, The Historical Development of the Easter Vigil, 72-105; 159\u00E2\u0080\u009460 1 4 Anton Baumstark, \"Das Gesetz der Erhaltung des Alten in liturgisch hochwertiger Zeit,\" Jahrbuchfur Liturgiewissenchaftl (1927): 1-23. 1 5 Symeon, Treatise on Prayer, 79; PG 155, col. 636. Cf. Oliver Strunk, \"The Byzantine Office at Hagia Sophia,\" in EMBW, 137; Symeon, 72; PG 155, cols. 624-25. Note also that Simmons {Treatise, 72), probably influenced by the modem Orthodox offices which employ the Palestinian enarxis \"Blessed be our God..,\" has mistranslated the passage referring to the opening blessing at asmatic vespers. The passage in question should read \"...blesses God in Trinity not saying [ov Aeyajv]: 'Blessed be our God....\" 72 suggest a possible Palestinian origin for the term. 1 6 When used in reference to the eponymous form of Byzantine hymnography, the term \"hypakoe\" denotes a class of compact monostrophic hymn texts of uncertain date that fall into two groups: 1) a cycle of eight Sunday Resurrectional hymns that successively progress through the Byzantine system of eight musical modes; and 2) a collection of up to sixteen hymns for major feasts distributed in a curiously spotty manner throughout the liturgical year. 1 7 Evidently aware only of its marginal role in post-Studite Sabai'tic monastic worship, 1 8 Wellesz has classified the hypakoe as a \"minor\" form of hymnography allied to the kathismata of monastic matins. 1 9 Cali, however, has rightly pointed out that Wellesz's classification is contradicted by the prominence accorded to cycles of hypakoai within the Asmatikon and the Psaltikon, 2 0 where they appear alongside the venerable Constantinopolitan repertory of kontakia. Indeed, the presence of the hymns in the two collections of florid chant for Hagia Sophia, together with the fact that the festal cycle of the Asmatikon contains poems that were not later absorbed by the monastic rite,21 raises the possibility that the hypakoai for the liturgical year may originally have been composed for use within the Rite of the Great Church. 2 2 Part of the confusion surrounding the hypakoe may be explained by the fact that it is presented in modern service books of the monastic tradition in a vestigial single-stanza form 1 6 Mateos proposes that \"hypakoe\" was originally the Palestinian equivalent of the Constantinopolitan term \"troparion,\" which denoted a single-stanza hymn. By the tenth century, \"troparion\" and \"hypakoe\" are occasionally used synonymously in Byzantine and Hagiopolite documents. See Mateos, \"Quelque problemes de l'orthros byzantin,\" Proche-orientchrenen 11 (1961): 205-6. 1 7 As Harris has noted, there are no notated hypakoai for such important occasions as the Annunciation, Good Friday, Ascension Day and Pentecost. The latter two solemnities, however, do possess unnotated hypakoai that have been published by Trempelas. In any case, the kontakia of the Great Church cover the feasts of the liturgical year in a more even manner. See Simon Harris, \"The Byzantine Responds for the Two Sundays Before Christmas,\" Music and Letters 74(1993): 3; and Panagiotes Trempelas, EicXoyrj EAArjuc/cfjs 'OpdoSdfov TnvoypaiasXAthens: Soter Brotherhood, 1978), 266. 1 8 In modern Byzantine practice, the Sunday hypakoai are read without melodic inflection as a spoken prologue to the antiphons of the Oktoechos (anavathmoi). The festal hypakoai are generally read after the Third Ode of the Kanon, a long poem normally consisting of eight or nine sets of poetic tropes to the nine Biblical canticles of Neo-Sabai'tic matins. 1 9 Egon Wellesz, A History of Byzantine Music and Hymnography, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1961), 239-40. 2 0 Leonardo Cali, \"Le ipacoe dell'octoichos bizantino,\" BolletinodeltaBadiaGrecadiGrottaferrata 19 (1965): 161. 2 1 Harris, \"The Byzantine Responds,\" 2>~4. 2 2 The Sunday hypakoai, which are dependent on the eight-week Resurrectional of the Palestinian Oktoechos present a special case that must be considered separately from the festal hymns. Cf. infra, pp. 76-77. 73 without psalm verses. A s Cardinal Pitra first noted in his late nineteenth-century description of the texts and rubrics of the Corsinium Tropologion, 2 3 the initial performance of an hypakoe was once followed by a \"orLxoAoyia\" (\"recitation by verse\") of psalm verses, between which the final phrase or \"akroteleution\" of the hymn was repeated. 2 4 In keeping, therefore, with its literal meaning as a \"respond,\" the hypakoe was once a form of antiphonal psalmody similar to the Great Troparia still sung at the modern vigils of Christmas and Theophany 2 5 These vigi l responsories\u00E2\u0080\u0094which are transmitted with musical notation in their ful l form by the Asmatikon and Psa l t ikon 2 6 \u00E2\u0080\u0094are typical Constantinopolitan compositions combining a psalm with a non-scriptural troparion possessing an akroteleution.2,7 The entire troparion is sung at the outset, followed by the chanting of a psalm with the intercalation of the akroteleution after each verse. The stichologia of the psalm concludes with a Gloria Patri, after which the full troparion is once again sung as a perisse or \"appendix.\" 2 8 Such fully realised antiphonal psalmody appears to have been a pervasive element in earlier Constantinopolitan liturgy, but by the second millennium some of these forms had fallen victim to the tendency in Byzantium's liturgical tradition to maintain non-scriptural refrains while suppressing Biblical stichologiai.29 While the most famous example of this phenomenon is the Trisagion of the Byzantine Divine Liturgy, the Great Church's cycle of hypakoai seems to have suffered a similar process of 2 3 A Tropologion is a collection of various types of troparia (short hymns) for the liturgical year. 2 4 Jean-Baptiste Pitra, Analecta Sacra Spicilegio Solesmensi, 1 (Paris: A. Jouby et Roger, 1876), 671-72. 2 5 Trempelas, EtcAoyrf EAATJI/LKTJS- 'Op8o86\u00C2\u00A3ov TpvoypcKpias; 19\u00E2\u0080\u009420. On the forms and terminology of Byzantine psalmody, see the introductory chapter on \"La psalmodie: ses genres\" in Juan Mateos, La Celebration de la parole dans la liturgie byzantine: Etude historique, OCA 191 (Rome: 1971), 7-26. 2 6 Cf. supra, p. 60. 2 7 Mateos discusses the vigil responsories in La celebration de la parole, 16-19. 2 8 Mateos (\"Quelques problemes,\" 208) has suggested that in its antiphonal \u00C2\u00ABr-form, the hypakoe may have been yet another Byzantine processional chant. Two possible contexts for the antiphonal performance of hypakoai are: 1) at the end of an arriving stational procession originating outside the church grounds; or 2) as an introit chant, in which case it would have been reduced to its refrain after being displaced by the variable psalmody preceding the service in the nave. If one is to accept Mateos's hypothesis regarding the original form of the hypakoe, the frequency of liturgical processions through the streets of Constantinople during Late Antiquity (cf. Baldovin, The Urban Character, 211-13) makes the former somewhat more likely. The question in either case, however, is to locate the missing prayers which must have accompanied processional performances of hypakoai. 2 9 The offices of the Roman Rite, on the other hand, suppressed the repetition of the refrain between the verses of & stichologia. See Robert Taft, \"The Structural Analysis of Liturgical Units: An Essay in Methodology,\" in Beyond East and West: Problems in Liturgical Understanding, NPM Studies in Church Music and History (Washington, D . C : The Pastoral Press, 1984), 157-59. 74 decomposition, one that was apparently still in progress during the Middle Byzantine period, for these hymns are regularly provided with two verses in copies of the Psa l t ikon. 3 0 Another factor possibly contributing to the curtailment of the hypakoe were the forces of melodic elaboration that began to transform certain ancient elements of the Byzantine musical repertory in the ninth and tenth century. 3 1 A s is the case with the kontakion, which also underwent a drastic reduction during this period, it is presently unclear whether the processes of melodic expansion actually caused the abridgement of the hypakoe, for it is also possible that the advent of melismatic settings was merely facilitated by atrophy of the stichologia attributable to other causes. Moreover, one cannot even be certain that syllabic performances of hypakoai\u00E2\u0080\u0094with or without their ful l complement of verses\u00E2\u0080\u0094did not continue to take place after the composition of the florid repertories. 3 2 Determining the circumstances under which hypakoai were employed within the \"Sung\" office of matins is almost as problematic as ascertaining their origins. In response to a rubric of the Typikon of the Great Church for the fourth Tuesday in L e n t 3 3 Mateos has suggested that prefatory hypakoai were a regular fixture of ferial cathedral rite mat ins , 3 4 thus presupposing a lost repertory of hymns for ordinary use. The musical manuscripts, which contain only Sunday and festal hypakoai set in a florid music style, suggest just the opposite conclusion, namely that the hypakoe was a characteristic of festal liturgy. Only the fourteenth-3 0 Some copies of the Asmatikon also include two verses for each Resurrectional Sunday hypakoe. See Di Salvo, \"Asmatikon,\" 144-45. 3 1 Oliver Strunk, \"Some Observations on the Music of the Kontakion,\" in EMBW, 161. 3 2 The question of continued use of syllabic hypakoai after the appearance of the melismatic collections in the Asmatikon and Psaltikon is analogous to that affecting the kontakia. With the exception of a single manuscript (St. Petersburg gr. 674), notated kontakia are only transmitted in florid versions, even though the Typikon of the Great Church calls for what surely must have been syllabic performances, e.g. the use of the prooimion to the Christmas kontakion as a refrain for psalm 50 at the matins of 25 December (TGE I, 156). 3 3 TGE II, 40. According to Hagios Stavros 40, \"eis TOV dpdpov ami rf/s- imaKor)s Xeyerai TTO&TOV TpondpLov, rjx\u00C2\u00B05 TTA. (}.\" \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 Z'ljpepou TO Trpcxfirjrt/cdv rrerrArfpcorai A6yioi>y (\"at matins, instead of the hypakoe, the troparion Today the prophetic word is fulfilled is first sung in Mode Plagal II\"), to which the Patmos manuscripts adds \"rai OVTQJS TI)V ivopStvov inraicorjv'' (\"and thus the regular hypakoe\"). On the basis of this rubric, Mateos has stated that ferial matins began with an hypakoe or a troparion. In reality, however, this is an instance of one hypakoe replacing another. Although classified as a kathisma in modern service books, \"Today the prophetic word\" is listed as an hypakoe in Middle Byzantine Asmatika. Cf. Bartolomeodi Salvo, \"Asmatikon,\" Bollettino deltaBadiGrecadiGrottaferrata 16(1962): 147-48. 3 4 TGE I, xxiii-xiv. 75 century Oxford manuscript cited in the Typikon's critical apparatus 3 5 includes directions for such a festal performance. These state that an hypakoe was sung at Hagia Sophia on each of the two Sundays before Christmas (the \"Sunday of the Holy Forefathers\" and the \"Sunday of the Fathers\") in the following manner: 3 6 loTeov on Kpovaavros TOV \u00C2\u00A3VXOV Karepxerai 6 Trarpidpxr\\u00C2\u00A3 VVKTOS KOX elaepxerm 8td rfjs nXayiag eig TO Bvoiaorr\piov mi dvpiq. TT)V dyCav TpdneCav.... ElQ ovrcog KaTepxeTat Std TTJS ocoXeias eig rag irvXas K. TLdeig Tdrnqra orav ov Kai TJJV eKcpcovr/aiv, Kai nXripojaet, ocppayCCei perd KTjpcov, dvfiia Kai dvipx^Tat. TOVTO yiveTai Kai T(J KvpiaKfj rfj inepxofiivrj dnapaXXaKTcog TCOV rraTepajv.37 One must know that as the wood [simantron] is being struck at night, the patriarch descends and enters the sanctuary by the side door and censes the altar.... He passes through the solea to the doors where he meets the deacon, who puts down a carpet on which the patriarch stands. After the cantor who w i l l sing the hypakoe says \"Master, Bless,\" the patriarch proclaims \"Blessed be the Kingdom\" from inside the door. After the conclusion of the hypakoe, the cantor enters, bows before the patriarch, and receives a coin from the treasury. The presbyters also give the cantor gifts, and then receive their customary coin from the patriarch. A n d after the completion of the hypakoe's perisse, the patriarch departs and stands before the Holy Doors [of the chancel screen]. He recites the prayer of the first [antiphon] with its exclamation, after which he blesses with the candles, censes, and ascends. This order is followed without change on the following Sunday. These rubrics exhibit several unusual features that are worthy of comment. In the first place, the service does not begin as usual i n the narthex before the closed Royal Doors, but is preceded by the descent of the patriarch from the sanctuary to the doors of the chancel screen, 3 5 Mateos describes MS Bodleian Auct. E. 5 10, dated \" 1329,\" as a Cypriot adaptation of a Constantinopolitan original (TGE I, v-vii) 3 6 Thus in the Oxford MS, which employs the Late Byzantine appellations for these Sundays that remain in use today. MS Hagios Stavros 40 refers to them as the \"Sunday before the Holy Fathers\" and \"The Sunday before Christmas,\" while MS Patmos 266 calls them the \"Sunday of the Holy Fathers\" and \"The Sunday Before Christmas\" (TGE I, 134). 3 7 TGE I, 134. In his otherwise excellent article on the hypakoai for the two Sundays before Christmas, Harris (\"The Byzantine Responds,\" 4) seems to have missed this passage in the TGE entirely, and therefore assumes that liturgical performances of hypakoai occurred only at monastic matins. 76 indicating that Hagia Sophia was already o p e n . 3 8 Secondly, the hypakoe is first sung by a designated soloist who then ceremoniously receives a recompense from the patriarch and his clergy, after which the priests i n turn each receive a monetary gift from the patriarch. The distribution of these Christmas bonuses appears to have taken some time, for its conclusion is synchronised with the perisse of the hypakoe, a variant final refrain which presupposes a performance with verses. The musical requirements of these rubrics could easily have been satisfied by a solo performance of the Psaltikon setting, followed either by a single choral performance of the Asmatikon version or, more l ikely, by repeats of an akroteleution between psalm verses that were capped by a choral c o d a . 3 9 A l l o w i n g for such peculiarities of the Advent ritual as the distribution of money, the common element between its rubrics and those for the mid-Lenten hymn of the Cross is that the Typikon of the Great Church places the hypakoe at the beginning of cathedral matins. It therefore seems reasonable to suppose that the rest of the festal settings contained in the Psaltikon and the Asmatikon were sung at the same point i n the service. Somewhat harder to locate within the Rite of the Great Church are the Sunday settings in the eight modes, the chanting of which presupposes some sort of observance of the Palestinian monastic rite's eight-week cycle of Resurrectional hymnography. Given that Hagia Sophia already had its own two-week cycle of psalmody, 4 0 and that the monastic Oktoechos is completely ignored by the classic documents of the Byzantine cathedral rite, it is difficult to reconcile their use in the \"Sung\" Office. It therefore remains to be seen if and when the choirs of the Great Church 3 8 This is especially curious because the two Sundays before Christmas are not designated by the Typikon as occasions on which matins begins at the ambo, in which case the church would have been open. 3 9 This latter option would be in accordance with rubrics for the hypakoe on the same two Sundays before Christmas from the twelfth-century Studite Typikon of the monastery of Evergetis in Constantinople. The Evergetis Typikon calls for an initial solo performance of the entire hymn, followed by a conducted choral performance by the monastic assembly (\"ineLra 6 Xaos perd x^^po^ofxias\"), leading into two solo verses intercalated by choral akroteleutia (Dmitrievskii, Opisanie I, 339\u00E2\u0080\u009440). Di Salvo also notes that the Evergetis and Messina Studite Typika also require conducted performances of the Great Troparia of Christmas and Epiphany, a method of choral presentation associated with the florid repertories of the Psaltikon and Asmatikon. On the question of conducted performances of Byzantine chant, see Bartolomeo di Salvo, \"Qualche appunto sulla chironomia nella music bizantina,\" OCP 22 (1957): 194-98; and Moran, Singers, 38-47. The melodies of the Asmatikon and Psaltikon for the hypakoai on the two Sundays before Christmas are analysed and partially transcribed in Harris, \"The Byzantine Responds,\" 4-15. 4 0 Cf. Mateos, \"Quelques problemes,\" 19. 77 superimposed the weekly change of mode according to the Sabai'tic rite on their shorter asmatic cycle.41 The Prayers and Psalms The order for matins in the Constantinopolitan Euchologies begins with a series of eight \"morning prayers\" (\"evxcd eujOnvaC) meant to accompany the eight introductory psalmodic antiphons of the weekday office 4 2 The first antiphon was fixed, always consisting of Psalms 3,62, and 133 accompanied by the refrain \"Glory to Thee, O Lord.\" The other seven antiphons of weekday matins were variable texts drawn from the two-week-cycle of the \"Distributed Psalter.\"43 On Sundays, the variable pensum of psalmody from the Antiphonarion was replaced by a triple antiphon formed from Psalm 118, which is known in Byzantine liturgical terminology as \"Amomos\" after the intonation of its first antiphon (\"01 dficofioL ev 6S1S\"). This long acrostic psalm is mentioned by Basil as a component of the fourth-century Cappadocian Sunday vigil. 4 4 In the \"Sung\" rite of Hagia Sophia, the Amomos was sung in three antiphons. The Antiphonaria record that the first antiphon (Ps. 118:1-72) 4 1 If the hypakoe is in fact a Constantinopolitan form of hymnography native to the cathedral rite, it is possible that in the process of grafting asmatic material onto the Palestinian monastic office, the monks of Studios created a new cycle of resurrectional hypakoai to add to the Oktoechos. This hypothesis, however, is undercut by Mateos's (unfootnoted) assertion that the first, fourth, and seventh resurrectional hypakoai are possibly the oldest hymns in the cycle of Sunday propers (\"Quelques problemes, 207). Alternately, the Palestinian provenance of the term \"hypakoe\" suggests that the hymns could be of Hagiopolite origin, perhaps being derived from some responsorial form cultivated in the cathedral rite of the Holy City. If this latter hypothesis is correct, the eight-week resurrectional cycle could have been imported into Constantinople during the period of mutual borrowing between the cathedral rites of the two cities. This would also explain the lack of accompanying prayers in the Constantinopolitan Euchologies. 4 2 The eight morning prayers are translated into French and extensively discussed in Arranz, \"Les prieres presbyterales des matines byzantines,\" 411\u00E2\u0080\u0094436. 4 3 Based on certain rubrics in the TGE requiring up to twenty-five daily \"antiphons,\" Strunk raised the possibility that the cycle of psalmodic distribution in Athens 2061 represented a late Byzantine curtailment of an earlier system (\"The Byzantine Office,\" 128-30). Arranz has rejected this hypothesis as incompatible with the evidence of the earliest Euchologies, the prayers of which match the distribution of the Thessalonian Antiphonaria. With regard to the twenty-five antiphons, Arranz offers instead the suggestion that these clearly peripheral rubrics may refer to the parallel offices of the monks attached to Hagia Sophia. See \"L'office de l'Asmatikos Hesperinos,\" 405-10. 4 4 Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours, 41, 86-87, 177. The basic musical study of the Amomos and its place in the Byzantine Rite is Diane Touliatos-Banker, The Byzantine Amomos Chant of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries, Analecta Vlatadon 46 (Thessalonica: Patriarchal Institute for Patristic Studies, 1984). 78 employed an \"Al le luia\" refrain and was accompanied by the offering of incense. 4 5 The response \"Give me understanding, O Lord\" (\"ZvveTieov /j.e, Kvpte\") was appended to the verses of the middle antiphon (Ps. 118:73-131). A t the conclusion of the third and final antiphon (Ps. 118:132-76), which, like the first portion of the Amomos, was accompanied by the refrain \"Alle luia , \" the clergy and congregation made their entry into the nave 4 6 A variation on this practice is recorded by the Typikon of the Great Church, which requires the intercalation of a lengthier troparion between the two verses sung immediately before the entrance on three Sundays of the movable season. 4 7 While there is no reason to doubt that on Sundays the first prayer remained tied to the first antiphon, it is presently unknown how the seven remaining prayers were matched with the three Sunday antiphons. The eight morning prayers of the Euchology constitute a rather curious collection of texts. Despite their appellation, Arranz has observed that the prayers rarely speak of the morning per se, but refer to arising from sleep in a manner equally suitable to a nocturnal v i g i l . 4 8 Beyond this common temporal presupposition, several other themes appear repeatedly among the prayers: 1) requests for divine aid to accomplish the act of prayer accompanied by supplication for its acceptance [Prayers 1-8]; 2) consciousness of being in the presence of G o d [1,2, and 4-6] ; and 3) requests for spiritual instruction or illumination [2-4, and 7] 4 9 What is entirely missing from these prayers are the expected direct references to the particular circumstances of their recitation and quotations from the Psalter. 5 0 Whi le a somewhat generic approach to thematic content might be understandable for the prayers paired with variable 4 5 Athens 2061 (f. 23v) entitles the setting for Ps. 118:12 \"OvfiLaTos,\" while Athens 2062 (f. 40r) provides the same verse with the heading \"TOVTO Aiyerai eig TOV OvfiiaTov*1 (\"this [verse] is sung at the censing\"). 4 6 TGE II, 181. Cf. Athens 2061, f. 25r; Athens 2062, f. 43v. 4 7 The days in question are the first Sunday of Lent, Easter Sunday, and the Sunday of Antipascha (\"Low Sunday\" or the Sunday after Easter in English terminology). Cf. TGE II, 21, 92, 108. 4 8 Arranz, \"Les prieres presbyt\u00C2\u00A3rales des matines byzantines,\" 435-36. 4 9 Ibid., 435. 5 0 Arranz has identified possible direct references to the order of \"Sung\" matins only in prayers 1 and 8 of the series, both of which are extremely tenuous and could easily receive alternative interpretations. He suggests that the idea of standing in the presence of the glory of God encountered in the First Morning Prayer could be an oblique reference to Psalm 133 (ibid., 413), while the Eighth Prayer's request for a blessing upon \"our entries and departures\" (cf. I Kings 29:6, Ps. 120:8) might be in preparation for the coming procession into the nave (ibid., 424). 79 antiphons, even the prayer of the first fixed antiphon, although thematically not uncharacteristic for a prayer of introduction to an office, fails to quote a single verse from any of the three accompanying psalms. 5 1 Taken together, these characteristics have led Arranz to suspect that the eight morning prayers of the Euchologies were pre-existent orations for nocturnal vigils of heterogeneous (i.e. urban monastic/cathedral) origin that were later collected within the Constantinopolitan cathedral euchology. 5 2 Further monastic traits may be discerned in the antiphonal psalmody that accompanied the morning prayers. A s we have already seen, continuous psalmody was originally a monastic practice that was adapted for cathedral use beginning in the late fourth century. 5 3 The variable antiphons of the \"Distributed Psalter\" chanted at weekday matins were presumably nothing other than Byzantine equivalents to the 'cathedralised' continuous psalmody prefixed to the Hagiopolite cathedral vigi l witnessed by Egeria. In addition, Arranz has suggested that the invariable unit of three psalms that begin the service may itself be the product of a monastic environment 5 4 Fixed psalmody appropriate to the hour is, of course, normally a characteristic of cathedral liturgy, and it may also be recalled that Psalm 62 is the invariable morning psalm of matins in the Apostolic Constitutions. Nevertheless, Arranz points out that Psalms 3 and 133 are classic nocturnal psalms in other ancient traditions, and that Psalm 62 may alternatively be interpreted as referring to the period before d a w n . 5 5 This leads him to propose that the three fixed psalms of asmatic matins may be a descendent of a pre-matutinal vigi l of psalms and prayers, a view that is indeed consistent with the content of the eight morning prayers. He further suggests the Egyptian monastic synaxis of twelve psalms described by Cass ian 5 6 and 5 1 Ibid., 411-14. 5 2 Ibid., 425. 5 3 Cf. supra, pp. 34-37. 5 4 Arranz, \"Les prieres presbyterales des matines byzantines,\" 411-12. 5 5 Ibid., 412. Cf. Ps. 62: 7, \"ei ep.vT)u6vev6v aov em TT\S OTpcoiivfjs uoif (\"I remembered Thee upon my bed\"). 5 6 Whether an \"Office of the Twelve Psalms\" ever existed in the form given by this church father has been questioned by Taft, who has suggested that Cassian may have conflated various practices that he observed during his stay in Egypt. See The Liturgy of the Hours, 58-62. 80 the weekday psalmody of Egeria's monazontes and parthenae as possible ancestors to the Byzantine cathedral rite's office in the narthex. 5 7 O n reflection, the present author believes that the correct analogy to Byzantine practice is not to be found in purely monastic models, but in the 'cathedralised' prefatory psalmody of the Resurrectional vigi l observed by Egeria. A s in the Jerusalem Sunday vig i l , the celebrants involved in the daily Constantinopolitan office were not monks, but the cathedral's clergy and singers. In addition, the variable antiphons sung at Hagia Sophia were furnished with refrains after the fashion of traditional cathedral psalmody. Moreover, the replacement of the weekday Constantinopolitan office's variable psalmody with a fixed triple antiphon gave the opening portion of asmatic Sunday matins an even stronger cathedral flavour than the corresponding section of the early Hagiopolite v ig i l , which featured psalmody of indeterminate length. A structure of three prayers and psalms analogous to the asmatic series was employed in Jerusalem only for the episcopal service celebrated inside the Anastasis . 5 8 The dominance of a cathedral spirit in the introductory portion of asmatic matins becomes even more evident when its psalmody is subjected to closer scrutiny. According to the notated Antiphonaria, the fixed and variable psalms for the introductory sections of asmatic matins and vespers employed a common format . 5 9 After the penultimate petition of the preceding diaconal litany, a soloist interjects a florid exclamation that establishes the mode, cadential formulas, and refrain of the following psalmodic antiphon. The deacon subsequently concludes the litany, after which the celebrant pronounces the appropriate prayer with its ecphonesis. 6 0 The antiphon proper begins with a f lorid solo rendition of the first verse and 5 7 Arranz, \"Les prieres presbyt&ales des marines byzantines,\" 412. 5 8 Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours, 55. It should also be noted that three-antiphon units of psalms and prayers were pervasively employed in Byzantine cathedral liturgy. Every \"Sung\" office except matins featured such a construction, while stational processions were little more than repetitions of such units. See Miguel Arranz, \"La liturgie des heures selon l'ancien Euchologe byzantin,\" in Eulogia: Miscellanea liturgica in onore di P. BurkhardNeunheuser, Studia Anselmiana 68=Analecta Liturgica 1 (Rome: Editrice Anselmiana, 1979), 10, 17; and Baldovin, The Urban Character, 214-18. 5 9 The Middle Byzantine settings of the Vespers of Pentecost also conform to this order. The texts and rubrics from several sources are printed in Conomos, \"Music for the Evening Office on Whitsunday,\" 460-64. 6 0 It is uncertain from the Middle Byzantine sources whether celebrants still read aloud the entire text of each office prayer, or only sang the final exclamations. As early as the sixth century there is evidence that the prayers of the Byzantine sacraments were being recited silently. See John Meyendorff, \"Continuities and 81 refrain, followed immediately by a repetition of the same text by the first choir in a simpler style. The entry of the first choir signals the start of the stichologia, during which the choruses alternate the remaining verses of the psalm, adding the refrain after every verse. A t the conclusion of the stichologia, the soloist chants a final f lorid refrain. Based on the music of the introduction, this coda is referred to as either aperisse or a diegermos (\"Sieyepfios?\").61 The apparent complexity of asmatic psalmody conceals an antiphonal structure incorporating the ancient urban multiplicity of liturgical roles with prescribed parts for clergy, soloists, choirs, and presumably the laity as well . Although neither of the notated Antiphonaria explicitly call for lay participation in their antiphonal psalms, a Middle Byzantine musical source for the Vespers of Pentecost assigns not only the refrains, but also the psalm verses to the assembly (\"Xaos\").62 In any case, the brevity and constant repetition of the Antiphonarion's refrains would appear to make them well suited to the capabilities of laity. The inner workings of this form and the contribution made by each participant in the ordinary psalmody of the Great Church may be discerned by comparing the following textual outline of the first antiphon of asmatic matins with the corresponding musical setting for Sunday in the first week from Athens 2061 (Example 1): [Deacon: Litany of Peace through the petition 'AvriAa8ov...Tfj of} x tydAAe olov ftovAei elre rd Sua) elre TO KOTO? (\"For the choir, sing whichever you wish, either the setting above or the one below\"). 6 5 The scribe's observation regarding the customary asmatic practice is substantiated by the psalmodic ordinaries of Antiphonaria, in which the vast majority of antiphons employ similar unadorned psalm-tones and refrains. See, for example, the psalm-tones and refrains transcribed in Strunk, \"The Byzantine Office,\" 119, 122,124, 126, 133. a. Sololntonation. i EE 3tz 0 A o ' - fcct. croc \u00E2\u0080\u009E o 0\u00C2\u00A3U* -tu -1 - of b. Choral Psalm-Tone. A u c. Alternate Choral Psalm-Tone. Example 2: The First Antiphon of Monday Matins (MS Athens 2062). 85 repeat after several hearings, the second would appear to be a more fitting congregational response for normal occasions, raising the possibility that the first is a festal variant. These considerations, together with the fact that the cadence of the choral psalm-tone in Example 1 does not prepare the entry of the soloist's refrain, lead one to suspect that the missing Sunday refrain for the first antiphon was relatively short and perhaps considered too familiar to be notated. 6 6 A n alternate repertory of highly elaborate chants for the first antiphon of cathedral matins, previously misidentified as music for the Hexapsalmos of Sabai'tic matins, are transmitted in three copies of the Asma, a thirteenth-century collection of kalophonic chants contained in South-Italian manuscripts. A similar but unfortunately incomplete version of the same antiphon is also appended to the Asmatikon Kastoria 8 from mainland Greece. In each case, the antiphon is presented as a collection of individual psalm verses accompanied by the usual asmatic refrain \"Glory to Thee, O G o d . \" 6 7 The verses occasionally quote syllabic psalm-tones at their openings, but are otherwise through-composed virtuoso pieces employing typical kalophonic techniques of embellishment in various combinations, including textual repetition, highly melismatic passages, and interludes featuring nonsense syl lables . 6 8 Although their exact origins and the rules for their liturgical use are presently unknown, one might conclude on stylistic grounds that these settings of the first antiphon of asmatic matins are cathedral rite precursors to the florid psalmody that flooded the fourteenth-century monastic rite after the musical reforms of John Koukouzeles and his colleagues. 6 9 6 6 Frequently sung chants rarely appear in Byzantine manuscripts. An extreme example of this phenomenon is the early Christian vesper hymn Phos hilaron. Even though Basil referred to this hymn as ancient in the fourth century, the earliest known notated setting is from the seventeenth century. Cf. Kenneth Levy, \"Byzantine rite, music of the,\" The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, vol. 3, ed. Stanley Sadie (London: 1980), 555, 557; Edward V. Williams, \"John Koukouzeles' Reform of Byzantine Chanting for Great Vespers in the Fourteenth Century,\" (Ph.D. diss., Yale University), 403-07. 6 7 Di Salvo's comparative index to the repertory of the Asma (\"Gli asmata,\" 128-31) lists the individual verses contained in three manuscripts, together with their modes. 6 8 Levy provides a short summary of the rise of the kalophonic style in \"Byzantine rite, music of the,\" 559-60. On the interpolation of meaningless syllables, see Dimitri Conomos, Byzantine Trisagia and Cheroubika of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries (Thessalonica: Patriarchal Institute for Patristic Studies, 1974), 262-86. 6 9 See, for example, the settings quoted in Edward V. Williams, \"The Kalophonic Tradition and Chants for the Polyeleos Psalm 134,\" Studies in Eastern Chant 4, ed. MiloS Velimirovid (Crestwood, N.Y.: St. Vladimir's Seminary Press, 1979), 235-41. 86 The first antiphon appears in the Asma at the head of the entire kalophonic collection and is divided into two major sections. After a heading announcing the beginning of the A s m a , 7 0 the first group of verses in each manuscript commences with an elaborate version of the soloist's introductory interjection \"Kai imvo)oa. A6\u00C2\u00A3a ooi, 6 Oeos1\" (Example 3). This is followed in the manuscripts by six additional verses, beginning with Psalm 3: 2 (LXX) . A preliminary comparison of the repertories of Messina gr. 161 and Grottaf errata r. y. VII made for the present study revealed that not only are each of the verses highly individual in their melodic content, but also that the two manuscripts often transmit different musical settings of the same text,7 1 of which the Messina versions are generally the more elaborate. The second group of verses in the Asma are taken from the remaining two psalms of the morning antiphon. Generally less elaborate than their predecessors, they are all set in mode II, traits which are reflected in the headings of Messina gr. 161 (\"Beginning of the Little Verses\") and Grottaf errata r. y. VII (\"Beginning of Mode I I ) 7 2 The first composition in the series is Ps. 62:2 (LXX) , followed by differing numbers of additional verses in each source. Messina gr. 161, however, is the only manuscript to include texts from Psalm 133, inserting two settings before the final two half-verses of Psalm 62. 7 3 Both of these latter compositions begin in the middle of their respective half-verse (Ps. 133: l a and lb) with the same transition from a syllabic psalm tone that was probably employed for the missing opening portions of their texts. After this point, they diverge rapidly, with the setting of verse la continuing in a mildly florid manner not unlike the solo intonations of the Antiphonarion (Example 4), while verse lb commences with a short teretism that prefaces a series of repetitions of the psalm text (Example 5). Following the last of the psalm verses, the musical settings of the Asma 7 0 The title is \" 'Apxfj TOV gofiaTog\" (\"Beginning of the Asma\") in Mess. gr. 161 and Grott. r. y. VII, and vSw 6ec2 TO gaua* (\"With God, the Asma\") in Grott. r.y. VI (Di Salvo, \"Gli asmata,\" 128-29). 7 1 This is also evident from the variations in modal designations in Di Salvo's index (ibid.). 7 2 Ibid. 7 3 The curious placement of Ps. 133 out of sequence in Mess. gr. 161 and its absence in the other two settings of the Asma may be explained by the fact that the South Italian manuscripts were copied for use in a monastic context. Since Ps. 133 has no place at matins in the Palestinian monastic rite, its suppression may be evidence of adaptation for use during the Sabai'tic Hexapsalmos. Example 3: Ps. 3:6a (MS Grottaferrata f. y. VII). 8 8 conclude i n a l l o f the manuscripts w i t h extremely mel ismat ic versions o f the first antiphon's solo c o d a \"A6\u00C2\u00A3a aoi, 6 &e6s\".\" T h e mus ic fo r the first antiphon o f Byzant ine cathedral matins i n K a s t o r i a 8 inc ludes five verses f r o m P s a l m 3 and eight verses f r o m P s a l m 6 2 . 7 4 These are set i n M o d e II and employ a relat ively modest me lod ic i d i o m ak in to that of the \"L i t t le Verses\" o f the South Ital ian manuscripts. T h e character o f these melod ies may be seen f r o m the first verse o f Kasto r ia 8 ( E x a m p l e 6) , w h i c h proves to be a s imp l i f i ed version o f the corresponding setting i n Grottaferrata T. y. V I I . A f t e r the beginning o f P s a l m 62, the chants become even more compact (Examp le 7). D u e to the absence of the manuscript 's final f o l i os , the first ant iphon abruptly concludes i n K a s t o r i a 8 i n the midd le o f Ps. 62:8. A s a result, i t cannot be determined i f verses f r o m P s a l m 133 were or ig ina l ly i nc luded i n the manuscript. 2. Morning Psalmody at the Ambo A s noted above, the Typikon of the Great Church records that the ceremonia l entrance of the l i tu rg ica l assembly into the nave was accompl ished on Sundays dur ing the final verses of P s a l m 1 1 8 . 7 5 In the course o f this procession, the singers w o u l d cross a l l four o f the marble green bands on the f loor of H a g i a Soph ia i n order to assume their proper posit ions at the ambo located i n the eastern hal f o f the nave. A t the same t ime, the various classes o f bel ievers w o u l d assume their usual places i n the nave, aisles, and gal leries of the Great C h u r c h 7 6 A c c o r d i n g to Ma jeska , the ambo of H a g i a Soph ia was complete ly enclosed by the fourth marble band (Figure 2), w h i c h appears to have marked o f f the area restricted to the c l e r g y . 7 7 F r o m the detai led sixth-century descript ion by P a u l Si lent iar ius, i t is apparent that the 7 4 On folios 80v-83v, Kastoria 8 contains the following verses: Ps. 3:6a, 4-7; and Ps. 62: 2, 3a, 4b, 5b, 6b, 7b, 8b. 7 5 T G E II, 181. Cf. supra, p. 78, n. 46. 7 6 The literary sources are not completely consistent regarding the placement of the different classes of laity within Hagia Sophia. A good summary of the arguments advanced by various scholars is given by Rowland J. Mainstone, Hagia Sophia: Architecture, Sturcture and Liturgy of Justinian's Great Church (New York: Thames and Hudson, 1988), 229-30. Cf. Taft, review of Strube, Die westliche Eingangsseite, OCP 42 (1976): 296-303. 7 7 George P. Majeska, \"Notes on the Archeology of St. Sophia: The Green Marble Bands on the Floor,\" DOP 32 (1978): 301, 303. Arguing against the laity's permanent exclusion from this portion of the nave is 89 ^ 0 *\u00C2\u00A3V au - Wf 01 - W ft \" 1*. U\u00C2\u00A3 U\u00C2\u00A3 to. HI M ^ ta at w. at\u00E2\u0080\u0094 -t* a.\u00C2\u00A3\u00E2\u0080\u0094 ict utf\u00E2\u0080\u0094 xt VL -ct -ce. re. Qt - M hf** Example 5: Ps. 133:1b (MS Messina gr. 161). 4* 4 ^ A i r v w - e r a - _ , Q ho - J*-1 ' J P 1 7 n ' a J -01 r - r - - r * i \u00E2\u0080\u0094 n ^ J 1 * 1 * Example 6: Ps. 3:6a (MS Kastoria 8). Example 7: Ps. 62:4b (MS Kastoria 8). Paul Silentiarius's testimony that the faithful pressed around the solea as a priest passed through it on his way to the sanctuary from the ambo (quoted in Mainstone, Hagia Sophia, 229). On the other hand, when the large number of readers and other lower clergy who remained outside of the sanctuary is taken into consideration, it would appear that excluding the congregation from the area behind the fourth band on most occasions would have been eminently practical. 90 \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 * \u00C2\u00BB \u00C2\u00BB \u00C2\u00BB * \u00C2\u00BB * M Green Line Preserved Line of Strip Preserved in Pavement Conjectural Continuation of Strip Figure 2. The placement of the ambo in Hagia Sophia, Constantinople. From George P. Majeska, \"Notes on the Archeology of St. Sophia: The Green Marble Bands on the Floor,\" DOP32(1978) : 301. 91 ambo of Hagia Sophia represented an amplification and elaboration of the two-stair platforms that adorned numerous early churches in Asia Minor . 7 8 It is described as a raised oval platform resting on eight columns that was flanked by matching staircases to the east and west. This structure rested in turn on a wider raised plinth that was bordered by two crescent-shaped barriers, each of which was constructed of four columns connected below by marble parapets and above by an architrave. Two lateral entryways to the ambo are mentioned, one to the southeast and another to the northwest, although there is disagreement among scholars as to whether these doors were in the outer barrier 7 9 or between the columns supporting the central platform. 8 0 Another matter presently in dispute is whether or not the ambo possessed gates to the West. 8 1 In any case, it is generally agreed that at its eastern end the ambo opened onto the solea, a walled passageway leading to the gates of the sanctuary's chancel barrier. 8 2 According to the description of Paul Silentiarius, Hagia Sophia's small professional choir sang from the \"cavern\" underneath the ambo's central platform. 8 3 From rubrics in the Typikon of the Great Church requiring soloists to ascend the ambo, 8 4 Moran has concluded that singers left their ordinary place in the cavern and mounted the ambo's steps at moments of heightened solemnity.8 5 The placement of the larger but less musically accomplished corps of readers, numbering 160 in the novel promulgated by the Emperor Heraclius in the year 612, 8 6 is more difficult to ascertain. The area enclosed by the outer walls of the ambo can be 7 8 Stephen G. Xydis, \"The Chancel Barrier, Solea, and Ambo of Hagia Sophia,\" Art Bulletin 29 (1947): 14-15. 7 9 Xydis, \"The Chancel Barrier,\" 14, 23. 8 0 Neil K. Moran, \"The Musical 'Gestaltung' of the Great Entrance Ceremony in the 12th Century in Accordance with the Rite of Hagia Sophia,\" JOB 28 (1979): 182-84; and idem, Singers in Late Byzantine and Slavonic Painting, 27-28. 8 1 Mainstone, Hagia Sophia, 245. Cf. the works of Moran and Xydis cited in the two preceding notes. 8 2 Majeska, \"The Green Marble Bands,\" 308. 8 3 Moran, Singers, 27-28. 8 4 TGE II, 281. 8 5 Moran, Singers, 28. 8 6 Nov. I, \"TTepi TOV coptopivov elvat TOV dpiOpov TWV KXrjpiKwv rffS dyuoTaTrjg MeydXrjs 'EKKXrptas KajvoTavTLvovrrdXeas Kal rife dyCas OCOTOKOV rffe iv BXaxipvatg Tipapivqs, in pfjv Kal TCOV iv rolg ScfxpiKioig igwqpeTovpivav rfj re etprjpivr} MeydXr) EKKXrpia Kal TU dyiaiTdTqi TTaTpidpxr}.\" Text and commentary in Johannes Konidaris, \"Die Novellen des Kaisers Herakleios,\" chap, in Dieter Simon, ed., Pontes Minores V, Forschungen zur byzantinischen Rechtsgeschichte 8 (Frankfurt am Main: Lowenklau Gesellschaft, 1982), 62-72 [text], 94-100 [commentary]. 92 immediately eliminated, for it would have been much too small to contain so many singers. One possible location may be inferred from the account by the Silentiarius, which mentions an occasion when groups of singers occupied the cathedral's two eastern exedrae.87 Readers placed in the exedrae, however, would have had problems of coordination with the musical director and singers some fifteen-odd meters away in the ambo. It would therefore seem more logical to suppose that the readers were stationed behind the cathedral's fourth green band and somewhere around the ambo's outer parapets. The Benedicite Without further orational introduction, on Sundays and feast days 8 8 the singers began the office in the nave with the second canticle from the Septuagint book of Daniel (3:57-88), referred to in Western liturgical parlance as the Benedicite?9 This song of thanksgiving signaled a general change of mood and substance as the sense of preparation pervading the psalmody sung in the narthex gave way to a traditional cathedral office of morning praise chanted under the magnificent central dome. From the notated Antiphonaria, it would appear that the Hymn of the Three Children was not sung with a refrain other than the one already included in the Biblical text The two Sunday ordinaries of Athens 2061 and the single musical setting of Athens 2062 transmit the same model verse for this canticle: 8 7 Moran (Singers, 28) suggests that this may have been a special formation for the two choirs on occasions when the centre of the church would have been the focus of a coronation or some other extraordinary event. Mainstone (Hagia Sophia, 229), however, maintains that the professional chorus was not included in this formation. 8 8 The Late Byzantine Antiphonaria require the chanting of the Benedicite at every asmatic matins. Outside of the Paschal season, when it also requires this canticle to be sung daily, the Middle Byzantine TGE specifically mentions its use only on certain solemn or festal occasions, leading Mateos to conclude that it was otherwise omitted (TGE I, xxiii-xxiv; II, 296, 309). Although Mateos never explicitly classifies ordinary Sunday matins as ferial or festal, its inclusion of the Great Doxology places it in the latter category. Furthermore, as Taft (\"Mount Athos,\" 189) has pointed out, the Benedicite is a typical Sunday canticle \"right across the traditions\" of Christian liturgy. 8 9 Arranz (\"Les prieres presbytdrales des matines byzantines,\" 409; and \"L'office de l'Asmatikos Orthros,\" 126) groups this canticle with the service sung in the narthex, presumably because it lacks a new prayer separating it from the preceding portion of the matins. The Antiphonaria and the TGE are quite specific, however, that the entrance was made on Sundays during the concluding verses of the Amomos. For this reason, and because of the Benedicite's thematic incompatibility with the prayers recited in the narthex, the present author agrees with Mateos in assigning this canticle to the morning office in the nave (TGE I, xxiii). 93 (| jj ^ J t; 6 f/f/ ii' f. J r C-JT t; f/ ci1 | [ 0 ' l JJ ;N ' J V f . f # j ! ? j Ki .MHIIJ II Example 8: Daniel 3:57 (MS Athens 2061). The first portion of this melody is a choral psalm-tone which would have been applied to the remaining verses as they were performed antiphonally by the choirs, while the second is a refrain suited for congregational use. In a practice not mentioned by the Typikon of the Great Church, the Antiphonaria mandate the chanting of Marian troparion \"He TO dTropdrjTou Telxog,\" cited only by its incipit, at the conclusion of the Benedicite.9,9 The next segment of asmatic Sunday matins consisted of Psalm 50 and its accompanying \"Ninth Prayer of the Fiftieth P s a l m \" 9 0 from the Euchology. Unlike the first eight preceding orations, the Ninth Prayer is, as Arranz has shown, a true \"psalmic prayer.\" 9 1 The Constantinopolitan prayer not only includes many clear references to the biblical text, but also parallels the psalm in its thematic development, progressing from penitence to spiritual renewal. These explicit links to the circumstances of its recitation allow the prayer to be further identified as a traditional cathedral rite text. Although not part of the fourthbcentury Hagiopolite office observed by Egeria, Psalm 50 was a common element of cathedral matins in other Christian rites of East and West, including the early Cappadocian vigi l described by B a s i l 9 2 L ike all the preceding psalms of matins in the Rite of the Great Church, it was chanted in an antiphonal manner with a refrain. Instead of a brief phrase like those encountered previously, a short troparion known as a 8 9 Arranz, \"L'office de l'Asmatikos Orthros,\" 141, 145. 90 \u00C2\u00BB\u00C2\u00A3\u00C2\u00A3xf} TOV N'm 9m in the earliest manuscripts. See ibid., 128. 9 1 Arranz, \"Les prieres presbyterales des matines byzantines,\" 426-28. 9 2 Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours, 41, 212. 94 \"pentekostarion\" 9 4 was intercalated between its verses. The Typikon of the Great Church includes a total of one hundred and thirty-eight proper pentekostaria for the liturgical year to replace an ordinary cycle of these hymns that it assumes but does not prov ide . 9 5 A s Arranz has observed, this relatively modest number of proper pentekostaria offered the faithful the opportunity of memorising the entire festal repertory without great d i f f i cu l ty . 9 6 Having done so, on many occasions they would thus have known the entire festal proper for matins, for the special refrain for Psalm 50 was frequently the only hymn calling attention to the commemoration of the d a y . 9 7 Cycles of ordinary pentekostaria are transmitted in the Late Byzantine Antiphonaria. The two asmatic ordinaries of Athens 2061 include musical settings of pentekostaria for every day of the week except Sunday, for which there are rubrics stating that Psalm 50 was to be sung with the \"pentekostarion of the mode [of the w e e k ] . \" 9 8 Eight Sunday Resurrectional refrains appear without musical notation in an appendix on the last folio of Athens 2061 that appears to have all but escaped the attention of scholars. 9 9 Resembling the weekday texts in their c o n c i s i o n , 1 0 0 they are brief monostrophic statements combining a reference to the Resurrection with personal supplication. These qualities may be seen in the pentekostarion of the fourth plagal mode: 9 4 \" TTevrqKOOTdptov,\" derived from the adjective \"fiftieth\" {\"nevTrfKoaTog\"). 9 5 Arranz, \"L'office de l'Asmatikos Orthros,\" 148-53, 155. On the Sunday before Lent (Cheesefare Sunday), the TGE (II, 8) gives the text of two proper pentekostaria after a rubric stating that they are to follow an unspecified resurrectional refrain. 9 6 Arranz, \"L'office de l'Asmatikos Orthros,\" 155. 9 7 Ibid., 147; cf. TGE II, 324. 9 8 E.g. \"Els 8e TOV N\u00C2\u00B0v TO TIevrr}KO \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 To <^UJJ_ : + L... Example 9: Pentekostarion for Saturday (MS Athens 2062). Ko-ytx- ej' Ttt ^ ei-X*l /icv a-vet- ^ K a l t o j . J> j J \u00C2\u00BB p j . J ' j> j J . J > J . \u00C2\u00A3 ? j J> j J1 J> j I p .P MffwJ* \" Vim \u00E2\u0080\u0094 \u00E2\u0080\u0094 1 v c v j * \u00E2\u0080\u0094 - \u00E2\u0080\u0094 i. ^ t ' \u00E2\u0080\u0094 ^ ~ I \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 (J P l^P j * P P ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ J > ^ P J 1 ^ |(i v o 69e- et; t^n c- ^ ou-Si-vw-cTti. Example 10: Ps. 50:17-19 (MS Athens 2062). 97 antiphonal psalmody.104 For the three psalms themselves, the Antiphonaria provide just a few model melodies for the opening verse of Psalm 148 and its refrain \"Sol irperreL uptuog 6 \u00C2\u00A9edg\" (\"To Thee, O God, is due a hymn\") scattered about their weekday ordinaries, suggesting that their settings may have been considered too well-known to warrant notated transmission with every office. Although the Sunday settings include only unnotated rubrics for Lauds, it is possible that the three psalms were sung according to one or more of the melodies chanted on other days of the week. The style of these settings may be seen from Example 11, which presents the model chant for the asmatic matins of Saturday from Athens 2062. After an introductory formula, the remainder of Psalm 148: lb and the refrain are set in a syllabic style similar to that already encountered in the opening antiphons of matins.105 A second cathedral tradition of music for Lauds is found in such Late Byzantine Akolouthiai as Vienna Theol. gr. 185. These musical manuscripts include two series of model melodies for Psalms 148-50 in all eight modes, one of which contains chants labeled \"TOVTO Se ipdXAerai eig ra pouacmjpia\" (\"of the monks\") and the other\" KadoXiKov\" (\"cathedral\").106 Both sets feature the same neumatic musical idiom and even, in some cases when their texts coincide, identical passages. Each series, however, employs a different text for its intonation. The chants of the monastic group are prefixed with Ps. 150:6, a usage which is familiar from the modem Byzantine Divine Office. The cathedral chants, on the other hand, are prefaced by Ps. 148: lb and the asmatic refrain \"Sol npeirei upvog, 6 Beog,\" a combination of texts encountered above in the model melody for asmatic Saturday matins.107 As can be seen from the setting in the fourth authentic mode (Example 12), this prefatory section is set in a more expansive manner than the second portion of the chant, which includes 1 0 4 Arranz, \"Les prieres presbytdrales des matines byzantines,\" 428-30. 1 0 5 Arranz (\"L'office de l'Asmatikos Orthros,\" 139\u00E2\u0080\u009441) substitutes the refrain given by the PG edition of Symeon's liturgical commentary (\"Zoi npenei vpvos, rtp &eq?) for the version in the musical manuscripts. 1 0 6 A similar double series is contained in Athens 2622 (f. 138v-140r), which gives precedence to the monastic chants by writing out only the monks' music in full in cases where the two traditions feature the same passage. Another group of Akolouthiai contain the two groups of Lauds chants, but downgrades the cathedral melodies to performance on ferial weekdays. Manuscripts featuring this second system of classification include Koutloumousi 457 (c. 1360-85) on folios 100r-102v, and Iviron 1120 (\"1458\") on folios 411r-413v. 1 0 7 Athens 2622 gives the refrain in its alternate form \"Uol Trperret vpvog, r < \u00C2\u00A3 0eij5.\" Example 11: Incipit for Saturday Lauds (MS Athens 2062). Example 12: \"Cathedral\" Incipit for Lauds in Mode IV (MS Vienna Theol. gr. 185). 99 T A B L E 3 A S M A T I C R E F R A I N S F O R P S A L M S 148-50 Typikon of San Salvatore di Messina (1131) Symeon of Thessalonica On Divine Prayer (Early 15th c.) Ps. 148:1-6 Sol npinet vpvog, 6 Oeog. At Ps. 148:1 Sol npenei vpvog, rcj) OeQ. Ps. 148:7-11 Aore Sogav T(2 Oe$. Ps. 148:7-13a Aore 8d\u00C2\u00A3av T<2 6ea>. Ps. 148:12-14 AVT& Trpenei aiveoig. At Ps. 148:13b AVT

