"Arts, Faculty of"@en . "History, Department of"@en . "DSpace"@en . "UBCV"@en . "Walshe, Arran"@en . "2012-07-05T19:53:40Z"@en . "2012-03-26"@en . "On 4 January 2011, a twenty-six-year-old Tunisian street-vendor named Muhamed\nBouazizi, driven to desperation after a spate of abuse at the hands of government\nofficials, doused himself in petrol and set himself alight. While by all accounts Bouazizi\u00E2\u0080\u0099s\nself-immolation should have passed unnoticed, his act of defiance sparked a revolution\nthat led to the overthrow of Tunisia\u00E2\u0080\u0099s autocratic leader Zine El Abidine Ben Ali and\ninfluenced similar regional movements. Bouazizi was declared a martyr, not for Islam,\nalthough he was a Muslim, but, to quote his mother, \u00E2\u0080\u009Call of the Tunisian people.\u00E2\u0080\u009D1 He was\nconstructed as a secular figure, whose sacrifice transcended the parochial boundaries of\nclass, religion and nationality through his single act self-destructive defiance.\nThe framing of Bouazizi\u00E2\u0080\u0099s death as martyrdom was counter to the conventional\npopular understanding of martyrdom in the west, which, following the 9/11 attacks on\nAmerica, has been narrowly conflated with suicide bombing. The attacks led to a plethora\nof works written by academics clamoring to explain the phenomenon of the \u00E2\u0080\u0098suicide\nmartyr\u00E2\u0080\u0099 to an increasingly insecure public fearful of religious extremists bent on\nsacrificing themselves as a martyr. In the course of critiquing all of Middle Eastern\nsociety in one broad swathe, prominent Orientalist scholar Bernard Lewis ruminated that\n\u00E2\u0080\u009Cif the peoples of the Middle East continue on their present path, the suicide bomber may\nbecome a metaphor for the whole region, and there will be no escape from a downward\nspiral of hate and spite, rage and self-pity, poverty and oppression.\u00E2\u0080\u009D2 Conversely, the\nemergence of the supposed religious phenomenon of the martyr is, in Lewis\u00E2\u0080\u0099 view, indicative of the regions\u00E2\u0080\u0099 historical failure to join in the project of modernization. Taking\nBouazizi\u00E2\u0080\u0099s martyrdom as an inspiration, my broader intent with this paper is to counter\nthe view that martyrdom is solely a religious phenomenon, and to show how the martyr\nhas been constructed in particular historical situations as a secular politicized figure.\nThere is more to martyrdom than suicide bombing, and by understanding the complexity\nand variety of these representations, I hope to contribute to the scholarship that\nrecognizes the maturity and depth of contemporary Middle Eastern political and social\nculture.\nBefore I do so I would like to briefly outline what it is I mean when I use the\nwords \u00E2\u0080\u0098secular\u00E2\u0080\u0099 and \u00E2\u0080\u0098martyrdom\u00E2\u0080\u0099, two terms whose definitions in popular and academic\ndiscourse are amorphous at best. While in contemporary usage secularity has come to\nmean almost anything not of or relating to religion, this sharp distinction has little\nanalytical utility in the study of how cultural and religious concepts become codified in\nnationalist discourses. Anthropologist Talal Asad has written extensively on the\nconceptual linkages between supposed secular and religious ontologies, particularly in\nregard to the fluidity of contemporary cultural transmission and the way the modern state\nconstructs and promotes its own legitimacy. In Formations of the Secular Assad quotes\nCharles Taylor, who defined secularity as the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cattempt to find the lowest denominator\namong the doctrines of conflicting religious sects.\u00E2\u0080\u009D3 Benedict Anderson placed religious\ncommunities as the conceptual antecedents to the modern nation state in his lauded\nImagined Communities, arguing that individuals of differing cultures and languages\nwould nonetheless understand each other through the shared ideographs of their religious traditions.4 Secularity then, if we are to take Anderson and Asad\u00E2\u0080\u0099s arguments, is not\nsimply a concept\u00E2\u0080\u0099s state of \u00E2\u0080\u0098not being of\u00E2\u0080\u0099 or \u00E2\u0080\u0098not relating to\u00E2\u0080\u0099 religion but may also be a\nconcept whose constituent parts can be shared and commonly understood across\nreligions, cultures and temporal spaces.\nMartyrdom is one of Anderson\u00E2\u0080\u0099s shared ideographs in that while different\ncommunities and cultures conceptualize martyrdom in widely divergent ways, there is a\nbasic narrative structure that each can share in. While the term \u00E2\u0080\u0098martyr\u00E2\u0080\u0099 in English, and its\nArabic analogue \u00E2\u0080\u0098shahid\u00E2\u0080\u0099, are both rooted etymologically to the secular act of\n\u00E2\u0080\u0098witnessing\u00E2\u0080\u0099 in a legal context,5 it was adopted as a loanword in the Christian, Jewish and\nIslamic traditions to refer to one who had died for their faith. It was within these faiths\nthat martyrdom acquired a specific narrative and descriptive format. \u00E2\u0080\u009CIn it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s purest form,\u00E2\u0080\u009D\nwrites Samuel Z. Klausner, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmartyrdom is a voluntary, conscious, and altruistic readiness\nto suffer and offer one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s life for a cause.\u00E2\u0080\u009D6 A martyr is generally presented as a hero\nfighting for a cause, who, although foreeseing harm done to them by their opponents,\ncarries on despite the risk. Who can, and cannot be a martyr varies, as civilians, fallen\nsoldiers, politicians, and public leaders have all, at one point or another, been\nmemorialized by Middle Eastern communities as martyrs. When the son of Syrian leader\nHafez al-Assad was killed in a car accident in 1990, for example, government run news agencies referred to him as a martyr to the state.7 Mohammad Bouazizi, as mentioned\nbefore, was hailed as a martyr to the Tunisian revolution.\nThe framing of these two incredibly dissimilar figures as martyrs attests to the\nmalleability of martyrdom, and was made possible, in part, by the reconceptualization of\nmartyrdom as a secular concept that took place in the Middle East throughout the 20th\ncentury. In the broader study of the links and divergences between the secular and the\nreligious in the Middle East, we must, in the words of Talal Asad, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdiscover what people\ndo with and to ideas and practices before we can understand what is involved in the\nsecularization of theological concepts in different times and places.\"8 By examining how\nmartyrdom was conceptualized and formed in the modern Middle East, we can get a\nbroader view of the ways in which the cultures of the region mediate and augment their\ncultural practices and respond to the ever-shifting challenges they face."@en . "https://circle.library.ubc.ca/rest/handle/2429/42599?expand=metadata"@en . "\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Visual\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Representations\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Martyrdom\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanese\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Civil\t\r \u00C2\u00A0War:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Secularism,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Nationalism\t\r \u00C2\u00A0and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Religious\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Narratives,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01975-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u00901990\t\r \u00C2\u00A0by\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Arran\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Walshe\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0A\t\r \u00C2\u00A0graduating\t\r \u00C2\u00A0thesis\t\r \u00C2\u00A0submitted\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0partial\t\r \u00C2\u00A0fulfillment\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0requirements\t\r \u00C2\u00A0for\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0degree\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Bachelor\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Arts\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Honours)\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0The\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Faculty\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Arts\t\r \u00C2\u00A0History\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Department\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 We\t\r \u00C2\u00A0accept\t\r \u00C2\u00A0this\t\r \u00C2\u00A0thesis\t\r \u00C2\u00A0as\t\r \u00C2\u00A0conforming\t\r \u00C2\u00A0to\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0required\t\r \u00C2\u00A0standard.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0_________________________________________________________________________________________________\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0_________________________________________________________________________________________________\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0_________________________________________________________________________________________________\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0University\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0British\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Columbia\t\r \u00C2\u00A026\t\r \u00C2\u00A0March\t\r \u00C2\u00A02012\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 \t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Acknowledgements I would like to first and foremost thank my family for the unending support throughout my life. I owe everything to them. I would also like to thank John Roosa for his ever- gracious supervision of this work; my Honours classmates, whom I will be forever indebted to for their editing and inspirational intelligence; Kalie Stieda for her love and unending encouragement; and finally to all my friends that I have shamefully ignored while writing this thesis. I owe Honours chairs Joy Dixon and Paige Raibmon endless gratitude for a renewed appreciation for the historical profession. This paper is dedicated to Alex Tourigny (1986-2012), to whom I made a promise to spend more time with once this was finished that I cannot keep. A Note on the Transliteration & Translation of Arabic My rudimentary knowledge of Arabic demanded I seek outside sources for translation of the Arabic in these posters. No standardized transliteration of Arabic exists, so all terms are given by what I deemed to be the common translations of names and places. All of the translations used in this paper are taken from those given in Zeina Maasri\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u0098Off The Wall: Political Posters of the Lebanese Civil War\u00E2\u0080\u0099, or from the generous work done by members of the online r/Arabic community. All translations from the latter source can be found here: http://www.reddit.com/r/arabic/comments/q7647/need_help_translating_martyrdom_post ers/. Where possible, translations were cross-referenced. \t\r \u00C2\u00A0 TABLE\t\r \u00C2\u00A0OF\t\r \u00C2\u00A0CONTENTS\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Preface\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6i\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0I:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Introduction\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6..........1\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Contemporary\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Scholarly\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Views\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Martyrdom\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanon\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6..3\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Abd\u00E2\u0080\u0099\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Al-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090Karim\t\r \u00C2\u00A0al-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090Khalil\t\r \u00C2\u00A0&\t\r \u00C2\u00A0The\t\r \u00C2\u00A01916\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Martyrs\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Independence\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6.5\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Conclusion:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Shifting\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Forms\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Martyrdom\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0National\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Age...\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A611\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0II:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Introduction:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0All\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0King\u00E2\u0080\u0099s\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Martyrs\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6....13\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Leadership\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Through\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Martyrdom\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Militia\t\r \u00C2\u00A0System........\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A614\t\r \u00C2\u00A0The\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Noble\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Sacrifice\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fighter-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090Martyrs\u00E2\u0080\u00A6...\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6......26\t\r \u00C2\u00A0The\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Centrality\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Karbala\t\r \u00C2\u00A0and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Tenacity\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Martyrdom\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Hezbollah\u00E2\u0080\u0099s\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Worldview\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A636\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Conclusion:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0The\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Noble\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Sacrifice\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Martyrdom\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6.43\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0III:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Introduction:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Expanding\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Conceptions\t\r \u00C2\u00A0and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0New\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Formations\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Martyrdom...45\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Martyrdom\t\r \u00C2\u00A0as\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Self-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090Destruction:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Politics\t\r \u00C2\u00A0and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Power\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Militias\u00E2\u0080\u0099\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Representations\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Suicide\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Bombers\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6...46\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0The\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Angels\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Militias:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Gendered\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Representations\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Conflict\t\r \u00C2\u00A0and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Femininity\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A658\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Feminized\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Self-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090Destruction:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0The\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Case\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Female\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Suicide\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Bomber\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A661\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Conclusion:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Manufacturing\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Consent\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Through\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Suicide\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Bombing\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A666\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Epilogue:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Watching\t\r \u00C2\u00A0From\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Ruins\u00E2\u0080\u00A6......................................................\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6.68\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Works\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Cited\t\r \u00C2\u00A0&\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Appendix Preface\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 i\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Preface On 4 January 2011, a twenty-six-year-old Tunisian street-vendor named Muhamed Bouazizi, driven to desperation after a spate of abuse at the hands of government officials, doused himself in petrol and set himself alight. While by all accounts Bouazizi\u00E2\u0080\u0099s self-immolation should have passed unnoticed, his act of defiance sparked a revolution that led to the overthrow of Tunisia\u00E2\u0080\u0099s autocratic leader Zine El Abidine Ben Ali and influenced similar regional movements. Bouazizi was declared a martyr, not for Islam, although he was a Muslim, but, to quote his mother, \u00E2\u0080\u009Call of the Tunisian people.\u00E2\u0080\u009D1 He was constructed as a secular figure, whose sacrifice transcended the parochial boundaries of class, religion and nationality through his single act self-destructive defiance. The framing of Bouazizi\u00E2\u0080\u0099s death as martyrdom was counter to the conventional popular understanding of martyrdom in the west, which, following the 9/11 attacks on America, has been narrowly conflated with suicide bombing. The attacks led to a plethora of works written by academics clamoring to explain the phenomenon of the \u00E2\u0080\u0098suicide martyr\u00E2\u0080\u0099 to an increasingly insecure public fearful of religious extremists bent on sacrificing themselves as a martyr. In the course of critiquing all of Middle Eastern society in one broad swathe, prominent Orientalist scholar Bernard Lewis ruminated that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cif the peoples of the Middle East continue on their present path, the suicide bomber may become a metaphor for the whole region, and there will be no escape from a downward spiral of hate and spite, rage and self-pity, poverty and oppression.\u00E2\u0080\u009D2 Conversely, the emergence of the supposed religious phenomenon of the martyr is, in Lewis\u00E2\u0080\u0099 view, \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A01\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Agence\t\r \u00C2\u00A0France-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090Presse,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Family\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Mourns\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Tunisian\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Revolt's\t\r \u00C2\u00A0First\t\r \u00C2\u00A0'Martyr',\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Agence\t\r \u00C2\u00A0France-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090Presse,\t\r \u00C2\u00A02011).\t\r \u00C2\u00A0http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0EKQFf8kiyo\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Accessed\t\r \u00C2\u00A023\t\r \u00C2\u00A0March\t\r \u00C2\u00A02012)\t\r \u00C2\u00A02\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Bernard\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lewis,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\"What\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Went\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Wrong?,\"\t\r \u00C2\u00A0The\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Atlantic,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0http://www.theatlantic.com/past/docs/issues/2002/01/lewis.htm.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Preface\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 ii\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 indicative of the regions\u00E2\u0080\u0099 historical failure to join in the project of modernization. Taking Bouazizi\u00E2\u0080\u0099s martyrdom as an inspiration, my broader intent with this paper is to counter the view that martyrdom is solely a religious phenomenon, and to show how the martyr has been constructed in particular historical situations as a secular politicized figure. There is more to martyrdom than suicide bombing, and by understanding the complexity and variety of these representations, I hope to contribute to the scholarship that recognizes the maturity and depth of contemporary Middle Eastern political and social culture. Before I do so I would like to briefly outline what it is I mean when I use the words \u00E2\u0080\u0098secular\u00E2\u0080\u0099 and \u00E2\u0080\u0098martyrdom\u00E2\u0080\u0099, two terms whose definitions in popular and academic discourse are amorphous at best. While in contemporary usage secularity has come to mean almost anything not of or relating to religion, this sharp distinction has little analytical utility in the study of how cultural and religious concepts become codified in nationalist discourses. Anthropologist Talal Asad has written extensively on the conceptual linkages between supposed secular and religious ontologies, particularly in regard to the fluidity of contemporary cultural transmission and the way the modern state constructs and promotes its own legitimacy. In Formations of the Secular Assad quotes Charles Taylor, who defined secularity as the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cattempt to find the lowest denominator among the doctrines of conflicting religious sects.\u00E2\u0080\u009D3 Benedict Anderson placed religious communities as the conceptual antecedents to the modern nation state in his lauded Imagined Communities, arguing that individuals of differing cultures and languages would nonetheless understand each other through the shared ideographs of their religious \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A03\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Talal\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Asad,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Formations\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Secular:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Christianity,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Islam,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Modernity,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Cultural\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Memory\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Present\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Stanford,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Calif.:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Stanford\t\r \u00C2\u00A0University\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Press,\t\r \u00C2\u00A02003).\t\r \u00C2\u00A02\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Preface\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 iii\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 traditions.4 Secularity then, if we are to take Anderson and Asad\u00E2\u0080\u0099s arguments, is not simply a concept\u00E2\u0080\u0099s state of \u00E2\u0080\u0098not being of\u00E2\u0080\u0099 or \u00E2\u0080\u0098not relating to\u00E2\u0080\u0099 religion but may also be a concept whose constituent parts can be shared and commonly understood across religions, cultures and temporal spaces. Martyrdom is one of Anderson\u00E2\u0080\u0099s shared ideographs in that while different communities and cultures conceptualize martyrdom in widely divergent ways, there is a basic narrative structure that each can share in. While the term \u00E2\u0080\u0098martyr\u00E2\u0080\u0099 in English, and its Arabic analogue \u00E2\u0080\u0098shahid\u00E2\u0080\u0099, are both rooted etymologically to the secular act of \u00E2\u0080\u0098witnessing\u00E2\u0080\u0099 in a legal context,5 it was adopted as a loanword in the Christian, Jewish and Islamic traditions to refer to one who had died for their faith. It was within these faiths that martyrdom acquired a specific narrative and descriptive format. \u00E2\u0080\u009CIn it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s purest form,\u00E2\u0080\u009D writes Samuel Z. Klausner, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmartyrdom is a voluntary, conscious, and altruistic readiness to suffer and offer one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s life for a cause.