"Arts, Faculty of"@en . "Anthropology, Department of"@en . "DSpace"@en . "UBCV"@en . "Dossa, Parin Aziz"@en . "2010-06-11T11:07:28Z"@en . "1985"@en . "Doctor of Philosophy - PhD"@en . "University of British Columbia"@en . "This dissertation explores, within a framework provided by tradition and change, how Ismailis in Vancouver, primarily a religious community, formerly localized and spatially concentrated in East Africa, have been affected by migration into a secular state where they are spatially dispersed. Ismaili tradition is explicated through history and a recourse to documentary materials including the Qur'an, gin\u00C4\u0081ns or compositions, firm\u00C4\u0081ns or guidances of the Im\u00C4\u0081m (spiritual leader), and the rituals of the community. The chief feature of tradition may be identified as an overarching cosmology dichotomized as z\u00C4\u0081hir and b\u00C4\u0081tin, glossed respectively as material (multiplicity and activity) and spiritual (unity and repose) in strict complementarity, the parts of which are activated through a spatial and a temporal movement from and to exteriority (z\u00C4\u0081hir) and interiority (b\u00C4\u0081\u00C5\u00A3in). Daily life, family, kin, community rituals and prayers at Jam\u00C4\u0081'\u00C4\u0081t Kh\u00C4\u0081na (place of assembly), and the firm\u00C4\u0081ns reflect the complementarities and mediate them. Change is examined in relation to the same features as well as culinary practices which, as do the rituals, further reveal the complementarities between material and spiritual and the ways in which they are mediated. The changing roles and interrelationships of elders, men and women, and youth emphasize changes taking place. The major finding of the study is that the tradition, which was a complex of strict complementarities, has now become compartmentalized, diluting the force of the complementary relationship. This appears as a function of increased participation in the \"technical\" time (confining social relationships) of external public life as opposed to the \"core culture\" time (promoting social relationships) of the internal home life of families, and in the attitudes of Ismailis who are accommodating to the larger society and are exclusive in their community life. In addition, women's entry in the public labour force, and a growing separation between youth and adults as well as elders, have significantly affected community rituals, attendance in Jam\u00C4\u0081'\u00C4\u0081t Kh\u00C4\u0081na, and familial relationships. While it might be thought that new sets of dialectics are being engaged, this does not in fact appear to be the case. Contraries and contradictions, which might have been thought to imply a dialectic, remain as they were enforcing a further compartmentalization of life choices."@en . "https://circle.library.ubc.ca/rest/handle/2429/25559?expand=metadata"@en . "RITUAL AND DAILY LIFE: TRANSMISSION AND INTERPRETATION OF THE ISMAILI TRADITION IN VANCOUVER. by PARIN AZIZ DOSSA B.A., Makerere University,1969 M.A., University Of Edinburgh,1971 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN THE REQUIREMENTS DOCTOR OF PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF FOR THE DEGREE OF PHILOSOPHY in the Department of Anthropology and Sociology We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to 'S/he required standard ^rmjMwRSiTY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA May,1983. \u00C2\u00A9 Parin Aziz Dossa, 1985 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. I t i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. The University of B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 DE-6 r^ /R'-n Abstract This dissertation explores, within a framework provided by t r a d i t i o n and change, how Ismailis i n Vancouver, primarily a r e l i g i o u s community, formerly localized and s p a t i a l l y concentrated i n East A f r i c a , have been affected by migration into a secular state where they are s p a t i a l l y dispersed. Ismaili t r a d i t i o n i s explicated through history and a recourse to documentary materials including the Qur*an, girians or compositions, firmans or guidances of the Imam ( s p i r i t u a l leader), and the r i t u a l s of the community. The chief feature of t r a d i t i o n may be i d e n t i f i e d as an overarching cosmology dichotomized as zahir and batin, glossed respectively as material ( m u l t i p l i c i t y and a c t i v i t y ) and s p i r i t u a l (unity and repose) i n s t r i c t complementarity, the parts of which are activated through a s p a t i a l and a temporal movement from and to e x t e r i o r i t y (zahir) and i n t e r i o r i t y (ba\u00C2\u00A3in). Daily l i f e , family, k i n , community r i t u a l s and prayers at Jama*at Khana (place of assembly), and the firmans r e f l e c t the complementarities and mediate them. Change i s examined i n re l a t i o n to the same features as well as culinary practices which, as do the r i t u a l s , further reveal the complementarities between material and s p i r i t u a l and the ways i n which they are mediated. The changing roles and interrelationships of elders, men and women, and youth emphasize changes taking place. The major finding of the study i s that the t r a d i t i o n , which was a complex of s t r i c t complementarities, has now become compartmentalized, d i l u t i n g the force of the complementary relationship. This appears as a function of increased p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the \"technical\" time (confining s o c i a l relationships) of external public l i f e as opposed to the \"core culture\" time i i i (promoting s o c i a l relationships) of the inte r n a l home l i f e of families, and i n the attitudes of Ismailis who are accommodating to the larger society and are exclusive i n thei r community l i f e . In addition, women's entry i n the public labour force, and a growing separation between youth and adults as well as elders, have s i g n i f i c a n t l y affected community r i t u a l s , attendance i n Jamatat Khana, and f a m i l i a l relationships. While i t might be thought that new sets^ of d i a l e c t i c s are being engaged, t h i s does not i n fact appear to be the case. Contraries and contradictions, which might have been thought to imply a d i a l e c t i c , remain as they were enforcing a further compartmentalization of l i f e choices. i v TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter 1 The Question And The Setting. 1. Part I: Cosmology. Chapter 2 Substantive Features Of Israaili Cosmology. 35. Part I I : R i t u a l . Chapter 3 A r t i c u l a t i o n Of Enclosed Space In The 63. Jama tat Khana. Chapter 4 R i t u a l Performances: 'Structure And Communitas'. 93. Chapter 5 Ghat-pat: Formation And Activation Of A 131. Cognitive Model. Part I I I : Daily L i f e . Chapter 6 Food And Cosmos. 168. Chapter 7 Nurturing And Career Roles Of Women. 208. Chapter 8 Continuity And Change: L i f e Histories'Of 239. Is m a i l i Elders, Adults And Youth. Chapter 9 Conclusion. 279. Bibliography 289. Appendix: Fieldwork: Data And Methods 297. V LIST OF TABLES Table I. Jama 1at Khana Attendance - Individuals. 74 I I . Jama tat Khana Attendance - Families. 74 I I I . Background Information On Respondents. 117 IV. Dietary Habits Of I s m a i l i s . 225 V. Career Occupations of Women. 233 VI. Residential Patterns Of Ismailis In East A f r i c a 245 And Vancouver. VII. Major Characteristics Of Elderly Respondents. 252 VIII. T r aditional And Modern Attitudes And Practices. 259 IX. Attendance In Jama^t Khana. 260 X. Recreational A c t i v i t i e s - Adults And Children. 262 XI. Communal Involvement Of Young Adults. 271 XII. Major Characteristics Of Respondent Households. 300 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Diagrams: 2-1. Hierarchical Orders Formulated In The Works Of Is m a i l i Writers. 42 2-2. Man As A Microcosmic Being. 43 2- 3. Narrative On Creation: Man's Descent On Earth. 49 3- 4. L i f e Cycle Of An I s m a i l i Woman As Depicted In The A t t i r e . 68 3-5. Cognitive Model Of I s m a i l i World View As Represented 71 By The Family. 3-6. 'Journey' To Jama*at Khana. 78 3- 7. A r t i c u l a t i o n Of Enclosed Space In The Jama*\"at Khana. 87 4- 8. Body Imagery As Encoded In The Ceremony Of Hay-Zinda, 96 Kayam Paya. 4-9. . Transformation Of Self Effected Through Verbal Exchange. 99 4-10. Ceremony Of Di/a Karawi - The Setting. 102 4-11. Ceremony Of Duca Karawi - Progressive Stages Of 103 Movement And Repose. 4-12. Verbal Communication In The Ceremony. 105 4-13. \"Movement\" Of Nandi. 114 4- 14. Cosmic Dimension - L i f e Cycle Of An Individual. 116 5- 15. Ceremony Of Gha^-Pat - The Setting. 133 5-16. Symbol Of White As Encoded In The L i f e Cycle Of 135 Individuals. 5-17. The Arrangement Of Ghat-pat. 142 5-18. Enactment Of A Primordial Event In The Ceremony Of 147 Ghat-Pat. 5-19. Body Imagery In The Ceremony Of Ghat-Pa^. 150 5- 20. Formation And Activation Of The Cognitive Model. 154 6- 21. Traditional I s m a i l i Menu. 171 6-22. Canadian/Traditional Menu. 172 v i i . 6-23. Types Of Light Foods As Included In The Traditional Menu. 184. 6-24. Geometrical Motifs In The Arrangement Of Ghat-Pat. 191. 6-25. Unleavened Bread As Mediator Of Light And Heavy Foods. 194. 6-26. The Culinary Triangle. 197. 6-27. P r i n c i p l e Of Contraries And Mediation As Represented In 199. The Methods Of Cooking. 6-28. Correlation Of Mealtimes With Material And S p i r i t u a l 204. Worlds. 6- 29. Cognitive Framework Perceived In R i t u a l And The 206. Culinary System. 7- 30. Compartmentalization Between The Traditional L i f e Of 236. Women And Work. 8- 31. Model Of I s m a i l i Cosmos: 'Journey Of Man'. 248. 8-32. Perception Of Canadian L i f e : Elders, Adults, Youth. 274. v i i i Acknowledgements The f i e l d research on which t h i s thesis i s based was carried out i n Vancouver i n the year 1982-1983. My greatest debts are to the Ismailis of Vancouver who were both gracious and generous i n welcoming me to the i r homes. I should l i k e them to know that I appreciate t h e i r kindness, patience and understanding shown to me while I was i n the f i e l d . In p a r t i c u l a r I would l i k e to mention the contributions of S u l t a n a l i Nazarali and Amirali Amlani for t h e i r assistance i n providing l i t e r a r y materials and sharing with me t h e i r views on the r i t u a l t r a d i t i o n of the I s m a i l i s . I would l i k e to express my thanks to my supervisor, Professor Kenelm Burridge whose work and thought have influenced my thinking. Professor Burridge's contributions are absorbed i n t o the general discourse and I acknowledge with gratitude his help and support. I have also gained from the encouragement and i n t e l l e c t u a l insights of other scholars notably, Professor C y r i l Belshaw, Professor Hanna Kassis and Professor Brenda Beck. I have benefited also from the discussions with my colleague Dr. Pamela Peck. F i n a l l y , without the continual support and i n s p i r a t i o n of my husband Aziz, our children Fahreen and Zahwil, and my parents, t h i s work would not have come to f r u i t i o n ; , ix Glossary Terms not included are those which appear but once and the meanings of which have been defined i n the text. ab-i shafa barakat A Persian term used for the r i t u a l of the drinking of \"sacred water\", also known as ghat-pat (q.v.). Blessing sent to man by God. Among Ismailis the Imam (q.v.) i s endowed with barakat which can be transmitted to his followers. batin d l ' i da 4wah du la du a karawi firman ghat-pat ginan Hay Zinda, Kayam paya Inner or esoteric meaning behind that of the l i t e r a l word. Opposite of zahir (q.v.). \"One who summons\". Among Is m a i l i s , one who propagates the f a i t h . The i n s t i t u t i o n charged with preaching and propagating the I s m a i l i cause. Daily r i t u a l prayer. Ritual ceremony performed inside the Jama *at Khana (q.v.) prior to or soon after congregational prayers. Directive issued only by the Imam. A Sanskrit term used for the Ism a i l i r i t u a l of the drinking of \"sacred water\". In Persian, the r i t u a l i s referred to as ab-i shafa (q.v.). Meditative or contemplative knowledge, re f e r r i n g to the l i t e r a r y corpus of the compositions attributed to the pirs (q.v.). Ritual ceremony performed at the threshold of the Jamatat Khana (q.v.). Imam Jama at Khana Used exclusively by Is m a i l i s , to denote the descendants of A l i , the f i r s t Imam, son in-law and cousin of the Prophet. The term connotes the idea of a s p i r i t u a l leader who i s present at a l l times. Place of congregation, the center of communal, re l i g i o u s and s o c i a l a c t i v i t y ; \"mosque\" i n the Ism a i l i sense. X Kamadiyah Kamadiyani kumbh Mukhi Mukhyani nandi niya niyaz riur pat roshni s a r i suf i S hiSi taqiya tawhid ta ' w i l zahir L i t e r a l l y \"treasurer\"; assistant of the Mukhi (q.v.). Female assistant of Mukhyani (q.v.). Vessel used i n the ceremony of ghat-pat (q.v.). Male leader appointed to conduct prayers and r i t u a l ceremonies i n the Jama cat Khana. Female (usually the wife of Mukhi [q.v.]) who conducts ceremonies which require individual female part i c i p a t i o n i n the Jama*at Khina (q.v.) Food offerings taken to Jama lat Khana (q.v.) \"Intention\" r e f e r r i n g to the beginning of r e l i g i o u s acts. \"Sacred water\". Light connoting the notion of the Divine; the term i s given central significance i n Ism a i l i thought. Low rectangular table placed i n Jairia^t Khana (q.v.) for the purpose of r i t u a l ceremonies. Meaning 'elder'; among Ismailis the term i s used for the da^is (q.v.) who propagated the Ismaili cause on the Subcontinent. Gujerati term connoting illumination. Female a t t i r e (Indian or i g i n ) covering head/shoulders to feet. Mystic. The branch of Muslims who acknowledge A l i and his descendants as s p i r i t u a l leaders (Imams q.v.) of the community. The practice of concealing one's b e l i e f s for exigent reasons. \"To declare that God i s One\". A l l e g o r i c a l interpretations of re l i g i o u s doctrines primarily connected with the function of the Imam (q.v.). The external l i t e r a l sense applied to revelation. Opposite of batin (q.v.). xi. Transliteration The t r a n s l i t e r a t i o n used i s that of The Library Of Congress for Gujerati. This system was chosen because i t corresponds closely with the spoken Gujerati used by the Ismailis i n Vancouver. ka % ta \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 1 da s ya M kha \u00C2\u00ABT tha \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 s dha * 2, ra A ga 0\ da \u00C2\u00AB s na l a Oi gha \u00C2\u00ABl dha ta n l a \u00E2\u0082\u00AC on ca na 9 tha va <\ cha pa da \u00C2\u00A3 sa a.\ j a pha dha sha M jha ba na sa ta ^ bha ha tha I ma Vowels And Diphthongs a 3* e 2M a Vu a i *. On i <6 o **-i tf au u 6 u (51 Notes. 1. Terms which have become part of the English language are rendered as they appear i n English, (for example: Ismaili for I s m a f i l i ) . 2. Terms which appear i n Arabic or Persian have followed the t r a n s l i t e r a t i o n scheme of the Library of Congress. X Chapter 1 The Question And The Setting The Question Defined This dissertation considers t r a d i t i o n and change among Ismailis i n Vancouver. The Ismailis are Shi'a-Muslims and form a minority group i n the twenty-five countries where they reside. Over the l a s t f i f t e e n years, about nine thousand Ismailis have settled i n the greater Vancouver area, mainly from East A f r i c a . Given t h i s background, the main question i s : How i s a re l i g i o u s community, here the Is m a i l i s , formerly l o c a l i z e d and s p a t i a l l y concentrated, affected by migration to a secular Western state? In i t s most elementary sense, t r a d i t i o n i s 'anything which i s transmitted or handed down from the past to the present' ( S h i l s 1981:12). The key word here i s transmission defined i n terms of a 'two fold h i s t o r i c i t y ' : the transmission and sedimentation of t r a d i t i o n and the interpretation of tr a d i t i o n (Ricoeur 1978:27).* Understood i n t h i s way, change forms part of a process of a dynamic interplay between transmission and interpretation. The temporalities of transmission and interpretation provide the setting for a broader inquiry concerning space and time. The categories of space and 2 time are interrelated as time i s perceived as events i n space. I t has been recognized that space and time form important and powerful modes of communication i n a l l cultures. The seminal anthropological studies of Evans-Pritchard (1940) and Edward H a l l (1959,1966,1976,1983) provide us with useful insights into the way i n which time, as the 'hidden c u l t u r a l grammer' 2 (Hall 1983:6), i s organized d i f f e r e n t l y i n each culture. Ernst Cassirer writes: Space and time are the framework i n which a l l r e a l i t y i s concerned. We cannot conceive any r e a l thing except under the conditions of space and time. Nothing i n the world, according to Heraclitus, can exceed i t s measures-and these measures are sp a t i a l and temporal l i m i t a t i o n s . In mythical thought space and time are never considered as pure and empty forms. They are regarded as the great mysterious forces which govern a l l things, which rule and determine not only our mortal l i f e but also the l i f e of the gods. To describe and analyse the s p e c i f i c character which space and time assume i n human experience i s one of the most appealing and important tasks of an anthropological philosophy we must analyse the forms of human culture i n order to discover the true character of space and time i n our human world (1978:42). In each culture the s p a t i a l and temporal experience i s organized i n terms of types. H a l l distinguishes three types of time: formal, informal (core culture) and technical out of which one type always dominates (1959:66). Formal time i s the common knowledge shared by members of a culture and i s well worked into daily l i f e . Informal time relates to s i t u a t i o n a l or imprecise references where the pr i n c i p a l model used i s that of imitation. Informal (core culture) time provides the basis for the transmission of an entire system of behaviour, and i s made up of 'hundreds and thousands of d e t a i l s ' which are passed on from generation to generation and i s the foundation on which interpersonal relations rest. Technical time i s e x p l i c i t , concentrated and requires control (1982:177). In t h i s context, change i s an interplay of a relationship between the three types of time. Therefore, 'the theory of the nature of these relationships i s a theory of change' (ibid:87). Cassirer on the other hand focuses on symbolic space which i s unique to man as i t leads 'not only to a new f i e l d of knowledge but to an en t i r e l y new direction of his c u l t u r a l l i f e ' (1978:43). According to Cassirer i t i s only through symbolic space that man could arrive at a concept of a cosmic order. Within t h i s 3 space, time i s a process involving a continuous stream of events. I m p l i c i t i n t h i s framework i s the idea of time as a creative and continuous process whereby man does not only repeat h i s past experience but also reconstructs and organizes t h i s experience. Both H a l l ' s and Cassirer's conceptions of time and space point to the importance of dynamism whereby time and space are not conceived as immutable constants but as 'a c l u s t e r of concepts, events, and rhythms covering an extremely wide range of phenomena' ( H a l l 1983:13). Evans-Pritchard i n h i s account of Nuer shows how categories of time and space are derived from the rhythm of s o c i a l l i f e (1940:94-138). Time and space as an interplay of relationshps (concepts, events, symbols, formal, informal, technical) can provide useful i n s i g h t s into the study of change and minority communities. For example, Geertz, i n h i s study of r i t u a l and s o c i a l change among the Javanese, distinguishes between culture and s o c i a l system, e x p l i c a t i n g that culture i s an ordered system of meaning and of symbols i n terms of which s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n takes place; s o c i a l system i s the pattern of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n i t s e l f (1973:144). Geertz shows, through the example of a disrupted funeral, that s o c i a l change can lead to an incongruity, r e s u l t i n g from the persistence of a r e l i g i o u s symbol system, adjusted to peasant s o c i a l structure, i n an otherwise urban environment (ibid:169). An equally promising approach would be to study the disrupted funeral as an interplay of time and space i n the ' r e l i g i o u s symbol system' and i n the emergent urban environment. Fredrik Barth, i n h i s work on: \"Ethnic Groups And Boundaries\" (1969:9-38), contends that the persistence of ethnic boundaries i s a function of s o c i a l processes of exclusion as well as incorporation. While emphasising the concept of boundary maintenance, Barth advocates a dynamic approach 4 whereby the boundaries need to be expressed and validated continually. This situation i s necessitated by the fact that ethnic groups enter into situations of s o c i a l contact with the persons of other cultures. In t h i s respect, ethnic groups structure t h e i r interaction, leading to an interplay of prescriptions, that promote contact i n some sectors of a c t i v i t y , and proscriptions, preventing inter-ethnic interaction i n other sectors (ibid:16). The structuring of interaction at two l e v e l s : prescription and proscription can be studied through the perspective of how ethnic groups organize time and space i n two contexts: inter-ethnic situations and intra-ethnic interactions. The space-time approach can y i e l d further insights into the process of boundary maintenance. The application of the space-time approach to the study of dynamic and even opposing forces i s also advocated i n other studies. For example, David Pocock (1967:303-314) shows opposed notions present i n the Indian theory of time reckoning. In the case of the Patidar, a choice i s made between what appears to be contradictory notions: conceptual time-reckoning which i s fixed, 'repetitive eternal', and related to the order of the caste, and the individual experiences where time changes, i s p a r t i c u l a r , and related to the doctrine of bhakti. Here, we have an example of a society where time i s given a complicated recognition within the framework of opposition. Eickelman (1977:39-56), c i t i n g the example of a Moroccan society, advocates a dynamic approach, showing how the relationship between the Bni Battu (a t r i b e ) and urban Moroccans can be perceived on the basis of alternative temporal conceptions: l o c a l s o c i a l order and ideas. Locally, time i s conceived as events i n terms of sequences of i r r e g u l a r , ' i s l a n d - l i k e ' concrete experiences; conceptually, time i s anchored within a framework of the past, the present and the future. The conceptual order of time enables the Bni Battu to relate to the larger Moroccan society. In an i n c i s i v e account on the ethnography of acculturation among the Fang culture of Gabon, Fernandez shows how, i n response to missionary C h r i s t i a n i t y , the Bwiti r e l i g i o n emerges as an achievement of 'a tying together, a time binding of old and new' (1982:568). Among other areas, Fernandez focuses on ideas of time and space (ibid:74-124; 345-410). Fernandez contends that Bwiti r e l i g i o n i s an accomplishment of coherence, a \"oneheartedness\" which, among others, i s a function of the li n k i n g of s p a t i a l experiences: the physiological, the natural, the s o c i a l , and the cosmic and also of temporal experiences: archetypal thought, and archetypal events or personages of the past, manifesting themselves i n the present and expectantly i n the future (ibid:571). Given the importance of s p a t i a l and temporal categories to the study of t r a d i t i o n and change (acculturation), I have focused on the Is m a i l i community in Vancouver because: (a) The Ismailis form an immigrant community where the process of transmission ( t r a d i t i o n ) and interpretation (change) can be observed more poignantly. (b) Various studies of Ism a i l i t r a d i t i o n and history have l a i d great 4 emphasis on the structural and c u l t u r a l aspects of community l i f e . The idea that i n d i v i d u a l Ismailis relate to s p e c i f i c forms of th e i r t r a d i t i o n and thereby generate a process of flow and feedback between a given s t r u c t u r a l system and i t ' s subjective understanding has not been explored to date. Of special importance would be the incorporation of new elements from the host society, concerning the everyday l i f e of the Is m a i l i s . 