E 1' P E T 7 f F D A r A r K vwv 'A -Example 13: \"Glory be to the Father...\" and \"Both now and ever.. .\" ( M S Athens 2062). fSOv A ^ 6 - iny Xf ft ft J\u00C2\u00BB p s>1 j> p > , f j ' ; > j 1 .p j ^ , h j * 1 ^ 0 A w - n - e r r o r o y t - 8 y i a - V a - K t ^ - r a t - Jj ^-xl-pa K-Vt-r ^ \u00E2\u0080\u0094 O * ^ \u00E2\u0080\u009E - -Example 15: Entrance Chant of the Clergy (MS Vienna Theol. gr. 185). 0 ril 7 .:+ .Example 16: Solo Coda o f \" TTrepeuAoyqfievi] vnapx^tg-\" (MS Athens 2062). 104 priests as being in the sanctuary,1 2 5 implying that their introit procession had already taken place. The Vienna manuscript, on the other hand, records that the priests accomplished their entrance while singing the troparion. 1 2 6 In either case, the clergy leave the hymn uncompleted, allowing the domestikos of the choir to end the hymn in the style with which it began (Example 16). The division of labour between cantors and clergy observed in the \" 'TTrepeuXoynp-evn virdpxeiS'\" is maintained in the succeeding Great Doxology. A reader bearing a processional cross ascends the ambo to proclaim Gloria in excelsis (Example 17). 1 2 7 The domestikos then responds from the choir with a more florid setting of the same text that concludes with what appears to be a solo coda (Example 18). 1 2 8 In a manner reminiscent of the preceding troparion, the solo of the domestikos cues a syllabic continuation of the Great Doxology by the priests, who subsequently chant the remainder of the canticle (Example 19). 1 2 9 Elements of the Antiphonarion's order for the Great Doxology are transmitted in the two surviving Asmatika from mainland Greece. Both of these manuscripts lack the syllabic psalm-tones or extensive fabrication of the Late Byzantine manuscripts, and Kastoria 8 provides only a less melismatic version of the domestikos's intonation \"A6\u00C2\u00A3a iv udiLoroLs-\u00C2\u00A9eqj.\" Lavra T.3 is somewhat more complete, including three items from the later order under the heading\" Tfj KuptaKfj npwi, and x\u00C2\u00B0P\u00C2\u00B0v\" (\"On Sunday Morning, by the choir\"). The first chant is a more restrained variant of the solo introduction to\" 'TTrepevXoynpevn virdpxets'\" (Example 20), and is followed by an earlier recension of the double intonation to 1 2 5 \"Oi iepelg evrbs TOV flTJpaTog\" f. 50v. 1 2 6 \"EiooSevovTai oi iepelg Xeyovres ovTLog- OeoroKe napdeve...\" (\"The priests enter singing: O Virgin Theotokos...\"), f. 50v. 1 2 7 E.g. Athens 2062, f. 50v: \"Kai dvepxerat 6 dvayvajorr^ els TOV dp/3cov perd TO aravpdv, Kai iictptovei OVTOJS' A6\u00C2\u00A3a ev uptoToig- 6ec3.\" 1 2 8 The rubric governing the coda employs an abbreviation in all three manuscripts consulted, making it difficult to determine whether the intended text is \"6 Sopeanicos' SirrXaoLdCei\" (\"the domestikos doubles\") or \"o Sextos \SopeoTLKos1 xoposl\ SmXaoidCei\" (\"the second (domestikos? choir?) doubles\"). It is also uncertain whether the \"doubling\" singer(s) is(are) to take over the melody, or merely to join in with those already chanting. 1 2 9 The incipit in Example 19 is taken from Athens 2061. The same music occurs in Athens 2062 and Vienna Theol. gr. 185, but with the omission of the words \"' So&XoyoOuev oe,\" which are replaced by the next phrase of the Gloria (\"evxapcoToDpev OOL\"). In the latter manuscript, a second hand has added the correct words below \"evxapLOTovpiv OOL.\" I 105 ^Kai dvepxerai 6 dvayvu>o~TT}s els TOV djifiov jiera TOV aravpov mi eKcpwvel OVTCOS' A r y d /Ao - \u00C2\u00A3a W 6 -\"V- Gt - \u00C2\u00A3 co a, y u w Example 17: Intonation of the Reader (MS Athens 2062). E + d a. a i d as a ae Z2 r_sL )Ln ^ (1) oo n M l - r - n p, i \u00E2\u0080\u0094 \u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u00A2 * * * y , * J - 1 t o Example 18: Intonation of the Domestikos (MS Athens 2062). 12\u00E2\u0080\u0094 \u00C2\u00A3\u00E2\u0080\u00A2> b ' ' F [/ [/ v v l> f X / T ' . r\ . \u00E2\u0080\u0094 \u00E2\u0080\u0094 \u00E2\u0080\u0094 \u00E2\u0080\u0094 . - \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 Example 19: Chant of the Priests (MS Athens 2061). f.^yn * A o A ; | | , ^ P L i i j , l L j^ ,J> ; J ^ J / P J ' J ' f l f ; J J f i 0 .yyj_ ; v-tcp ' Example 20 : \" TnepeuAoynfiei'n UTrdpxets-\" in the Asmatikon M S Lavra r. 3. i . Intonation of the Monophonarios> SHIv - r A 9* - o -* M ? \u00E2\u0080\u0094 N K \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 * \u00E2\u0080\u0094 r \u00E2\u0080\u0094 * 6 \u00E2\u0080\u0094 u fa h N \u00C2\u00B0 trr A A_ y -i \" t-C & >4 r i> p-^ n /TV y 6 & Cr r r p - rj - ere/ r\ - a(kzoTd\u00C2\u00A3(i)\" translated in the Liddel and Scott Intermediate Greek-English Lexicon as \"to raise, lift up or carry.\" 1 4 2 E.g. the Vespers of the Holy Cross in Athens 2062, f. 55r and the Vespers of Easter in Vienna Theol. gr. 185, f. 290v. On the music of asmatic vespers, see the present author's study \"Festal Cathedral Vespers in Late Byzantium.\" Conomos (Byzantine Trisagia and Cheroubika, 66-67,69-72) has also transcribed variants of the same two chants from the heterogeneous collection of Trisagia in the Vienna MS, in which the first is labeled the \"asmatikon of Easter Sunday,\" and the second simply \"asmatikon.\" 143 T G E n, 93-94 1 4 4 TGE 11,96. I l l nor the early Euchologies make any provision for an ordinary Sunday cycle of post-Doxology hymns, it would seem likely that the two Resurrectional hymns were appended to the Great Doxology some time after the tenth century. The case for viewing the Resurrectional Troparia as later additions to asmatic Sunday matins is strengthened by differences between the Middle and Late Byzantine versions of these chants. Lavra r3 and Kastoria 8, the two Asmatika from mainland Greece, contain related settings of \"Today Salvation\" and \"Rising from the Tomb.\" 1 4 5 Each includes music for the complete text of the hymn and an accompanying GloriaPatri in the characteristic semi-florid style of the Asmatikon (Example 24). The Late Byzantine Antiphonaria and Akolouthiai, on the other hand, transmit an order for the Resurrectional Troparia that continues the pattern of alternation between choir and clergy established in the Great Doxology and its preceding Marian troparion. The domestikos at the ambo begins the troparion with a polysyllabic modal intonation,146 after which the choir147 enters to intone the first verse of the hymn (Example 25). These choral introductions\u00E2\u0080\u0094which are in the same modes as the corresponding settings in the Asmatika, upon which they appear to have been based\u00E2\u0080\u0094once again act as a prelude to a syllabic rendition by the priests from within the sanctuary (Example 26).148 After the completion of the hymn, the domestikos intones a GloriaPatri in the melodic style of the choral intonation,149 followed by a repetition of the troparion by the priests. The domestikos 1 4 5 None of the South-Italian manuscripts inventoried by Di Salvo (\"Asmatikon,\" 144-53) include the two Sunday troparia. 1 4 6 All three manuscripts consulted lack a notated polysyllabic intonation before the first choral verse of \"Today Salvation.\" Such omissions are not uncommon in Byzantine musical manuscripts, because the modal signature at the outset of a piece is itself a form of shorthand for the intonation. The relationship between intonations and signatures was first clearly demonstrated in Oliver Strunk, \"Intonations and Signatures of the Byzantine Modes,\" The Musical Quarterly 31 (1945): 339-55; repr. as chap, in EMB W, 19-36. 1 4 7 Athens 2062 (f. 51v) contains the instruction \"oAoi\" (\"everybody\") at this point. 1 4 8 One peculiarity of the order is that the syllabic rendition begins at different points in the texts of the two troparia. Athens 2061 (f. 118r) and Vienna Theol gr. 185 (f. 1 lOv) direct the higher clergy to continue the text of \"Rising from the Tomb\" after the intonation as in the previous chants, but have them repeat the opening line of text in \"Today Salvation,\" the shorter of the two texts (Athens 2061, f. 118v; Vienna Theol. gr. 185, f. 112r). 1 4 9 The three musical sources examined for the present study and the two studied by Trempelas (Mixpoi/ EvxoAoyiov, II, 200-02) contain neither music nor rubrics for the second half of the Trinitarian doxology. Since it is highly unlikely that the text \"Both now and ever...\" would have been omitted, the preceding cadential figure may have cued either the choir\u00E2\u0080\u0094which could have subsequently chanted the entire troparion in the manner of the Asmatika\u00E2\u0080\u0094or the second domestikos to conclude the text before the next musical entry of the higher clergy. b. Zrjfiepoy aoornpia TOJ Koapup. i 1 7 v-/ ^ \u00E2\u0080\u0094; )\u00E2\u0080\u0094 f>\" ~ oo - ov aio - o>] - - \u00C2\u00AB tT\u00C2\u00BB0 CiJ{ t-u> k - va - r Ktii^ r 1 1 (I f oo - y y Example 24: Resurrectional Troparia of the Asmatikon M S Lavra T. 3 (Incipits Only) . 113 a. 'Awards \u00C2\u00A3K TOV pvrjpaTos (MS Vienna Theol. gr. 185). A /fllOr lit Sou-^b. Zrjpepov acoTiipia rod Koopcp (MS Athens 2062). -/ n fc. a- v T2~Q fa \u00C2\u00A3 te >k T \" rr*f *\u00E2\u0080\u00944 \" r y * a, ^ * r * lj>f r i v f i r ' i f K ^ ' , f j ^ ^ f g . f L f f I ' M / i II ^ - pit p6 yJt 0 CM\u00E2\u0080\u0094 OV. <=j r__2_ A^. ^ \ {Example 25: Resurrectional Troparia of the Akolouthiai. Kai oi iepeig TO avro, Kai TO 'AvaoT&s. If'-\t J> J> j ' |\u00C2\u00BB J . J> J> J g \" V - =\"* * C T Sf-yw \u00E2\u0080\u00A2fo'/ow -r\u00C2\u00BB]-/X - a. TU) K -^/\"}*--Example 26: Incipit of the Priests' Melody for Zrjpepov acoTr/pta ( M S Athens 2062). 114 then sings a modified recapitulation of the initial intonation in \"a louder voice,\" followed by a recapitulation of the choral introduction. During the singing of the chant, the clergy within the sanctuary kiss the Gospel lectionary and ascend the synthronon. Blessing the congregation below, the priests conclude the form in a louder voice with a final and presumably syllabic rendition of the t ropar ion. 1 5 0 3 . The Service in the Sanctuary The Prokeimenon and Resurrectional Gospel The final component of the long sequence of chants that began with Lauds, and the last major musical form of the \"Sung\" office of Sunday matins, was the prokeimenon, a responsorial psalm that frequently has been compared (somewhat inaccurately) to the Latin G r a d u a l . 1 5 1 M S Barberini 336, the earliest Constantinopolitan Euchology, is the first source to attest to the chanting of a prokeimenon after the matutinal Trisagion and accession of the clergy to the sanctuary. 1 5 2 The Middle Byzantine chant books of Hagia Sophia transmit a weekly cycle of fixed prokeimena for the daily office and are unanimous in designating Ps. 9:33 as the invariable psalm response of Sunday m a t i n s . 1 5 3 The Psaltikon contains the solo portions of this chant, which consist of an initial rendition of the first two-thirds of the isu Vienna Theol. gr. 185 and Athens 2622, the latter of which is one of the manuscripts examined by Trempelas in the study cited in the preceding note, follow the asmatic order for the Great Doxology with a double series of four syllabic incipits for each of the two troparia. These incipits are arranged by mode into an Octoechos. The rubrics prior to these settings state that the appropriate version should be chosen in accordance with the mode of the week. The musical identity of the Mode Plagal I incipit in the Vienna manuscript with the priests' incipit in Athens 2062 may be interpreted as evidence that the syllabic rendition by the clergy was chanted in the fourteenth century according to the Palestinian Oktoechos. Alternatively, these incipits could be simpler monastic substitutes for the fixed asmatic order of the Resurrectional Troparia analogous to the syllabic Sunday prokeimena (see below, p. 120). 1 5 1 E.g. Levy, \"Byzantine Rite, music of the,\" 556. This analogy is more or less accurate for the prokeimena of the Divine Liturgy, which, like their Latin counterparts, are melismatic responsorial chants for the Liturgy of the Word. As Harris (\"The Byzantine prokeimena,\" 133) has rightly pointed out, this analogy breaks down with the office prokeimena, many of which are chanted independently of scriptural readings. He therefore suggests that the etymology of the word \"prokeimenon,\" which indicates something that precedes, might be explained by the initial performance of the respond prior to its repetition during the stichologia, rather than by the position of the entire prokeimenon before a reading. In any case, Mateos (Lacelebration, 11-13,133-34) has noted a structural affinity with the Roman responsorium. 1 5 2 Arranz, \"Les prieres presbyterales des matines byzantines,\" 67; and idem, \"L'office de l'Asmatikos Orthros,\" 129. 1 5 3 On the contents of Middle Byzantine repertory of prokeimena, see Harris, \"The Byzantine prokeimena,\" 134-41; and the major study by Hintze, Das byzantinische Prokeimena-Repertoire. 115 response (Example 27), followed by two verses (Ps. 9:2 and 9:3) intended for performance before recapitulations of the r e f r a i n . 1 5 4 This music is complemented in the Asmatikon by a doche (Sox if),155 an elaborate choral setting of the ful l text of the psalm response. 1 5 6 A s Harris has proposed, the dochai of the Asmatikon were probably not intended for performance after each verse, but seem to have been a final variant refrain (perisse) that substituted for an unwritten congregational respond on its final recapitulation. 1 5 7 In Late Byzantine musical manuscripts, the material formerly divided between the Psaltikon and the Asmatikon is combined into a single sequence. According to the Thessalonian Akolouthiai Vienna gr. Theol. 185 and Athens 2622, the reader intoned the prokeimenon from the ambo by chanting a plainer version of the first half of the Psaltikon's initial solo chant, followed by similarly abridged settings of the two psalm verses (Example 28). These solo chants are followed in the manuscripts by two refrains: a relatively unadorned choral response (Example 2 9 ) , 1 5 8 and a moderately more elaborate version designated as the doche (Example 30), thus offering support for Harris's hypothesis that the doche was the perisse for a simpler r e f r a i n . 1 5 9 1 5 4 Transcription with critical apparatus in Hintze, Das byzantinische Prokeimena-Repertoire, 146-7; 231-32. 1 5 5 Harris (\"The Byzantine prokeimena,\" 135) suggests that this technical term was derived from the verb SexopoL (\"to receive\") and probably meant \"respond.\" 1 5 6 Hintze (Das byzantinische Prokeimena-Repertoire, 147-49; 232-33) transcribes asmatic dochai from Lavra T.3, Kastoria 8, and Grottaf errata r.y.l. 157 \"jhg Byzantine prokeimena,\" 145-46. 158 T n e cadence of this refrain on \"F\" in Vienna Theol. gr. 185 raises the question of the prokeimenon's modality. Since Athens 2622 (f. 145v) gives a variant version of this simple refrain set a third higher, this particular case of ambiguity might be explained purely as a scribal errror caused by an incorrect initial signature. Nevertheless, there seems to be a broader conflict between \"F\" and \"E\" modes for this prokeimenon. In the Psaltikon and Asmatikon, Psalm 9:33 is set in the Second Plagal Mode, while the cycle of the Oktoechos assigns the same text to Mode Barys (the Third Plagal). The versions contained in the Akolouthiai for the asmatic order of the Great Doxology are less consistent. The initial signature of Barys prefaces the reader's intonation of the prokeimenon (Example 28), but the verses and refrains bear the signature of the Second Plagal. 1 5 9 The Late Byzantine dochai are much simpler than the settings from the Asmatika transcribed by Hintze, which include kalophonic passages on nonsense syllables. The true successors to the longer Middle Byzantine dochai for the Sunday prokeimenon are the even more extravagant compositions by John Koukouzeles and his colleagues that follow the doche in Akolouthia manuscripts. On these Late Byzantine kalophonic works, see infra, pp. 263-65. 116 Example 27: Ps. 9:33 in the Tradition of the Psaltikon (Vaticanus gr. 345 (13th c.), f. H O v ; after Gisa Hintze, Das byzantinische Prokeimena-Repertoire: Untersuchungen , und kritische Edition, Hamburger Beitrage zur Musikwissenschaft 9 (Hamburg: Verlag der Musikalienhandlung Kar l Dieter Wagner, 1973), p. 146). \u00E2\u0080\u00A2if i m i ' M - M n t i f r i u u f n n j i p r ^ 'ssa\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0094s\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0094/,. \u00E2\u0080\u0094 \u00E2\u0080\u0094 J CZJ *\u00E2\u0080\u00A2 / T V / C \ f t Example 28: Solo Intonation for Ps. 9:33 in the Tradition of the Akolouthiai (MS Vienna Theol . gr. 185). am xopov OVVOTTTIKOV deooa\oviKa(ov~; xr) TOV evayyeXCov TOV dpQpov. Aet 8i ytvdoKeiv on avrr) r\ evxr) iv TT} peydXn i/ocXr/aia ov yiveTar dXX iv Tats XoinaLS\" iv ails iierd rr)v c ' OJ8T)V XiyeTat TO ayiov evayyiXiov Kara Tag imafjpovs TCOV iopTojv.163 A prayer for the gospel of matins. One should note that this prayer is not recited in the Great Church, but in the remaining [churches], in which the Holy Gospel is said after the sixth ode on feast days. The \"sixth ode\" in question is a segment of the kanon, a complex of biblical canticles and poetic troparia sung at Palestinian matins,164 indicating that this prayer was proper only to the mixed Studite monastic rite. A third stage of development is apparent in the manuscript Grottaf errata T.fi. II, a cathedral rite Euchology of the eleventh or twelfth century containing an order matching that of the musical manuscripts.165 In this Euchology, the gospel prayer appears without the earlier disclaimer after the Prayer of Lauds under the heading \"Evxu Xeyopivov TOV evayyeXtov TOV opdpov\" (\"A prayer said for the Gospel of matins\").166 The complete integration of the morning gospel into asmatic matins is further indicated by the presence of two new orations for the celebrant's accession to the synthronon that embellish the newly stabilised rite with additional cathedral ceremonial in a manner that Arranz finds consistent with the logic of the office.167 1 6 2 Idem, \"L'office de l'Asmatikos Orthros,\" 128,134; and idem, \"Les prieres presbytdrales des marines byzantines,\" (I) 425-26, (II) 69\u00E2\u0080\u009470. Cf. the eucharistic text in Panagiotes Trempelas, Al rpeis- Aeirovpyiai /card rote if 'AGrji/ais /aJSi/cag(Athens: 1935; repr. ed., Athens: Soter Brotherhood of Theologians, 1982) 53-54. 1 6 3 Arranz, \"L'office de l'Asmatikos Orthros,\" 128. 1 6 4 On the history and structure of the kanon, see Levy, \"Byzantine rite, music of the,\" 558; and Wellesz, A History, 198-239. 1 6 5 Arranz, \"Les prieres presbyterales des marines byzantines,\" (I) 425, (II) 68. 1 6 6 Idem, \"L'office de l'Asmatikos Orthros,\" 128. Arranz also cites two other manuscripts employing this order within the full asmatic cursus: Athens 662 (12th c.) and Oxford Bodleian Auct. E 513 (12th c, from the monastery of San Salvatore di Messina). See \"Asmatikos Orthros,\" 124, 128, 134; and \"Les prieres presbyteYales des marines byzantines,\" 68-69. 1 6 7 Arranz, \"L'office de l'Asmatikos Orthros,\" 136. Unique to Grottaferrata r.p. II, the texts of these prayers are published with French translations in ibid., 129. 119 The evidence from the Euchologies indicating the introduction of a gospel lection to \"Sung\" matins sometime in the tenth or eleventh century is supported by the witness of the tenth-century Typikon of the Great Church. According the main text of the Typikon, the only Gospel appointed for recitation after the Great Doxology occurred on Holy Saturday, when it was preceded by a troparion, two other scriptural readings with accompanying prokeimena (one of which is the fixed Sunday text Ps. 9:33 with three, rather than the usual two verses) and, as at the Divine Liturgy, an A l l e l u i a . 1 6 8 Cycles of gospel readings for Sunday and festal matins, completely absent in Patmos 266, are relegated to a series of appendices i n Hagios Stavros 40. The Sunday gospels are the eleven Resurrectional readings familiar from modem Byzantine m a t i n s , 1 6 9 but their accompanying responsories clearly reflect the influence of monastic usages. This is most evident from the inclusion of the invariable pre-Gospel respond \"TTdoa TTvofj, aiveodro) rbv Kvpiov\" (\"Let everything that has breath praise the Lord , \" Ps. 150:6) from Palestinian matins before each per icope , 1 7 0 but may also be observed in the replacement of the fixed Sunday response of the musical manuscripts with an oktoechal cycle of ten prokeimena that are somewhat awkwardly attached to the first eight gospels. These latter responsories are the eight Resurrectional texts of the Sabai'tic Oktoechos, with the addition of alternate prokeimena for the seventh and eighth of the readings of the series . 1 7 1 Except for the first prokeimenon for Mode Barys, which shares its text with the fixed Sunday prokeimenon of the Asmatikon and Psaltikon, these ten Sunday prokeimena have no precedent i n the Middle Byzantine musical sources. 1 7 2 1 6 8 TGE II, 82. 1 6 9 According to the TGE (II, 170-74), the eleven readings are: Matthew 28:16-20; Mark 16:1-8; Mark 16:9-20; Luke 24:1-12; Luke 24:21-35; Luke 24:36-53; John 20:1-10; John 20:11-18; John 20:19-31; John 21:1-14; John 21:14-25. Cf. N. Michael Vaporis, ed. and trans., The Service of Sunday Orthros (Brookline, Mass.: Holy Cross Orthodox Press, 1991), 61-73. 1 7 0 TGE II, 171. 1 7 1 TGE II, 170-72. The additional texts are Ps. 147:1, 2+lb for Mode Barys, and Ps. 131:8, l-2+8bfor Mode Plagal IV. Another unusual feature is the occurrence of an akroteleution of the respond after the verse in prokeimena 5-8 of the series. This may be yet another indication of an attempt to adapt Palestinian material to asmatic liturgical patterns. 1 7 2 Harris, \"The Byzantine prokeimena,\" 140-42. 120 As late as the fourteenth century, the Sunday prokeimena of the Oktoechos are presented as alien to the asmatic order for the Great Doxology, for Akolouthiai containing this ceremony follow the Asmatikon and Psaltikon in designating Ps. 9:33 as the invariable Sunday responsory.173 In a manner recalling the Middle Byzantine Typikon Hagios Stavros 40, the order of the Great Doxology in Vienna gr. Theol. 185 and Athens 2622 is followed by an appendix containing notated incipits for the matutinal prokeimena of the Oktoechos, together with ei ght matching musical settings of the invariable Sabaitic respond\" TJaoa rrvorj. \" The prokeimena are syllabic, matching neither the style nor the melodies of the Asmatikon and Psaltikon, and a heading in the Vienna manuscript makes their non-asmatic provenance explicit: LJpoKeiiieva. dvaordoipa- driva Xeyovrai Kara Kvpia/cr)v ore Xeyerai TO ayiov EvayyeXtov fierd rous1 dva.8adp.ovs tear' r)xov.114 Resurrectional prokeimena which are sung on Sundays when the Holy Gospel is recited after the Resurrectional antiphons of the Oktoechos (anavathmoi) according to the [musical] mode [of the day]. This is the order for the Sunday gospel in the Neo-Sabai'tic monastic rite, in which the reading immediately follows the anavathmoi or morning antiphons of the Oktoechos.175 Since these chants were still being presented as foreign elements as late as the fourteenth century, it is therefore highly unlikely that Psalm 150:6 or the Sunday prokeimena contained in the appendix of Hagios Stavros 40 were ever employed in a cathedral context. Litanies and Prayers After the completion of the Gospel of the Resurrection, the asmatic service of Sunday matins concluded without further psalmody. The final portion of the office was instead constructed around a series of presidential prayers that were punctuated by diaconal litanies and 1 7 3 Mateos (\"Quelques problemes, 214-215), evidently unaware of the contents of the Middle Byzantine repertory of prokeimena, dismisses Ps. 9:33 as a Palestinian import and suggests that the troparia \"Today Salvation\" and \"Rising from the Tomb\" were the original Constantinopolitan gospel responds. While the matins of Holy Saturday (TGE II, 82) provide a precedent for troparia after the Great Doxology, the Barberini Euchology is a clear witness to the singing of a prokeimenon after the Trisagion in the period prior to the introduction of the resurrectional gospel. 1 7 4 Vienna gr. Theol. 185, f. 117v. Athens 2622 gives similar instructions on f. 152r. 1 7 5 On the anavathmoi, see infra, p. 146. The order of Neo-Sabai'tic matins is discussed infra, pp. 157-67. 121 commands. The first prayer recited was for the catechumens, candidates for Christian initiation who had formed a separate group within the liturgical assembly during Late Antiquity, but who had ceased to exist as a class sometime in the seventh century.176 Probably due both to the dearth of catechumens, and to the fact that supplications were also made on their behalf at the Divine Liturgy on eucharistic days,177 several of the early Euchologies contain instructions limiting the recitation of the Prayer of the Catechumens and the following two Prayers of the Faithful to eight days each year.178 The prayers for the catechumens and the faithful are followed in the Euchologies by two prayers that offer parallels in their function and general approach to the First and Second Morning Prayers of the Apostolic Constitutions.179 Entitled in the Barberini Euchology \"A Prayer of Dismissal,\"180 the first of the Constantinopolitan prayers occurs after the litany of dismissal \"Let us complete our morning supplication,\" to which it is textually unrelated.181 Distilling the entire thrust of the daily morning cathedral office and permeated by the theme of light, it combines thanksgiving to God for safe passage through the night with supplications for grace and spiritual illumination during the coming day. The final oration of asmatic matins is a 'prayer of inclination' recited by the celebrant over the bowed heads of the congregation as a benediction before the people's departure. Similar texts occur at the end of every Byzantine office, and correspond to the prayers with imposition of hands in such Late Antique sources as Egeria and the Apostolic Constitutions.182 1 7 6 Taft, review of Strube, Die westliche Eingangsseite, OCP 42 (1976): 301. 1 7 7 Arranz, \"L'office de l'Asmatikos Orthros,\" 135. 1 7 8 Ibid., 129\u00E2\u0080\u009430. The rubric in question reports that during the four weeks immediately prior to the beginning of Lent, these prayers were said only on two (Tuesday and Thursday) of the three days of the week (Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday) when the\" 12 prokeimena\" were chanted. Arranz does not identity these \" 12 prokeimena,\" and the present author has not been able to determine their provenance or their texts. 1 7 9 Arranz, \"Les prieres presbyterales des marines byzantines,\" 435. 180 *Evxr) fjyow diroXvaig.\" Other manuscripts surveyed by Arranz employ variant forms of this heading. See \"L'office de l'Asmatikos Orthros,\" 132. 1 8 1 Idem, \"Les prieres presbyte\"rales des marines byzantines,\" 430-33. 1 8 2 Ibid., 433-35. Cf. supra, p. 31. 122 Conclusion With the information gained from the preceding survey of the musical and textual surface of asmatic Sunday matins, it is now possible to refine some of the general observations made about this Byzantine cathedral office at the outset of the present chapter. With regard to the structural framework of the service, the musical manuscripts have revealed that the asmatic order of the Resurrectional Gospel gradually came to obscure the tripartite division of asmatic matins by overlapping the portions of the service celebrated in the nave and in the sanctuary with increasing amounts of chant and ceremonial. From its absence in the Barberini Euchology and its peripheral status in the next stratum of Byzantine cathedral rite documents, it may be concluded that the Gospel lection itself was introduced sometime after the eight century under Palestinian influence.183 Prior to this, as indicated by Barberini 336 and the main text of the Typikon of the Great Church, the dividing line between the services in the nave and the sanctuary was clearly marked by the accession of the clergy during the Trisagion of the Great Doxology. As was also the case with asmatic vespers, the prokeimenon was the only psalmody in the final segment of the office, which was otherwise devoted to prayers and litanies. The insertion of a Sunday morning gospel into the \"Sung\" Office seems to have initiated the accretion of auxiliary forms that would endow the weekly proclamation of the Resurrection with the proper degree of solemnity. This process of adaptation and embellishment apparently began with the importation of the resurrectional gospel reading and the Prayer of the Gospel from the Divine Liturgy, followed later by the creation of other prayers and chants in accordance with cathedral rite norms, examples of which have been seen in the Euchology Grottaferrata T.8. II and the two Asmatika from mainland Greece. In the latter musical sources, \"Today Salvation\" and \"Rising from the tomb,\" two texts listed as pentekostaria by the tenth-century Typikon of the Great Church, are found transformed from 1 8 3 The origins of the Byzantine cycle of eleven Resurrectional gospel lections in the urban liturgy of Jerusalem are shown in Sebastia Janeras, \"I vangeli domenicali della resurrezione nelle tradizioni liturgiche agiopolita e bizantina,\" in G. Farnedi, ed., Paschale Mysterium: Studi in memoria delVAbate Prof. Salvatore Marsili (1910-1983), Analecta liturgica 12=Studiaanselmiana 99 (Rome: 1988), 55-69. 123 psalmodic refrains into independent works set in the melismatic idiom reserved for Hagia Sophia's most solemn choral chants. B y the fourteenth century, the asmatic order of the Sunday Gospel had evolved into a sprawling complex of chants and ceremonial featuring frequent musical interchange among soloists, choir, and clergy. Although still evident i n the orational skeleton of the Euchologies, the tripartite division of Sunday matins was effectively obliterated at the office's textual and musical surface by this new structure. Moreover, once its had acquired such dimensions, one must concede that this asmatic order of the Resurrectional Gospel had achieved the necessary critical mass to be considered a major liturgical unit in its own right, a state of affairs underlined by the independent transmission of the cathedral rite's sequence of Late Byzantine Great Doxology and gospel chants with extensive rubrication in both cathedral Antiphonaria and mixed-rite A k o l o u t h i a i . 1 8 4 Consequently, from at least the thirteenth century onward, it would be proper to speak of four major sections within asmatic Sunday matins: 1) V i g i l in the Narthex, a descendent of the pre-matutinal psalmodic vigils of Late Antiquity; 2) Morning Psalmody in the Nave, an office of urban praise and thanksgiving to God featuring the most venerable cathedral matutinal psalms and canticles; 3) The Order of the Resurrectional Gospel, a majestic sequence of psalmody and cathedral ceremonial climaxing with the proclamation of Christ's Resurrection; and 4) Prayers within the Sanctuary, a service of supplication and benediction focused on the needs of the local liturgical assembly. 184 The presence in certain fourteenth- and fifteenth-century Akolouthiai of the asmatic order for the Resurrectional Gospel and the concomitant relegation of the Sunday prokeimena from the Oktoechos to an appendix, together with the inclusion of a dual series of cathedral and monastic model verses for Lauds in these same manuscripts, indicates that differing approaches to the celebration of the Palestinian offices persisted in Byzantium after the Paleologan restoration of 1261. Ignoring the Neo-Sabai'tic placement of all matutinal gospel lections before Psalm 50, a number of secular churches evidently continued to recite the gospel at the end of matins, as in the Byzantine cathedral rite. As shown by the musical manuscripts, this was accomplished by simply adopting the entire asmatic order for the Resurrectional Gospel, including its ceremonial and long sequence of chants, which may have begun as far back in the service as the incipit for Lauds. Arranz (\"Les prieres presbyterales des matines byzantines,\" 85-90), who has demonstrated that such juxtapositions of cathedral and monastic elements within a Palestinian framework are characteristic of the mixed Studite liturgical tradition, has published an order for monastic matins from the thirteenth-century Euchology MS Athens 570 that corresponds exactly to the rubrics of such Akolouthiai as Vienna Theol. gr. 185. See also our discussion of the Studite tradition in the following chapter infra, p. 145ff. 124 In addition to highlighting the differences between the individual sections of asmatic Sunday matins, the sources have shown that the service as a whole\u00E2\u0080\u0094despite the passage of nearly nine hundred years since the formative \"imperial phase\" of the Rite of the Great Church and the Thessalonian Antiphonaria\u00E2\u0080\u0094remained generally faithful to patterns of urban worship developed in Christian Antiquity. If we move beyond the distinct structural affinities of \"Sung\" matins with the morning offices recorded in Egeria and the Apostolic Constitutions, the persistence of ancient models may also be perceived immediately in the office's psalmodic forms. A s in the cathedral offices of the late fourth century, singing in asmatic Sunday matins continued to be dominated by antiphonal and responsorial settings of biblical texts, usually prefaced by a presidential prayer. O n the other hand, non-scriptural hymnography, limited in matins to psalmodic refrains varying in length from a single word to a monostrophic troparion, was allotted a relatively marginal role. In either case, other than a few items that had been subjected to melodic embellishment at various times after the ninth century, the musical settings were characterised by their straightforward presentation of the biblical text, a trait reflected i n the fact that the bulk of the office's psalmody was rendered in syllabic reciting-tones. A particularly vivid example of the survival of late fourth-century patterns was seen i n the format employed for the antiphonal psalmody i n the narthex, in which the diversity of ministerial roles typical of early cathedral worship was manifested through the careful coordination of the various co-workers in the common labour of the people of G o d (leitourgia)\u00E2\u0080\u0094clergy, soloists, choirs and congregation\u00E2\u0080\u0094according to their particular g i f t s . 1 8 5 Prior to the onset of a psalmodic antiphon, the deacon led the congregation in supplications, after which the celebrant recited a collect. For the psalm itself, the multiplicity of charisms within the ancient liturgical assembly was reflected in the Late Byzantine Antiphonaria by a skillfully designed hierarchy of musical idioms tailored to the abilities of the intended singers: f lorid passages for the domestikos; psalm-tones for the variable texts of the chorus; and refrains for the congregation that encouraged participation through their simplicity, brevity, and 1 8 5 Cf. 1 Corinthians 12:4-30. 125 repetition. Variations on this pattern of intonation/reciting-tone/refrain have also been seen in the antiphonal psalmody sung at the ambo. Significantly, with the single exception of the kalophonic verses for the invariable first antiphon of matins from the Asma, all of the fully melismatic chants for asmatic Sunday matins in the musical manuscripts also manifest cathedral traits. Perhaps the remnants of lost syllabic prototypes,186 the prokeimenon and the hypakoe were both cast as responsorial forms that may still have featured congregational participation, facilitated in the latter instance by choral conducting (cheironomia).187 The Resurrectional Troparia after the Great Doxology present a somewhat special case. Having initially been clothed in the melismatic idiom of the hypakoai for inclusion in the Asmatikon, these hymns appear in the Late Byzantine Antiphonaria and Akolouthia as full-fledged cathedral rite forms with solo intonations, choral passages, and syllabic refrains. The apparent persistence of ancient Christian forms of popular psalmody into the early fifteenth century, the profound structural affinities of asmatic matins with the offices observed by Egeria, and the amazing continuity of cathedral rite documents that enables sources separated by over five hundred years to complement each other with few conflicts, are all signs of a profound liturgical conservatism. This fundamental characteristic of cathedral liturgy during the Middle and Late Byzantine eras comes into even sharper focus when asmatic Sunday matins is compared with its Studite and Neo-Sabaitic counterparts. After the explosion of poetic activity at Studios in the ninth century, the Palestinian offices for any given observance were inundated with poetic compositions explaining and re-explaining the 1 8 6 References to a stichologia for the hypakoe in certain sources would seem to indicate descent from a form employing multiple verses. It cannot, however, be automatically assumed\u00E2\u0080\u0094after the fashion of some scholars who perceive behind every melismatic repertory a simple congregational prototype transformed (for the worse) by professional cantors\u00E2\u0080\u0094that the hypakoe was originally a syllabic response to the verses of an entire psalm. Viewed in proportion to the rest of the asmatic matins, the presence of a few florid choral and solo pieces would not have appreciably altered the prevailing ethos of the service, but, in a very practical way, would probably have helped to relieve the monotony of constant antiphonal psalmody. On the important case of the Gregorian graduals, which now appear to have been created in more or less their notated form, see James McKinnon, \"The Emergence of Gregorian Chant in the Carolingian Era,\" in idem, ed., Antiquity and the Middle Ages: From Ancient Greece to the 15th century, Music and Society Series (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1991), 101-02. 1 8 7 Cf. supra, p. 76, n. 39. 126 Orthodox interpretation of every important theological and historical facet of the commemoration in question. On Sundays, this meant that the ordinary psalms and canticles of monastic matins were festooned with a myriad of beautiful hymns from the Oktoechos triumphantly proclaiming Christ's Resurrection from the dead in the most explicit terms possible.188 Prior to the introduction of the Resurrectional Gospel, however, the only proper texts at ordinary Sunday matins in the Byzantine cathedral rite with unambiguous Paschal significance were the pentekostarion and the fixed prokeimenon \"Arise, O Lord.\" 1 8 9 Instead of explicitly mimetic features or a multitude of anamnetic texts, the asmatic office modestly possessed, as Arranz has previously noted, an implicitly Paschal character, evoking the historical setting of the Resurrection by means of its vigil in the narthex and subsequent triumphal entrance into the nave.190 Throughout this chapter, we have defined the relative archaism of the unreformed Byzantine cathedral office mostly in reference to general norms of urban worship that were found throughout the Eastern Mediterranean in Late Antiquity. The profound difference of approach to the commemoration of the Resurrection between the Studite and \"Sung\" rites, however, points to important ways in which the asmatikeakolouthia continued to reflect the \"imperial\" Byzantine approach to liturgy developed long after Justinianic liturgical piety had been superseded by later developments. If we transcend the individual constituent elements to consider the ethos evoked by the office as a whole, it can be seen that the aesthetic impact of Sunday asmatic matins was largely achieved through the broad sweep of its scale and the 1 8 8 On the contents and development of the Sunday Oktoechos, see Nicolas Egender, \"Celebration du Dimanche,\" in Dimanche: Office selon les huit tons ( V/CTOJJJXOS), La Priere des eglises de rite byzantin 3 (Chevetogne: [1971]), 24-36; and Christian Hannick, \"Le texte de rOctoechos,\" in Dimanche, 37-60. 1 8 9 Ps. 9:33. 