\u00E2\u0080\u009D6 A martyr is generally presented as a hero fighting for a cause, who, although foreeseing harm done to them by their opponents, carries on despite the risk. Who can, and cannot be a martyr varies, as civilians, fallen soldiers, politicians, and public leaders have all, at one point or another, been memorialized by Middle Eastern communities as martyrs. When the son of Syrian leader Hafez al-Assad was killed in a car accident in 1990, for example, government run news \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A04\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Benedict\t\r \u00C2\u00A0R\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Anderson,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Imagined\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Communities:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Reflections\t\r \u00C2\u00A0on\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Origin\t\r \u00C2\u00A0and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Spread\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Nationalism,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Rev.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0ed.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(London\t\r \u00C2\u00A0England;\t\r \u00C2\u00A0New\t\r \u00C2\u00A0York:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Verso,\t\r \u00C2\u00A02006).\t\r \u00C2\u00A012\t\r \u00C2\u00A05\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Paul\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Middleton,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Martyrdom:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0A\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Guide\t\r \u00C2\u00A0for\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Perplexed\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(New\t\r \u00C2\u00A0York:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0T\t\r \u00C2\u00A0&\t\r \u00C2\u00A0T\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Clark,\t\r \u00C2\u00A02011).\t\r \u00C2\u00A06\t\r \u00C2\u00A06\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Samuel\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Z.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Klausner,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\"Martyrdom,\"\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Encyclopedia\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Politics\t\r \u00C2\u00A0and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Religion,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0ed.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Robert\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Wuthnow\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Washing,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0D.C:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Congressional\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Quarterly,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Inc.,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01998).\t\r \u00C2\u00A0494\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Preface\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 iv\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 agencies referred to him as a martyr to the state.7 Mohammad Bouazizi, as mentioned before, was hailed as a martyr to the Tunisian revolution. The framing of these two incredibly dissimilar figures as martyrs attests to the malleability of martyrdom, and was made possible, in part, by the reconceptualization of martyrdom as a secular concept that took place in the Middle East throughout the 20th century. In the broader study of the links and divergences between the secular and the religious in the Middle East, we must, in the words of Talal Asad, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdiscover what people do with and to ideas and practices before we can understand what is involved in the secularization of theological concepts in different times and places.\"8 By examining how martyrdom was conceptualized and formed in the modern Middle East, we can get a broader view of the ways in which the cultures of the region mediate and augment their cultural practices and respond to the ever-shifting challenges they face. \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A07\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lisa\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Wedeen,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Ambiguities\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Domination:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Politics,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Rhetoric,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Symbols\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Contemporary\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Syria\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Chicago:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0University\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Chicago\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Press,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01999).\t\r \u00C2\u00A058\t\r \u00C2\u00A08\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Asad,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Formations\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Secular:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Christianity,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Islam,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Modernity.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0192\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0I\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 1\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part I Introduction The Lebanese Civil War of 1975 to 1990 provides an unparalleled opportunity to view the concept of martyrdom as it was utilized, formed, augmented and presented by the combatants in the context of protracted civil strife. Utilizing textual and visual representations of martyrdom produced by the militias and political parties of the civil war, I argue that martyrdom was formulated by the combatants as a political act rooted in the nationalist discourse of the Lebanese political system. While each militia espoused different political, social, and religious platforms, all of the militias utilized martyrdom as a central component of their media strategies and externalized representations of communal and political identity. Through commemorative posters, the militias in effect took ownership over the sacrifices of a particular fighter who had died for their cause. In this context, the material loss of a partisan became an ideological victory; the public representation of a martyr\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sacrifices, pasted in poster form across the walls and telephone poles of Lebanese cities, attested to the power, prestige, and political relevance of a parties struggle against those \u00E2\u0080\u0098others\u00E2\u0080\u0099 who would threaten them. These posters were facets of the complex web of media strategies that saturated the public sphere of the Lebanese civil war. As centralized state control became increasingly weak following the outbreak of war in 1975, each militia in effect became masters of its own domain in its ability to exert, through force or persuasion, its particular party message. In concert with radio, television and other print media that each party controlled or produced, these posters not only delineated the physical boundaries of a militia\u00E2\u0080\u0099s area of control but also acted as symbolic sites of ideological contestation; a Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0I\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 2\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 symbolic space where militias could express their collective sense of political, social and religious identity.1 They were points of recruitment, activism as well as propaganda, providing a visual accompaniment to the physical battle for the domination of Lebanon\u00E2\u0080\u0099s political fate. This paper will be divided into three sections. In the first section I largely eschew direct analysis of the primary source material of martyrdom posters and other publications produced by the parties in favor of a more analytical look at how the age of Lebanese nationalism gave rise to new secularized conceptions of martyrdom. I argue that martyrdom as a concept, as a shared and common discourse across the many constituents of the Lebanese confessional community, must be seen as a modern expression the nationalist discourses that were at play in the formation of regional national identities. It is in times of conflict, first during the Lebanese struggle for independence and again in the civil war of 1958, that martyrdom underwent this drastic reconceptualization. The second chapter will discuss how the major combatants in the civil war of 1975-1990 utilized and presented the martyrdom of their members through the particular language and imagery of their political, social and, in the case of Hezbollah, religious traditions. In the third and final section I will examine how the latter years of the civil war gave rise to new conceptualizations of martyrdom, encompassing women\u00E2\u0080\u0099s roles and representations in the conflict as well as the new phenomenon of suicide bombing. \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 1 Each major militia owned their own radio-station at one point or another during the war, and some even had their own pirate television stations. See: D.A. Boyd, \"Lebanese Broadcasting: Unofficial Electronic Media During a Prolongued Civil War,\" Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media Vol. 35, no. 3 (1991). 269-287 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0I\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 3\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Contemporary Scholarly Views of Martyrdom in Lebanon American social historian Michael Johnson writes that scholarship on the conflict between Lebanon\u00E2\u0080\u0099s confessional, communal and ethnic communities can be broadly divided into three strains: \u00E2\u0080\u0098situational\u00E2\u0080\u0099, \u00E2\u0080\u0098primordial\u00E2\u0080\u0099 and \u00E2\u0080\u0098syncretic\u00E2\u0080\u0099.2 Studies of how martyrdom was represented in Lebanon have generally deferred to the two former categories of analysis, utilizing a semiotic approach to the militias\u00E2\u0080\u0099 representations of martyrdom in order to demonstrate how martyrdom was rooted in an age-old religious framework of the Christian and Islamic traditions. In this reading, martyrdom is treated as a cultural \u00E2\u0080\u0098given\u00E2\u0080\u0099; a cultural trait that is essentially ahistorical. The utility of martyrdom in contemporary Lebanese society lay in its ability to embody, in the words of German writer Christoph Reuter, \u00E2\u0080\u009Creawakened medieval myths and popular-culture hero- worship.\u00E2\u0080\u009D3 Martyrdom is consistently portrayed in these studies as a nascent cultural trait, lying dormant until reawakened by instances of social or political discord and as a cultural narrative, martyrdom is contextualized as a \u00E2\u0080\u0098pre-modern\u00E2\u0080\u0099 phenomenon specific to those cultures that hold, as the Lebanese are said to do, to \u00E2\u0080\u0098tribalistic\u00E2\u0080\u0099 social formations.4 In their study of martyrdom during the 1975 to 1990 Lebanese civil war, Khaled Nasser, Farrah Dhabbous and Yasmine Dhabbous write, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cin all cases the concept [of martyrdom] is informed (and rendered important) by the religious frame of mind \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 2 Michael Johnson, All Honourable Men : The Social Origins of War in Lebanon (Oxford; London; New York L.B. Tauris Publishers; New York: Center for Lebanese Studies ; Distributed in the United States and Canada by St. Martin's Press, 2001). 12 3 Christoph Reuter, My Life is a Weapon : A Modern History of Suicide Bombing (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2004). 13 4 Tribalism has been the key analytical tool of prominent Lebanese scholar Samir Khalif and has become a staple of Lebanese scholarship. See: Samir Khalaf, Civil and Uncivil Violence in Lebanon: a History of the Internationalization of Communal Conflict (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002). Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0I\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 4\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 characterizing the area, even among secular parties.\"5 The authors argue that three components explain why the \u00E2\u0080\u009CLebanese integrate religious values in their communal culture\u00E2\u0080\u009D: first, that \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctheir national consciousness is strongly affected by the country\u00E2\u0080\u0099s geographical and psychological proximity to the birthplaces of Judaism, Christianity and Islam\u00E2\u0080\u009D; second that, \u00E2\u0080\u009Creligion [\u00E2\u0080\u00A6] is integrated in the political and social distribution of power and institutions in Lebanon\u00E2\u0080\u009D; and finally, that \u00E2\u0080\u009CLebanon was historically occupied by empires with distinctive religious identities.\u00E2\u0080\u009D6 It is for these reasons, they argue, martyrdom is rooted firmly in, and can only be understood by, its religious roots. However, both their first and third reasons are counter to the demographic and political history of Lebanon. In relation to their first point, Lebanon\u00E2\u0080\u0099s proximity to the historical birthplaces of the three major monotheistic traditions, namely Jerusalem and Mecca, does little to explain how martyrdom in Lebanon was actually sustained or informed by the geographic proximity to these centers. Nor does it explain how such a connection might have been propagated over the hundreds of years since each of those traditions\u00E2\u0080\u0099 founding. This perspective becomes more untenable when one considers that Jerusalem is rarely visualized or commented on by the combatants of the Lebanese civil war in relation to martyrdom, as we will see in the second and third sections of this paper. As to their final point, the mountainous terrain of the Metn and Shouf mountain ranges, which form the geographical spine of the modern Lebanese state, have historically supplied the dominant religious minorities of Lebanon - the Druze, Maronite, Orthodox and Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ite, as well as a host of other minority sects \u00E2\u0080\u0093 an enclave buttressed from the ravages of empires and crusades which flowed through the region, leaving their third \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 5 Khaled Nasser Yasmine Dabbous, Farah Dabbous, \"Across the Bridge of Death: The Culture of Martyrdom in Lebanon,\" International Journal of Cultural Studies Vol 13, no. 1 (2010). 594 6 Ibid, 612 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0I\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 5\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 point irrelevant to the demographic history of the region.7 To their second point, simply portraying martyrdom as a \u00E2\u0080\u0098religious\u00E2\u0080\u0099 cultural tradition obscures the ways in which martyrdom has been molded and transformed throughout the 20th century into a discursive narrative that can be shared and understood across confessional boundaries. The remainder of this chapter will outline how this transformation took place in Lebanon\u00E2\u0080\u0099s foundational period of national agitation. Abd\u00E2\u0080\u0099 Al-Karim al-Khalil & The 1916 Martyrs of Independence As Lebanon fashioned itself into a imagined community out of its pre-existing constituent religious sects, the language of martyrdom was utilized by Lebanese nationalists to bolster a sense of collective identity that transcended the parochial discourses of each tradition. This process of secularization began in the early part of the 20th century, as leading pan-Arab and Lebanese nationalist figures appropriated the discourse of martyrdom and employed its narrative of noble sacrifice to their secular struggle for self-determination. Leading Arab nationalists were consistently persecuted by the Ottoman \u00E2\u0080\u0098Young Turks\u00E2\u0080\u0099 administration that sought to quell pan-Arab movements across its territory. The execution in 1915 of pan-Arab nationalist \u00E2\u0080\u0098Abd al-Karim al- Khalil, leader of the \u00E2\u0080\u0098Society for Arab Revolution\u00E2\u0080\u0099, gave the Arabist movement in Lebanon their paradigmatic martyr. Al-Khalil was born in the historical region of Jabal \u00E2\u0080\u0098Amil, what is now Lebanon\u00E2\u0080\u0099s deep south, and was a member of the prominent Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ite \u00E2\u0080\u0098Amili community, who themselves had a long tradition of political martyrs going as far \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 7 Anderson, Communties. 12 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0I\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 6\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 back as the 14th and 15th centuries.8 This tradition of communal sacrifice was rooted in the slaughter of the 8th century figure of Imam Hussein, whose death at the battle of Karbala by forces of Sunni Caliph Yazid I provided the Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ites with their primary narrative of self-sacrifice. This narrative was once again utilized in the context of al- Khalil\u00E2\u0080\u0099s death at the hands of Ottoman authorities, which according to Tamara Chalabi, \u00E2\u0080\u009Celevated the Arab cause to a more sacred level. It gave them a martyr and a focal point for realizing their mission. It represented the climax of the Arabist movement in Lebanon.\u00E2\u0080\u009D9 This narrative of self-sacrifice for the community, previously imagined and utilized in a purely Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ite context of historical oppression now became one augmented to encompass the secular co-religious nationalist movement. The poetic language commonly attributed to martyrdom can be seen in a poem written shortly following al-Khalil\u00E2\u0080\u0099s death by Nabitiyeh intellectual Sulayman Dahir: Neither my killing nor my crucifixion did I heed If my death were to revive my people And death is tastier than the breeze of youth Whose enamoured heart is primed No person reaches that elevated meadow, If he doesn't pass through the thorny peak My favourite thirst is my nation's quenching And its praying is sweetest in my hunger.10 Two aspects of this poem are particularly instructive and embody many of the basic narratives of martyrdom that continued into the Lebanese conflicts of the 20th century. First is the framing of al-Khalil\u00E2\u0080\u0099s death as \u00E2\u0080\u0098reviving\u00E2\u0080\u0099 the community. While the death of a prominent figure in any movement is undeniably a negative outcome, al-Khalil\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 8 Tamara Chalabi, The Shi'is of Jabal 'Amil and the New Lebanon: Community and Nation State, 1918- 1943 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006). 28 9 Ibid. 52 10 Quoted in: Muhammad Jaber El-Safa, Tarikh Jabal 'Amel (Beirut: Dar al-Nahar, 1998). 211 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0I\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 7\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 execution was conceptually reversed to provide ideological meaning and legitimacy to the cause that he had died for. Second is the poly-confessional discourse of the poem. Dahir refers to al-Khalil\u00E2\u0080\u0099s death as a \u00E2\u0080\u0098crucifixion\u00E2\u0080\u0099 suggesting a link to the sacrifice of Jesus Christ, the central figure of the Christian tradition, into a contemporary, poly- religionist and pan-Arab movement. It was the inclusivity of this movement that created a narrative space where the martyr figures of the Christian and Islamic traditions could be swapped, suggesting that at this early stage of the nationalist movement, the image of a martyr was beginning to be decentered and conceptually expanded. This inclusive narrative of the nationalist movement was further entrenched with the hanging of 14 nationalists on 16 May of the following year in the place des arme\u00C3\u00A9s, a central square in Beirut. The Ottoman authorities indicted the group for collaborating with the French, who were keen to support any movement that destabilized the Ottoman position in the Levant. 11 While each of the condemned had radically different conceptions of national identity in mind when they pronounced their love for the nation on their way to the gallows, they were all equally incorporated into the Lebanese state\u00E2\u0080\u0099s narrative of national birth.12 \u00E2\u0080\u009CThese martyrs,\u00E2\u0080\u009D writes Lebanese journalist Amhad Kassir, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cstill today commemorated in Lebanon and Syria on 6 May every year, were in part Arab nationalists, in part Lebanese Nationalists.\u00E2\u0080\u009D13 Of the fourteen hung that day, all but one were Muslim, however four more Christian Arab-nationalists were hung on the same day in Damascus, indicating that the nationalist struggle clearly transcended confessional \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 11 Helena Cobban, The Making of Modern Lebanon, The Making of the Middle East (London: Hutchinson, 1985). 62 12 Two terms for the nation were used by the men as they gave their speeches preceding their hanging: al- watan, translated literally into a more secularized \u00E2\u0080\u0098homeland\u00E2\u0080\u0099 and al-umma, which is more generally understood as the Arabic name for the Islamic community as a whole. 13 Samir Kassir, Beirut (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010). 245 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0I\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 8\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 lines. When no clergyman could be found to give Orthodox Christians Petro Pauli and George Haddad their last rites before their hanging, Pauli is said to have turned to Haddad, telling him that, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cif I was destined to fulfill this religious duty at the hand of a Muslim sheikh, I would not hesitate because religion is an above matter.\u00E2\u0080\u009D14 In this passage there is the beginnings of a breaking down of the conception of how religion relates to one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s national community. Pauli sees his sacrifice for the nationalist cause as a \u00E2\u0080\u0098religious duty\u00E2\u0080\u0099, indicating that Pauli was not in any way expressing an atheistic view in regards to nationalism. However in referring to religion as \u00E2\u0080\u0098above matter\u00E2\u0080\u0099, Pauli clearly conceptualized the nationalist cause as one that transcended confessional boundaries, making it possible for his act to be sanctified by any member of a religious order. Initially interred in a ditch on the Beirut beachfront, the bodies of the fourteen martyrs were eventually reburied by French authorities in a small graveyard above the Rue Corniche, although the place is, according to Lucille Volk, left unmarked and continues to be a place of curiosity.15 The tombstones of the martyrs, whose marble graves were only denoted by their names, dates of death and honorary title of martyr (shahid), purposefully ignore each martyr\u00E2\u0080\u0099s religion, a sign of their position as national, rather than purely confessional figures. The grave of Omar Hamid carried an inscription that testified to the new conceptualization of national sacrifice that was separate from confessional identity: Write on my grave, you people of my nation A verse that will be repeated by the mouths of the envious; This is the grave of a martyr of his country This is the martyr to his love of Arabs16 \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 14 Quoted in: Lucia Volk, Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon, Public cultures of the Middle East and North Africa (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2010). 48 15 Ibid. 51 16 Ibid. Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0I\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 9\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 The inscription is indicative of this new conception of martyrdom, blurring the distinction between a secular nationalist figure and the more traditional conception of a martyr as a religious figure. Following nominal Lebanese independence in 1930, the place des arme\u00C3\u00A9s was renamed to Martyr\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Square in honor of those who were hung there in 1916 and since that time has been a central place of state-sponsored national commemoration. The square became only one of many places of official memorialization of martyrs. The Lebanese \u00E2\u0080\u0098Tomb of the Unknown Soldier\u00E2\u0080\u0099, which for political reasons is solely a place of military commemoration, carries the inscription: \u00E2\u0080\u0098Glory and Eternity to our Martyr-Heroes\u00E2\u0080\u0099. The partisans who had fallen in the 1958 civil war between Pan-Arab, leftist forces and the government were presented as \u00E2\u0080\u0098martyrs of a popular uprising\u00E2\u0080\u0099. Significantly, the leftist Lebanese National Movement created its own martyr cemetery outside of Beirut, and in keeping with their socialist platform, formed the site as a place of political and ethno- religious solidarity, featuring symbols of all major world religions, including a plaque dedicated to Darwinism.17 The construction of a martyr\u00E2\u0080\u0099s cemetery in opposition to the government-sponsored martyr\u00E2\u0080\u0099s memorial destabilized the government\u00E2\u0080\u0099s control over the discourse of martyrdom as a sacrifice for the state. It spoke in opposition to what Liz McQuiston calls the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cofficial voice\u00E2\u0080\u009D of establishment commemoration which is counter to the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cunofficial voice\u00E2\u0080\u009D of those who would \u00E2\u0080\u009Cquestion, criticize or reject\u00E2\u0080\u009D those systems of hegemonic control over memorialization.18 \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 17 Volk, 94 18 Liz McQuiston, Graphic agitation: Social and Political Graphics Since the Sixties (London: Phaidon, 1993). 