6 The Ismailis have a history of migration for over a thousand years, extending well into the twentieth century. The acculturative experience of the Ismailis has included heights of grandeur (Fatimid times) as well as abyss of hardship and persecution (post Alamut period). Given t h i s experience, the question which confronts me i s : how does a r e l i g i o u s community deal with and i s affected by migration into a secular state? In t h i s study, I am not concerned with a problem or a hypothesis but an explication of the above question. Given the fact that the process of secularization has had a universal impact, t h i s question has a broader significance i n r e l a t i o n to the way i n which a t r a d i t i o n i s transmitted and interpreted. Among Ismailis notions of space and time are articulated through two categories: material and s p i r i t u a l . Temporally, material i s associated with daytime. During t h i s time, Ismailis experience a form of l i f e which en t a i l s m u l t i p l i c i t y and a c t i v i t y . By contrast, the s p i r i t u a l i s associated with dawn and dusk and t h i s mode of l i f e i s defined i n terms of unity and repose. The demarcation between the two categories i s reflected s p a t i a l l y . Jama^at Khana (place of congregation) and i t s concomitant, the community, express attributes of s p i r i t u a l l i f e . Family, kin and the outside world evoke attributes of material l i f e . As I s h a l l show i n t h i s study, the categories of material and s p i r i t u a l contain an ambiguity. The material and s p i r i t u a l are diametrically opposed; yet they cannot operate i n i s o l a t i o n as each category i s energized i n the presence of i t s opposite. The q u a l i t i e s of unity and repose as embodied by the s p i r i t u a l has meaning i n r e l a t i o n to the m u l t i p l i c i t y and a c t i v i t y of material l i f e . The opposed but inte r r e l a t e d categories of material and s p i r i t u a l are formally mediated i n r i t u a l and culinary practice. However, I show i n t h i s study that the process of mediation i s a function of a s p a t i a l and a temporal movement from the s p i r i t u a l to the material, generating a 7 complementary relationship between these two categories. Among Ism a i l i s , space and time are experienced as an interplay of two opposing but interrelated forms: the material and the s p i r i t u a l . This interplay brings into r e l i e f the way i n which a t r a d i t i o n i s transmitted and interpreted. In t h i s study, I show that the transmission and interpretation of the I s m a i l i t r a d i t i o n can be appreciated through formal expressions ( r i t u a l , culinary practice) i n which i t i s embodied and through c u l t u r a l constructions (everyday l i f e situations) where i t i s interpreted. While I recognize the important impact of the Western environment on the Ismailis i n Vancouver, t h i s study has i t s centre of gravity i n the I s m a i l i t r a d i t i o n i t s e l f . The continuity of t h i s t r a d i t i o n and i t s reinterpretation i s the main emphasis of my analysis. With the advent of the twentieth century, the Ismailis were introduced into what i s referred to as the 'modern period' of t h e i r history. Under the dir e c t i v e of t h e i r s p i r i t u a l leader (the Imam), a number of changes were introduced i n the economic, administrative, educational and s o c i a l spheres. I t was the e x p l i c i t purpose of the Imam that while these changes were geared towards making the community modern ('progressive'), the l a t t e r was to be accomplished within the principles of Islam. Given the interplay between formal expressions ( r i t u a l ) and t h e i r informal forms (daily l i f e ) , i n d i v i d u a l Ismailis are engaged i n 'working out' the implications of these changes i n s p e c i f i c s i t u a t i o n s . I t i s important to note that the Ismailis l i v i n g i n Western countries find themselves i n the domain of the culture to which they were exposed more s e l e c t i v e l y , and 'at a distance', i n t h e i r o r i g i n a l homeland i n East A f r i c a . In Canada, the process of exposure to the West i s l i k e l y to be far more pervasive, especially when the exclusive nature of the community 8 i s considerably diluted as a greater number of Ismailis (including women) are exposed to the larger society i n the form of work situations, school and recreational a c t i v i t i e s . I examine the implications of t h i s encounter i n terms of t r a d i t i o n and change. In the l i g h t of the above remarks, I have organized my data as follows: The study begins with an outline of the substantive features of Ism a i l i cosmology (chapter 2). Here, the categories of material and s p i r i t u a l are fundamental and th e i r pervasive presence i n the speculative thought, affective content and l i v e s of individual I s m a i l i s establishes a framework for the study of r i t u a l and daily l i f e . Part I I proceeds to discuss the r i t u a l t r a d i t i o n i n which these categories are invoked. The analysis of the enclosed space i n the Jama^at Khana (chapter 3) reveals a form of s p a t i a l integration achieved through an embodiment of meanings from various contexts: d o c t r i n a l , cosmic, and s o c i a l . In chapter 4, I show that s p a t i a l integration acquires meaning i n so far as the enclosed space of the Jama *\u00E2\u0080\u00A2 at Khana points d i r e c t l y to the space symbolized by the hearts of the participants as they occupy the 'empty space'. The analysis of three r i t u a l ceremonies image a cognitive model whereby a movement, from the outward material world of a c t i v i t y and m u l t i p l i c i t y into the inward s p i r i t u a l world of repose and unity, i s traced through body imagery. An analysis of another ceremony (ghat-pat), i n chapter 5, reaffirms t h i s movement through the e x p l i c i t symbol of the heart. In addition, t h i s ceremony also reveals the importance of r e l a t i n g the s p i r i t u a l awareness of unity and repose to the material world of a c t i v i t y . When the participants leave Jama tat Khana, they undergo a temporal and a s p a t i a l transference. In their everyday l i v e s , the Ismailis experience space and time through an outward movement, engendering a network of s o c i a l relationships. 9 Part I I I commences with the daily l i f e of the I s m a i l i s . Here, time and space are also organized i n r e l a t i o n to material and s p i r i t u a l categories. The relationship between the two categories i s depicted i n the culinary practice (chapter 6) where I show how cooking effects a transformation, affirming the presence of the s p i r i t u a l i n an otherwise material context. Chapter 7 explicates the s p a t i a l position of women i n the domestic sphere where, i n t h e i r roles as wives and mothers, they embody q u a l i t i e s which are akin to s p i r i t u a l l i f e . The i n t e r n a l (kitchen) a c t i v i t y of women leads to the creation of open space as among Ismailis cooking i s an expression of c u l t i v a t i o n of t i e s with the outside world. The chapter continues to discuss the implications of the career and occupational roles assumed by Is m a i l i women, showing that, i n actual f a c t , women have undergone a s p a t i a l and a temporal transference as they move from an inward space of the home to that of the outward space i n the larger society. The diametrical opposition of these spaces has led to a process of compartmentalization. I continue to explore t h i s theme i n chapter 8 i n r e l a t i o n to l i f e cycles of individuals, which also include the cognitive model of the material and the s p i r i t u a l . The elders, the adults and the youth also experience s p a t i a l and temporal incongruities i n different contexts, highlighting an i n t e r n a l compartmentalization. The ramifications of the two forms of compartmentalizations, the external and the i n t e r n a l , are examined i n the concluding chapter i n r e l a t i o n to time and space i n two contexts: the t r a d i t i o n a l and the emergent. 10 The Setting ( i ) I s m a i l i History The history of the Ismailis (a Shl ca sect) i s best understood through the role of the Imam (the community's s p i r i t u a l leader). As the Shi'as explain i t , the Imam i s a possessor of a special sum of knowledge of r e l i g i o n ( film) which includes both the exoteric and the esoteric meanings of the Qur'an ( J a f r i 1979:289-312). The interplay of these two p o l a r i t i e s , translated as zSher (outer) and batin (inner) have been c r i t i c a l i n the development of Isma i l i history and doctrine. Below, I give an outline, i n chronological form, of the h i s t o r i c a l background of the Ismailis i n Vancouver and their doctrine. This section highlights the t r a d i t i o n of the Imam who encapsulates the complementarity between the zaher and the batin and provides the background for understanding the emergent process of compartmentalization observable among Ismailis i n Vancouver. The Ismailis i n common with other Shi ca groups maintain that the Prophet's son in-law A l i and his descendants occupied the o f f i c e of the Imam who i s both leader of the f a i t h f u l and s p i r i t u a l chief of the devout. The sub-divisions among the Shi^a have resulted over disputes concerning the r i g h t f u l successor of the Imam. The Ismailis are the only Shi ca sect who believe that the presence of the Imam i s necessary at a l l times. The present Imam of the Ismailis i s Aga Khan IV - Shah Karim al-Husseini. (a) Early Ismailism Two important developments i n the history of the Shi *a movement took place during the time of Imam Ja*far al-Sadiq, who died around 765. F i r s t , Imam Ja*far al-Sadiq considerably influenced the c r y s t a l l i z a t i o n of ShiSt thought and that of mystical interpretation of Islam. Secondly, after the death of the Imam a s p l i t occurred over the issue of succession. Imam Ja*far al-Sadiq had designated his elder son Ismail to be his successor: Thus Ismail became the gate to God, His praying niche, the Abode of His Light, and the l i n k between Him and His creations, the Lieutenant of God on earth. (Ivanow t r . 1942:275). However, a body of the Imam's followers believed that Ismail predeceased his father or that his appointment had been revoked i n favour of MusS\" al-Kazim, Ismail's younger brother, whom they accepted as Imam. This group came to be known as Ithna ^Asharites. The l a t t e r continued to give allegiance to fi v e more Imams after Musa and believe that t h e i r l a s t (twelfth) Imam went into hiding (ghayba) and w i l l reappear one day. Others who paid allegiance to the elder son, Ismail came to be known as I s m a i l i s . One of the notable features of the Is m a i l i movement during t h i s period was the creation of an organizational network which came to be known as the dacwah (summons). In a rel i g i o u s sense, daStrah i s the summons of the Prophets to the people to believe i n the true r e l i g i o n , Islam (Canard 1965:11:168). Among Ismailis da cwah achieved special significance both i n the complexity of i t s organization as well as i n the spread of the f a i t h . By the end of the ninth century, the daSrah had emerged as a hi e r a r c h i c a l organization arranged i n a ranked order, the head being referred to as d a c i al-du*at , 'chief 12 missionary' (Ivanow 1935:37-52). Various o f f i c i a l s within the daSrah worked i n different geographical d i v i s i o n s known as j a z a 3 i r . An indiv i d u a l agent of the da^wah was referred to as the da*i . From the works of Qadi al-NuSnan ( I s m a i l i writer and j u r i s t - d. 974), and an Ism a i l i t r e a t i s e ( t r . W. Ivanow 1933), we learn that a da^i was subjected to vigorous t r a i n i n g and d i s c i p l i n e . He was expected to master the i n t e l l e c t u a l sciences of the day and show a keen interest i n rhetoric and diplomacy. These s k i l l s together with a keen s e n s i b i l i t y towards s p i r i t u a l l i f e were considered to be the mark of an idea l d a c i . Thus equipped, the daH won converts to the Ism a i l i cause and spread the f a i t h to other areas l i k e Yamen, al-Kufa, Khurasan, Transoxiana, Sind and North A f r i c a . (b) The Fatimid Empire The p o l i t i c o - r e l i g i o u s goal of the da^is achieved f r u i t i o n i n the establishment of the Ism a i l i Fatimid state i n the tenth century, with i t s centre i n Cairo, Egypt. The dynasty of the Imams who ruled over the Empire for over two centuries extended i t s authority to the southern Mediterranean, (namely, Crete, Corsica, Malta and S i c i l y ) , the Levant, Hijaz and Sindh with scattered centres on the Iranian plateau. I t was i n t h i s period that the Ismailis established a p o l i t y with court administration and m i l i t a r y command, and a r e l i g i o u s hierarchy comprising Islamic jurisprudence and an esoteric order. There are several features of the Fatimid period which had a l a s t i n g effect on the formation of a d i s t i n c t i v e l y I s m a i l i t r a d i t i o n . I t was a period when the Ismailis synthesized the i r doctrine, established a form of p o l i t i c a l organization and proselytized the i r b e l i e f s . A l l of these strands converged 13 i n the role of the Imam, who stood for p o l i t i c a l and j u r i d i c a l authority on the one hand and esoteric knowledge on the other. In other words, the Imam's role was conceived as mediating between s o c i a l and cosmological orders. In the zahir he was the guardian of Shari cah (Islamic law). In the batin he was the means for achieving gnostic r e a l i z a t i o n . The upsurge of i n t e l l e c t u a l a c t i v i t y during the Fatimid period led to the composition of numerous works. Of special interest for our purposes i s the development of a conceptual framework whereby the daSrah with i t s hierarchical structure was anchored i n a cosmic order, with the Imam at the apex. The one underlying p r i n c i p l e which governed the cosmic order, with a l l i t s correspondences i n the a s t r a l as well as t e r r e s t r i a l world, was that the chain of hierarchies existed as part of a single i n d i v i s i b l e process. 'The m u l t i p l i c i t y of a l l existent things had meaning only i n as much as i t formed an in t e g r a l part of the whole system '(Nanji 1978:106-7). Among the ranks and the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s worked out for each member of the elaborate hierarchy, those of the rasul (Prophet), the Wasi ( s p i r i t u a l successor) and the Imam are of special significance. The idea which was formulated and given importance was that the Ismailis have two modes of l i f e : the batin and the zahir translated as s p i r i t u a l and material respectively. This duality informs the l i f e and thought of the Ismailis today. The other major development of the Fatimid period were the two bifurcations that took place over the issue of succession. The f i r s t of these resulted i n the formation of the Druze movement which occurred immediately after the reign of Imam al-Hakim (d.1021). Hamza, the leader of the movement, declared Imam al-Hakim as physical manifestation of God, and he and his 14-adherents broke away from the Fatimid I s m a i l i s . Today, the movement has survived largely i n the mountains of the Levant. The second s p l i t occurred over the succession to the Imamat following the death of Imam Mustansir b ' i l l a h i n 1094. Following the Imam's death and the r i v a l claims to the o f f i c e of the Imamat of his two sons, the Syrian and Iranian section of the Empire followed the elder son Nizar, while the Egyptian, Yemeni and Sindhi areas followed the younger son Musta'li. The Musta'liyans transferred the center of the datwah to Yemen and then to India. The N i z a r i Ismailis moved to Iran where the fortress of Alamut became thei r p r i n c i p a l center. 25 (c) The Ismailis Of Alamut The N i z a r i Ismaili movement entered a phase of increased vigor i n Persia. Here, the Ismailis established a p o l i t y (1090-1256) consisting of a widely dispersed series of f o r t s with a focal point at Alamut, i n the d i s t r i c t of Rudbar i n the Alburz mountains. Medieval historians mention a number of forty to f i f t y f o r t s (Ivanow 1938b:383). The state did not have an independent economic base, unlike the Fatimids who had agrarian wealth and seafaring trade (Hodgson 1974:22), and functioned i n the face of the overwhelming m i l i t a r y strength of the Saljuq government. The persistence of the I s m a i l i p o l i t y i s attributed to the internal cohesiveness and d i s c i p l i n e of the I s m a i l i settlements so that i f one particular center or fortress happened to succumb to h o s t i l e attack, i t s inhabitants could expect to be absorbed into any of the other remaining strongholds controlled by the Nizaris (Esmail & Nanji 1977:248). The person who played a v i t a l role i n establishing and consolidating the I s m a i l i power i n Alamut was Hasan-i-Sabbah (d.1124). Hasan-i-Sabbah was already a member of the da*wah when he took over the fortress of Alamut i n 1090. In the absence of the Imam, Hasan became the supreme chief occupying the rank of hujja (representative of the Imam). According to I s m a i l i sources, Hasan brought the Imam secretely to Alamut (ibid:248). Hasan-i- Sabbah occupies a legendary figure i n the annals of I s m a i l i history and his l i f e history i s often cited by Ismailis today to invoke a model of an i d e a l da^i personifying the q u a l i t i e s of dedication, s a c r i f i c e and d i s c i p l i n e i n promoting the I s m a i l i cause. 