190 \u00C2\u00BBL'0ffiCe de l'Asmatikos Orthros,\" 155. Constantinopolitan cathedral liturgy's original eschewal of historicism and mimesis, approaches that were fairly typical of the rival offices of Jerusalem, is most apparent in the primitively austere way in which it observed Holy Week. See Bertoniere, The Historical Development of the Easter Vigil, 7-153; Taft, \"A Tale of Two Cities: The Byzantine Holy Week Triduum as a Paradigm of Liturgical History,\" in J. Neil Alexander, ed., Time and Community, NPM Studies in Church Music and Liturgy (Washington, D.C.: The Pastoral Press, 1990), 21-41; idem, \"In the Bridegroom's Absence: The Paschal Triduum in the Byzantine Church,\" in La celebrazione del Triduo pasquale: anamnesis e mimesis, Atti del UJ Congresso Internazionale di Liturgia, Roma, Pontificio Istituto Liturgico, Studia Anselmiana lOZ=Analecta Liturgica 14 (Rome: 1990), 71-97. 127 majesty of its ceremony, features that have been previously cited by Mathews as integral to the planning of the Early Byzantine Eucharist.191 Something similar can be said of the effectiveness of the musical component of the morning office at Hagia Sophia, which did not rely on vocal virtuosity or vivid hymnography, but on the harmonious coordination of vast vocal forces in multi-layered performances of sober but elegant antiphonal psalmody. Not surprisingly, the most satisfying aesthetic parallels to asmatic Sunday matins and its music are to be found in the monumental Justinianic edifice they were designed to occupy. Hagia Sophia, as Taft has succinctly noted, like the Byzantine cathedral offices, successfully evoked heaven on earth solely through the grandeur of its design: As with all great buildings, the structure itself\u00E2\u0080\u0094not its decoration\u00E2\u0080\u0094created this impression. The original decoration of Hagia Sophia was minimal. Only later would much smaller structures require the explication of this symbolism representatively, in mosaic and fresco, in accord with the more literal spirit of the post-Iconoclastic age.192 This artistic analogy can also be extended to the post-Iconoclastic musical contributions of Studite monks, whose embellishment of the Palestinian offices with hymnography corresponds, both in its comprehensiveness and in its vital concern for explicit anamnesis, to the elaborate schemes of iconographic decoration that began to adorn Middle Byzantine churches. It should be noted, however, that these particular innovations were merely individual manifestations of a far-reaching movement toward realism in Byzantine theology, art, mystagogy, and liturgy that, inTaft's view, represent \"the victory of monastic popular devotion over a more spiritualist approach.\"193 As we have seen, this sea-change in Byzantine liturgical piety had little immediate impact on the celebration of the \"Sung\" Office at Hagia Sophia. There are relatively few incursions of Palestinian materials in the ninth- and tenth-century manuscripts of the Typikon 1 9 1 Thomas F. Mathews, The Early Churches of Constantinople: Architecture and Liturgy (University Park and London: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1977), 178-79. 1 9 2 Taft, The Byzantine Rite, 36. 1 9 3 Robert Taft, \"The Liturgy of the Great Church on the Eve of Iconoclasm: An Initial Synthesis of Structure and Interpretation on the Eve of Iconoclasm,\" DOP 34-35 (1980-81): 72. For a summary of these developments and their impact on Byzantine liturgy, see idem, The Byzantine Rite, 45-75. 128 of the Great Church, Patmos 266 and Hagios Stavros 40. 1 9 4 For four centuries after the refounding of Studios, during which the Studite rite spread as far as Russia and Southern Italy, the asmatike akolouthia, although a Justinianic anachronism out of step with popular piety, was maintained at the Great Church until it was violently interrupted by the Latin Conquest of Constantinople in 1204. After the Byzantine restoration of 1261, the long-dominant monastic rite was adopted as the ordinary Liturgy of the Hours for Hagia Sophia, while the \"Sung\" Office was relegated to occasional revivals on major feasts.195 By some miracle, the asmatike akolouthia managed to survive the Latin conquest of Byzantium for an additional two hundred years at the provincial cathedral of Hagia Sophia in Thessalonica. Even more astonishing, the Thessalonian Antiphonaria Athens 2062 and 2061 were copied, respectively, in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries with pure asmatic cycles of weekly psalmody. Whether, in the face of centuries of Byzantine liturgical development, the pristine nature of these cathedral rite ordinaries was an accurate reflection of liturgical reality is questionable, especially given the heterogeneous nature of other asmatic items in these same manuscripts.196 In any case, the acute disjunction between these archaic documents and the prevailing liturgical climate sets the stage for Archbishop Symeon of Thessalonica and his heroic efforts to save the Byzantine cathedral rite for posterity through single-handed systematic reform, which we shall examine in subsequent chapters. 1 9 4 These Palestinian elements are summarised in Arranz, \"L'office de l'Asmatikos Hesperinos,\" 407-08. 1 9 5 On these festal asmatic offices, see the present author's study of \"Festal Cathedral Vespers in Late Byzantium.\" 1 9 6 Eg . the rubrics calling for the insertion of monastic stichera at festal vespers in Athens 2062. See \"Festal Cathedral Vespers.\" C H A P T E R 5 P R E L U D E T O R E F O R M : M U S I C A L D E V E L O P M E N T S I N B Y Z A N T I N E M O N A S T I C L I T U R G Y In his mystagogical treatise On Divine Prayer (ITepl rfjs- deia? rrpoaevxfjs), Symeon, Archbishop of Thessalonica (1416/17-29) reports that the predominant form of daily prayer employed in contemporary Orthodox churches was the monastic Divine Office celebrated according to the Palestinian Typikon of St. Sabas: In the monasteries here, and in almost all of the churches, the order followed is that of the Jerusalem Typikon of Saint Sabas. For this can be performed by one person, having been compiled by monks, and is often celebrated without chants in the cenobitic monasteries. Such a rite is necessary and patristic, since our holy Father Sabas set this down, having received it from our Fathers among the saints Euthymios and Theoktistos, and they received it from their predecessors, including the confessor Chariton. This order of Saint Sabas was lost, as we know, when the place was destroyed by barbarians, but was formulated by our father among the saints Sophronios, Patriarch of the Holy City , and after him our holy and theological father John Damascene renewed it and handed it down in writing. A l l the holy monasteries and churches follow this order, except certain ones specially authorised from time to time by the Great Church of Constantinople according to ancient custom... 1 Symeon also notes with pride that his provincial cathedral of Hagia Sophia was an exception to this trend, for it was the last church on earth that regularly celebrated the Liturgy of the Hours according to the ancient Constantinopolitan cathedral Typikon of the Great Church, a rite he glowingly describes as abounding in music: Formerly all of the cathedral churches (KadoXiKai eKKXnoiaCp- in the inhabited world celebrated [the Office] melodically (peXcpStK&s) in order that\u00E2\u0080\u0094with the exception of the prayers belonging solely to the priest and the diaconal litanies\u00E2\u0080\u0094 nothing might be said without melody ixcoplg pteXovs). This was once especially 1 Symeon, ITepl rffs 8eia$- Trpoaeuxf}S,(T)esacraprecaUone, PG 155, col. 556); trans, by H.L.N. Simmons as St. Symeon of Thessalonike, Treatise on Prayer: An Explanation of the Services Conducted in the Orthodox Church (Brookline, Mass.: Hellenic College Press, 1984), 22. 2 In Byzantine times, a \"catholic church\" was one of the few large churches within a city where the bishop would celebrate baptisms. See ODB, vol. 2, 1116. 129 130 true of the greatest churches of Constantinople, Antioch, and Thessalonica. At present, [the cathedral rite] has remained in use only in the last city's divine temple of the Holy Wisdom of God.3 Even in Constantinople itself, according to Symeon, the performance of cathedral rite services was limited to occasional revivals on three major feasts: the Exaltation of the Holy Cross (14 September), St. John Chrysostom (13 November), and the Dormition of the Mother of God (15 August). He attributes the abandonment of the Great Church's offices by the Constantinopolitans directly to the Latin conquest of 1204 which, he says, destroyed \"the tradition of its good and ancient customs,\" and indirectly to the \"many priests and cantors\" required by the \"Sung\" Office.4 Symeon, as Oliver Strunk notes, was describing the final stages of a lengthy process of competition and mutual influence between the liturgical families of Constantinople and Jerusalem, each of which fostered cathedral and monastic traditions.5 Originating in Late Antiquity, this process of interchange became particularly intense after the Constantinopolitan monks of Studios adopted the Sabai'tic Liturgy of the Hours in 799, a momentous event that inaugurated four hundred years of coexistence between the asmatic and Sabai'tic rites in the imperial capital. During this period the Studites enjoyed the clear lead in liturgical creativity, creating a new synthesis by fusing the Palestinian Divine Office with material borrowed from the \"Sung\" Office that they subsequently expanded by their prolific production of ecclesiastical poetry. In contrast to this, as we have seen in the preceding chapter, the cathedral rite mostly continued to recapitulate Late Antique patterns of urban worship with minor adjustments,6 although a reverse process of influence may be detected as a few Hagiopolite elements were 3 Symeon, TTepl rffs\" decas npoaevxfjs; PG 155, col. 624 (my translation). 4 Idem, Treatise, 21; ITepl rtf? Beta? TTpooevxfjs; PG 155, col. 556; 5 Oliver Strunk, \"The Byzantine Office at Hagia Sophia,\" in idem, EMBW, 113-14, 137-38. Concise surveys reflecting the current scholarly understanding of this process are Robert Taft, The Byzantine Rite: A Short History, American Essays in Liturgy (Collegeville: The Liturgical Press, 1992), 56-60; and idem, \"A Tale of Two Cities: The Byzantine Holy Week Triduum as a Paradigm of Liturgical History,\" in J. Neil Alexander, ed., Time and Community, NPM Studies in Church Music and Liturgy (Washington, D . C : The Pastoral Press, 1990), 22-23. 6 Taft, The Byzantine Rite, 43-45. 131 absorbed into the liturgy of the Great Church. 7 This state of affairs was disrupted by the Latin occupation of Constantinople (1204-61), after which the monastic rite was adopted as the ordinary Liturgy of the Hours at Hagia Sophia. While Symeon's outline of Byzantine liturgical development has been more or less substantiated by modern scholarship, his strong qualitative contrast\u00E2\u0080\u0094largely on musical grounds\u00E2\u0080\u0094between monastic and cathedral worship is, as we noted in Chapter One of the present study, somewhat more problematic. In particular, the passages quoted above from the treatise On Divine Prayer would seem to indicate that lavish music and ceremonial served to distinguish a magnificent cathedral rite \"well constructed of psalms and refrains,\" 8 from an austere monastic rite that can be celebrated alone and without singing. This would have been, as our survey of nascent cathedral and monastic patterns of corporate prayer in Chapter Two has shown, an accurate portrayal of the differences between the daily prayer of Egyptian monks and urban Christians in the mid fourth century, at which time cathedral psalmody was distinguished from the monastic variety by its use of attractive music and refrains. Symeon's assessment, however, was certainly not representative of the Sabai'tic rite following the massive introduction of hymnography i n the seventh and eighth centuries, after which, Antoniades has noted, the major offices of the Palestinian monastic tradition were unquestionably 'sung' services. 9 Remarks in the treatise On Divine Prayer contradicting the assertion that \"Sung\" offices were inherently more appealing than their monastic counterparts further show the inadequacy of Symeon's qualitative comparison of the two rites. Indeed, the archbishop repeatedly complains of the ignorance and indifference, bordering on hostility, of certain members of his flock who, evidently viewing the asmatic rite with incomprehension or distaste as an anachronism, probably would have been much happier i f their cathedral adopted the 7 Specific examples of such borrowing are discussed in Miguel Arranz, \"L'office de YAsmatikos Hesperinos (\u00C2\u00ABv\u00C2\u00A3pres chantees\u00C2\u00BB) de l'ancien Euchologe byzantin,\" OCP 44 (1978): 407-08 ; Strunk, \"The Byzantine Office,\" 137-38; and Taft, \"A Tale of Two Cities,\" 27-31. 8 Treatise, 21; ITepl rfjs Betas' jrpoaevxfjs, PG 155, col. 556. 9 Evangelos Antoniades, \"TTepi TOV dopanKov rj fivCavrivov KoopiKOv TVTTOV TLOV 'AKOAOVQL&V rfjs r)ixepovvKTiov. npooevxfjs,\" OeoAoyia 20(1929): 721. 132 contemporary monastic rite. In one instance, he reports that some people could no longer differentiate between the antiphons of the Divine Liturgy and Asmatic Vespers , 1 0 while in another he speaks resentfully about cuts that have been made to the ancient asmatic order to satisfy the grumbling of \"slothful and careless persons.\" 1 1 The irony of the situation may be perceived most fully in Symeon's plea for the perpetual maintenance of the asmatike akolouthia, in which he cites his addition of music from the monastic rite as an improvement to the old cathedral order: I beseech you in Christ that this [asmatic] order be maintained forever, and that the tradition of the Fathers remain among you as a kind of divine spark. W e wish this to be observed and maintained always, because as sweetening and seasoning we have added kanons to it, lest some person make claims without knowledge of the order, being lukewarm and slothful and finding excuses for moving to abolish it, on the pretext that we do not hear the usual kanons which everyone sings. So these have now been added, and for the careful and zealous it has become better-ordered and more pleasant than the services celebrated in the monasteries. 1 2 Later passages of the same liturgical commentary that describe the asmatic offices i n detail reveal other cases of pastoral accomodation\u00E2\u0080\u0094both abbreviations of asmatic antiphonal psalmody and further additions from the monastic rite\u00E2\u0080\u0094similarly altering the shape of the \"Sung\" Office at his cathedral. 1 3 It is evident from the contradictions inherent in Symeon's account that a more nuanced understanding of the structural and stylistic distinctions between the Byzantine monastic and cathedral traditions is a necessary prerequisite for study of the archbishop's liturgical reforms. Since we have already discussed the characteristics of the unreformed \"Sung\" Office at some length in our preceding analysis of asmatic Sunday matins, the remainder of the present chapter w i l l examine the monastic portion of the dichotomy. In particular, we shall focus on two musico-liturgical innovations which caused the Rite of St. Sabas in its various recensions to diverge considerably from both the cathedral and the monastic precedents of Late Antiquity. The first is the rapid development of Sabai'tic hymnography after the seventh century, which 1 0 Symeon, ITepi Tfjs deias npoaevxfjs; PG 155, col. 625; Treatise, 72. 1 1 ITepi Tfjs Betas npoo~evxfjS, PG 155, col. 628; Treatise, 74. 1 2 Adapted from Treatise, 21-22; cf. PG 155, col. 556. 1 3 See PG 155, cols. 624, 628, 645-49, 653, 668; Treatise, 71, 74, 86-\u00C2\u00AB8, 91, 100. 133 radically altered the percentage of non-scriptural texts sung or recited in the Liturgy of the Hours. The second is the emergence of melody as a semi-autonomous shaping force in Byzantine worship after the fourteenth-century musical reforms associated with John Koukouzeles. I. Byzantine Monastic Hymnography Origins Sabai'tic monastic worship underwent significant changes during the three centuries or so that passed between 478, the year St. Sabas (439-532) founded his Lavra in the Judean desert near Bethlehem, and its adoption by the newly revitalised Constantinopolitan monastery of Studios at the close of the eighth century. A t its inception, the monastery of St. Sabas was a multi-national ascetic community operating on the lavriote model developed in fourth-century Lower Egypt. L i k e their illustrious predecessors the Desert Fathers, the Palestinian monks observed a personal rule of prayer in solitude on weekdays, gathering for common worship only on weekends and the eves of major feasts. 1 4 The liturgical centrepiece of their life and the primary vehicle for monastic koinonia was the weekly all-night vigi l or agrypnia which preceded the Sunday Eucharist . 1 5 So conservative was the form of monasticism St. Sabas promoted at his Lavra that he initially rejected the presence of priests i n his community . 1 6 Nevertheless, it was a sign of the 1 4 Nicholas Egender, \"Introduction,\" in La priere des hemes: 'QpoAdycov, La priere des eglises de rite byzantin 1 (Chevetogne: Editions de Chevetogne, 1975), 34-35. Cf. supra, Ch. 2, pp. 26-27. 1 5 Taft, \"Mount Athos: A Late Chapter in the History of the Byzantine Rite,\" DOP 42 (1988): 187. No contemporary accounts of this vigil or any other early Sabaitic services have survived. Arranz notes references in Cyril of Scythopolis' vita of St. Sabas to an early morning office (\"Kauuv Tf)g ipdApajSias\"), vespers (\"Av^w/coV\"), terce, sext, and none. In addition, a document of the twelfth or thriteenth century considered by Dmitrievsky to be the \"Testament of St. Sabas\" stresses the importance of the vigil to the community. See Miguel Arranz, \"Les grandes Stapes de la Liturgie Byzantine: Palestine-Byzance-Russie. Essai d'apercu historique,\" in Liturgie de Veglise particuliere et liturgie de Veglise universelle, Bibliotheca Ephemerides Liturgicae, Subsidia 7 (Rome: Edizioni Liturgiche, 1976), 47-48; idem, \"N.D. Uspensky: The Office of the AH-Night Vigil in the Greek Church and in the Russian Church,\" St. Vladimir's Theological Quarterly 24 (1980): 105-06; cf. Dmitrievsky, Opisanie I, 222-24; and Kyrillos von Skythopolis, Leben des Sabas, ed. E. Schwartz, Texte und Unstersuchungen 49.2 (Leipzig: 1939), 118, cited in Taft, \"Mount Athos,\" idem. 1 6 Arranz, \"N.D. Uspensky,\" 101. 134 times that some of his monks appear to have become attached to the spoudaioi, a group of urban ascetics who, like the monazontes witnessed by the early fifth-century pilgrim Egeria, participated in the Divine Office of Jerusalem's church of the Anastasis.17 As we have seen earlier, Jerusalem in Egeria's time was already a venue for the interaction of monastic and cathedral liturgy. This process of mutual influence appears to have continued unabated oyer the next two centuries in Palestine, provoking a negative reaction to urban styles of chant and hymnody in certain circles of ascetics.18 Although a detailed history of these developments is beyond the scope of the present study,19 it is worth noting that a diverse spectrum of monastic opinion with regard to cathedral responsories and non-scriptural hymnody resulted in the emergence of divergent approaches to the celebration of offices from the ordinaries of the Palestinian Horologion (\"Book of the Hours\") at the turn of the seventh century. The oudines of this conflict are evident in the famous narration of the visit of Palestinian abbots John and Sophronios\u00E2\u0080\u0094who appear to have been John Moschos (f 619 or 634)20 and the Sophronios (|638), both future Patriarchs of Jerusalem21\u00E2\u0080\u0094to the abbot Nilus of Sinai, which is an early seventh-century source transmitted in a collection of writings edited by Nikon of the Black Mountain (11th c.) 2 2 This account begins with a description of the vespers and \"canon of psalmody\" (\"Kavobv rr/s* i/jaXp.ojStas'\") that Nilus conducted in the 1 7 Ibid., 103-05. 1 8 On monastic opposition to urban chant and hymnography, see Johannes Quasten, Music and Worship in Pagan and Christian Antiquity, Boniface Ramsey, trans., NPM Studies in Church Music and Liturgy (Washington, D.C.: National Association of Pastoral Musicians, 1983), 94-97. Quasten's chronology, however, needs to be revised in the light of more recent work by James McKinnon, who has noted that there is no trace of this polemic in the writings of the earliest Desert Fathers. The text cited by Quasten regarding the , alleged anti-musical views of the Egyptian Abbot Pambo is, according to McKinnon, not authentic and probably dates from the sixth century. See McKinnon, \"Desert Monasticism and the Later Fourth-Century Psalmodic Movement,\" Music and Letters 75 (1994): 508; and, on the authenticity of the Pambo anecdote, Otto Wesseley, \"Die Musikanschauung des Abtes Pambo,\" Anzeiger der osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschafien: philosophischi-historische Klasse 89 (1952): 45-62, cited in McKinnon, idem. 1 9 On the development of monastic worship in Palestine, see Arranz, \"N.D. Uspensky,\" 101-113; and Nikolai D. Uspensky, \"Chin vsenoshchnogo bdeniia (r) aypxmvid) na pravoslavnom vostoke i v russkoi tserkvi,\" Bogoslovskie Trudy 18 (1978): 37-61. 2 0 ODB, s.v. \"Moschos, John.,\" p. 1415. 2 1 Arranz, \"Les grandes etapes,\" 48. 2 2 Edited with commentary by Augusta Longo, \"II testo integrale della \u00C2\u00ABNarrazione degli Abati Giovanni e Sofronio\u00C2\u00BB attraverso le \u00C2\u00AB'Eppevlai* di Nicone,\" Rivista degli Studi Byzantini e Neoellenici N.S. 2-3 (XII-XIII) (1965-66): 223-67. On Nikon, see Irenee Doens, \"Nicon de la Montagne Noire,\" Byzantion 24 (1954): 131-40. 135 presence of his visitors on Saturday night and early Sunday morning.23 Vespers was a primitive monastic version of the Horologion's evening service, while the \"canon\" (Table 4) was an agrypnia derived from Palestinian matins at a similar stage of development.24 The vigil featured the recitation of the entire Psalter in three stations or \"staseis,\" but omitted the litanies, troparia, cathedral responsories and prayers familiar from later recensions of Sabai'tic matins. The austerity of these otherwise familiar services puzzled the two Palestinian abbots, who, noting the absence of certain chants, asked Nilus why he failed to follow the \"order of the catholic and apostolic Church.\" In particular, they inquired after the following items they perceived as missing from the \"canon\": 1) the matutinal responsory \"The Lord is God\" {\"Qeds Kupiog\"); 2) sessional hymns (\"kathismata\") of the Resurrection chanted between the staseis of the Psalter; 3) troparia to accompany the two biblical canticles of the Three Children; 4) the gospel responsory \"Let everything that hath breath\" CTIdaa nvorf); and 5) a Resurrectional troparion sung after the Great Doxologyf Gloria in excelsis).25 These chants must have become customary at the turn of the seventh century not only for monks like the spoudaioi of the Anastasis who were attached to cathedrals, but also for Palestinian abbots like John and Sophronios. After vigorously asserting that anyone who does not uphold the traditions of the catholic and apostolic Church should be anathematised, Nilus responded at length to his interlocutors. This response, while reflecting what had become the customary ascetic distrust of melodic psalmody, displays a subtlety of argument absent from some of the vitriolic monastic denunciations of the previous two centuries.26 Nilus is extremely careful not to attack the singing of antiphonal psalmody, melodious responsories, and troparia in cathedrals, 2 3 Longo, \"II testo integrale,\" 251-52. 2 4 Egender, 37. Cf. the two earliest manuscripts and modern printed editions of the Greek Horologion. For editions of the former, see Juan Mateos, \"Un horologion inedit de S. Sabas: Le Codex sinai'tique grec 863 (IXe siecle),\" in Melanges E. Tisserant, vol. Ill, Studi e testi 233 (Vatican City: 1964), 47-86; and Maxime (Leila) Ajjout, \"Le Codex Sinaiticus Gr. 864 (IXe s.): Horologion,\" 2 vols. (Ph.D. diss., Pontifical Oriental Institute, Rome, 1986); cited as forthcoming in the Sources Chretiennes by Taft, \"Mount Athos,\" 180. 2 5 Longo, 253. 2 6 On these, see supra, n. 18. 136 T A B L E 4 T H E C A N O N O F P S A L M O D Y C E L E B R A T E D B Y A B B O T N I L U S O F S I N A I 3 Hexapsalmos Psalmody (Psalms 3, 37, 62, 87, 102, 142) b Stasis I Psalms 1-50 Our Father Kyrie eleison 50 times Lesson from the Epistle of James Stasis II Psalms 51-100 Our Father Kyrie eleison 50 times Lesson from 1 or 2 Peter Stasis III Psalms 101-50 Our Father Kyrie eleison 50 times Lesson from 1, 2, or 3 John Nine Odes of Bibl ical Canticles, with Our Father and Kyrie eleison after the 3rd and 6th Lauds Psalms 148-50 Great Doxol ogy (Gloria in excelsis) Creed Our Father Kyrie eleison 300 times Concluding Prayer a After Taft, Liturgy of the Hours, 199, and idem, \"Mount Athos,\" 188. b Taft (ibid.) assumes that the hexapsalmos (\"six psalms\") in question, although not specified in the original text, is that of later Sabai'tic matins. where such chants are not only \"the glory and raiment of the catholic Church,\" but also an inducement for increased attendance at services by the l a i t y . 2 7 On the contrary, he cleverly begins his argument against melodious chanting in monastic environments by invoking the 2 7 Longo, 265. 137 diversity of ordained ministries within the urban assemblies, which are absent in monasteries. Unordained monks should therefore not be so presumptuous as to employ without divine sanction the forms of worship linked to the offices of priest, deacon, subdeacon, cantor, or reader.28 Only after this introduction does Nilus commence his expected discourse on the \"higher road\" taken by monks,29 which includes statements regarding the incompatibility of melodious chanting and troparia with monastic spirituality.30 Sabai'tic Hymnography Christian liturgy in Palestine was disrupted by the widespread devastation that accompanied the Persian capture of Jerusalem in 614, when forty-four monks of St. Sabas were massacred by the invaders 3 1 Monastic life and worship at the Lavra of St. Sabas were soon restored by the aforementioned Sophronios,32 who was also a teacher of rhetoric turned monk and Patriarch of Jerusalem (634-38). For reasons that are not entirely clear, this recovery was accompanied by a burst of liturgical creativity that gave rise to an entire school of hymnographers associated with the monastery.33 Among the first was Sophronios himself, whose ecclesiastical compositions include a set of twelve hymns for the canonical Hours of Christmas, and the troparia for the Great Blessing of the Waters at Theophany.34 The movement was in full flower by the last quarter of the seventh century, ushering in a \"Golden Age\" of Byzantine monastic hymnography. During this period, such outstanding melodes as Andrew of Crete (f720), John of Damascus (|749) and Kosmas of Maiouma (f787) created an 2 8 Longo, 253-56, 262-63. 2 9 Ibid., 265. 3 0 Ibid., 257-67. 3 1 Arranz, \"Les grandes Stapes,\" 52. 3 2 Cf. Symeon, Treatise, 22; PG 155, col. 556. 3 3 Arranz (\"Les grandes Stapes, 53), noting that a similar phenomenon may be observed among the Jews of that era, raises the possibility that the hymns of the Palestinian monks may be related to the general flowering of Arab poetry that took place during the seventh and eighth centuries. 3 4 Panagiotes N. Trempelas, 'EicAoyrj 'EAArjwcfjs- 'Opdo86\u00C2\u00A3ov Tpvoypa 3 Stichera of the first mode for Lauds (Ps. 148-50), slightly modified from The Service of the Sunday Orthros, ed. and trans, by N. Michael Vaporis (Brookline, Mass.: Holy Cross Orthodox Press, 1991), 88. 5 4 Sticheron Anatolikon of the third mode for Lauds, translation modified from ibid., 95; cf. John 20:11-16. The \"Anatolika\" are a repertory of stichera for matins and vespers of uncertain authorship that are placed in the Oktoechos after presumably earlier groups of anonymous hymns. For a summary of the current theories regarding the meaning of the term \"anatolikon,\" see Hannick, \"Le texte de l'Oktoechos,\" 44-47. 5 5 Sticheron of the fourth mode for Lauds, translation modified from The Service of Sunday Orthros, 97. 5 6 Robert Taft, \"Thanksgiving for the Light:' Toward a Theology of Vespers,\" in Beyond East and West: Problems in Liturgical Understanding, NPM Studies in Church Music and Liturgy (Washington, D . C : Pastoral Press, 1984), 142-43. 145 provide a variety of perspectives on events of a cosmic significance that were\u00E2\u0080\u0094as the Greek Patristic tradition insisted with regard to questions concerning the nature of God\u00E2\u0080\u0094ultimately beyond positive definitions in human language.57 Viewed within the context of Byzantine liturgical history, the creation of the Oktoechos was an important step in the development of the modern rite's characteristic practice of complementing the Sunday Divine Liturgy with a vibrant commemoration of the Resurrection within the Divine Office.58 Prior to the Peace of Constantine, the liturgical anamnesis of the Paschal mystery on the Lord's Day presumably had been concentrated in the anaphora of the weekly Eucharist.59 In the early fifth century, Egeria records the emergence in Jerusalem of a popular psalmodic vigil of the Resurrection that provided a second focal point for this observance. Other than the climactic gospel reading, however, the psalmodic framework of such a traditional cathedral rite service placed limits on the extent to which any historical Christian event could be explicitly invoked in song within a given office. By ignoring on a grand scale earlier canonical limits placed on the singing of non-scriptural hymns, the hymnographers of Saint Sabas, in part through the sheer number of their compositions, transformed the Sunday offices of the Palestinian Horologion into unprecedentedly direct proclamations of the Paschal message of Christ's triumph over death. The Studite Contribution The fact that Patriarch Germanos I (715-730) left a poetic legacy including hymns composed in Sabaitic genres indicates that Palestinian hymnography could not have been totally 5 7 The ultimate indescribability of God is central to the important Byzantine tradition of apophatic or \"negative\" theology, which is briefly described in Meyendorff, Byzantine Theology, 11-14. 5 8 The Byzantine rite's approach to the liturgical commemoration of the Resurrection is discussed in Nicholas Egender, \"Celebration du Dimanche,\" in Dimanche: Office selon les huit tons ( Vicrcorixos), La Priere des eglises de rite byzantin 3 (Chevetogne: [1971]),11-36; and Robert Taft, \"Sunday in the Byzantine Tradition,\" in Beyond East and West: Problems in Liturgical Understanding, NPM Studies in Church Music (Washington, D.C.: The Pastoral Press, 1984), 1-48. 5 9 Cf. supra, p. 34. 146 unknown in the imperial capital during the eighth century.60 Nevertheless, St. Theodore's (759-826) adoption of the monastic rite of St. Sabas for his community at the newly revitalised Constantinopolitan monastery of Studios in 799 marked the beginning of a new period in Byzantine liturgical history. This momentous event occurred during a lull in the long batde over Iconoclasm (726-843), and it is interesting that Theodore's espousal of the Sabaitic rite was partially motivated by what he perceived to be the staunch orthodoxy of its poetic chants.61 This view may be explained not only by the manifest theological preoccupations of Sabaitic hymnographers, but perhaps also by the prestige which accrued to the Lavra of Saint Sabas as a result of John of Damascus' crucial role in formulating the Orthodox theology of images during the first round of the Iconoclastic controversy (726-87).62 With Theodore at their head, the monks of Studios continued the work of their Sabaite forbears as defenders of orthodoxy both by taking a heroic stand against Iconoclasm during the second phase of the controversy, and by enthusiastically carrying on the Palestinian tradition of monastic hymnography. Although in a few cases the Studites created such new forms as the matutinal antiphons of Oktoechos\u00E2\u0080\u0094named anavathmoi after the biblical \"Psalms of Ascent\" (Ps. 119-33) that they troped63\u00E2\u0080\u0094for the most part they simply filled out gaps in the propers of the Sabaitic collections with new hymns. This material was at first contained in two volumes transmitting specific forms of hymnography: the Sticherokathismatarion, which featured stichera and kathismata; and the Tropologion, which was comprised of kanons and troparia for the Beatitudes called \"makarismoi. \" 6 4 Organised in this fashion, these collections, as Hannick 6 0 A number of hymns, including stichera and sets of heirmoi, are attributed to Germanos. For a brief discussion of his liturgical works, see Trempelas, 'EicAoyfi, 362-65. On the uncertainty surrounding his exact birth and death dates, see ODB, s.v. \"Germanos I,\" 846. 6 ^gender, \"Introduction,\" 39-40; Taft, \"Mount Athos,\" 182; cf. Theodore the Studite's correspondence with Patriarch Thomas of Jerusalem and the monks of Saint Sabas published as Letters, II. 15-16, PG 99, cols. 1160-68. 6 2 For a summary of the great hymnographer's seminal theological contribution to the debate over Iconoclasm, see Meyendorff, Byzantine Theology, 44-46; cf. John of Damascus, On the Divine Images: Three Apologies Against Those Who Attack the Divine Images, trans, by David Anderson (Crestwood: St. Vladimir's Seminary Press, 1980). 6 3 Hannick, \"Le texte,\" 51; Oliver Strunk, \"The Antiphons of the Oktoechos,\" in EMBW, 165-70. 6 4 Hannick, \"Le texte,\" 42-43. 147 points out, offered cantors a range of possible choices within a given hymnodic genre, rather than a particular set of proper hymns that they were required to sing.65 Eventually the Studites' expansion of the Palestinian hymnodic repertory led to the creation of separate collections containing complete and obligatory propers for each day in each of the major liturgical cycles. A listing of these collections follows, together with the dates of their emergence as autonomous volumes: \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 The Great Oktoechos or Parakletike (\"Book of Supplication\"), an expanded version of the Palestinian Sunday Oktoechos containing newly composed weekday offices for each of the eight weeks of the oktoechal cycle of the Resurrection. The addition of the weekday propers began in the ninth century 6 6 but the name \"Oktoechos\" first appears in the eleventh century ; 6 7 \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 The Triodion (10th c), a book of propers for the movable season centred on Easter Sunday.68 The name reflects the fact that many of its kanons for the Lenten weekday offices consist of only three odes. This collection was later divided into two volumes: the Lenten Triodion, which begins four weeks before the fast itself and concludes on Holy Saturday69; and the Pentekostarion or \"Joyful Triodion\" (\"TptajSiov ^ap/zca^ot'\"), a continuation of the Lenten Triodion for the period from Easter Sunday to the Sunday after Pentecost, which closes the movable season with a commemoration of All Saints; and \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 The Menaion or \"Book of Months\" (10th c), which contained hymns for the fixed annual cycle of the Constantinopolitan sanctorale or Synaxarion. This collection eventually came to include complete propers for each day of the calendar year.70 These collections continued to grow rapidly until the twelfth century, when the process of filling out each cycle with new hymns was mostly complete. Hymnodic production then dropped off markedly, after which the contents of the hymn books were gradually abridged and standardised until they assumed essentially their modern form. The advent of Byzantine melodic notation during the tenth century was marked by the creation of two neumed books of monastic hymnodic propers supplementing the unnotated Studite collections listed above. Combining fixed and movable cycles of particular genres of 6 5 Ibid., 41-42. 6 6 Ibid., 38-39. 6 7 Taft, The Byzantine Rite, 64, n. 35. 6 8 Arranz, \"Les grandes Stapes,\" 55-56; Taft, The Byzantine Rite, 58. 6 9 For a description of the contents and formation of the Lenten Triodion, see Kallistos Ware, \"The Meaning of the Great Fast,\" in The Lenten Triodion, K. Ware and Mother Mary, ed. and trans. (London: Faber and Faber, 1978), 38-43. 7 0 Arranz, \"Les grandes Stapes,\" 62-63; Taft, 77K? Byzantine Rite, 58. 148 hymnography into a single volume after the fashion of the older Tropologion and Sticherokathismatarion, they are: \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 The Heirmologion, a book of model strophes for kanons from all three cycles (Resurrectional, fixed and movable annual) arranged according to musical mode that may also contain makarismoi?1 and \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 The Sticherarion, a volume containing separate cycles of stichera for the resurrectional (=oktoechal), fixed, and movable (=Lenten and Pentecost) cycles. 7 2 As is the case with the text-only collections of monastic hymnody, the music manuscript traditions of the Heirmologion and the Sticherarion reflect the completion of Studite liturgy with the appearance of significantly abridged versions of both books in the twelfth century.7 3 The two notated monastic hymnbooks, which have been the object of considerable study by modem scholars of Byzantine chant 7 4 have their respective texts set in a relatively straightforward manner. Due, no doubt, to the enormous number of troparia sung to each 1 1 Kenneth Levy, \"Liturgy and Liturgical Books. Ill Greek Rite,\" The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, vol. 11, ed. Stanley Sadie (London: 1980), 87. The history and contents of the Heirmologion are discussed in Milo3 Velimirovi6, \"The Byzantine Heirmos and Heirmologion,\" in ed. W. Arlt, E. Lichtenhahn, and H. Oesch, Gattungen der Musik in Eizeldarstellungen: Gedenkschrift Leo Schrade, I (Berne and Munich: Francke Verlag, 1973), 192-244; while the makarismoi are the subject of a recent study by Maura R. Miglietta, \"I Makarismi nella tradizione liturgico-musicale del rito bizantino,\" Rivista Internazionale di Musica Sacra 8 (1987): 303-66. Facsimiles of three Middle Byzantine Heirmologia have been published in the Sine principale series of the MMB: C. H0eg, ed., Hirmologium Athoum [MS Iviron 470], MMB Serie principale 2 (Copenhagen: 1938); L. Tardo, ed., Hirmologium Cryptense [MS Grottaf errata E.y. II], MMB Sirie principale 3 (Rome: 1951); and J. Raasted, ed., Hirmologium Sabbaiticum [MS Saba 83], 3 vols., MMB Serie principale 8 (Copenhagen: 1968-70). Extended collections of transcriptions from Byzantine Heirmologia appear in J. van Biezen, The Middle Byzantine Kanon-notation of Manuscript H (Bilthoven: 1968); C. Hoeg, ed., The Hymns of the Hirmologium, I, MMB Transcripta 6 (Copenhagen: 1952); H.J.W. Tillyard, ed., The Hymns of the Hirmologium, III, 2, MMB Transcripta 8 (Copenhagen: 1956); idem, ed., Twenty Canons from the Trinity Hirmologium, MMB Transcripta 4=American Series 2 (Boston, Paris, London, and Copenhagen: 1952). 7 2 Levy, \"Liturgy and Liturgical Books,\" 87. The Sticherarion is also well represented among the facsimile editions and transcriptions of the MMB: C. H0eg, H.J.W. Tillyard, and Egon Wellesz, eds., Sticherarium [MS Vienna Theol. Gr. 181], MMB Serie principale 1 (Copenhagen: 1935); L. Perria and J. Raasted, eds., Sticherarium Ambrosianum [MS Bib. Ambriosiana A 139 sup.], 2 vols., MMB Serie principale 11 (Copenhagen: 1992); H.J.W. Tillyard, ed., The Hymns of the Octoechus, 2 vols., MMB Transcripta 3 and 6 (Copenhagen: 1940-49); idem., ed., The Hymns of the Pentecostarium, MMB Transcripta 7 (Copenhagen: 1960); idem, ed., The Hymns of the Sticherarium for November, MMB Transcripta 2 (Copenhagen: 1938); E. Wellesz, ed., Die Hymnen des Sticherarium fur September, MMB Transcripta 1 (Copenhagen: 1936); and G. Wolfram, ed., Sticherarium Antiquum Vindobonense [MS Vienna Theol. Gr. 136], 2 vols., MMB Serie principale 10 (Vienna: 1987). Another edition of the Sticharion's chants for the Oktoechos was prepared by L. Tardo from manuscripts preserved in Italian libraries: L'Ottoeco nei mss. melurgici: Testo semiografico bizantine con traduzione sulpentagramma (Grottaferrata: 1955). For references to specialised studies of the Sticherarion's constituent elements, see the bibliography in Levy, \"Byzantine Rite, music of the,\" vol. 3, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 563-65. 7 3 Oliver Strunk, \"Melody Construction in Byzantine Chant,\" in Essays on Music in the Byzantine World, 194-201; idem, \"The Notation of the Chartres Fragment,\" idem., 98-99; and Velimirovtf, \"The Byzantine Heirmos and Heirmologion,\" 207-10. 7 4 See the references supra, nn. 71-72. 149 heirmos, the music of the Heirmologion is almost entirely syllabic, with individual melodies carefully constructed out of a limited repertory of formulae for each mode. The chants of the Sticherarion demonstrate the same principles of centonate construction as those of the Heirmologion, but employ a slightly more developed melodic idiom featuring occasional cadential melismas.75 Possible explanations for the presence of such flourishes range from the liturgical context for certain hymns to the fact that most notated stichera are through-composed \"idiomela\" rather than model melodies. In any case, the differences in melodic style between the monastic hymnbooks represent relatively minor variations on a common utilitarian approach to the setting of text which contrasts greatly with the florid idioms of the two notated collections for the professional singers of the Great Church. While their melismatic choral and solo chants are also constructed according to the principle of formulaic composition, the repertories of the Asmatikon and Psaltikon contain melodies of far greater prolixity than either volume of Sabaitic hymns. The Composition ofTypika and the Diffusion of the Studite Rite One result of the Studites' astonishing expansion of the Sabai'tic repertories of hymnography was that each day of the year outside of the movable season subsequently possessed two sets of proper hymns (Oktoechos and Menaion), while those within it had three (Oktoechos, Menaion, and Triodion or Pentekostarion). Moreover, these vast repertories were accommodated within offices that were themselves a complex synthesis of the Palestinian Horologion with prayers and other material from the offices of the Great Church. Conflicts between temporal cycles, combined with the variety of books needed to construct a single Studite office, necessitated the composition of increasingly complex collections of liturgical regulations for the monastic rite. Initially appearing as short sets of instructions within the context of such monastic rules as the Hypotyposis of Studios,16 these were transformed by the rapid progress of the Studite synthesis into fully-formed Typika by the first half of the eleventh 7 5 Levy, \"Byzantine rite, music of the,\" 558-559. 7 6 'TTTorvrrcoaLS fcaraardaeMS\" rffe Movrfe rcSf STOVSLOV, PG 99, cols. 1704-20; and Opisanie I, 224-38. 150 century.77 Considerable variation may be observed in these and other documents of the Studite rite, each of which reflected a particular local compromise between Palestinian, asmatic, and newly-composed elements.78 The diffusion of Studite Typika from Russia to Southern Italy and the monasteries of Magna Graecia79 is a measure of the tremendous success both of St. Theodore's experiment in highly centralised cenobitism,80 and of the liturgical synthesis effected by several generations of Studite monks. The widespread acceptance gained by the latter was also evident in the popularity achieved by Sabaitic forms of hymnography in Byzantine society-at-large. Even as they continued to attend the cathedral liturgy of the Great Church on those days appointed by the Book of Ceremonies*1 the Emperors Leo VI (886-913) and Constantine Porphyrogenetos (913-59) contributed hymns to the monastic office.82 Perhaps even more tellingly, parahymnography based on Sabai'tic melodic and metrical models flourished in post-Iconoclastic Byzantium. The subjects covered by these secular contrafacta include rules of grammar, medical diagnostics, geography, and even satire. Examples of the latter range from the witty jibes of a kanon by Byzantine statesman Michael Psellos ridiculing a certain monk for his gluttony, to the coarse obscenity of the infamous Office of the Hairless Monk*3 A number of factors contributed to the rapid development and subsequent widespread adoption of Studite worship. The vigorous resistance mounted by St. Theodore and his 7 7 The first developed Studite Typikon, now extant only in Slavonic copies, was composed in 1034 by Alexios, abbot of Studios and later Ecumenical Patriarch (1025-43), for the monastery of the Dormition he founded near Constantinople. See Arranz, \"Les grandes Stapes,\" 62-65; Taft, The Byzantine Rite, 58-59; idem., \"Mount Athos,\" 182-84. 7 8 Miguel Arranz has studied the variations indicated in Studite copies of the Euchology. The divergent usages for matins are treated in \"Les prieres presbyterales des matines byzantines,\" OCP 38 (1972): 66,85-100, and 113-15. 7 9 Taft, \"Mount Athos,\" 182-87. 8 0 Theodore the Studite's monastic reforms are discussed in Charles Frazee, \"St. Theodore of Studios and Ninth-Century Monasticism in Constantinople,\" StudiaMonastica 23 (1981): 27-58; Julien LeRoy, \"Le cursus canonique chez Saint Theodore Studite,\" Ephemerides Liturgica> 68 (1954): 5-19; idem, \"La reTorme Studite,\" in // monachesimo orientate, OCA 153 (Rome: 1958), 181-214; idem, \"La vie quoudienne du Moine studite,\" Irenikon 27 (1954): 21-50. 8 1 These are listed in Baldovin, The Urban Character, 198. 8 2 Trempelas,\" 'EKXoyrj,\" 376-78. 8 3 Kariofilis Mitsakis has comprehensively addressed this topic in his excellent and often amusing account of \"Byzantine and Modern Greek Parahymnography,\" in Dimitri Conomos, ed., Studies in Eastern Chant 5 (Crestwood: St.Vladimir's Seminary Press, 1990), 9-76. 151 community to Iconoclasm\u00E2\u0080\u0094a movement that had been instigated by the imperial court and supported mostly by the secular clergy\u00E2\u0080\u0094left the monks of Studios with tremendous prestige after the Triumph of Orthodoxy in 843. The Studites were fully aware of their newly found influence, which they did not hesitate to use against secular clerics suspected of laxity.84 The ascendancy of monasticism in post-Iconoclast Byzantium was also evident in the field of ecclesiastical architecture. Where they had survived Byzantium's \"Dark Centuries,\" the remaining large monuments of Christian Antiquity were repaired, but the vast majority of new churches built during the Byzantine cultural and financial recovery that began in the ninth century were monastic foundations.85 No edifices suitable for the celebration of the cathedral rite were created, and any new secular churches tended to be minuscule neighbourhood buildings.86 Political and material considerations alone, however, ultimately fail to account for the creative edge enjoyed by the Palestinian monastic rite over the \"Sung\" Office of the Great Church during the four centuries of their coexistence in Constantinople. As we shall now see, there are reasons for believing that the forthright approach of the Studite offices and their hymnography to proclaiming the tenets of Orthodox Christianity was simply more representative of contemporary Byzantine spirituality than the majestic but comparatively aloof asmatike akolouthia. Monastic Hymnography and the Middle Byzantine Synthesis Robert Taft has written of a post-iconoclast \"Middle Byzantine synthesis\" of liturgical piety encompassing the iconodule theology of images, a \"more representational mystagogy of the liturgical anamnesis,\" and the extensive programmes of figural decoration that were typical of Byzantine churches after 843, which, when taken together, represent \"the victory of 8 4 Taft, The Byzantine Rite, 56. 