27 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0I\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 10\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 In this pre-independence period, martyrdom was central to the formation of a national narrative of sacrifice for the imagined community of Lebanon. Nationalist leaders and authors sought to garner support through the deaths of those killed by the Ottomans in 1916 in order to create a sense of national identity that transcended the parochial limits of each adherent\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sectarian community. The particular national vision that these martyrs held on to was less important to these elites than framing their sacrifice within a narrative that was relevant to what these national elites deemed to be the present concerns, whether that be independence under Ottoman rule, or in the context of nation- building in the new Lebanese state. The state-sponsored language of martyrdom changed little from this period, as shown in a eulogy to a fallen soldier given in 1990 by an unnamed army commander: You were noble in your giving, and your fate served as a symbol of martyrdom and loyalty. On the mountain slope filled with the fragrance of martyrdom, you composed an epic of sacrifice, recited the heroes\u00E2\u0080\u0099 anthem and entered the consciousness of the nation [...] We, soldiers, have long resisted the enemy [\u00E2\u0080\u00A6] even if our martyrs fall one after the other.\"19 Although the eulogy was given eighty years after Sulayman Dahir composed his poem to memorialize Abd\u00E2\u0080\u0099 al-Karim al-Khalil, there is a remarkable similarity in poetic allusions and imagery used to memorialize the two fallen figures. Grand, mountainous terrain is present in both, referencing the long tradition of Lebanese nationalists utilizing the geographical markers of Lebanon to form a nationalist narrative. Martyrdom was portrayed as a positive, reinvigorating sacrifice in both as well. Here, sacrifice is linked with the constantly renewing natural world in order to conceptualize the loss of a fighter into an attractive, moral victory for the community. \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 19 Al-Jaysh, no. 187 (Jan. 2001). Quoted in: Oren Barak, \"Commemorating Malikiyya: Political Myth, Multiethnic Identity and the Making of the Lebanese Army,\" History & Memory Vol. 13, no. 1 (2001). 76 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0I\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 11\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 The framing of martyrdom as a reinvigorating act, as well as the symbolism of Lebanon\u00E2\u0080\u0099s geography was incorporated into the Lebanese national flag.20 The flag was drawn by parliamentarian Henri Pharaon in 1943 shortly before the evacuation of French troops. The red bands on the top and bottom of the flag represent the blood of the martyrs that were killed in the struggle for liberation both from the Ottoman and French authorities, while the white band is a \u00E2\u0080\u009Csymbol of the Lebanese snow-capped mountain peaks.\u00E2\u0080\u009D21 The green cedar tree in the center of the flag, symbolizing continuity, power and immortality, is mandated in Article 5 of the Lebanese constitution to be touching the two red bands of martyrdom. 22 In the flag, as well as in the poems written in commemoration of the fallen soldier and al-Khalil, martyrdom is presented as an act that sustains the nation, represented by the cedar tree. While the flag later became known as a symbol of Maronite Christian dominance, at this time the flag was imagined as an inclusive, national symbol around which the constituent communities of Lebanon could rally. Conclusion: Shifting Forms of Martyrdom in the Nationalist Age From the very inception of the Lebanese state, the figure of the martyr was co- opted by political elites into the language and imagery of nationalism. As martyrdom was a concept rooted in both the Christian and Islamic traditions, it became the perfect symbol to express a political and social program that bridged the gaps between the two. Moreover, the state\u00E2\u0080\u0099s need to build solidarity across confessional lines meant that by \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A020\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A01.1\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 21 \"Symbols of the Republic,\" Lebanese Government. (Accessed 17 April 2012: http://www.presidency.gov.lb/presidency/symbols/flag/flag.htm) 22 Republic of Lebanon, \"The Lebanese Constitution,\" ed. Lebanese Parliament (Beirut: GPO, National Assembly). 2 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0I\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 12\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 fashioning martyrs to the cause of nationalism and independence, the state in essence presented itself as an entity which was both constituted of, and separate from the religious and sectarian groups of Lebanon. When war again broke out in 1975, each competing faction utilized martyrdom as a tool by which they could create solidarity both within, external to, and independent of the religious traditions of their members. It is this that explains how the parties of the Lebanese civil war who espoused Marxist, Fascist or nationalist programs utilized martyrdom as a discursive tool as much \u00E2\u0080\u0093 indeed in some cases were more inclined to use the discourse of martyrdom \u00E2\u0080\u0093 as those parties whose political programs were narrowly representative of a particular confessional community. This was made possible by the secularization of martyrdom in the national period, where a martyr, for the first time, could be a figure that died for a cause beyond their sectarian identity. Indeed it was their position as a martyr for the state that transcended those boundaries. Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0II\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 13\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part II Introduction: All the King\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Martyrs In the previous section I argued that martyrdom, as an expression of political discourse in Lebanon, must be perceived as an inalienable component of modern confessional Lebanese political discourse. Far from viewing martyrdom as a simple atavistic expression of the \u00E2\u0080\u0098noble sacrifice\u00E2\u0080\u0099 of an adherent\u00E2\u0080\u0099s monotheistic forebears, martyrdom in Lebanon is better understood in the particular context of the confessional Lebanese political system of memorialization. This section will show how the militias continued the political appropriation of martyrdom outlined in the previous section, utilizing the now secularized language of martyrdom to bolster their claim to political legitimacy. Martyrdom as a concept was in essence democratized and expanded as each militia employed the narrative of martyrdom within the discourses of their political, and in some cases, religious traditions. This section will address two distinct types of martyrs. First are martyrs who were seen as leaders of their communities, each of whom was presented as a paragon of sacrifice that embodied the very essence of what their party stood for. Second are rank- and-file fighter-martyrs who died in the course of the struggle and whose designation and publication as martyrs served both a social commemorative function and a discursive political function. While the loss of a fighter or a political leader were both clearly blows to a party\u00E2\u0080\u0099s material strength, the martyrdoms of their leaders and fighters were fashioned as ideological victory by the militias, giving vitality and meaning to their struggle for dominance. Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0II\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 14\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Leadership Through Martyrdom in the Militia System Each of the warring parties of the Lebanese civil war suffered from the loss of its foundational leader, and with the exception of the Syrian Social Nationalist Party (SSNP), each party lost these figures shortly before, or during the conflict. Kemal Jumblatt, leader of the Progressive Socialist Party (PSP) and the Maronite Phalange militia leader Bashir Gemayel were members of the distinct Lebanese social class of Zo\u00E2\u0080\u0099ama.1 The Zo\u00E2\u0080\u0099ama in Lebanese society were rooted in the feudal clientist social structure of pre-state Lebanon, the status of these figures wryly described by Robert Fisk as individuals whose \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpronouncements, conspicuous wealth, bodyguards, cruelty, education and private armies proved more efficacious than any electoral appeal.\"2 The Zo\u00E2\u0080\u0099ama had long become central to the clientist political and economic system of Lebanon, where the elite positions of feudal lordship became entrenched in the Lebanese political system first under the French mandate, and then codified in the National Pact of 1943 through which they became elected representatives. As Lebanon had long been constituted of communities divided on religious affiliation, in some cases these leaders were representative of not only a political or economic elite, but religious leadership as well. \u00E2\u0080\u009CWhile each [leader] led a major political faction and ideological current during the war,\u00E2\u0080\u009D writes Zeina Maasri, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthese leaders also came to represent, throughout the war, narrow and distinct confessional communities: Druze, Maronite and Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ite.\u00E2\u0080\u009D3 While this was broadly the case in Lebanon, this statement obscures the complexity of many of these \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A01\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Za\u00E2\u0080\u0099im\t\r \u00C2\u00A0literarally\t\r \u00C2\u00A0translates\t\r \u00C2\u00A0to\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\u00E2\u0080\u0098boss\u00E2\u0080\u0099\t\r \u00C2\u00A0or\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\u00E2\u0080\u0098chief\u00E2\u0080\u0099\t\r \u00C2\u00A0and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0can\t\r \u00C2\u00A0be\t\r \u00C2\u00A0pluralized\t\r \u00C2\u00A0to\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\u00E2\u0080\u0098Zo\u00E2\u0080\u0099ama\u00E2\u0080\u0099.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A02\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Robert\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fisk,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Pity\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Nation:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanon\t\r \u00C2\u00A0at\t\r \u00C2\u00A0War,\t\r \u00C2\u00A03rd\t\r \u00C2\u00A0ed.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Oxford;\t\r \u00C2\u00A0New\t\r \u00C2\u00A0York:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Oxford\t\r \u00C2\u00A0University\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Press,\t\r \u00C2\u00A02001).\t\r \u00C2\u00A075\t\r \u00C2\u00A03\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Zeina\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Maasri,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Off\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Wall:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Political\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Posters\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanese\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Civil\t\r \u00C2\u00A0War\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(London;\t\r \u00C2\u00A0New\t\r \u00C2\u00A0York:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0I.B.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Tauris,\t\r \u00C2\u00A02009).\t\r \u00C2\u00A058\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0II\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 15\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 figure\u00E2\u0080\u0099s roles. Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ite leader Moussa al-Sadr and Druze Za\u00E2\u0080\u0099im Kemal Jumblatt enjoyed broad multi-confessional support in the early stages of the civil and war and espoused decidedly anti-sectarian political and social platforms. Moreover, fallen political leaders such as Antun Saadeh, ideological father of the SSNP, became known as ideal representatives of their communities without being incorporated into the Zo\u00E2\u0080\u0099ama culture. These leaders were consistently presented as the idealized representatives of a party\u00E2\u0080\u0099s political platform, individuals who embodied the community\u00E2\u0080\u0099s relationship and struggle with their national identity. Although a Za\u00E2\u0080\u0099im of the Druze community, Kemal Jumblatt was a committed secularist. In his role as leader of the Progressive Socialist Party (PSP), he rejected sectarianism as a matter of policy and fought for a de-confessionalized Lebanese state, with himself as president, a position denied to him by the National Pact of 1948. The National Pact set aside positions of government and civil service proportional to particular religious communities based on their population. As the Druze only constituted 6% of the population at the time of the 1932 census on which the Pact was based, the Druze were largely excluded from the major positions of power in the confessional Lebanese system.4 The PSP ideal was to impose an entirely new superstructure on Lebanese society, replacing the clientelist system that had dominated Lebanese politics throughout its modern history with a system that was, in the words of Lebanese historian Fawwaz Trablousi, \u00E2\u0080\u009C\u00E2\u0080\u0099bourgeois\u00E2\u0080\u0099, modern and non-sectarian instead of 'feudal', sectarian \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A04\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Theodor\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Hanf\t\r \u00C2\u00A0and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Centre\t\r \u00C2\u00A0for\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanese\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Studies\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(London\t\r \u00C2\u00A0England),\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Coexistence\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Wartime\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanon\t\r \u00C2\u00A0:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Decline\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0a\t\r \u00C2\u00A0State\t\r \u00C2\u00A0and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Rise\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0a\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Nation\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(London:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Centre\t\r \u00C2\u00A0for\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanese\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Studies\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0association\t\r \u00C2\u00A0with\t\r \u00C2\u00A0I.B.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Tauris,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01993).\t\r \u00C2\u00A088\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0II\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 16\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 and 'underdeveloped\u00E2\u0080\u0099.\u00E2\u0080\u009D 5 The early stages of war pitted the Jumblatt-led Lebanese National Movement (LNM), which included Palestinian and Communist groups, against the Maronite establishment. On the eve of LNM victory, Syrian forces stepped in, fearing a destabilization of their interests that had been so well served by Maronite dominance. Following the LNM defeat, Jumblatt was assassinated on 16 March 1977, likely at the behest of the Syrians, although as with many political assassinations in Lebanon, the details remain obscure. In posters commemorating the second annual commemoration of Jumblatt\u00E2\u0080\u0099s assassination, the narrative of cosmopolitanism central to the global socialist struggle is presented visually through the large globe behind Jumblatt\u00E2\u0080\u0099s head.6 Arab nationalist unity, an integral component of the PSP platform, is referenced by the borderless geographic representation of Arab countries just below the globe. Jumblatt\u00E2\u0080\u0099s ideal of Arab unity extended beyond Lebanon to encompass the traditional Arab lands of the Magreb and Mashreq, in direct opposition to the Maronites, who preferred to link the contemporary Lebanese state with the pre-Islamic Phoenician empire. In another poster of almost identical style, May 1st, a day generally understood as a day of agitation for worker\u00E2\u0080\u0099s rights, was refashioned as \u00E2\u0080\u0098Jumblatt\u00E2\u0080\u0099s International Day\u00E2\u0080\u0099, a clear attempt to co- opt the globalist discourse of international socialism and refashion its meaning into the idealized personality cult of Jumblatt.7 These two posters crafted a narrative of socialized internationalism that spoke to the values the party wished to outwardly project. Moreover, these values were consistently and inextricably linked to the figure of \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A05\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fawwaz\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Taraboulsi,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0A\t\r \u00C2\u00A0History\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Modern\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanon\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(London\t\r \u00C2\u00A0England\t\r \u00C2\u00A0;\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Ann\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Arbor,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0MI:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Pluto,\t\r \u00C2\u00A02007).\t\r \u00C2\u00A0203\t\r \u00C2\u00A06\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.1\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A07\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.2\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0II\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 17\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Jumblatt, who, through death, had become an idealized embodiment of the values of socialist struggle. Another poster utilized a quote from Jumblatt where the values of martyrdom as a collectively reinvigorating act was central: \u00E2\u0080\u009CIs there anything more noble,\u00E2\u0080\u009D he asked rhetorically, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthan crossing over the bridge of death into the life that revives others and genuinely supports their cause and that strengthens the model of resistance and sacrifice in the souls of activists?\u00E2\u0080\u009D 8 In this quote, the message is that the community is strengthened, rather than weakened, by the loss of its leader, a common motif in the language of leadership martyrdom, which frames a physical loss as an ideological victory. In a similar vein, other posters present Jumblatt within stylized images of rebirth and peace, visualized in one such poster by placing the ever-wistful face of Jumblatt against a dove, surrounded by the faceless masses coalescing into the center of the image.9 Another image places Jumblatt\u00E2\u0080\u0099s face in the center of a flower, establishing martyrdom as an essential component of political and ideological rebirth.10 In their struggle with the Maronite government, the PSP fit its movement in with other 20th century resistance movements that had suffered the loss of their ideological figureheads. One such poster placed Jumblatt in a stylized relief next to legendary Marxist resistance fighters of the 19th and 20th centuries: Gemal Abdul Nasser (Egypt), Patrice Lumumba (Congo), Che Guevara (Cuba) and Ho Chi Minh (Vietnam).11 The local historical link between Jumblatt and resistance was represented in the poster by an \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A08\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.3\t\r \u00C2\u00A09\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.4\t\r \u00C2\u00A010\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.5\t\r \u00C2\u00A011\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.6\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0II\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 18\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 image of Tanios Chahine, who led a peasant revolt in 19th century Lebanon.12 The text reads: \u00E2\u0080\u0098Against Imperialism & Zionism\u00E2\u0080\u0099, linking the PSP struggle against Israel against a backdrop of global liberation movements. Together, these images reinforce Jumblatt as the locus of the Leftist communal values, those of universalism, socialism and the global resistance struggle against capitalist oppression. The election of Bashir Gemayel as president in 1982 was a time of great celebration amongst Maronites, who had successfully, with help of the Syrians and later the Israelis, beat back the progressive forces of the LNM and reaffirmed their primacy in the Lebanese political system. Yet only a week after his election, the hopes of the Israelis, as well as many in the Maronite community, were dashed when on 14 September 1982 a bomb exploded in a building where Gemayel was giving an address. Before his death, Bashir was clearly aware of the importance of forming this narrative of idealized leadership around his person, telling the crowds at his inauguration that his election represented the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cincarnation of the nation embodied in the state,\u00E2\u0080\u009D as well as it constituting \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe first time [...] the nation takes charge of the state.\u00E2\u0080\u009D13 This breaking down of nation, state and individual is portrayed visually in Fig. 2.7, where a heavenly light bears down, illuminating Lebanon through the image of Gemayel.14 Memorialization of Gemayel\u00E2\u0080\u0099s death was thus subtly shifted to identify the leader with the national cause, making the two inseparable. This mythologization of Gemayel expressed itself socially in the apocryphal story of his survival after his martyrdom. The story was a common narrative following his death, an idea which Fisk argues \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbecame a fixation [that] the Phalangist \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A012\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Maasri,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Off\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Wall.\t\r \u00C2\u00A059\t\r \u00C2\u00A013\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Taraboulsi,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0A\t\r \u00C2\u00A0History\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Modern\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanon.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0216\t\r \u00C2\u00A014\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.7\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0II\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 19\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 leadership was quick to take up.\"15 Gemayel was thus taken out of his secular role as President and, after his death, placed into the iconic imagery of Christian resurrection. Unlike Jumblatt, whose posters portrayed him as the ideal secularized socialist, Gemayel was imbued with the idealized narrative of messianic religiosity. However none of the posters commemorating Gemayel\u00E2\u0080\u0099s martyrdom reference religious iconography explicitly, in keeping with the inherently secular conceptualization of martyrdom whose utility lay in its separation from overt linkages to a confessional community. The resurrection narrative was central to the mythmaking agenda of the Phalangist forces. The image of Gemayel was consistently reproduced to infer that he was in some way providing leadership from beyond the grave. In keeping with the Maronite\u00E2\u0080\u0099s ideological and political orientation to the West, the Lebanese Forces produced a poster the year following Gemayel\u00E2\u0080\u0099s death in the style of the iconic American wartime \u00E2\u0080\u0098Uncle Sam\u00E2\u0080\u0099 recruitment posters. The illustrated poster placed Gemayel in white, almost comically styled clouds pointing to the viewer while the caption, just like its American analogue, reads \u00E2\u0080\u0098I Want You!