16 Emphasis and extension of certain elements i n the doctrine of Imamat further invigorated the dispersed I s m a i l i settlements. Key elements which received emphasis were the prin c i p l e of t a l i m (authoritative teaching of the Imam) and qiyama, proclamation of the bgtin given by Imam Hasan i a l a d h i k r i h i al-salam i n 1164. By claiming the 'dawn of resurrection', the Imam abolished the exoteric elements of r e l i g i o n , containing outward acts of devotion. As the Ismailis understand i t , qiyama emphasised the inward meaning of r e a l i t y , 'a purely s p i r i t u a l l i f e of inward state of the soul' (Hodgson 1968:459). The concentration on the esoteric paved the way for the convergence of Ismailism and sufism. Consequently, after the destruction of Alamut by the Mongols i n 1256, Ismailism survived i n Persia i n the form of sufism. Corbin suggests that sufism and Ismailism became indistinguishable (1975:530). (d) The Post-Alamut Period Very l i t t l e information i s available on the history of the Ismailis for the f i r s t f i v e centuries, following the destruction of the Is m a i l i p o l i t y i n Persia. The t r a d i t i o n of the N i z a r i Ismailis presents an uninterrupted succession of Imams i n different parts of Persia among which Azarbayjan and Anjudan were the main centers. In 1937, Ivanow discovered, i n the v i l l a g e of Anjudan, the tombs of Imam al-Mustansir I I and Imam al-Mustansir I I I (1938a:52-55). Throughout t h i s period (thirteenth to seventeenth centuries), e f f o r t s i n proselytization of the I s m a i l i f a i t h continued. Of special significance were the events of the fourteenth century when Ism a i l i da^is_ (Pi r s ) from Persia arrived i n north-west India and won converts from the middle and lower castes. The Is m a i l i community i n India maintained communications with the Imam i n Persia. Some Ismailis undertook long journeys 11 overland to Persia 'in order to meet the Imam, pay him homage and receive his blessings' (Esmail & Nanji 1977:253). In the eighteenth century, the Imams participated i n the p o l i t i c a l l i f e of Iran. Imam Abul Hasan Shah and Imam Hasan A l i Shah occupied the governorship of the c i t y of Kirman. The Iranian period of the Imamat came to an end when Imam Hasan ' A l i Shah migrated to India and settled i n Bombay i n 1848. This move was a result of r i v a l r i e s and intrigues i n the Qajar court of the Shah (Algar 1969:55-81). The headquarters of the Imam was now transferred to India. (e) The da*wah In India The growth of Israailism i n India was the work of the da cwah which was already under way during the Fatimid times. The ef f o r t s of the da*vah were in t e n s i f i e d under N i z a r i I s m a i l i s ; one of the e a r l i e s t d a t i s to have come to India from Alamut was Nur Satagur, shortly before 1166 ( H o l l i s t e r 1953:351). He was followed by other da^is among whom the most i n f l u e n t i a l one was Sadr a l din (d.1470). Sadr a l din was instrumental i n winning over the Lohana caste (Sind, Kashmir and the Punjab) to the I s m a i l i f a i t h . The converts received the t i t l e of Khwaja (meaning Lord) from which the name khoja\"has been derived. P i r Sadr a l din was appointed the head of the khoja community i n 1430 and he introduced the f i r s t Jama^at Khana (place of assembly) at K o t r i , Sind (Nanji 1978:74). The work of the daSrah i n the Indian subcontinent continued for nearly two hundred years. The daSrah carried out by the P i r s was embodied i n devotional l i t e r a t u r e called the ginans, defined as contemplative or meditative knowledge. I t i s interesting to note the pattern of conversion which can be i d e n t i f i e d from the ginahs. Through the narratives i n the 18 ginans, Nanji gives the following account of the a c t i v i t i e s of the da i s (1978:55-56): ( i ) Anonymous a r r i v a l to a well-known center of r e l i g i o u s a c t i v i t y . ( i i ) Performance of a miracle to draw the attention of the r u l e r of the place, and winning over a d i s c i p l e . ( i i i ) Confrontation with a l o c a l saint. (i v ) Establishment of the d a c i ' s supremacy over the saint. (v) Consequent conversion. (vi) Departure. The content of the preaching 'seized upon Hindu motifs and myths and transformed these into narratives r e f l e c t i n g the dawa*h's preaching' (ibid:101). Although the converts were led to a new way of l i f e (Ismailism), thei r indigenous practices and conceptual framework continued to p r e v a i l . This i s attested by the fact that when the Ismailis migrated to East A f r i c a i n the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, they had maintained A s i a t i c practices. They (the Ismailis) arrived there (East Africa) with A s i a t i c habits and A s i a t i c patterns of existence, but they encountered a society i n process of development which i s , i f anything, Euro-African. To have retained an A s i a t i c outlook i n matters of language, habit and clothing would have been for them a complication and i n society an archaic dead weight for the A f r i c a of the future. (Aga Khan I I I 1954:30). There were two d i s t i n c t but simultaneous processes which governed the growth and development of the I s m a i l i community i n East A f r i c a : modernization (adaptation to a Euro-colonial form of l i f e ) and gradual but d e f i n i t e disassociation with the \" A s i a t i c \" mode of l i f e accompanied by greater i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with Islam. 19 (f) The Modern Period It would be beyond the scope of t h i s introductory chapter to discuss the complex process of transformation involved i n a change of milieu from an Indian environment to that of the Euro-African. A brief mention of the formation of the Ism a i l i constitution and r i t u a l s w i l l give us some insights into the process of transformation effected by the settlement of the Ismailis i n East A f r i c a . The Ismailis of East A f r i c a received t h e i r f i r s t constitution i n 1905 which set into motion a 'programme of constructing a community with a highly individual and dynamic i d e n t i t y . . . . ' (Nanji 1974:127). As the community grew i n numbers due mainly to economic growth i n the i n t e r i o r , a new constitution was issued i n 1926 which made provision for the establishment of provincial councils i n accordance with the three East African t e r r i t o r i e s : Kenya, Uganda and Tanganyika. Over the years, the constitution was restructured to create what eventually became a close-knit and highly organized administrative system. The purpose of the system was to meet the needs of the Ismailis i n many sectors of l i f e ranging from health, education, and finance to personal matters l i k e marriage and inheritance. Two points established i n the constitution are: ' . . . . f i r s t , that the Rules of Conduct have been conceived within the \" s p i r i t of Islam\", and second that \"nothing therein contained s h a l l affect the Absolute Power and Sole Authority of Mowlana Hazar Imam to a l t e r , amend, modify, vary, or annul at any time, or to grant dispensation from the Constitution or any part t h e r e o f \" (ibid:131). 20 The administrative structure of the constitution (revised i n 1962) i s as follows: (a) P r o v i n c i a l Councils administering l o c a l a f f a i r s organized under committees: economics, sports, women's, welfare, and youth. (b) T e r r i t o r i a l Councils for Kenya, Tanzania, and Uganda overseeing the Pro v i n c i a l Councils. One of the functions of the Councils was to deal with disputes regarding marriage, divorce and inheritance. (c) An Executive Council for A f r i c a which primarily acted as a f i n a n c i a l body channeling funds to various organizations. (d) Educational and health administrators for each country. Under them were appointed the provincial boards which dealt with l o c a l a c t i v i t i e s under t h e i r j u r i s d i c t i o n . (e) Mukhi and Kamadiyah, r e l i g i o u s o f f i c i a l s whose main function was to perform and o f f i c i a t e a l l the ceremonies which took place i n Jama cat Khana. (f) Ismailia Association whose main function was to disseminate and publish l i t e r a t u r e pertaining to I s m a i l i t r a d i t i o n s and values. The c o n s t i t u t i o n a l affirmation of the Imam as the pivotal figure was a major factor leading to the formation of a ce n t r a l l y organized I s m a i l i community i n East A f r i c a . One of the v i s i b l e expressions of the unity of the community i s the Jama ^ at Khana of which several were established i n locations where Ismailis s e t t l e d . Among the r i t u a l s performed i n the Jama^at Khana, the ceremony of ghat-pat (communal drinking of sacred water) throws into r e l i e f 21 the process which led to greater i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with Islam. According to Nanji, the ceremony of ghat-p\"at was i n s t i t u t e d during the time when Hindus were converted i n t o the I s m a i l i f a i t h (1982:105). The ceremony included c e r t a i n elements from the indigenous environment l i k e language (Gujerati) and Hindu motifs which were synthesised with I s m a i l i doctrine. For example, the fourth stage i n the l i f e of a Hindu consists of j o i n i n g the ashram which represents the a n t i s t r u c t u r a l element to the s t r u c t u r a l closure of the caste (Nanji:107). In the ceremony of ghat^-pat, the drinking of the sacred water i s 'the equivalent of the experience of unity, when the i n d i v i d u a l soul embraces the l i g h t , riur of Imama' (ibid:107). The r i t u a l merges the i n d i v i d u a l at one l e v e l i n t o the new community, at another i t frees him from the merely s t r u c t u r a l or zaheri ( l i t e r a l l y , \"exterior\") aspects of r i t u a l and enables him to experience the dimension of batin, the i n t e r i o r r e l i g i o n through which h i s i n d i v i d u a l quest f o r s p i r i t u a l knowledge and understanding i s attained' (ibid:107). In East A f r i c a , the prayers (forming part of the ceremony) r e c i t e d i n Gujerati were changed into Arabic and greater emphasis has been placed i n anchoring the ceremony within an Islamic context as instanced i n the l i n k established between t h i s ceremony and the i n i t i a t o r y r i t e s performed by Prophet Muhammed for the i n i t i a l converts to Islam (ibid:106). One of the key concepts which the Is m a i l i s emphasise i s that of p u r i t y . C l a s s i c a l I s m a i l i works consider ' r i t u a l p u r i t y ' (tahara) as a p i l l a r of f a i t h (al-Qadi al-Nu^mah, tr.Fyzee 1974:2). In the l i t e r a r y sources, a state of inward purity ('purity of the heart') i s considered to be e s s e n t i a l f o r the attainment of s p i r i t u a l enlightenment. Discussing the symbol of water i n r i t u a l , J a l a l u J d d i n Ruini states: 22 Next year i t came sweeping proudly along. \"Hey, where hast thou been?\" \"In the sea of the pure. I went from here d i r t y ; I have come (back) clean. I have received a robe of honour, I have come to the earth (again) Hark, come unto me,0 ye polluted ones, for my nature hath partaken of the nature of God. I w i l l accept a l l thy foulness: I w i l l bestow on the demon purity l i k e (that of) the angel. When I become de f i l e d , I w i l l return t h i t h e r : I w i l l go to the Source of the source of p u r i t i e s . There I w i l l p u l l the f i l t h y cloak off my head: He w i l l give me a clean robe once more.\" ( t r . R.A. Nicholson 1968:VI:15). Among Hindus, concepts of purity and pollu t i o n have caste connotations. In h is account of the caste system and i t s implications, Louis Dumont (1974) explicates notions of purity and impurity as functions of a s o c i a l order where castes d i f f e r e n t i a t e themselves h i e r a r c h i c a l l y from one another. In t h i s study, I use the concepts of purity and pollu t i o n as defined and understood by the I s m a i l i s , namely i n the context of material and s p i r i t u a l l i f e . ^ The steady growth and the s o c i a l and material transformation of the Ismaili community i n East A f r i c a i s attributed to the 48th Imam, S i r Sultan Muhammed Shah. The Imamat of Sultan Muhammed Shah (1885-1957) covered a period of history when the Muslim world and the t h i r d world countries were increasingly affected by western culture and technology. During t h i s time the Imam attempted to bring about an amalgamation of Is m a i l i t r a d i t i o n a l values and thought with a western mode of l i f e and organization. The changes i n the community were implemented through the firmans (guidance given by the Imam to his followers) which affected many facets of the l i v e s of the Is m a i l i s , including health, education, occupation, language and family l i f e . The firmans were buttressed with an administrative system of councils, health c l i n i c s , welfare organizations and f i n a n c i a l services. 23 Although the administrative system i s geared to create a mode of organization and s o c i a l l i f e more favourable to the new environment, i t continues to re f l e c t the Ismaili t r a d i t i o n of service to the Iniam and to the Jama ''at (community). The majority of the people administering the system are voluntary workers. Under the leadership of the present (and forty ninth) Imam, Shah Karim al-Husseini, the programmes i n i t i a t e d by his predecessor were consolidated, and e f f o r t s were made to meet new communal and national challenges. As traders, businessmen, and entrepreneurs, the Ismailis had contributed towards the development of East A f r i c a . However, i n the eyes of the Africans, the Ismailis and indeed other Asian groups were regarded as economically privileged, and th e i r position i n the emerging nation states became ambiguous. The Asians were faced with an issue of a homeland. Were they expected to seek a place of settlement elsewhere, or should they continue l i v i n g i n East A f r i c a with an uncertain future? The general d i r e c t i v e of the Imam to the Ismailis was that they should seek to i d e n t i f y t h e i r aspirations with, and become f u l l c i t i z e n s of, the state where they were domiciled. While many of the Asians l e f t East A f r i c a i n the 1960's, the majority of the Ismailis stayed on and took up ci t i z e n s h i p i n the new independent nations. Under a changed economic and p o l i t i c a l climate, the Imam encouraged the Ismai l i s , p a r t i c u l a r l y the younger ones, to acquire higher education and to broaden thei r economic base so as to include i n d u s t r i a l and professional f i e l d s . In order to achieve t h i s aim, e x i s t i n g f a c i l i t i e s were expanded and new ones created. Scholarship and bursary programmes have been i n s t i t u t e d to encourage young people to pursue higher education at i n s t i t u t i o n s i n different parts of the world. S i m i l a r l y , a network of economic and health i n s t i t u t i o n s , 21 bringing together modern management and advanced technology, have been developed i n t h i r d world countries. Under the sponsorship of The Aga Khan Foundation, these f a c i l i t i e s operate on a non-communal basis. The Aga Khan Foundation works i n close collaboration with governments and international bodies including CIDA (Canadian International Development Agency), WHO (World Health Organization) and UNICEF. Apart from the above, some of the recent developments include: - I n s t i t u t e of I s m a i l i studies i n London, (the Institue i s also a f f i l i a t e d with the I n s t i t u t e of Islamic Studies at McGill University); - the establishment of the Aga Khan Foundation, concerned with humanitarian and c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s ; - the Aga Khan University and Jubilee Hospital i n Karachi; - the setting up of the Aga Khan award for Islamic Architecture; - the constructions of Jama''at Khanas i n Vancouver and London. In the l i g h t of the above developments, various writers have commented on the v i t a l i t y and progressive s p i r i t of the community (Anderson 1964), as the best organized and most progressive Muslim community (Hollingsworth 1960), as well as the most modernized and f l e x i b l e group within the Asian population i n East A f r i c a (Fernando 1972). Ismailis have responded to modernization so as to achieve for the community standards of l i v i n g , health and education which are generally among the highest i n the Muslim world (Esraail & Nanji 257:1977). 25 (g) Ismailis In Vancouver Prior to 1972, there were small groups of Ism a i l i families l i v i n g i n isolated centers i n Canada. The Ismailis who came to Canada i n the f i f t i e s were professionals who with t h e i r families had migrated from parts of Asia, A f r i c a , Western Europe and the United Kingdom, motivated by a combination of p o l i t i c a l and economic factors and a s p i r i t of entrepreneurship. By the s i x t i e s , small Jama\" w i l , the a l l e g o r i c a l interpretation of the Qur'an. Through such an interpretation, the Imam enables man to return to his or i g i n s . Through the mediating role of the Imam, the juxtaposition of zahir and batin receives a l i n k . The Ismailis believe that once the batjjin i s appreciated, the zahir i s understood as part of the batfin. One of the essential functions of the Imam i s conceived as that of enabling his followers to go beyond the understanding of zahir and penetrate into the inner meaning and experience of the batin. In t h i s way man can be i n the ^aheri world and continue to s t r i v e for the ba^in at the same time. Based on t h i s doctrine, the t r a d i t i o n a l I s m a i l i world view i s to achieve both material progress and s p i r i t u a l salvation. The N i z a r i I s m a i l i s developed and stressed the doctrine that the Imam i s the bearer of Nur (Divine Lig h t ) . The concept of Nur-i-Imama s i g n i f i e s the innermost r e a l i t y of the Imam. The Ismailis maintain that Nur i s passed from one Imam to the other i n direct succession; a l l the Imams are therefore one i n essence. In t h i s way, the r e a l nature of the Imam i s understood as ly i n g beyond the world of time and space. Comprehension of t h i s r e a l i t y i s regarded as the highest attainable goal by the believers. The importance attached to the inward personal v i s i o n of the s p i r i t u a l r e a l i t y of the Imam led to the convergences of the I s m a i l i and 3 u f i doctrines i n Islam. The Imam i s revered as the murshid (guide) who provides s p i r i t u a l guidance to the murid ( d i s c i p l e ) . The Ginah l i t e r a t u r e stresses the quest for mystical illu m i n a t i o n . 32. The attainment of the personal visio n of the Imam's s p i r i t u a l r e a l i t y i s regarded as an important goal among Ismailis i n Vancouver. They maintain that by Divine grace, such a goal can be achieved through meditation i n the early hours of the morning, good deeds, and inner p u r i f i c a t i o n . Rituals are regarded as an important means through which inner p u r i f i c a t i o n can be attained. 33 Footnotes. 1. Paul Ricoeur i n The C o n f l i c t Of Interpretations, D. Ihde ed., (Northwestern University: Evanston Press, 1977), emphasises the inner connection between these two temporalities. Interpretation enters into the time of t r a d i t i o n and the t r a d i t i o n i n turn i s l i v e d only i n and through the time of interpretation. 2. Kant makes a d i s t i n c t i o n between space and time; space i s the form of our \"outer experience,\" while time i s the form of our \"inner experience,\" (Ernst Cassirer 1978:49). 3. Edward Hall i n his l a t e r work, The Dance Of L i f e (Garden Cit y , New York: Anchor Press, 1983), expounds on informal time i n r e l a t i o n to technical l e v e l of culture. H a l l contends that informal time (which i s the core culture) i s 'the foundation on which interpersonal relations rest' while technical time i s 'concentrated and which fragments, defines, and requires control...' (ibid:177). 4. The modern period of I s m a i l i history i n East A f r i c a i s included i n the following studies: J.N.D. Anderson, \"The I s m a i l i Khoias Of East A f r i c a : A New Constitution And Personal Law For The Community, Middle Eastern Studies, vol.1 (1964), pp.21-39; D.P. Ghai ed., P o r t r a i t Of A Minority: Asians In East A f r i c a (Nairobi: Oxford Press, 1975); Azim Nanzi, \"The Niz a r i I s m a i l i Muslim Community In North America: Background And Development,\" E.H. Waugh, B. Abu-Laban & R.B. Qureshi ed., The Muslim Community In North America, (Alberta: The University Of Alberta Press, 1983), pp.149-164. 5. Part of the material on the modern period has been included i n : \"The Shi'a-Ismaili Muslim Community In B r i t i s h Columbia,\" CP. Anderson, T. Bose, J . Richardson ed., C i r c l e Of Voices: A^ History Of The Religious Communities Of B r i t i s h Columbia, ( B r i t i s h Columbia: Oolichan Books, 1983), pp.232-239. 6. Mary Douglas shows that concepts of purity and pollution are closely related to the structure of the s o c i a l order and cosmological ideas. She argues that pollution b e l i e f s emerge when a system of values which i s expressed i n a given arrangement of things has been violated. These views are expounded i n Purity And Danger: An Analysis Of Concepts Of Poll u t i o n And Taboo, (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1966); \" P o l l u t i o n , \" International Encyclopedia Of The Social Sciences, vol.12 (1968) pp. 336-341. 7. Among a l l the other days of the week, the Ismailis consider Friday as auspicious; t h i s day i s associated with the presence of a large congregation, a practice which was introduced during the time of Prophet Muhammed. 34 8. Speech made by the present Imam on the occasion of the foundation ceremony of Burnaby Jama fat Khana, 26th July 1982, Hikmat, vol.2 (1983) p.21. A great deal of work and thought has gone into the planning and design of the building that w i l l r i s e on the s i t e . The underlying objective has been to develop a rel i g i o u s and s o c i a l f a c i l i t y for the l o c a l I s m a i l i community, which, while blending harmoniously and discreetly with the surrounding environment and making f u l l use of materials indigenous to the area, w i l l s t i l l r e f l e c t an Islamic mood and add yet another dimension to the varied architecture of the Lower Mainland. 35 Part I Cosmology Chapter 2 Substantive Features Of I s m a i l i Cosmology Introduction In the varied t e r r a i n of I s m a i l i cosmic formulations, the categories of material and s p i r i t u a l are fundamental. In t r a v e l l i n g through the t e r r a i n , the range which meets the eye covers as wide an area as speculative peaks of high mountains and 'rose gardens' of mystical thought. In spite of the number of contours defining the t e r r a i n , there i s one element which appears to be constant and that i s the polarity of material and s p i r i t u a l l i f e . Material and s p i r i t u a l as opposite categories contain i n t r i n s i c ambiguities. The material only exists by affirming i t s opposite, the s p i r i t u a l . The s p i r i t u a l i s the source of l i f e for the material, yet i n i t s e l f the s p i r i t u a l i s i n f i n i t e and unfathomable. In t h i s scheme, the opposed tendencies of material and s p i r i t u a l are contained i n man: Man i s confronted with the r e a l i t y of the human condition which i s imperfect and temporal and the timeless and perfect structure of s p i r i t u a l l i f e . Man's temporal experience of l i f e presents him with continual problems of reorienting and reintegrating himself i n terms of an ideal form expressing man's unitary state i n the atemporal. Through a recourse to documentary materials and attitudes of lay I s m a i l i s , t h i s chapter gives an exposition of the I s m a i l i t r a d i t i o n where the interplay between the material and the s p i r i t u a l i s highlighted i n different contexts: 36 (a) Early Ismaili Speculation (conceptual). (b) Qur'anic Narrative On The Creation Of Man (dramatic). (c) Corpus Of The Giriahic Literature ('interiorized'). (d) The Firmans (atemporal/temporal). (e) Attitudes Of Lay Ismailis (experiencing s e l f ) . This chapter provides a setting for understanding the complementarity between material and s p i r i t u a l evoked i n r i t u a l and daily l i f e . Early Ismaili Speculation. Given one thousand four hundred years of Islamic history, i t would be impossible to cover the gamut of thought and speculation which abound concerning man and his place i n the universe. A rose plant i n f u l l bloom r e f l e c t s the condition of the s o i l which has nourished i t and beyond that, the numerous factors which have governed i t s growth. S i m i l a r l y , a peak of speculative development can capture with intensity the r e f l e c t i v e thought of the h i s t o r i c a l period preceding i t as well as the one following i t . In t h i s category f a l l the writings of I s m a i l i thinkers who l i v e d during the Ismaili Fatimid state (909-1171). The works of Abu Ya'qub A l - S i j i s t a n i , Abu Hatim al-Razi, Muhammad al-Nasafi and Hamid al-Kirmani encompass l i t e r a r y peaks during the time when Greek, Persian and the philosophical thought of the Indus-valley c i v i l i z a t i o n was well known. Below, I give a summary outline of the work of Abu Yalqub A l - S i j i s t a n i i n so far as i t reveals the paradox of material and s p i r i t u a l i n a l i t e r a r y speculative context. 