8 5 Cyril Mango, Byzantine Architecture, paperbacked. (New York: Rizzoli International, 1985), 108-110, 130-40. 8 6 Mango, Byzantine Architecture, 137-40. The changes made to liturgical planning that rendered Middle Byzantine Churches generally unsuitable for the cathedral rite are summarised in Thomas F. Mathews, The Early Churches of Constantinople: Architecture and Liturgy (University Park and London: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1971), 178-79; and Taft, The Byzantine Rite, 61. 152 monastic popular devotion over a more spiritualist and symbolic approach to liturgy. \" 8 7 It is wel l known that signs of a shift toward literalism may already be found i n the decades immediately preceding the onset of Iconoclasm. One of the earliest indications of this change is the famous canon 82 of the Quinisext Council in Trullo (690), which declares that Christ was henceforth to be portrayed exclusively i n human f o r m . 8 8 The text of this canon is worth quoting in extenso: In certain reproductions of venerable images, the precursor is pictured indicating the lamb with his finger. This representation was adopted as a symbol of grace. It was a hidden figure of that true lamb who is Christ our God, shown to us according to the Law. Having thus welcomed these ancient figures and shadows as symbols of the truth transmitted to the Church, we prefer today grace and truth themselves as a fulfillment of this law. Therefore, in order to expose to the sight of al l , at least with the help of painting, that which is perfect, we decree that henceforth Christ our G o d must be represented in His human form, and not in the form of the ancient l a m b . 8 9 Taft has identified the same processes at work in the Ecclesiastical History of Patriarch Germanos I (715-730), a commentary on the Byzantine Divine Liturgy by an early opponent of Iconoclasm who, as we have previously mentioned, was also an author of hymns for the Sabai'tic rite.90 According to Taft, Germanos' essay in mystagogical exegesis superimposes an \"Antiochene\" interpretation of the Divine Liturgy \"as actual figure of salvation history in Jesus\"\u00E2\u0080\u0094which he traces to the liturgical tradition of Jerusalem and the Catechetical Homilies of Theodore of Mopsuestia(t428)\u00E2\u0080\u0094over the \"cosmic\" view of Byzantine worship inherited from Maximos the Confessor (f630) in which the earthly Eucharist is seen as a reflection of the Heavenly L i t u r g y . 9 1 Germanos' hermeneutical method is to describe how individual actions of liturgical ceremonial visually manifest particular events i n the Divine Economy: the Introit portrays the Incarnation, the Great Entrance with the unconsecrated gifts of bread and wine 8 1 The Byzantine Rite, 67-68; cf. idem, \"The Liturgy of the Great Church: An Initial Synthesis of Structure and Interpretation on the Eve of Iconoclasm,\" DOP 34/35 (1980-81): 72. 8 8 Taft, \"The Liturgy of the Great Church,\" idem. 8 9 J.D. Mansi, ed., Sacrorum concilium nova et amplissima collectio, 11 (Florence: 1759-98), 977-980; quoted in translation in Meyendorff, Byzantine Theology, 45 [italics by the translator]. 9 0 This key text has been published with commentary and English translation by Paul Meyendorff as Germanos of Constantinople: On the Divine Liturgy (Crestwood: St. Vladimir's Seminary Press, 1984). 9 1 Taft, The Byzantine Rite, 45-47; and in greater detail in idem, \"The Liturgy of the Great Church,\" 58-74. Central to Taft's assessment of these liturgical commentaries is his extension of the common scholarly distinction between the Antiochene and Alexandrian schools of scriptural exegesis to the interpretation of the Eucharist. 153 shows Christ proceeding to his Crucifixion, the deposition of the gifts on the altar represents the burial in the sepulchre, etc.92 While the interpretative synthesis of Germanos has been severely criticised by some modem theologians,93 it proved to be immensely successful in its time. The Ecclesiastical History became the preeminent Byzantine liturgical commentary for over six hundred years, enjoying such prestige that it even came to be incorporated into the text of some liturgical books.94 Taft, aware that the medieval literary productions of a Germanos reached only a select audience, has devoted most of the chapter on the \"Middle Byzantine Synthesis\" in his excellent short history of The Byzantine Rite to a thoughtful exploration of the relationship between iconography, church architecture, ritual and post-Iconoclast liturgical piety.95 Since the audible texts of the eucharistic liturgies changed little after 843,96 this contextual approach provides an excellent means for examining the impact of changes in Byzantine spirituality on ordinary worshippers at a Divine Liturgy. Yet, then as now, Byzantine liturgical life consisted of much more than the celebration of the Eucharist,97 and it is the present author's contention that the voluminous hymnography of the Studite offices was the vocal counterpart to the extensive new schemes of church decoration cited by Taft as visual manifestations of the new piety.98 9 2 Germanos' exegesis of the Byzantine Eucharist is analysed in Taft, \"The Liturgy of the Great Church,\" 49-58; cf. the convenient comparative chart of symbolism according to six Byzantine mystagogues in Hugh Wybrew, The Orthodox Liturgy: The Development of the Eucharistic Liturgy in the Byzantine Rite, American ed. (Crestwood: St. Vladimir's Seminary Press, 1990), 9 3 E.g. Alexander Schmemann, \"Symbols and Symbolism in the Byzantine Liturgy: Liturgical Symbols and Their Theological Interpretation,\" in Demetrios Constantelos, ed., Orthodox Theology andDiakonia (Brookline, Mass.: Hellenic College Press, 1981), 91-102; repr. in Thomas Fisch, ed., Liturgy and Tradition: Theological Reflections of Alexander Schmemann (Crestwood: St. Vladimir's Seminary Press, 1990), 115-28. Cf. Paul Meyendorff, \"Introduction,\" in idem, ed., St. Germanus of Constantinople: On the Divine Liturgy (Crestwood: St. Vladimir's Seminary Press, 1984), 39-40. 9 4 Taft, \"The Liturgy of the Great Church,\" 46,74-75. 9 5 Ibid., 67-74. 9 6 Taft, The Byzantine Rite, 55-56. This is not violated by the gradual substitution of the Liturgy of St. John Chrysostom for the Liturgy of St. Basil as the ordinary form of the Byzantine Eucharist during the 10th century, for the two Divine Liturgies differ primarily in their anaphoras, which had long been read silently. See idem., The Great Entrance: A History of the Transfer of the Gifts and other Preanaphoral Rites of the Liturgy of St. John Chrysostom, 2nd ed., OCA 200 (Rome: 1978), xxxii. 9 7 Cf. Robert Taft, \"Sunday in the Byzantine Tradition,\" in Beyond East and West, 42-46. 9 8 The Byzantine Rite, 67-75. The relationship between developments in Byzantine iconography and the mystagogy of Germanos is explored at much greater length in Hans-Joachim Schulz, The Byzantine Liturgy: 154 Just as post-Iconoclast worshippers were soon surrounded by an explicit visual synthesis of the heavenly hierarchy with the events and personages of \"salvation history,\" so they were perpetually confronted with chants repeatedly proclaiming the mysteries of the orthodox Christian faith with a degree of fervour and precision that no Old Testament psalm or canticle from the asmatike akolouthia could match. In this regard, the Quinisext Council's stated preference for \"grace and truth themselves\" in visual art finds clear parallels in the changes brought about by Sabaitic hymnography in the way Byzantine Christians remembered the \"History of Salvation\" in their daily common prayer. The classic example of this, of course, is the dramatic contrast between the primitive austerity of the Paschal Triduum in the \"Sung\" Office of Constantinople, which was marked primarily by scriptural lessons and a few proper refrains, and its richness in the rite imported from Palestine, familiar today from the modern Orthodox offices of Holy Week.\" The same dialectic between the two rites may also be observed in their weekly observances of the Resurrection at Sunday matins, especially before the insertion of a gospel lection, with attendant chants and ceremonial, increased the Paschal content of the asmatic service. In the Palestinian liturgical tradition the poetry of the Oktoechos, which has no parallel in the archaic psalmody of the \"Sung\" rite, explicitly emphasised the resurrectional character of Sunday. II. The Musical Reforms of John Koukouzeles The Emergence of the Neo-Sabaitic Rite The destruction of Christian sites in Jerusalem by Caliph al-Hakim in 1009 caused a disruption of liturgical life in Palestine analogous to that occasioned by Persian capture of the Holy City in the seventh century. Once again, recovery was accompanied by a realignment of Sabaitic monastic worship, although this time on a more conservative basis. To distinguish the revised Palestinian usages of the eleventh century from such earlier strata of Sabai'tic worship Symbolic Structure and Faith Expression, trans, by Matthew J. O'Connell (New York: Pueblo Publishing Company, 1986), 50-76, 178-88. 9 9 Gabriel Bertoniere, The Historical Development of the Easier Vigil and Related Services in the Greek Church, OCA 193 (Rome: 1972), 121-224; Taft, \"A Tale of Two Cities,\" 21-33. 155 as the Studite rite, Robert Taft has christened them the \"Neo-Sabai'tic synthesis.\"1 0 0 Distinguishing features of this new synthesis included the restoration of the agrypnia, which appears to have fallen out of use at some point before the adoption of the Palestinian offices at Studios in the eighth century, and an increase in the daily pensum of continuous psalmody during certain seasons of the liturgical year. 1 0 1 One should note, however, that these adjustments were relatively minor in comparison to the changes effected by earlier phases of liturgical development, the fruits of which were largely preserved intact within the Neo-Sabai'tic Divine Office. For reasons that are not entirely clear, elements of this Neo-Sabaitic synthesis began to infiltrate the Studite Typika of Byzantium in the twelfth century. 1 0 2 According to Uspensky, the pace at which monastic usages from Palestine spread picked up markedly following the capture of Constantinople by the Lat ins in 1204. 1 0 3 After first being adopted by the Serbian monastery of Ffilandarin 1190, the retouched Typikon of St. Sabas enjoyed particular success on Mount A thos 1 0 4 where highly structured Studite cenobitism was gradually giving way to the more flexible lavriote pattern of monastic organisation favoured by its hesychast monks. 1 0 5 The liturgical practices of Athonite monks became an important factor in the development of the Byzantine rite during the Empire's final two centuries, when the Holy Mountain came to play an increasingly prominent role in ecclesiastical affairs. 1 0 6 This occurred partially by default, for Mount Athos was the only major centre of Orthodox monasticism to emerge relatively unscathed from the disruptions caused by the loss of Asia Minor to the Turks, the resurgence of Slavic kingdoms in the Balkans, and the invasion of 1 0 0 The Byzantine Rite, 19, 79. 1 0 1 Taft, The Byzantine Rite, 79-80; idem, \"Mount Athos,\" 187-90. On the form of the revived Palestinian agrypnia, see Uspensky, \"Chin vserioshchnogo bdeniia,\" 88-98. 1 0 2 Taft, The Byzantine Rite, 81; idem, \"Mount Athos,\" 190. 1 0 3 Uspensky, \"Chin vsenoshchnogo bdeniia,\" 88. 1 0 4 Ibid., 100-15. 1 0 5 Taft, \"Mount Athos,\" 191. 1 0 6 The role played by Mount Athos in liturgical developments of the fourteenth century is discussed m Taft, \"Mount Athos,\" 191-94. 156 Frankish crusaders.107 Meanwhile, monks filled a void left in church administration after the Latin occupation of Constantinople (1204\u00E2\u0080\u009461), thus accelerating the progressive monasticising of the Byzantine Church that had begun with the rise of Studios in the eighth century. The vigorous defence of monastic spirituality mounted by Gregory Palamas (1296-1359) during the mid-fourteenth-century controversies over hesychast theology and practice brought both these processes to a climax in the councils of 1347 and 1351 which, in confirming the full orthodoxy of the Athonite monastic party, paved the way for its complete takeover of the church hierarchy.108 One of the most dynamic hesychasts to ascend the patriarchal throne in the second half of the fourteenth century was Philotheos Kokkinos (|1379), friend and biographer of Gregory Palamas.109 Born to a Jewish family in Thessalonica c. 1300, Philotheos paid for his own education from the great scholar Thomas Magistros by working as his cook. Upon completing his studies, he traveled to the monastery of St. Catherine on Mount Sinai, where he received his monastic tonsure and formation. Somewhat later he transferred to the Great Lavra on Mount Athos, becoming its abbot sometime in the 1340s. As a result of the first conciliar victory of the hesychasts, Philotheos was promoted to Metropolitan of Herakleia in 1347, where he served before ascending the patriarchal throne in 1353. During his two terms as Ecumenical Patriarch (1353-55,1364-76), Philotheos was instrumental in consolidating the position of the Patriarchate of Constantinople within the Orthodox Church, thus preparing it to withstand the coming collapse of the Empire.110 In the realm of liturgy, he promoted the standardisation of the Palestinian rite according to the Athonite recension of the Neo-Sabaitic synthesis with two rubrical treatises that he had 1 0 7 John Meyendorff, \"Mount Athos in the Fourteenth Century: Spiritual and Intellectual Legacy,\" DOP 42 (1988): 157. 1 0 8 The circumstances and consequences of the hesychast victory are discussed in Meyendorff, \"Mount Athos in the Fourteenth Century,\" 160-65; Donald M. Nicol, Church and Society in the Last Centuries of Byzantium: The Birnbeck Lectures 1977 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979), 9-65. The basic work on Gregory Palamas is J. Meyendorff, Intruductiona Ve~tude de GregoirePalamas (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1959); translated into English as A Study of Gregory Palamas, 2nd ed., trans. George Lawrence (London: The Faith Press, 1974). 1 0 9 V. Laurent, \"Philothee Kokkinos,\" Dictionnaire de Theologie Catholique, XII, 2, cols 1498-1509. 1 1 0 Meyendorff, \"Mount Athos in the Fourteenth Century,\" 160-63. 157 composed while abbot of the Great Lavra. The more famous of these is the Aidrafrs- rtf? Oeias- Aet rovpytas; an order for the Divine Liturgy and its preceding ceremonial preparation of the gifts or \"prothesis.\"111 Equally important for the history of the Byzantine rite is the lesser-known Aidra&S' Tfjs\" lepoScaKOUias;112 a set of instructions for the Neo-Sabai'tic agrypnia celebrated on Saturday nights and the eves of major feasts.113 Even though Studite usages for the Divine Office persisted for some time on the periphery of the Greek-speaking world, the Philothean order for the all-night vigil proved to be extremely influential.114 One indication of its success is that Symeon of Thessalonica's mystagogical commentary on the monastic forms of Byzantine matins and vespers assumes the Philothean recensions of these services.115 Another is the rapid diffusion of the Neo-Sabai'tic agrypnia in Byzantium's Slavic commonwealth. After the translation of the Aidra^ts\" rf}? [epoSiaKoisias'vt&Q Slavonic in the late fourteenth century, the agrypnia was adopted by the Trinity-St. Sergius monastery outside of Moscow in 1429, followed by Novgorod in 1441, eventually reaching the White Sea monastery of Solovki in 1494.116 The continuing dominance of Philothean rubrics in the offices of the modern Byzantine rite was later assured by their incorporation into the first typeset editions of Orthodox service books.117 Neo-Sabai'tic Sunday Matins The AidTa&s\" rfjs- iepctfta/covta?of\u00C2\u00A5h\\o\heos describes an agrypnia that is a composite of solemn Sabaitic vespers and matins. In the event that Sunday matins was celebrated separately from Saturday vespers, Philotheos provides alternate rubrics for the 1 1 1 Text after MS Panteleimon 770 in Panagiotes Trempelas, AL rpeis\" Aecrovpytac mrd rov? ei/ 'AOijvais- /ccoSi/cas; 2nd ed. (Athens: Soter Brotherhood, 1982), 1-16. 1 1 2 Ed. J. Goar, EvxoAdyiov sive Rituale Grcecorum, 2nd ed. (Venice: 1730)= PG 154, cols. 745-66. 1 1 3 Taft, \"Mount Athos,\" 191-94. 1 1 4 Studite usages were only completely replaced in the Russian Orthodox Church by the seventeenth-century Nikonian reforms, while the Greek monasteries of Southern Italy continue to employ local rescensions of the Typikon of Studios. See Taft, The Byzantine Rite, 82-84. 1 1 5 PG 155, cols. 561-88, 596-620; Treatise, 17-45, 51-68. 1 1 6 Arranz, \"N.D. Uspensky,\" 183; and Uspensky, \"Chin vsenoshchnogo bdeniia,\" 3-4. 1 1 7 Taft, \"Mount Athos,\" 192-94. On these editions, see N.B. Tomadakis,\" 'H iv 'haXiq ZKSOOLS iXXrjVLicaJv i/acArp-iacrTucwv 0ifiAitov kvptaj? Aeirovpyiiaov) yevopevr} impeAeia 'EAAfjvcov dp8o86\u00C2\u00A3cov KATIPLKLOV Kara TOVS LeiC aidjvas\" EEBS 37 (1969-70): 3-33. 158 former office's performance after the Midnight Office (Mesonyktikon).118 In either case, as may be seen in Table 5, Neo-Sabaitic Sunday matins was a revision of the parallel service in the Studite rite, retaining all of the latter's Resurrectional hymnography from the Oktoechos, as well as most of its cathedral-style responsories and ceremonial. According to the Philothean Diataxis, the conservation of this complex Studite inheritance in the all-night vigil necessitated the participation of a priest, a deacon, a canonarch, two readers, and a pair of antiphonal choirs with soloists. Neo-Sabaitic Sunday matins, like its Studite counterpart, had therefore strayed considerably from the primitive austerity of the seventh-century \"canon of psalmody\" observed by Nilus of Sinai, both with regard to its chant and to its diverse complement of liturgical personnel.119 Indeed, although all three morning offices share a common skeleton of ordinary psalms and canticles, the Studite and Philothean recensions of Sunday matins can be seen to have adopted precisely the trappings of cathedral worship singled out by the Sinaite abbot as appropriate for cathedrals but unsuitable for monks. New Trends in Byzantine Church Music Although new hymns were occasionally composed after the completion of the weekly and annual cycles of Byzantine hymnography in the twelfth century, they were for the most part peripheral additions to a repertory that was becoming increasingly standardised. As we have previously noted, varied textual compendia arranged by hymnodic genre like the Sticherokathismatarion\u00E2\u0080\u0094the purpose of which was to proffer a variety of possible ways to ornament the ordinary psalms and canticles of the Horologion\u00E2\u0080\u0094consequently gave way to abridged collections with an obligatory pensum of Sabai'tic hymnography for each day of the liturgical year. Thus codified into separate volumes, the hymnodic legacy of the Sabaites and Studites came to enjoy an authority and invariability within the Byzantine rite comparable to 1 1 8 PG 154, cols 758-60. 1 1 9 C f . Table 4, supra, p. 136. 159 TABLE5 SUNDAY MATINS IN THE STUDITE AND NEO-SABAITIC RITES3 STUDITE RITE A F T E R MSS A T H E N S 570 A N D V I E N N A T H E O L . GR. 185b NEO-SABAITIC RITE A F T E R PHILOTHEOS A N D S Y M E O N O F T H E S S A L O N I C A 0 Opening Blessing: EvXoyr]U\u00C2\u00A3Ur] r) paaiXeia Opening Blessing: EvXoyqrds 6 Oeds^ ROYAL OFFICE e Trisagion, Most Holy Trinity, Our Father Psalms [19, 20] Trisagion, Most Holy Trinity, Our Father Troparia [Supplications] and Exclamation: A6\u00C2\u00A3a rfj dyiq., Kai duoovaia), Kai {(OOTTOIU), Kai dSiaiperti) TpidSi NOCTURNAL PSALMODY NOCTURNAL PSALMODY Hexapsalmos (Ps. 3, 37, 62, 87, 102, 142) Hexapsalmos (Ps. 3, 37, 62, 87, 102, 142) The celebrant accompanies the psalms with five prayers from the Euchology (Morning Prayers 1-5) Great Synapte (Diaconal Petitions) Morning Prayer 6 from the Euchology At Ps. 87, the celebrant emerges from the sanctuary and silently reads the Morning Prayers [1-12] from the Euchology Great Synapte (Diaconal Petitions) Beds Kvpios (Responsory with verses from Ps. 117) Troparia (apolytikia) of the day, including the Resurrectional apolytikion in the tone of the week from the Oktoechos Oed? Kvpios (Responsory with verses from Ps. 117) Troparia (apolytikia) of the day, including the Resurrectional apolytikion in the tone of the week from the Oktoechos Sung Antiphon: Ps. 115-116f 2nd Kathisma from the Psalter (Ps. 9-16) Little Synapte and Morning Prayer 7 Little Synapte Poetic Kathismata from the Oktoechos Poetic Kathismata from the Oktoechos Sung Antiphon: Ps. 117 3rd Kathisma from the Psalter (Ps. 17-23) Little Synapte and Morning Prayer 8 Little Synapte Poetic Kathismata from the Oktoechos Poetic Kathismata from the Oktoechos CATHEDRAL VIGIL CATHEDRAL VIGILS Polyeleos (Ps. 134-35) Psalm 118 or Polyeleos (Ps. 135-35) Evlogetaria (Troparia for Ps. 118) Hypakoe of the Oktoechos Hypakoe of the Oktoechos Antiphons of the Oktoechos (Anavathmoi) Antiphons of the Oktoechos (Anavathmoi) 160 TABLE 5 (continued) ORDER FOR A FESTAL GOSPEL (if required)n ORDER OF THE SUNDAY GOSPEL Festal Prokeimenon Prokeimenon of the Oktoechos Responsory: \"Let everything that hath breath\" Responsory: \"Let everything that hath breath\" Festal Gospel Resurrectional Gospel Hymn: \"Having seen the Resurrection of Christ\" Psalm 50 and Morning Prayer 10 Psalm 50 Troparia Troparia THE KANON (Biblical Odes with Troparia from the Oktoechos) THE KANON (Biblical Odes with Troparia from the Oktoechos) Odes 1-3 Odes 1-3 Small Synapte (+ Morning Prayer l l ) 1 Small Synapte Odes 4-6 Odes 4-6 Small Synapte J Small Synapte Kontakion and Oikos of the Oktoechos Kontakion and Oikos of the Oktoechos Odes 7-9 Odes 7-9 Small Synapte and Morning Prayer 12 Small Synapte LAUDS LAUDS Resurrectional Exaposteilaria Resurrectional Exaposteilaria Ps. 148-50 with Resurrectional Stichera from the Oktoechos^ Ps. 148-50 with Resurrectional Stichera from the Oktoechos Great Doxology Great Doxology Trisagion Trisagion ORDER OF THE SUNDAY GOSPEL1 (Resurrectional Troparion of the week) Resurrectional Troparion of the week sung antiphonally Fixed Resurrectional Prokeimenon Resurrectional Gospel Diaconal Litanies Diaconal Litanies Morning Prayer 13 and Dismissal Morning Prayer 13 and Dismissal 161 T A B L E 5 (continued) NOTES a The divisions of the morning office into smaller units (e.g. the \"Royal Office\") have been adapted from Mateos, \"Quelques problemes de 1'orthros byzantin,\" Proche-orient chritien 11 (1961): 202; and Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours, 279-282. b As mentioned above, Studite documents display a notable lack of uniformity in their adaptation of material from the Byzantine cathedral rite to the Palestinian monastic office, especially with regard to the placement of the Euchology's prayers and the matutinal gospel. Table 5, which is reconstructed primarily after the orders for this service given in the Thessalonian Akolouthiai MS Vienna Theol. gr. 185 and the thirteenth-century Euchology MS Athens 570 (after Arranz, \"Les prieres presbyterales des matines byzantines,\" 89-90), therefore offers only one possible recension of Studite Sunday matins. The Vienna Akolouthiai and the Athenian Euchology are characteristic of Studite sources with a cathedral as opposed to a monastic orientation. They were chosen because Vienna Theol. gr. 185 and such other musical manuscripts as Athens MS 2458 (\"1336\") and Athens MS 2622 indicate the use of such a rite in Northern Greece during the Late Byzantine period. On the character of Studite documents, cf. supra, pp. 149-50. The Thessalonian order of matins is discussed in Christian Hannick, \"The Performance of the Kanon in Thessaloniki in the 14th Century,\" in Dimitri Conomos, ed., Studies in Eastern Chant 5 (Crestwood: St. Vladimir's Seminary Press, 1990), 140-43. c Philotheos, Aidrafis rfjs- iepoSiaicoi/ias; PG 154, cols. 757-65; Symeon, PG 155, cols. 561-88, 596-620; Treatise, 17-45, 51-68. Cf. the orders for modern Byzantine matins in Mother Mary and Kallistos Ware, eds., The Festal Menaion, 75-76; Ioannes Phountoules, MovaxiKds' opdpos; 2nded., Keifieva Aeirvipyi/rfs' 10 (Thessalonica: Pournaras, 1978); and Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours, 279-82. d When matins is celebrated as part of an agrypnia, this exclamation is omitted because of the blessing pronounced at the outset of vespers. e Before becoming permanently prefixed to monastic matins, this office commemorating the sovereign was initially employed only in certain imperial foundations. Its separate provenance is reflected in modern Neo-Sabaitic usage by the fact that when matins is celebrated as part of a vigil, the Royal Office is omitted. See Mateos, \"Quelques problemes de 1'orthros byzantin,\" 201; Philotheos, Aidrafrs, PG 154, cols., 757-60; Phountoules, MOWXIKO? opdpos, 7-8; Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours, 277. f The continuous psalmody of the Studite rite, according to Arranz (\"Les grandes Stapes,\" 64), was not recited as in the Sabai'tic and Neo-Sabaitic traditions, but was sung in imitation of cathedral rite usages. In addition, the Studite Typikon of the monastery of San Salvatore di Messina, which gives a more strictly monastic order of matins than MS Athens 570 or MS Vienna Theol. gr. 185, features an additional distinction between ordinary kathismata from the Psalter and proper psalmodic \"antiphons,\" designating three such \"antiphons\" for regular Sunday use. See M. Arranz, Le Typicon du Monastire du Saint-Sauveur a Messine: Codex Messinensis Gr. 115 (A.D. 1131), OCA 185 (Rome: 1969), xxxvi, 186, 328, 385. \u00C2\u00A7 Mateos (\"Quelques problemes, 203-15) believes this portion of Sabai'tic festal matins to be the remnant of a cathedral vigil like the one observed by Egeria in early fifth-century Jerusalem. n As such in Athens 570, but this is only one of the possibilities given for the placement of a festal gospel in Studite documents. The musical MS Vienna Theol. gr. 185 places the order for a festal gospel after the sixth ode of the kanon. The Typikon of S. Salvatore, in accord with the later Philothean rubrics for Sundays, assumes only a single gospel before the kanon. On the placement of the gospel in Byzantine matins, see Arranz, Le Typicon du Saint-Sauveur, xxxvi-xxxvii, 400, 428; Hannick, \"The Performance of the Kanon,\" 140-43; and Mateos, \"Quelques problemes de 1'orthros byzantin,\" 212-15. 1 Athens 570 does not appoint a specific moment for the recitation of Morning Prayer 11, but Arranz assumes from its placement in the series that it was recited at some point during the kanon. See \"Les prieres presbyterales des matines byzantines,\" 88-89. 162 T A B L E 5 (continued) J The musical MS Vienna gr. Theol. 185 places the order for a festal gospel at this point. Cf. supra, n. h. ^ It should be noted that the Typikon of S. Salvatore also mentions the use of cathedral-style refrains for Ps. 148-50. On these refrains and their relationship to the Byzantine cathedral rite, see our discussion supra, pp. 99\u00E2\u0080\u0094100. 1 Note also that this asmatic sequence for the Sunday Gospel is not found in the Typikon of S. Salvatore, which calls for the monastic order of the gospel after Psalm 50, as in the Neo-Sabaitic rite. See Arranz, Le Typicon, xxxvi-xxxvii. that of the biblical texts they were intended to farce. The effects of the perceived equivalence of hymnody and biblical psalmody may be seen in the transformation of such forms as the antiphons of the Oktoechos into free-standing hymnody through the atrophy of their scriptural component . 1 2 0 Even as the systematisation of hymnodic propers for the monastic rite was consolidating and canonising the achievements of one revolution in Byzantine liturgical music and piety, the stirrings of a second were becoming evident in the thirteenth century with the appearance of elaborate new musical settings placing an unprecedented emphasis on sophisticated melody. Three important preconditions for this development were already in place at the end of the twelfth century: 1) the saturation of the monastic office with hymnody, the completion of which channeled liturgical creativity away from the creation of new texts in established genres; 2) the invention of a fully diastematic musical notation capable of recording complex melodies i n d e t a i l 1 2 1 ; and 3) the integration of the Great Church's solo and choral repertories of the Psaltikon and the Asmatikon into the Studite rite, which supplied a precedent for monastic performances of florid chant originally developed for professional cathedral 1 2 0 In the case of the anavathmoi, according to Strunk, the process of biblical atrophy appears to have been well under way by the early thirteenth century. One should note that this phenomenon is not limited to medieval Byzantium, for a tendency toward suppression of an office's scriptural ordinary in favour of its hymnodic propers is still clearly evident in modern Orthodox services, especially when performed outside of a monastic environment. In a typical parochial celebration of Sunday matins, for example, the daily pensum from the Psalter and the nine biblical canticles are regularly omitted, even though their accompanying poetic kathismata and kanons may still be sung. See Strunk, \"The Antiphons of the Oktoechos,\" 166-67; N.M. Vaporis, The Service of Sunday Orthros (Brookline, Mass.: Holy Cross Orthodox Press, 1991). 1 2 1 Kenneth Levy, \"Le Tournant decisif dans l'histoire de la musique Byzantine: 1071-1261,\" Actes de XVe Congres International d'^tudes Byzantines, I (Athens: 1979), 475-79. 163 choristers. Together they paved the way for the appearance in the thirteenth century of a new 'kalophonic' or 'beautified' idiom that was generally distinguished by vocal virtuosity, but which could also be characterised by textual troping, highly melismatic passages, and even textless vocalisations on nonsense syllables called teretisms or kratemata. 1 2 2 The earliest known examples of kalophonic chant appear in the Asma, the thirteenth-century musical collection previously discussed in relation to its settings of the first antiphon of Byzantine cathedral rite mat ins . 1 2 3 Varying somewhat from copy to copy, the list of chants subjected to kalophonic elaboration in the four South Italian manuscripts transmitting the Asma contains a decidedly eclectic mix of liturgical items. In addition to music for the opening psalms of \"Sung\" matins, the collections feature a variety of chants for the monastic rite, including Psalm 135 (the second psalm of the Polyeleos), the gospel responsory \"Let everything that hath breath,\" several concluding troparia for Psalm 50, and a large repertory of stichera, most of which are dedicated to the Mother of God (\"Stichera Theotokia\"). W i t h the single exception of a setting of the Marian troparion\" \"Aixodev oi TTpcKpfJTai\" with a melody composed by a certain Andronikos, all of the pieces in the repertory of the A s m a are a n o n y m o u s . 1 2 4 It is interesting to note that the Asma's tentative essays in the kalophonic style appeared around the onset of the so-called \"Paleologan Renaissance.\" Lasting for a little over sixty years after the restoration of the Byzantine Empire under Michael VIII Paleologos in 1261, this period was marked by revivals i n the areas of Hellenic secular knowledge, visual art, and spir i tual i ty . 1 2 5 In the early fourteenth century, at the apogee of this final episode of heightened 1 2 2 On these vocalisations, see Dimitri Conomos, Byzantine Trisagia and Cheroubika of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries (Thessalonica: Patriarchal Institute for Patristic Studies, 1974), 273-86. 1 2 3 See the text and references given supra, pp. 85-88. 124 n \"Avwdev oi TTpocpfjTac,\" which is sung in the modern Byzantine rite during the vesting of a bishop, appears on folios 95r-109r of the MS Grottaferrata T. y. VII. See Bartolomeo di Salvo, \"Gli asmata nella musica bizantina,\" BolletinodellaBadiaGrecadiGrottaferrata 13 (1959): 135; 14 (1960) 165-66. 1 2 5 On the \"Paleologan Renaissance,\" see John Meyendorff, \"Spiritual Trends in Byzantium in the Late Thirteenth and Early Fourteenth Centuries,\" in Paul A. Underwood, ed., The Kariye Djami, vol. 4, Studies in the Art of the Kariye Djami and Its Intellectual Background, Bollingen Series 70 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975), 95-106: Nicol, Church and Society in the Last Centuries of Byzantium, passim, esp. 31-65; Steven Runciman, The Last Byzantine Renaissance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 164 intellectual and artistic achievement, a series of new chantbooks containing kalophonic works by named composers heralded the advent of a period of intense musical creativity that would continue beyond the fall of Constantinople to the Turks in 1453.126 Lacking the experimental character of the Asma, these musical collections are fully developed representatives of what one scholar has called \"a Byzantine ars nova,\"127 the effects of which were felt beyond the boundaries of the Greek-speaking world.1 2 8 The central figure in this musical revolution was the prolific composer, scribe, and maistor St. John Koukouzeles (ca. 1280-ca. 1341/75129). According to his problematic vita, he was tonsured a monk of the Great Lavra on Mount Athos, after which he would regularly spend weekdays outside the monastery walls practising hesychia.130 In addition to producing 1970); and Ihor Sevcenko, \"Society and Intellectual Life in the Fourteenth Century,\" in idem, Society and Intellectual Life in Late Byzantium (London: Variorum Reprints, 1981), I, 69-92. 126 lyiiloS Velimirovid has published a representative list of over one hundred names of fourteenth- and fifteenth-century composers from an Akolouthiai manuscript dated \"1453\" in his study \"Byzantine Composers in MS Athens 2406,\" in Essays presented to Egon Wellesz, ed. Jack Westrup (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1966), 7-18. 1 2 7 Edward V. Williams, 'A Byzantine Ars Nova: The 14th-century Reforms of John Koukouzeles in the Chanting of Great Vespers,' in Aspects of the Balkans: Continuity and Change, ed. Henrik Birnbaum and Speros Vryonis, Jr. (The Hague, 1972), 229; and 'John Koukouzeles' Reform of Byzantine Chanting for Great Vespers in the Fourteenth Century,' (Ph.D. diss., Yale University 1968), 388. The developed state in which the new chantbooks appear is discussed in Dimitri E. Conomos, The Late Byzantine and Slavonic Communion Cycle: Liturgy and Music, Dumbarton Oaks Studies 21 (Washington, D . C : Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 1985), 69-70. 1 2 8 E.g. the Slavonic tradition of Koukouzelian chants in transmitted in Moldavian manuscripts, on which see Conomos, The Late Byzantine and Slavonic Communion Cycle, 171-89. 1 2 9 Gregory Th. Stathis (Ol dfaypap.fxaTLap.ol ml ra pa&TJpara rfjs fivgdisnisfjs pouri/crjs (Athens: Institute for Byzantine Musicology, 1979), 127, n. 4) has suggested that a reference to \"o ndXai KovKOv\u00C2\u00A3\u00C2\u00A3Xris\" in the colophon to the Sticherarion MS Athens 884 can be interpreted to mean that Koukouzeles was no longer alive in 1341, when the manuscript was copied. This is in general accord with the views of Erich Trapp (\"Critical Notes on the Biography of John Koukouzeles,\" Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 11 (1987): 223-27), who proposes that Koukouzeles was not active after 1330. Williams (\"John Koukouzeles' Reform,\" 314,357) bases the date ca. 1375 on a terminus ad quern of 1376. Andrija Jakovlevid (\" 'O Meyag MaiuTajp 'Itodwris KovKovCiXr]s narraSdnovXog,'' KArjpouopta 14 (1982): 371) has suggested a compromise date of 1360. Karas, on the other hand, has recently resurrected the hypothesis of Papadopoulos that Koukouzeles lived in the twelfth century. See Simon Karas, Tojduurjg MatcTwp d KovtcovCeArjs ical ij enoxr] TOV (Athens: SiXXoyos TTpdg StdSooiv TTJS e&viKrys povoLKt)s, 1992), 9-12, 34-41,57-58; cf. Georgios I. Papadopoulos, ToTopLKT] emaKdwryjLS T/JS fivCaisrcidjs eKxArjaiaoTiicfjs p.ovaiKTJS' and Ttou dnoaroAitccSv xpdyojf pexpi rcdis m6' f/pas (1-1900 p.X.) (Athens: 1904; repr. ed., Katerine: Tertios, 1990), 138-41; idem, SvpfioAai els Tr/y loroplais rfjs~ nap' jjpiy etc/cArp-iao-ritafe povai/cfjs(Athens: 1890; repr. ed., Athens: Koultoura, 1977), 261-65. 1 3 0 Conomos, The Late Byzantine and Slavonic Communion Cycle, 79. Reliable general surveys of Koukouzeles' life and the problems connected with his vita are given in Jakovlevi6,\" '0 Meyas Maturwp 'lojdyyrjs KovKov(iXrys TtanaSdnovXos,\" 357t-74; Trapp, \"Critical Notes,\" 223-29; and Williams, \"John Koukouzeles' Reform,\" 304-57. The oldest copy of the vita in MS Vlatadon 46 (\" 1591\") remains unedited, but is consulted by Jakovlevi6 in op. cit., 366-67. A later rescension of the vita of Koukouzeles is accompanied with an English translation in Williams, op. cit., 492-508. 165 such famous pedagogical works as his didactic chant illustrating the standard repertory of melodic figures (\"cheironomiaV'),131 he composed musical settings of texts from across the Byzantine liturgical spectrum.132 Koukouzeles was also active as an editor of chantbooks, preparing updated versions of the Heirmologion and Sticherarion featuring relatively minor adjustments to their traditional melodies.133 His most significant contribution in this field was the compilation of the Akolouthiai or \"Orders of Service,\" a new volume which, for the first time, combined under a single cover the ordinary chants and psalmodic propers for the Byzantine eucharistic liturgies and Palestinian Divine Office. 1 3 4 The central repertory of office chants transmitted by Akolouthiai manuscripts is an amalgamation of traditional and newly-composed works ranging from syllabic psalm-tones to free-standing kratemata. For our present purposes, these may be divided into the following four categories: 1) Traditional and, for the most part, previously unnotated anonymous syllabic model verses for the ordinary psalms and canticles that are farced with hymns from the Heirmologion and Sticherarion. These include the lucernarium psalms of Palestinian vespers (Ps. 140, 141,116, and 129), Lauds (Ps. 148-50), and the biblical canticles of matins;135 2) Such anonymous responsories as the daily and festal prokeimena, \"The Lord is God,\" and the gospel chant \"Let everything that hath breath\"), for which alternate versions may be offered representing regional (Agiosophitikon, Agioritikon, Thessalikon, etc.) or functional 1 3 1 The earliest copy of the so-called Mega ison of Koukouzeles has been studied by Gabor Devai in \"The Musical Study of Koukouzeles in a Fourteenth-Century Manuscript,\" Acta Antiqiia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 6 (1958): 213-35. 1 3 2 The texts set by Koukouzeles are listed in Sophronios Eustratiades,\" 'loidwqg 6 KovKOvCikqs, 6 MatoToop, Kai 6 XP\u00C2\u00B0V\u00C2\u00B0S TJTS' dmfjg aurou,\" Enerripis4 ErmpeLag Bv^aynyiSu 2TTOV8(3I> 14 (1938): 27-67. 1 3 3 The two earliest copies of Koukouzeles' edition of the Heirmologion are MS St. Petersburg 491 (formerly numbered 121, dated \"1302\"), and MS Sinai 1256 (\"1309\"). The only known Sticherarion explicitly attributed to the Maistor is MS Athens 884 (\"1341\"), which bears a colophon stating that it was copied from a manuscript corrected by Koukouzeles. Several other manuscripts without this attribution, including the Sticherarium Ambrosianum (MS Bib. Ambr. A 139 sup.) recently published in facsimile by the MMB, appear to be copies of the Koukouzelian Sticherarion. On these manuscripts and their contents, see Karas, 'lajdwrjs Maiorcop 6 KovKovCekris, 36-40, Plates 15-21,25, 28; Lidia Perria and J0rgen Raasted, eds., Sticherarium Ambrosianum, Pars Suppletoria, MMB Sirie principale 11 (Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1992), 11\u00E2\u0080\u009412; Lorenzo Tardo, L'Antica melurgiabizamina:NeU'interpretazionedellascuolamonasticadiGrottaferrata (Grottaferrata: 1938), 73; Velimirovi6, \"The Byzantine Heirmos,\" 213-224; Williams, \"John Koukouzeles' Reform,\" 80,310-12. 1 3 4 A good introduction to these MSS (including a representative list and brief discussions of their composers) is provided by Conomos in The Late Byzantine and Slavonic Communion Cycle, 68-82. 1 3 5 Strunk, \"The Antiphons of the Oktoechos,\" 170-74, 186-89; Velimirovic, \"Byzantine Chant,\" in Richard Crocker and David Hiley, eds. The Early Middle Ages to 1300, The New Oxford History of Music 2 (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 54-55. 166 variants (e.g. monastic, cathedral, synoptikon) . 1 3 6 Stylistically related to these chants are ferial and festal katavasiai for Ode 9 of the kanon at matins, and the cathedral rite order for the Sunday Resurrectional gospel previously discussed in Chapter 4. Many of these chants are supplied with optional codas of considerable length set in the kalophonic style; 3) Compilations of individual psalm-verse settings for solemn psalmodic chants of the Neo-Sabaitic vigil not ordinarily troped with stichera, the progenitors of which are the collections of through-composed psalm verses contained in the Asma. 1 3 7 Two separate items from vespers are set in this manner: the Prooemiac Psalm (Ps. 103)138 and the First Kathisma of the Psalter (Psalms 1-3).139 Matins, on the other hand, is provided with alternate repertories for the festal third kathisma of the Psalter the Amomos (Ps. 118),140 the Polyeleos (Ps. 134-35),141 and a variety of proper festal psalmodic \"antiphons\" that are sung after or in place of the Polyeleos.142 Regional and functional variants of these compilations analogous to those of the responsories mentioned above appear in the manuscripts. The individual verses of these psalmodic collections display a great deal of stylistic variety, but may conveniently be classified as: a) \"quasi-traditional\" settings not attributed to any named composer, a category which includes anonymous regional and functional variants; b) eponymous compositions, often of considerable virtuosity; and c) extended kalophonic works, also eponymous, placed either as interludes or codas;143 and 4) Other kalophonic pieces intended for use adlibitum, often appended to the main body of music for the Divine Liturgy and Office. These include festal and penitential stichera; 136 variants of the matutinal responsory \"The Lord is God\" are transcribed and discussed in Diane Touliatos-Banker, \"The Byzantine Orthros,\" Byzantina 9 (1977): 342-83; Velimirovic', \"Byzantine Chant,\" 55-57. 1 3 7 Along with the compilations of the Asma, one should also add the First Antiphon of asmatic matins from the Asmatikon MS Kastoria 8 examined above, the setting of Psalm 135 in the Blagoveshchensky Kondakar (f. 107r-l 13r), and the Polyeleos verses from the so-called \"Bachkovo Fragment of the Asmatikon.\" This latter source is described by Elena Toncheva as a fragment from an Asmatikon inserted among the folios of the Sticherarion Church Historical and Archeological Museumof Sofia (CHAM) MS 818 (\"1281\"). See Toncheva, \"The Bulgarian Liturgical Chant (9th-19th centuries),\" in Christian Hannick, ed., Rhythm in Byzantine Chant: Acta of the Congress Held at Hemen Castle in November 1986 (Hernen: A.A. Bredius Foundation, 1991), 148-49, 172; \"Za rannata polieleina pesenna praktika na Balkanite (po isvori ot XII-XIII v.),\" Bulgarsko muzikoznanie 9, 3 (1985): 3-29. 138 Milos Velimirovic\", \"The Prooemiac Psalm of Byzantine Vespers,\" chap, in Words and Music, the Scholar's View: A medley of problems and solutions compiled in honor of A. Tillman Merritt, ed. L. Berman (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1972), 317-337. 139 EdWard V. Williams, \"The Treatment of Text in the Kalophonic Chanting of Psalm 2,\" Studies in Eastern Chant 2, ed. E. Wellesz and M. Velimirovi6 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1971), 173-93. 1 4 0 Diane Touliatos-Banker, The Byzantine Amomos Chant of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries, Analecta Vlatadon 46 (Thessalonica: Patriarchal Institute for Patristic Studies, 1984), 95-216. 1 4 1 Maureen Morgan, \"The Musical Setting of Psalm 134-the Polyeleos,\" Studies in Eastern Chant 3, ed. MiloS Velimirovic\" (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1973), 112-23; Edward V. Williams, \"The Kalophonic Tradition and Chants for Polyeleos Psalm 134,\" Studies in Eastern Chant 4, ed. M. Velimirovic\" (Crestwood: St. Vladimir's Seminary Press, 1979), 228-241. 1 4 2 These special festal \"antiphons\" are referred to as \"iicXoyai\" (\"choices\" or \"selections\") by Symeon of Thessalonica and by modern Greek Orthodox church musicians. See Phountoules, Movaxcicos dp&pos, 9, 64; and infra, 206-07. 1 4 3 These distinctions were first made by Williams, who thoroughly analysed each style in \"John Koukouzeles' Reform,\" 110-298. See also idem, \"The Kalophonic Tradition,\" 229-41, in which he addresses the question of regional variants. 167 melismatic oikoi from various kontakia; and free-standing kratemata, some of which bear such evocative names as \"Viola,\" \"Persikon,\" and \"Tartarikon.\"144 The Late Byzantine musico-liturgical synthesis embodied in the Akolouthiai of Koukouzeles was a multifaceted achievement. From a technical perspective, Koukouzeles and his colleagues perfected the kalophonic idiom of Byzantine chant and established its primary musical and textual forms, many of which remain staples of the Neo-Byzantine repertory. Yet these innovations were not liturgically neutral advancements of musical technique, for they signalled a significant breakdown of the traditional one-to-one correspondence between words and melody in Byzantine worship. The unprecedented length and complexity of many of the newly composed works not only indicate a profound shift of emphasis away from the kanons and stichera of the proper, but imply an increased confidence in the expressive potential of purely musical techniques, combined with new attitudes toward their use i n Orthodox worship. The practical consequences of these developments may be seen in the newly found ability of Late Byzantine choirmasters to effect almost endless variations in the length and style of a service by making selections from among multiple and often highly individual settings in the new chantbooks. 1 4 5 Conclusion B y the fifteenth century, the ancient dichotomy between elaborately sung cathedral worship and austere monastic offices articulated in the seventh century by Nilus of Sinai and revived by Symeon of Thessalonica in his treatise On Divine Prayer remained valid for the ferial performance of the lectio continua from the Psalter. A s Oliver Strunk has noted, it was 144 After the fourteenth century these types of compositions began to appear in specialised collections: the Kalophonic Sticherarion, the Oikoimatarion, and the Kratematarion. The Kalophonic Heirmologion was a later development of the seventeenth century. On these chants and their later dedicated collections, see Stathes, Oi duaypappaTiapoi mi rd pa&rjpara, 41^13, 113-25; Velimirovi6, \"Byzantine Chant,\" 61-63; idem, \"'Persian Music' in Byzantium?,\" in Studies in Eastern Chant 3, ed. Velimirovid (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1973), 179-81; and Williams, \"John Koukouzeles' Reform,\" 294-98. 