\u00E2\u0080\u0099.16 Thus the personality cult that Gemayel had so carefully groomed was as useful to his party after his death as it was before. Gemayel was presented elsewhere as providing almost physical and material support to the fighters of the Maronite community. A poster with the caption \u00E2\u0080\u0098continuing the procession\u00E2\u0080\u0099, shows Gemayel handing a gun off to a Maronite fighter from out of frame.17 Prior to his death Gemayel had been in the process of altering his public image away from that of a militia leader to a more official persona needed for someone who wanted to assume the presidency, and these posters reflect that culmination of that shift. These posters \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A015\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fisk,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Pity,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0463\t\r \u00C2\u00A016\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.8\t\r \u00C2\u00A017\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.9\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0II\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 20\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 encompass the dualist construction of his figure; where in Fig. 2.7 Gemayel\u00E2\u0080\u0099s collared shirt and pensive face portray the serious, calm and thoughtful idealization of \u00E2\u0080\u0098Gemayel the Politician\u00E2\u0080\u0099, the other two idealize him as a fatigue-wearing military leader. As a result the Maronite militias could use either representation depending on what message they were intending to convey and which audience they wished to reach. Although not strictly a member of the Zo\u00E2\u0080\u0099ama, Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ite leader Moussa al-Sadr was well-respected by a broad swathe of disenfranchised Lebanese due to his ecumenical approach to social welfare and his profoundly humanist approach to domestic politics. By the time of his assassination in 1977 on the orders of Libyan President Moamar al- Qhaddafi,18 al-Sadr had managed to become deeply implicated in the confessional politics of Lebanon\u00E2\u0080\u0099s political system, despite his lack of local family ties and his position as representative of the traditionally marginalized Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ites. Fawwaz Trablousi writes that he used this position to open a new kind of dialogue and worked to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbuild a third force between the traditional [Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ite] leadership of the As'ads and the parties of the left, especially the LCP, the OCA [Organization of Communist Action] and the Ba'ath, which were highly influential among the southern public, especially the youth.\"19 In the late 1960s, Al-Sadr founded the \u00E2\u0080\u0098Movement of the Disinherited\u00E2\u0080\u0099, which, in his words, was a movement for those who, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfeel deprivation in their actuality, of those who feel anxious for their future, and of those who shoulder their responsibility toward the disinherited and the anxious with honour and enthusiasm. It is the Lebanese movement \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A018\t\r \u00C2\u00A0The\t\r \u00C2\u00A0bizarre\t\r \u00C2\u00A0details\t\r \u00C2\u00A0to\t\r \u00C2\u00A0this\t\r \u00C2\u00A0story\t\r \u00C2\u00A0can\t\r \u00C2\u00A0be\t\r \u00C2\u00A0found\t\r \u00C2\u00A0here:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0NA,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\"Lebanon\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Shiite\t\r \u00C2\u00A0leader\t\r \u00C2\u00A0was\t\r \u00C2\u00A0'liquidated'\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Libya,\"\t\r \u00C2\u00A0France\t\r \u00C2\u00A024\t\r \u00C2\u00A02011.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0http://www.france24.com/en/20111109-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090lebanon-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090shiite-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090leader-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090was-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090liquidated-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090libya\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(accessed:\t\r \u00C2\u00A023\t\r \u00C2\u00A0March\t\r \u00C2\u00A02011)\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A019\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Trablousi,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0History,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0177\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0II\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 21\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 for the best.\u00E2\u0080\u009D20 The movement became an alternative for disenfranchised Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ites, as well as others from other traditions, offering \u00E2\u0080\u009Can engaged and activist Islam that responded to contemporary problems with contemporary solutions.\u00E2\u0080\u009D21 The movement later became formalized as Amal, which formed the backbone of the Shia resistance, along with the more radical Hezbollah, saw al-Sadr as its spiritual and intellectual godfather. After al-Sadr\u00E2\u0080\u0099s death Amal and Hezbollah were in direct competition over who would assume leadership and representativeness of the now radicalized and powerful Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ite movement. Both parties would utilize the image of al- Sadr in a direct attempt to give their own movement legitimacy through his image. Al- Sadr is portrayed in Hezbollah posters as the \u00E2\u0080\u0098natural\u00E2\u0080\u0099 link between the Iranian model of Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ite mobilization, represented by Iranian revolutionary leader Ayatollah al-Khomeini and the distinctly Lebanese one, represented by al-Sadr. In one such poster Khomeini is quoted as saying that al-Sadr \u00E2\u0080\u0098was like a son to me\u00E2\u0080\u0099, while al-Sadr directs his followers to \u00E2\u0080\u0098form a culture of war and employ all resources in our battle with Israel\u00E2\u0080\u0099.22 Another simply designed poster presents the smiling face of al-Sadr alongside a quote that al-Sadr would utilize consistently in his speeches and writings: \u00E2\u0080\u0098Israel is an absolute evil\u00E2\u0080\u0099.23 As both Amal and Hezbollah competed over who would assume leadership in the struggle with Israel and of the Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ite masses, al-Sadr\u00E2\u0080\u0099s image was a central way in which these organizations would frame themselves as the inheritors of al-Sadr\u00E2\u0080\u0099s legacy. Al-Sadr\u00E2\u0080\u0099s disappearance was treated as martyrdom from the outset, and posters of him were produced by Amal in the established style of the martyrdom poster, indicating \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A020\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Maasri,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Off\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Wall\t\r \u00C2\u00A064\t\r \u00C2\u00A021\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Volk,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Memorials.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0119\t\r \u00C2\u00A022\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.10\t\r \u00C2\u00A023\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.11\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0II\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 22\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 that the process of idealized memorialization was quickly taken up. Lucille Volk writes that Al-Sadr\u00E2\u0080\u0099s disappearance led some Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ites to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbelieve that he was their hidden Imam who had temporarily shown himself but had returned into occultation,\u00E2\u0080\u009D which cemented his mythical status, and that following his disappearance \u00E2\u0080\u009Cphotographs of Sadr appeared on billboards in Beirut\u00E2\u0080\u0099s predominantly Shiite neighborhoods.\u00E2\u0080\u009D His disappearance became, she writes, \u00E2\u0080\u009Can occasion for an annual commemorative rally of his supporters, which, according to the analysis of Augustus Richard Norton, is what kept Amal alive.\u00E2\u0080\u009D24 The depth of al-Sadr\u00E2\u0080\u0099s mythology is attested to by the sheer amount of posters that simply portrayed al-Sadr sitting and smiling, his meaning and power assumed rather than given explicitly.25 While these posters served a commemorative function of memorializing al- Sadr as a respected leader, Hezbollah and Amal were also engaging in a certain degree of power politics by linking the image of al-Sadr, and the positive connotations that came along with it, with their own movement. Few parties in the civil war were as committed to the cult of personality surrounding their leader as the Syrian Social Nationalist Party26, which consistently utilized the image of its founder, Antun Sa\u00E2\u0080\u0099deh, along with his quotes and pronouncements in favor of Pan-Syrianism. Sa\u00E2\u0080\u0099deh\u00E2\u0080\u0099s execution by the Lebanese government in 1949 provided the organization with its paradigmatic narrative of sacrifice in leadership and the party continuously utilized the language of martyrdom to build a cult of personality around his idealized figure. Daniel Pipes notes that throughout the SSNP\u00E2\u0080\u0099s history, the party has generally been seen by western academics as \u00E2\u0080\u009Can activist \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A024\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Volk,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Memorials.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0121\t\r \u00C2\u00A025\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.12\t\r \u00C2\u00A026\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Known\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Arabic\t\r \u00C2\u00A0as\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Al-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090Hizb\t\r \u00C2\u00A0al-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090Suri\t\r \u00C2\u00A0al-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090Qawmi\t\r \u00C2\u00A0al-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090Itjima\u00E2\u0080\u0099I\t\r \u00C2\u00A0or\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Parti\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Populaire\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Syrien\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0French.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Throughout\t\r \u00C2\u00A0this\t\r \u00C2\u00A0paper\t\r \u00C2\u00A0I\t\r \u00C2\u00A0will\t\r \u00C2\u00A0use\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Anglicization.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0II\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 23\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 right-wing movement of a slightly dotty kind,\u00E2\u0080\u009D a \u00E2\u0080\u009Clunatic fringe,\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfarcical,\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u009Cidiotic,\u00E2\u0080\u009D and representing an ideology of \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthwarted idealism twisted into a doctrine of total escape.\u00E2\u0080\u009D27 Whatever the merits of these estimations, throughout its checkered history the SSNP had proven itself to be a remarkably resilient organization; and more relevant to the purposes of this study, it has utilized the various conceptions of martyrdom to great effect. As shown in a later section of this paper, the SSNP became the most prolific utilizer of suicide \u00E2\u0080\u0098martyrdom operations\u00E2\u0080\u0099 in the latter stages of the civil war, outpacing even Hezbollah. As a party founded along loosely fascistic lines, the SSNP has always closely identified with Sa\u00E2\u0080\u0099deh\u00E2\u0080\u0099s personality and ideals. The posters commemorating him are best seen as a facet of the party\u00E2\u0080\u0099s construction of Sa\u00E2\u0080\u0099deh\u00E2\u0080\u0099s cult of personality. Following his return to Lebanon from S\u00C3\u00A3o Paulo in 1929 where he was educated, Sa\u00E2\u0080\u0099deh set up the party in 1932 on three main platforms: \u00E2\u0080\u009Cradical reform of society along secular lines, a fascist-style ideology, and Greater Syria.\u00E2\u0080\u009D28 Sa\u00E2\u0080\u0099deh envisioned this \u00E2\u0080\u0098Greater Syria\u00E2\u0080\u0099 as incorporating the states of Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Trans-Jordan, Palestine and parts of Turkey. Although born a Greek Orthodox, Sa\u00E2\u0080\u0099deh rejected any national identity that would clash with his \u00E2\u0080\u0098pan-Syrian\u00E2\u0080\u0099 platform and fully rejected sectarianism, envisioning the individual as represented by the state in his or her totality. His reformist platform called for \u00E2\u0080\u009Cseparation of church and state, prohibition of the clergy from interfering in politics, removal of barriers between sects, abolition of feudalism, and the formation of a strong army.\u00E2\u0080\u009D29 These tenets continued to be SSNP\u00E2\u0080\u0099s key to a strong base throughout the \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A027\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Daniel\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Pipes,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\"Radical\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Politics\t\r \u00C2\u00A0and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Syrian\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Social\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Nationalist\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Party,\"\t\r \u00C2\u00A0International\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Journal\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Middle\t\r \u00C2\u00A0East\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Studies\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Vol.\t\r \u00C2\u00A020,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0no.\t\r \u00C2\u00A03\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(1988).\t\r \u00C2\u00A0303\t\r \u00C2\u00A028\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Ibid.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0304\t\r \u00C2\u00A029\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Ibid.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0II\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 24\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 twentieth century, appealing to non-Sunni minorities, where secularism allowed a \u00E2\u0080\u009Clevel playing field,\u00E2\u0080\u009D which in effect, \u00E2\u0080\u009Ceras[ed] their historic disabilities.\u00E2\u0080\u009D30 As a party that sought a multi-confessional base, the SSNP formed an anti-sectarian and inclusive narrative centered on strong leadership and cult of personality. Sa\u00E2\u0080\u0099deh was consistently portrayed, in traditionally fascistic fashion, as the distillation of his party\u00E2\u0080\u0099s ideals. A poster produced in the 1980s places the image of Sa\u00E2\u0080\u0099deh within the party\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u0098Zawba\u00E2\u0080\u0099a\u00E2\u0080\u0099, or \u00E2\u0080\u0098hurricane\u00E2\u0080\u0099 logo, each arm representing the four virtues of the party: freedom, duty, discipline and power.31 The poster commemorated Sa\u00E2\u0080\u0099deh\u00E2\u0080\u0099s execution in 1949 by the Lebanese government, which viewed him as a subversive agitator. The text reads, \u00E2\u0080\u00988 July, commemoration of Sa\u00E2\u0080\u0099deh\u00E2\u0080\u0099s martyrdom. I die yet my party remains\u00E2\u0080\u0099.32 The poster embodies the themes of continuity and sustained vitality despite the death of the party leader, and implies that the group is strengthened by his death. Conversely, the party commemorated Sa\u00E2\u0080\u0099deh\u00E2\u0080\u0099s birth as well, underscoring his synonymy with the body politic of the party and inferring that from the moment of Sa\u00E2\u0080\u0099deh\u00E2\u0080\u0099s birth, the struggle for pan-Syrianism began. A poster commemorating Sa\u00E2\u0080\u0099deh\u00E2\u0080\u0099s birth reads: \u00E2\u0080\u00981 March, The birth of the national resistance in a nation thought to be extinct by its enemies.\u00E2\u0080\u009933 The mythologization that took place in the posters of Sa\u00E2\u0080\u0099deh was made possible by Sa\u00E2\u0080\u0099deh\u00E2\u0080\u0099s execution, which was then fashioned as martyrdom by his followers. As a narrative tool, Sa\u00E2\u0080\u0099deh\u00E2\u0080\u0099s execution was ideal for the formulation of the party\u00E2\u0080\u0099s identity as a group that found power and strength in its marginalization and oppression. Whether a founding figure or a member of the Lebanese Zo\u00E2\u0080\u0099ama, leader martyrs \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A030\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Ibid.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0307\t\r \u00C2\u00A031\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Michael\t\r \u00C2\u00A0W.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Suleiman,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Political\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Parties\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanon\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Ithaca,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0NY:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Cornell\t\r \u00C2\u00A0University\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Press,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01967).\t\r \u00C2\u00A0134\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A032\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.13\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Maasri)\t\r \u00C2\u00A033\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.14\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(AUB)\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0II\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 25\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 were consistently portrayed by their militias as embodying those values to which the party adhered. In their status as both leaders of their community and martyrs, they became untouchable, mythological figures. \u00E2\u0080\u009CNo militia or political leader,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Fisk writes, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cis so powerful - his name never so influential - as when he is dead, enshrined on wall posters and gateposts amid naively painted clusters of tulips and roses, the final artistic accolade of every martyr in Lebanon.\" 34 As central as these leaders were to the martyrdom traditions of the parties and militias of the Lebanese civil war, it was the rank- and-file fighter martyrs who, in death, were presented as figures to be esteemed and ultimately, emulated. All parties, whether avowedly secular or rooted in a religious framework, presented their martyrs as figures who have sacrificed for their concept of \u00E2\u0080\u0098Lebanon\u00E2\u0080\u0099 as a nation. The Noble Sacrifice of the Fighter-Martyrs The most common type of martyr, and the one most represented visually was that of the fighter-martyr who had been killed in the course of their duty to the party. These \u00E2\u0080\u0098obituary\u00E2\u0080\u0099 styled posters generally followed a common model and included basic biographic information, including the context of their death, dates of their birth and death, and a headshot. The standard form across all parties spoke not only to the \u00E2\u0080\u0098mass marketization\u00E2\u0080\u0099 of martyr memorials in Lebanon, but also to the basic utility of martyrdom language, which allowed each party to appropriate martyrdom, presenting \u00E2\u0080\u0098its\u00E2\u0080\u0099 martyrs as ones who had died for the true cause. With few exceptions, these martyrs were individuals who died in active battle, but who had not actively sought death. Occasionally a poster would be produced which collected these fighter-martyrs into a single poster, \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A034\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fisk,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Pity.\t\r \u00C2\u00A093\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0II\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 26\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 usually to commemorate a battle or commando operation in which large numbers of partisans had fallen. Maasri argues that the most basic function of these posters was, and continues to be, a social one, as in Lebanon \u00E2\u0080\u009Cit is common practice [\u00E2\u0080\u00A6] to post obituaries in public spaces, primarily around where the deceased lived and worked, to inform neighbors and acquaintances of the death, condolences, and funeral proceedings.\u00E2\u0080\u009D35 The militias took this social practice and molded it into the militia system, representing in the posters the value system and political underpinnings of their group. These martyrs were noble figures, who unlike the leaders we have seen above who were mythologized and inaccessible in their status, the power of these martyrs lay in their accessibility as members of the community who had died fighting for a cause. As such, each martyr, across the ideological divide, was presented as a national figure, a person who died either for his or her community or for their perception of the nation they belonged to. The difference, however, between these martyrs and the groups that represented them was in the way that each of them conceived and approached their sense of a nation. Some groups fashioned the nation as a political community, others as a social one. The primacy of Jumblatt in PSP martyrology is made clear by his place even in those posters produced to commemorate the rank-and-file fighter-martyrs. One such poster presented eighty-two martyrs who had died in the 1983 battle with Maronite forces for control of the Shouf mountains range, the traditional homeland of the Druze.36 The poster, entitled \u00E2\u0080\u0098The martyrs of the PSP, Aley\u00E2\u0080\u0099 is simple in design, presenting a headshot of each martyr with their names, but provides no details of the specific circumstance of \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A035\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Maasri,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Off\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Wall.\t\r \u00C2\u00A088\t\r \u00C2\u00A036\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.15\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0II\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 27\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 their death. The ever-present Jumblatt is presented in a larger image, linking the primacy of his death with those of these recent martyrs, as they now share in the noble sacrifice of the founder of their party. The sheer amount of martyrs here goes beyond the simple memorial function of other posters towards a direct political statement of legitimacy through martyrdom; in effect taking ownership over these individuals and utilizing the memory of them as a tool to bolster the party\u00E2\u0080\u0099s legitimacy. This simple layout serves a tri-partite role; first as on obituary to the fallen, second as a commemoration of a battle which is deemed important by the party, and third to define the PSP, as well as Jumblatt as defenders of the traditional homeland of the Druze people and the stronghold of PSP support. The poster therefore cleverly embodies a clear sectarian message, portraying these martyrs as defenders of a specific geographic place which would have meaning both for the traditionally Druze base of the PSP as well as the non-Druze supporters of the party. The importance of Aley as both a strategic and cultural location would have been clear to whoever was viewing the poster, and the producers of the poster leave that importance ambiguous to allow for multiple interpretations. However, the PSP never at any point entirely disavowed their public anti- sectarian message, producing another poster of Saud al-Zahri Abu Mauin, leader of the National Socialist Party, which contained the caption, \u00E2\u0080\u0098Our martyrs are heroes of the crossing from sectarianism to secularism.