37 ( i ) The Natural Order There are two forms of creation depicted i n the speculative thought of early Ismaili writers. At one l e v e l , the creation has come into being as a result of the creative w i l l of Allah ( a l - f i b d a ) . The verb abda c implies the radic a l coming-to-be of being from what i s not being. Allah i s al-Mubdi* (the innovator) and the Mubda* (the innovated) i s being i . e . a l l being at once. Allah innovates by a command (al-amr): A l - i b d l i s that aspect of creation which indicates i t s non-temporal, non-spatial foundation. The term al-amr says that i t i s God who i s responsible for i t s happening. Things come-to-be because God i s (Walker 1974:141). By a single act of expression of Allah's W i l l , a l l forms of being originate a l l at once without Allah having thereafter to a l t e r or change anything. At the second le v e l of creation, the prin c i p l e of emanation has led to the formation of a hierarchical order where the major orders comprise a l - c a q l (the I n t e l l e c t ) , al-Nafs (the Soul) and 'Nature'. The I n t e l l e c t i s pure, simple and perfect. I t i s defined as 'the F i r s t Innovated', 'the Preceder', 'the Quiescent'. I t has no d i s p a r i t y , l i m i t , q u a l i f i c a t i o n , motion or place. From the I n t e l l e c t proceeds the Soul which i s neither perfect nor imperfect. The Soul can only grasp the i n t e l l e c t through stages involving a progression from the lower to the higher. The Soul i s called mustafid (the one seeking instruction) and the I n t e l l e c t i s ca l l e d mufid (the i n s t r u c t o r ) . As the Soul i s seeking perfection, i t s chief c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i s movement. A l - S i j i s t a n i i d e n t i f i e s four parts of the soul. These are reason, holiness, growth and sense. The q u a l i t i e s of reason and holiness enable the soul to r i s e progressively to the rank of the I n t e l l e c t from which i t originates. At the 38 same time, the Soul also has close relationship with Nature as the l a t t e r has 'outpoured' from i t and occupies a lower l e v e l than the Soul. The emergence of Nature i s an effect of the other two q u a l i t i e s of the Soul, namely growth and sense. The existence of Nature i s v i t a l , for the Soul i n i t s 'journey' to the I n t e l l e c t . Nature comprises the combination of Form and Matter and i s sustained by the elements of f i r e , a i r , water and earth. These elements are the source of physical (bodily) beings. The spheres''' come into being within the physical world. Below the spheres are the kingdoms of mineral, vegetable, animal and man which form the earthly physical world. ( i i ) The Normative Order . The natural order involves a descending hierarchy beginning with Allah. I t consists of Amr, the I n t e l l e c t , the Soul, Nature, the spheres and f i n a l l y the Kingdoms. Over and above the Natural hierarchy, I s m a i l i thinkers conceived of a Normative order which also originates from the Amr (command) of Allah. The Normative order comprises three dimensions: jadd, Fath and khayal. Jadd i s the grace which raises a certain 'pure soul' to a complete and i n t u i t i v e grasp of how things are i n the whole of the creation. The grace of jadd makes the chosen soul a 'knower'. The knowledge i s acquired through the grace of Fath, the 'opening'. Through t h i s grace the chosen soul i s able to penetrate into the heart of the matter, khayal, ('imagination'), enables the chosen soul to find a successor who w i l l i n h e r i t these graces. Below these three graces there are seven l e t t e r s : kaf, waw, nun, ya, qaf, dal and r]i which form the words kuni qadar. These are the seven divine l e t t e r s \"by which there gush forth psychic symbols and i n t e l l e c t u a l words from 39 the Two Roots\". They are the \"treasury of speech\". By means of them^ \" s p i r i t u a l forms\" come into being just as by means of Nature bodily forms come into being (ibid:162). Part of the normative order i s manifested in the form of language (based on the above l e t t e r s ) and t h i s sets the stage for the role of a Prophet (the Natiq). There are seven Natiqs corresponding with the seven divine l e t t e r s . Each Natiq plays a role i n revealing the divine message (law) and perfecting the normative order. Once the Natiq has established the law, the second stage of development requires the interpretation of the law. The Natiq while he i s a l i v e can perform t h i s task; after death, he must pass the res p o n s i b i l i t y to al-wasi (executor). The l a t t e r i s also al-asas (the founder) as he employs ta'wil (hermeneutics) to interpret the law. However, he does not l e g i s l a t e . Below the Wasi, there i s the rank of the Imam. The Imam's function i s to preserve the moral order as established by the Natiq and his Wasi. In sum, there are two hierarchies by which the created universe i s held i n place: the natural order and the normative order. These two orders are d i s t i n c t and interrelated. The relationship between the two i s mediated by the Prophet who i s inspired by the s p i r i t of holiness. Through the grace of jadd, the Prophets acquire knowledge of the \" s p i r i t u a l s u b t l e t i e s \" and \"luminous delights\" and bear them to creation (ibid:176). Nevertheless, the Prophet i s also an h i s t o r i c a l being. Because of his mission of being the deputy of the I n t e l l e c t i n the Physical World, he has to account for change and for the place and the people where he w i l l function. He i s called the 'master of time' (sahib al-zaman) and his function has to be repeated i n different h i s t o r i c a l eras. Prophets who have been responsible for i n i t i a t i n g 40 the h i s t o r i c a l cycles are: Adam, Noah, Abraham, Moses, Jesus and Muhammed. Among these, Muhammed i s regarded as the 'seal' of the 'law' through which r e a l i t i e s from a higher order are revealed on the earthly plane. In the speculative thought of Is m a i l i writers, the doctrine on the Tayjhid (unity) of Alla h , creation through Amr and kuni qadar, the natural and the normative orders, and the cycles of the Prophets are linked to man. Man i s a unique being i n many respects. In the Islamic and Ism a i l i t r a d i t i o n , man i s regarded as the summit of creation both i n the natural as well as the normative orders. In the natural order, man provides the v i t a l l i n k between a l l forms of creation. Man contains both body as well as soul. The former i s part of the ephemeral changing world of nature. I t s basic requirements are sim i l a r to any other being i n the natural world. Also, man's soul i s part of the Universal Soul but, during i t s existence i n the natural world, i t i s 'individual' and 'particular'. In t h i s state i t l i v e s i n constant tension between the world of the I n t e l l e c t and that of Nature. The Soul's struggle i n the physical world i s described i n terms of a path which i s as narrow as the edge of a sword. The schematic exposition of the two forms of creation contain the paradox of revelation and reason explained i n terms of al-amr and the pri n c i p l e of emanation. Although the two levels heighten the mystery of creation (how can the universe come into being all-at-once and by stages at the same time?), the speculative framework seems to contain the mystery which i s p a r t i a l l y unfolded i n the forms involving h i e r a r c h i c a l orders and c y c l i c a l beginnings and ends. In the natural h i e r a r c h i c a l order, al-Nafs (soul) by participating i n the material as well as the s p i r i t u a l , acts as a mediator. Nevertheless, the tension and the struggle continues to exist i n history as al-Nafs i s pulled i n two directions. In the normative order, also conceived h i e r a r c h i c a l l y , the mediators are the Prophet and the Imam who, by grasping the s p i r i t u a l world ' a l l at once', impart p a r t i a l knowledge of i t i n the movement of events (history) belonging to the material order. Both the natural and the normative orders exist for the sake of man who i s entrusted with the task of embodying the ambiguity embedded i n the two orders: natural and normative. In the natural order man i s inclined i n two directions, towards nature and towards the I n t e l l e c t . In the normative order, man can only acquire p a r t i a l knowledge. Through such an embodiment, man, as a microcosmic being, can a s s i s t a l l forms of creation to reach back to a l - a q l ( i n t e l l e c t ) and unite with the amr (command) of Allah. 42. Diagram 1 Hierarchical Orders Formulated In The Works Of Is m a i l i Writers Allah al-Amr Natural Order Al-*aql ( I n t e l l e c t ) (pure & perfect; repose) Al-Nafs (soul) (perfect & imperfect, repose & movement) Nature Spheres Kingdoms Man Animals Vegetation Minerals Normative Order Cosmic t r i a d of graces (1add, Fath, Khayal) Seven Divine Letters (kuni Qadar) Divine Language Natiq, Wasi, Imam (chosen souls) History Physical World 43 Diagram 2 Man As A Microcosmic Being Natural Order Allah S p i r i t u a l World t Normative Order Ascent into the Chosen Souls s p i r i t u a l world Prophet/Imam (guides man) Descent into the material world -to be marked by the presence of s p i r i t u a l elements Man (embodies material and s p i r i t u a l elements) Material World 44 Qur*anic Narrative On The Creation Of Man The notion of the soul having to l i v e i n the material world i n order to r e a l i z e i t s f u l l potential i s of prime importance i n I s m a i l i cosmology. This concept receives emphasis not only i n the elaborate framework of speculative thought but i s also reiterated i n the narratives of the Qur'an. Below I 9 include a brief expose of the narrative on the creation of Man (s.ii:30-39). My purpose here i s to show that the narrative contains a paradox: the mediation of contraries on one plane leads to th e i r emergence as opposites on another plane leading to a dynamic interplay between synchronic and diachronic modes.^ ( i ) Sequential Pattern. Among the narratives i n the Qur'an, the creation of Man as epitomized i n the story of Adam covers primordial times. Preceding the creation of Man, the only beings who e x i s t are the angels who continually praise and g l o r i f y Allah. This i s a state of s i m p l i c i t y and r e l a t i v e oneness as there i s no talk of an alternative course of action. When Allah reveals to the angels that He i s going to create His vicegerent on earth, the angels' response i s that Man ' w i l l make mischief' and 'shed blood'. Allah declares: \" I know what you know not\" and reaffirms at a l a t e r stage: I know the secrets of heaven And earth, and I know what ye reveal And what ye conceal The set of oppositions ( m u l t i p l i c i t y ) which comes into being with the creation of Man i s contained and mediated by the Knowledge of Allah: 4-5 Allah's Knowledge Angels praise Man w i l l shed blood Heavens Earth Reveal Conceal Allah teaches Adam the nature of a l l things. Following t h i s , Allah asks the Angels to bow to Adam. A l l comply except for I b l i s who does not bow to Adam. I b l i s ' s role i n the mythical drama i s c r u c i a l and ambiguous. At one l e v e l , he confirms the state of contraries i n the form of decisive action. By his act of disobedience, I b l i s i s set i n the opposite camp from that of the other angels. At a second and more complex l e v e l , I b l i s personifies the d i f f i c u l t y of being able to choose from two sets of oppositions. I b l i s i s not able to comprehend the notion that Angels who sing the praises of Allah and therefore can only bow to Him, are now asked to bow to Adam. Interestingly, I s m a i l i t r a d i t i o n a l sources (Tasawwurat tr.1950:68 and Kalame P i r tr.1935:30-31,99) consider Adam not only as the prototype of humanity but also the f i r s t Prophet of mankind. Therefore Adam combines i n his being not only the contraries which constitute the nature of man but also a medium (Prophethood) through which such contraries can be mediated. After I b l i s refuses to bow to Adam, thereby acknowledging man's contrary nature, Adam and his spouse are placed i n the Garden of Eden. S p a t i a l l y , the Garden i s a mediating point between the heavens and the earth. I t contains the contraries of gender (Adam and Eve), number (bountiful and one), and categories (forbidden and permissive things). 4-6 Heavens (up) Garden Adam Eve Permissive Forbidden Bountiful One Earth (down) The second turning point i n the drama i s reached when Adam, prompted by I b l i s , approaches the forbidden tree. Exegetical l i t e r a t u r e attributes the tree to be that of wheat (Tasawwurat tr.1950:50). Wheat s i g n i f i e s struggle as i t has to go through a series of stages involving suffering and pain before i t reaches maturity. By approaching the forbidden tree, Adam acquires 'knowledge' which cannot be used i n the Garden as the l a t t e r i s free from t o i l and struggle. Adam i s sent to the place, which embodies these q u a l i t i e s , with renewed awareness of the d i f f i c u l t task which faces Man. As Man 'descends' into earth, the state of m u l t i p l i c i t y comes to sight. I t i s not Adam and Eve but mankind which w i l l inhabit the earth. Here, two kinds of conditions w i l l p r e v a i l : that of 'enmity' as well as 'unity' achieved through proximity to God. Adam repents and learns 'words of i n s p i r a t i o n ' from Al l a h . Absence of t h i s act would mean that man could be 'companion of F i r e ' where he w i l l experience grie f and fear. 4-7 ( i i ) Narrative Form: Contraries - Mediation And Juxtaposition. The narrative focuses on Man as the subject around whom a l l the developments merge. The main p r i n c i p l e which shapes the events i s that of contraries which are mediated as well as juxtaposed. This process i s observed s p a t i a l l y i n the mythical geographical locations of the Heavens, the Garden and the Earth. The Garden mediates between heavens and earth as i t captures primordial times just after Adam was created and just before he leaves to dwell on earth. In each of these locations, the contraries are mediated as well as juxtaposed. The narrative genre begins with a dialogue pertaining to man's contrary nature. Man can be both angelic as well as d i a b o l i c a l . These contraries are conceptually mediated through the 'Knowledge' of Allah and are juxtaposed i n I b l i s . Paradoxically, I b l i s ' s f a l l i s attributed to his 4 knowledge as an angel of high status as well as to his ignorance. I b l i s s decision not to bow to Adam generates a second set of contraries: disobedience/obedience. Adam i s placed i n the Garden to resolve these contraries: bountiful things (permissible) and the forbidden tree. Adam's f a i l u r e to mediate t h i s opposition leads to his descent on earth. Here man faces the juxtaposition of either l i s t e n i n g to the 'guidance' of Allah or drawing away from i t . The mediation and juxtaposition of contraries revolve around Man i n so far as his descent on earth i s related by the narrative. During each of the stages, Man moves from a state of s i m p l i c i t y to that of m u l t i p l i c i t y . I n i t i a l l y we have the figure of Adam, while i n the Garden of Eden there exists two figures, namely, Adam and Eve. On earth, the focus of the drama i s on Mankind. Likewise, as the narrative progresses the figure of I b l i s becomes 'transformed* into that of Satan. As Man moves to earth, he i s made aware of 48 the forces pul l i n g him i n two directions. In one area, Man learns words of 'inspiration' and 'guidance' which would restore the p r i s t i n e state which he enjoyed before coming to earth. On the other hand, Man i s reminded that he can become the 'companion of F i r e ' which would bring grie f and fear. The narrative ends on a note of struggle and paradox. At a synchronic l e v e l , the contraries are mediated; diachronically they are juxtaposed and remain problematic. 49 Diagram 3 Narrative on Creation: Man's Descent on Earth Heavens Earth 'Companion of F i r e ' ' (act of disobedience) Key: <* Descent of Man - macrocosmic l e v e l . < Ascent of Man - to be accomplished at a microcosmic l e v e l . >\u00E2\u0080\u00A2 Further descent - act of potential disobedience. 50 The Corpus of Ginanic Literature. The Ginanic l i t e r a t u r e was compiled by d a c i s who were propagating the I s m a i l i f a i t h i n the Indo-subcontinent from the thirteenth century to the early part of the present century. The Ginans form one of the most cherished t r a d i t i o n s of the Ismailis i n Canada, and are recited congregationally during the morning and evening prayers. Among the array of themes included i n the Ginans, the most pervasive and profoundly embedded i s the mystical 'journey of the soul', which attempts to experience the divine i n the unfathomable depths of the human s e l f . The l i f e of the s u f i s (mystics) i s understood i n terms of the development of *ilm al-qulub, 'science of the hearts'. Knowledge and understanding i n t h i s respect are derived not from l o g i c a l and r a t i o n a l deduction but from a sense of i n t u i t i o n and inner commitment of the heart. The ambiguity and sense of 'struggle' observed i n the narrative on creation are given an ' i n t e r i o r i z e d ' (mystical) expression i n the Ginans\u00E2\u0080\u00A2 In the context of t h i s study, the mystical content of the Ginans deserves special mention as the increasing impact of modern science and technology, with i t s associated demand for r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n , has affected the attitude of the I s m a i l i s . For the older members within the community, the Ginans have provided a v i t a l source for the comprehension and rejuvenation of the s p i r i t u a l l i f e as well as dealing with everyday occurrences. The regular r e c i t a t i o n of the Ginans i n the Jama cat Khana and i n I s m a i l i homes ( i n the form of taped Ginans) have undoubtedly governed the thought, behaviour, and attitude of the Ismailis within the larger scheme of t h e i r cosmos. Bearing these points i n mind, I give selected examples below of verses of the Ginans which are popularly known and recited by members of the community. 53-The journey of the soul (the quest) comprises two Interlinked phases. The f i r s t one e n t a i l s treading a path (tariqa) containing a series of stages. The completion of each stage necessitates the q u a l i t i e s of s t r i v i n g , perseverance, struggle and patience. The progression of the 'journey', which i s described as being as d i f f i c u l t as treading on 'a narrow sword', becomes focused on the elements of love, longing and trust i n the grace of Allah. The second phase i s aptly summarized i n the image of a moth who does not aspire for the l i g h t or the heat but casts i t s e l f i n the flame. This phase i s defined i n terms of the transformation of the inner state of the adept. In other words, having achieved a 'unitive experience', the adept r e a l i z e s m u l t i p l i c i t y i n a changed l i g h t . The Ginahic expression of the above phases i s couched i n words, symbols, imagery, anecdotes, the usage of poetic forms (rhyme, rhythm, a l l i t e r a t i o n ) and raga (the tune). The combination of a l l these elements seems to have a deep effect on the participants, who say that the Girians 'touch the i r hearts and inspire them i n a special way'. In a number of Ginans we learn that the soul i s separated from i t s origins by a vast s p a t i a l expanse which i s conceived i n terms of a range of mountains, or a vast ocean the crossing of which would be arduous, d i f f i c u l t and beset with uncertainties. In one of the verses\"*, the state of the soul i s compared to that of a f i s h whose destination i s to reach a f o r t high up i n the mountain. In another verse**, the pangs of the soul which s t r i v e s to unite with the Divine i s compared to a f i s h out of water. The journey begins with an expression of love, devotion, and trus t i n the Imam of the time, comprehended inwardly i n the heart of the seeker. Expressively, through the imagery of the flower, the seeker i s asked to look for the essence of the Imam 52 i n the heart just as the scent i s present i n the flower. In another context the P i r (equivalent to Da fi) explains that just as the night i s l i t by the moon and the day by the sun, s i m i l a r l y the heart i s l i t by Iman ( f a i t h ) ^ . The notion that such a journey i s d i f f i c u l t and requires a long period of waiting i s spelled out i n no uncertain terms. The seeker reminds her beloved (the image of female i s popularly employed i n the Ginans) that countless ages g have gone by and the state of separation has persisted. In the f a m i l i a r imagery of walking, the seeker exclaims that she has been walking for a long o time and cannot continue any longer. The recognition that the d i f f i c u l t i e s faced i n treading a s p i r i t u a l path can lead to i t s abandonment i s given f o r c e f u l and v i v i d expression. In order to connote t h i s aspect, imagery i s drawn from nature: we are given to understand that man's status i s l i k e a distinguished l i o n but when he forgets h i s status then he becomes l i k e a sheep.