145 The relationship of these musical developments to trends in fourteenth-century monastic spirituality have been explored by the present author in \"Hesychasm and Psalmody,\" Mount Athos and Byzantine Monasticism (London: Variorum, forthcoming). 168 recited in the Neo-Sabai'tic rite, but sung with refrains in the asmatikeakolouthia.146 Otherwise, pace Symeon, the total proportion of chanting in the cathedral and monastic Divine Offices of the Late Byzantine period allows both to be fairly described as 'sung' rites. This is not to say that important distinctions did not remain, for while chant in the \"Sung\" Office continued for the most part to be confined within the parameters established for cathedral psalmody in Late Antiquity, liturgical music developed along quite different lines in the Sabaitic tradition. In particular, we have identified two strata of chant in the monastic rite that depart significantly from earlier cathedral precedents: 1) The cycles of Sabaitic and Studite hymnography (7th-12th c.) which, by breaking longstanding strictures against non-scriptural hymns, not only bestowed greater musical and textual variety on the Palestinian rite, but also manifested a new approach to the commemoration of 'Salvation History' within the Divine Office; and 2) The fourteenth- and fifteenth-century repertories of Koukouzelian chant, in which melody emerges as a semi-autonomous shaping force in Byzantine liturgy. In addition to emancipating chant composers from the restrictive compositional frameworks of centonate cathedral psalmody and monastic hymnody, the musical reforms associated with John Koukouzeles even allowed them to burst the bonds of human speech in the textless vocalisations of the kratemata. Despite substantial differences in their respective musical forms, the products of these two phases in the development of the Byzantine monastic rite jointly presuppose the existence of a group of expert singers able to adapt to frequent changes of text and/or melody. In this regard they differ substantially from the antiphonal psalmody of the \"Sung\" Office, which was designed to accommodate the limited collective capabilities of the large urban congregations of Late Antiquity. As we have previously seen, this was accomplished in the Byzantine cathedral rite through the manifold repetition of choral psalm-tones and short congregational refrains, which were complemented by only a relatively small repertory of proper chants for the liturgical year. Aside from such functional concerns, the rise of Sabaitic hymnography and Koukouzelian chant also display a similar confidence in the suitability of boldly applying human creativity\u00E2\u0080\u0094whether through the medium of non-scriptural hymns or personalised 1 4 6 Strunk, \"The Byzantine Office at Hagia Sophia,\", 130-31. This distinction refers to the celebration of monastic offices in common according to the Neo-Sabai'tic Typikon, rather than to the private rule of solitary prayer maintained by each monk. 169 melodic styles\u00E2\u0080\u0094to the praise of God, a characteristic that is largely absent from even the solo chants of the archaic asmatike akolouthia. In conclusion, one should note that the qualitative differences observed between chanting in the Byzantine cathedral and monastic rites allow for a reinterpretation of Symeon's statement regarding \"the many priests and cantors\" of the \"Sung\" Office. Since the festal services of both rites were largely sung, each in fact required the presence of a full complement of musical personnel. Yet, as we noted in the conclusion to Chapter 4, the relative musical and textual simplicity of the Byzantine cathedral rite meant that its aesthetic impact on the worshipper was primarily dependent on the careful coordination of its celebrants in majestic ceremonies. In contrast, although not devoid of ceremonial, the Neo-Sabaitic agrypnia held the attention of the worshipper with variegated contents that were of greater literary and musical interest than the archaic psalmody of the \"Sung\" Office. This was, in part, a logical complement to the small scale of most Byzantine monastic churches, which were in any case unsuited to the physical requirements of the asmatike akolouthia. Nevertheless, whatever their proximate causes, seven hundred years of remarkable development in monastic liturgy had left a significant musical and textual gap between the two rites that Symeon was obliged by his restless congregation to fill. C H A P T E R 6 T H E S E T T I N G A N D S O U R C E S F O R T H E C A T H E D R A L L I T U R G Y I N B Y Z A N T I N E T H E S S A L O N I C A The reformed \"Sung\" Office instituted by Symeon of Thessalonica in the first quarter of the fifteenth century was the final episode in a long process of liturgical development that we have traced back from tenth-century Constantinople to the popular urban assemblies of Christian Antiquity. A s a prelude to our detailed evaluation of the celebration of Sunday Matins in Late Byzantine Thessalonica, we shall now survey the relevant sources for that city's tradition of cathedral liturgy. A n outline of what little is known about the local rite's progress prior to the fourteenth century w i l l form a necessarily brief introduction to a more thorough discussion of the context and contents of its Late Byzantine documents, both reformed and unreformed. Hitherto, where these sources have been cited, they have been used as witnesses to the transmission of elements from the central tradition of Byzantine cathedral worship, not as indicators of its late Thessalonian variant. I. Early Thessalonian Cathedral Liturgy A . Origins Founded in Hellenistic times by a general of Alexander the Great, Thessalonica under later Roman administration was a bustling commercial city with privileges of limited self-rule. Its prosperity was due in part to the city's strategic location at the crossroads of important North-South trade routes with the V i a Egnatia, the major artery crossing the Balkans l inking the Empire's densely-populated eastern provinces with Italy. 1 During the third century A . D . , Thessalonica became significant as a centre of Imperial military resistance to barbarian 1 Robert Browning, \"Byzantine Thessalonike: a unique city?,\" DialogoslHellenic Studies Review 2 (1995): 91-92; Oscar Tafrali, Thessalonique au quatorziimesiecle (Paris: 1913; repr. ed., Thessalonica: Institute for Balkan Studies, 1993), 1. 170 171 incursions, while at the turn of the fourth century it was also briefly elevated to political prominence when the Emperor Galerius made it his residence, an action that resulted in the construction of numerous monuments. 2 Among the major contributions of later emperors to the topography of Thessalonica were a new harbour ordered by Constantine the Great and, of importance for the city's later survival, an impressive complex of land walls constructed by Theodosios at the end of the fourth century. Secure behind its massive fortifications against the eventual onslaught of barbarian invasions, Thessalonica thus became the sole capital of the Roman Prefecture of Illyricum after the destruction of Sirmium in 441. 3 Around this time, Thessalonica also became the seat of a new Papal Vicariate with jurisdiction over the I l lyr icum. 4 A s an important ecclesiastical centre, it must have been the home of some form of cathedral rite, but no written sources for a Late Antique Thessalonian liturgy are known. Significant differences between liturgical planning in the Early Christian basilicas of Thessalonica and in those of Constantinople, however, indicate that the former's local rite differed from the transplanted Antiochene forms that presumably were in use at that time in the capital. The points at which Thessalonica's early churches diverged from their Constantinopolitan counterparts may be seen from the original layout of the city's oldest surviving basilica, a three-aisled structure of the mid-fifth century dedicated to the Mother of God, Acheiropoietos (Figure 3) . 5 Four aspects of its architecture are especially noteworthy: 6 2 ODB, s.v. \"Thessalonike,\" 2071. 3 Athanasios A. Angelopoulos, 'H E/acArjata OeaaaAoft/ajs: Aiaxpoyt/o) nyevpart/cr/ d/crti/ofioAta Tfjs ndAecos OTIJIS Xepaovrp-o TOV Aipov cos E\u00C2\u00A3apxtas, Btmpidrov, ml MijrponoAecos, 2nd. ed. (Thessalonica: Pournaras, 1991), 35; ODB, s.v. \"Thessalonike,\" 2071. 4 The history of the Papal Vicariate of Thessalonica is summarised in Angelopoulos, H E/c/cA/jata OeaaaAoviKTis, 91-109; and Carl Jerold Furst,901 mvdvtices ayeaeis TTJS e/CKArjoias QeoaaAoviicrjs pe TOV imoKono PaJprjs,\" in Xptariaft/cf/ OeaaaAoutxr): and rfjs 'IovoTii/tai/elov enoxfjs ecos ml rfjs MaKeSoutKTjs Swaaretas, TTaTpiapxt/cdu \"ISpvpa ITarept/ccof MeAendf 7epd Movr) BAardScof, 18-20 'O/CTcoftpiov 1989, Kei/rpo 'laroplag OeaaaAon/ajg TOV Aijpov OeaaaAovl/ais avroreAetg i/cSdaeisk6 (Thessalonica: 1991), 119-32. 5 The earliest witnesses (9th-10th c.) refer to the church only as being dedicated to the Theotokos. The term \"Acheiropoietos,\" which evidently refers to an icon \"not made by hands,\" First appears in sources of the fourteenth century. See Raymond Janin, Les eglises et les monasteres des grands centres byzantins: Bithynie, Hellespont, Latros, Galesios, Trebizonde, Athenes, Thessalonique (Paris: Institut Francais d'etudes Byzantines, 1975), 375-78; cf. Andeas Xyngopoulos, \"Al nepi TOV vaov Tfjg Ax^iponoifjTov OeaaaXovlicrjg elSrjaeig TOV KcovoTavrlvov AppevonovAov\" in Tdpos KwwTaw'ti'ov 'AppewnovAov eni rfj 172 1) Marble parapets were placed between the columns that separated the aisles from the nave. 7 Typical of churches in mainland Greece, this floor plan has only been discovered in one early basilica in Constantinople; 8 2) In place of a Constantinopolitan synthronon, the sanctuary featured a low platform for the bishop, with benches for the lower clergy flanking the altar; 9 3) The presence of a monolithic ambo with a single set of stairs (Figure 4), the original location of which is u n k n o w n . 1 0 Examples provided by other basilicas in the region, however, suggest that it is unlikely that the ambo was located on the central axis of the church, or that it adjoined a Constantinopolitan-style solea; 1 1 and 4) The narthex was totally enclosed, opening into the nave through a wide triple arcade or tribelon.12 The approach to liturgical planning evident in the Acheiropoietos seems to have been followed in Thessalonica's other large early churches, including the shrine of the city's patron and defender St. Demetrios. Probably founded near the end of the Fifth century, 1 3 the church of St. Demetrios is a large five-aisle basilica with a tribelon. It originally featured parapets limiting access to the nave, a sanctuary arrangement akin to that of the Acheiropoietos, and a e&Koaierrjpi'Si rffe i\u00C2\u00A3afii/3Aov avrov (1345-1945), 'Emorr/poM/cr} 'Ewerrpis-6 (Thessalonica: IJavemoTrjutou QeoaaXoviK-qs, Sx\u00C2\u00B0Arj NopLK&v ml OLKOVOPLKLOV rEmarr)ii&v, 1952), 1-3. 6 The main characteristics of liturgical planning in mainland Greece are summarised in Richard Krautheimer and Slobodan CurciC, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture, 4th ed., The Pelican History of Art (London and New York: Penguin Books, 1986), 99-103; Dimitrios Pallas, \"L'edifice cultuel chreTien et la liturgie dans l'lllyricum Oriental,\" Actes duXe congres international d'archeologie chretienne, I (Vatican City and Thessalonica: Pontifical Institute of Christian Archeology and the 'Eraipeia MaKeSovimv STTOVSCOU, 1984), 85-158; and Jean-Pierre Sodini, \"Les dispositifs liturgiques des basiliques paleochretie\"nnes en Grece etdans les Balkans,\" XXXI Corso di Cultura sulVArte Ravennate e Bizantina: Seminario Internazionale di Studi su \u00C2\u00ABLa Greciapaleocristiana e bizantina\u00C2\u00BB Ravenna, 7-14 Aprile 1984 (Ravenna: Edizione del Girasole, [n.d.]), 441-73. 7 Cyril Mango, Byzantine Architecture, paperback ed. (New York: Rizzoli International Publications, 1978), 38-40. 8 Intercolumnar parapets have been found in the small sixth-century church known as Beyazit Basilica A. See Thomas F. Mathews, The Early Churches of Constantinople: Architecture and Liturgy (University Park and London: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1971), 72, 120. 9 Mango, Byzantine Architecture, 39. 1 0 On the ambo of the Acheiropoietos, see Eutychia Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou, \"Les ambons paleochr&iens a Thessalonique et a Philippes,\" in XXXI Corso di Cultura sulVArte Ravennate e Bizantina, 255-58. 1 1 Pallas, \"L'edifice cultuel Chretien,\" 123-29. Long soleas connecting the ambo to the sanctuary, according to Pallas, were rather rare in mainland Greece and, where they do appear, reflect later Byzantine influence. In any case, as he astutely notes, the enclosure of the nave by marble parapets in the churches of Greece rendered them somewhat superfluous. Cf. Sodini, \"Les dispositifs liturgiques,\" 445-51. 1 2 Mango, 38; Jean-Pierre Sodini, \"Note sur deux variantes r\u00C2\u00A3gionales dans les basiliques de Grece et des Balkans: le tribelon et 1'emplacement de l'ambon,\" Bulletin de correspondence Hellenique 99 (1975): 581-84. 1 3 Krautheimer and Curcic, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture, 128. 173 Figure 3. The Acheiropoietos: longitudinal section and floor plan. From Anastasios K . Orlandos, 7V ^uAooreyos' 7raAaioxpio-na^i/a] /3aaiAi/aj rfjs\" MeaoyeLatcfjs' AeKdvrjs; v o l . 1, BL/3AiodrJKr] rfjs- iv 'Ad/jvais- 'ApxaioAoyi/djs- 'Ermpeias-35 (Athens: 1952), 156. ^ 1\u00E2\u0080\u0094 /7 dAcvcriis rfjs- OeaaaAonKrjs', though frequently cited by modern scholars as De expugnatione Thessalonicae31 contains important references to liturgical singing. If Kaminiates' account of the catastrophe is at least in part the contemporary witness it purports to be, a long-accepted presumption that has recently been vigorously challenged by Alexander Kazhdan 3 8 it may well be the earliest literary report of Thessalonica's developed cathedral 3 4 These links were probably first established in the 780s during the joint reign of Constantine VI and his mother Irene. Temporarily abandoned to its rural Slavic population after the Bulgar Khan Krum's defeat of the Byzantines in 811-12, this corridor was permanently reoccupied by Imperial troops in 836. See Treadgold, The Byzantine Revival, 70-75, 124, and 292. 3 5 ODB, s.v. \"Thessalonike,\" 2071-72; cf. D.M. Metcalf, \"The Coinage of Thessaloniki, 829-1204, and Its Place in Balkan Monetary History,\" Balkan Studies 4 (1963): 277-88. 3 6 Treadgold, 161-62,353. 3 7 Ed. Gertrude B6hlig, loannis Caminiatae de Expugnatione Thessalonicae, Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae, Series Berolinensis 4 (Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1973); annotated German translation by idem, Die Einnahme Thessalonikes durch die Araber im Jahre 904, byzantinische Geshichtsschreiber 12 (Graz, Viena and Cologne: Verlag Styria, 1975); modern Greek translation with commentary by Yiannes Tsaras, Jtoduuov Kapefidrov arrjf dAcoar] TTJS GeaaaAopiKTjs' (904 p.XJ Eiaaycoyfj - hkracppaarj - (Thessalonica: Kyriakides Bros., 1987). 3 8 Kazhdan has argued that the work may have been fabricated or, at the very least, reworked in the wake of Thessalonica's fall to the Turks in 1430. While Kazhdan's more radical views on this subject have not been generally accepted, other scholars have noted that inconsistencies in the text and problems in the transmission of Kaminiates' account would not be incompatible with the emendation of an earlier source. For the purposes of the present study, however, we shall accept De expugnatione Thessalonicae as essentially a tenth-century document. See Kazhdan, \"Some Questions Addressed to the Scholars Who Believe in the Authenticity of Kaminiates' Capture of Thessalonica,\" Byzantinische Zeitschrift 71 (1978): 301-14; together with the responses by Vas. Christides, \"Once Again Caminiates' Capture of Thessaloniki,\" Byzantinische Zeitschrift 74 (1981): 7-10; Erich Trapp,\" 'H xpo^oAoyla ovyypafyfjS TOD \u00C2\u00ABvepl TT)S dAakxecus rfjs- OeaaaAovLKqg\u00C2\u00BB, epyov TOV 1u)dwr] KapeviaTT), inl TTJ fidoei yAwoiicwv SeSopevuv\" in F Emcrnipovucd avpndaio: XpLcmdviKTi OeaaaAoviKT) and rfjs- '/ovcrnfiaveiov enoxfjs ecos Kal rfjs MaKeSovi/cfjs' Awaoreias, Keirpo '/aropias GeaaaAovi/ojS' TOV Afjpov BeaaaAoyi/crjs', AvroTeAeis- i/cSdaecs~& (Thessalonica: 180 liturgy. These references are of particular interest because the titles and positions ascribed to the author at various points within the text\u00E2\u0080\u0094namely reader, 3 9 cleric of the metropolis of Thessalonica, 4 0 member of the corps of clerics attached to the \"royal houses\" {\"OLKOL TWU BaatAetcov\"),41 and kouboukleisios 4 2 \u00E2\u0080\u0094are consistent with those of a Byzantine cathedral chorister 4 3 Consequently, it seems likely that the descriptions are of services in which Kaminiates had participated personally as a musician. 1991), 45-52; and Yiannes Tsaras, \"H avdevriicoTriTa TOV XPOVLKOV TOV Icodvvov Kapevidrrj,\" BuCam-LOKd 8 (1988): 41-58. 3 9 Kaminiates (De expugnatione Thessalonicae, 39) describes himself, his brothers, and his father as avayvuxiTai. As we have previously noted (supra, pp. 43-44), the musical forces apportioned by imperial legislation among Hagia Sophia and three other state-run churches of Constantinople consisted of an elite group of cantors (tpdAraL) and a much larger corps of readers. 4 0 Ibid., 69. 4 1 Ibid., 48. 4 2 Ibid., 3,69. According to the ODB (vol. 2, p. 1155), \"kouboukleisios\" was an \"imperial title conferred on patriarchal chamberlains.\" 4 3 These titles have been among the objects of controversy in the recent debate over the work's authenticity. Kazhdan (\"Some Questions,\" 301, 313) has found Kaminiates' claim to membership in the clergy of the royal house to be problematic, for, with the ancient exception of the reign of Galerius, there was no imperial palace in Thessalonica until the thirteenth century. Kazhdan further insinuates that the titles of kouboukleisios and reader, both of which are ascribed to Kaminiates, are inherently incompatible (ibid., 312). Bbhlig, however, had already noted that the ecclesiastical rank of kouboukleisios was at times bestowed on members of the lower clergy. A different solution to the question of Kaminiates' authentic titles has been proposed by Tsaras. Both in the commentary to his modem Greek translation (Srrjv dAcoarj rrjs OeaaaAovi/ajs; 13-15) and in his response to Kazhdan (\"H CLVB\u00E2\u0082\u00ACVTLK6TT)TQ.\" 43-44), Tsaras maintains that the positions of kouboukleisios and cleric of the metropolis of Thessalonica mentioned in the title and coda to the main text are not original, but the additions of a later scribe. According to Tsaras, therefore, Kaminiates was a reader in the service of the palatine chapel of the local strategos, thus interpreting the phrase \"iv rots OIKOIS T&V fiaoiAemv\" as a reference to the palace of the military administrator of the theme of Thessalonica. A more logical explanation of the problematic phrase \"cleric in the royal houses,\" however, is that it is a variation on the common title of \"royal cleric\" (\" fiacnALKds KATIPLKOS\"). Jean Darrouzes (Recherches sur les 0) Tpiy... tLord, help John Trig..., Koubouklesios, Royal Cleric and Protopsaltes of the Great Church Although it may be objected that the protopsaltes, as an accomplished soloist and/or conductor was a special kind of singer, his ecclesiastical rank according to the type of ordination he had received was identical to that of a 181 The relevant passages, apparently first cited in modern times for their musical significance by Papadopoulos, 4 4 occur in the course of the encomium of Thessalonica that forms the first part of De expugnatione. After sections on the city's topography and commercial activity, the author turns to the city's religious life and fondly recalls the wonderful singing of its choristers. 4 5 He then goes on to say: 6 TO 8' and TOVTOV, Kai pdXioQ' bri Tris evpvdpov TLOV dapaT&v ipvijod-qu r)8vvCas, OVK ol8a TLS yevcopat rj vol Tip Xoyco xwpfjcno, rrotov 8e rrapaXeino) TGJV T\8COTIX)V \u00C2\u00A3K\u00E2\u0082\u00ACIVU)V Kai evraKTiov peXipSrjpdTcov, ols ovveipaXXov Kai ovveopTaCov dvdpamoi Tats ovpaviais SvvdpeoLV. 7 el yap TiS TT)l> pOVaaV iK\u00E2\u0082\u00AClVT)V, TT)V \u00E2\u0082\u00ACK TTOVTOS OTOpaTOS V' \u00E2\u0082\u00ACV Tip \u00C2\u00A9\u00E2\u0082\u00AClp duarrep-iTopeuriu TOVS vpvovs iv Tats nav8rjpois ovvd^eai, Tip fjxtp TCQV iopTaCovrcov dyyiXcov, ivQa eixppaLVouiviov ndvTcov rj KOTOLKLO, i^eiKoviaai deXrjaetev, ovSiv TOV SiovTos dpaprrjaeTai. 11. Naoi yap Tives rrappeyiQets Kai treptKaXXets rfj noiKiXr) SiaKoo-prjcreL, Sid piaov trpoBeBXrjpivoi TTJS rroXecos locnrep Tivd Koivd npos TO detov i^iXaanjpia, KOLL TOVTCOV pdliora 6 TTJS navTovpyov Kai deias TOV vtrepovoiov Xoyov oocpias OLKOS, Kai 6 rfjs deirrapQivov travdyvov Kai deoprJTopos, dXXd Kai 6 TOV vrpoXexdivTos travev86\u00C2\u00A3ov Kai KOXXIVIKOV pdpTvpos Ar\prrrpiov, ivda TOVS Qeiovs ddXovs Sirjvvae Kal TO BpaBeiov TTJS ULK-qs i8i\u00C2\u00A3aTO, oi Kai TOV dnavra Sfjpov Tats Kara rreptoSov iwaviovoacs TUJV iopTiov rjpipats iv iavTots iKKXx]oidCovTes, dveKXdXrjTov evippcoavvrfv Kai nvevpaTLKfjv xaPflol/W t\u00C2\u00B0L$ ovviovoiy iBpdBevov. 2 iKeKXfjpcovTo yap iv eKdartp TOVTOJV TaypaTa iepicov, Si' cov fj PVOTLKT) TeXetrai XaTpeia, Kai dvayvioaTiSv avaTijpaTa, 8L' COV rj TCOV dapaTcov orrovSdCeTai vpvipSia, dpoiBaSov TOVS OTIXOVS dXaXdCovTes, Kai Tats xecP01/0M'-ALS' T(^u psXidv TOV (pdoyyov SiaTtdevTes, Kai pzydXrjv Tivd Kai d\u00C2\u00A3iodeaTOv xopeiav ovvioTiovres, Tip T\u00E2\u0082\u00AC eiSet Ttjs doTpanrovorjs crroXfjs Tas TOJV opcovTcov QiXyovTes o^eis, Kai TTJ Texvcopivr) TUJV ip-aXpcov Xvpa TT)V aKor)v KaTaTeprrovTes. Since I have just recalled the ordered sweet-singing of the canticles, I do not know what to do or how to proceed with my story. Which of those most sweet and elegantly proportioned songs I should omit, which men chanted and celebrated with the heavenly powers. For i f one might wish to compare that muse, which sent up hymns to God from every mouth at the civic assemblies as with one voice, to the sound of the angels celebrating in that place where all the blessed reside, he would not miss anything essential. reader (Darrouzes, 87-89). When this is taken into account, it seems perfectly plausible to conclude that John Kaminiates may indeed have been a chorister in the cathedral liturgy of Thessalonica bearing the additional honorary titles of \"royal cleric\" and \"kouboukleisios.\" 4 4Georgios I. Papadopoulos, SvpfhAai el$ rfjv loroplav rife nap' jjpli/ e/c/cArp-iaori/ajs- ponai/cfjs-(Athens: 1890; repr. ed, Athens: Koultoura, 1977), 225,241. More recent citations of this passage by musicologists are Neil K. Moran, Singers in Late Byzantine and Slavonic Painting, Byzantina Neerlandica 9 (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1986), 40-41; and Bjame Schartau, \"On Collecting Testimonia' of Byzantine Musical Practice,\" Universite de Copenhague Cahiers de VInstitut du Moyendge grec et latin 57 (1988): 159-61. 4 5 Ed. Bohlig, De Expugnatione Thessalonicae, 11 182 There are certain enormous and very beautifully decorated churches that are located in the midst of the city as sites for common worship. Foremost of these are the house of the divine and almighty Wisdom of the superessential Word, and that of the all-pure and ever-virgin Mother of G o d , but also that of the altogether glorious and triumphant Martyr Demetrios, in which the Saint accomplished his holy struggles and gained the prize of victory. Seasonally assembling the whole populace on recurring feast days, these churches continuously rewarded unspeakable gladness and spiritual joy to their congregations. For in each of these had been appointed corps of priests, by whom the mystical worship is served, and companies of readers, by whom the hymnody of the canticles is diligently accomplished, singing the verses i n alternation, and regulating the sound of the melodies by cheironomy. Constituting a great and visually impressive host, they enchant the gazes of those watching by the appearance of their shining vestments, and delight the ear by their artful performance of the psalms. 4 6 Kaminiates here sketches the outlines of a stational system of cathedral liturgy dominated by three large churches: Hagia Sophia (presumably the cathedral), 4 7 the Marian Acheiropoietos, and St. Demetrios. Each of these churches, which possessed groups of higher and lower clergy to celebrate their services, 4 8 acted as focal points for festal gatherings of the city's entire populace. In describing these events, Kaminiates, himself an anagnostes, not surprisingly pays particular attention to the role of the readers who, arrayed i n splendid attire and evidently present in significant numbers, made a great impression on the congregation. Wi th respect to their actual musical performance, in addition to noting, as was customary, its resemblance to the angelic liturgy at the throne of God, he reports that the readers executed psalmody in an antiphonal manner, and that they sang guided by the intricate Byzantine art of choral conducting known as cheironomy 4 9 Although Kaminiates provides no further details about the Thessalonian cathedral rite of the early tenth century, each element i n his description offers significant parallels with the Rite of Constantinople's Great Church, which also possessed a stational system of prominent churches centred on a cathedral of Hagia Sophia, employed a large corps of singing readers in antiphonal psalmody, cultivated cheironomy, 5 0 and was 4 6 Ibid., 12 (my translation). 4 7 Theoharidou, The Architecture of Hagia Sophia, 5-6. 4 8 Strictly speaking, Kaminiates only refers to celebrating priests and singing readers. One would assume, however, that these urban churches maintained full complements of clergy of higher (e.g. deacons and subdeacons) and lower (e.g. psaltai, domestikoi, and doorkeepers) degrees. 4 9 Cf. the brief discussion of cheironomy in reference to this passage in Kaminiates by Schartau, \"On Collecting Testimonial 161, n. 5. 5 0 Singing under the direction of cheironomy is mentioned in Middle Byzantine sources both in the context of court ceremonial, and in reference to the repertories of the Asmatikon and Psaltikon. For a thorough discussion of Byzantine cheironomy, see Moran, Byzantine Singers, 38-47, esp. 39-41. 183 generally characterised by its visual splendour. One may therefore conclude that the subject of Kaminiates' description was the Byzantine asmatike akolouthia, which by the early tenth century had evidently already replaced the old local cathedral rite of Thessalonica. 2. The Timarion After the temporary setback of904, Thessalonica continued to increase in prosperity until the Norman occupation of 1185 ushered in another period of troubles associated with the Crusades and their aftermath. Immediately prior to this, however, the city had once again become a major centre of international commerce with a large population that, according to Charanis, may have reached 100,000 or more . 5 1 Commercial, cultural, and religious activity reached an annual peak in Thessalonica around the feast of St. Demetrios on 26 October. The commemoration of the city's patron was marked on the one hand by solemn liturgy, and on the other hand by an international trade fair attracting merchants from as far away as Spain and Portugal. A description of Thessalonica and its annual festivities in honour of St. Demetrios opens the Timarion, an anonymous twelfth-century satire modeled after Lucian that features a journey of its protagonist through the underworld. 5 2 In addition to a colourful account of the trade fair, the Timarion also includes two brief passages describing the conduct of public worship for the feast: rCverai Sent rpels aurn navvvxovs BiavvKrepevoeis woXXtdu iepecov, iroXXtdv 8e vaCipaioov vrrb Svo X\u00C2\u00B0P\u00C2\u00B0LS 8iaipovp.\u00E2\u0082\u00ACviov Kai rr)u vjiuwStau rrXrjpouyrajv TOJ fidprupi. 'Erri rovrotg 6 dpxiepeus- lorarai dpxtdeoopog, old rig rr)v iopTr)v KaOtorcou cos- eiicds Kai ire pi TOJV rrpaKreOJV SiaraTTopevos. \"Evvvxa pev Sr) ravra Kai imb (pcori Kai XaprrdSi reXovpeva. This feast is observed with three all-night vigils featuring many priests and monks divided into two choirs performing the hymns to the Martyr. The Archbishop presides over these s 1 Peter Charanis, \"Town and Country in the Byzantine Possessions of the Balkan Peninsula During the Later Period of the Empire,\" in ed. Henrik Birnbaum and Speros Vryonis, Jr., Aspects of the Balkans: Continuity and Change (The Hague: Mouton, 1972), 131-32. 5 2 For a brief description of this satire, see ODB, 3, p. 2085, s.v. \"Timarion.\" An English translation of its text with extensive commentary by Barry Baldwin has been published as Timarion, Byzantine Texts in Translation series (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1984). 184 personnel, supervising the proper conduct of the feast and ordering its activities. These assemblies are celebrated at night by torch- and lamplight . 5 3 ToTe...ujaA/j.q)8ia Beiorepa Tig i^nKovero, pvdpal Kai rd\u00C2\u00A3ei Kai dpoiBfj ivrexfo) iroiKiXXopevr] rrpbs TO x^pteorepov. THv 8e OVK dvdpoov povov vpvog duarrepnopevog, dXXd 8r) Kai yvvaiKeg ooiai Kai iioudCovoat rrepl TO tTTepvyiov evcovr/pd TTOU TOV iepov, npbg Svo x^povg dvTupcovovg SiaipedeioaL Kai avrai TO ooiov dneStSouv T& pdpTvpi. Then. . .a most divine psalmody was heard, elegantly varied in its rhythm, order, and artistic alternation. Not only did men send up a hymn, but righteous women and nuns in the wing to the left of the sanctuary were divided into two antiphonal choirs, and also rendered honour to the M a r t y r . 5 4 This anonymous description of the religious observances i n honour of the city's patron immediately identifies the services in question as stational celebrations of the cathedral rite not unlike the urban vigils of Late Antiquity. In particular, the central importance attached in the first passage to the presence of Thessalonica's archbishop, together with the collective attendance of his clergy and the clearly popular nature of the events, clearly correspond to the definition of cathedral worship as episcopal liturgy manifesting the unity of the urban church . 5 5 The second passage, on the other hand, offers a brief but noteworthy account of an individual stational celebration. Its reference to a wing off the sanctuary pinpoints the location of this assembly in the \"cross-transept\" basilica of St. Demetrios , 5 6 while the presence of antiphonal choirs of monks and nuns is strikingly reminiscent of Egeria's witness to the participation of Hagiopolite monazontes and parthenai i n the urban liturgy of Jerusalem some seven centuries before. 3. Demetrios Chomatenos: Responses to Questions by Constantine Cabasilas The first unambiguous witness to the celebration of the \"Sung\" Office in Thessalonica comes from the first decades of Latin occupation in Constantinople after the Fourth Crusade of 5 3 Pseudo-Luciano, Timarione: Testo critico, introduzione, traduzione, commentario, e lessico a cura di Roberto Romano, ByzantinaetNeo-HellenicaNeapolitana 2 (Naples: Universita di Napoli, 1974), 55 (my translation). 5 4 Timarione, 59 (my translation). 5 5 Cf. supra, pp. 28-29. 5 6 On the typology of this basilica, see Krautheimer and durcic, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture, 124-28. 185 1204, at which time Byzantine resistance to the Franks was divided between rival Greek states i n Europe and A s i a Minor . It is contained in the responses of Demetrios Chomatenos ( tca.1236) , 5 7 who was appointed in 1216/17 to the autocephalous Archbishopric of Ohrid by the Despot of Epiros Theodore Comnenos Doukas, to questions on ecclesiastical matters posed by the Metropolitan of Dyrrachion Constantine Cabasilas. In the first of these, Chomatenos answers an inquiry about the order observed at the enarxis of resurrectional vespers and matins by noting that the proper sequence depended on whether the Divine Office was being celebrated according to the Constantinopolitan \"Sung\" rite or the Hagiopolites, the rite of the \"Holy Ci ty\" of Jerusalem. 5 8 He then reports that the former was being used in the \"Great Church\" of Constantinople, the metropolitan cathedrals of Thessalonica and Athens, and possibly a few other churches, while the Palestinian monastic rite was employed everyplace else. The remainder of this response is devoted to a detailed exposition of the opening sequences of the morning and evening offices according to each rite. Summary The total absence of textual or musical documents for the urban liturgy of Thessalonica severely constrains any attempt to trace the origins and shape of the city's cathedral rite prior to the fourteenth century. Our brief survey of the scattered evidence nonetheless allows several general observations to be made about its early history. A s a major commercial centre and an important episcopal see, Thessalonica undoubtedly possessed some form of a cathedral rite in Late Antiquity. The architectural witness of its great Early Christian basilicas, however, indicates that the city's local rite initially differed from that of contemporary Constantinople, a conclusion that is in accord with Thessalonica's ecclesiastical allegiance to the Roman Papacy and the concurrent immaturity of a still nascent Byzantine rite. The asmatike akolouthia was evidently introduced sometime during Byzantium's \"Dark Centuries,\" when the general 5 7 On Chomatenos, see ODB 1, p. 426, s.v. \"Chomatenos, Demetrios.\" 5 8 Demetrios Chomatenos, 'EpcoTTJaeis TOV dyLOJTaxrov prjTponoALTOv Avppaxtov icvpov Kajvo-Taisrtvov TOV Ka/SdaiAa, in J.B. Pitra, ed., Analecta sacra et classica spicilegio solesmensi, 6: Jurisecclesiatici Graecorum (Rome: 1891), col. 619-22. 186 disruption of life in the Balkans and the consequent loosening of ties to the West left a gap that was eventually fi l led by direct Constantinopolitan influence. In addition to the abolition of the Papal Vicariate and the integration of Thessalonica into the Empire's system of themes, this was clearly manifested by the construction and decoration of a new cathedral of Hagia Sophia with Imperial patronage, an act that in and of itself could conceivably have precipitated the transplantation of the Byzantine cathedral rite. In any case, later references in John Kaminiates' account of the Arab sack of 904 and in the anonymous Timarion testify to the maintenance of cathedral worship with a strong stational component from Thessalonica's economic recovery in the tenth century to the height of its prosperity in the twelfth. II. Thessalonian Cathedral Liturgy in Late Byzantium A. The Historical Context The long reign of peace in Thessalonica came abruptly to an end in 1185 when a Norman expeditionary force sacked and temporarily occupied the city, causing great damage to its churches and a temporary disruption of its liturgical l i f e . 5 9 The city soon returned to Byzantine rule, but fell once again under Western occupation after the Latin conquest of Constantinople in 1204. In stark contrast with the sorry fate of Byzantium's capital at that time, Thessalonica was not looted. While its churches of Hagia Sophia and St. Demetrios were expropriated for Latin use during the city's rule by the House of Montferrat , 6 0 urban life, according to Browning, suffered only relatively mild disruption. 6 1 The potentially deleterious effects of Western occupation were also minimised by its comparative brevity, for it ended after 5 9 Apostolos Vakalopoulos, A History of Thessaloniki, trans. T.F. Carney (Thessalonica: Institute for Balkan Studies, 1963), 42-46. The famous eyewitness account of the Norman attack and occupation by Archbishop Eustathios of Thessalonica not only includes vivid descriptions of the atrocities committed by the invaders in the city's main churches, but also some interesting reports of their later interference in the conduct of Orthodox services, including Hagia Sophia's patronal feast of the Holy Cross on 14 September. See the text with English translation in Eustathios of Thessaloniki, The Capture of Thessaloniki, trans. John R. Melville Jones, Byzantina Australiensia 8 (Canberra: Australian Association for Byzantine Studies, 1988), 114-19, 126-29, 134-37. 6 0 Janin, Les eglises et les monasteres des grands centres byzantins, 366-67, 407-08. 6 1 Browning, \"Byzantine Thessalonike,\" 98-100. 187 only twenty years with the liberation of the city in 1224 by Theodore Comnenos Doukas, Despot of Epiros. Total reintegration with the Byzantine political mainstream occurred with the city's submission to the Emperor of Nicea John Vatatzes in 1246. Browning has suggested that this combination of historical circumstances may have been responsible for Thessalonica's rapid emergence as the cultural rival of the capital during the \"Paleologan Renaissance\" of literature and scholarship that followed the restoration of the Empire in 1261, spanning the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries. 6 2 B y extension, it is also conceivable that the profound difference between the experiences of Byzantium's two greatest cities under Western occupation may have contributed to the survival of the \"Sung\" Office in Thessalonica despite its abandonment in the Imperial capital during the same period. Thessalonica reached the peak of its renewed prosperity in the first half of the fourteenth century as a cosmopolitan trading centre capable of supporting the construction of several large urban monastic foundations. 6 3 It was also praised by contemporaries for its intellectual l ife, serving at one time or another as the place of residence for an impressive number of distinguished scholars and churchmen, including Thomas Magistros, Gregory Palamas, and Philotheos Kokkinos. In particular, the city was an important point of diffusion for both the recently revived 'outer wisdom' of Hellenic learning and the 'inner wisdom' of hesychast prayer . 6 4 Achievements in these areas appear to have been complemented by a flourishing musical scene. Numerous Thessalonian compositions appear in manuscripts of Koukouzelian chant for the monastic rite,65 while Wil l iams has suggested that its local melodic 6 2 Ibid. 6 3 Marcus L. Rautman, \"Patrons and Buildings in Late Byzantine Thessaloniki,\" JOB 39 (1989): 295-315. 6 4 Basil Laourdas,\" 'H icAaaaiici) (piAoAoyia els rr)v 9eaaaAoviKT\v leard TOP Se/carov Teraprov aiwva\" (Thessalonica: 'Eraipeia MaKeSovLK&v ZrrovSajv, 1960); Donald M. Nicol, Church and Society in the Last Centuries of Byzantium: The Birkbeck Lectures 1977 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979), 31-65; idem, \"Thessalonica as a Cultural Centre in the Fourteenth Century,\" chap, in 'H OeaaaAofiKT): Mera\u00C2\u00A3v 'AisaroAfjs fcal Aiaews (Thessalonica: 'Erepeta MaKeSoviK&v SnovScDi/, 1982), 121-31; and Tafrali, Thessalonique au Quatorzieme siecle, 149-69. 6 5 Christian Hannick, \"Thessalonique dans l'histoire de la musique eccISsiastique,\" chap, in 'H OeaaaAofi/a]: Meragv 'AmroAfjs ical Avaeajs, 113-20. 188 tradition may have played a role in the rise of the florid kalophonic style of chanting, the primary musical innovation of the per iod . 6 6 A s the fourteenth century progressed, the artistic and intellectual activity in Thessalonica was increasingly played out against a background of accelerating political instability and decline. After 1320, the city was frequently employed as a base of operations by rival claimants to the Imperial throne in the c ivi l wars that plagued Byzantium during its final decl ine. 6 7 Social inequity and dissatisfaction with the central government also fomented strife among its own citizens, which came to a head near the beginning of the c iv i l war of 1341-47. In 1342, a group of revolutionary \"Zealots\" wrested control of Thessalonica from the aristocracy and established an independent republic that lasted until 1350. 6 8 Even as the Empire was preoccupied with internal conflicts, it was buffeted from without by newly ascendant Serbs and Ottoman Turks. During the first half of the fourteenth century the Serbs, led by their charismatic Emperor Stefan Uros IV Dusan (f 1355), forged an empire in the Balkans, while nearly all of Byzantium's remaining possessions in A s i a Minor were simultaneously lost to the Ottoman Turks. After the death of Stefan, the Ottomans skillfully took advantage of Byzantine weakness and Serbian confusion to undertake the conquest of Thrace, Macedonia, and Thessaly. The capture and sack of the nearby Byzantine city of Serres on 19 September 1383, was soon followed by a Turkish siege of Thessalonica that continued for four years until the Emperor Manuel II surrendered the city to the Ottomans in 1387. 6 9 This first episode of Turkish rule lasted until 1403, when the city was returned to Byzantine hands after the epic defeat of Sultan Bayezid I and his forces by the Mongols under 6 6 Edward V. Williams, \"The Kalophonic Tradition and Chants for the Polyeleos Psalm 134,\" in MiloS Velimirovic\", ed., Studies in Eastern Chant 4 (Crestwood: St. Vladimir's Seminary Press, 1979), 228-41. 6 7 The civil wars of the fourteenth century are discussed in Donald M. Nicol, The Last Centuries of Byzantium: 1261-1453, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 151ff. 6 8 On the Zealot revolt, see Nicol, The Last Centuries of Byzantium, 193-202, 227-30; idem, Churchand Society, 20-28; Ihor Sevcenko, \"The Zealot Revolution and the Supposed Genoese Colony in Thessalonica,\" in idem, Society and Intellectual Ufe in Late Byzantium (London: Variorum Reprints, 1981), III, 603-17; idem, \"Nicolas Cabasilas' 'Anti-Zealot' Discourse: A Reinterpretation,\" in Society and Intellectual Life in Late Byzantium, IV, 81-171; Tafrali, Thessalonique au quatorzieme siecle, 225-72. 6 9 Nicol, The Last Centuries of Byzantium, 286-88. 189 Timur in 1402.70 In the interim, the inhabitants of Thessalonica were subjected to some notable indignities, including the seizure of a few churches in the 1390s and a devshirme or child-tribute of boys forcibly seized for training as Muslim Janissaries. Nevertheless, the city otherwise succeeded in preserving a measure of autonomy, and its major churches remained in Christian hands.71 The treaty of 1403 between Manuel II and Bayezid's son Suleiman (1402-11) restoring Thessalonica to Byzantine Rule inaugurated the city's final respite from the Turkish onslaught.72 The junior co-emperor John VII initially assumed its governorship, serving with distinction until his early death in 1408. He was replaced by Manuel's third son Andronikos, who was installed as Despot of Thessalonica while still a small child. Throughout this period, the Ottomans were preoccupied with dynastic struggles between the sons of Bayezid and the pacification of rebellious emirs in Asia Minor. Byzantium remained on the sidelines of these conflicts and peace was maintained until the brief ascendancy of Musa (1411-13), who followed victory over his brother Suleiman with attacks on Thessalonica and Constantinople. In this instance the Turks were soundly defeated, but there are indications that the rulers of Byzantium's second city were sufficiently unnerved to have opened secret negotiations for surrender 7 3 Following the emergence of Mehmed I as sole Sultan in 1413, the Turks rapidly reconsolidated their position in Europe and Asia. Nevertheless, Mehmed's deep gratitude to Manuel for help in overcoming Musa was instrumental in preserving the peace for another eight years. The relationship between these two rulers even managed to withstand the strains caused by Manuel's involvement in the revolt of the Ottoman pretender Mustafa, an event that 7 0 Ibid., 315-22. 7 1 On the first Turkish occupation of Thessalonica and the treatment of its Christian population, see David Balfour, ed., Politico-Historical Works of Symeon, Archbishop of Thessalonica (1416117to 1429): Critical Greek Text with Introduction and Commentary, Wiener byzantinische Studien 23 (Vienna: Verlag der 5sterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1979), 106-119, 251-53; Apostolos E. Vakalopoulos, \"IJpo^XrjpaTa TJ)$ ioTopias rfjg OeooaXovLKTjg Kara rd reAr) TOV 14ov mi dpx^S TOV 15OV aldua,\" chap, in 'H OeoaaAovixT): MeTa^v 'AvaroAffe Kai Avaecos; 31-41. 7 2 On the Turco-Byzantine treaty of 1403 and its immediate aftermath, see Nicol, The Last Centuries of Byzantium, 318-30. 7 3 Balfour, Politico-Historical Works, 119-26. 190 provoked Mehmed to initiate a brief Turkish siege of Thessalonica in 1416 after the rebel had taken refuge within its w a l l . 7 4 This policy of peaceful cohabitation, however, did not survive the death of Mehmed in 1421 by more than a few months. Byzantine support for the renewed claims of Mustafa enraged the heir Murad II, who immediately responded by mounting simultaneous assaults on Constantinople and Thessalonica. A combination of stout Byzantine resistance and further Ottoman dynastic intrigues led to the withdrawal of the Turkish army from the walls of the capital on 6 September 1422, but Thessalonica remained under siege without hope of relief from the central government 7 5 A n increasing desperation within Thessalonica's walls fostered the emergence of parties of citizens vocally advocating surrender of their city to the Turks or to the Venetians. Wi th the apparent acquiescence of Manuel II, the pro-Western party persuaded the young Despot Andronikos in 1423 to sign over the city to Venice, which hoped to revive the city as a regional centre of commerce. 7 6 The Turks frustrated these plans from the outset by refusing to lift their siege, leaving the city's inhabitants totally dependent on occasional shipments of Venetian aid. In the face of the continuing military emergency, Venice reneged on its promises of autonomy to the citizens of Thessalonica, subjecting them instead to an authoritarian regime that methodically deported people suspected of harbouring pro-Turkish sympathies. 7 7 Political repression and dwindling supplies induced many to desert the c i t y , 7 8 causing its population to drop from either 40,000 or 25,000 at the time of the Venetian takeover (depending on the / 4 T h e 'Mustafa Affair' is discussed in Balfour, Politico-Historical Works, 126-31; and Nicol, The Last Centuries of Byzantium, 329. 7 5 Nicol, The Last Centuries, 331-33. 7 6 On the transfer of Thessalonica and its Venetian administration, see Balfour, Politico-Historical Works, 150-88; Yiannes Tsaras,\" 'H OeaaaAoucKT) and TOVS- BvCavrivovs arovg Beveandvovg (1423-1430),\" Ma/ceSow/cd 17 (1977): 85-123; and Apostolos E. Vakalopoulos, \"SvpfioArj orr)v ioropia rfjs OeaoaAoviKrjs eiri BeveTOKparLas (1423-1430),\" in Td/ios KcofarafTiyov ApfievonovAov, 'EmarriponKT] 'Fnerrpis16 (Thessalonica: 1952), 127-49. 7 7 Balfour, Politico-Historical Works, 234. 7 8 E.g. the member of Symeon's own staff whose notebook records his departure for Constantinople on 8 April 1425 due to Thessalonica's miserable state under Turkish siege and Venetian administration. See Sokr. Kugeas, \"Notizbuch eines Beamten der Metropolis in Thessalonike aus dem anfang des XV. Jarhhunderts,\" Byzantinische Zeitschrift 23 (1914-19): 152. 191 source consulted) 7 9 to around 10,000 on the eve of Thessalonica's fal l to the Turks on 29 March 1430. 