\u00E2\u0080\u009937 The PSP\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Palestinian allies in the LNM were more prolific in their production of martyrdom posters, with groups \u00E2\u0080\u0093 loosely collected under the banner of the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) \u00E2\u0080\u0093 such as the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP), Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), Arab Liberation \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A037\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.16\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0II\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 28\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Front (ALF), and Fatah producing a staggering array of visual propaganda in their struggle for a national homeland in Palestine. Initially the posters of the Palestinian resistance presented their martyrs as active martyrs who had died in operations across the border in Israel, or later, during engagements with Israeli forces following the latter\u00E2\u0080\u0099s invasion of Lebanon. While the stated aim of the PLO was to liberate its homeland from Israeli occupation, it is worth briefly outlining how the PLO became deeply entrenched in the intra-Lebanese conflict. Despite Maronite objections, the Lebanese army and the PLO had reached an agreement in 1969 known as the Cairo Accords, effectively giving the Palestinian fedayeen38 free reign to conduct their operations from Lebanese soil and transferring control of the refugee camps to the PLO. This agreement was strained following the PLO\u00E2\u0080\u0099s ejection from Jordan in 1970, an event known as \u00E2\u0080\u0098Black September\u00E2\u0080\u0099, and which resulted in the PLO\u00E2\u0080\u0099s move to Beirut as a base for its operations. In effect, the PLO now enjoyed a status akin to a \u00E2\u0080\u0098state within a state\u00E2\u0080\u0099. Edward Said claims that the Beirut period was the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfirst truly independent period of Palestinian national history,\" and that Lebanon very much acted as a \u00E2\u0080\u009Csubstitute for Palestine.\"39 With the outbreak of war in 1975, the PLO became increasingly focused less on its conflict with Israel, and more oriented towards fighting Maronite forces. The full irony of the PLO involvement in the civil war can be seen through the statement of Salah Khalaf, a senior PLO strategist who \u00E2\u0080\u0093 while the Palestinians set up positions to attack Maronite forces in the mountain stronghold of Sennine \u00E2\u0080\u0093 said that the road to Palestine led through: \u00E2\u0080\u009CUyun al-Siman, Aintura and even Jounieh itself to prevent \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A038\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Colloquial\t\r \u00C2\u00A0term\t\r \u00C2\u00A0for\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Palestinian\t\r \u00C2\u00A0fighters\t\r \u00C2\u00A0who\t\r \u00C2\u00A0would\t\r \u00C2\u00A0attack\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Israeli\t\r \u00C2\u00A0targets\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0cross-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090border\t\r \u00C2\u00A0attacks.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A039\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Edward\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Said,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\"Palestinians\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Aftermath\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Beirut,\"\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Journal\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Palestine\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Studies\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Vol.\t\r \u00C2\u00A012,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0no.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(1983).\t\r \u00C2\u00A05-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u00908\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0II\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 29\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 any further threat to the Palestinian presence in Lebanon\u00E2\u0080\u0099.40 These towns lay in the Christian heartland north of Beirut, the entirely opposite direction to the lands of Palestine on Lebanon\u00E2\u0080\u0099s southern border. The clear, nationalistic martyrdom language in the posters of this period should be understood not as simple markers that the PLO was entirely oriented towards the Israelis, but indeed that it was fully enmeshed in the confessional conflict of the Lebanese civil war. The poster styles of the PLO are by and large of a greater visual complexity and variety than the martyrdom posters of other groups, likely due to the Palestinians\u00E2\u0080\u0099 \u00E2\u0080\u009Crich experience in the production of posters and through their alliance with the left-wing parties, provided the latter with a creative framework in which the design of political posters could flourish.\u00E2\u0080\u009D41 The obituary posters of the PLO consistently referred to the \u00E2\u0080\u0098homeland\u00E2\u0080\u0099 of Palestine, commonly linking the idea of martyrdom with the \u00E2\u0080\u0098land\u00E2\u0080\u0099 as a physical, as well as conceptual, entity. A PFLP poster commemorating \u00E2\u0080\u0098martyr\u00E2\u0080\u0099s day\u00E2\u0080\u0099 on the 9th of March, juxtaposed the concept of martyrdom with oppression, visualized by two hands seen gripping the dirt, covered by barbed wire.42 The text reads: \u00E2\u0080\u0098our martyrs [\u00E2\u0080\u00A6] are our bridge of return\u00E2\u0080\u0099, again referencing the need for martyrdom as a central component of the struggle to regain Palestine. The importance of land, unsurprisingly, was central to the mythmaking of Palestinian militias, who perceived themselves as dispossessed from their homeland, as referenced in numerous another posters commemorating \u00E2\u0080\u0098Land Day\u00E2\u0080\u0099.43 \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A040\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fisk,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Pity.\t\r \u00C2\u00A065\t\r \u00C2\u00A041\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Maasri,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Off\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Wall.\t\r \u00C2\u00A052\t\r \u00C2\u00A042\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.17\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(AUB)\t\r \u00C2\u00A043\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.18\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(AUB)\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0II\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 30\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 The P.F.L.P chose the 9th of March as their day to commemorate martyrs due to the 1973 martyrdoms of prominent members of their group in Gaza. In a poster commemorating one of these fighters, Mohamed al-Aswad, known as the \u00E2\u0080\u0098Guevera of Gaza\u00E2\u0080\u0099, is said to have died \u00E2\u0080\u0098so that the flags of the popular struggle may rise until liberation\u00E2\u0080\u0099.44 The barely distinguishable crowds, as well as the linking of al-Aswad to the mythic figure of Che Guevara are indicative of the P.F.L.P\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Marxist roots, and much like the images of Jumblatt, internationalizes their conflict, and subsumes it into the global anti-capitalist movement. The \u00E2\u0080\u0098active\u00E2\u0080\u0099 nature of al-Aswad\u00E2\u0080\u0099s struggle is noted by Dhabbous et. al., who argue that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe message [of the poster] stresses the valor of the martyr who seems to have actively sought martyrdom for the sake of the Palestinian cause.\u00E2\u0080\u009D45 While this poster follows a similar format of an obituary, the particularized language and seeming canonization of al-Aswad gives him prominence. Posters which refer to martyrdom as a concept, rather than as simply just an \u00E2\u0080\u0098act\u00E2\u0080\u0099 to be inspired by, are common. A poster produced by Fatah simply entitled \u00E2\u0080\u0098The Martyr\u00E2\u0080\u0099 presents a horizontal figure wrapped in a kiffiyeh,46 a rose growing out of the martyr\u00E2\u0080\u0099s chest.47 Again, the linking of the ideas of rebirth and martyrdom are referenced through the image of the rose, the idea, not necessarily that the martyr will literally \u00E2\u0080\u0098live again\u00E2\u0080\u0099, but that the martyr dies so that another entity, a rose representing Palestine, can grow and flourish. Of all of the posters produced in Lebanon during this era, the only explicit reference to a religious figure is that of Jesus Christ in a poster produced by the PLO.48 \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A044\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.19\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(AUB)\t\r \u00C2\u00A045\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Yasmine\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Dabbous,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\"Bridge.\"\t\r \u00C2\u00A0603\t\r \u00C2\u00A046\t\r \u00C2\u00A0A\t\r \u00C2\u00A0kiffiyeh\t\r \u00C2\u00A0is\t\r \u00C2\u00A0a\t\r \u00C2\u00A0traditional\t\r \u00C2\u00A0headscarf\t\r \u00C2\u00A0that\t\r \u00C2\u00A0came\t\r \u00C2\u00A0to\t\r \u00C2\u00A0be\t\r \u00C2\u00A0known\t\r \u00C2\u00A0as\t\r \u00C2\u00A0a\t\r \u00C2\u00A0symbol\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Palestinian\t\r \u00C2\u00A0struggle\t\r \u00C2\u00A0for\t\r \u00C2\u00A0independence.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A047\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.18\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(AUB)\t\r \u00C2\u00A048\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.19\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(AUB)\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0II\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 31\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Given the patterns of secularization that martyrdom underwent throughout the 20th century, the absence of direct references to religious figures is understandable and its inclusion here is best understood in the confessional politics of civil war Lebanon. The poster discursively linked the passion of Jesus, replete with its narrative of suffering through injustice and oppression, to contemporary images of struggling Palestinians. The poster\u00E2\u0080\u0099s production and dissemination in Lebanon was likely a direct message to the Christian Maronites whose political and military leadership were in active and sustained conflict with the Palestinian community in Lebanon. The short caption, which anachronistically refers to Jesus as \u00E2\u0080\u0098The Palestinian\u00E2\u0080\u0099, includes a French translation to imply that the message is intended not only for the Arabic speaking Muslim population of Lebanon, but as a message to the francophone Maronites as well. The \u00E2\u0080\u0098obituary\u00E2\u0080\u0099 posters of the Palestinian groups are largely cohesive throughout the constituents of the PLO and generally make reference to the glory of martyrdom and the inevitability of victory for their cause. In the martyrdom poster of Mustafa Alal Sadiq Kazbir, born in 1966 in al-Rashidiya, Morroco, he is shown to have been married, a symbol of his (and we might say his wife\u00E2\u0080\u0099s as well) added sacrifice to the Palestinian cause.49 After a brief description of a \u00E2\u0080\u0098heroic confrontation\u00E2\u0080\u0099 with Israeli forces in the southern village of Beit Bahoun in 1984, the epitaph ends, \u00E2\u0080\u0098Glory for the martyrs and victory for the revolution\u00E2\u0080\u0099. Similarly, the martyrdom posters of the Lebanese Communist Party (LCP) link the death of its fighters to the de-confessionalization of Lebanon as a precursor to the broader struggle against global capitalist imperialism. The primacy of \u00E2\u0080\u0098land\u00E2\u0080\u0099 as a continual motif, as it is across the political spectrum, in the ideological formulation of \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A049\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.20\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(AUB)\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0II\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 32\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 martyrdom is present in the LCP martyrdom posters, one poster reading: \u00E2\u0080\u0098The land is ours. The martyrs of defiance to occupation in defense of the nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s land\u00E2\u0080\u0099.50 The martyrs are presented here as singularly national symbols, their disembodied arms, holding Kalashnikovs rising from the ground. As with the Fatah poster, which presented the depersonalized martyr wrapped in a kiffeyeh, another LCP poster presents its martyrs as red stars dotted around the landscape of Lebanon, identifying places which the LCP has given martyrs in a year.51 The text reads: \u00E2\u0080\u0098Martyrs of the Lebanese Communist Party, March 1975 \u00E2\u0080\u0093 March 1976; martyrs in the battle against the fascist isolationist plan in defense of Lebanon, its unity, Arab identity and in defense of the Palestinian resistance\u00E2\u0080\u0099. In both posters the martyrs gave their lives both for the broader Communist \u00E2\u0080\u0093 a trans- national movement \u00E2\u0080\u0093 as well as the nationalistic Lebanese struggle. This mediation between a nationalist struggle, linked with trans-national ideals is a common trait among the militias of the Lebanese Civil War. However, this mediation is entirely broken down in the posters of the S.S.N.P who were by far the most prolific producers of martyrdom posters during the latter part of the civil war. While better known for their prolific use of \u00E2\u0080\u0098martyrdom operations\u00E2\u0080\u0099, which I will address in the following chapter, the SSNP commemorated their fallen partisans with remarkable zeal. The \u00E2\u0080\u0098obituaries\u00E2\u0080\u0099 of the SSNP largely followed the common style, usually accompanied with a quote from Sa\u00E2\u0080\u0099adeh. These posters were largely produced during the SSNP\u00E2\u0080\u0099s adoption of a Lebanese nationalist platform as a member of the Lebanese National Resistance Front (LNRF), an anti-Israel coalition along with Ba\u00E2\u0080\u0099thist and Communist parties. As a result, and in contradiction of the earlier tenets of the parties, the producers of S.S.N.P posters \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A050\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.21\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Maasri)\t\r \u00C2\u00A051\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.22\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Maasri)\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0II\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 33\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 consistently present their martyrs as figures who have died for the \u00E2\u0080\u0098unity\u00E2\u0080\u0099 of Lebanon and \u00E2\u0080\u0098national belonging\u00E2\u0080\u0099. The martyrdoms of \u00E2\u0080\u0098Aref Ahmad Zneet, Ibrahim Youssef Ataya, Khalil Ilyas Abu Haidar and Kanj Abdo Madhi are representative of the common \u00E2\u0080\u0098obituary\u00E2\u0080\u0099 style produced by the SSNP.52 Each includes a quote from Sa\u00E2\u0080\u0099adeh, proclaiming that \u00E2\u0080\u0098the highest form of martyrdom is the martyrdom of blood\u00E2\u0080\u0099, exalting their dead as the most laudable form of sacrifice. The posters of the SSNP are perhaps the tightest visually, containing only as much information as was necessary to link these martyrs with the themes and ideals of the party, embodied in the Zawba\u00E2\u0080\u0099a and Sa\u00E2\u0080\u0099adeh\u00E2\u0080\u0099s quote. While Bashir Gemayel occupies the central place the martyrological tradition of the Maronites, there are some surviving examples of \u00E2\u0080\u0098obituary\u00E2\u0080\u0099 styled posters. The Martyrdoms of Abdo Joseph Kaffouri and Aadil Jamil Tartoori, produced by the National Liberal Party, a center-right political party established by Maronite Za\u00E2\u0080\u0099im and former President Camille Chamoun, were presented in the simplistic style of \u00E2\u0080\u0098obituary\u00E2\u0080\u0099 posters, both with the heading \u00E2\u0080\u009CWe sacrifice our souls for Lebanon,\u00E2\u0080\u009D53 and a simple epitaph designating the \u00E2\u0080\u0098front\u00E2\u0080\u0099 on which they died. Another poster produced by the Kataeb presented eight martyrs as cedars, the national symbol of Lebanon. The Cedar tree is largely \u00E2\u0080\u009Cunderstood as a reference to Phoenician, not Arab Lebanon,\u00E2\u0080\u009D54 as the common view of Maronites was to see themselves as at their core a Mediterranean people. Much like other posters we have seen, martyrdom is presented as an act that strengthens the community, and in this case is seen as \u00E2\u0080\u0098Lebanon\u00E2\u0080\u0099 as a nation. As with the images and statements of Bashir Gemayel, Lebanon is made synonymous with the Maronite identity \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A052\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.23\t\r \u00C2\u00A053\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.24\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A054\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Yasmine\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Dabbous,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\"Bridge.\"\t\r \u00C2\u00A0610\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0II\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 34\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 through the caption which reads, \u00E2\u0080\u0098They died for Lebanon to live. The martyrs of the Kataeb in Antelias.\u00E2\u0080\u009955 The making of confessional group and nation as synonymous, as well as the primacy of sacrifice is embodied in a poster produced by the Tanzim party, where the image of an anonymous fighter\u00E2\u0080\u0099s blood, seeping from his body, forms a Lebanese flag.56 The figure overlays a border outline of Lebanon, while the text reads: \u00E2\u0080\u0098If you love it, work for it\u00E2\u0080\u0099. Only one individualized martyrdom poster of Amal survives, although it breaks many of the standard styles of the other groups in its detail and complexity. In contrast to other partisans, this martyr is given primacy and detail precisely because of his banality and humanity, a Lebanese \u00E2\u0080\u0098working class hero\u00E2\u0080\u0099. Ali \u00E2\u0080\u0098Abu Husain\u00E2\u0080\u0099 Nimr al-Ghadban was martyred in 1985, although no details are given on the cause of his death.57 This poster includes an incredible amount of biographical information, more than any other, beginning with a Quranic inscription: Allah has preferred those who strive hard and fight, above those who sit (at home) by a huge reward. The Amal movement presents to its faithful audience the warrior architect martyr Ali Nimr al-Gadban, \u00E2\u0080\u0098Abu Husain\u00E2\u0080\u0099 Born in 1958, Al- Ghabdan had a son, joined the movement in 1979, excelled in many military rounds, earned the civil architecture certificate in 1983, took part in ever war the Movement has fought and was the perfect example of loyalty and self-sacrifice, held many posts in the movement, the last of which was West Beirut where he stayed until his martyrdom. He was martyred for both the Lebanese and the Palestinian people. \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A055\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.26\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(AUB)\t\r \u00C2\u00A056\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.27\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Maasri)\t\r \u00C2\u00A057\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.28\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(AUB)\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0II\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 35\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 The epigraph ends with a vow from the party to, \u00E2\u0080\u0098never give up the cause he was martyred for\u00E2\u0080\u0099. This poster is remarkable precisely because it largely eschewed the grand narratives of other posters. Here, the normalcy of al-Ghadban is put at the fore as a way to give the martyr a humanistic quality. He is, in the poster, a loyal, hard-working, educated family man and it is his standard, almost unremarkable position that gives the party cause to commemorate him in detail. In contrast, the posters of Amal\u00E2\u0080\u0099s rival in the Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ite movement, the Islamist group Hezbollah, fashioned their fighters as idealized representatives of the Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ite martyrological tradition. The Centrality of Karbala and the Tenacity of Martyrdom in Hezbollah\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Worldview Hezbollah\u00E2\u0080\u0099s conception of martyrdom and their position within the context of the Lebanese political climate demands a more in-depth analysis, as the party broke the trends of secular nationalist conceptions of martyrdom and political engagement that was outlined in the discussion of the other parties. While religious imagery was largely absent from the posters of the more entrenched and established parties of the civil war, Hezbollah presented its view of martyrdom in an explicitly Islamic context that was representative of its overall rejection of secularism as a political philosophy. Hezbollah was very much a product of its time. With the disappearance of Moussa al-Sadr in 1978, the Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ite resistance movement began to split along doctrinal lines. Amal, the party founded by al-Sadr as the political wing of his \u00E2\u0080\u0098Movement of the Disinhereted\u00E2\u0080\u0099, had always walked a fine line between the \u00E2\u0080\u0098Legalist\u00E2\u0080\u0099 and \u00E2\u0080\u0098Radical\u00E2\u0080\u0099 movements in Shia popular discourse.58 The invasion of Israel in 1982 prompted the founding of Hezbollah by a group of more radical Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ite clerics, including Imam Rageh Harb, Shams al-Din and \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A058\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Taraboulsi,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0A\t\r \u00C2\u00A0History\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Modern\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanon.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0230\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0II\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 36\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Mohammad Hussein Fadlallah who were influenced by the teachings of Iranian revolutionary leader Ayatollah al-Khomeini as a military resistance organization dedicated to the removal of Israel from the predominantly Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ite Lebanese south. Hezbollah was deeply influenced by the 1979 Iranian Revolution. Khomeini was instrumental in the formation of a new type of radical Islamist politics that united the spiritual and political aspects of Islam into a coherent ideological platform. Martyrdom was a central component to this worldview, which presented the world as embodying a dualistic formation which split the world in an antagonistic struggle between the truth of Islam\u00E2\u0080\u0099s power and those who would reject the word of God in order to impose their will. For Hezbollah, this \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnotion of political action is the division of the world,\u00E2\u0080\u009D writes Amal Saad-Ghorayeb, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cformulated by Khumayni into 'oppressors' (mustakbirin) and 'oppressed' (mustad'afin). So pivotal is this conceptual dichotomy to Hizbu'llah's political thought that it is invoked in almost every official's speech.\"59 This political view was a revival of the historical narrative of self-sacrifice and oppression that was embodied in the death of their tradition\u00E2\u0080\u0099s founder the Imam Hussein. The defining moment in Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ite martyrology came in 680 CE, when the armies of Muhammad\u00E2\u0080\u0099s grandson, Husayn ibn Ali, leader of a breakaway sect of Islam, was defeated in the \u00E2\u0080\u0098Battle of Karbala\u00E2\u0080\u0099 during a struggle for leadership of the Islamic community by the much more numerous and powerful armies of the Sunni caliph Yazid I. The centrality of this event in Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ite religious discourse cannot be overstated. Imagery of the catastrophic destruction of the entire Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ite community, including men, women, and children at the hands of a powerful, hostile enemy became the central myth of Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ites \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A059\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Amal\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Saad-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090Ghorayeb,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Hizbu'llah\t\r \u00C2\u00A0:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Politics\t\r \u00C2\u00A0and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Religion,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Critical\t\r \u00C2\u00A0studies\t\r \u00C2\u00A0on\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Islam\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(London\t\r \u00C2\u00A0;\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Sterling,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Va.:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Pluto\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Press,\t\r \u00C2\u00A02002).