*^ Another verse states that although the crane and the swan look a l i k e , they are d i s t i n c t : the former eats anything which comes i t s way while the l a t t e r seeks only pearls**. One i s reminded that man l i v e s i n t h i s world for only 'four days' and that during his sojourn on earth, he becomes 'locked 12 i n a cage'. A wealth of concrete and v i v i d symbols attempt to express the idea of i n f i n i t y and transcendence to be achieved through intense concentration. One of the Ginans which captures t h i s dimension succinctly i s the Brahm Prakash. 13 Verses 9, 11 and 12 read as follows: 53 Where the 'Love' flows so incessantly, The devotee drinks of i t and becomes Love-intoxicated. How s h a l l I describe t h i s 'Divine Ecstasy'! Short of words am I to describe i t s Glory. No amount of l i t e r a t u r e read or l i s t e n e d to, Could help a t t a i n t h i s experience of happiness. The experience of transcendence i s rela t e d i n verses 65 and 66: Without the r a i n clouds the skies thunder Without the palace one i s enthroned. Where the r a i n f a l l s without the clouds, There e x i s t s the soul without the material body. C i t a t i o n s from the Ginahic l i t e r a t u r e have been included i n order to i l l u s t r a t e the c e n t r a l i t y of the categories of s p i r i t u a l and material i n the scheme of the I s m a i l i cosmos and to provide glimpses of a t r a d i t i o n a l source to which I s m a i l i s are exposed during worship. In t h e i r conversations, I s m a i l i s , e s p e c i a l l y elders and adults, c i t e verses of the Ginans i n r e l a t i o n to e x i s t e n t i a l issues as well as profane aspects of l i f e . The Firmans The r e l a t i o n s h i p between material and s p i r i t u a l categories i s a function of h i s t o r y and temporal events on the one hand and the atemporal, timeless 'structure' on the other. The Firmans reveal the int e r p l a y between the temporal events and the normative system as they attempt to accommodate both. The Firmans have affected the course of l i f e of many Is m a i l i s as exemplified i n the decisions which i n d i v i d u a l s and f a m i l i e s make because ' i t i s the guidance given by the Imam'. An I s m a i l i woman r e c a l l e d that when she was young, she remembered Imam Sultan Muhammed Shah's Firman on health, where he explained that too much consumption of r i c e does not contribute to good 54-health. The woman i n question decided to give up eating r i c e altogether. A female teacher likewise explained that were i t not for the Firmans on education, her parents would never have sent her to a University as there was no such f a c i l i t y i n the town (Mbale) where they were l i v i n g . A businessman - related his conviction that he attributed his success i n business to the Imams guidance and grace. While i n East A f r i c a , he took up an i n d u s t r i a l l i n e based on the dir e c t i v e of the Imam. The above examples do not mean that a l l the firmans are implemented at a l l times. Rather, some of the firmans are used i n an expedient manner. A female informant explained that her husband does not approve of her going to Jama tat Khana d a i l y . One day he to l d her that i t i s the firman of the Imam that a woman's f i r s t p r i o r i t y should be her husband and the family. The woman retorted that there i s also a firman to the effect that every i n d i v i d u a l should attend Jama*at Khana regularly. Nevertheless, the firmans have had a decisive impact on the l i v e s of the Is m a i l i s . Beyond the 'material sphere* (temporal events), the firmans have been a v i t a l source of rejuvenation and cu l t i v a t i o n of the s p i r i t u a l l i f e ('timeless structure'). Considerable emphasis i s given to the l a t t e r as can be seen from the constant reference being made to 'the soul', 'the Divine Being' and 'the L i f e Hereafter'. And i n the highest realms of consciousness a l l who believe i n Higher Being are liberated from a l l the clogging and hampering bonds of the subjective s e l f i n prayer, i n rapt meditation upon and i n the face of the glorious radiance of eternity, i n which a l l the temporal and earthly consciousness i s swallowed up and i t s e l f becomes the eternal. (Memoirs of Aga Khan 1954:335). 55 I remind you once again that you must understand that each one of you has a soul and t h i s soul alone i s eternal; and i t i s the duty and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of each one of you to remember that you have a soul. For t h i s reason, i t i s necessary for every i n d i v i d u a l to attend Jamacat Khana regularly and to be regular i n your Bandagi (meditation) and prayer (Bombay 1967 - Precious Gems:40). The Firmans have continually r e v i t a l i z e d the fundamental dimension of Is m a i l i cosmos. In other words, they have affirmed the presence of the s p i r i t u a l order i n the context of material l i f e and have created an awareness and r e a l i z a t i o n of s p i r i t u a l l i f e . Of special significance i s the fact that the Firmans are addressed to the e x i s t i n g circumstances and are repeatedly read i n Jama c a t Khanas. The Firmans which have been published are kept i n Ism a i l i homes and may be referred to time and again. They occupy a unique place among Ismailis as they are made i n the vein of a s p i r i t u a l father (the Imam) addressing his s p i r i t u a l children (his followers). This emotive content makes them spe c i a l l y meaningful for the Ismailis whose view of th e i r cosmos i s 14 largely and s i g n i f i c a n t l y derived from them. Below are a few i l l u s t r a t i v e examples. Ever since the turn of the century, Imam Sultan Muhammed Shah's increasing concern i n the material world has been i n the areas of health, education, economics, and an infrastructure of administration. These sectors are considered to be target -areas through which developments i n science and technology could be incorporated into the value system of the Ism a i l i s . The Imam's concern to create health-consciousness within the community i s expressed i n a manner which decisively includes s p i r i t u a l elements. For example: 56 Remember that according to our Is m a i l i Faith, the body i s the temple of God for i t carries the soul that receives Divine Light. So great care of body, i t s health and cleanliness are to guide you i n late l i f e ; . . . . b u t you can do much by going about your business, shopping etc. on foot and carrying yourselves STRAIGHT. The times of prayer should not be forgotten So keep a clean soul i n a clean body. Blessings. (Nairobi 1945, 'Precious Pearls':55). In economics and education the 'linkage' between the material and s p i r i t u a l i s conceived i n terms of the development and sustenance of certain q u a l i t i e s . The following extracts i l l u s t r a t e t h i s : I would l i k e you to apply the pr i n c i p l e of brotherhood i n the Jama*at, i n the way you earn your l i v i n g . This means to come together, work together, as i t i s only by coming together, by pooling your energy and your resources that we w i l l succeed i n achieving the goals which we seek i n the years ahead. (Maliya-Hatina 1967, 'Precious Gems':80). What then are your duties as individuals and what must you do for your own personal welfare? Education must come f i r s t . Not simply the education we receive by book learning at school when we are young. But the education which we should be receiving everyday of our existence by the very act of l i v i n g . You do not have to be a learned scholar to discover, i n the everyday contacts of human l i f e , the value of such q u a l i t i e s as i n t e g r i t y , honesty, d i s c i p l i n e and humility. (Nairobi 1957, 'Precious Gems':11). You should remember that education only i s of no use. You must have f a i t h and love for r e l i g i o n . I f you are i n a bus or anywhere and i f you have got a tasbih (rosary) with you, say your prayers there and then. Do not depend on future or do not hesitate ( s i c ) . (Dar-es-salaam 1957, 'Precious Gems:16). The potential c o n f l i c t which i s i m p l i c i t l y present i n an administrative infrastructure, which necessitates the formation of d i s t i n c t categories of leaders and laymen, i s i d e a l l y contained within the overall framework of harmony, unity, and co-operation emphasised i n the firmans: 57 None of you must forget that i n your own areas you are i n positions of r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , and those who have been given r e s p o n s i b i l i t y must f u l f i l l t h i s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y - otherwise they are misleading themselves, they are misleading the Jama tat and they are misleading the Imam, and I want you to remember t h i s . I f the Imam has placed h i s tr u s t and his confidence i n you, f u l f i l l that t r u s t and that confidence, and make sure that you are serving the Jama ^ at to the best of your a b i l i t y and that i n so doing you are serving the Imam als o . (Bombay 1973, 'Precious Pearls':64/65). A s i g n i f i c a n t point which emerges from the firmans c i t e d i s that material a c t i v i t i e s ' are directed towards wider values as instanced i n the example on education. Education acquired by the i n d i v i d u a l i s to f i n d meaningful expression within the unit of the family and beyond that within the community. The firmans provide an i d e a l paradigm of material and s p i r i t u a l e x i s t i n g i n mutual harmony. Attitudes of Lay Is m a i l i s Conversations with I s m a i l i s reveal that they are acutely aware of the categories of material and s p i r i t u a l i n l i f e . In p a r t i c u l a r , t h e i r r e l a t i o n to these categories i s determined by two forms of development. The f i r s t r e l a t e s to mental and s p i r i t u a l growth of an i n d i v i d u a l , and the second pertains to the s o c i a l environment. Some examples from each of these areas follow: Mehrunisha, a 55 year old housewife related the following: I have always taken Nandi (food o f f e r i n g s ) to J a m a t Khana. At f i r s t , I used to take sweet and savoury dishes. Sometimes, I used to take these together while at other times, I used to alter n a t e . Gradually, I got the inward message, that the savoury dish should be eliminated. So I just took sweet dishes to Jama^at Khana. Presently, I do not take these e i t h e r . I only take fresh f r u i t s and milk. 58 The progression of stages from cooked and savoury to cooked and sweet dishes and further to the uncooked (raw) form, corresponds, i n the mind of Mehrunisha, to a l e v e l of development from the material to the s p i r i t u a l . In the category of foods, savoury items are considered to have greater a f f i n i t y with material l i f e than sweet and uncooked dishes. Mehrunisha ci t e d the four stages of s h a r i f a t (outward) to tariqat (following the path) to haqiqat (knowing and understanding) and marifat ( s p i r i t u a l experience) as being necessary steps for the appreciation and understanding of s p i r i t u a l l i f e . At one point, Mehrunisha explained: I was once at the stage of shari*at. This i s a d i f f i c u l t step and often quite painful as one does not understand why one has to do certain things. I remember, one day we had to attend the wedding of a close non-Ismaili friend i n East A f r i c a . The wedding ceremony was to be performed at Jama cat Khana time. We a l l got ready but somehow at the l a s t minute, I f e l t that I ought to go to Jama tat Khana. I t was a d i f f i c u l t and a painful decision as I knew that the groom would be hurt - we were very close. I f I was i n the same situation now, I would go to the wedding but at that time I was at a 'physical l e v e l ' . I could not 'carry' the prayer i n my heart. J i v r a j who i s 65 years old explained the progressive stages i n r e l a t i o n to the following anecdote. Once there was a man whose utmost desire was to entertain the Prophet. His wish was granted and he was told that the Prophet would come to h i s house on a certain day. This man started making preparations and had the best food prepared for the occasion. When the day came, a beggar came by and knocked at the person's door. The l a t t e r instructed his servant to give 'yesterday's' food to the beggar. He took what was given to him and l e f t . Meanwhile, the man waited and waited but the Prophet did not come. Eventually, the man sat i n Ibadat (meditation) and he learnt that the beggar who had come to h i s house was the Prophet. This man was quite advanced but on t h i s p a r t i c u l a r occasion, he made a s l i p . I would consider t h i s incident as showing the i n a b i l i t y of a person to see the s p i r i t u a l element i n the material form. 59 When I asked J i v r a j how he would describe the state of a person who i s at a s h a r i ' a t i l e v e l , his response was: a s h a r i f a t i person stands outside the gate of a sublime palace unaware of the treasures which are inside. The second area of environmental factors can be understood i n two contexts. F i r s t , there i s the t r a d i t i o n a l context which provides cognitive models i n such areas as r i t u a l , the culinary system, and the l i f e - c y c l e of individuals. By means of these models, environmental factors are accommodated and dealt with. Thus a man who could not for instance go to Jama*at Khlna (because of long hours at the shop), and therefore could not pursue an important aspect of s p i r i t u a l l i f e , could cognitively be made aware of the l a t t e r through his parents or wife's regularity i n the observance of rel i g i o u s duties. The second context pertains to the current environment of the Ismailis i n Vancouver. As I s h a l l show i n the course of t h i s study, the 'new' and emerging model seems to be that of the alternation of the cognitive model (a synchronic structure) with that of 'individual contexts of a c t i v i t y ' (diachronic forms) concerning new patterns of l i f e i n the host environment. Pursuing the above example, a person who may be working i n the evenings and hence unable to attend Jama fat Khana would ensure that on his off days or i n the mornings he does go to Jama (at Khana. In t h i s respect, a special e f f o r t would be required on his part. In other words, a greater demand i s made at the i ndividual l e v e l i n achieving a stage of development which would lead to the r e a l i z a t i o n of s p i r i t u a l l i f e , translated into an experience of time and space within a unitive framework. 60 Conclusion. The contents of the above analysis f a l l under the temporality of the 'time of transmission', the other being the time of interpretation. As Ricoeur has pointed out, the two temporalities are mutually related as one interprets i n order to make e x p l i c i t and i n the process \"keep a l i v e the tr a d i t i o n i t s e l f , inside which one always remains\" (1974:27). The main question which arises i s how do Ismailis relate to the time of transmission given the fact that during the course of th e i r l i v e s , they interpret th e i r t r a d i t i o n and thereby renew i t i n r e l a t i o n to the continual process of change as individuals move through the i r l i f e - c y c l e s and are affected by environmental factors? I show i n parts I I and I I I that the interconnection between the two temporalities i s a function of the organization of space and time i n two contexts: r i t u a l and dai l y l i f e . 63-Footnotes: 1. The terra i s derived from the Arabic word af lak translated as \"luminaries of the heavenly spheres\", Hans Wehr, A dictionary Of modern Written Arabic (New York: The spoken Language Services 1971), p.72. 2. The translation of the Qur*an used i n the text i s : Yusuf A l i , The Glorious Qur\u00C2\u00BBan. (U.S.A.: American Trust Publications 1977). 3. Synchronic and diachronic are key concepts used i n Levi-Strauss's analysis of myth: \"...we have reorganized our myth according to a time referent of a new nature corresponding to the prerequisite of the i n i t i a l hypothesis ( i . e . that myth i s a unique form of story that combines the two temporal modes of synchrony and diachrony), namely, a two-dimensional time referent which i s simultaneously diachronic and synchronic and which accordingly integrates the chara c t e r i s t i c s of the langue on one hand, and those of the parole on the other\" (1965:87). 4. An esoteric interpretation of the narrative i s given i n a t r e a t i s e written by an I s m a i l i d a c i , Husain ibn ' A l i , an account of which i s given by Bernard Lewis, \"An I s m a i l i Interpretation Of The F a l l Of Adam\", B u l l e t i n Of The School Of Oriental And African Studies, 9 (1937-1939), pp.691-704. The tree i s considered to be both good and bad and i s interpreted at two l e v e l s : h i s t o r i c and cosmic. F i r s t , the tree i n the good sense i s the tree of knowledge which Adam has acquired and i s forbidden to divulge. I b l i s succeeds i n obtaining from Adam the secret knowledge. In the e v i l sense, I b l i s i s the tree and Adam i s forbidden to disclose to him the \"secret wisdom\". Secondly, on the cosmic plane, Adam represents the l i v i n g Intelligence which f i r s t created the world and i s known as Adam Rufrani, the S p i r i t u a l Adam. The good aspect of the tree which he might not approach i s the rank of the F i r s t Emanation; I b l i s i s Adam's e v i l imagination and his ambition to a t t a i n equality with the F i r s t Emanation. 5. Unchare kot bahu vechana verse 1. 6. Adam aad n i r i n j a n verse 25. 7. E j i hetesu milo mara munivaro verses 4 & 8 respectively. 8. Adam aad n i r i n j a n , verses: 2, 10, 11, 12 & 22. 9. i b i d , verse 24. 10. Kesfrri shiha savrup. 11. Sloka Nano verse 15. 12. Unch t h i aayo. 13. Translation adopted from H.E. Nathoo Ilm, 1, No.2 (Oct.1975) p.21. 62. Firmans discussed below pertain to the modern period of I s m a i l i history. Period preceding 1957: Imam Sultan Muhammed Shah. Post Imam Shah Karim Al-Husseini. 63 Part I I Ritu a l Chapter 3 Ar t i c u l a t i o n Of Enclosed Space In The Jama c a t Khana Introduction In chapter 1, we noted that the relationship between material and s p i r i t u a l i s s p a t i a l l y demarcated i n terms of home (family and kin) and Jamatat Khana (community) respectively. Movement from the material to the s p i r i t u a l e n t a i l s a change of condition from a state of a c t i v i t y and m u l t i p l i c i t y to that of repose and unity. Metaphorically t h i s movement i s charted i n terms of a 'journey' which, as we saw i n the l a s t chapter, i s common i n mystical l i t e r a t u r e . Also, i n chapter 2, we gave a brief exposition of material and s p i r i t u a l i n various contexts: speculative thought, narrative content, metaphors and symbols (as expressed i n the ginans and the firmans), and personal experiences of Ism a i l i s . This chapter attempts to do two things. F i r s t , using the metaphor of a journey, i t charts the preliminary stages involved i n going to Jama'at Khana, highlighting the point that such a journey e n t a i l s a transference from an exterior s p a t i a l form (home and the outside world) to an i n t e r i o r space, namely the Jama at Khana. The second part of the chapter shows that the contexts of expression of material and s p i r i t u a l (as expounded i n chapter 2) reach a state of 'architectonic integration'* through the a r t i c u l a t i o n of the enclosed space i n the Jama'at Khana. This chapter w i l l i l l u s t r a t e the point that the complementarity between material and s p i r i t u a l achieved through mediation of contraries i n fact f a c i l i t a t e s the inward s p a t i a l movement, ultimately expressed i n the symbol of the heart. 