8 0 B . Archbishop Symeon of Thessalonica Sometime between June 1416 and A p r i l 1417, 8 1 Symeon, a monk and native of Constantinople, was appointed Archbishop of Thessalonica. Although details of his early life are somewhat obscure, an examination of his writings has led Balfour to conclude that Symeon was bom in the Imperial capital early in the last quarter of the fourteenth century. 8 2 Evidently the recipient of a good literary education, 8 3 Symeon was tonsured a monk probably while still in his youth, and was only later ordained a priest. During this period of spiritual formation, according to Balfour, Symeon seems to have been a disciple of Kallistos and Ignatios, two influential teachers and practitioners of hesychast spirituality who were known collectively as \"the Xanthopouloi . \" 8 4 In addition to shaping his staunchly Palamite religious outlook, Symeon's apprenticeship with these holy men, who were known to have exercised considerable influence upon Manuel II, may have also provided him with important ecclesiastical and political contacts. Balfour surmises that it was through these connections that Symeon acquired both his intimate knowledge of patriarchal usages, and possibly even an appointment as Manuel's confessor. He further suggests that this in turn may have contributed 7 9 Charanis, \"Town and Country,\" 133-34. 8 0 Speros Vryonis, Jr., \"The Ottoman Conquest of Thessaloniki in 1430,\" in Anthony Bryer and Heath Lowry, eds., Continuity and Change in Late Byzantine and Early Ottoman Society: Papers given at a Symposium at Dumbarton Oaks in May 1982 (Birmingham and Washington, D.C.: 1986), 320-21. On the Ottoman conquest of Thessalonica, see also Yiannes Tsaras, ed., Twdimjs- 'Ayaywcrrrjs^ AirjyTjcns\" vepi rffs-reAeuraias' dAakretos' rffs BeaaaAovi/cr/s' (Thessalonica: 1958); idem, 'H reAevraia dAajor/ TJJS\" OecraaAovbcTjs-. Ta Ketpeva peracppaapeua pe eiaayteyi/cd ar/pet'copa KOL axdAia (Thessalonica: Kyriakides Bros., 1985). 8 1 On the date of Symeon's arrival in Thessalonica, see Balfour, Politico-Historical Works, 131-37. 8 2 David Balfour, \"Saint Symeon of Thessalonike as a Historical Personality,\" Greek Orthodox Theological Review 28(1983): 58-59. 8 3 George Scholarios, the learned churchman who became Patriarch Gennadios II after the Turkish conquest of 1453, describes Symeon as \"highly educated\" (\"ireiraLSevpevos iv rols pdAicrTa\"), as well as \"of outstanding virtue\" (\"dperfj rwv Tore npoexdvTcov ev npcorots'''). Oeuvres completes de Georges Scholarios, ed. L. Petit, X.A. Siderides, and M. Jugie (Paris: 1928-37), 506; quoted in Balfour, \"Historical Personality,\" 60. 8 4 Politico-Historical Works, 91-97, 211-28, and 279-86. Kallistos died three months after becoming Patriarch Kallistos II in 1397, but, according to Balfour, Ignatios may have lived well into the fifteenth century, during which time he probably served as Symeon's spiritual father. For information on the writings of the Xanthopouloi, see the references in idem, 281-82. 192 to Symeon's elevation against his w i l l to the important see of Thessalonica, which at that time ranked fourth in the Byzantine ecclesiastical hierarchy. 8 5 Patronage need not have been the only justification for his consecration, however, for Symeon had already acquired a reputation for erudition in matters of faith, having preached in public and written a short treatise On the Priesthood*6 while still a resident of Constantinople. Symeon arrived in Thessalonica to assume his new post either shortly before or immediately after the brief siege connected with the 1416 Mustafa affair, in the wake of which Byzantine Thessalonica enjoyed a final six years of peace. 8 7 Upon his accession, Symeon's first act as Archbishop was to issue an encyclical advising his flock to repent of their s i n s . 8 8 This proved to be a characteristic act, for although personally a humble and sincere man of prayer, in practice Symeon soon showed himself to be a rigidly idealistic pastor ready to denounce what he perceived to be the moral failings of others. His outspokenness, together with his impartial and strict application of Christian teachings in the city's ecclesiastical and c iv i l courts, quickly alienated much of his flock. Opposition, ingratitude, and the heavy weight of responsibility caused Symeon such grief that his delicate health began to fa i l , often leaving him bedridden during the first half of his episcopate. Symeon's popularity reached its nadir following the outbreak of hostilities with the Turks in 1422, at which time he advised the young Despot Andronikos to remain faithful to the central government in Constantinople at all costs. The stress brought on by his campaign against both the city's majority pro-Turkish party, and those favourably disposed to overtures from the Venetians, whom he regarded as heretics, in the end caused a near-total breakdown of his health. But once the transfer to Venice became a fait accompli, Symeon reluctantly accepted the new rulers as appointed by God, subsequently supporting them in their efforts to keep the Turks at bay by threatening to anathematise anyone who wavered in this cause 8 9 His health 8 5 Balfour, \"Historical Personality,\" 58-61. 8 6 ITepi lepoawrjs; PG 155, cols. 953-76. 8 7 This summary of Symeon's career is based on Balfour, \"Historical Personality,\" 61-67. 8 8 Text in 'Ayiov Ivpecov ApxiemoKonov Oeaaa\ovLKT]s, \"Epya GeoAoyi/cd, ed. David Bah'our, Analecta Vlatadon 34 (Thessalonica: Patriarchal Institute of Patristic Studies, 1981), 155-70. 8 9 Balfour, Politico-Historical Works, 83-90, 207-10. 193 improved somewhat at this time, and he even seems to have recovered a modicum of popularity for his efforts at war relief on behalf of the city's less fortunate citizens, as well as for his fierce and largely successful defence of the rights of the Orthodox Church under Venetian occupation. 9 0 In the fall of 1429, Symeon died unexpectedly. His death, which occurred some six months before Murad mounted his final assault on Thessalonica, was perceived by some citizens as an i l l portent presaging the removal of God's protection from the city. C . The Byzantine Cathedral Rite in Symeon's Liturgical Writings 1. Published Works Unti l relatively recently, Symeon of Thessalonica's literary reputation has been almost entirely dependent on a series of seven works edited by Patriarch Dositheos of Jerusalem and published in Jassy, Moldavia i n 1683.91 B y far the largest and most important work of the seven, all of which circulated widely in manuscript copies prior to their publication, is the monumental Dialogue in Christ (AidAoyosr if Xpiorcp), an extended treatise on doctrinal and liturgical matters that established Symeon's subsequent reputation i n the West as an astute liturgical commentator with a marked anti-Latin b ias . 9 2 Set as a dialogue between Symeon and an unnamed lower cleric, the Dialogue proceeds from an initial section refuting various heresies, to a systematic presentation of descriptions and mystagogical interpretations of the major liturgical services of the Orthodox Church. In fact, the Dialogue is the first commentary to address systematically not only the Byzantine Divine Liturgy\u00E2\u0080\u0094which had been the subject of theological exegesis since Maximos the Confessor (580-662) penned his Mystagogy93\u00E2\u0080\u0094 but 9 0 Ibid, 232-39. 9 1 Ibid., 19. 9 2 The full title of the Dialogue is AtdAoyos if XptarcS mrd nao~(3f rcSf alpeaetoy ml uepl TTJS pdfijs marecos TOV Kvpiov Kai Oeov mi ZZdrtfpos r/puif 'Jrjaov Xptarov, rcov tepcSf reAeraif re mi pvoTT]pttoy ndfTtoi/ TITS' 'E/acArjatas (PG 155, cols. 333-696). 9 3 English translation in Maximus Confessor, Selected Writings, trans. Geoge C. Berthold, The Classics of Western Spirituality (New York, Manwah and Toronto: 1985), 183-214. Although the Mystagogy of Maximus is the first properly Byzantine liturgical commentary, the roots of this genre pass through the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy of pseudo-Dionysios to the baptismal catecheses of Cyril of Jerusalem, John Chrysostom, Theodore of Mopsuestia, and other bishops of the fourth century. On the origins and development of Byzantine mystagogy, aee Rene\" Bornert, Les Commentaires byzantins de la Divine Liturgie du Vile au XVe siecle, Archives de VOrient Chretien 9 (Paris: Institut Francais d'Studes byzantines, 1966); Hans-Joachim 194 also the Liturgy of the Hours, both Neo-Sabai'tic and reformed Constantinopolitan. Two shorter works touching upon liturgical matters were also included in Dositheos' edition: the Interpretation of the Divine Temple,94 an essay written for the clergy of Venetian-occupied Crete discussing the symbolism conveyed by the physical arrangement of Byzantine churches and the celebration of the Divine Liturgy within them; and a series of Responses ('ATroKpioets) to questions posed to Symeon by Metropolitan Gabriel of Pentapolis . 9 5 The published mystagogical works of Symeon have attracted the attention of scholars representing various disciplines. Students of theology have studied Symeon's valedictory synthesis of the \"cosmic\" and \"life of Christ\" streams of the Byzantine tradition of eucharistic mystagogy. 9 6 Liturgiologists, on the other hand, have valued these same writings for their eyewitness accounts of Late Byzantine services. In particular, the detailed description and symbolic interpretation of the early fifteenth-century Thessalonian asmatike akolouthia in Symeon's Dialogue\u00E2\u0080\u0094which was for many years the only readily accessible account of the \"Sung\" Office\u00E2\u0080\u0094has served as the starting point for many pioneering discussions of the Constantinopolitan cathedral rite.97 This work begins with a prologue asserting that Thessalonica's cathedral was the last church to maintain the old rite, after which Symeon successively discusses the services of asmatic vespers, Sunday matins, Trithekte, the Liturgy Schulz, The Byzantine Liturgy: Symbolic Structure and Faith Expression, trans. Matthew J. O'Connell (New York: Pueblo Publishing Company, 1986); and Taft, \"The Liturgy of the Great Church,\" 59-72. 9 4 Often cited as Expositio de sacro templo, the full title of this work is 'Eppr/ueta irepi re TOV detov vaov Kai rcSf if airrco iepecof re rrepi Kai Stamfcof, dpxtepicof re Kai nov cSf eKaaTos rovrcof aroAcSf tepcSf neptftdAAeTat, ov prjf dAAd Kai uepl rfjs Betas pixrrayuytas, Adyof eKdcrrco StSovaa rcSf if avr(j reAovpiftof &eta>s /cat rots if Kpifrj) evcrefiiat (PG 155, cols. 697-750). 9 5 'AnoKpiaets rrpds rtrns ipwrfjaets dpxtepicos rjpcorrjKdros avrdf(PG 155, cols. 829-952). On the value of all three works for the study of Byzantine liturgy, see Ioannes Phountoules, To AetrovpytKOf ipyof Zvpecof TO\u00E2\u0082\u00AC &eaaaAoi>LKT)s (Thessalonica: 1966), 26, 29-37. 9 6 Symeon's contribution to the theological interpretation of the Divine Liturgy is discussed in Bomert, Les Commentaires, 245-62; Michael Kunzler, Gnadenquellen: Symeon von Thessaloniki (fl429) als Beispielfur die Einflufinahme des Palamismus aufdue orthodoxe Sakramentaltheologie und Liturgik, Trier theologische Studien 47 (Trier Paulinus Verlag, 1989); Schulz, The Byzantine Liturgy, 114-24; and Hugh Wybrew, The Orthodox Liturgy: The Development of the Eucharistic Liturgy in the Byzantine Rite (Crestwood: St. Vladimir's Seminary Press, 1990), 164-71. 9 7 Scholarly works employing this text as the main resource for examinations of the Byzantine \"Sung Office\" include Evangelos Antoniades, \"TTepi TOV dopanicov rj fivCavrivov KoopiKov TVTTOV TUP 'AKOXOVQLLOV rf)s r)y.epovvKT[ov Trpooevxfjs,\" &eoAoyt'a 20 (1949): 704-20, 21 (1950): 339-53; Alexander Schmemann, Introduction toLiturgical Theology, 3rd ed. (Crestwood: St. Vladimir's Seminary Press, 1986), 162-72; Nicholas Uspensky, Evening Worship in the Orthodox Church, Paul Lazor, trans. (Crestwood: St. Vladimir's Seminary Press, 1985), 37-40. 195 of the Presanctiiied, and Pannychis. These analyses include digressions noting weekday or festal variations in the services, as well as comments marking borrowings from the monastic rite and other alterations Symeon made to the traditional cathedral rite order. While the recovery of such important and relatively pristine primary sources as the Typikon of the Great Church, the Constantinopolitan Euchologies and the notated Antiphonaria has to some extent moderated the utility of Symeon's liturgical commentaries as a resource for the unreformed \"Sung\" Office, they have remained an important scholarly resource. 9 8 2. Unpublished Works in MS Athens 2047: The \"Typikon of St. Symeon of Thessalonica\" The important witness to Thessalonica's asmatic liturgy provided by the Dialogue in Christ has been complemented by the discovery of important unpublished liturgical documents written or edited by Symeon. These reveal him to have been not only a commentator on Byzantine liturgy, but also an author, reformer, and compiler of service texts. His most significant contributions in these areas are preserved in two manuscripts of Thessalonian provenance in the National Library of Greece. One of these, the archiepiscopal Euchology Athens 2065, is unfortunately of limited value for this study because its initial sections containing the ordinary prayers for Thessalonica's Liturgy of the Hours are m i s s i n g . 9 9 The manuscript's surviving folios transmit mainly seasonal and other occasional orations, among which are several original prayers by S y m e o n . 1 0 0 Athens 2047, on the other hand, a manuscript which formerly bore the title \"Typikon of St. Symeon of Thessalonica,\" is a document of profound importance for our investigation. 1 0 1 While today it lacks six folios at its 9 8 Eg. Oliver Strunk, \"The Byzantine Office at Saint Sophia,\" in EMBW, 113-35. 9 9 On this Euchology and its prayers, see Linos Polites, KardAoyos Xeipoypdcpcoy rfjs- E&yiicfjs Bi^Aiodrjiajs TTJS- EAAdSos dp. 1857-2500, 77payparecai rfjs A/caSrfplas 'AQqywy^A (Athens: 1991), 105-106; and Phountoules,\" '0 \"Ayios Svpeoov OeaaaXovLicqs Zvyypacpevs evxwv,\" chap, in ITpa/cn/cd Aeirovpyticov avyeSplov els npr}y teat pyrjprjy TOV' ey dylois rrarpds rjpcSy Zvpecoyos ApxiemaicoTrov GeacraAoyiicrjs TOV Qavparovpyov, (Thessalonica: 1981), 123-30;To AeiTovpyucdy epyoy, 48-67. 1 0 0 Symeon's previously unedited prayers from this and several other manuscripts are published in Ioannes Phountoules, ed., Zvpecoy ApxtemaKonov 6eo~aaAoylicr}s,Td Aeirovpyacd Zvyypdppara I: Evxai mi vpyoi, Eraipela MaiceSoynccSy SnovSiSy 10 (Thessalonica: 1968). 1 0 1 According to Phountoules, the now-lost title page of the manuscript bore the title \"Tvmicdu TOV dylov Svpewvos OeaoaXoi/iKTjs\" when it was consulted by Bishop Theophilos of Campania (tl795) for a prayer 196 beginning and an uncertain number at its e n d , 1 0 2 this manuscript was first brought to the attention of modern scholars in 1956 through Basil Laourdas' edition of its order for Thessalonica's patronal feast of St. Demetr ios . 1 0 3 Seven years later Jean Darrouzes published a preliminary description of its contents, revealing that the manuscript contained six collections of rubrics and texts for the Divine Office at Symeon's cathedral of Hagia S o p h i a . 1 0 4 However, it was Phountoules who, in his study Symeon of Thessalonica's Liturgical Works (1966), first noted that Athens 2047 was the vehicle for a systematic reform of the Thessalonian asmatikeakolouthia which Symeon undertook some years before his composition of the treatise On Divine Prayer.105 Phountoules suggests that it was probably implemented near the beginning of his archiepiscopate, when Thessalonica was at peace and external conditions would still have allowed such a venture . 1 0 6 The following brief descriptions of the six individual works comprising the \"Typikon\" provide a preliminary idea of the scope and purposes of Symeon's r e f o r m : 1 0 7 a) M S Athens 2047, f. l r - 5 r : An Order for Stations and Censing ( Tacts' rife crrdaetos' Kai TOV 9vjj.tdfiaros) . 1 0 8 The Taxis is a short treatise in two parts describing in minute detail the vesperal rituals of censing and the entrance of a celebrating hierarch in the Great Churches of Constantinople and Thessalonica. Within this work, Symeon explains that the local rite of censing\u00E2\u0080\u0094which, he composed by Symeon for the Feast of the Indiction (1 September). See Phountoules,\" 'O dyiog Svpecov Qeooa\ovLKV(S ovvrdKTr\s TVTTLKOV,\" chap, in JTpa/cri/cd A&rovpyi/cov crvveSpiov, 110. 102 p o r a codicological description of Athens 2047, see Basil Laourdas, \"Zvpecuu OeaaaXovLKr\s, \u00C2\u00AB' AKptfifis SidTa&s rfjs ioprfis TOV dyiov Ar]pr]TpLov\u00C2\u00BB\" rpijyopLos' 6 ITaAapds' 19(1956): 327-28; and Polites, KaTdAoyos Xetpoypatpcov, 94-95. See also the inventories of its contents in Jean Darrouzes, \"Notes d'histoire des textes,\" REB 21 (1963): 235-42; and Ioannes Phountoules, To AeiTovpyiKOV epyov Svpecov TOV OeaaaAoyi/ajs- (Thessalonica: 1966), 37-48. 1 0 3 \"AtcpLpfc 8i.dTa\u00C2\u00A3is,\" 326-41. 1 0 4 \"Notes d'histoire des textes,\" 235-42. 105 fd AeiTovpyiicdv ipyov, 38. 1 0 6 \" \"ZwTdKTT)s TvrriKov,\" 109-10, 115-17. 1 0 7 This discussion is partially dependent on the excellent summaries by Phountoules in To Aeirovpyi/cdf epyoi/, 40-48; and \"Svurdicrrig TVTTI/COV,\" 117-19. Where the manuscript fails to give an overall heading for a section, the descriptive titles by Phountoules are provided. 1 0 8 Appearing without a summary title in Athens 2047, the Taxis has been partially published with commentary by J. Darrouzes, \"Sainte-sophie de Thessalonique d'apres un rituel,\" REB 34 (1976): 45-78. 197 alleges, was formerly \"slightly confused\" ('x uvyKexvpivos pi Kpov\")109\u00E2\u0080\u0094has been revised to bring certain of its aspects into conformity with Constantinopolitan practice. The Taxis concludes with statements reflecting the \"cosmic\" tradition of liturgical interpretation maintaining that the received order of services is divine because the Church imitates the worship of the angels in H e a v e n . 1 1 0 b) M S Athens 2047, f. 5r-9r: A most precise and well-ordered exposition of how the Thessalonian \"Sung Office\" should be chanted at daily, Sunday, and festal matins and vespers according to the prevailing excellent and ancient tradition. The offices of the Menaion and Triodion composed by the saints have also been added to the \"Sung\" rite as seasoning, thereby completing the Church to the glory of God and his saints ( \"EK$ecris~ d/cpifieorepa per' evragias\" rtf? if OeuaaAofLKj) (paAAopefT)? dKoAoudias- TOV acrparos; OTTIOS' XP7? dAAeo~0at /card ro Kparfjaav KdAAtarof Kal dpxatof eVos1 if re rep opOpto Kal rqj icrrreptfcp Ka8' Tjpepaf re Kai if tcvpiaKais- Kai eoprais;. Svffjipe Si red dapart Kai rtjf roO Mrjfaiov Kai rou TptqjSiov aKoAouOtaf ovfredeipefrif eK rtSf dytcof co? fjSiapa reAovaaf rfj 'EKKAT]O~IC2 rrpos' Sd\u00C2\u00A3af XpiaroO Kai ralf dytaif avrov). The Ekthesis is comprised of two parts: a theoretical prologue, followed by a practical section of rubrics. Symeon begins the former with a series of general statements about Christian worship that echo the opinions expressed in his treatise On Divine Prayer on such subjects as the necessity of daily prayer and the seven times instituted for its observance. 1 1 1 After noting that some persons are appointed to praise G o d on behalf of the entire assembly, Symeon then addresses the clergy of his archdiocese directly i n order to explain why he has undertaken a reform of the Thessalonian \"Sung\" Office: Aid rama roivvv Kai rj perpiorng T)pv, Kpiuaoiv oi$ ol8ev 6 rrdvra Xoyoig dpprrrois oiKovopiZv, eig rr)v Qeiordrr\v ravrr\v rd^iv rcov dpxiepicou iXQovoa, itrei rr\v iyKexeipicrpivqv avrip KariXaBe rroipvr\v, rrjf dyitordrrji/ Tavrrjv TCOV OeaaaXouLKioju iKKXr\oiav, rovro XP^\u00C2\u00B0S\" XoyiCopivt) Kai i8iv Kai KOLVOV, rr)v eis Oeov co? etprrrai vpurjaiu Kai rr\v TGJV vaults evra^iav Kai rrepi ra deia SioiKrjaiv, arrov8r)u eioevyjvoxe rrdaau, wore rovs iv avrfj evayeordrovs KXrjpovg, Kar' avro rovro ro evayis KOXCOS dyeadai, Kai prj TO ivavriov drdicrajs (pipeodai Kai paBvpdals, o Kai padvpia rivcov Kai dqSoBia Oeov ovviBaive yiveoBai- dXXd pdXXou crnevbeiv 6ar\ 8vvapi$ eis rrjf rrpbg rb Qeiov 8o\u00C2\u00A3oXoyiav, Kai epyois Kai Xoyoig TJyojviodpeQa, Kai 109Darrouzes, \"Sainte-Sophie,\" 51. 1 1 0 Athens 2047, f. 5r. Cf. Symeon's discussion of prayer and the angels in the Dialogue (PG 155, cols. 536-541; Treatise, 9-13). 1 1 1 Ekthesis, f. 5r-5v; cf. PG 155, cols. 536-41, 549-53; Treatise, 9-13, 18-20. 198 Trapnveoapiv re, Kai napaivovpev vvv rovro Sid ypappdrcov 8ievepyelo8ai perd dydnng, Kai ivreXXopeda- cog av Kai Kara rb napbv i'Xecov Kai evpevfj rov vTrepvpvnrov \u00C2\u00A9ebv evpotp(e)v, Kai noXXoov pvodeCrjiiev Seivcov iv rod rrapovn aitovi, cog Kai rretpa troXXaKig eyvcopev, KOV TOO piXXovn Se rfjg avrov rov vnepev86\u00C2\u00A3ov \u00C2\u00A9eov d&oodwpev evpeveiag Kai x<*PlTOS> KC^ ovvavXiodoopev avrto Kai ovvSo^aodoopev cog SOVXOL evxdpioroi, irpbg rag vrrep Xoyov Scopedg avrov inaiverai (pavevreg evyvcopoveg, ei Kai pr) epyoig dyadoig, dXXd Kai iv Xoyoig rag xdptrag KadopoXoyovvreg.112 For these reasons, Our Moderacy, according to judgements which He W h o directs all by ineffable commands knew, came upon this most divine hierarchical order of service upon gaining possession of the flock entrusted to us, namely this most-holy church of the Thessalonians. Viewing this as both a private and a common duty with regard to what has been called the praise of God, the good order of its churches and the administration of divine tilings, we spared no effort to ensure that the most-holy clergy perform this pure rite well and not, on the contrary, conduct themselves in a disorderly and supine manner (for certain persons were showing indifference and fearlessness of God), but hastening as much as possible unto the glorification of the Divine. W e have previously struggled and exhorted in words and deeds, and now exhort with love in writing and command this to be completely implemented in order that i n the present we might f ind God, who is worthy of supreme praise, to be propitious and gracious, and that we might be delivered from the many dangers of the present age\u00E2\u0080\u0094for we have known many trials\u00E2\u0080\u0094and that in the future we may be found worthy of favour and grace, that as faithful servants we may dwell and be glorified together with H i m , appearing as grateful ones who praise His gifts above description, each confessing the blessings not only by means of good deeds, but also in words. A s in the preceding Taxis, Symeon here portrays his reform as the effort of a concerned pastor to correct disorder in the celebration of the Thessalonian \"Sung\" Office. A t the same time, he makes clear that diligence in common prayer was not simply a matter of decorum for his clergy, but a vitally important act of propitiation required by all for deliverance in troubled times. This reflects Symeon's belief that the Byzantines were being punished by G o d for their moral and spiritual laxity, with the consequence that redemption of city and Empire ultimately depended on sincere repentance and steadfast faithfulness to Or thodoxy . 1 1 3 Expressions of this sentiment are found not only in the hortatory writings published by Balfour, but also in his highly topical prayers for the stational liturgy of Thessalonica . 1 1 4 1 1 1 Athens 2047, f. 5v-6r (my translation). 1 1 3 Balfour, Politico-Historical Works, 103-04, 111-12, 248-49. If somewhat obstinate in his defense of the failing Empire, Symeon was by no means unique in his assessment of the contemporary geo-political scene. The spectrum of Byzantine reflection on its deterioration is surveyed in Nicol, Church and Society, 98-130; and Ihor Sevcenko, \"The Decline of Byzantium Seen through the Eyes of its Intellectuals,\" DOP 15 (1961): 169-86, repr. as essay II in idem, Society and Intellectual Life in Late Byzantium (London: Variorum, 1981). 1 1 4 Ibid., 249; cf. the texts in ed. Phountoules, Td Aeirovpyifcd \u00C2\u00A3vyypd/j.fiaTa I, 3-72. 199 In the next section of the prologue, Symeon turns from theoretical matters to the mechanics of the administration of worship at the secular churches in his archdiocese. While noting that the reformed asmatic order has been composed for his cathedral of Hagia Sophia, he states that the clergy of Thessalonica's other \"catholic churches\" who chanted the \"usual\" texts for matins (presumably those of the monastic rite) were to follow its prescriptions for cathedral rite vespers . 1 1 5 This command is of considerable significance, for by testifying to the partial maintenance of the Byzantine cathedral rite at the \"catholic\" churches of the Acheiropoietos and St. Demetr ios , 1 1 6 it indicates a wider distribution of the asmatike akolouthiai celebration than his oft-quoted remarks in the treatise On Divine Prayer would seem to suggest . 1 1 7 Evidence of this may be found not only i n rubrics for the celebration of asmatic vespers at churches other than Hagia Sophia within Symeon's reformed \" T y p i k o n , \" 1 1 8 but also in the transmission of music for the cathedral rite office of festal evening prayer in a number of Late Byzantine A k o l o u t h i a i . 1 1 9 Symeon subsequently narrows his focus by directly addressing the liturgical staff of his cathedral, ordering his priests, cantors, deacons, and readers to ful f i l l without exception their duties at vespers, matins, and the Divine Liturgy on the weeks and days designated by ancient custom. A l l the cathedral's liturgical personnel, however, were to be present at Saturday evening vespers, Sunday matins, and the following archiepiscopal celebration of the Divine Liturgy. They were likewise to assemble for services on Feasts of the Lord , those of important 1 1 5 Ekthesis, f. 6r. 1 1 6 Although not mentioned in the extant portions of Symeon's Typikon, it is possible that the \"catholic churches\" of the city may have included the church of the Asomatoi, which some scholars have identified with the impressive Rotunda of Galerius presently dedicated to St. George. Discussions of the Asomatoi and its status in Late Byzantine times include Janin, Les eglises et les monastires, 355, 358-62; W. Eugene Kleinbauer, \"The Original Name and Function of Hagios Georgios at Thessaloniki,\" Cahiers Archeologiques 22 (1972): 55-60; Michael Th. Laskaris, \"Naoi Kai povai OeaoaXoviicqs els TO oSonropiKov TOV ex SpoXeuuK 'lyvariov* in Td/uos Kajyarayriyov 'AppevonovAou, 318, 327-31; and Yiannes Tsaras, \"Oi Teaaepis KaOoXtKoi vaoi rfjs OeoaaXouLKT)s oro XP^VIKO TOV 'Iudwov 'AuayvakrTr},\" in A' I7ai>eAArji>io 'Iaropiicd ZvveSpio: TTpa/cri/cd(Thessalonica: 'EXXrjvad) ioTopiKr) 'eTaipeia, 1983), 133-38. 1 1 7 Symeon, ITepi TTJS deias npoaevxfjs, PG 155: 553-56, 624; Treatise, 21, 71. 1 1 8 Cf. infra, pp. 203-05. 1 1 9 On this tradition, see the present author's article \"Festal Cathedral Vespers in Late Byzantium,\" OCP (forthcoming). 200 saints, and for the traditional litanies and synaxes of the city's stational l i t u r g y . 1 2 0 The Archbishop was thus attempting to reinforce participation i n the liturgical celebrations which had been central to cathedral rites since Late Antiquity, namely the weekly commemoration of the Resurrection and the seasonal stational observances. Symeon concludes his prologue with an impassioned plea for the perpetual maintenance of the \"Sung\" Office similar to the one in the Dialogue.121 Noting that it was once celebrated i n Constantinople, Antioch, and in other churches, he repeats his claim that the asmatic rite has been preserved only at Hagia Sophia in Thessalonica, a statement that is, as we have seen, strictly accurate only in reference to its maintenance in totality. It is only at this point that Symeon addresses the substance of his reforms: Kai en 8ia.Tvnovp.ev eig KpeiTTOva TOI^LV TOJV tepojv vpvoov, avvdrJKrjv Te icai evTa&av, i'va TOV rraXatov aopaTog dSopevov, olov dpTvpd TL Kai rjSvopa, Kai oi napd TOJV dyicov owreBevTeg 8id Kavovoov vpvoi, ovv TovTip peXnoovTeg- ojg av Kai ai TOJV TTOXXOJV aKoai BeparrevoivTO, eig \u00C2\u00A39og eXdovoai Tfjg peXcoSiag TOJV Kavovoov, Kai drrXojg cog dvajKatov SvTog rov irpdypaTog- TO pev, cog Tag eopTag KOTO TTOXV KOOPOVVTOJV TOJV dyiojv Sid TOVTCOV TOJV vpvoov, eK TOJV evayyeXtKcov Te Kai dnooroXiKoov apa Kai npcxpnTiKtov prjoecov Kai evvoiojv deioov airrolg ovvreQeipevojv TO Se, cog Kai TOJV dyCoov Std TOJV dycoviopaTcov avrojv enaivovpevoov, Kai ovvSo^aCopevwv TOJ vrrep ov r/ycovioavro- eTi Se, cog Kai rfj TraXaig Tfjg Kaivfjg ovpcpcovovong, Kai pdXXov ra rrpiv oKicuSn rfjg dXndeCag emod>payiCovor\g Kai TeXeiovong. A n d furthermore we prescribe for the sake of a better sequence of sacred hymns, balance, and good order, that the hymns composed by the saints in the form of kanons be sung together with the old asmatic rite as a kind of seasoning and sweetening in order that the ears of the multitude might be healed upon encountering the ethos of the kanons' melody. This is also simply a necessary measure in order that, on the one hand, the feasts of the saints may be greatly adorned by these hymns, which are composed from the divine phrases and messages of the Gospels, the Apostolic books, and the prophetic writings; and, on the other hand, so that the saints are praised for their struggles and glorified together with that for which they struggled, just as the New Testament agrees with the O l d and, more specifically, shadowy portents of truth are consummated and f u l f i l l e d . 1 2 2 120Ekthesis, f. 6r. 1 2 1 Cf. Symeon, ITepl rffs &eia$- Trpoaeuxfjs, PG 155, cols. 553-556; Treatise, 21-22. 1 2 2 Ekthesis, f. 6r-6v (my translation). 201 A t the outset this passage closely parallels Symeon's brief description of the reforms in his treatise On Divine Prayer,123 for in both cases the only instance of borrowing from the monastic rite mentioned is the insertion of kanons, an act referred to in nearly identical language as \"sweetening\" and \"seasoning.\" 1 2 4 Thereafter the accounts diverge as Symeon offers different reasons in each for undertaking the reform. In the Dialogue, Symeon presents the addition of kanons to the \"Sung\" Office as essentially a pastoral decision necessary to forestall the criticism of ignorant malcontents eager to do away with the asmatikeakolouthia because of its unfamiliarity. In the Ekthesis, on the other hand, he treats this innovation in a much more positive manner, at first citing spiritual healing mediated by the ethos of the melodies themselves\u00E2\u0080\u0094a concept that is also found in the writings of the great hesychasts Theoleptos of Phi lade lphia 1 2 5 and Gregory Palamas 1 2 6 \u00E2\u0080\u0094as a benefit accruing from his introduction of kanons. He then admits that the paucity of hymnodic propers in the archaic \"Sung\" Office constituted what he viewed as a real deficiency, the correction of which, to a certain extent, seems to have been simply a matter of propriety, i.e. assuring that the saints receive the praise due to them. Nevertheless, it is significant that Symeon's description of the reformed offices in terms of the New Testament's fulfillment of O l d Testament symbols echoes the argument for representational art presented in Canon 82 of the Quinisext C o u n c i l . 1 2 7 B y making explicit the typological relationship between Old Testament psalmodic texts and monastic hymnody that we had previously proposed in Chapter 5, Symeon is stating his belief that the former are in and of themselves insufficiently specific with regard to the \"truth and grace\" clearly manifested by the latter. Yet Symeon also diverged somewhat from the example of the Quinisext Council's wholesale replacement of the Lamb with the human figure of Christ 1 2 3 Quoted supra, p. 132. 124 \u00C2\u00AB\"ApTVijd n Kai rjSvcrpa,\" cf. \"fjSvopd TL Kai dprvpa yAvKalvov\" in \6&m,ITepi Trfe deias rrpoaevxfjs; PG 155, col 556. 1 2 5 Discourse 19 in Robert E. Sinkewicz, ed. and trans., Theoleptos of Philadelphia: The Monastic Discourses (Toronto: 1992), 323. 1 2 6 \"OpiAta NA in Gregory Palamas, V/uAi'ai KB' (Athens: 1861), 108. For an overview of hesychast attitudes toward liturgical singing, see the present author's study of \"Hesychasm and Psalmody,\" in Anthony Bryer, ed., Mount Athos and Byzantine Monasticism (London: Variorum, forthcoming). 1 2 7 Cf. Symeon's remarks in the treatise OnDivine Prayer (PG 155, col. 636; Treatise, 78-79). On the canon of the Quinisext Council, see supra, p. 152. 202 by retaining both the scriptural type (the psalms) and its consummation (hymnody) in his offices, balancing these two elements in order to create what he believed to be a superior order of worship. The second half of the Ekthesis contains detailed outlines of the reformed cathedral rite offices of daily and Sunday matins, followed by a similar plan for Saturday vespers that complements the ferial evening order of the preceding Taxis. Although in general accord with the corresponding descriptions i n the treatise On Divine Prayer, the Ekthesis, which includes rubrics for festal variations among its orders, is considerably more specific about the structure of the reformed offices it describes. W e shall temporarily forego an analysis of the service plans in the Ekthesis, however, because the format for Sunday matins w i l l be discussed in greater depth in the following chapter. Nevertheless, with regard to the question that has already been raised about the celebration of \"Sung\" offices in Thessalonian churches other than Hagia Sophia, it is worth noting that the order of the Ekthesis for Saturday vespers contains instructions for the ordinary celebration of this asmatic service at the basilica of St. Demetr ios . 1 2 8 c) M S Athens 2047, f. 9v-24v: A synoptic outline of the festal services of the liturgical year listing: when it is necessary to ring both of the holy bells, which are the catholic and medium feasts of the year, and how one must chant for them ('TTrorvTrcoms' eu avi/afrei. T(3i> dfcoXovdiali/ roll/ eoprcof TOV OAOU enavroO teal wore Set anpatfetf Sid ralf lepoji/ KcoSaji/tois St-TrAdis* Kal trotai Se at KadoXiKai Kal peaai eopral TOV enavroO Kal wcDs' Set ipaXXeLU ev avrats). A s indicated by its title, the Hypotyposis is an abbreviated Typikon containing outlines of the services for the feasts of the Thessalonian liturgical y e a r . 1 2 9 Symeon scatters references to an older local order throughout the Hypotyposis, indicating that he was relying, in part, on a now lost cathedral rite Typikon for Thessalonica . 1 3 0 While the work as a whole is presented as a restoration of former custom, he frankly notes the replacement of several traditional 1 2 8 Ekthesis, f. 9r. 1 2 9 A complete list of the commemorations included in the Hypotyposis is given in Phountoules, To AeiTovpyiKov epyov, 41. 1 3 0 Ibid., 42-43. 203 Thessalonian observances with newly instituted commemorations. 1 3 1 A poignant reminder of Symeon's own difficulties is his addition of alternate rubrics for the stational commemoration of Holy Thursday i n the event of the archbishop's i l l n e s s . 1 3 2 The rubrics of the Hypotyposis for the fixed commemorations of the calendar year appear on folios 9v-21r of Athens 2047, followed on folios 21r-24v by those for the movable Paschal cycle. When such multiple feasts of the same class as those of the four evangelists share a single order, only the first commemoration encountered in the course of the ecclesiastical year (1 September-31 August) is provided with complete rubrics. A n exception to the preoccupation of the Hypotyposis with variations in the normal order is its detailed description of the ferial services of 2 September, which, Symeon informs us, is intended as a model of reformed daily usages. 1 3 3 Of particular interest are the precise instructions of this ordinary for the ritual actions of Hagia Sophia's ecclesiastical personnel at asmatic matins, including an order of censing comparable to that given for vespers in the Taxis.134 In addition to orchestrating services at Thessalonica's cathedral, the Hypotyposis includes rubrics for the processions and remote celebrations of a stational system of archiepiscopal liturgy analogous to that of Constantinople. Not including the residence of the Archbishop and three chapels, all of which seem to have been part of the cathedral complex, the Hypotyposis refers to a total of eight stational sites within the city, the most significant of which are the churches of the Acheiropoietos and St. Demetrios (cf. Figure 7 ) . 1 3 5 According to the Hypotyposis, the Marian basilica of the Acheiropoietos hosted the major feasts of the Mother of God\u00E2\u0080\u0094namely the Nativity of the Theotokos (8 September), the Entrance of the Theotokos (21 November), the Presentation of Christ in the Temple (2 February), the . 1 3 1 E.g. those of the monastic saints Theodosios the Cenobiarch and Anthony the Great (Hypotyposis, f. 17v); cf. Darrouzes, \"Sainte-Sophie de Thessalonique d'apres un rituel,\" 78. 1 3 2 Hypotyposis, f. 23r; cf. infra, p. 209, n. 152. 1 3 3 Hypotyposis, f. lOr-llv. 1 3 4 Substantial excerpts from this matutinal order for censing are published in Darrouzes, \"Sainte-sophie,\" 60-63. 1 3 5 The four Stational celebrations occurred at the city's Forum and its churches of the Ascension (or Saviour) in the Acropolis, the Holy Apostles, the Acheiropoietos, St. Demetrios, Sts. Theodore, the Theotokos Katafyge, and the Apostle Paul. See Phountoules, \"Maprvptai TOV GeooaAoviiajs Svpedv rrepi T&V vatiJv TTJS OeacraXovLKTjs,\" 'Emorrjpoi'iiaj 'EireTipfe OeoAoyiKTJS\" ZxoArJsIl (Thessalonica: 1976): 167-79. 204 0 u J L J . Meters 500 i I n r * * \" 3 Catherine *Hosios David Prophet Etias St. Demetrios St. Nicholas Orphanos \u00C2\u00BB \u00C2\u00BB \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 \u00C2\u00BB \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 i t-> i \u00E2\u0080\u00A2\u00E2\u0080\u00A2I \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 i \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 i \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 4r Holy Apostles vDodekapostoio i P a n a g i a C h a l k e o n A cheiropoietos Rotunda of St. George VTT\ \ EGN A TIA Hagia Sophias Arch' of Galerius Palace of Galerius - \u00C2\u00AB - - - * \u00C2\u00AB J * * t e Hippodrome, \u00E2\u0080\u0094 \u00E2\u0080\u0094 THERMAIC G F Figure 7. Thessalonica in the Fourteenth Century. Map from O D B , vol . 3, 2071. 205 Annunciation (25 March), and the Dormition (15 August)\u00E2\u0080\u0094thus exercising a function within the Thessalonian stational system reminiscent of that jointly fulfilled by the Constantinopolitan churches of Chalokoprateia and Blachernae. 1 3 6 The Acheiropoietos was also the site of solemn archiepiscopal observances on Great Friday and Saturday of Holy Week, bringing the number of stational events at this ancient church to an annual total of eight. This was exceeded by the nine occasions on which the archbishop presided over liturgical celebrations at the city's patronal shrine of St. Demetrios: the Feast of St. Demetrios (26 October), Theophany (6 January), the Sunday of Orthodoxy (the first Sunday of Lent), the Veneration of the Cross (the third Sunday of Lent), a commemoration of the Turkish siege of 1412 (the Wednesday of mid-Lent), Palm Sunday, Holy Thursday evening, the Apodosis of Pascha, Ascension, and the Sunday of A l l Sa ints . 1 3 7 A novel feature of the Hypotyposis mentioned in its ful l title, but not found in such earlier documents of the Byzantine cathedral rite as the Typikon of the Great Church, is the provision of rubrics governing the duration of bell-ringing for each commemoration at Symeon's cathedral and, on one occasion, at St. Demetr ios . 1 3 8 Assuming that Symeon is not referring to semantra and other such traditional Byzantine instruments of assembly but to true bells, which were still relatively new i n the Greek East, they must have been introduced to Thessalonica as a result of Latin influence sometime during the thirteenth or fourteenth century . 1 3 9 In any case, as Darrouzes has noted, the Hypotyposis dictates that the bells were to be sounded for the commemorations of the liturgical year in one of four Ways according to the relative solemnity of the day in question, with the most important feasts featuring the longest ringing by the greatest number of b e l l s . 1 4 0 Another progression from the tenth-century 1 3 6 Phountoules, \"Maprvpiac TOV OeooaXouLicqg ZvpewK\" 168; cf. Baldovin, The Urban Character, 292-99. 1 3 7 Phountoules, \"Maprvplat,\" 172-73. 1 3 8 Ibid., 139, 170. 1 3 9 On the history of bells and their precursors in Byzantium, see Edward V. Williams, The Bells of Russia: History and Technology (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985), 10-27. The rubrics of the Hypotyposis were apparently unknown to Williams when he wrote (idem, p. 23) that Symeon mentions only semantra and not bells in his writings. 1 4 0 Darrouzes, \"Sainte-sophie de Thessalonique d'apres un rituel,\" 75-78. 206 Typikon of the Great Church is the inclusion of rubrics in the Hypotyposis mandating the performance of kalophonia at Hagia Sophia between the apolytikia and the dismissal of vespers on the cathedral's patronal solemnity of the Holy Cross, and its joint feast of Saints John Chrysostom and Gregory Palamas, the latter of whom was buried in the cathedral . 1 4 1 d) M S Athens 2047 f. 25r-34r: Psalter of the \"Sung\" Rite (iPaAnjpi.oi> TOV aapariKou) ,142 This is not an Antiphonarion, as one might expect from an \"Asmatic Psalter,\" but a collection of psalms encompassing a few invariable cathedral antiphons and a much larger number of festal texts from the monastic rite. The Psalterion begins with invariable psalmody of asmatic vespers: the first antiphon Psalm 85, followed by the three psalms constituting its concluding \"little\" antiphons (Pss. 114, 115, and 116), all of which are accompanied by the incipits of their respective refrains. The fixed first antiphon of \"Sung\" matins (Pss. 3, 62, and 133) concludes the Psalterion'?, meagre selection of traditional cathedral rite psalmody, for its two next items are the psalms of the Polyeleos (Pss. 134\u00E2\u0080\u009435) from the festal Neo-Sabai'tic morning office, the first of which bears the heading \" A Psalm chanted on Great Feasts of the L o r d . \" 1 4 3 The Psalterion then concludes with the fourteen festal \"iicXoyai\" (\"selections\") listed in Table 6. General rubrics for the insertion of the Polyeleos and eklogai into festal celebrations of asmatic matins are given in the Ekthesis,144 while specific instances of their application occur in the Hypotyposis and the Diataxis.145 Despite their dominance in the Psalterion, neither the Polyeleos nor the eklogai had any distinct function in the Constantinopolitan cathedral rite as found in such traditional sources as the tenth-century Typikon of the Great Church or the asmatic ordinaries of the two Late Byzantine Ant iphonar ia . 1 4 6 Instead, as we noted in the preceding chapter, they belong to festal 1 4 1 Hypotyposis, f. 12v, 14r. 1 4 2 This work appears in the manuscript without a summary title, but Phountoules (To AeiTovpyiKov epyov, 42) notes that Symeon refers to it in the Ekthesis as the Psalterion tou asmatikou. 1 4 3 MS Athens 2047, Psalterion, f. 26v. 1 4 4 Ekthesis, f. 7r-8r. 1 4 5 E.g. the rubrics for 8 September in the Hypotyposis (f. 12v) and the Diataxis (f. 94v). 1 4 6 The Polyeleos, which is nowhere mentioned in the TGE, appears within the unreformed asmatike akolouthia of the Antiphonaria only as a ferial antiphon of the \"Distributed\" Psalter. According to Georgiou's 207 T A B L E 6 LIST O F F E S T A L P S A L M S (EKAOrAf) I N T H E PSALTERION O F M S A T H E N S 2047 (F. 27r-34r) Feast Psalm The Nativity of the Theotokos (8 September) 133 Apostles \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 18 Martyrs 45 Hierarchs 48 Righteous Saints 39 The Entry of the Theotokos (21 November) 47 Christmas (25 December) 65 Theophany (6 January) 66 The Annunciation (25 March) 71 Pentecost 18 Transfiguration (6 August) 47 The Dormition of the Theotokos (15 August) 99 The Birth and the Beheading of St. John the Baptist (24 June and 29 August) I l l matins of the Studite and Neo-Sabaitic traditions, and the abundance of elaborate musical \"settings in fourteenth- and fifteenth-century Akolouthiai manuscripts further identify them as an important vehicle for the stylistic innovations of Koukouzelian chant . 1 4 7 There can be no charts of psalmodic distribution derived from the MSS Athens 2061 and 2062 (\" 7/ ipSofiaSiaLa avrupooviicq KaTaiso/j.rj,\" 186), Psalms 134 and 135 were sung at Friday matins in Week 2, and Friday vespers in Week 1. With regard to the eklogai, it must be noted that the \"Sung\" Office possessed its own cycle of proper festal psalms that replaced the final variable antiphon (the \"teleutaion\") from the Antiphonarion's ordinary at vespers and matins. Only two of the festal teleutaia listed in the table of asmatic propers on folios 44v-45r of Athens 2062\u00E2\u0080\u0094specifically those for the feasts of hierarchs (Ps. 48:3) and apostles (Ps. 18:4), both of which also appear elsewhere as propers for the Byzantine Divine Liturgy\u00E2\u0080\u0094match the psalms in Symeon's cycle, thus confirming the non-asmatic origins of the Psalterion's eklogai. On the asmatic teleutaia, see the present author's study of \"Festal Cathedral Vespers in Late Byzantium.\" 1 4 7 Cf. supra, pp. 165-67. 208 doubt that Symeon had this complex musical repertory in mind when compiling the Psalterion, for on folio 147v of the Diataxis he goes so far as to specify that Psalm 135 is sung at matins on the feasts of the Holy Cross (14 September) and St. Demetrios in the florid setting by the composer K o u k o u m a s . 1 4 8 When this datum is considered together with the references to kalophonic interludes already noted in the Hypotyposis, it becomes readily apparent that the reformed Thessalonian offices overlaid the archaic psalmody of the asmatike akolouthla with not one but two major strata of material, namely monastic hymnody and Koukouzelian chant. e) M S Athens 2047, f. 36r-74r: Oktoechos [of the \"Sung\" Rite]( 'O/crconxos-[rov dopariKoC]). This is an abbreviated Oktoechos containing the portions of the Parakletike's eight-week cycle of resurrectional hymns designated by Symeon for insertion into the asmatike akolouthia. Each of the eight musical modes is represented by a set of seven abbreviated groups of propers for daily vespers, together with a comparatively lengthy selection of hymns for Sunday matins. Included among the monastic Sunday hymns are the eight asmatic resurrectional pentekostaria transmitted in the textual appendix to the Antiphonarion M S Athens 2 0 6 1 . 1 4 9 Appended to the entire eight-week cycle of resurrectional hymns are the eleven Sunday Exaposteilaria of Constantine Porphyrogenetos, which are copied without their theotokia. Each exaposteilarion is followed by its corresponding Morning Sticheron from the set composed by Leo V I to accompany the eleven Sunday morning gospels of the resurrection. f) M S Athens 2047, f. 75r-274r: A Regulation for the services of the entire year at the most-holy Great Church of God in Thessalonica, being ancient, yet further composed in a well-ordered manner and corrected by the humble Symeon, Archbishop of Thessalonica. The asmatic psalmody is sung first, accompanied afterwards by hymns composed by the saints as idiomela, troparia, and kanons to the glory of Christ and His saints (A i draft? rcov d/coAovdialis rov dAov eviaurou rffs\" rfj dytcordrrj rov 9eov MeydAy 1 4 8 \"Kai evdvs 6 Sevrepos tyaApds TOV Kovmvpd \u00C2\u00AB'E\u00C2\u00A3opoAoyeto8e TCO Kvpico\u00C2\u00BBdpyds, o$ ml rfj eoprfj Tffe 'Ttywews ipaAAerac,\" Diataxis, f. 147v, cf. Laourdas,\" 'Amififfe Stdra^g,\" 332. The musical work in question is an eight-mode setting transmitted by numerous Akolouthiai, the earliest being Athens 2458 (\"1336\"), the first known manuscript of this type. The setting in this source begins on f. 96r, where it is labeled \"rerpdcmxos* without further attribution. 