\t\r \u00C2\u00A016\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0II\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 37\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 whose discourse continues to revolve around a sense of oppression, sacrifice and perseverance through violent repression. The hagiographical tradition of Husayn highlights his pious sacrifice in defense of his community, his martyrdom serving as act to be emulated by his followers and which is enacted and embodied in the flagellation rituals of the Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ite Ashura festival. The Ashura festival sustained the narrative of Husayn\u00E2\u0080\u0099s self-sacrifice and martyrdom in the Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ite tradition, allowing those same narratives to once again be utilized by Hezbollah in their formation of a martyrdom narrative. While Ashura had been a central festival in the Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ite tradition since its formation, it took on greater importance for the Lebanese Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ite community under Israeli occupation. \u00E2\u0080\u009CAshura had originally been celebrated in a rather modest way, writes Michael Johnson, while prior to the invasion, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe passion play was more a village festival than an assertion of Shi'a identity, to the extent that Christian villagers would sometimes take minor roles in it.\u00E2\u0080\u009D60 In times of conflict and when the Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ite community perceived itself under threat, the martyrdom narrative of Husayn took on new meanings and was expressed in new forms. Rola al-Husseni writes that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe Karbala narrative [had] proven to be a relatively [...] flexible set of symbols, the interpretation of which has readily evolved in accordance with changing political trends.\u00E2\u0080\u009D61 Conversely, The Karbala narrative was used by secular parties as a way to mock the Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ite groups to whom they were opposed. A pro-Syrian Murabitun militia leader issued statements in 1985 under the name of Yazid I, the Sunni leader in whose name Hussein and his retinue had been \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A060\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Johnson,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Honourable.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0159\t\r \u00C2\u00A061\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Rola\t\r \u00C2\u00A0el-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090Husseini,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\"Resistance,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Jihad\t\r \u00C2\u00A0and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Martyrdom,\"\t\r \u00C2\u00A0The\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Middle\t\r \u00C2\u00A0East\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Journal\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Vol.\t\r \u00C2\u00A062,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0no.\t\r \u00C2\u00A03\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(2008).\t\r \u00C2\u00A0404\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0II\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 38\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 slaughtered.62 This new conception of memorialization followed the politicization of the Karbala narrative first by Khomeini and then by the formative religious thinkers of Hezbollah. The Karbala paradigm was central to the ways in which Hezbollah conceptualized contemporary martyrdom. Hezbollah conceptualized their struggle through the rubric of jihad, an individual\u00E2\u0080\u0099s struggle not only with external forces, but with the internal contradiction inherent in human existence. However it was the former conceptualization of morality that the scholars of Hezbollah explored in their religious edicts justifying violence. Saad-Ghorayeb writes that \u00E2\u0080\u009CAn integral part of Hizbu'llah's conceptualization of jihad is the notion of martyrdom [\u00E2\u0080\u00A6] the wajib shari' [A religious obligation] to launch a defensive jihad not only entails a willingness to fight for God's cause, but also a willingness to die for this cause - both of which are exemplified by the Karbala episode.\"63 Four aspects of the Karbala narrative are consistently utilized in Hezbollah\u00E2\u0080\u0099s representations of martyrdom. The centrality of death through violent struggle was consistently presented visually through the images of blood. The narrative of martyrdom providing the community with its surest sense of vitality is very much in play here, where Imam Hussein\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sacrifice was presented as giving the Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ite community its very raison d\u00E2\u0080\u0099etre. Sacrifice for the community was a profound act of giving one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s self in their entirety to the cause, where death becomes the ultimate noble sacrifice to one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s community. The poster commemorating the assassination of Hezbollah founding member and cleric Imam Rageh Harb embodies the narratives of communal renewal through \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A062\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Johnson,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Honourable.\t\r \u00C2\u00A067\t\r \u00C2\u00A063\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Saad-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090Ghorayeb,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Hizbu'llah\t\r \u00C2\u00A0:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Politics\t\r \u00C2\u00A0and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Religion.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0127\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0II\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 39\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 martyrdom, his face positioned above a sea and a smattering of blood out of which a red flower grows.64 The flower is placed next to a Kalashnakov as well as the outline of a bird formed from the blood, which suggests that struggle and rebirth, peace and blood are all intertwined. The inherent contradictions between these images was an element of Hezbollah posters that was utilized consistently, pushing the viewer to reconsider basic assumptions about life and death and re-contextualizing them in the framework of militant struggle against occupation. \u00E2\u0080\u0098Do not think of those that have been slain in God\u00E2\u0080\u0099s cause as dead,\u00E2\u0080\u009D declares the poster, quoting a passage from the Quran, \u00E2\u0080\u009CNay, they are alive!\u00E2\u0080\u0099 The blood and the outline of a bird, representing freedom, form a version of a Yin & Yang, presenting freedom and blood as intimately linked together. In another poster Harb was presented alongside a caption which reads, \u00E2\u0080\u0098We will cross a sea of blood to reach God\u00E2\u0080\u0099s blessed victory\u00E2\u0080\u0099.65 The blood here is indicative of the asymmetrical style of guerilla warfare that Hezbollah was engaged in with Israel, reinforcing the centrality of death and sacrifice in the Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ite conception of resistance while the benevolent image of al-Khomeini reasserts the trans-national component of the Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ite struggle. In the militarily imbalanced warfare between the Islamic resistance and the Israeli army, high casualty rates were assured. This aspect of the contemporary struggle fit perfectly with the narrative of al-Hussein\u00E2\u0080\u0099s massively outnumbered forces at the battle of Karbala. Another poster commemorating the deaths of seven fighters proclaims, \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe blood of martyrs is the most honest expression of blood vanquishing the sword.\u00E2\u0080\u009D66 As the narrative of freedom through martyrdom is so strong, birds were commonly introduced into martyrdom posters as a way of linking the deaths of fighters to the notion of spiritual \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A064\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.29\t\r \u00C2\u00A065\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.29\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Maasri)\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A066\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.30\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(AUB)\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 \t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0II\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 40\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 freedom. A poster of nine martyrs portrays this link visually with typical \u00E2\u0080\u0098obituary\u00E2\u0080\u0099 styled photos as well as by silhouetted figures holding flags and weapons, all framed by a flock of flying birds.67 The text of the poster defines these fighters as \u00E2\u0080\u0098The Islamic Resistance. Our glory, our pride and the prince of Martyrs. They guide our path\u00E2\u0080\u0099. The \u00E2\u0080\u0098prince\u00E2\u0080\u0099 here refers to Ahmad Qassim, who was the first to carry out a suicide bombing operation and, as discussed in the following chapter, was raised to an elevated status. Hezbollah\u00E2\u0080\u0099s martyrs were presented as figures that embodied the sacrifice of al-Hussein in their self- sacrifice not only for the direct community\u00E2\u0080\u0099s parochial interests, but for the broader Islamic struggle against oppression. Martyrdom is not presented as a mere facet of the resistance towards Israel, as Hezbollah was at this time a purely military organization, but as the primary method in which to eject the Israelis from Lebanese territory. The image of the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem, the third holiest site in Islam, features prominently in the martyrdom posters of Hezbollah. The intent here was to expand the discursive framing of martyrdom beyond just the present conflict with Israel and link the battle in the south of Lebanon to the broader pan-Islamic struggle to liberate Palestine from what Hezbollah frequently termed the \u00E2\u0080\u0098Zionist occupiers\u00E2\u0080\u0099. The utilization of this pan-Islamic icon cements the Islamic resistance as one not limited to the more parochial struggle to liberate only Lebanese territory, but the historic icons of Islam as well. One such poster substituted Mecca with Jerusalem as the kiblah, the direction to which Muslims pray.68 The poster is framed by a prayer niche, creating a visual perspective towards Jerusalem, which according to Zeinna Maasri, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cclaims Jerusalem as \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A067\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.31\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Maasri)\t\r \u00C2\u00A068\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.32\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0II\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 41\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 the kiblah of the mujahidin [religious soldiers], its liberation the ultimate Jihad.\u00E2\u0080\u009D69 While the theme of nationalist conceptions of martyrdom holds for the large proportion of militias and groups of the Lebanese civil war, there was something quite different about the way in which Hezbollah conceptualized and presented martyrdom through their posters and proclamations. For the other groups, martyrdom was such a powerful narrative because it could be so broadly interpreted among a wide array of differing conceptions of ideas about what could constitute a noble death. However, with the posters of the Islamic resistance, there is an incredible specificity and historical depth to the Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ite tradition of martyrdom which has been distinctly cultivated in their culture over hundreds of years. While there were of course narrative linkages between Hezbollah\u00E2\u0080\u0099s conceptions of martyrdom and the imagery they use to express that \u00E2\u0080\u0093 the utilization of blood which is present in the posters of the SSNP, for example \u00E2\u0080\u0093 the religious tradition of Hezbollah, not to mention the very different role it played in relation to other groups of the civil war, gave the posters of Hezbollah their particular style. Conclusion: The Noble Sacrifice of Martyrdom Whether a Za\u00E2\u0080\u0099im, a political leader, or an ordinary fighter, these martyrs were presented by the parties and militias of the Lebanese civil war as paragons of sacrifice. For the secular Marxist parties, their martyrs sacrificed not only for their vision of Lebanon as a de-confessionalized socialist state, but also for the grander narrative of the global resistance struggle. Although parties with radically different political platforms, the SSNP and Maronite Phalange presented their martyrs as purely nationalistic figures, individuals who were made greater through their sacrifice for the state. In all cases, \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A069\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Maasri,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Off\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Wall.\t\r \u00C2\u00A097\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0II\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 42\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 however, the martyr was given meaning through their death for a higher cause. The sacrifice is made \u00E2\u0080\u0098nobler\u00E2\u0080\u0099 not through the repetitious act of atavistic mimicry of a long dead religious figure, but through the political and nationalistic programs of the militia they died for. While the martyrs described above were very much in keeping with the secularized conceptualization of martyrdom, Hezbollah\u00E2\u0080\u0099s presentation of its martyrs broke this trend. Hezbollah utilized the Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ite martyrdom tradition of the Ashura festival to make their battle with Israel co-temporal with past instances of perceived injustice. While Hezbollah reached into past for inspiration, the narrative of martyrdom they constructed was profoundly modern and made possible by the particular historical context of military invasion and oppression. As we will see in the next chapter, Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ite groups would radically reformulate the pre-existing boundaries of martyrdom by introducing a new and previously unseen figure of the suicide bomber. Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0III\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 43\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part III Introduction: Expanding Conceptions & New Formations of Martyrdom The period of entrenched and profound instability that defined the war\u00E2\u0080\u0099s continuation into the 1980s gave rise to new conceptualizations of what could constitute a martyr. Despite cultural and religious prescriptions against suicide, the militias began to use a previously unseen method of warfare euphemistically termed \u00E2\u0080\u0098martyrdom operations\u00E2\u0080\u0099 by the militias, but more popularly known as suicide bombing. A sign of the expanding gender roles that the conflict necessitated was the inclusion of women in suicide bombing missions, known euphemistically by the militias who utilized them as \u00E2\u0080\u0098martyrdom operations\u00E2\u0080\u0099. These operations were contentious, and the Lebanese National Front, Amal and Hezbollah, the groups who carried them out, utilized the established tradition of martyrdom and martyrdom posters to legitimize this new method of warfare. This chapter will first detail the adoption of suicide bombing and its utilization as a propaganda tool, followed by a discussion of how the role of women in the militia system created particular gendered images that were then employed in the representations of female suicide bombers. American political scientist Robert Pape has argued that suicide bombing is a result, uniformly, of foreign occupation. \u00E2\u0080\u009CWhat nearly all suicide terrorist attacks have in common,\u00E2\u0080\u009D he writes, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cis a specific and strategic goal: to compel modern democracies to withdraw military forces from the territory that the terrorists consider to be their homeland.\u00E2\u0080\u009D1 While Pape\u00E2\u0080\u0099s thesis is useful in understanding suicide bombing in a geo- strategic context, it ignores the ways in which the militias of the civil war utilized suicide \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A01\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Robert\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Anthony\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Pape,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Dying\t\r \u00C2\u00A0to\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Win:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0The\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Strategic\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Logic\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Suicide\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Terrorism\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(New\t\r \u00C2\u00A0York:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Random\t\r \u00C2\u00A0House,\t\r \u00C2\u00A02005).\t\r \u00C2\u00A04\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0III\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 44\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 bombing as a public relations tool and as a method by which they sought to garner support for their cause. Despite the decreasing effectiveness of suicide operations over time and Hezbollah\u00E2\u0080\u0099s disavowal of the tactic, they continued to be utilized by the secular militias as a tool of political campaigning; a method by which the leftist parties could call for support and legitimize their secular vision of Lebanon and counter the rising legitimacy of the Islamic resistance as a political force. Martyrdom as Self-Destruction: Politics and Power in the Militias\u00E2\u0080\u0099 Representations of Suicide Bombers On the 10 November 1982, the Israeli headquarters in Tyre was leveled in a massive explosion, killing upwards of 100 people inside, including some twenty Palestinian civilians who were waiting to be interrogated. The Israeli government initially blamed the attack on a gas leak, but it quickly became known that an individual had driven a car into the foyer of the building that then exploded.2 A variety of different groups claimed responsibility for the attack, but none were well known or representative of an already established party. French news reported receiving a letter from the \u00E2\u0080\u0098Armed Struggle Group\u00E2\u0080\u0099, while Beirut papers more credulously reported a previously unheard of organization calling itself the \u00E2\u0080\u0098Military Command of the Lebanese National Resistance\u00E2\u0080\u0099 claiming responsibility.3 However, the identity of the attacker, in contrast to the more traditional martyrdom operations seen in the previous chapter, remained unknown and unpublicized. \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A02\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Edgar\t\r \u00C2\u00A0O'Ballance,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Civil\t\r \u00C2\u00A0war\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanon,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01975-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u009092\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(New\t\r \u00C2\u00A0York:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0St.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Martin's\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Press,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01998).\t\r \u00C2\u00A0132\t\r \u00C2\u00A03\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Associated\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Press,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\"Report\t\r \u00C2\u00A0on\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanon,\"\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Associated\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Press,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0November\t\r \u00C2\u00A011\t\r \u00C2\u00A01982.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0III\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 45\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 The success of the Tyre operation prompted three more attacks the following year, most notably against the U.N sanctioned multinational force of American, Italian and French troops. On 11 November 1982 two bombers, each driving a pickup truck laden with explosives, drove into the barracks of American and French troops in a coordinated attack, killing upwards of 300. Again, the identities of the bombers were not released, although responsibility for the attack was once again claimed by a previously unknown organization, this time calling itself \u00E2\u0080\u0098Islamic Jihad\u00E2\u0080\u0099.4 A message sent to local news sources emphasized the local nature of the resistance, likely in response to charges from the press that the burgeoning Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ite resistance groups that had begun to spring up were little more than Iranian proxies: We have carried out this operation against the fortresses of reactionary imperialism to prove to the world that their naval and artillery firepower does not frighten us. We are soldiers of God and we are fond of death. We are neither Iranians nor Syrians nor Palestinians. We are Lebanese Muslims who follow the principles of the Quran.5 Little was, or still is known about this group, and while most governments and analysts assume it to be a moniker of what would later become Hezbollah, 6 the connection between the two groups will likely remain obscure. The identities of the attackers remain unknown and to date, no party has officially claimed the attacks as their own. It is clear that at this early stage, the groups who carried out their attacks chose to keep the identities of both themselves, and the attackers secret. This secrecy was in stark \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A04\t\r \u00C2\u00A0NA,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\"Islamic\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Underground\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Group\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Claims\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Responsibility\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\"\t\r \u00C2\u00A0United\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Press\t\r \u00C2\u00A0International,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0November\t\r \u00C2\u00A04\t\r \u00C2\u00A01983.\t\r \u00C2\u00A05\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fisk,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Pity,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0520\t\r \u00C2\u00A06\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Marius\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Deeb,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Militant\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Islamic\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Movements\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanon:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Origins,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Social\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Basis,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Ideology,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Occasional\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Paper\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Series\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Washington,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0D.C:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Georgetown\t\r \u00C2\u00A0University,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01986).\t\r \u00C2\u00A019\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0III\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 46\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 contrast to the utilization of martyrdom by the more established militias, whose martyrs were proudly pronounced in the posters and slogans seen in the previous chapter. According to Robert Fisk, the suicide bombers\u00E2\u0080\u0099 photographs were secretly \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpasted up on the walls of west Beirut with all the other militia martyrs. But on the posters, the circumstances of their death were obscured. The captions announced that the men had been 'martyred' in a Shia area of the city while fighting 'the enemies of Islam'.\u00E2\u0080\u009D7 This secrecy was likely due to the fact that suicide bombing was still very much a contentious and unknown phenomenon, and reactions to it in Lebanese society were wide-ranging, even among those who shared the overall goal of expelling the Israelis.8 However this began to change in 1984, due to a range of factors. First, the breakup of the Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ite resistance that followed from the death of Moussa al-Sadr began to settle; with al-Sadr\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Amal party competing with the new conglomeration of radical Islamic militant groups under the Hezbollah banner. Second, the continued Israeli occupation of the south radicalized an already brutalized population, and as a result suicide attacks became increasingly accepted as a justifiable response to the litany of Israeli human rights abuses. While the Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ites of the south initially welcomed the Israelis as liberators from the excesses of the PLO, the mood quickly soured as the occupiers became increasingly oppressive in its tactics.9 Finally, suicide attacks were initially an extremely effective weapon in the asymmetrical warfare of the guerilla resistance and while its effectiveness waned, it remained a key component in the media strategies of the militias. \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A07\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Ibid\t\r \u00C2\u00A08\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Maasri,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Off\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Wall.