64-The Preliminary Stages Going to Jama^at Khana i s effected i n stages. The very f i r s t step comprises niya (intention) which symbolizes the temporary abandonment of the material world of a c t i v i t y and m u l t i p l i c i t y . This notion i s expressed i n a number of contexts which are examined below. ( i ) Ablution. Before the participants leave for Jama < a t Khana, the 1 ceremony' of ablution i s performed by cleansing of the whole body, or face and hands. While t h i s act e n t a i l s physical action, i t conveys a cognitive message to the effect that going to Jama*at Khana w i l l lead to the cleansing of the soul. The purpose of p u r i f i c a t i o n at t h i s l e v e l i s to gain r e a l i z a t i o n of the non-temporal moment i n which creation took place. This form of understanding leads to a movement from the outward (zahir) to the inward (batin) which forms the core of the I s m a i l i doctrine, and d i r e c t l y relates to the journey of man from the material back to the s p i r i t u a l . This idea i s expounded i n the r i t u a l context where body imagery (especially hands and face) receives symbolic emphasis. The Qur^anic reference to ablution (s.iv:43; s.v:7) also highlights the importance of hands and face. 65 ( i i ) A t t i r e . One of the marked features of going to Jama^at Khana i s 'dressing up' which e n t a i l s the wearing of clean and best a t t i r e . Many Ism a i l i s have two types of clothes: work clothes and Jama^at Khana clothes. This d i s t i n c t i o n i s e s p e c i a l l y highlighted i n the case of women, some of whom change from a western mode to that of an o r i e n t a l dress known as the s a r i . The change i n \u00E2\u0080\u00A2B a t t i r e i s a r e f l e c t i o n of a s i g n i f i c a n t and subtle s h i f t i n c e r t a i n values. Modern western dress i s a r e f l e c t i o n of public (material) a c t i v i t y , greater s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , mobility and ' e f f i c i e n c y ' . These q u a l i t i e s are i m p l i c i t i n the d i r e c t i v e given by the 48th Imam, Sultan Muhammed Shah to I s m a i l i women in the f i r s t half of the twentieth century. The Imam urged I s m a i l i women to adopt western ' c o l o n i a l ' dress as i t would enable them to play an act i v e r o l e in public l i f e . By contrast, the wearing of a s a r i , which covers the body from head or shoulders to feet, s i g n i f i e s the q u a l i t i e s of grace/beauty, gentleness, and repose. Many women have informed me that once they put on a s a r i , they cannot do much physical work as i t r e s t r i c t s m o b i l i t y . While a s a r i s i g n i f i e s q u a l i t i e s which have a f f i n i t i e s with s p i r i t u a l l i f e , those who do not wear s a r i s do not necessarily lack these q u a l i t i e s . Many women wear western evening dresses to Jama tat Khana with as much grace, gentleness and repose as a s a r i bestows. A t h i r d type of a t t i r e worn i n Jama *at Khana consists of a long dress covering the body from shoulders to feet, and a large piece of stit c h e d c l o t h which i s placed on the head. This a t t i r e i s exc l u s i v e l y worn by e l d e r l y women and i s being gradually replaced by the other two forms. The three types of a t t i r e worn i n Jama ^ at Khana r e f l e c t the following trends: 66 (a) the adaptation of I s m a i l i women to their new environment; (b) the l i f e cycle of Is m a i l i women; (c) the paradox of material and s p i r i t u a l l i f e . The western dress donned i n Jama (at Khana i s chosen with certain pr i n c i p l e s which continue to r e f l e c t some of the t r a d i t i o n a l values. Among Is m a i l i s , black i s a colour symbolizing the absence of s p i r i t u a l l i f e which i s connoted by white and l i g h t . In spite of the a v a i l a b i l i t y of a large number of black evening dresses i n the west, t h i s colour, i n i t s undiluted form, i s worn sparingly. The only exception i s the a t t i r e of men; s i g n i f i c a n t l y i t i s women's dress which i s symbolically meaningful, as t r a d i t i o n a l l y women are considered to be the repositories of s p i r i t u a l l i f e . Low necks, or short length s k i r t s are not worn i n Jama*at Khana, i n keeping with the t r a d i t i o n that women, who are expected to nourish the q u a l i t i e s of modesty, virtue and chastity, should expose as l i t t l e of t h e i r bodies as possible. Also, trousers and one-piece evening wear common i n North America do not form part of 'Jama*at Khana clothes'. Mehrunisha explained: We do not wear such clothes to Jama^at Khana because they are not appropriate. After a l l we are i n the presence of the Imam who i s our s p i r i t u a l father and mother. The general idea governing the choice of the a t t i r e i s to 'cover the body' which i s part of material l i f e . I t i s int e r e s t i n g to note that the s a r i has been given a 'modern' look. Some I s m a i l i women run a number of s a r i stores and continually update thei r stock by bringing i n the l a t e s t colours and designs, from India, Pakistan and Hongkong. In t h i s respect, wearing of a s a r i accommodates modern trends i n dressing while a western dress continues to r e f l e c t t r a d i t i o n a l elements as 67 they were expressed i n a t t i r e . By means of th e i r clothing, women have made an attempt to indicate how traditionalism can incorporate modern elements. The wearing of t r a d i t i o n a l dress by elderly women images a phase of Isma i l i l i f e that w i l l soon belong to a by-gone era. The dress of elderly women indicates that they l i v e i n a world which i s separate and apart from other women (adults and young). The l i f e cycle of Is m a i l i women can be understood i n three phases: youth, adult, and old age. Youth represents s o c i a l i z a t i o n into an adult r o l e , and during t h i s phase a greater amount of f l e x i b i l i t y i s exercised i n the absence of a defined r o l e . The a t t i r e worn by females at t h i s stage i s western/modern. During the stage of adulthood s o c i a l l y marked by marriage, sa r i s may be worn more frequently though many females alternate these with a western mode of dressing. The change of status i s s i g n i f i c a n t as adult females assume the roles of wives and mothers. Elderly status among females (and also males) marks a development whereby i d e a l l y greater and more concentrated attention i s given to s p i r i t u a l l i f e . Elderly women are often found praying during the day, and attempt to attend Jama tat Khana more regularly as they are expected to be less committed to material l i f e . The above points are i l l u s t r a t e d i n diagram 4: 6 8 Diagram h L i f e Cycle Of An I s m a i l i Woman As Depicted In The A t t i r e . Stage Role A t t i r e Youth f l e x i b l e western/modern Adult wife & western/traditional mother Elderly cognitive t r a d i t i o n a l image of s p i r i t u a l l i f e Before we proceed, there i s a further point to dress which i s relevant to our discussion: the paradox and d i f f i c u l t y of abandoning material l i f e before leaving for Jama t a t Khana. The a t t i r e worn by men and women i s a re f l e c t i o n of t h e i r material wealth. A l l men wear two piece or three piece s u i t s i n Jama*at Khana, while women (apart from the expense incurred i n buying clothes) put on golden jewelry or jewelry i n fashion. Elderly men and women gave me to understand that i t has been the expressed wish of the Imam that the a t t i r e worn i n Jama*at Khana should be simple and clean: s i m p l i c i t y and purity are attributes of the s p i r i t u a l . Although clean clothes are worn i n Jama*at Khana, (Ismailis place a high premium on cleanliness, personal and otherwise), they cannot be c l a s s i f i e d as simple. Expensive a t t i r e worn i n Jama^at Khana points to the ambiguity man experiences: man's attempt to move closer to the s p i r i t u a l i s hampered by the fact that he cannot t o t a l l y abandon the material. 69 ( i i i ) Food Another context regarding the preliminary stages i n the 'journey' to Jama'at Khana relates to food. In their o r i g i n a l homeland, Ismailis consumed two main meals (lunch and dinner), which by and large were taken well before Jama*at Khana time and soon a f t e r . Here i n Vancouver, the main and perhaps the only hot meal i s taken commonly around 6 p.m. As prayers commence around 7.30. p.m., most participants attend Jama^at Khana with ' f u l l stomachs'. Also, on days when fasting i s observed, the fast i s broken at 6 p.m. - a recent innovation. In the past, fasts were only broken after the participants returned home from Jama'at Khana. Going to Jamara*t khana immediately after a meal i l l u s t r a t e s a change governed by s i t u a t i o n a l factors but, i n the context of our analysis, t h i s change translates into yet another form of material l i f e which i s not momentarily abandoned before the performance of prayers and r i t u a l s . This i s spec i a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t because food i s generally a n t i t h e t i c a l to the nourishment of s p i r i t u a l l i f e , as i s well i l l u s t r a t e d i n the l i f e of the s u f i s (mystics). Consider the following verses from So-kTriya (one hundred ceremonies: 14-17). Aahar ghano k a r i pe\u00C2\u00A3 na bhariye jo pet bharsho to bhari ^haso Ava\u00C2\u00A7he nindra ne bahu pastaso Halve pete v i r a hoshj thase. 70 Translation: Never over-eat, o v e r - f i l l i n g your stomachs If your stomachs are too f u l l , you w i l l become lazy You may therefore become sleepy, and for t h i s you w i l l have to repent Through abstinence and moderation you w i l l become active, (adopted from W. Ivanow ed. 1948:116). (i v ) The Family T r a d i t i o n a l l y , going to Jama^at Khana was a family a f f a i r . Every member of the family contributed i n creating a cognitive image of how man can l i v e i n a material world and at the same time c u l t i v a t e s p i r i t u a l a t t r i b u t e s . This i s revealed i n the age and gender d i v i s i o n . While men became acti v e l y and intensely involved i n the material world (the public sphere), women stayed at home and attempted to act as mediators between the material and the s p i r i t u a l . Beyond the gender roles, the elders imaged s p i r i t u a l q u a l i t i e s . This model can be i l l u s t r a t e d as follows: 72 Diagram 5 Cognitive Model Of Is m a i l i World-view As Represented By The Family. Material World 72 One of the ways i n which Ism a i l i informants described the way of l i f e i n their new homeland i s i n terms of autonomy and pressure of time. A male respondent explained: There i s no force here: people do what they l i k e . In East A f r i c a , our children would say 'yes' i f we said so and 'no' i f we said so. Here everybody has a choice. The pri n c i p l e of autonomy has affected the pattern of attendance i n Jama'at Khana i n two ways. F i r s t , i t i s no longer assumed that going to Jama tat Khana i s necessarily a family a c t i v i t y . Several times, I learnt from my informants that not a l l the members of the family went to Jama cat Khana on every single occasion. One male informant explained: My wife would l i k e to go to 'khane' three hundred and s i x t y f i v e days. I cannot do that; a f t e r a hard days work, I would l i k e to stay home sometimes and 'relax'. Interestingly, the reason for a wife being able to go to Jama'-at Khana on her own was that she had her own car - a concrete expression of 'independence' and mobility which females seem to be experiencing i n thei r new homeland. Likewise, young adults (fourteen years and over), as one mother expressed i t , 'refused' to go to Jama'at Khana on certain days. The reasons ci t e d were: (a) There was too much homework, (b) They had sports practice, (c) There was a program on T.V. which they did not want to miss, (d) They were going out with friends. Although some of the reasons appear to be pragmatic, a change i n attitude i s noticeable. For some of the Ism a i l i s , Jama'at Khana i s only associated with Fridays and ceremonial occasions. Secondly, at the other end of the spectrum, there are a number of occasions (for some famili e s , t h i s would be on a daily basis), when a l l members of the family attend Jama*\"at Khana together. One mother related: 73 Jama tat Khana i s keeping us together as a family. The largest number of occasions which I count when we are a l l together (I have two daughters and one son) i s when we go to 'khane'. In the new context, the emerging cognitive model seems to indicate that every i n d i v i d u a l i n the family (youth, men, women, and elders) should i n d i v i d u a l l y assume the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of becoming immersed i n material world and at the same time develop a vi s i o n of the eternal homeland. Informants explained that because of pressure of time, i t i s just not possible for a l l the members of the family or individuals to attend Jama cat Khana d a i l y . The clash of temporalities, experienced by the fact that during Jama*at Khana time there are other a c t i v i t i e s which are considered to be equally important, i s also associated with the d i f f e r i n g interests of the elders, men, women, and youth. The conceptual t r a d i t i o n a l understanding of the association of family with s p i r i t u a l world i s p a r t i a l l y altered to accommodate i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c trends from the host society. The family versus the indiv i d u a l as reflected i n Jama*at khana attendance i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n tables I and I I . Table I shows that there are times when indiv i d u a l members of the family out of their own w i l l and intention (niya) attend Jam~a*at Khana i n spite of the fact that other members of the family decide to stay home. Table I I i l l u s t r a t e s that there are other occasions when a l l the members of the family attend Jama'at Khana together. 74 Table I Jama lat Khana Attendance - Individuals, (number of occasions when i n d i v i d u a l s attended Jama'at khana over a period of seven days). No. of respondents = 60 (10 i n each gr.) Youth Adults Elders (20) (20) (20) M F M F M F No. of days 7 0 1 3 6 5 7 5-7 4 6 5 3 3 3 3-4 2 2 2 1 2 0 1-2 4 1 0 0 0 0 Table II Jama '\"at Khana Attendance - Families (number of occasions when f a m i l i e s attended Jama'at Khana over a period of seven days) No. of Respondent Families =40 Canada East A f r i c a . No. of days 7 12 24 5-7 15 14 3-4 04 02 1-2 09 0 Note: Data f or the above tables was c o l l e c t e d during fieldwork. 75 (v) The 'Journey' Begins The l a s t step i n the preliminary stages involved i n going to Jama'at Khana relates to the idea of 'treading a path'. In East A f r i c a , a sizable number of participants used to walk to Jama'at Khana. An elderly male related the following anecdote : Once there was a blind man who went up to the Imam and requested that he should be freed from the obligation to attend Jama*at Khana owing to his condition. The Imam explained that i t was necessary for him (as well as for others) to go to Jama*at Khana d a i l y . The Imam recommended that the man should t i e a rope from his house to Jama'at Khana and by holding t h i s rope, he should tread the path which w i l l lead to salvation. When we go to Jama*at Khana, every step which we take brings i n 'Divine Graces'. Currently, most of the Ismailis go to Jama*at Khana i n the i r cars which are material possessions, and also symbols of prestige and status. There i s a direct correlation between the type of car used and the economic status of the family. Nevertheless the symbolic meaning of 'treading a path' i s s t i l l maintained as one of the informants explained: I f you go to Jama^at Khana with the r i g h t s p i r i t , you acquire the benefits the moment you s i t i n the car. When Jama*at Khana i s reached, and as the participants step out of th e i r cars, they symbolically abandon material possessions to enter a different mode of r e a l i t y . This i s reflected i n the image of young I s m a i l i volunteers who are on duty i n the compound, regardless of the weather. 76 One of the cherished t r a d i t i o n s of the Ismailis i s that of service. Many voluntary workers occupy numerous positions i n I s m a i l i i n s t i t u t i o n s performing different kinds of services which are e s s e n t i a l l y offered to the Imam and the Jama/at. The volunteers i n the Jama^at Khana a s s i s t i n organizing the r i t u a l performances and worship. The young volunteers i n the compound organize the parking of cars, carry the food offerings brought by participants, and on rainy days carry umbrellas for members of the Jama c a t . The volunteers wear uniforms which include t i e s , representing t r a d i t i o n a l red and green colours. Red stands for a c t i v i t y and s a c r i f i c e , while green represents peace and repose. For instance among mystics there e x i s t s a correlation between the colour of the garment worn and the mystical stage attained. Thus we learn that 'he who wears green has always been an epithet for those who l i v e on the highest possible s p i r i t u a l l e v e l ' (Schimmel 1975:102). The combination of the I s m a i l i t r a d i t i o n a l colours of red and green i s s i g n i f i c a n t as i t represents a bringing together of s p i r i t u a l and material l i f e . The symbolic colours and the a c t i v i t y of the volunteers provide an image of the t r a n s i t i o n from material to s p i r i t u a l l i f e as the participants enter the premises of Jama*at Khana. One of the recent developments within the community i s the increasing involvement of young adults i n voluntary work. While on the one hand they are replacing the positions formerly held by elders, these young adults help to create an image of v i t a l i t y and rejuvenation of t r a d i t i o n a l values i n the modern context. This i s because the younger and upcoming generation are assuming many western Canadian l i f e - s t y l e s . They are the ones who by acquiring education i n the new land, and thereby getting involved i n fresh sectors of occupations, seem to be 77 becoming more 'Canadianized' than any other group within the community. I have often heard parents humourously commenting that: My daughter/son i s becoming a 'Canadian 1. However, i t should be noted that the younger members represent a way of l i f e which i s oriented towards technical sciences with i t s emphasis on discursive reason. This kind of reasoning i s i n opposition to the 'imagist thought' represented by the elders. This brings to an end a description of the preliminary stages leading to Jama^at Khana. In essence, going to Jama'at Khana e n t a i l s , formally, a turning away from created things, i l l u s t r a t e d i n the contexts of ablution, food, a t t i r e , family and the metaphor of the journey. Our analysis indicates that the 'journey' to Jama'\"at Khana i s far from simple, given i t s cognitive content. The strands which we have isolated above are a resu l t of two factors. F i r s t , recognition i s given to the fact that while man i s i n the material world, the l a t t e r w i l l continue to present obstacles i n man's ascent to h i s 'eternal homeland'. This idea i s symbolized i n the image of a duck which i s a creature of both land and water. Like the duck, man i s half bound to earth and half l i v i n g i n the ocean of God. Secondly, forces operative i n the new environment both accentuate as well as mitigate the above problem, as can be explained through the example of a wife who enjoys mobility to attend Jama*at Khana, while the husband may decide to stay at home and watch T.V. Both the element of mobility and the range of programs available on T.V. are products of the new environment. The symbolic journey undertaken by the participants i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n the following diagram. 78 Diagram 6 Journey to Jama *at Khana Jama*at Khana Volunteers Elders ^ Young Family One Unit Individualism Food Light ^ Heavy A t t i r e Clean / j * Expensive Ablution Inward l . Empty Space 3 Female \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 Section Threshold Key: 1. Entrances. 2. Mukhjs Pat. 3. Mukhyani fs Pa\. 4. Central Picture of the Imam. 5. Symmetrical Pictures of the Imam. m Carpeted area where the participants walk. - - * Movement of the participant towards the pat. 103 Diagram 11 Ceremony Of Du'a Karawai: No.2.Progressive Stages Of Movement And Repose. Repose - climactic moment of communitas achieved through eye contact. Receives Divine Grace (Barakat) Receives (symbol-Mukhi's hand) Repose - Interlocking of the hands of the Mukhi and the participant. Repose (symbolized by unison of hands). Walks-Gives (token) \" Repose (Participant poses near the pat) 104-We have already noted the verbal communication which takes place between the participant and the Mukhi\u00C2\u00BB When the participant further negates his outer s e l f by means of the words: 'I am s i n f u l from head to feet', he hears prayers from the Mukhi to the effect that his inner s e l f (heart) has been p u r i f i e d . In Kalami P i r ( a N i z a r i I s m a i l i t r e a t i s e compiled i n X l l t h century) we learn that: and the womb means ear. Just as i n the womb, the material human form comes into existence, so does the s p i r i t u a l form grow by the hearing of speech through the ears. ( t r . W. Ivanow 1935:31) Through the verbal mode, the participant takes one step which affirms humility. In return he i s assured, i n the form of prayer, that a l l the obstacles i n his way (the path) w i l l be overcome, and that he w i l l acquire a firmer anchorage i n the s p i r i t u a l world (through f a i t h ) , and w i l l ultimately achieve s p i r i t u a l enlightenment. 105 Diagram 12 Verbal Communication In The Ceremony Hearing Speaking 106 After having 'heard' the words of p u r i f i c a t i o n while eye contact i s maintained, the participant takes his place i n the congregation occupying part of the empty space. He continues to hear the ginans, the du ca (prayers), tashbi (prayers said while standing), and firmans which are recited i n the Jama cat Khana. Oral exegesis 7 indicate that the 'hearing' of these reci t a t i o n s further purify and consequently enlighten ( s p i r i t u a l l y ) the heart. In the context of the ceremony of Du(a karawi , the p u r i f i c a t i o n of the heart i s understood i n terms of gunah (sins which lead to the accumulation of impurities i n the heart). The f i r s t category of gunah occur unintentionally owing to a person's involvement and a c t i v i t y i n a world of m u l t i p l i c i t y and movement. At t h i s l e v e l , a person choses to do one thing among others and may unknowingly choose the 'wrong' course of action. An adult female informant cited the following example: My mother in-law was quite sick one day. In spite of that, I went to work. Afterwards, I f e l t very g u i l t y . I think I should have stayed at home and looked after her. I f e l t that I had made a mistake and the only thing I could do was to ask for forgiveness. Consider the following example from a male elder: We are committing several gunahs each day. For instance, I am talking to you just now. I may say something which might hurt your feelings or I may t a l k about somebody else which may be defaming. I might not have meant i t but i t just happens because we are human beings and not angels. A l l i n a l l , man i s considered to be prone to gunah owing to his nature which i s composed of two opposing categories: material and s p i r i t u a l . As man i s pushed into two di f f e r e n t directions, he i s bound to s l i p and hence remain gunegari. 107 Secondly, there are certain types of gunah which man commits int e n t i o n a l l y . These types of guriah are committed when an individual nourishes the lower part of the soul within him. The Ismailis believe that the lower part of the soul i s not only constantly present but remains active l i k e the embers which continue to glow even i f the f i r e has been put out. Both types of guriah are imaged i n terms of body symbols and aff e c t i v e states. Hands make a person take things which do not belong to him while the legs can make one tread the 'wrong' path. The eyes, ears and the mouth can make one see, hear or say things which are i l l i c t . These parts of the body can also be used i n a positive way leading to the path of siratal-mustaqim (the right path of ascent). The highest point would be regarded by the mystic as a state where he could say: I did not see anything without seeing God before i t and after i t and with i t and i n i t . (Schimmel 1975:47) Withersoever ye turn, there i s the Face of God. (s . i i : 1 0 9 ) . Mysticism forms an in t e g r a l part of I s m a i l i t r a d i t i o n and the early morning dhikr (meditation) i s directed towards achieving the state of union. There are a number of aff e c t i v e states which lead to the accumulation of Runah, namely, kam ( i l l i c i t sexual desires), krodth (anger), lobh (miserly), mohe (obsession) and maya (greed). While these states lead to the descent of the soul into the world of creation to the extent that the soul becomes clogged and veiled from i t s o r i g i n s , there are others which lead i n the opposite d i r e c t i o n . These are c l a s s i f i e d as: sat (tr u t h ) , saburi (patience), khamiya\" (tolerance) daya\" (mercy) and iman ( f a i t h ) . 