1 4 9 Cf. supra, pp. 94-95. 209 'E/acArjtn'a OeaaaAoviKqs; dpxaias: pei> ovarjs; ovisredeions' Se em jrAeoi/ evraKTcvs' Kal StopdcoBeLcrns- napd TOV raneifoO Svpecov dpxtemaKonou OeaoaAoi>LKT)S\" iftdAAovrai Se npwroi/ rd dapariKd, enetra ovf auTofe teal al napd TCOW dytojf ovvTedevTes' Sid re iSiopeAajy Kal rponapitoy Kal KaucJftou vpvoi, els' S6\u00C2\u00A3av XpioroO Kal rc2u dyicois adrov). In its present form, the Diataxis is a sort of incomplete Menaion containing rubrics and textual propers for the fixed commemorations occurring between the beginning of the Byzantine ecclesiastical year (1 September) and the feast of Saints Athanasios and Cyr i l (18 January) inclusive, after which the manuscript abruptly breaks off, its further folios now missing. From the reference in its title to \"the entire [liturgical] year,\" however, it may be assumed that the Diataxis was originally an expanded version of the Hypotyposis covering fully at least the church's fixed yearly cycle, and probably the movable season as wel l . While the loss of its missing sections can only be lamented, the remainder of the Diataxis is an invaluable supplement to the Hypotyposis for reconstructing the liturgical life of Late Byzantine Thessalonica, amplifying the provisions of the latter with a wealth of additional detail. Significantly, the Diataxis transmits many of the proper texts for the reformed \"Sung\" Office in fu l l , including numerous hymns composed after monastic models by S y m e o n . 1 5 0 Its rubrics include further topographical references, 1 5 1 additional provisions for Symeon's weak h e a l t h , 1 5 2 and, as noted above, the name of a particular musical work by a named composer . 1 5 3 Of particular interest in the Diataxis are several complete or nearly complete texts for seasonal services falling outside the normal parameters of asmatic liturgy. The propers for Hagia Sophia's patronal feast of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross (14 September) 1 5 4 and the 1 5 0 Symeon's hymns are fully discussed in Phountoules, To Aeiroupyiicdi/ ipyov, 67-115; and critically edited in Phountoules, ed., Td Aeirovpyucd Svyypdppara, 75-266. 1 5 1 The topographical references in the Diataxis have been edited with commentary in Phountoules, \"MapTvplai TOV Qeooa\oviKT\s Zvpecov,\" 141-48, 151-86. See also Laourdas, \"AxpLfiris SidTafrs;\" 327-28. 1 5 2 According to Athens 2047, f. 90v, if the archbishop is ill on a feast of the Mother of God, the clergy are to process without him. Cf. excerpt A2 from the Diataxis in Phountoules, \"MapTvpiai,\" 142. 1 5 3 Cf. supra, n. 148. 1 5 4 This service is given on f. 105r-110v of Athens 2047, which is unfortunately missing a folio or more containing the opening of matins. 210 two Sundays before C h r i s t m a s 1 5 5 feature unusual versions of asmatic matins that differ considerably from the outlines for Sunday and festal morning prayer in the Ekthesis. Other variations in the normal patterns of worship take the form of special services inserted between the offices of the daily cycle, including the public commemoration of the Indiction on 1 September, 1 5 6 the nocturnal \"Acclamations in the Trul lo\" outside the archbishop's residence on 14 September, 1 5 7 and the liturgical drama of the Three Children in the Fiery Furnace sung after matins on the Sunday before Chr i s tmas . 1 5 8 Transgressing the two categories is a Neo-Sabai'tic matins for the feast of St. Demetrios inserted between the evening and morning cathedral rite offices for the day. Sung in imitation of the monastic matins of Holy Saturday, this extraordinary office is highlighted by the performance of Psalm 118 troped by lamentations for the m a r t y r . 1 5 9 D . Late Byzantine Musical Sources of the Thessalonian Cathedral Rite Many of the important musical sources for the cathedral rite in Late Byzantine Thessalonica have already been identified in Chapters Three and Four above because they transmit chants representing the archaic and unreformed strains of the asmatic tradition. The 1 5 5 Diataxis, f. 209v-219r. 1 5 6 Ibid., f. 81v-86r. 1 5 7 Ibid., f. 104 v. Cf. Ioannes Phountoules,\" 'lSioppvQpieg TT)S AeiTovpyiK?\s tTpd^eujg TT)S OeaoaAovtKrfc Kara rig dpx^s TOV IE' ai&vos\" in Xpiorcavc/cfj OeaaaAoisi'icr}: TTaAmoAoyeios- erroxn (Thessalonica: 1989), 157-59. 1 5 8 The Diataxis contains the most complete libretto of the play yet found on f. 219v-221v, which presently remains unpublished. The text and music of the \"Service of the Furnace\" as it appears in four Byzantine musical manuscripts are discussed in detail by MiloS VelimiroviC in his comprehensive study of \"Liturgical Drama in Byzantium and Russia,\" DOP 16 (1962), 351-85. The play was originally discovered in the late nineteenth century independently in two of these manuscripts by Aleksei Dmitrievskii (\"Chin Peschnago dieistva,\" Vizantiiskii Vremennik, I (1894), 585-88 [MS Iviron 1120]) and Alexander Lavriotis (\" 'AKOAOVBLO ipaXAopevr) T(J KvpLaKi] TWV 'Ayicoi/ HaTepuv npo rfjg Xptorov rewrjaecos1 T)TOL Tfjg Kapivov\" EKKArp-iaan/cfj 'AAij0eia43 (1895), 345-46 [MS Lavra A 175]). A third version of the drama was later found in MS Athens 2406 by Panagiotes Trempelas ( F/cAoyr) eAATji/iKr}? dp&oddfov iipvoypacfrias, repr. ed. (Athens: 1978), 424\u00E2\u0080\u009426). On the performance of the play in Thessalonica, see the present author's unpublished study of \"The Liturgical Place and Origins of the Byzantine Liturgical Drama of the Three Children,\" summarised in Nineteenth Annual Byzantine Studies Conference: Abstracts of Papers, 4-7 November 1993, Princeton University, 81-82; Phountoules, To Aeirovpyi/cdv ipyou, 47-48; and idem,\"\"18ioppvQple rov 'Aytov Ar/prjrpcois, Ketpeva Aecrovyi/crjs-17 (Thessalonica: Pournaras, 1986), 99-112 211 following short survey will discuss certain aspects of these manuscripts in greater detail, especially taking note of those items that we have previously ignored because they represented textual incursions from the monastic rite or were set to music in the Late Byzantine style of composition advanced by John Koukouzeles. 1. The Earliest Notated Antiphonarion: MS Athens 2062 Manuscript Athens 2062 is the earliest musical source for the psalmodic ordinary of the Byzantine cathedral rite. Its many propers in honour of St. Demetrios, some of which bear the names of composers from Thessalonica, as well as a reference to the church of the Acheiropoietos, clearly identify it as a Thessalonian document. 1 6 0 Based upon its acclamations for the Emperors John V (1354-91) and Andronikos IV, Athens 2062 has been variously dated to the period between the betrothal and first revolt of Andronikos (1355-1373),1 6 1 his first reign of 1376-79, and the three years between his reinstatement as heir in 1381 and death in 1385. 1 6 2 While all of these dates fall before Thessalonica's first occupation by the Turks, the first would place the manuscript's compilation possibly as far back as the final years of Gregory Palamas' archiepiscopacy (1347-59), as well as the reigns of his immediate successors Nilus Kabasilas (1360-63), Anthony (1363-71), and Dorotheos Vlates (1371-78?), a disciple of Palamas and co-founder of the Thessalonian monastery of Vlatadon. 1 6 3 The 1 6 0 Kosmas I. Georgiou, \"'H ipSopaSiala dvTKpcoviicf) mravopr) T&V ipaXpcov mi TQV COSCSV eis rag 'Aoparims AKoXovQias eoirepLvov mi opBpov. 'EXXT)VLKOI MOVOLKOL KcoSixes 2061-2062 'EdvLKf\g BifiXiodr\KTfs 'ABTJVQV* (Ph.D. diss., Pontifical Oriental Institute, 1976), xxxiv-xxxv. Georgiou provides a codicological description of Athens 2062 on pp. xxvii-xxix. 1 6 1 John W. Barker, Manuel Paleologus (1391-1425): A Study in Late Byzantine Statesmanship (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1969), 455-56. 162 Miguel Arranz, \"L'office de YAsmatikos Hesperinos (\u00C2\u00ABvepres chantees\u00C2\u00BB) de 1'ancien Euchologe byzantin,\" OCP 44 (1978): 391; and Georgiou, \" 7/ efiSopaStata dvTicfxoviKf),\" xxix-xxxiv. Georgiou prefers 1382-85, while his thesis supervisor Arranz advocates 1376-79. 1 6 3 The metropolitan succession of Thessalonica in the latter half of the fourteenth century is examined in Jean Gouillard, \"Le Synodicon de 1'Orthodoxie: Edition et commentaire,\" Travaux et Memoires 2 (1967): 279\u00E2\u0080\u009480; Vitalien Laurent, \"La liste episcopate du synodicon de Thessalonique: Texte grec et nouveaux complements,\" Echosd'Orient 32 (1933): 300-10; Louis Petit, \"Les eveques de Thessalonique,\" tchosd'Orient 5 (1901/2): 90-97; idem, \"Le Synodicon de Thessalonique,\" Echosd'Orient 18 (1916/19): 236-54. Gouillard notes that the exact years of Dorotheos' archiepiscopacy and his place in the metropolitan succession are in doubt due to some oddities in the copying of the Synodikon. Dorotheos and the monastery of Vlatadon are discussed in Janin, Les Eglises et les monasteres des grands centres byzantins, 356-58; and G.I. Theoharides, \"Oi iSpvrai rfjs iv OeoaaXovLKij povffe T&V BXarrdScov,\" in Panagiotes Chrestou, ed., TTai/riyvpucds' Tdpos TOV 'Eopraapov 212 narrower temporal ranges of the latter two dates, on the other hand, correspond only to the archiepiscopacies of Dorotheos and Isidore Glabas (1380-96).164 In any case, emendations to the acclamations in Athens 2062 indicate that the manuscript remained in liturgical use through the reign of Manuel II (1391-1425) and into that of John VIII (1424-48).165 Although its ordinary office chants belong solely to the cathedral tradition, the contents of the manuscript as a whole are decidedly mixed, suggesting that new material was entering the Thessalonian \"Sung\" Office decades before Symeon embarked on his reforms. The first forty-four folios of Athens 2062 are occupied by its most conservative element, a one-week cycle of ordinary psalmody for the \"Sung\" offices of vespers and matins presented without monastic incursion.166 Most of the music for this well-rubricated ordinarium is appropriately traditional, consisting of anonymous florid solo intonations, syllabic choral psalm-tones, and refrains of varying lengths. The only chants of a more recent vintage in this portion of the manuscript are a series of through-composed verses with refrains for Psalm 118 at Sunday matins. Six settings by the domestikos George Kontopetres for the first \"stasis\"167 of the Amomos are restrained examples of the Koukouzelian style.168 Less florid than the chants of the old Asma for the first invariable antiphon of cathedral matins, the works by Kontopetres are rife 'EgaKocnoaTfjs- Errereiov TOV Oavdrov TOV 'Ayiov Fprjyopiov TOV TTaAapd(Thessalonica: 1960), 49-70. 1 6 4 On Isidore, see R.J. Loenertz, \"Isidore Glabas, Metropolite de Thessalonique (1380-96),\" Revue des Etudes Byzantines 6 (1948): 181-90. 1 6 5 Georgiou, \"'H efiSopaSiata avricpwvLKr} KaTauoprj,\" xxxii i-xxxiv. 1 6 6 Georgiou provides an inventory of the manuscript's major repertories ibid., xxxvi-xl . 1 6 7 This is one of several cases in which Athens 2062 substitutes terms proper to the divisions of the Palestinian Psalter (\"first stasis\") for asmatic terminology (\"first antiphon\"). 1 6 8 M S Athens 2062, f. 40r-41v. Regarding Kontopetres, about whom little is known other than that he appears to have worked sometime during the fourteenth century, see Dimitri E. Conomos, The Late Byzantine and Slavic Communion Cycle: Liturgy and Music, Dumbarton Oaks Studies 21 (Washington, D.C. : Dumbarton Oaks, 1985), 78. The musical settings are discussed in Diane H . Touliatos-Banker, The Byzantine Amomos Chant of the Fouteenth and Fifteenth Centuries, Analecta Vlatadon 46 (Thessalonica: Patriarchal Institute for Patristic Studies, 1984), 74-93. Note, however, that Touliatos identifies Kontopetres as \"Giorgios the domestikos,\" whom she equates with George Panaretos, another fourteenth-century composer. Proceeding from biographies from George Papadopoulos' notoriously unreliable SvpfioAat eig TT]V ivTopiav rr/? nap'-qplv iKKAr}OLaTLKfjg povoiKT)s (Athens: 1890; repr. ed., Athens: Koultoura, 1977), Touliatos states that this composite Kontopetres/Panaretos lived in the tenth century. On the \"dubious usefulness\" of Papadopoulos' work for modern scholarship, see Christos Patrinelis, \"Protopsaltae, Lampadarii, and Domestikoi of the Great Church during the post-Byzantine Period (1453-1821)\" in MiloS Velimirovic\", ed., Studies in Eastern Chant 3 (London: Oxford University Press, 1973), 144. 213 not un l ike the eponymous settings o f P s a l m 118 i n the contemporary monast ic t r a d i t i o n . 1 6 9 In the same style but without attr ibution are an addit ional three settings for the second \"stasis\" o f the A m o m o s , 1 7 0 the f irst o f w h i c h (Ps. 118:126), however , is ascr ibed to a certain Chr istophoros on f o l i o 24r o f the f i fteenth-century An t i phona r ion M S Athens 2 0 6 1 . 1 7 1 T h e ordinary chants of A thens 2062 are succeeded by a series of asmatic o f f ices fo r solemnit ies o f the l i turg ical year that vary considerably i n the degree to w h i c h they incorporate non-t radit ional mater ial . Settings f o r the cathedral r ite vespers o f Easter, the feast of St. Demetr ios , and other \"s igni f icant feasts\" (ViV emoij/j-ovs' eoprds\") are free o f monast ic b o r r o w i n g s , 1 7 2 as is an unnotated table o f proper psalms and refrains fo r the l i tu rg ica l year found on fo l i os 4 4 v - 4 5 r . T h e manuscript 's mus ic fo r the of f ices o f the Thessa lon ian H a g i a Sophia 's patronal Feast of the Exa l ta t ion o f the H o l y Cross (14 S e p t e m b e r ) , 1 7 3 on the other hand, presents a fascinat ing m i x o f tradit ional cathedral rite psa lmody, K o u k o u z e l i a n chant, and monast ic hymnography. T h e first i tem i n the series is a setting o f cathedral rite Vespers o f the H o l y Cross on fo l i os 5 3 r - 5 5 r contain ing a rubric mandat ing the interpolat ion o f monast ic stichera among the final verses o f an otherwise purely asmatic setting o f P s a l m 1 4 0 . 1 7 4 M u s i c fo r the Thessalon ian \"Acc lamat ions i n the T r u l l o \" ( fo l ios 55v\u00E2\u0080\u009456r) then serves as a prelude to a massive co l lec t ion o f chants ( fo l ios 56 r -92 r ) fo r the heterogeneous order o f asmatic mat ins g iven i n Symeon's Diataxis.115 T h e sequence o f chants fo r 14 September concludes w i t h the 1 6 9 A quick comparison of Touliatos' transcriptions of Panaretos' verses for the cathedral rite Amomos with those she has made of contemporary monastic rite settings for Psalm 118 is sufficient to confirm the affinity of their respective melodic idioms. The absence of any works by Kontopetres (or Panaretos) in Touliatos' general table of concordances for settings from the first stasis of Psalm 118 in Akolouthiai MSS would, however, seem to rule out the possibility of direct borrowing. See Touliatos, The Byzantine Amomos Chant, 131-99, 231-40. 1 7 0 Ps. 118:126, 130b, and a GloriaPatri (f. 42T-42V). Touliatos (The Byzantine Amomos Chant, 64-65) omits v. 130b from her inventory of asmatic Amomos verses in Athens 2062. 1 7 1 A rubric on f. 24r of Athens 2061 states that the verses after Ps. 118:26 and the concluding GloriaPatri are to be sung to the same melody. The three verses of 2062, however, differ in length and melodic detail. 1 7 2 These are found on f. 47r-49r (Easter), f. 135r (St. Demetrios), and f. 49v-50r (significant feasts). These settings are discussed in the present author's study of \"Festal Cathedral Vespers.\" 1 7 3 Ioannes Phountoules,\" 'ISioppudjites,\" 157. 1 7 4 This setting is analysed in Lingas, \"Festal Cathedral Vespers.\" 1 7 5 The use of this unusual order for matins is also implied by Symeon's Hypotyposis, which states that the portions of the service following the invariable first antiphon were celebrated according the requirements of the \"old Diataxis\" (Vat mdegffs TO. Aoind, a& Aeyec r) dpxaia Sidra^is;\" MS Athens 2047, f. 12v). 214 ceremony of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross and propers for the Divine Liturgy (folios 92r-95r). Although we shall reserve a detailed examination of Athens 2062's complex of offices for the Holy Cross for a future study, several of its provisions for matins are worthy of brief comment. Interspersed among the poetic odes of the monastic rite's kanon for the feast are twelve antiphons of psalmody that consist almost entirely of through-composed verses occasionally accompanied by kalophonic interludes. Some of the verses are anonymous works, but the majority are ascribed to such fourteenth-century composers as Andreiomenos, Dokeianos, John Koukouzeles, Christopher Mystakonos, Manuel Plagites, and the Maistor Kpukoumas, whose Polyeleos concludes the series. While the presence of so many named composers is itself a characteristic normally associated with the Neo-Sabai'tic repertories of Late Byzantium, it is also significant that, with the major exception of the Polyeleos, the psalmodic antiphons for this office have no regular place in the monastic liturgical tradition. Tfiis raises the possibility that these works may have been commissioned specifically to adorn matins at the Thessalonian Hagia Sophia with updated psalmody on the occasion of its patronal feas t . 1 7 6 Following the festal asmatic offices, Athens 2062 contains a large number of chants not normally associated with the cathedral rite. Four kanons in honour of St. Demetrios occupy the thirty-seven folios preceding the asmatic propers for the Saint's feast, the last of which is a text attributed in the manuscript to the Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenetos (913-59) and set to music by the \"Protopsaltes of Thessalonica K y r Manuel P lag i tes . \" 1 7 7 Whi le popular devotion alone might explain the presence of monastic chants to the city's patron i n a manuscript headed by an asmatic ordinarium,178 it would be hard pressed to account for a 1 7 6 Commissions from Late Byzantine composers were not unknown. Manuel Chrysaphes, for example, wrote works at the behest of the emperors John VIII Paleologos (1428-48) and Constantine XI Paleologos (1449-53). See Dimitri Conomos, The Treatise of Manuel Chrysaphes, the Lampadarios: On the Theory of the Art of Chanting and on Certain Erroneous Views That Some Hold About it (Mount Athos, Iviron MS 1120 [July, 1458]), MMB, Corpus scrptorum de re musica 2 (Vienna: Verlag der osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1985), 12-13. 1 7 7 Athens 2062, f. 120r-134v. 1 7 8 On the veneration of St. Demetrios in Late Byzantine Thessalonica, see Balfour, Politico-Historical Works, 103-06; Phountoules, \" 'ISioppvBpies,* 153-56; and Tafrali, Thessalonique au quatorzieme siecle, 130-48. 215 staggering eighty-nine folios of florid music from the Koukouzelian Akolouthiai for the psalms of the Neo-Sabaitic v ig i l , which begin with kalophonic verses for the psalms of Great Vespers (f. 179r-232v), followed by similar compositions for Psalms 134\u00E2\u0080\u009436 from festal matins (f. 233r-268v). Athens 2062 concludes with an even larger collection of kratemata (f. 269r-391 v), textless chants which, while normally included among the repertories of the Akolouthiai , could conceivably have been equally appropriate for use in either the cathedral or the monastic rites. 2. The Antiphonarion MS Athens 2061 The second major source for the Thessalonian \"Sung\" Office, and the only other surviving Antiphonarion with musical notation, is the manuscript Athens 2 0 6 1 . 1 7 9 Imperial acclamations commemorating the Emperor Manuel II (1390-1425) and his consort Helen Dragas place the date of its copying somewhere in a thirty-five year period that began while Thessalonica was still under Turkish occupation and ended during the latter portion of Symeon's archiepiscopacy. 1 8 0 Despite its later compilation, Athens 2061 is nevertheless a much more homogeneous document than Athens 2062, containing little other than music for the cathedral rite. A s we have previously noted, the manuscript commences with a two-week psalmodic ordinary for the \"Sung\" Office matching the pattern of rotation for choristers assumed by the tenth-century Typikon of the Great Church. L ike the ordinary offices of Athens 2062, the cycle of morning and evening services of Athens 2061 is dominated by conservative specimens of cathedral rite psalmody. Musical exceptions are once again located i n the Amomos of Sunday matins, but this time they are isolated to the second stasis. A single 1 7 9 Georgiou provides a codicological description of this MS, followed by discussions of its provenance, dating, and a summary inventory of its contents in \" 'H e/3SopaSiaia durtcpajvLicq /caTavopfj,\" xv-xxvi. 1 8 0 On the dating of Athens 2061, see Barker, Manuel Paleologus, 453-55; Georgiou, \" 'H \u00C2\u00A3fi8o/ia8taia dwi(pa)viKT} KaTdvofiij,\" xvii-xxi; and Strunk, \"The Byzantine Office at Hagia Sophia,\" 116-17. Barker narrows the range to 1408-21, finding it unlikely that the acclamations would have been sung either before Thessalonica's liberation in 1403, or during the reign of John VII in the city as basileus from the autumn of 1403 to that of 1408. Georgiou argues strongly for a date early in Symeon's archiepiscopacy, which he takes to have occurred in 1410/18-29. Unless the manuscript was copied almost immediately after Symeon's accession, however, the absence of any traces of liturgical reform suggests to the present author a date during the ecclesiastical adminstration of his predecessor Gabriel (1397-1416/17). 216 verse attributed to Christophoros occurs among the chants of the first w e e k , 1 8 1 while four such chants are appointed for the second S u n d a y . 1 8 2 The latter consist of two anonymous verses, one of which is labeled \"old\" (\"traAaLov\"), together with single works by George Panaretos and the domestikos Patrikios. Most of the chants following the two-week ordinarium of Athens 2061 are cathedral rite propers for the Thessalonian liturgical year. These include several sequences which we have previously found in Athens 2062: the suite of services for the Exaltation of the C r o s s , 1 8 3 together with the festal settings of asmatic vespers for Easter and extraordinary feasts . 1 8 4 Athens 2061 also transmits a considerable amount of music for seasonal observances of the asmatike akolouthia. These settings, which are absent from the other notated Antiphonarion, hearken back i n their texts to the old cathedral repertories of the Psaltikon and Asmatikon: sets of hypakoai and other proper office chants for the Sundays and feasts of the Christmas c y c l e , 1 8 5 prokeimena for the movable c y c l e , 1 8 6 and even a few \"asmatic\" hymns for the Divine L i t u r g y . 1 8 7 The manuscript ends with the list of resurrectional pentekostaria cited above in Chapter 4 . 1 8 8 3. Other Musical Collections Music for the texts borrowed from the monastic rite by Symeon of Thessalonica for the reformed \"Sung\" Office of his cathedral is readily available in chantbooks already widely employed in contemporary Neo-Sabaitic w o r s h i p . 1 8 9 The requisite melodies for kanons and stichera are contained in the Heirmologion and the Sticherarion, two venerable collections of hymnody which had been updated in the fourteenth century by John Koukouzeles. Polyeleoi, 1 8 1 Athens 2061, f. 24r-24v. 1 8 2 Ibid., f. 46r-46v. 1 8 3 Ibid., f. 73r-93r. 1 8 4 Ibid., f. 48r-50r. 1 8 5 Ibid., f. 51r-72v, 93r-114r. 1 8 6 Ibid., f. 120r-123r. 1 8 7 Ibid., f. 114r-117r. 1 8 8 Supra, pp. 94-95. 189 T h e s e sources are discussed supra, pp. 147-48,165-67. 217 eklogai, and kratemata, as well as contemporary settings of prokeimena and other psalmodic chants common to both rites are regularly transmitted among the core repertories of Akolouthiai, which include both individual melodies and large psalmodic collections ascribed to the tradition of Thessalonica . 1 9 0 A few Akolouthiai also append music for such special observances as asmatic vespers for significant feasts , 1 9 1 the Thessalonian services for the Holy C r o s s , 1 9 2 and the Play of the Three C h i l d r e n 1 9 3 to their standard chants. Conclusion Rather than the selective patching implied in the treatise On Divine Prayer, the unpublished works of Athens 2047 reveal that Symeon implemented a carefully considered and comprehensive renovation of the entire Thessalonian \"Sung\" Office, systematically updating its archaic cathedral psalmody with the fruits of two revolutions in Byzantine liturgical consciousness: the explosion of monastic hymnography in the seventh century, and the more recent advent of kalophonic chant. The archbishop presents this action as necessary, justified not only by a need to \"sweeten\" the old offices so as to make them more palatable to contemporary congregations, but also to remedy what he perceived as glaring deficiencies in both the composition and the execution of the existing services. In particular, he believed that the austere responsorial psalms and canticles of the pure Byzantine cathedral rite were no longer sufficient to offer fitting praise to G o d and His saints without the addition of monastic hymnography. About the florid Neo-Sabaitic psalmody and kalophonia that were also added to the ancient framework of the Byzantine cathedral rite, however, Symeon curiously says nothing in his commentary. 1 9 0 Hannick, \"Thessalonique dans l'histoire de la musique,\" 113-20; and Williams, \"The Kalophonic Tradition and Chants for the Polyeleos,\" 228-41. 1 9 1 For references to individual manuscripts and discussions of the music involved, see Hannick, \"fitude sur YdKoXovQia aopctTiioj,\" 243-60; Strunk, \"The Byzantine Office,\" 138-39; Diane Touliatos-Banker, \"The \"Chanted\" Vespers Service,\" KArjpovofiia% (1976): 107-26; and Lingas, \"Festal Cathedral Vespers.\" 1 9 2 References in Hannick, \"Etude,\" idem; and Strunk, \"The Byzantine Office,\" 138. 1 9 3 Cf. supra, p. 210, n. 158. 218 The existence of monastic hymns and kalophonic psalmody in Thessalonian musical sources antedating Symeon's archiepiscopacy, as well as his silence about key repertories of chant, bring into question the reform's originality. While a comprehensive answer must wait for an examination of the individual components of each office, a number of preliminary conclusions may be drawn from the existing evidence. Since the preceding survey of the musical sources has revealed that the mixed character of the Matins of the Holy Cross and certain other festal offices of Thessalonica's cathedral rite had been established decades before Symeon took office, it can be confidently stated that in some cases he was merely ratifying late fourteenth-century practices. Yet modifications to the archaic traditions of Byzantine cathedral worship were not new to this period either, for, as we have seen in preceding chapters of the present study, the earliest manuscripts of the Typikon of the Great Church are not free of Sabaitic borrowings, while florid cathedral psalms first appear among the proto-kalophonic monastic repertories of the A s m a . 1 9 4 It is consequently likely that, with respect to late fourteenth- and early fifteenth-century performance practice, the stark contrast between the pure asmatic ordinaries and the heterogeneous appendices of the Antiphonaria did not in fact reflect major discontinuities between ordinary and festal cathedral usages. Symeon's constant references to previous disorder in the celebration of Thessalonian services probably refer then not solely to clerical sloth, but to the haphazard deletion and insertion of material on days for which no set procedures existed, a problem neatly solved by the uniform orders and circumscribed hymnodic cycles of the reformed \"Typikon.\" Without denigrating the creativity of his solution or his original texts for the Thessalonian Divine Office, one may therefore conclude that the liturgical reforms implemented by Symeon were not revolutionary, but represented the harmonisation and systematisation of existing precedents for the inclusion of texts and music from outside the Byzantine cathedral tradition. 1 9 4 It is interesting to note that musical settings of the monastic festal psalms in the Akolouthiai regularly follow an order similar to that of traditional cathedral antiphons. For example, the first full verse of the opening psalm of the Polyeleos (Ps. 134) is prefaced in the musical manuscripts by the phrase \"AovAoi Kvpiov, 'AAArjAovia,\" which is analogous to the intonations for the invariable first antiphons of asmatic matins (\"Kal ikrvcoaa. Aoga ooi, 6 Oeos\") and vespers (\"Kal erraKovaou pov. A6\u00C2\u00A3a aoi, 6 0e6s\"), as well as to those for the three antiphons of the Amomos at Sunday matins. C H A P T E R 7 R E F O R M E D A S M A T I C S U N D A Y M A T I N S O F O R D I N A R Y S U N D A Y S : S T R U C T U R E , M U S I C , A N D I N T E R P R E T A T I O N The preceding survey of Paleologan sources for the Thessalonian cathedral rite revealed a remarkable spectrum of textual and musical forms that represent developments spanning the history of Byzantine urban worship from its origins in Late Antiquity to its valedictory Neo-Sabai'tic synthesis. In the present chapter we shall examine the coexistence of these repertories within the context of the single service of asmatic matins as celebrated after the reforms of Archbishop Symeon on so-called 'ordinary' Sundays, i.e. those Sundays without special commemorations affecting the normal resurrectional order of service. A s in Chapter 4 above, musical manuscripts w i l l be examined as well as non-musical sources, not only as aids to reconstructing the order of Sunday matins, but also as witnesses to the way in which diverse melodic styles profoundly shaped the textual surface of the office. Since many traditional anonymous melodies of the Sunday ordinaria have already been discussed, we shall devote particular attention to previously ignored variations in the structures of antiphonal psalmody and eponymous Late Byzantine accretions to the asmatic repertories. A major source for our exposition of Thessalonian Sunday matins is the well-known account of this service in Archbishop Symeon's mystagogical treatise On Divine Prayer, a work that we shall make use of in two ways. 1 First, the commentary, despite certain shortcomings, w i l l be employed cautiously together with the unpublished works i n Athens 2047 to reconstruct the order of the reformed rite. One begins to realise the nature of these deficiencies in cross-referencing to Athens 2047, whereby it becomes apparent that information 1 Symeon of Thessalonica, JTepi rife detas rrpoaevxfjs; PG 155, cols. 636-49; trans, by H.L.N. Simmons as St. Symeon of Thcssalonikc, Treatise on Prayer: An Explanation of the Services Conducted in the Orthodox Church (Brookline, Mass.: Hellenic College Press, 1984), 79-88. 219 220 relating to the order of weekday and festal reformed matins is at times presented in the treatise without being clearly distinguished from material pertaining to ordinary Sundays. 2 Similarly, it should be noted that the liturgical terminology employed in the commentary is somewhat less accurate than that found in the unpublished \"Typikon of St. Symeon.\" In the commentary, for example, the generic term \"psaltes \" (\"psalmist\" or \"cantor\") is used for soloists and choristers regardless of rank, whereas Athens 2047 contains more precise references to the two domestikoi of Hagia Sophia and their choirs. 3 In the end, it is difficult to fault Symeon for these imprecisions, for the treatise On Divine Prayer is first and foremost an essay in mystagogy, in which descriptions of the texts, physical setting, and ritual actions of services are overlaid by theological interpretations. Far from being, as some modem scholars have maintained, parasitic medieval \"allegories\" serving only to obscure the original meaning of a given service, 4 liturgical commentaries have recently been shown to offer valuable insights into the continuities and discontinuities between the practice and the reception of liturgy in Byzantium. 5 More precisely, in addition to providing information about the way in which worship was conducted at a particular time, such mystagogical works serve to indicate the way in which liturgical texts and rituals were either modified or theologically reconceived for integration into the liturgical syntheses of eras other than those for which they were originally created. It is therefore fortuitous that the treatise On Divine Prayer presents an exegesis of the Late Byzantine \"Sung\" Office by the very author of its reform, offering interpretations not only of innovations in the structure of asmatic Sunday matins, but also of those of its elements that had changed little over the centuries. Although a 2 The lack of a clear division between references to the Sunday and weekday orders of asmatic matins in the treatise On Divine Prayer has led Miguel Arranz (\"Les prieres presbyterales des matines byzantines,\" OCP 38 (1972): 104-5; cf. idem, \"L'office de l'Asmatikos Orthros (\u00C2\u00ABmatines chantees\u00C2\u00BB) de l'ancien Euchologe byzantin,\" OCP 47 (1981): 146) mistakenly to include the chanting of the Prayer of Zachariah (Lukel:68-79, the Bene-dictus) as part of Thessalonian Sunday matins, rather than as a part of the weekday office where it properly belongs. For Symeon's rubrics governing the chanting of the Benedictus at ferial matins, see Athens 2047: Ekthesis, f. 7v; and Hypotyposis, f. l lv. 3 This may be clearly seen by comparing the directions for the matutinal psalmody and censing in the Hypotyposis (f. 10v-l lv) with the corresponding account in the Dialogue. 4 For sample references, see Robert Taft, \"The Liturgy of the Great Church: An Initial Synthesis of Structure and Interpretation on the Eve of Iconoclasm,\" DOP 34-35 (1980-81): 45, n. 1. 5 John Meyendorff, \"Continuities and Discontinuities in Byzantine Religious Thought,\" DOP 47 (1993): 78. 221 full analysis of the theology presented in Symeon's commentary on the Byzantine Liturgy of the Hours is beyond the scope of the present study, we shall follow our structural survey of the reformed asmatic office of Sunday matins with a few remarks about the continuities and discontinuities evident in his mystagogical explanation of that service. The Structure of Asmatic Sundays Matins A s shown in Table 7, Symeon's most substantial alterations to the service of asmatic Sunday matins were the result of his wholesale addition of Resurrectional poetry from the monastic Oktoechos. It is remarkable that, with the relatively minor exception of the poetic stichera substituted for the final six asmatic refrains of Lauds (Ps. 148-50), this new material was absorbed without discarding any of the psalmody native to the \"Sung\" rite. Most of the hymns were incorporated between Psalm 50 and the psalms of Lauds i n a single self-contained complex clustered around the kanon, an arrangement that provides some justification for Symeon's failure to note monastic borrowings other than kanons in the treatise On Divine Prayer. Phountoules, observing the structnral affinities between this interpolation and occasional monastic services constructed around supplicatory kanons, has aptly noted that it constitutes a sort of parenthetical \"Paraklesis\" or \"Supplicatory Service\" embedded within the fabric of the morning cathedral office at its approximate midpoint. 6 A s such, it considerably expanded the service of praise sung at the ambo without disrupting either the preceding sequence of morning psalmody that prepared and accompanied the entry into the nave, or the following series of chants and ritual actions climaxing with the recitation of the Gospel of the Resurrection. The persistence of functional processions together with their psalmody is another important indicator of how deeply conservative the structure of asmatic Sunday matins remained after its reform. B y the early fifteenth century, processions inherited from the 6 Ioannes Phountoules, \"'O ayios- Hvpecbv QeooaXoviicqs: owTatcrris TVTTIKOV\" chap, in fTpa/cri/cd AeirovpyiKov avvedpiov els npr/f Kai pffjpr/v rov dycois\" narpds' ijpcdi/ HvpecSvos 'ApxiemaKonov BeaaaAoviicqg TOV Oavparovpyov, (Thessalonica: 1981), 116. 222 T A B L E 7 A S M A T I C M A T I N S O F O R D I N A R Y S U N D A Y S A C C O R D I N G T O S Y M E O N O F T H E S S A L O N I C A 3 1. V I G I L I N T H E N A R T H E X Opening Blessing Synapte of Peace \"The Three Psalms\" (Ps. 3, 62, 133) \u00E2\u0080\u0094The Priest recites the Morning Prayers (1-12?) silently before the \"Royal Doors\"\u00E2\u0080\u0094 Small Synapte Amomos, 'Stasis' 1 (Ps. 118: 1-72) \u00E2\u0080\u0094The priest censes the narthex and the nave during the first stasis of the Amomos\u00E2\u0080\u0094 Small Synapte Amomos, 'Stasis' 2 (Ps. 118: 73-131) Small Synapte Amomos, 'Stasis' 3 (Ps. 118: 132-76) \u00E2\u0080\u0094Entry into the nave and Prayer of the Entrance\u00E2\u0080\u0094 2. M O R N I N G P S A L M O D Y A T T H E A M B O A. Cathedral Psalmody Benedicite: Dan. 3:57-88 with concluding troparia Synaxarion (Ektene?) Synapte of Supplication: \"TfAripakrajpev rr)v Sirpiv r)p.u)V\" Psalm 50 and Pentekostaria B. Monastic Hymnography Anavathmoi The Kanon: Odes 1-3 (8 troparia per ode: 4 Resurrectional, 4 from the Menaion) Poetic Kathismata Odes 4-6 Resurrectional Kontakion and Oikos \"We Have Seen the Resurrection\" \"Glory... At the prayers of the apostles\" \"Both now... At the prayers of the Theotokos\" \"Have mercy on me, O God\" (Ps. 50:3) and \"Jesus is risen from the tomb\" Odes 7-9 with Stichologia of the Magnificat (Elevation of the Panagia with Marian troparia?) Resurrectional Exaposteflaria a Texts sung by the cantors and readers are given in bold print. 223 T A B L E 7 (continued) C. Cathedral Psalmody (continued) and Rite of the Resurrectional Gospel Lauds (Ps. 148, 149, 150) Psalm 148:1-149:8 with Asmatic Refrains Ps. 149:9-Ps. 150:6 with 6 Resurrectional Stichera \"Glory be to the Father...\" and Morning Gospel Hymn \u00E2\u0080\u0094Prayer and entry into the sanctuary\u00E2\u0080\u0094 \"Both now... Most blessed art thou\" Great Doxology {Gloria in excelsis) Trisagion Resurrectional Hymn Fixed Sunday Prokeimenon (Ps. 9:33) Resurrectional Gospel 3. PRAYERS A N D SUPPLICATIONS IN T H E S A N C T U A R Y Ektene Synapte of Supplication Prayer of Inclination Dismissal stational liturgy of Constantinople in the Divine Liturgy and asmatic vespers had degenerated into symbolic 'entrances,' during which clergy would make a brief circuit out of the sanctuary and into the nave before returning again to the altar.7 Matins in the reformed Thessalonian cathedral rite, on the other hand, retained intact its tripartite progression from the narthex to the sanctuary with an intermediate station at the ambo not only on Sundays, but on weekdays as well . 8 The maintenance of these processions was, of course, facilitated by the design of Symeon's cathedral of Hagia Sophia (Figure 8) which, as previously noted, seems to have been constructed to fulfill the physical requirements of the Byzantine Rite of the Great Church 7 On the truncated processions of the Divine Liturgy, see Robert F. Taft, The Byzantine Rite: A Short History, American Essays in Liturgy (Collegeville: The Liturgical Press, 1992), 71-4. Symeon describes the symbolic \"entrance\" of asmatic vespers both in the treatise On Divine Prayer (PG 155, col. 628; Treatise, 73-74) and in the Taxis of Athens 2047 (Jean Darrouzes, \"Sainte-Sophie de Thessalonique d'apres un Rituel,\" Revue des Etudes Byzantines 34 (1976): 55-59). The form of the entrance at vespers in the Late Byzantine cathedral rite both inside and outside Thessalonica is discussed in the present author's study of \"Festal Cathedral Vespers in Late Byzantium,\" OCP (forthcoming). 8 Symeon outlines the weekday order in the Ekthesis, 6v-7v; Hypotyposis, f. 10v-l 1 v. I 224 i I co T3 eo 05 1 \u00C2\u00AB I v T3 ! \u00C2\u00ABo i o\u00C2\u00BB o o a 3 O \u00E2\u0080\u00A2c CO o X I O H 3 s 2 2 o o CO o \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 i-H a o ' Cfl ca[as,\" TTpaKTLicd rfjs-ev AdrjvaLs- ApxaLoAoytKfjs1 Eracpeias- (1940): 23-27; idem,\" 'Epyaoiai el$ TOV vadv TT)$ 'Ayias Zo4>Cas OeaoaAovLKTis,\" JTpaKTiKd rfjs ev AOfjvais ApxaioAoyL/cfjs ETaipeias (1941): 43-52; Stylianos Pelekanides,\"Meoaiwvucd MaKeSovtas,\" ApxatoAoytKov AeAriov 17 (1961/62): 253-56; and Theoharidou, op. tit., 13-16, 143-45. 1 1 Given the rapid decline of Thessalonica's population from approximately 40,000 to an estimated 10,000 during the final Turkish siege of 1422-30, it is uncertain whether the norms of urban worship were maintained at Thessalonica's \"catholic\" churches until the very end. The participation of the urban clergy in this exodus is confirmed by the departure account of a member of Symeon's staff in S. Kugeas, \"Notizbuch eines Beamten der Metropolis in Thessalonike aus dem Anfang des XV Jahrhunderts,\" Byzantinisches Zeitschrift 32 (1914-19): 152. 1 2 The ecclesiastical personnel mentioned by Symeon in Athens 2047 are discussed in Darrouzes, \"Sainte-Sophie,\" 72-75. 227 ovvadpo((eodai ovv avrco ndvras drrapaXeiTrrtos, ev re rats' deairoriKats eoprals, xal ralu peydAcof dylcov, Kal rats Kar' edos dpxotou dtroreraypivots Xtravelais re Kal avvd^eatv, cos du KOLVCOS Kal rj rrpos Oeov a'iveais yivoiro, Kal rj evra^ia aioCotro, els 86\u00C2\u00A3av Oeov Kal Kooptov rfjs eKKXriolas. W e command the entire clergy [of Hagia Sophia]\u00E2\u0080\u0094presbyters, deacons, cantors and readers\u00E2\u0080\u0094to gather unremittingly in [the cathedral] according to ancient custom: each on the prescribed day and week in order that they may ful fdl their proper service to God at vespers, matins and the Divine Liturgy. In the same way, [it is necessary] for everyone to assemble at Saturday vespers, Sunday matins, and the Divine Liturgy, at which the archbishop assembles with them, rendering glorification to God on behalf of a l l , blessing the people, preaching salvation, and praying for them. [It is] likewise [necessary] for them all without exception to gather with [the archbishop] on Feasts of the Lord, on the [memorials] of great saints, and for the litanies and synaxes designated by ancient custom, so that the praise of God might take place in common, and that good order might be preserved, to the glory of God and the adornment of the church . 1 3 Rather strikingly, these instructions would have been equally applicable to the clergy of the Constantinopolitan Hagia Sophia in the tenth century \u00E2\u0080\u0094to say nothing of those serving at the same Justinianic church in the sixth century or even the rotunda of the Anastasis in early fifth-century Jerusalem\u00E2\u0080\u0094as to their fifteenth-century successors at Symeon's cathedral. Worship at the Thessalonian Hagia Sophia in Late Byzantine times evidently continued to feature a diverse group of liturgical ministries centred, like all ancient cathedral rites, on the person of the local bishop. Daily prayer was offered by designated clerics in rotation, while the entire complement of personnel gathered in the presence of the archbishop for the weekly commemoration of Christ's resurrection, as well as for certain seasonal observances, some of which possessed a stational component. Beyond this general congruency with the ancient patterns of urban worship, the rubrics of Athens 2047 make clear that the assignment of musicians to particular days continued to be determined by the two-week system of alternating choruses found in the tenth-century Typikon of the Great Church.14 In the model schema for ferial vespers in the Hypotyposis, for example, after an instruction stating that the concluding refrain (perisse) of the Trisagion at vespers should be sung \" in a louder voice according to the melody of the first or second week,\" Symeon explains that 1 3 Ekthesis, Athens 2047, f. 6r (my translation). 1 4 TGE II, 289; cf. supra, p. 44. 228 each [week] has its own [melody], but on Saturdays and feasts the great [melody] is performed. It should be noted that each week\u00E2\u0080\u0094either the first or the second, i.e. of the first domestikos or the second\u00E2\u0080\u0094has a refrain for Psalm 140 (kekragar ion) for each day, which are chanted daily.15 The applicability of this distinction to the morning office is subsequently made plain in the rubrics for the invariable first antiphon of asmatic matins, which state that the domestikos should sing the psalms \"in the mode of the day of his week.\"1-6 Consequently, both sets of instructions presuppose not only the weekly alternation of two choruses led by domestikoi, but also a set of melodies unique to the singers of each week analogous to the pair of ordinary psalmodic cycles transmitted in the Thessalonian Antiphonarion Athens 2061. Although the sources are relatively clear regarding the participation of professional musicians, they are decidedly less so about any active involvement of the laity in the celebration of the Late Byzantine \"Sung\" Office. This question is significant because the antiphonal psalms and canticles contained in the weekly ordinaries of the notated Antiphonaria preserve musical and textual features originally developed to foster popular participation in the urban assemblies of Late Antiquity. As previously noted, the congregational element retained from these ancient structures is a short refrain repeated after verses with longer texts or more complex music that are allotted to the choirs and soloists. Nevertheless, Symeon says nothing about congregational participation in the asmatic psalms of the \"Sung\" Office in his writings, while the Thessalonian Antiphonaria simply append the refrains to choral verses without further comment. From this, and from Symeon's complaints about widespread indifference toward the cathedral rite offices and his efforts to save them through the importation of kanons,1-7 one might be led to conclude that average Thessalonian churchgoers, like their counterparts in most modem Orthodox churches, remained silent. On the other hand, passages in the archbishop's Exposition of the Divine Temple indicate that the Late Byzantine laity had 1 5 \"To aiiro yeycovdrepov, els pdAos TTJS npojrrjs rj Sevrepas eflSopdSos' emorr} eyei- ISiov rocs adfifiaoi Kal eoprals, Aeyerai TO peya- lareov Se, on KeKpaydpiov eKaarr) e^Sopds, T) Trparrr] re kal r) Seurepd, rjtdc rod ffprirdu SopedfiKOv fj TOV Sevfepov, i'xei kd8' i]pepdv ev '\u00E2\u0080\u00A2 d kai tpdAAovrai Ka& -qpipav,\" Hypotyposis, Athens 2047, f. lOr. 16 \"Eis TOV ffxov TTJS Tjpepas TTJS efiSopdSos avrov,\" ibid., f. lOv. 1 7 Symeon, ITepi rffs ffeias Trpoaevxfjs, PG 155, col. 556; Treatise, 22. 229 not yet relinquished all of its chants. In the course of a discussion of the function and significance of each class of believers within the liturgical assembly, Symeon employs the participation in the sung responses of litanies to define the place of the Orthodox laity i n the heavenly hierarchy symbolically manifested by worship . 