\t\r \u00C2\u00A094\t\r \u00C2\u00A09\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Pape,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Dying,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0132\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0III\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 47\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Suicide bombing was very much a contested and controversial act, as evidenced by the extent to which religious and political leaders aligned with the various parties went to justify its use. Lebanese Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ite clerics Shams al-Din and Muhammad Hussein Fadlallah wrote extensively on suicide bombing, arguing that in a context of direct oppression and occupation there should be no distinction between a fighter-martyr and a suicide bomber. Neither al-Din nor Fadlallah were ever directly involved in the official apparatus of Hezbollah, nevertheless their status gave suicide bombing the theological legitimacy that Hezbollah needed to carry out the operations. Two passages of Fadlallah outline this view: \u00E2\u0080\u009CIf an oppressed people does not have the means to confront the United States and Israel with the weapons in which they are superior, then they [can use] unfamiliar weapons.\u00E2\u0080\u009D10 The reference to suicide bombing as an \u00E2\u0080\u0098unfamiliar weapon\u00E2\u0080\u0099 attests to the new and contested nature of suicide operations, something out of the ordinary, only justified through the massive imbalance in military capability. Moreover Fadlallah believed that as far as Islamic jurisprudence was concerned, there could be no distinction between the suicide bomber and any other fallen fighter, telling a group of Palestinian militants that, \u00E2\u0080\u009CMuslims believe that you struggle by transforming yourself into a living bomb like you struggle with a gun in your hand. There is no difference between dying with a gun in your hand or exploding yourself.\"11 Such proclamations from a respected public and religious figure such as Fadlallah gave these new tactics \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A010\t\r \u00C2\u00A0See\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Martin\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Kramer,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\"The\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Moral\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Logic\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Hizballah,\"\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Origins\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Terrorism:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Psychologies,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Ideologies,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Theologies,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0States\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Mind,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0ed.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Walter\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Reich\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Cambridge:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Cambridge\t\r \u00C2\u00A0University\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Press,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01990).\t\r \u00C2\u00A0available\t\r \u00C2\u00A0at\t\r \u00C2\u00A0http://www.geocities.com/martinkramerorg/MoralLogic.htm\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(last\t\r \u00C2\u00A0visited\t\r \u00C2\u00A023\t\r \u00C2\u00A0March\t\r \u00C2\u00A02012)\t\r \u00C2\u00A011\t\r \u00C2\u00A0See\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Martin\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Kramer,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\"Sacrifice\t\r \u00C2\u00A0and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0'Self-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090Martyrdom'\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Shi'ite\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanon,,\"\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Terrorism\t\r \u00C2\u00A0and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Political\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Violence\t\r \u00C2\u00A03,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0no.\t\r \u00C2\u00A03\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(1991).\t\r \u00C2\u00A0available\t\r \u00C2\u00A0at\t\r \u00C2\u00A0http://www.martinkramer.org/sandbox/reader/archives/sacrifice-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090and-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090self-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090martyrdom-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090in-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090shiite-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090lebanon/-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090n12\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(last\t\r \u00C2\u00A0visited\t\r \u00C2\u00A023\t\r \u00C2\u00A0March\t\r \u00C2\u00A02012) Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0III\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 48\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 legitimation not only in a secular context, but also in the Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ite tradition of Islamic jurisprudence. There are competing accounts of when the identity of the 1982 Tyre bomber became public. American Middle East analyst Martin Kramer claims that a copy of the Hezbollah newspaper al-Ahd revealed the identity of Ahmad Qassir, a fifteen-year-old son of a fruit-seller, on 19 May 1985.12 However, a poster commemorating the second anniversary of the attack, produced in 1984, suggests that Qassir\u00E2\u0080\u0099s identity was known and utilized prior to this. The text exalts his status as the first in the chain of suicide attacks: \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe first in the reign of heroism, the pioneer of martyrdom operations; the happy martyr Ahmad Qassir \u00E2\u0080\u0098Haydar\u00E2\u0080\u0099 [Lion]; the destroyer of the headquarters of the Israeli military governor in Sour [Tyre]\u00E2\u0080\u009D13 Another Islamic Resistance poster produced in a similar visual style and linguistic typography was clearly one of the first to note Qassir\u00E2\u0080\u0099s identity: \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwe announce with all proud (sic) and appreciation and we dedicate to Hazrat Khomeini the martyr Ahmad Qassir \u00E2\u0080\u0098Haydar\u00E2\u0080\u0099. We testify the blood of the martyrs in the night of Jabl\u00E2\u0080\u0099 Amel to continue all the way to victory.\u00E2\u0080\u009D14 Both of these posters predate the official founding of Hezbollah and although undated, was produced at a similar time as the previous poster. As such, it lacks the distinctive Hezbollah logo that the group would use in their later posters. Nonetheless, the posters represent a clear interjection on the part of the Islamic resistance into the public media sphere of the Lebanese civil war and a sign of the group\u00E2\u0080\u0099s growing role in Lebanese politics. \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A012\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Ibid.\t\r \u00C2\u00A013\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A03.1\t\r \u00C2\u00A014\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A03.2\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Note:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Hazrat\t\r \u00C2\u00A0is\t\r \u00C2\u00A0an\t\r \u00C2\u00A0honorific\t\r \u00C2\u00A0title\t\r \u00C2\u00A0literally\t\r \u00C2\u00A0meaning\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\u00E2\u0080\u0098presence\u00E2\u0080\u0099,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0but\t\r \u00C2\u00A0can\t\r \u00C2\u00A0be\t\r \u00C2\u00A0understood\t\r \u00C2\u00A0as\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\u00E2\u0080\u0098His\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Holiness\u00E2\u0080\u0099.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0III\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 49\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 By 1984, martyrdom operations had by and large become an accepted and understood discourse in the context of the resistance to Israeli occupation. On 16 June Balil Fahs, a seventeen-year-old unskilled worker, rammed his car filled with explosives into an Israeli military convoy, wounding five soldiers.15 The attack was claimed by Amal, their first, and was immediately memorialized in poster form.16 One such poster proclaims Fahs to be the \u00E2\u0080\u0098groom of the South\u00E2\u0080\u0099, a title that held a great deal of meaning. Fahs was to be married the week following his operation, which as a narrative tool exemplified his commitment to the resistance over any other material or physical concerns. His youth also referenced the death of Hussein\u00E2\u0080\u0099s nephew Qasim, who was killed along with his uncle at Karbala and like Fahs, was to be married shortly after his death.17 Fahs\u00E2\u0080\u0099 sacrifice, then, could be construed by Amal both in the context of the Karbala paradigm, but also more broadly under the generalized tropes of selfless sacrifice inherent in martyrdom. Unlike previous martyrs of the Islamic Resistance, Amal was quick to capitalize and publicize their deaths, engaging in the mythmaking so necessary to the formation of national resistance figures. However, the publicization of Fahs\u00E2\u0080\u0099 death had unintended consequences. A week after his death Israeli troops occupied the village of his wife-to-be, and on finding her house empty, proceeded to destroy the village mosque.18 The reasons behind the Islamic Resistance\u00E2\u0080\u0099s decision to release the name of Qassir was likely a product of the group\u00E2\u0080\u0099s struggle with Amal over who would be seen as the leader of the Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ite resistance. The Islamic Resistance was only then beginning to \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A015\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Farouk\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Nassar,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\"Israelis\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Hurt\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Car\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Explosion\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\"\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Associated\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Press,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0June\t\r \u00C2\u00A016\t\r \u00C2\u00A01984.\t\r \u00C2\u00A016\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A03.3\t\r \u00C2\u00A017\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Reuter,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0My\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Life\t\r \u00C2\u00A0is\t\r \u00C2\u00A0a\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Weapon\t\r \u00C2\u00A0:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0A\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Modern\t\r \u00C2\u00A0History\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Suicide\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Bombing.\t\r \u00C2\u00A049\t\r \u00C2\u00A018\t\r \u00C2\u00A0NA,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\"Israelis\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Surround\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Village,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Mosque\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Collapses\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\"\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Associated\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Press\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(1984).\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0III\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 50\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 organize and become a defined entity \u00E2\u0080\u0093 they were still only a year from declaring their manifesto as \u00E2\u0080\u0098Hezbollah\u00E2\u0080\u0099 \u00E2\u0080\u0093 and was in desperate need of the political clout that a strong martyr narrative could provide. Amal\u00E2\u0080\u0099s martyrdom operation of Bilal Fahs was in direct competition with the narrative of Islamic Resistance as sole representative of the Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ites, and as such the production of the Qassir posters can be seen as a part of the media battle that pitted the two Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ite groups against each other. The two camps would go on to engage each other in direct fighting in 1987 for control of areas of Beirut, resulting in the near destruction of Amal, and these competing images were a forerunner to the more direct conflict that was to come. Hezbollah would continue to utilize martyrdom operations throughout 1985, but following the Israeli withdrawal late that year, they abandoned their operations for more traditional methods of resistance against the proxy South Lebanese Army. Fahs\u00E2\u0080\u0099 operation would prove to be Amal\u00E2\u0080\u0099s only suicide bombing, and Fadlallah revoked his edicts allowing martyrdom operations, arguing that the withdrawal had removed the clear, direct oppression that would justify suicide as a tactic of warfare.19 Martyrdom operations did not go unnoticed by secular pro-Syrian groups who were engaged in the resistance against the Israeli occupation. In 1982, in response the Israeli invasion, the previous constituents of the Lebanese National Movement (LNM) now joined with the pro-Syrian Syrian Social Nationalist Party (SSNP) to form the Lebanese National Resistance Front (LNRF). Of all fourty-one suicide attacks between 1982 and the end of the civil war in 1990, when martyrdom operations largely ceased, \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A019\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Ariel\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Merari,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Driven\t\r \u00C2\u00A0to\t\r \u00C2\u00A0death:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Psychological\t\r \u00C2\u00A0and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Social\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Aspects\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Suicide\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Terrorism\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(New\t\r \u00C2\u00A0York:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Oxford\t\r \u00C2\u00A0University\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Press,\t\r \u00C2\u00A02010).\t\r \u00C2\u00A031\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0III\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 51\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 twenty-one were carried out by this group or its secular allies.20 The SSNP\u00E2\u0080\u0099s adoption of this new conception of self-destructive martyrdom is indicative of the broader patterns of cultural and political diffusion that had taken place in Lebanon throughout the 20th century. Similarly to the transformation of martyrdom into a nationalistic sacrifice through the death the Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ite nationalist Abd\u00E2\u0080\u0099 al-Karim al-Khalil discussed in the first chapter, Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ites once again laid the foundations for the conceptual renewal of martyrdom. The secular parties would appropriate many of the visual narratives of Hezbollah, yet they would consistently frame the sacrifice in the secular political narratives of their parties\u00E2\u0080\u0099 platforms. On 12 March 1985, Wajdi Sayegh, a 19-year-old Druze man, drove a Mercedes- Benz packed with explosives into an Israeli military convoy, killing himself and wounding a soldier.21 Sayegh was a member of the secular SSNP, whose rhetoric, as seen in the previous chapter, was entirely couched in the language of nationalistic Pan- Syrianism. His martyrdom poster follows an almost identical style to the more traditional martyrdom posters, including a quote where Sayegh justifies his actions: \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Israeli enemy is an enemy of my nation and we will never let them rest.\u00E2\u0080\u009D22 The poster\u00E2\u0080\u0099s imagery is suggestive of the SSNP\u00E2\u0080\u0099s visual orthodoxy, encompassing all the symbolic imagery of the party. The raised arm of Sayagh is indicative of the party\u00E2\u0080\u0099s fascist roots while the logo of both the LNRF and the SSNP and the reference to the national struggle. All the indicators are direct claims of party ownership over Sayegh\u00E2\u0080\u0099s martyrdom. His sacrifice is indicative of the cross-confessional boundaries of martyrdom operations. Sayegh\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Druze religion is muted, in contrast to the religious tropes that are put to the fore of the posters \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A020\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Pape,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Dying,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0203\t\r \u00C2\u00A021\t\r \u00C2\u00A0G.G\t\r \u00C2\u00A0LaBelle,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Associated\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Press,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0March\t\r \u00C2\u00A012\t\r \u00C2\u00A01985.\t\r \u00C2\u00A022\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A03.4\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0III\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 52\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 of the Islamic Resistance, reflecting the conceptualization of the nationalist struggle as one that transcends confessional boundaries. The posters commemorating the Naharaya operation, where four fighters from the Palestinian Liberation Front (PLF) attacked an apartment complex in northern Israel, is presented under the banner of the LNRF. The event is noteworthy in that although the operation was intended to result in a prisoner swap and the direct intent was not martyrdom, posters were produced beforehand, suggesting that the handlers and fighters knew the operation would likely result in their deaths. All four were killed in the attack. The martyrdom poster of Muhammad Mahmoud, identified as the leader, was almost certainly produced in the same room as the other posters of the SSNP, giving an insight into the otherwise obscured production methods of the party and the simplicity of the party\u00E2\u0080\u0099s media production capacity. Another poster was produced in the same style, showing the four fighters proudly holding their weapons in preparation for the attack.23 As with the poster of Sayegh, the intent behind the operation is made clear through a quote of Mahmoud: \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe road to the liberation of Palestine is not bent, and does not pass through Camp David; it passes first and foremost through armed struggle.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Here there is a measure of continuity between the posters of Hezbollah and the secular parties. The liberation of Palestine, and the removal of Israeli occupation, unites the two groups through a rejection of the peace process and the formulation of a specifically militant Lebanese response to the crisis. An interesting aspect of this poster is the way in which is self-references the martyrdom operations of previous individuals, the poster to Mahmoud\u00E2\u0080\u0099s right a sketch of a memorial poster to Habib Sharturi, the SSNP adherent \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A023\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A03.6\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0III\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 53\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 who carried out Bashir Gemayel\u00E2\u0080\u0099s assassination.24 Although Sharturi had not carried out a suicide bombing operation, the assassination of Gemayel was a proud moment for the SSNP and they had previously produced a finalized version of the sketch seen in Mahmoud\u00E2\u0080\u0099s poster.25 In contrast to the stern, political posters of the SSNP, the martyrdom poster of Jamal Satee, a member of the Lebanese Communist Party embodied a more humanistic presentation of suicide martyrdom. Twenty-three-year-old Satee led a mule driven cart loaded with 400kg of TNT into an Israeli-backed South Lebanese Army center in 1985, killing himself and a civilian bystander.26 The quote on his martyrdom poster is taken from a letter apparently left with his family, where the reasoning for his actions rests firmly on the inhumanity of the Israeli occupation: \"I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t care about when or where or how I die; all that matters for me is for the revolution to remain aflame all around the earth so that the world, with all its\u00E2\u0080\u0099 weight, never sleeps on the bodies of the poor again.\u00E2\u0080\u009D27 In another letter, Satee is also quoted as telling his family that his martyrdom was, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfor the future generations not to see the face of any Zionist soldier violating their dignity and oppressing them and preventing them from moving their own country and arresting them in prisons.\u00E2\u0080\u009D28 Satee\u00E2\u0080\u0099s comments embodied the romantic socialist ideal of self-sacrifice for the poor and downtrodden, reminiscent of the literary tradition of socialism and its focus on the marginalized sections of society. The martyrdom operations of \u00E2\u0080\u0098Issam abd el-Satir and Mana\u00E2\u0080\u0099 Hassan Kataya were presented in their posters as the vanguard of the Arab Socialist Ba\u00E2\u0080\u0099ath party. Both carried \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A024\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A03.7\t\r \u00C2\u00A025\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Maasri,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Off\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Wall.\t\r \u00C2\u00A063\t\r \u00C2\u00A026\t\r \u00C2\u00A0NA,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\u00E2\u0080\u009CSuicide\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Bomber\t\r \u00C2\u00A0on\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Mule\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Strikes\t\r \u00C2\u00A0at\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Militia\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Base\u00E2\u0080\u009D,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0United\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Press\t\r \u00C2\u00A0International,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0August\t\r \u00C2\u00A06th\t\r \u00C2\u00A01985\t\r \u00C2\u00A027\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A03.6\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A028\t\r \u00C2\u00A0NA,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\u00E2\u0080\u009CSuicide\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Bomber\t\r \u00C2\u00A0on\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Mule\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Strikes\t\r \u00C2\u00A0at\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Militia\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Base\u00E2\u0080\u009D\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0III\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 54\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 out their operations by driving a bomb-laden car into Israeli checkpoints, Kataya on 25 August, 1985 and el-Satir a few months later of 3 September.29 Their posters were very much in keeping with the stately romanticism of the Syrian regime\u00E2\u0080\u0099s media strategies. Syrian president Hafez al-Assad is quoted in el-Satir\u00E2\u0080\u0099s poster, giving legitimacy to their act: \u00E2\u0080\u0098Martyrs are the most benevolent in this world and the noblest of all humans\u00E2\u0080\u009930. El- Satir is placed firmly in Ba\u00E2\u0080\u0099ath party orthodoxy, an \u00E2\u0080\u0098Eagle\u00E2\u0080\u0099 of the party. The Lebanese Ba\u00E2\u0080\u0099ath Party was arguably the most Syrian oriented group of all the secular parties. However, it is worth noting that the martyr\u00E2\u0080\u0099s position as a member of the Ba\u00E2\u0080\u0099ath party is given textually, subservient to the LNRF logo at the top, giving el-Satir a firmly Lebanese resistance context. There is little in the way of source material that suggests the controversial nature of suicide bombing was ever addressed by the leadership of these secular parties. As shown in the Ba\u00E2\u0080\u0099ath party poster above, the euphemistic use of the term \u00E2\u0080\u0098martyrdom operation\u00E2\u0080\u0099 to describe their actions side-steped the self-destructive component of the act and places it firmly in the already established, generalized tradition of martyrdom. While not offering justifications, pro-Syrian politicians and leaders were vocal about the utility of suicide bombing as a public relations tool, Inaam Raad, a pro-Syrian Lebanese politician told a reporter that, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmembers of our party have been participating in the resistance since the summer of 1982, but what you call suicide or sacrifice operations seemed only to be people with religious motivations. Now people die for nationalistic reasons.