108 The a f f e c t i v e states together with the forms of action, described i n terms of body imagery, have a d i r e c t r e l a t i o n to the heart which i s regarded as 'the seat of divin e presence'. Heart i s referred to as d i l : Dur me dekho dilmahe vaselj jem champli phul mahe vas' Trans l a t i o n : Do not look f a r , (the divine) resides i n the heart Just as the scent i s contained i n the flower. In t h i s verse, from the ginah E j i he^e su milo, Sayyad Imam Shah explains that the 'divine' resides i n the heart j u s t as the scent i n the flower. The image of the heart as the 'seat' of the divine presence abounds i n mystical poetry, the girians, and the firmans. The main idea which i s emphasised i s that, during the course of material pursuits, the heart becomes 'unclean' and v e i l s the presence of the divin e . In the ceremony of du ca karawi, a connection between the eye and the heart i s established, and the roshni (the divine l i g h t ) i n the heart i s expressed outwardly through the eyes. The r i t u a l , presenting a cognitive model, states that the heart i s cleansed and impurities removed. The state of purity i s achieved through unity, l i g h t being the symbol of unity. This form of purity i s a q u a l i t y of communitas. As Turner explains i t (1978:254-255): In flow and communitas, what i s sought i s unity, not the unity which represents a sum of f r a c t i o n s and i s susceptible of d i v i s i o n and subtraction, but an i n d i v i s i b l e unity, \"white,\" \"pure,\" \"primary,\" \"seamless.\" This unity i s expressed i n such symbols as the basic generative and nurturant f l u i d s semen and milk; and as running water, dawn l i g h t , and whiteness. Homogeneity i s sought, instead of heterogeneity. The members of the r e l i g i o u s community are to be regarded, at le a s t i n r i t e and symbol, as a simple u n i t , not as a sum of segments or the ultimate product of some mode of d i v i s i o n of labor. They are impregnated by unity, as i t were, and p u r i f i e d from div i s i v e n e s s and p l u r a l i t y . The impure and s i n f u l i s the sundered, the divided. The pure i s the integer, the i n d i v i s i b l e . 109 Having explained the significance of Hay-Zinda\", Kayam paya and that of Du<-a Karawi through an inward movement (imaged i n terms of the face and the eyes respectively), I now move on to an exposition of the ceremony of Nandi (food o f f e r i n g s ) . 110 Nandi Preparation of food i s e s s e n t i a l l y a material a c t i v i t y , and we learn from the biographies of the s u f i s that common features of s u f i conduct were l i t t l e food, l i t t l e sleep, and minimum t a l k . The s u f i s believed that hunger was the means to achieve s p i r i t u a l progress. While s u f i s present the example of nourishment of s p i r i t u a l l i f e , the I s m a i l i s attempt to maintain a balance between material and s p i r i t u a l l i f e . This point has received considerable emphasis i n the firmans: ... There are certain things which must be done i n a physical sense, and there are other things which must be done i n a s p i r i t u a l sense, and our f a i t h i s quite clear as to what are the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , both i n a physical and i n a s p i r i t u a l sense, on our children. There are things that you are t o l d to , do and there are things that you are not to do during your physical l i f e t i m e , and these are generally i n order to improve the physical, worldly conditions of yourselves, your children and the s p i r i t u a l children who w i l l follow you afterwards. And there are things which you are t o l d not to do because they would harm the Jama'at or you i n d i v i d u a l l y . And t h i s i s true of your s p i r i t u a l l i v e s . In the practice of your f a i t h there are things you are t o l d to do, and there are things you are told not to do and at the end of your l i v e s you must ask yourselves the question, 'Have I f u l f i l l e d during my l i f e t i m e my physical and material r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s as well as my s p i r i t u a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . (Bombay 27th Nov. 1973). The importance of active involvement i n material l i f e i s best i l l u s t r a t e d by the following story: Shah Kirmani (a mystic) did not sleep for forty years, but eventually he was overwhelmed by sleep - and he saw God. Then he exclaimed:\" '0 Lord, I was seeking thee i n nightly v i g i l s , but I have found thee i n sleep'. God answered: 0 Shah, you have found me by means of those nightly v i g i l s : i f you had not sought me there, you would not have found me here^C (Schimmel 1975:115 - emphasis mine). I l l The I s m a i l i culinary system i s geared towards catering for s o c i a l groups: family, k i n , and community. Through t h i s system, a number of q u a l i t i e s are cultivated and expressed, the foremost among which are those of generosity and sharing. The c u l t i v a t i o n of these q u a l i t i e s a s s i s t i n easing the tension of having to l i v e i n the material world and accumulate wealth and at the same time having to part with the wealth so as to reach the unitive state of s p i r i t u a l l i f e . This point i s best exemplified i n the practice of Nandi which i s food offerings taken to Jama''at Khana. Nandi i s a Sanskrit word which i s defined as: 'joy, s a t i s f a c t i o n , d e l i g h t ; prosperity and praise of a d e i t y at the commencement of a r e l i g i o u s r i t e or observance,* (The P r a c t i c a l Sanskrit-English Dictionary 1976:541). By and large, the Nandi which i s brought to Jama''at Khana i s prepared by women and i s categorized as follows: (a) Darbari (food which i s placed on the pats of Mukhi/Mukhyani). (b) Sufro i s especially prepared for ceremonial occasions and mortuary r i t e s . (c) Memani, food set aside from the meal prepared for the family. Exegetical material reveals that Nandi i s i n essence food offered to the Imam out of love and devotion. The explanation offered by an elderly man was commonly expressed by others as wel l : When we go to Jama^at Khana, we are v i s i t i n g the Imam's house. We should not go to the Imam's house empty-handed. Also, i f we offer food to the Imam then the meal which we eat at home becomes 'clean' and the intake of 'clean' foods (khorak) w i l l lead to the b i r t h of good thoughts. What we give to the Imam i s h i s rig h t as i t i s he who gives us r o j i (sustenance). I believe that i f we take Nandi we get barakat (divine grace) i n return. 112 We also learn from a Glnan that: E j i jo ghar hove va*\"st p i y a r i so nam sahebjike d i j i y e . Meaning: Whatever i s best l i k e d by you i n the house give i t to the Imam, (H. V i r a n i 1954:51). In the I s m a i l i t r a d i t i o n , i t i s through the Imam that the soul can return (ma^ad) to i t s o r i g i n s . By making food offerings to the Imam, Isma i l i s are seeking to impart a cosmic dimension to t h e i r cooking, that i s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the homogenous state of communitas and the flow experience where the s e l f (ego) becomes i r r e l e v a n t . One I s m a i l i woman who had occupied the position of Mukhyani explained: When I was preparing darbari, I f e l t that I was i n another world. I had a f u l l time job, yet I did not f e e l strained i n any way. I used to keep awake at night to cook the food and I enjoyed every minute of i t . I am grateful that I was given such an opportunity. I s h a l l always cherish those moments of sa t i s f a c t i o n of preparing food for Jama^at Khana. 113 As Nandi i s primarily cooked by women, the l a t t e r (in the i r roles as mediators between material and s p i r i t u a l l i v e s ) a s s i s t i n infusing the s p i r i t u a l q u a l i t i e s into an otherwise material a c t i v i t y . As we have already noted, once Nandi i s brought to Jama *at Khana, i t i s arranged neatly on the pats by the volunteers prior to the commencement of the f i r s t dufa. Once i t i s on the pat, i t becomes memani ( i . e . food offered to the Imam) and, as explained by ' s p e c i a l i s t s ' , i t i s infused with sacredness through the re c i t a t i o n of prayers. Informants say that Nandi adds roshni ( l i g h t ) , as without i t the pa^s would be empty. 'Roshni' i s especially noticeable and emphasised on ceremonial occasions when the pa^s are f i l l e d with food, many of which are appetizingly decorated. The ceremony of Nandi i s performed after prayers, when the congregation disperses. At t h i s time, i t i s assumed that Memani offered to the Imam i n a s p i r i t u a l sense has been completed, and that food on the pat has to be distributed. The method used i s 'bidding'. A member of the Jama^at who performs the ceremony takes each plate from the p*a^ and names a price. The highest bidder gets the dish. As Nandi includes a variety of foods ranging from savoury and sweet dishes to f r u i t s and milk, a number of participants are involved i n 'purchasing' a dish and taking i t home. Once a participant has obtained a dish, i t i s never replaced on the pat but i s kept on the f l o o r . This i s s i g n i f i c a n t as Nandi once taken from the pat no longer remains part of the context i n which i t i s infused with cosmic significance. In other words, Nandi on the pa^ contains a greater in t e n s i t y of sacredness compared with the Nandi which an individual takes home. 114 There i s yet another context where the d i f f u s i o n of sacredness i s confirmed. If we maintain that s o c i a l l i f e and r i t u a l l i f e are two d i f f e r e n t orders of r e a l i t y , then Nandi belongs to both. This i s because when Nandi i s brought to Jama'lit Khana, i t i s considered to be sacred. When i t i s taken from Jama 1at Khana by i n d i v i d u a l s , i t becomes part of t h e i r material and s o c i a l l i f e . Here, an attempt i s made to infuse the flow experience of unity into the mundane structure of everyday l i f e . Nandi i s never categorized as 'ordinary food'. I t maintains i t s sacred character, the i n t e n s i t y of which varies and can be perceived i n the form of 'movement'. The 'movement' of Nandi from the material world (most of the cooked Nandi i s prepared i n I s m a i l i homes) into the s p i r i t u a l one of Jama '\u00E2\u0080\u00A2at Khana and back i n t o the material world can be i l l u s t r a t e d as follows: Diagram 13 \"Movement\" Of Nandi S p i r i t u a l World Food imbibed with the q u a l i t y of sacredness Concentration Material World Material World (transformed food brought (Food cooked at home) from Jama v a t Khana) The r i t u a l ceremonies are framed events which e f f e c t transformation through peak u n i t i v e experiences of communitas (symbolized i n body imagery of the face and the eyes) and mediation (cosmic s i g n i f i c a n c e given to Nandi). However, i n r i t u a l s there e x i s t s a r e l a t i o n s h i p between the 'given' 115 (objective) and the p a r t i c u l a r way i n which they are rendered by the pa r t i c i p a n t s ( s u b j e c t i v e ) . In other words, the given e x i s t s as p o s s i b i l i t i e s which leaves room for i n d i v i d u a l a c t u a l i z a t i o n . Among I s m a i l i s , the given forms of r i t u a l s are c l o s e l y linked with the status of man as i t r e l a t e s to l i f e c ycle processes. These processes are symbolized i n the prayer postures as explained b r i e f l y below: Prayer Postures As They Relate To L i f e Cycle Processes. The prayer postures of 'upright p o s i t i o n ' , 'genuflection' (half p r o s t r a t i o n ) , and 'complete p r o s t r a t i o n 1 represent man i n f u l l adoration of the Divine. This idea i s expressed i n a Bektashi poem 'where the forms of prayer are connected with the name of Adam, the model of humanity': When you stand up, an a l i f i s formed, In bending behold: a dal i s made When you have prostrated, a mim takes shape: That i s , I t e l l you, to perceive man - Adam. (Schimmel 1975:153) At a second l e v e l , the prayer postures s i g n i f y the l i f e cycle of man: (a) The upright posture represents the stage of adulthood. (b) The posture of genuflection images old age. (c) Prostration represents a n n i h i l a t i o n . * ^ The anchorage of the l i f e cycle of an i n d i v i d u a l within a cosmic framework i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n diagram 14. 116 Diagram 14 Cosmic Dimension - L i f e Cycle Of An Individual S p i r i t u a l L i f e (Prostration) Man Upright P o s i t i o n Age Material L i f e A c t u a l i z a t i o n Of The R i t u a l s By The P a r t i c i p a n t s . The differences of opinion expressed i n r e l a t i o n to the way i n which r i t u a l s are activated, negotiated or eliminated converge around the categories of the youth, adults and the elders. As I s h a l l show, these differences have become accentuated owing to the twin processes of migration and the impact of 'modernization'. The following table i l l u s t r a t e s the differences pertinent to each group i n so f a r as i t re l a t e s to the informants whom I interviewed and conversed with. 117 Table H I Background Information On Respondents Number = 30 Elders Adults Youth Age: (80-55) (54-25) (24-16) M. F. M. F. M. F. Period of r e s i -dence i n Canada 10-15 3 1 4 5 3 2 9-5 1 2 1 \u00E2\u0080\u0094 1 2 4- 1 2 - - 1 1 Education University \u00E2\u0080\u0094 \u00E2\u0080\u0094 3 3 4 3 College - - 2 1 1 2 High School 4 1 - 1 - -Elementary 1 4 \u00E2\u0080\u0094 \u00E2\u0080\u0094 \u00E2\u0080\u0094 \u00E2\u0080\u0094 Occupation Professional _ _ 2 1 \u00E2\u0080\u0094 \u00E2\u0080\u0094 C l e r i c a l - - 1 1 - -Manual \u00E2\u0080\u0094 1 - - - -Business 1 - 2 1 - -Unemployed 1 - - - - -Retired 3 - - - - -Housewife - 4 - 2 - -Student - - - - 5 5 Income (p.a.) (per household) 50-70,000 _ _ 1 \u00E2\u0080\u0094 \u00E2\u0080\u0094 -40-50,000 1 - 2 1 - 1 30-40,000 1 1 2 2 1 1 20-30,000 1 1 - 1 2 1 10-20,000 2 3 - 1 2 2 118 Languages (spoken) English & 5 1 5 5 _ 1 Gujerati English only - \u00E2\u0080\u0094 \u00E2\u0080\u0094 \u00E2\u0080\u0094 5 4 Gujerati only - 4 - - -Religious Attendance P.W. 7 3 4 1 2 _ 1 4-6 2 1 1 2 2 1 3-5 \u00E2\u0080\u0094 2 1 1 1 2-1 \u00E2\u0080\u0094 1 \u00E2\u0080\u0094 2 2 0 _ 3 119 Below, I present the content of the interviews and conversations based on the categories of elders, adults and youth. Nasirullah, an elderly male related: Rituals bring about uncountable benefits. I f a woman comes home from work at f i v e and she decides to go to Jama fat Khana, what steps w i l l she take? She w i l l f i r s t phone her husband and w i l l t e l l him to come home early. After that, she w i l l quickly prepare a meal, bathe the children and keep them 'ready'. A l l these actions are counted as being s p i r i t u a l . Sometimes satan comes i n the way; while preparations are made for Jama Sit Khana, a friend may phone and say that she i s coming over. This would be a t e s t . I f the woman i s firm i n her f a i t h , she w i l l t e l l her to come some other time. I f such an incident occurs and the temptation i s overcome, then double benefits are incurred. The f i r s t obstacle i s over and we s i t i n the car and leave f o r Jama'at Khana. The t r a v e l l i n g we do at t h i s time i s 'counted' as part of bhgndgi (prayer). When I go for the ceremony of du ca karawi, I pray for everybody when I am walking towards the pa\"^. I am sure, I benefit when others pray. A l l the ceremonies which we perform purify our minds and hearts. They enable us to acquire haqiqati sama\"1 ( s p i r i t u a l understanding) and barakat (divine grace). S h i r i n an elderly female informant explained: Going to Jama fat Khana i s a matter of d i l (heart). Some people understand, others do not. Undoubtedly, we a l l benefit from the prayers of the Jama'at but i t i s a matter of degree. Some people get more sawab (benefits), others l e s s . We are human beings. We are gunegari, we make mistakes a l l the time. Sometimes you hurt other people's feelings, other times you may have taken something which i s not yours. So when we go to Jama'at Khana and perform a l l the ceremonies, we are eliminating maSil ('dirt') from inside our d i l . Every ceremony which we perform has a purifying effect provided we have f a i t h (iman). Iman can move mountains. We do not have to understand everything we do. I f we have iman and love and devotion for the Imam, that i s s u f f i c i e n t . Iman i s something that cannot be acquired overnight. I t i s a gradual process. Take the example of my grandson who i s only sixteen. When his mother asks him to accompany her to Jama at Khana, he r e s i s t s . I said that i s not the way to do i t . You have to inculcate t h i s habit into him and t h i s i s a long process and requires not only time but patience and perseverance. I think that i f he i s t o l d everyday that going to Jama fat Khana i s important, 120 then one day he w i l l attend and once he tastes the 'nectar', he himself w i l l drag his mother to Jama Sit Khana . Jama Maximum Interaction Minimum Interaction 275 In his comparison of the East and the West (more s p e c i f i c a l l y , the Japanese and the Americans), Hall draws upon the images of the heart and the mind contending that these are two different modes through which learning i s acquired (1983:85-99). In the East greater emphasis i s placed on the 'heart' which stands for self-knowledge and enlightenment. In the West, the focus i s on the mind, s p e c i f i c a l l y 'the l e f t hemisphere of the cortex, which i s the portion of the brain that i s concerned with words and numbers' (ibid:90). This framework produces two diff e r e n t forms of time: i n the East, time springs from the s e l f and i s not imposed while i n the West time i s an outside force which dictates a form of l i f e which i s l o g i c a l , bounded, and l i n e a r . Among Ismailis, the process of modernization seems to have taken place through a s h i f t from the 'heart' to the 'mind'. The elders, as they have experienced l i f e , represent a form of learning that i s akin to the heart. In th e i r conversations, the elders use symbols, images and anecdotes a l l of which represent a way of acquiring self-knowledge. The youth, requiring 'explanations', l o g i c a l , and bounded forms of thinking, represent the Western form of learning geared towards the mind. A s i g n i f i c a n t development which needs to be emphasised i s that the elders, the adults and the youth appear to be l i v i n g i n separate compartments which decisively lead to diff e r e n t forms of sp a t i a l and temporal experiences. These experiences, which are by and large confined, can be i d e n t i f i e d as follows: 276 Group The Elders The Adults The Youth Context Neighbourhood Work Peer Group Experience Confinement Confinement Paradoxical 1 Note: * The youth experience a f e e l i n g of 'freedom' within the peer in-group but as t h i s experience i s not shared with the other groups (family, community or the larger s o c i e t y ) , i t remains confined. Conclusion In t h i s chapter, we have established that the process of compartmentalization e n t a i l i n g t r a d i t i o n and change has an i n t e r n a l component. Presently, i n the changing mil i e u of the I s m a i l i s , the elders do not occupy an important status within the family or the community. Adults o s c i l l a t e between the two areas of material l i f e and s p i r i t u a l l i f e . We have seen t h i s epitomized i n r e c r e a t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s and J a m a K h a n a r e s p e c t i v e l y . While we can assume (on the evidence established i n part I I ) , that the p a r t i c i p a n t s attending Jama cat Khana are exposed i n varying degrees, to the cognitive model revealing the 'manifestation of the s p i r i t u a l elements', the same assumption cannot be extended to the d a i l y l i f e . T r a d i t i o n a l l y , the a c t i v i t i e s of d a i l y l i f e complemented the ' s p i r i t u a l ' act of going to Jama^t Khana. However, presently, Jama ''at Khana and r e c r e a t i o n a l pursuits are counterpoised. Recreational pursuits are 'legitimate' a c t i v i t i e s (excluding the area of prohibitions l i k e drinking and smoking) and could have been accommodated within the cognitive model except f o r the following: (a) Recreation a c t i v i t i e s take the place of and do not complement the act of going to Jama ^ ar. Khana. 277 (b) The a c t i v i t i e s pursued by elders, adults and the young are divergent to the extent that i n some cases they are exclusive. This i s t e l l i n g l y revealed by the fact that there are 'special' recreation programmes organized s p e c i f i c a l l y for senior c i t i z e n s by communal i n s t i t u t i o n s . As to the 'youth sub-culture', the adults have expressed incomprehension of the 'hero-worship' of such figures as Michael Jackson, and the a t t r a c t i o n towards the pop music. A l l i n a l l , these developments do not promote interaction between elders, adults, and the young. Lack of such an interaction has given r i s e to d i f f e r i n g perspectives held by elders, adults and youth. The elders are the bearers of symbolic thought expressed tangibly i n the form of images and anecdotes as well as intangibly i n terms of 'presence', attested by the fact that on many occasions i t was the presence of the elders which made a difference i n containing potential c o n f l i c t s . More importantly, the advice given by the elders came to f r u i t i o n over a r e l a t i v e l y long period of time. The adults make important decisions regarding the upbringing of children with l i t t l e reference to the symbolic thought personified by the elders, with limited perception of l i f e i n Canada, especially the 'world' of t h e i r children.. The youth, on the other hand, continually alternate between two forms of l i f e s t y l e : home/Jamatat Khana. and that encountered at school/work and within the peer group. The implications of the processes of compartmentalization between home and the larger society, and within the family are discussed i n the concluding chapter of t h i s study. 