1 8 Commenting on the Divine Liturgy later in the same work, he notes congregational renditions of two ordinary chants: the Sanctus19 and the fraction acclamation \"One is H o l y . \" 2 0 Unless one is wi l l ing to dismiss these references as entirely metaphorical, the possibility of continued lay participation in the refrains of asmatic psalmody cannot therefore be entirely excluded. The preceding brief survey of the reformed office of asmatic Sunday matins and the liturgical establishment of the Thessalonian Hagia Sophia has revealed the presence of certain innovations within what remained a traditional cathedral rite context. In the following paragraphs we shall narrow the focus of our analysis to examine the constituent elements of the morning office of ordinary Sundays, concentrating on those texts and musical repertories not previously described i n Chapter Four of the present study. 1. Vigil in the Narthex Like its tenth-century Constantinopolitan predecessor, the reformed Thessalonian service of asmatic matins began on normal Sundays in the narthex with antiphonal psalmody outside the closed doors of the nave. Descended from Late Antique psalmodic vigils like the one witnessed by Egeria outside the basilica of the Anastasis in early fifth-century Jerusalem, the first segment of the Sunday morning office emerged from the reform unadorned by any monastic hymns. Only the series of antiphons appointed for this portion of the service i n the tenth-century Typikon of the Great Church were sung, a textual conservatism matched by the form given to the invariable first antiphon of matins in the music repertories of the 1 8 Symeon, Fpprjveia nepi re TOV Beiov mov, PG 155, cols. 708-9. The description of Neo-Sabaitic matins in the treatise On Divine Prayer (PG 155, col. 585; Treatise, 43) also mentions congregational participation in a litany, although this might be explained by the monastic context. 1 9 Symeon, Fpprjveia, PG 155, col. 732. 2 0 Ibid., col. 741. 230 Thessalonian Antiphonaria. For ordinary Sundays, the manuscripts provide only two anonymous settings of this antiphon, which Symeon often simply calls the \"Three Psa lms . \" 2 1 : In addition to the sober Mode Plagal II version transmitted in Athens 2062 and the first week of Athens 2 0 6 1 , 2 2 the second week of the latter Antiphonarion features a brighter but equally conventional set of melodies i n Mode Plagal I V (Example 31). In the midst of this traditional asmatic psalmody, a major departure from the original Constantinopolitan order for matins may be identified in the instructions given by Symeon for the presidential prayers of the Euchology. According to both the Hypotyposis and the treatise On Divine Prayer, the priest offered the \"morning prayers\" silently before the doors of the nave during the chanting of the \"Three Psa lms . \" 2 3 Since, with the exception of the final Prayer of Inclination, Symeon's writings fail to mention the recitation of a single Morning Prayer from the Euchology at its proper place, it may be concluded that the distribution of these orations throughout the office had been abandoned, despite the survival of their original psalmodic context. 2 4 Such grouped recitation was probably a relatively recent development in Thessalonian cathedral liturgy, for the traditional arrangement of prayers in asmatic worship was attested to near the beginning of the thirteenth century by Demetrios Chomatenos, 2 5 and comparable schemes of distribution throughout the monastic office have been noted by Arranz in Studite recensions of the Euchology as late as the sixteenth century 2 6 Perhaps this practice had even been instituted by Symeon himself in imitation of the format prescribed in the Diataxis of the Neo-Sabaitic v ig i l by Philotheos Kokkinos, which calls for the first twelve morning prayers to be said silently at monastic matins during the last three psalms of the 2 1 E.g. Ekthesis, Athens 2047, f. 6v. 2 2 Cf. supra, Example 1. 2 3 Athens 2047, Hypotyposis, f. lOv; PG 155, col. 641, and Treatise, 82. 2 4 This was also true of reformed vespers, for the Hypotyposis notes that this recitation was accomplished in the same manner as the reading of the evening \"Prayers of Light\" during Psalm 85 at reformed asmatic vespers. 2 5 Demetrios Chomatenos, 'Epionjaeis TOV dyicoraTov prjrpoTroAiTov Avppaxtov icvpov KaivaTavrii'ov TOV KafidaiAa, in J.B. Pitra, ed., Analecta sacra et classica spicilegio solesmensi, 6: Jurisecclesiatici Graecorum (Rome: 1891), col. 621. 2 6 Miguel Arranz, \"Les prieres presbyterales des matines byzantines,\" OCP (1972): 96-7. 231 - \u00E2\u0080\u0094 \u00E2\u0080\u0094 - i \ \"T Tfj Kvpiaiqj nptoi; rHxos\frJ\ A r V A r s7\ JT, \u00E2\u0080\u0094 \u00E2\u0080\u0094 . j f J'J' 1 J'r i- r. I r f / i f1: l ' H g H = >'Ao(a mi vvv TO avro. 232 Hexapsalmos.2,1 If so, while further demonstrating the prestige of the Philothean Diataxis,28 it would furnish another example of Symeon's efforts to bring certain aspects of Thessalonian ritual into line with contemporary practice in Constantinople, an ancillary goal of his reform that the archbishop states in the Taxis of Athens 2047 . 2 9 In any case, since the office prayers of the Euchology had probably been recited silently for centuries, this harmonisation could have been accomplished without affecting the audible surface of asmatic worship. The Amomos a) Rubrics and Ceremony The triple antiphon formed from Psalm 118\u00E2\u0080\u0094commonly called the \"Amomos\" after the solo intonation (\"01 dpcopoi iv 68aj\") of its first antiphon\u00E2\u0080\u0094continued to dominate the introductory portion of the reformed morning office on ordinary Sundays. This lengthy meditation on the Law of the Old Testament also remained the only proper item sung in the narthex at Sunday matins, replacing the daily allotment of six or four antiphons from the \"Distributed Psalter.\" 3 0 While the Sunday order of the Ekthesis simply notes that Psalm 118 was sung \"with the appointed refrains,\" 3 1 the treatise On Divine Prayer provides a relatively detailed account of the performance of the Amomos at Sunday matins. Wi th two minor exceptions, the commentary lists the expected asmatic sequence of solo intonations, refrains, and choral verses for each of the three antiphons, which, borrowing their appellations from the Palestinian Psalter, it refers to as 'staseis.' The discrepancies in the treatise's description occur at the beginning of the first and third 'staseis' when the cantor is said to have intoned the phrase \" Tfjv oiKovpivqv\" postponing in each case the proper Amomos incipit given by the Antiphonaria until after the priest's ecphonesis. 3 2 Although it seems most likely that the 2 7 Philotheos Kokkinos, Aidrafis\" rffe iepoSia/cdvias; PG 154, cols. 749, 760. 2 8 The influence of Philotheos' orders for Byzantine worship is discussed in Taft, \"Mount Athos,\" 191-94. 2 9 Darrouzes, \"Sainte-Sophie,\" 47-51, 63. 3 0 According to the Hypotyposis (f. llr), six antiphons were sung daily at ferial matins during the period from 1 September through the end of Great Lent, while four antiphons were chanted from the Sunday of All Saints to 31 August. 3 1 \"'0 dpajpoff perd TI2V KOTO. rtiJ-iv ScaipdApav,\" Athens 2047, f. 7v. 3 2 Symeon, ITepi rfjs- deias npoaevxfjs; PG 155, col. 637; Treatise, 80. 233 citation of the generic intonation for odd-numbered ferial antiphons with an Al le luia refrain is simply a poorly identified reference to the weekday order, it could also reflect a variation to the usual format for introductions of the sort we shall note below in our analysis of the musical settings for this psalm. The treatise On Divine Prayer also describes two daily ceremonies of asmatic matins that were accomplished on Sundays during the chanting of the Amomos. This account, which helpfully notes the coordination of actions with particular verses of Psalm 118, is complemented by more detailed rubrics for these same rituals in the model ferial matins of the Hypotyposis. The first of these ceremonies was the censing of the narthex and closed nave by a priest during the first 'stasis' of the Amomos. A t the beginning of the psalm, the priest took the censer to the right end of the narthex near an icon (no longer extant) of the Archangel Michael . He then censed the walls and foundations of the church, moving, according to the Hypotyposis, from East to North to West before arriving at his point of origin in the south end of the narthex. 3 3 Cued by the domestikos with a solo rendition of Psalm 118:12, the priest, after proclaiming \"Wisdom. Let us attend,\" began to cense the central doors of the nave and the icon in their vicinity, followed by censings of the attending clergy and laity according to their rank. Having censed all in attendance, he entered the nave alone through the small portal to the left of the closed central doors i n order to commence a thorough censing of its interior according to a complicated course delineated by the Hypotyposis.34 After completing his circuit of the nave, the priest then passed over the ambo and through the solea into the 3 3 ITepi rfjs- 6etas wpoaevxfjs, PG 155, cols. 641-44; Treatise, 82-84; Athens 2047, f. lOv-llr; cf. Darrouzes, \"Sainte-Sophie,\" 60-61. 3 4 In his analysis of this passage in the Hypotyposis (f. llr), Darrouzes (\"Sainte-Sophie,\" 64-65), while allowing for the possibility that the priest may have entered the nave through the opening to the immediate left of the \"royal\" doors, suggests in his Figure 1 that the priest proceeded into the north ambulatory. This hypothesis is based on the identification of the \"SidKoixpa\" mentioned by Symeon with the north and south ambulatories of Hagia Sophia. Their equation with the \"SiaKOixpa,\" however, led Darrouzes to plot the path of the priest through the intercolumnar slabs (the existence of which he appears not to have been aware) that once separated the nave from the south ambulatory. If, on the contrary, the point of entry is assumed to have been the left door to the nave, it therefore seems logical to identify the \"SLdtcovcpa\" with the short narrow passageways running immediately to the North and South of the cathedral's central piers. For annotated listings of instances in which the terms \"StdKovcpa\" and \"nAayiai\" appear in Symeon's liturgical works, see Ioannes Phountoules, \"Maprvplai TOV BeooaAoviKnfs Uvpecov ire pi r&v va&v rfjs OeooaAovLKrjs\" 'EmarripoviKij Ewerr/pi's OeoAoytKrjs 2\'oAf/s2l (Thessalonica: 1976): 155, 160. 234 sanctuary. After censing the altar and other furnishings of the sanctuary, he hung up the censer. Taking the processional cross kept behind the altar, he then left the sanctuary and nave, departing the latter through the opening to the south of the central doors. Symeon's account of the second set of rituals accomplished during the Amomos, which encompassed the entrance of the entire assembly into the nave during chanting of its third antiphon, closely follows the thirteenth-century description of the same ceremonies by Demetrios Chomatenos. 3 5 A t the conclusion of the prefatory small synapte, only one of the two central doors to the nave was opened as the first ful l verse of the third antiphon (Psalm 118:132) was sung, after which the choirs continued the 'stasis' in alternation. Upon reaching verse 170, according to the treatise On Divine Prayer, the doors were opened and the entrance verse ('eisodikon') was chanted together with its Al le luia refrain in a louder v o i c e . 3 6 Accompanied only by the deacon, and, if present, the celebrating bishop, the priest then entered the nave through the central doors bearing in his hands the processional cross adorned by three lit candles as the rest of the assembly made their own entry through the side doors. Although Symeon does not identify the text and no such oration is provided among the traditional Morning Prayers of the Constantinopolitan Euchology, both the Hypotyposis and the treatise On Divine Prayer mention the recitation of an entrance prayer after the arrival of the celebrant(s) in the nave 3 7 Following the completion of this prayer, the remaining verses of the psalm and a GloriaPatri were sung. The antiphon then concluded with the perisse, a final solo rendition of the Al le lu ia refrain chanted again in a louder voice by the domestikos, who, according to the Hypotyposis, employed the melody of the eisodikon.38 3 5 EptoTfjaeis; col. 623. 3 6 PG 155, cols. 637-40; Treatise, 80-81. 3 7 Hypotyposis, f. l lv ; PG 155, col. 640; Treatise, 81. The Euchology only includes introit prayers for vespers and the Divine Liturgy. Use of the prayer for the former is unlikely given the references in this text to Psalm 140, the evening psalm of Byzantine vespers. On the other hand, assuming that Symeon was not referring to a now lost prayer peculiar to the Thessalonian cathedral rite, the introit prayer of the Divine Liturgy could conceivably have been employed. Not only does it refer to the act of entrance in terms that do not preclude its use outside the Eucharist, but its imagery accords well with the 'cosmic' symbolism invoked by Symeon in his mystagogical interpretation of this rite. On the symbolism of the introit prayer of the Divine Liturgy, see Taft, The Byzantine Rite, 34-38. 3 8 Athens 2047, f. llv. 235 b) The Musical Settings of the Antiphonaria Collectively, the musical settings for the Amomos of ordinary Sundays constitute the most varied and complex psalmodic repertories among the weekly cycles of the two notated Antiphonaria. Examination of them reveals numerous subtleties of contemporary Thessalonian performance practice which are at variance with Symeon's conventional description of asmatic antiphony in the treatise On Divine Prayer. Unlike the vast majority of antiphonal psalms and canticles in the weekly asmatic ordinaries of the Antiphonaria, for example, the repertories of the Amomos include original verses and refrains of considerable musical complexity, some bearing attributions to Late Byzantine composers. Proffering a stylistic alternative to the usual utilitarian choral psalm-tones and refrains assembled from stock formulae, these through-composed settings are functionally analogous to the florid verses for the invariable first antiphon of asmatic matins transmitted in the older repertories of the Asmatikon and the Asma. Other deviations in the repertories for the Amomos from the norms of \"Distributed\" psalmody affect the standard asmatic framework of intonations, choral verses, and refrains of individual 'staseis' more seriously, altering their usual textual and melodic interrelationships. A l l three of the musical settings transmitted in the Antiphonaria for the first antiphon or 'stasis' of the Amomos for ordinary Sundays feature variations to the normal format for \"Distributed\" psalmody (Table 8). The solo introduction to the version for the second week of Athens 2061 begins with an unusual triple intonation featuring fragments of three verses ( l a , 12b, and 50b), each of which is followed by an alleluia refrain extended by nonsense syllables (Example 32a). From the rubric denoting the \"change\" CvrraXXayif) from one chorus to another, and the modal signatures at the breaks between verse fragments, it seems that these three phrases were executed antiphonally. A t all events, the second intonation after the ecphonesis returns to the conventional pattern, combining the opening phrase employed in the corresponding section preceding the \"Three Psalms,\" with the setting of verse l a from the intonation before the celebrant's exclamation (Example 32b). 236 T A B L E 8 M U S I C A L R E P E R T O R I E S O F T H E A N T I P H O N A R I A F O R T H E A M O M O S O F O R D I N A R Y S U N D A Y S : 'STASIS' 1 (PS. 118:1-72) Athens 2062 (f. 40r-42r) Mode Plagal II Athens 2061: Week 1 (f. 23v-24r) Mode Plagal II Athens 2061: Week 2 (f. 45v^t6r) Mode Plagal IV Solo Intonation: Oi dubjfioi ev 6St3 fvs. la]-dXXrjXovia. Ecphonesis Solo Intonation: 'Autjv. MaKapioi oi duwpoi iv 68$ [vs. la] 'dAAr/Aovia. Choral verse: MampT... [vs. 1, incipit only] At the censing: EvXoyryr&s el, Kvpie \u00E2\u0080\u00A2SiSa(dv fie TO. SiKaiwpard oov [vs. 12]. 'aAevaveveXovxovia, vaAexevaveXovxovia. [6 through-composed settings with extended refrains by George Konwpetres:] 'Qs itri ndma TTXOVTOJ;-[vs. 14b, 2 settings] Td Sucata/iard aov [vs. 24b? and/or 26b?, 2 settings] AVTT) ue TTapeKdXeaav ...[vs. 50] MeoovvKriov 4^eyeip6ur]v... [vs. 62] Perisse: 'AXXr)Xovia, dXXrjXovLa, dXevave... [Incipit of the melody for vs. 12b sung at the censing] Solo Intonation: Oi duuuoi iv 68q} [vs. la]-dAAr\Xovia. Ecphonesis Solo Intonation: 'Aufjv, Mampioi oi duwuoi iv 6St3 [vs. la]-dAAriAovia. Choral verse: MaKapioi... [vs. 1, incipit only] At the censing: EvAoyqrds el, Kvpie \u00E2\u0080\u00A28i8a\u00C2\u00A36v ue ra SiKaioifiard oov [vs. 12]. 'aAevaveveXovxovia, vaAexevaveXovxovia. Rubric: Et fiovAjj Aeyets eis TOP ipaAjidv TOVTOV Kai dAArjAovidpta ei? TOV aurdv fyou. (\"You may sing alleluiaria in this mode with this psalm ad libitum )\" Adfa mi wv Perisse: 'AXXrjXovia, dXXTjXovia, dXevave... [Incipit of the melody for vs. 12b sung at the censing] Solo Intonation: Oi duiouoi ev 6Sbj [vs. laj-dXevavevave, dAXr/Xovia. Td SiKaicufiard aov [vs. 12b]-dAevavevave, dAXiJAovia. 'YnaAAayr): 'E{r]ae[v\ ue [vs. 50b] \u00E2\u0080\u00A2dXevavevave, dXXrjXovia. Ecphonesis Solo Intonation: 'Aufjv. MaKapioi oi duwuoi iv 68& [vs. la]- dXevavevave, dAArjXovia. Choral verse: MaKapioi oi d~... [vs. 1, incipit only] Rubric: Ei fiovAfl Aeyets els rov tpaAfidv TOVTOIS mi dAArjAovidpta et's\" TOP avrdv rfxoiy. (\"You may sing alleluiaria in this mode with this psalm ad libitum \") Adfix mi Perisse: 'AAArjXovla, dAXrjXovia, dXeva... [Incipit of the melody sung for vs. 12b in the opening solo intonation] The first week of Athens 2061 and the unique weekly cycle of Athens 2062 transmit identical and structurally conventional musical introductions in Mode Plagal II for the first 'stasis.' These are followed in both cases by a moderately florid setting of verse 12 appointed for use at the censing described in the writings of Symeon (Example 33). While the second week of Athens 2061 does not transmit a separate melody for verse 12, it seems l ikely, for b. After the Ecphonesis.' Example 32: First 'Stasis of the Amomos (MS Athens 2061, Week 2)^ 238 i fc=rV=E 3 a 5= r- J r 4\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0094=\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0094*\u00E2\u0080\u0094* \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 * \ 6 l J - A o - j r ' J - r o $ tt , KVJ - pt- \u00C2\u00A3 , 6c'-Sa-\u00C2\u00A3cV w 5t - K a t - - ^ \u00C2\u00AB ^ca w \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 >4A-)l\u00C2\u00A3 - id - a t - Ul \" Aoy -0 , n Jj lit A v ^ - Aw - xo^ 5= \u00C2\u00A75 l - et. Example 33: Amomos 'Stasis' 1, Verse at the Censing (MS Athens 2062). 4 ^ cn 5V-rr\ nut . 5 /U' -i V Aou - V - et, t a X V r r \" I L / U I J r ' r L i r uJ j i , r I,I m,uj ' t - \u00C2\u00AB . . 7- : A ^ C|) : , 1aX - X*| - W - v -^Example 34: The Second Melody by Kontopetres for Ps. 118:14b (MS Athens 2062). 2 3 9 reasons that w i l l soon be made clear, that the fragment of this verse appearing in its triple intonation may have been employed at the censing. The setting of verse 12 is followed in Athens 2062 by a series of six settings attributed to the early fourteenth-century composer George Kontopetres. 3 9 These through-composed works consist of partial or complete verses followed by alleluias extended through various degrees of textual repetition. The style and median length of these chants is illustrated by Example 34, which shows the composer's second melody for verse 14b. This composition begins with the dissolution of a formulaic reciting tone into short melismas that are linked to a series of alleluias by the interpolated cue \"A.e'ye\" (\"say\") . 4 0 While no similar newly composed settings are included among the chants of the first 'stasis' for either week of Athens 2061, both ordinaries feature a rubric giving the singers the option of singing the succeeding verses with \"alleluiaria.\" From the prominence given to the refrain in the works by Kontopetres in Athens 2062, it seems likely that this instruction refers to the addition of similar extended alleluias. A t the conclusion of the first 'stasis,' the final solo coda (perisse) of all three ordinaries exhibits an unusual relationship with one of the preceding melodies. A s we have seen in the ordinary settings for the invariable first antiphon of asmatic matins, the perisse normally recapitulates the melody of the antiphon's opening solo intonation. The codas of Athens 2062 and the first week of Athens 2061, however, recapitulate the melody of the verse sung at the censing. Despite the fact that it does not include a full setting of verse 12, a similar pattern may be observed in the second week of Athens 2061, the perisse of which recapitulates music attached to the fragment of this verse in the initial intonation, thereby offering confirmation for our hypothesis that this melody was used at the censing: Example 35: Perisse of the First 'Stasis' (cf. Example 32a, staffs 2-3). 3 9 On Kontopetres, see Conomos, Communion Cycle, 78. 4 0 Such connecting modules are frequent in the Neo-Sabaitic repertories of through-composed psalms for the Liturgy of the Hours. On their function, see Edward V. Williams, \"John Koukouzeles' Reform of Byzantine Chanting for Great Vespers in the Fourteenth Century,\" (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1968), 181-85, 226-32. 240 Although neither Symeon nor the Antiphonaria record any ceremonies like those accompanying the first 'stasis' that might have provided a rationale for variations to their antiphonal frameworks, all three settings of the second 'stasis' once more feature certain structural peculiarities (Table 9). A s before, the music for the second week of Athens 2061 displays such changes from the outset, in this instance reversing the normal stylistic relationship between the intonation after the ecphonesis and its succeeding choral verse (Example 36) . 4 1 Specifically, the initial intonation is given a relatively simple melody that reappears in modified form as the first choral verse, rather than as the second intonation after the \"Amen.\" Continuing the parallels with their counterparts in the first 'stasis,' the introductory chants of Athens 2062 and the first week of Athens 2061 are again relatively conventional, possessing identical pairs of solo intonations before and after the celebrant's ecphonesis that share melodic material in the expected way. These are followed in each manuscript by a simpler setting of the first choral verse that is cast in a low register and prefaced by the rubric \"quieter\" (Example 37). Rubrics following the model choral verse in both weeks of Athens 2061 indicate that, as was customary in asmatic antiphons, its melody was employed for the succeeding verses. This pattern of performance was evidently interrupted at verse 126, for which all three ordinaries transmit through-composed solo settings. The related repertories of Athens 2062 and the first week of Athens 2061 provide the same music for this verse (Example 38). Whi le this melody is presented anonymously in Athens 2062, Athens 2061 contains an attribution to the early fourteenth-century domestikos Christophoros, 4 2 together with a rubric directing the domestikos to \"double,\" possibly at the octave 4 3 The second week of Athens 2061 includes a slightly simpler \"old\" (niraAai6i>\") melody for verse 126 in Mode II by George Panaretos that was sung, according to the accompanying rubric, by the domestikos in a louder voice. 4 1 One should note, however, that a second hand has written part of the melody of the intonation after the ecphonesis above the neumes of first intonation (Athens 2061, f. 46r). 4 2 Conomos, Communion Cycle, 75. 4 3 For a discussion of the technical application of the verb \"SnrXaotdCcx)\" in Late Byzantine musical manuscripts, see Williams, \"John Koukouzeles' Reform,\" 257-59. 241 TABLE 9 MUSICAL REPERTORIES OF THE ANTIPHONARIA FOR THE AMOMOS OF ORDINARY SUNDAYS: 'STASIS' 2 (PS. 118:73-131) Athens 2062 (f. 42r-43r, 44r) Modes Nenano and Plagal II Athens 2061: Week 1 (f. 24r-24v) Modes Nenano and Plagal II Athens 2061: Week 2 (f. 46r-46v) Mode II Solo intonation: Kal errXaadv ue [vs. 73b]' Swenadv ue, Kvpie. Ecphonesis Solo Intonation: 'Aprjv. Al x\u00C2\u00A3if>eS' oov erroir\adv ue Kai errXaadv ue [vs. 73b]' Svvenaov pe, Kvpie. Choral Verse: 'HavxttJTepov: Ai e^i/jes* aov erroirpdv ue Kal errXaadv ue [vs. 73b]- Svvenaov ue, Kvpie. [Setting by Christophoros] Kaipos TOV rroifjaai TO) Kvpiio SieoKeSaoav TOV vdpov aov [vs. 126] Aeye, ovve, ovvenaov pe, Kvxvpie. Kal avvenei vqxirriovs [vs. 130b]-Svvenaov pe, Kvpie, avvenadxo, avvenodv pe, Kvpie. Solo intonation: Kai errXaadv pe [vs. 73b]-Swenadv pe, Kvpie. Ecphonesis Solo Intonation: 'Aufjv. Ai A'rfpe? aov erroirpdv pe Kai errXaadv ue [vs. 73b]' Svvenaov pe, Kvpie. Choral Verse: 'HavxcoTefioy Ai gapes' oov erroirfrdv pe Kal irrXaadv pe [vs. 73b]- Svvenaov pe, Kvpie. Rubric: iMAAerai d'Arj rj ardms TO avrd peAos ecus' ipSe. Eis Se TOP OTIXOIS TOVTOK SinAamdCei d So/iean/cos mi.Aeyei TOV Xptarorpopov: Kaipos TOV rroifjaai T(3 Kvpiij) SieOKeSaaav TOV vdpov aov [vs. 126] \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 Aeye, ovve, avvenodv pe, Kvxvpie. Ad(a TTarpi, Kal Tiqi, Kal Ayiij) TTvevpan- Svve, avvenodv pe, ve avvenadv pe, Kvpie. Perisse: Svvenaov pe, Kvpie, ovvenaov peve Kvpie. Diegermos: Svvenadv pe, Kvpie, avvenodv peve Kvpie. Solo intonation: Kal errXaadv pe [vs. 73b]-Svvenadv pe, Kvpie. Ecphonesis Solo Intonation: 'Aufjv. Ai x&pes aov eiroirjadv pe Kal errXaadv pe [vs. 73b]-Swenadv pe, Kvpie. Choral Verse: Ai x^ip^S aov erroiijadv pe Kal errXaadv pe [vs. 73b]-Svvenadv pe, Kvpie. Rubric: Kai dUerai TO piAos ecu? TOV aTixof TOVTOI/. Kai evdus Aeyei Sopeonicos yeyuvorepg tl-n-irov /*> Ki / - /H- \u00C2\u00A3 Second Solo Intonation r -V\u00E2\u0080\u0094> L _ \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 ( \u00C2\u00AB ) - n P h h r> M I1) l> yffi-p^ ,\u00E2\u0080\u009E\u00E2\u0080\u009E V - r) - ^ j : / J 4 1 1 Example 37: Model Choral Verse in Mode Plagal II for the Amomos, 'Stasis' 2 ( M S Athens 2061, Week 1). . \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 \" 243 i i T , \" ' ' i j , \" 1 1 7 / y M 1 l i f e 6x) vo ^ ' S ' a S i S ' 2 < M S A ' t a s 2 0 6 > - W \u00C2\u00AB k 2). 245 previous verse, thereby negating the usual recapitulatory function of a perisse within an antiphon. The Mode II setting contained in the second week of Athens 2061 is also somewhat peculiar, quoting not from the opening intonation\u00E2\u0080\u0094which, as we previously noted, was uncharacteristically related to the melody of the choral reciting tone\u00E2\u0080\u0094but from a portion of the second intonation after the ecphonesis (Example 40). The musical repertories of the Antiphonaria for the third 'stasis' of the asmatic Amomos on ordinary Sundays (Table 10), unlike those of the previous two antiphons, include only anonymous settings of verses and refrains. In another departure from the patterns established in the preceding 'staseis,' al l three settings are in the same mode and employ, albeit with some variations, a common set of melodies. Alterations to the conventional structures of asmatic antiphony such as those we have noted above, however, appear in all three repertories for the third 'stasis,' beginning with a troped intonation prefixing each setting. In the ordinaries of Athens 2062 and the first week of Athens 2061, the intonation \"Kai e\er\oov pe \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 dXArjAovia\" is preceded by a fragment of verse 168. This trope is accompanied by a f lorid refrain of the type previously designated an \"alleluiarion\" by the rubrics of Athens 2061 (Example 41). In the second weekly ordinary of Athens 2061, the order of the two segments is reversed and a final cadence is affixed to the end of the alleluiarion. The main body of the third 'stasis' begins after the ecphonesis in all three settings with the stock introductory formula for antiphons in Mode Plagal IV that we have previously seen employed in chants of the second week from Athens 2061 (Example 42, cf. Example 31, staff three and Example 32b). This opening is followed in each case by a recapitulation of only the music for verse 132a from the first intonation, appended to which is either an incipit or a complete setting of the initial choral verse. Instead of being set in a considerably simpler melodic idiom than the intonation, the choral verse and its refrain are themselves variants of the preceding solo. Rubrics in the two ordinaries of Athens 2061 allowing the performance of alleluiaria, however, indicate that the musical style of the antiphon could have been elevated further by the insertion of even more elaborate compositions. 246 TABLE 10 MUSICAL REPERTORIES OF THE ANTIPHONARIA FOR THE AMOMOS OF ORDINARY SUNDAYS: 'STASIS' 3 (PS. 118:132-76) Athens 2062 (f. 43r-43v) Mode Plagal IV Athens 2061: Week 1 (f. 24v-25v) Mode Plagal IV Athens 2061: Week 2 (f. 46v-47v) Mode Plagal IV Solo Intonation: 'Evavriov oov, Kvpie [vs. 168b]-AvavayiavaXevexeoveyye, dXXrjXovia. Kai eXerjodv pe [vs. 132a]' dXXrjXovia. Ecphonesis Solo Intonation: ErripXeipov err' epe Kai eXerjodv pe [vs. 132a]-dXXrjXovia. Choral Verse: 'ErrifiXeipov en' epe Kai eXeryadv pe - dXXrjXovia. Rubric: El's Se Toy arixoy TOOTOV yiverai rj EiaoSos Kai Aeyerat ro EiaoStmv TO EtfvAafa: E~... [vs. 170a, incipit only] Ad\u00C2\u00A3a, mi yvy, mi nepiaarjy AXXrjXovia, dXXrjXoviavavayi aXevexeoveyye, dXXrjXovia. Solo Intonation: 'Evavriov aov, Kvpie [vs. 168b]-AiavaXevexeoveyye, dXXrjXovia. Kai eXirjodv pe [vs. 132a]-dXXrjXovia. Ecphonesis Solo Intonation: 'ErrifiXetpov err' epe Kai eXer/adv pe [vs. 132a]-dXXnXovia. Choral Verse: 'ErrifiXeipov err' epe mi eXerpdv pe \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 dXXrjXovia. Rubrics: Ei deAei mi eis TOI> i/)aApdy TOVTOV i/tdAAei dAArjAovidpia eis TOV avrdv rjxov. Eis Se TOV arixov TOVTOV yiverat rj EidoSos mi Aeyerat TO EiaoStmy OVTCOS--EvXa(a rds evroXds aov mi TO paprvpid aov, on rrdaai ai 6Soi pov evavriov aov, Kvpie [vs. 168] -ava...[incipit only] Tovro Se Aeyerai eyrds rod yaov eis TO peaoy perd rr)y EiaoSov: EiaeXdoi TO dfr'apd pov evt&mdv aov, Kvpie- mrd TO Xdyiov aov pvoai pe [vs. 170]-dXXijXovia. Rubrics: Kai Ae~yei ml d dptarepds x\u00C2\u00B0pds arixoy TO avrd peAos. 'Opoitos ndAiy ml TOVS Aoirrovs arixovs OVTCOS-Adfir, mi yvy ro avrd. \"Torepoy Se rrepiaarjv rd EiaoStmy rrdAtv: 'AXXrjXovia, dXXrjXoviavavavayi avaXexevexeoveyye, dXXrjXovia. 247 I i Example 41: First Solo Intonation of the Amomos, 'Stasis' 3 (MS Athens 2061, Week 1). fbl - fcv eft' \u00E2\u0082\u00AC-y* - ui Kv, ecus TOV Xpioriava TO. TeXn TTJS Cufjs' 6 dopecrriKos, TO netn-nKOOTapiof TTJS fjpepas' 6 iepevs, Tfjs TTauayCas, Kai eK TOV ev dyiois narpog ijptov Svpecovog ApxtemaKOTrov OeaaaAovL/ajg TOV BavpaTovpyov, (Thessalonica: 1981), 116. 1!pa'^\^ovr^^raALpTrqvopevov TOV Ei/AoyrjTog Kvpie, enei eppeQr\ ev TT) evvdrr] qJSfj eig IB\" ~\"* Diataxis, Athens 2047, f. 233v 80 S ( J The weekday orders of the Ekthesis (f. 6v) and the Hypotyposis (f. 1 lv), however, call for the chanting of poetic kathismata after Ode 3 of the kanon. Kathismata are also frequently provided among the festal propers of the Diataxis. 8 1 Phountoules, 71? AeirovpyiKov epyov, 45. 8 2 With the exception of Mode I, for which the first two chants for the first stichologia of monastic matins were chosen, the pairs of kathismata included in the Asmatic Oktoechos consist of the first hymn appointed by modern printed editions of the Parakletike for each of the two stichologiai. 257 kanons for Sunday matins appear in the full Oktoechos without any intervening chants, the transposition of poetic kathismata from the beginning of the monastic office represents an adaptation of the practice, found frequently among kanons for the fixed and movable cycles of the liturgical year, of inserting hymns after the third ode. The practical effect of this departure from the traditional monastic order was to incorporate familiar Sunday kathismata from the Oktoechos without violating the compactness of the monastic segment of the reformed cathedral office. Material extraneous to the usual Neo-Sabaitic sequence for the Sunday kanon was similarly inserted between the sixth and seventh odes after the usual Resurrectional kontakion and o i k o s . 8 3 In particular, the Ekthesis records the performance of several chants from the monastic order of the Sunday Gospel, beginning with the hymn \"Having seen the resurrection of Christ.\" This was followed without pause in the reformed asmatic matins of Sunday by the three short troparia sung as concluding refrains to Psalm 50 in the monastic r i t e , 8 4 settings of which are regularly transmitted in Late Byzantine A k o l o u t h i a i . 8 5 While it is clear that the ninth poetic ode of the kanon commenced on ordinary Sundays with the chanting of the Magnificat and its usual refrain, followed by the poetic troparia of the day, Symeon's writings are somewhat ambiguous with regard to what happened at its conclusion. In the treatise On Divine Prayer, Symeon reports that he had instituted the Elevation of the Panagia as a daily occurrence in Thessalonica's \"catholic churches\" at the conclusion of the ninth ode of mat ins . 8 6 This is a short service of thanksgiving normally 8 3 As Phountoules (To Aeirot/pyi/cdv ipyou, 45) has noted, the Asmatic Oktoechos transmits the Resurrectional oikoi in a rather haphazard manner. Only the kanons for Modes I, II, and IV are actually supplied with an oikos, while the text for Mode I is not the stanza included in modern editions of the Parakletike. The ommission of oikoi appears to have been a scribal oversight, for the texts and rubrics of Athens 2047 generally indicate the performance of an oikos after the sixth ode of kanons. 8 4 Ekthesis, f. 8r. 8 5 E.g. MS Athens 2622, f. 106r-110v; and MS Vienna Theol. gr. 185, f. 85v-87v. These sources include ordinary settings of the first two chants in a generally syllabic melodic idiom. For the final verse \"Jesus is risen from the tomb,\" both manuscripts transmit only a highly florid version with optional kalophonic codas. The Vienna Akolouthia, however, identifies this as a composition that was sung on Easter Sunday (\"neuTTjKOOTdpiou tpaXXdpevov rfj dyiq Kai peydXrj Kvpiaicfj rod TTdoxa,\" f. 86v). 8 6 PG 155, col. 668. Note also that Simmons' English translation is defective at this point (Treatise, 100), failing to translate the phrase \"ev rals KaBoXimis eKKXrpLais.\" 258 celebrated in a monastic refectory in which a loaf of bread is elevated in blessing to the Marian troparion \"It is truly meet.\" Within Athens 2047, the Elevation of the Panagia at ferial matins is confirmed by the model order of the Hypotyposis?1 but the outline of Sunday matins in the Ekthesis includes no reference to this ceremony. Yet this should not be considered positive proof of its omission on Sundays, for the weekday order for morning prayer in the Ekthesis similarly fails to mention the Elevation of the Panagia, while also ignoring the stichologia of the Magnificat. The incompleteness of the Sunday order of the Ekthesis is further shown by its omission of the Resurrectional exaposteilaria, despite their citation in the treatise On Divine Prayer and the inclusion of their texts in the Asmatic Oktoechos.88 Even if the Elevation of the Panagia was not held on Sundays, Symeon's placement of this ceremony in matins can be explained by the fact that the troparion \"It is truly meet\" was regularly sung at the conclusion of the ninth ode at matins. Musical settings of this hymn for performance in this latter context are transmitted in Akolouthiai manuscripts, including both anonymous formulaic works and eponymous compositions representative of the Late Byzantine tradition of Koukouzelian chant, a style of music which has hitherto not been encountered in reformed asmatic matins . 8 9 The salient features and liturgical application of both types of chants become apparent in the following comparison of an anonymous \" 'AyiopeiriKov\" setting with two alternate codas for this hymn by John Koukouzeles transcribed from Athens 2458, a manuscript dated 1336 and the earliest copy of Koukouzeles' akolouthiai known to have surv ived . 9 0 Set in Mode Plagal II, the Athonite chant possesses the generous melodic compass of an octave, and a simple structure ( A B B ' C C ) based on the 8 7 \"Merd rr)v ewdTTjv evQvs, ixpovrat navayia- ml TO \"A&ov iorlu XeyeraL,\" Hypotyposis, f. llv. 8 8 PG 155, col. 648; Treatise, 86. 8 9 The mixed-rite Thessalonian Akolouthia MS Vienna Theol. gr. 185, for example, contains five complete settings: an anonymous Athonite composition,(f. 94r) followed by works of John Glykes (f. 94v), John Koukouzeles (f. 95 v), George Panaretos (f. 96r), and Demetrios Dokeianos (f. 96v). The manuscript also transmits a total of thirteen kalophonic codas representing the composers Xenos Korones, John Koukouzeles, and George Kontopetres (f. 96v-105v). 9 0 A thorough description of this important manuscript (including a complete inventory of its contents) is given by Gregorios Th. Stathis,' 'H gopaTacn StacpopoTTOLrioj] oirajs mTaypdcpeTat OTOV tccuSim EBE 2458 TOV irovs 1336,' Xpianaui/cn 0eaaaAouLKrr-TIaXaLoAoyeios' erroxij (Thessalonica, 1989), 167-211. Occasional corrections were made in trancription from the slightly later MS Athens 2622. 259 Example 4 5 : \" TipiooTepa r] Xeyopeun ayiopeiTiKos\" (MS Athens 2458). 260 recurrence of its opening phrases (Example 45). Significantly, the troparion's concluding two words (\"ai peyakvvopev\") are repeated several times in the work's extended final section ( C ) which, although not particularly short or easy, provides a point of reference for its more elaborate substitutes. Both of the kalophonic compositions by Koukouzeles from Athens 2458 begin with the phrase \" Tr)v OVTCOS OCOTOKOV\" and are presumably designed for insertion after the medial cadence that precedes these words in shorter settings of the entire hymn. The first of these codas is, l ike the anonymous Athonite chant, in the second authentic mode. It begins with repetitions of the canonical text that are soon interrupted by a breathless series of epithets for the Virgin Mary: \"TI)V ardpuou, TT)V pdBSov, rr)u rcou ovpavtov uiprjXoTepav, TT)V yicpvpau...\" (Example 46), after which a set of triumphant proclamations of the troparion's final words concludes the work. Appropriate to the coda's novel form and text, its melody is much more expressive than that of the traditional setting, ranging over the interval of a tenth. Syllabic passages alternate with melismatic ones as the opposite extremes of its melodic compass are employed in the service of word-painting. 9 1 Overall , this work is reminiscent of an ecstatic confession of love for the Mother of G o d that bursts forth unexpectedly and yet organically from the official hymn in praise of her. A similar result is achieved through slightly different means in Koukouzeles' other coda, which begins on the same starting note as the previous settings but proceeds in the fourth plagal mode. In this case, the text\" Tr)v owing OeoroKov\" gives way to repeated fragments of earlier verses from this same troparion (Example 47). A s before, the vocal compass is a tenth, but here the phrases are longer and the melody includes dramatic leaps as wide as an octave. Towards the end of the work, rational speech gives way to the sequential vocalizations of a kratema. This episode of institutionalised Pentecostalism starts with short bursts of \"to-to-to-to\" that develop into increasingly extended passages of \"te-re-re.\" A series of melodic sequences then spins the kratema into successively lower vocal registers until it reaches the 9 1 E.g. \"TT)U TCJV ovpauidv ixpiiXojTepav\" in the high register. Example 46: \"KaAcxpajVLKOv [TOC] KouKouCeXn\" (MS Athens 2458). 262 fart r y A ft* - M l - 0 0 \" r 4- t r t \ y ua. - T**.-I>\ \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 () K0.\ - fc. . * \u00C2\u00AB - T \u00C2\u00A3 J) Oft J , Jjyr^i f (J o\ \ y f , . i 0 - r t ~ / *V- Tfa/ - V KA- U - So -S0rb*1i?r-i . * :>\u00E2\u0080\u0094 I * \u00E2\u0080\u0094 * \u00E2\u0080\u0094 \u00E2\u0080\u009E \u00E2\u0080\u0094 A - f c ^ S - r > . ? \" r - * r - > \u00C2\u00BB . a - f t - O V \u00C2\u00AB - J ' J > h J r f f l f f Ko\u00E2\u0080\u0094 x \u00C2\u00AB t \u00C2\u00AB t a r o, o w ^ w co \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 **\u00E2\u0080\u00A2[*.pf.fx.ptje UP*. fHftrp^pt' ttptptpi pt, pt P , \u00E2\u0080\u0094 . P . tlL \" 2 a- =.\u00E2\u0080\u00941> r> . u \u00E2\u0080\u0094 t 'Ce , ' - f :\u00C2\u00AB^ o* Dt- T-\u00C2\u00A3\\u00C2\u00BB r\u00C2\u00BB fl# o\u00C2\u00BB r - . i / r * P t TtxfO r>c fie t\c o* B* Oi \u00C2\u00BB-\u00C2\u00AB u n\u00C2\u00AB n< a\u00C2\u00AB rt-ct-pipt. z&vLptPt xvftt P*- H uv^L pi pe pe pt pe. pi -ct.pt. pt. pt pt. cV '\u00C2\u00A3--0- w Example 47: \"'Erepa, TOV avrov Kvp 'laxxwov paiaropog rod KovKovCeXrf (MS Athens 2458). . \u00E2\u0080\u00A2\u00E2\u0080\u00A2- -263 work's lowest note (d), whereupon it startlingly leaps a seventh upwards, allowing the hymn to conclude with a reprise of its final line of text. C. Cathedral Psalmody (conclusion) and the Rite of the Resurrectional Gospel After the exaposteilaria of the day brought the purely monastic portion of the reformed Sunday morning office to a close, the traditional sequence of cathedral rite matins resumed. Like the antiphonal psalmody preceding the kanon, the rest of the service featured relatively few modifications to the unreformed order . 9 2 The only remaining interpolation of monastic hymnody occurred at the conclusion of the psalms of Lauds, to which six resurrectional stichera from the Oktoechos and one of the Morning Gospel Stichera were affixed. These hymns were followed by the same fourteenth-century order for the Great Doxology and rite of the Resurrectional Gospel discussed above in Chapter Four. Yet, as was also the case with the Marian troparion \"It is truly meet,\" their shape could be greatly altered through the substitution of new Koukouzelian compositions for the anonymous chants we have previously surveyed. In the \"mixed\" Thessalonian manuscript Vienna Theol. gr. 185, for example, the antiphonal version of the Marian troparion\" 'TnepeyXoynpevr] imdpxetS'\" shown above i n Examples 13-16 is accompanied by an alternate setting attributed to Xenos Korones, a composer and protopsaltes of the early fourteenth century. 9 3 This through-composed work is especially notable for its word-painting in the sections normally sung by the clergy during their entrance into the sanctuary. In place of the syllabic reciting-tone for the priests in the anonymous version, Korones offers steeply falling and rising melodic lines reflecting contrasts in the text between the destruction of Death and the vivification of mankind (Example 48). Akolouthiai transmitting the asmatic order for the Resurrectional Gospel also regularly transmit an impressive repertory of kalophonic works to follow the old-fashioned anonymous settings of the fixed Sunday prokeimenon \" 'Avdarndc Kupie\" (Ps. 9:33). Since the 9 2 One should note, however, that from Lauds to the end of the service, Studite rescensions of monastic Sunday matins employing the cathedral order for the Great Doxology (cf. supra, Table 5) were structurally identical to their asmatic counterpart. 9 3 On Korones, see Conomos, Communion Cycle, 78-9. 264 Example 48: Excerpt o f \" 'TirepevAoynpevr] imapxtis\" by Xenos Korones ( M S Vienna Theol . gr. 185). prokeimenon was the last item in the long sequence of joyful morning chants of praise beginning with Psalms 148-50, these florid pieces were analogous in their placement and liturgical function to the optional endings for the \" \"Al;i6v eanv\" at the conclusion of the kanon. Their importance in this regard, however, was further enhanced by their strategic position before the climactic proclamation of the Resurrectional Gospel from the ambo, at which point by they would have been heard as the final work of significant musical substance in the entire morning office. Vienna Theol. gr. 185 contains a repertory of six codas to the matutinal prokeimenon, which are divided evenly between texted works without a conclusive final cadence, and 265 wordless kratemata designed to be affixed to these pieces ad libitum. The first two of the texted settings, a pair of compositions by Koukouzeles and Korones, are structurally similar to the second setting of \" Tr)u OVTUJS \u00C2\u00A9COTOKOV\" shown above . 9 4 Both open with the concluding words of the prokeimenon \"Mr) imXddr] TOJV TrevrjToov GOV ELS' reXog,\" after which repetitions of the prokeimenon text and teretisms conclude without a final cadence. These relatively conventional codas contrast greatly with the next setting, a complex work by Koukouzeles incorporating solo sections, choral refrains, and teretisms (Table 11). This fascinating work, subtitled \"fierd duacpojurnidroov\" (\"with refrains\") in the manuscript, is prefixed by newly composed settings of the prokeimenon's usual solo verses (Ps. 9:2 and 3). Presented in the manuscript without an intervening refrain, these verses presumably would have been separated in performance by one of the anonymous choral responds shown above in Examples 29 and 30. After the second solo verse, the main body of the piece commences with a rather unassuming partial setting of the prokeimenon (Example 49). This solo rendition is interrupted before the final two words of the respond text by the vastaktai95 of the chorus, who proclaim \"Li f t up Thy hand, O Lord, forget not the poor until the end\" at the interval of a seventh above the preceding solo. What follows is a sort of rondo, as four solo verses alternate with reprises of the choral refrain. A modified solo recapitulation of the prokeimenon concludes the central portion of the work, leading, as in the other coda settings, to a long series of teretisms. 9 4 Vienna Theol. gr. 185, f. 112r-113v. The work by Koukouzeles is transmitted without attribution in this manuscript, but his authorship is recorded in such other Akolouthiai as Athens 2458 (f. 67r) and Athens 2622 (f. 145v). 9 5 \"Kai ei)8v$ oi fiaoTaicrai rd imcpcjvqpa\" Vienna Theol. gr. 185, f. 114r. According to Gregorios Stathes (\"An Analysis of the Sticheron Tov rjAtov tcpupavra by Germanos, Bishop of New Patras\" in ed. MHOS' Velimirovic\", Studies in Eastern Chant, 4 (Crestwood: St. Vladimimir's Seminary Press, 1979), 205), the vastaktai (\"bearers\" or \"supporters\") mentioned in medieval manuscripts are equivalent to the isokratai (drone-holders) employed in modern performances of Post-Byantine chant. While this may often be a plausible interpretation, the rubric here in question specifically entrusts the vastaktai with the melody of the refrain, suggesting that these singers formed the ripieno of the chorus. 266 TABLE 11 PLAN OF THE SUNDAY PROKEIMENON CODA \"META ANA pf) imXdBri TCOV nevrJTiov oov (Ps. 9:33). Refrain: 'Ycpw&fJTa) rj x&P \u00C2\u00B0~\u00C2\u00B0v, Kvpie, pf) ernXdOrj TOJV irevrJTcov oov eig reXog. Solo: Mr) imXdOr) Kvpie TCOV nevfJTcov oov, TCOV nevfJTcov oov eig riXog. Refrain: 'YtpioBrJTco fj x\u00E2\u0082\u00AC^P aov> Kvpie... Solo: Mr) imXddr), Kvpie, ve TCOV nevrJTCov oov eig reXog, Kvpie. Refrain: 'YipioOrJTio r) x^P eAArjpt/crf Aeirovpyt/aj vpuoypaLa. Thessalonica: Pournaras, 1985. Angelopoulos, Athanasios A . 7/ FK/cAjjata OeaaaAoyticqs': AiaxponKn m>eupanio] d/crivo0oAta Tins' rrdAecos- ar/jy Xepadurjao TOV Ai'pov OJ$- 'Egapxias; BimpLdrou, ml MnTpoiroAeivs; 2nd. ed. Thessalonica: Pournaras, 1991. 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