278 Footnotes: 1. For the l i f e - h i s t o r y method i n Anthropology refer to: Langness L.I. & Frank G, Lives: An Anthropological Approach To Biography, (1981). 2. The three categories of elders, adults and youth have been defined i n terms of roles. Elders constitute that group of Ismailis who spend minimum time i n work s i t u a t i o n . By contrast, the adults apart from working at home or outside, constitute a group that assumes parental r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . The youth are young adults who l i v e i n the same household as t h e i r parents and are at school or have recently started work. 3. Part of the material i n t h i s chapter was presented at a symposium on Ethics And Aging, 'Ethical Implications Of Growing Old Among Ismailis In Vancouver,' (University of B r i t i s h Columbia, Aug.1984,); the material i s considered for publication i n an anthology edited by E a r l Winkler. 4. Kassam S. The Old Lady, Newsletter: The Ismailia E d i t o r i a l Board for B r i t i s h Columbia, vol.3, (May 1984). 5. Louis Dumont, 'A Modified View Of Our Origins: The Christian Beginnings Of Modern Individualism,' Religion: Journal Of Religion And Religions, vol.12, (1982), pp.1-27; 'The Functional Equivalents Of The Individual In Caste Society,' Contributions To Indian Sociology, Vol. VI I I , (1965) pp.85-99. 6. American Anthropologist vol.57, (1955). 7. There are about 200 Ismailis residing i n Scandinavia. 8. The speeches of the Aga Khan regarding the I s m a i l i Centre i n London and the Burnaby Jama cat Khana have been published i n Hikmat, Vol.11, No.2, (1983) pp.18-21. 9. Ismailis who have v i s i t e d East A f r i c a i n the l a s t f i v e years have commented that the l i f e - s t y l e i s changing and the work si t u a t i o n i s now t i g h t l y scheduled. My account of the East African l i f e relates to the way i n which my informants experienced i t as they grew up and were nurtured into adulthood while they were l i v i n g i n East A f r i c a . 279 Chapter 9 Conclusion In t h i s f i n a l chapter, I s h a l l f i r s t review b r i e f l y the ground covered i n t h i s study. Following t h i s , I discuss the emergent patterns of the I s m a i l i world i n t h e i r new environment i n r e l a t i o n to external as well as i n t e r n a l forms of compartmentalization. L a s t l y , I examine the implications of the accu l t u r a t i v e experiences of the Is m a i l i s i n r e l a t i o n to te c h n i c a l time and core culture time. The intent of t h i s t h e s i s was to produce an understanding of the I s m a i l i t r a d i t i o n a l world and i d e n t i f y the dynamics of transformation of t h i s t r a d i t i o n i n a secular Western environment. The introductory chapter defined the concepts of material and s p i r i t u a l which inform the I s m a i l i t r a d i t i o n , discussing the framework i n which they are a r t i c u l a t e d , namely time and space. Using l i t e r a r y materials and ethnographic data, part I examines the basic constructs of material and s p i r i t u a l i n d i f f e r e n t contexts: speculative thought, a f f e c t i v e content and l i v e s of i n d i v i d u a l I s m a i l i s . Part II proceeds to discuss the r i t u a l t r a d i t i o n where the material and the s p i r i t u a l are invoked showing that these constructs image a cognitive model of an inward s p a t i a l movement in t o the 'heart' symbolizing a state of repose and unity. In part I I I , an examination of the culinary practice and l i f e cycles of in d i v i d u a l s reveal that i n t h e i r everyday l i v e s , I s m a i l i s experience space and time through an outward movement of m u l t i p l i c i t y and a c t i v i t y , engendering a network of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Here, I continue to discuss the experiences of the Is m a i l i s i n t h e i r new environment showing that i n f a c t the 280 p a r t i c i p a t i o n of elders, men, women, and youth i n the Western m i l i e u has led to the emergence of two forms of compartmentalizations: the external (larger society) and the i n t e r n a l (the f a m i l y ) . Below, I discuss these compartmentalizations i n r e l a t i o n to time and space. Time as a core system of a l l cultures can serve two counter functions: i t can create enduring r e l a t i o n s h i p s through ' i n v i s i b l e threads of rhythm' (H a l l 1982:3) or i t can create hidden walls which prevent s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n . H a l l ' s comparative approach to the study of time (1961, 1977, 1982) shows that i n the Western secular states there are two forms of time, the separation of which has created considerable amount of tension: technical time and core culture time. H a l l contends that core culture time i s the foundation on which interpersonal r e l a t i o n s r e s t . Core culture time allows one to experience l i f e i n a more integrated and h o l i s t i c manner. By contrast, technical time fragments, defines, requires c o n t r o l , i s l i n e a r and language-bound. The a c c u l t u r a t i v e experiences of the Is m a i l i s i n the Western Canadian environment i s by and large informed by the tec h n i c a l time of the West. We have observed that I s m a i l i women have attempted to combine the two ro l e s of nurturing and occupation through re-organization of t h e i r domestic l i f e . In cooking, many women have resorted to using the method of semi-preparation whereby part of the food i s prepared the previous night or early i n the morning and the res t completed i n the evening, amounting to a chopping of the time. Women also make extensive use of modern kitchen gadgets (blenders, food processors, 'kitchen magic') and have adopted Euro-Canadian foods based on the c r i t e r i a of 'fast and easy'. Considering that women bear the dual burden of working i n the home as well as outside, these adoptions appear to be p r a c t i c a l . Nevertheless, the point which I would l i k e to emphasise i s that i n 281 f a c t the modern organization of time and space i n I s m a i l i households amounts to a d e f i n i t e s h i f t from the t r a d i t i o n a l core culture time to the modern te c h n i c a l time. T r a d i t i o n a l l y , when I s m a i l i women spent four to f i v e hours i n the kitchen or at home, i t was a time of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . While cooking, women would i n t e r a c t with the chi l d r e n , other women i n the house (including e l d e r s ) , the neighbours, and v i s i t o r s who would drop by informally. The way i n which I s m a i l i women spent time at home led to the creation of 'open space'. Work s i t u a t i o n s where I s m a i l i women spend seven to nine hours a day are governed by technical time. Lunch breaks and coffee breaks are scheduled quite r i g i d l y , and s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s (which form the core of the material l i f e of the Is m a i l i s ) are confined to the work place, leading to a sharp demarcation between private (home) l i f e and the public (work) l i f e . S p a t i a l l y and temporally, I s m a i l i women have condensed t h e i r domestic l i f e and t h e i r nurturing r o l e to accommodate the working l i f e of the labour market. In the l a t t e r , t h e i r experiences are that of confinement which i s the hallmark of technical time. The emergence of the i n t e r n a l compartmentalization within I s m a i l i households i s a function of the separation of core culture ( r i t u a l ) time and technical time. In our discussion of the l i f e h i s t o r i e s , we observed that within the framework of the cognitive model of material and s p i r i t u a l , the elders image q u a l i t i e s of s p i r i t u a l l i f e . In actual f a c t , the elders image core culture time. We noted that the contributions of the elders are intangi b l e : i t i s t h e i r presence which make a difference i n the creation of open space ( c u l t i v a t i o n of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s ) , t h e i r perception of l i f e i s expressed through symbols, images, anecdotes (as opposed to l o g i c a l sequences which explain things), and t h e i r perceptions of the present are linked with an 282 expectant future, requiring the c u l t i v a t i o n of patience and perseverance. An e l d e r l y woman explained: These days people want to reap the benefits without work; i f you do not grind the wheat, how can you ever expect to eat i t . The p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the adults i n the larger Canadian society i s governed by t e c h n i c a l time. Apart from the work s i t u a t i o n , the most intense exposure to l i f e i n Canada i s acquired through mass media. By and large, mass media (Newspapers and T.V.) promote and make v i s i b l e forms of l i f e that are governed by t e c h n i c a l time. In f a c t , the mass media have done very l i t t l e to depict the other side of family l i f e i n Canada where core c u l t u r a l values (norms and t r a d i t i o n s which promote s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n s ) could undoubtedly be observed. The programmes on T.V. give importance to soap operas l i k e Dallas and Dynasty which I understand are quite popular with I s m a i l i s and Canadians at large. The picture that emerges of f a m i l i e s i n Canada i s that they are constantly i n a state of c r i s i s , and the values which govern t h e i r l i f e are those of aggression, power, i n f i d e l i t y , permissiveness, and sexual promiscuity. Beyond t h i s , the women are also becoming attracted to pop psychology as promoted i n women's magazines and popular l i t e r a t u r e . I once asked a mother with a teenager how she was coping with exposure to the larger society. Her response was: 'I keep i n touch with a l l the l a t e s t books (psychology) that are published here.' Further conversation brought home to me the f a c t that i t did not even occur to the mother that there might be valuable i n s i g h t s contained i n her own t r a d i t i o n with regard to r a i s i n g c h i l d r e n . Likewise, I gathered that p o s i t i v e parenting classes (based on modern psychology) are becoming popular with I s m a i l i parents so much that the administrative structure of the co u n c i l has formed a sub-committee c a l l e d 'Positive Parenting Committee.' By and large, outside speakers who are considered to be professionals have been brought i n to address I s m a i l i 283 parents. I asked one mother how she found these cla s s e s . Her response was: 'very good, I learnt a l o t . ' When I asked what did she gain from these classes, she r e p l i e d : 'They teach you how to t a l k and to explain to your c h i l d r e n . ' Talking and explanation form strong elements of t e c h n i c a l time. The youths are exposed to both t e c h n i c a l time and l i m i t e d core culture time. The experience of t e c h n i c a l time i s acquired at school (modern education draws heavily on psychology and r i g i d scheduling of time, disregarding the c u l t u r a l f a ctors) and mass media. The exposure to core culture time takes place during i n t e r a c t i o n s with peer group when rel a t i o n s h i p s are formulated. As t h i s experience i s not shared with other members of the family ( i t i s l i m i t e d to the youth sub-culture which receives d i s t i n c t recognition i n the Western world), i t remains s p a t i a l l y confined. A l l the I s m a i l i s , regardless of gender or generational differences, p a r t i c i p a t e i n core culture time during attendance i n Jama^at Khana. Here, they enter into a d i f f e r e n t , and deeper l e v e l of existence; they are exposed to r e l i g i o u s sacra, (images, symbols, a f f e c t i v e content of r i t u a l ) and they occupy an 'empty' space which leads to the experience of 'openness'. The Is m a i l i s while they are i n the Jama Sit Khana become brothers and s i s t e r s . S o l i d a r i t y and oneheartedness are affirmed through r i t u a l performances and prayers and not through language-bound thought and explanations. Both V i c t o r Turner (1978:7-17) and Susanne Langer (1957:288-294) a f f i r m the importance of the experience of exposure to symbolic content (core culture time), which can provide 'mental anchorage' i n the modern world. Discussing pilgrimage as a liminoid phenomenon, Turner states (ibid:13-14): 284 A l l r e l i g i o u s r i t u a l s have a strong a f f e c t i v e aspect, whether t h i s be muted or displaced or given f u l l l i t u r g i c a l expression. Symbols, which o r i g i n a t e i n elevated f e e l i n g as well as cognitive i n s i g h t , become recharged i n r i t u a l contexts with emotions e l i c i t e d from the assembled congregants. .. . i n c a l c u l a b l e hopes that the r e l i g i o n ' s paradigms and symbols w i l l restore order and meaning to a sad and senseless state of personal and interpersonal a f f a i r s - and from these hopes derives the pilgrim's proverbial happiness. For the I s m a i l i s core culture time (the s p i r i t u a l ) has meaning i n r e l a t i o n to d a i l y l i f e (material l i f e ) . As stated e a r l i e r , the material only e x i s t s by affirming i t s opposite, the s p i r i t u a l . The s p i r i t u a l i s the source of l i f e for the material, yet i n i t s e l f the s p i r i t u a l i s i n f i n i t e and unfathomable. In the context of the two temporalities: transmission and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , the time of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n enters i n t o the time of t r a d i t i o n and the t r a d i t i o n i n turn i s l i v e d only i n and through the time of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . The a c c u l t u r a t i v e experience of the I s m a i l i s can be understood through two forms of time and space, both of which are separated and compartmentalized i n t h e i r new homeland. The creation of space i s a function of the way i n which time i s used. Within the larger society, the I s m a i l i s p a r t i c i p a t e and experience t e c h n i c a l time and i t s correlated l i m i t e d and confined space. In the Jama at Khana, the I s m a i l i s experience core culture time which expands and opens up space. In addition, the process of compartmentalization i s accentuated by the a t t i t u d e s of the I s m a i l i s who are accommodating i n t h e i r material l i f e i n the larger society and are exclusive regarding t h e i r s p i r i t u a l l i f e as practised within the community. The Burnaby Jama Sit Khana epitomizes these a t t i t u d e s . The a s p i r a t i o n s of I s m a i l i s were summarized by informants as follows: 'to integrate i n t o the society i n which we l i v e as well as maintain our t r a d i t i o n s ' . Overtly, the 285 Jama''at Khana meets these a s p i r a t i o n s as i t blends ' d i s c r e e t l y and harmoniously with the surrounding environment' as well as provides an 'important focus i n the s o c i a l and r e l i g i o u s l i f e of the l o c a l I s m a i l i community'. There i s no doubt that the b u i l d i n g forms part of the surrounding environment to the extent that i t i s not d i s t i n c t l y v i s i b l e to motorists d r i v i n g on Canada Way. However, the prayers and the r e l i g i o u s ceremonies which take place i n the Jama'\"at Khana are excl u s i v e l y f or the I s m a i l i s . Likewise the leased locations which serve as Jama Khanas do not have any signs i n d i c a t i n g they are places where Is m a i l i s congregate twice a day. Behaviour patterns of the I s m a i l i s i n d i c a t e that they make a conscious e f f o r t to remain s o c i a l l y 'non-visible' i n seeking i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the larger society. I s m a i l i women are never seen wearing s a r i s at work. I gathered from informants that packed lunches consist commonly of sandwiches and f r u i t . I f a t r a d i t i o n a l food item i s included, i t would be something which i s s o c i a l l y accepted l i k e samusas. One mother rel a t e d that she often puts samusas i n her daughter's lunch k i t as she can share them with her teacher (English Canadian), who happened to be fond of them. My observations 0 i n d i c a t e that I s m a i l i s are very p o l i t e to t h e i r neighbours and attempt to maintain f r i e n d l y r e l a t i o n s with people at work. However, the I s m a i l i s have maintained an e x c l u s i v i e a t t i t u d e regarding intra-community l i f e and r e l a t i o n s h i p s . The I s m a i l i s are endogamous and are s e n s i t i v e to the media and the outsiders who seek to get information about t h e i r way of l i f e . The I s m a i l i s by being accommodating i n t h e i r public (material) l i f e and exclusive i n t h e i r s p i r i t u a l l i f e have inadvertently compartmentalized t h e i r l i v e s . 286 The major f i n d i n g of the study i s that the t r a d i t i o n , which was a complex of s t r i c t complementarities, has now become compartmentalized, d i l u t i n g the force of the complementary r e l a t i o n s h i p . This appears to be a function of increased p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the \" t e c h n i c a l \" time (confining s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s ) of external public l i f e as opposed to the \"core cu l t u r e \" time (promoting s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s ) of the i n t e r n a l home l i f e of f a m i l i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y as women have entered the labour force i n the public domain. In ad d i t i o n , the process of compartmentalization i s re-enforced by the a t t i t u d e s of the I s m a i l i s as they are accommodating to the public (material) l i f e and maintain exclusiveness regarding community ( s p i r i t u a l ) l i f e . Compartmentalization seems to have weakened the force of s e c u l a r i z a t i o n which might be thought to a f f e c t a migrant r e l i g i o u s community s e t t l i n g i n a secular s t a t e . The I s m a i l i s continue to give importance to both forms of l i f e : the material and the s p i r i t u a l a l b e i t separately. In the context of core culture time, i t appears that t h i s form of time, which promotes r e l a t i o n s h i p s , remains confined within f a m i l i e s i n the larger society and within the community l i f e of the I s m a i l i s . As technical time and core culture time have affected the process of a c c u l t u r a t i o n among I s m a i l i s , I close t h i s chapter with a few remarks on time. H a l l makes the observation that time and space are categories which function i n an out-of-awareness form. Two of h i s works on time are e n t i t l e d \"The Hidden Dimension\" (1966) and \"The S i l e n t Language\" (1961). The f a c t 'that i t (time) might be experienced i n any other way seems unnatural and strange, a f e e l i n g which i s r a r e l y modified even when we begin to discover how r e a l l y d i f f e r e n t l y i t i s handled by some other people' ( H a l l 1961:19). One of the major concerns of t h i s study i s to bring into awareness the processes involved i n the experience of accu l t u r a t i o n of a minority community, l i k e the 287 I s m a i l i s . This study shows that a c c u l t u r a t i o n i n a secular Western state involves confrontation with and adaptation to technical time. We have also noted that core culture time (the well-spring of the l i f e of a l l cultures) as i t e x i s t s i n Western s o c i e t i e s has remained i n v i s i b l e as i t i s given a marginal place i n the public sphere (work, s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n s outside home and the mass media). In h i s work on \"The Tuning Of The World\" (1977), Murray Schafer, recommends the study of a world soundscape i n order to free modern man from 'the dangers of an indiscriminate and i m p e r i a l i s t i c spread of more and larger sounds in t o every corner of man's l i f e ' ( i b i d : 3 ) . Schafer shows that the problem of noise p o l l u t i o n i s a r e s u l t of the way i n which time-and-space are handled as sounds are contained i n space and time (ibid:5,118-119). Advocating the r e s t o r a t i o n of the ' i n t e g r i t y of inner space', Schafer concludes that a l l research i n t o sound must conclude with s i l e n c e . Schafer writes (ibid:256): The contemplation of absolute s i l e n c e has become negative and t e r r i f y i n g f o r Western Man. Thus when the i n f i n i t y of space was f i r s t suggested by G a l i l e o ' s telescope, the philosopher Pascal was deeply a f r a i d of the prospect of eternal s i l e n c e . \"Le s i l e n c e e t e r n e l de ces espaces i n f i n i s m'effraie.\" I t i s the recovery of empty ( i n f i n i t e ) space and s t i l l n e s s that w i l l free us from the grip of te c h n i c a l time so that we might be able to discover a world where, as Rumi states i t : \"speaking i s without l e t t e r or sounds\" (Schafer:259) or as Schafer r e c a l l s (ibid:259): I r e c a l l a lso the slow s t i l l n e s s of c e r t a i n Persian v i l l a g e s , where there i s s t i l l time to s i t or squat and think, or merely to s i t or squat; time to walk very slowly alongside a c h i l d on crutches or a b l i n d grandfather; time to await food or the passage of the sun. Although t h i s study i s focused on the a c c u l t u r a t i v e experiences of the Is m a i l i s , emphasising the I s m a i l i t r a d i t i o n a l view of space and time, i t 288 points to a need f o r research i n t o timescape and spacescape which has relevance f o r modern man who l i v e s i n a global v i l l a g e where a l l human beings r e l a t e to each other through i n v i s i b l e threads of rhythm or through hidden walls. To every thing there i s a season, and a time to every purpose under the heaven: A time to be born, and a time to die; a time to plant, and a time to pluck up that which i s planted; A time to k i l l , and a time to heal; a time to break, and a time to bu i l d up; A time to weep, and a time to laugh; a time to mourn, and a time to dance;... 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