\u00E2\u0080\u009D31 His comments were a part of the LNRF\u00E2\u0080\u0099s positioning itself as a secular \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A029\t\r \u00C2\u00A0NA,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\"Suicide\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Car\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Attacks\t\r \u00C2\u00A0South\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanon\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Army,\"\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Xinhua\t\r \u00C2\u00A0News\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Agency,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0August,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01985\t\r \u00C2\u00A01985.\t\r \u00C2\u00A030\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Figs.\t\r \u00C2\u00A03.8\t\r \u00C2\u00A0&\t\r \u00C2\u00A03.9\t\r \u00C2\u00A031\t\r \u00C2\u00A0NA,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\"Young\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanese\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Seek\t\r \u00C2\u00A0New\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Martyrdom,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Suicide\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Bombers\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Emerge\t\r \u00C2\u00A0as\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Martyrs\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\"\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Washington\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Post,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0May\t\r \u00C2\u00A012\t\r \u00C2\u00A01985.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0III\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 55\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 alternative not only in the struggle with Israel, but over legitimacy within the politics of the Lebanese state system as well. Martyrdom was the ideal narrative the parties could utilize in order to show their commitment to battling Israeli and representativeness of the Lebanese public. \u00E2\u0080\u009CWho are the leaders of the National Resistance?\u00E2\u0080\u009D asked Raad rhetorically, \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe martyrs.\u00E2\u0080\u009D32 As a matter of policy, the parties of the LNRF ultimately sought a secular, non-confessional government to follow from the civil war, and by increasing their prestige and presenting an image national commitment through martyrdom operations, the secular parties were in effect engaging in a very violent and destructive form of political campaigning. As these parties sought to identify themselves as a secular, pluralistic and modern alternative to the Islamic Resistance, they introduced a new and previously suppressed aspect to martyrdom: women. The Angels of the Militias: Gendered Representations of Conflict & Femininity Women\u00E2\u0080\u0099s involvement in the Lebanese civil war radically challenged traditional gender roles and as women became involved in all aspects of the militia structure, they began to be represented and utilized as a part of the militias\u00E2\u0080\u0099 media strategies. Party politburos of the leftist groups utilized images of women to discursively promote their party\u00E2\u0080\u0099s inclusivity and broad appeal, yet consistently incorporated imagery and text into these representations that reaffirmed traditional gender roles. New formulations of feminized martyrdom followed from the secular parties\u00E2\u0080\u0099 progressive platforms that, officially at least, espoused gender equality. As such these figures were contested figures and remained highly gendered. The effect was that their status as women was lauded in some aspects, and passed over in others. This is evidenced most acutely in the 1985 \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A032\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Ibid\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0III\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 56\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 introduction of female suicide bombers, whose self-destructive acts ran counter to both the cultural prescriptions against suicide, as well as traditionally patriarchal nature of Lebanese society and women\u00E2\u0080\u0099s relegation of women to the home sphere. The phenomenon of female suicide bombers was indicative of the ways in which gender was being transformed. The representation of these women in party media gives an indication of the ways in which these parties were grappling and adapting to women\u00E2\u0080\u0099s introduction in the political realm by reasserting women\u00E2\u0080\u0099s traditional gender roles. These roles were commonly reinforced through the political posters of the militias, although they are most apparent in the leftist posters of more Marxist influenced Palestinian resistance. In the posters of the PLO, women are commonly presented in traditional Palestinian garb and linked to \u00E2\u0080\u0098Land Day\u00E2\u0080\u0099, placing them as the embodiment of cultural continuity, tradition and the women\u00E2\u0080\u0099s role as provider.33 While women could be presented as fighters, posters commonly juxtaposed the framing of women and power with symbols of feminine domesticity. A poster of the PFLP commemorating \u00E2\u0080\u0098International Women\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Day\u00E2\u0080\u0099 presents two women holding Kalashnikovs, the paradigmatic symbol of armed resistance, above a long-shot of a refugee camp.34 The poster discursively asserted that women were a part of the resistance, but their natural and traditional place is that of the home. The autobiography of Rosemary Sayigh gives some indication of the contested nature of women\u00E2\u0080\u0099s role in the resistance. She writes that while she was content cook for the camp on account of her greater skill, she demanded that all the men help equally in the work: \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A033\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A03.10\t\r \u00C2\u00A034\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A03.11\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0III\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 57\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 I didn't accept being 'the woman in the base' [\u00E2\u0080\u00A6] I don't believe that women work alone or organize alone [\u00E2\u0080\u00A6] everything should be men and women. Women have fantastic abilities, they can work at anything, they should be in the middle of every action. That's my view.35 Women were occasionally highlighted and presented as fighters in their own right, and posters would commonly place female figures replete with Kalashnikovs, next to male figures.36 It was not only in the Palestinian militias that women had to fight for their acceptance in the patriarchal militias structure. Israeli journalists claimed to have come across two female Phalangists who carried with them bags of amputated fingers and earlobes in an effort to combat the image that they would be viewed as second-rate or less fierce combatants. 37 That women would need to be induced to commit atrocities likely speaks to the journalists own expectations of gender roles, but the story nonetheless denotes that women\u00E2\u0080\u0099s roles in the militia system was a contentious topic. According to Lamia Rustam Shehadeh, the female fighters of the Christian militias came from all social classes and although families generally refused to let their daughters fight, many would simply run away and join without their knowledge.38 A more traditional method of women\u00E2\u0080\u0099s participation in the militia system came through the potential position as a \u00E2\u0080\u0098mother of a martyr\u00E2\u0080\u0099. Women whose children had died fighting for a militia were given special rights by the militia and were entitled to support, \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A035\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Rosemary\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Sayigh,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Too\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Many\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Enemies\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(London\t\r \u00C2\u00A0;\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Atlantic\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Highlands,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0N.J.:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Zed\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Books,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01994).\t\r \u00C2\u00A0248\t\r \u00C2\u00A036\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A03.12\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A037\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Johnson,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Honourable.\t\r \u00C2\u00A033\t\r \u00C2\u00A038Lamia\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Rustum\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Shehadeh,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\u00E2\u0080\u009CImpact\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Armed\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Conflict\t\r \u00C2\u00A0on\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Gender\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Roles\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanon,\u00E2\u0080\u009D\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Gender\t\r \u00C2\u00A0and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Violence\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Middle\t\r \u00C2\u00A0East,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0edited\t\r \u00C2\u00A0by\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Moha\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Ennaji\t\r \u00C2\u00A0and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fatima\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Sadiqi\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Abingdon,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Oxon;\t\r \u00C2\u00A0New\t\r \u00C2\u00A0York:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Routledge,\t\r \u00C2\u00A02011).\t\r \u00C2\u00A088\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0III\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 58\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 commonly coming in close contact with party officials.39 Babab al-Sadr, the sister of the slain Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ite imam Moussa al-Sadr, claimed that being the mother of a fallen fighter constituted the noblest sacrifice a women could make: \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe line of martyrdom keeps us through history revered and honored\u00E2\u0080\u00A6 it is this path in which we find noble sisters accept, full of love, to be mothers of martyrs. They have accepted to draw near God becoming mothers of martyrs\"40 A poster produced by Fatah\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u0098Palestine Martyr\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Works Society\u00E2\u0080\u0099, an organization which oversaw the group\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u0098martyr mothers\u00E2\u0080\u0099, exemplifies this idealization of the woman as a traditional caregiver.41 The workers \u00E2\u0080\u0093 all working men - are extensions of her flowing hair, simultaneously placing the female figure as the source of the resistance while her demure dress suggests traditional, rural femininity. The presentation of women as both passive and active figures in the media of the Palestinian resistance was a facet both of that movement\u00E2\u0080\u0099s progressive political roots, and was also an expression of the militia\u00E2\u0080\u0099s intent to show how their struggle transcended traditional boundaries, while still, when it was useful, maintaining them. Feminized Self-Destruction: The Case of the Female Suicide Bomber This dualistic representation of women as both active, masculinized figures and passive, domesticized objects of control continued with the representations of female suicide bombers. On 9 April 1985, sixteen-year-old member of the SSNP San\u00E2\u0080\u0099a Youssef Muhaydli became the first female suicide bomber when she drove her explosive-laden car into an Israeli position, killing two. News reports claimed that she had been influenced by \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A039\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Julie\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Marie\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Peteet,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Gender\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Crisis\t\r \u00C2\u00A0:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Women\t\r \u00C2\u00A0and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Palestinian\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Resistance\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Movement\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(New\t\r \u00C2\u00A0York:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Columbia\t\r \u00C2\u00A0University\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Press,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01991).\t\r \u00C2\u00A0185\t\r \u00C2\u00A040\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Shehadeh,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Gender,\t\r \u00C2\u00A084\t\r \u00C2\u00A041\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A03.13\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0III\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 59\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 the operation of Wajdi Sayegh, mentioned above, and demanded that the party give her a mission, despite the party\u00E2\u0080\u0099s attempts to dissuade her from it.42 Her martyrdom poster, produced in the recognizable style of the party, shows her smiling in front of the party\u00E2\u0080\u0099s emblem, the caption reading, \u00E2\u0080\u0098I am now planted in the south, I soak its earth with my blood\u00E2\u0080\u0099.43 Visually she was presented in the masculine garb of the party fatigues, as seen in another poster where another militiaman held her hand up in the sign of victory while she stared into the camera. The small sign of her hand in his is subtle, but nonetheless signifies male control and assertion of power. Muhaydli\u00E2\u0080\u0099s operation was widely publicized by the party, who quickly dubbed her \u00E2\u0080\u0098The Bridegroom of the South\u00E2\u0080\u0099, a moniker that was taken up in the Beirut presses. This bridal narrative became the central mythmaking tool of the militias in regards to the female martyrdom operations, and all following female martyrs were given the same designation. In marriage, the assumptions of purity and chastity before the loss of virginity, represented in blood, are consistently utilized in SSNP literature: \"The bride of the south who was married off to the entire homeland (al-watan)\u00E2\u0080\u00A6 exploded her chaste body in a red storm above the land of the resisting south.\"44 The \u00E2\u0080\u0098red storm\u00E2\u0080\u0099 in her quote is a reference to the Zawba\u00E2\u0080\u0099a, the SSNP\u00E2\u0080\u0099s distinctive logo representing the four core virtues of the party outlined in the previous chapter: freedom, duty, discipline and power. The carrying out of Muhaydli\u00E2\u0080\u0099s operation was presented as a moment of consummation, where her loyalty to her country and her party are actualized: \"From the bright blood of Sana' will emerge the explosion of freedom \u00E2\u0080\u00A6 and from her honorable \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A042\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Scheherezade\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Faramarzi,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\u00E2\u0080\u009CGirl\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Who\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Crashed\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Car\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Bomb\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Into\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Israelis\t\r \u00C2\u00A0First\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Sent\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Mother\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Present\u00E2\u0080\u009D,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Associated\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Press,\t\r \u00C2\u00A011\t\r \u00C2\u00A0November\t\r \u00C2\u00A01985\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A043\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A03.14\t\r \u00C2\u00A044\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Quoted\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Wedeen,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Ambiguities\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Domination:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Politics,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Rhetoric,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Symbols\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Contemporary\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Syria.\t\r \u00C2\u00A064\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0III\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 60\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 face radiates the hopes of coming victory \u00E2\u0080\u00A6 and from her pure blessed body flowers the spring of the eternal nation.\"45 The framing of Muhaydli\u00E2\u0080\u0099s death as such allowed her martyrdom to be imbued with an staggering array of cultural and psychological significance, embodying a purified sexuality wrapped in the bloodied and brutal sacrifice to the nation. The extent to which the pronouncements and quotations attributed to Muhaydli are genuine or fabrications of the party is uncertain, although undoubtedly her carrying out of the operation attests to the extent of her conviction. Nevertheless, her statements clearly fit into the narrative of the SSNP described above, which frames her martyrdom as above all a nationalistic sacrifice: \u00E2\u0080\u009CAll my life I have been thinking of a revolutionary action. I have decided to fulfill my duty toward the south.\u00E2\u0080\u009D46 The Syrian government traditionally adopted the martyrdoms of the SSNP as their own, but it was some time before the leadership would give their explicit sanction to a woman carrying out a martyrdom operation. Soon however, the Syrian authorities presented Muhaydli\u00E2\u0080\u0099s martyrdom as one that was carried out in devotion to the Syrian leader, Hafez al-Assad. The canonization of Muhaydli\u00E2\u0080\u0099s martyrdom included a letter supposedly from her parents to the Syrian leader, referring to al-Assad by the prefix \u00E2\u0080\u009Cforeordained of the resistance and guardian of right and honor.\" Al-Assad had long been nurturing a personality cult build around the position of national fatherhood, and the letter fit this narrative. The letter reads: \u00E2\u0080\u009CShe was our only daughter and now she is your daughter also. She cherished you and loved you before her martyrdom.\u00E2\u0080\u009D47 While the veracity of the document is doubtful, it demonstrates how Muhaydli\u00E2\u0080\u0099s martyrdom could be incorporated into the al-Assad \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A045\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Ibid\t\r \u00C2\u00A046\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Quoted\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Faramarzi,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Present,\t\r \u00C2\u00A011\t\r \u00C2\u00A0November\t\r \u00C2\u00A01986\t\r \u00C2\u00A047\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Quoted\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Wedeen,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Ambiguities,\t\r \u00C2\u00A062\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0III\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 61\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 personality cult. As this use of martyrdom is far from the commemorative, social function of memorialization, its cynical nature highlights just how broadly, and with differing intentions, an institution might utilize martyrdom for its own parochial interests. Six more women would carry out martyrdom operations that year, although Muhaydli would continue to hold a similarly paradigmatic role in the SSNP\u00E2\u0080\u0099s martyrological commemorations as Ahmad Qassir\u00E2\u0080\u0099s martyrdom did for the Islamic Resistance. The next female martyr was a nineteen-year-old orthodox Christian named Lola Elias Abboud who was the Lebanese Communist Party\u00E2\u0080\u0099s first suicide martyr. In contrast to the martyrdom posters of the SSNP, the LCP\u00E2\u0080\u0099s posters were more restrained, embodying modern femininity represented in the obvious airbrushing of the photo and Abboud\u00E2\u0080\u0099s relaxed attire. The posters contained more conservative political messaging as well, the obligatory quote in her poster is marked as taken from her application to the party: \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe National Resistance Front is the only way for liberation and unity and democratic change.\u00E2\u0080\u009D48 The LCP\u00E2\u0080\u0099s next female martyr, Wafa\u00E2\u0080\u0099a Nur al-Din would be memorialized in almost identical style, her quote embodying a fealty to the party: \u00E2\u0080\u009CThere is no way except the way of national resistance.\u00E2\u0080\u009D49 In a video taped shortly before she carried out the operation, al-Din is framed by the martyrdom poster of Lola Abboud, placing the two martyrs within the same narrative of nationalistic sacrifice.50 The video interspersed her narrative with videos of Beirut street-fighting and still images of Che Guevara, linking her sacrifice to the local Lebanese struggle as well as the broader global Marxist movement. \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A048\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A03.14\t\r \u00C2\u00A049\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A03.15\t\r \u00C2\u00A050\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Video\t\r \u00C2\u00A0can\t\r \u00C2\u00A0be\t\r \u00C2\u00A0viewed\t\r \u00C2\u00A0here:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0http://www.dailymotion.com/video/xja2ow_martyr-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090wafa-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090nurredin-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090lebanese-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090communist-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090party-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090jammoul_news\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Last\t\r \u00C2\u00A0accessed\t\r \u00C2\u00A023\t\r \u00C2\u00A0March\t\r \u00C2\u00A02012)\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0III\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 62\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 A poster was produced on the occasion of the first anniversary of San\u00E2\u0080\u0099a Mehaidli\u00E2\u0080\u0099s martyrdom operation in 1986, which, according to the text of the poster, was also dubbed the \u00E2\u0080\u0098Week of the Female Resistance Fighters\u00E2\u0080\u0099. The poster incorporated all of the female martyrs of the previous year in a visual style that was in contrast to the stark formality of the previous posters of the SSNP. The childish, free-flowing pastels of this poster embodied a more direct femininity than other posters and placed the martyrs in an idealized, colorful context that served to reassert the more traditional categories of the female martyr. The only martyr that is missing is Norma Abu Hassan, a twenty-six-year- old Christian schoolteacher undertake a car-bombing mission in August 1986. She would be the SSNP\u00E2\u0080\u0099s last female martyr, and her martyrdom poster reasserted the form and style of the previous presentations of female bombers as officialized masculine figures of party orthodoxy.51 All of the women female bombers of the SSNP were accessorized wearing a red beret, a feature that is not apparent in any of the posters of male suicide bombers. The red cap was indicative of the party\u00E2\u0080\u0099s focus on blood as a signifier of purity and attachment, and its appearance solely in association to women could only reference the party\u00E2\u0080\u0099s gendered linking of purity, chastity and virginity with the violent and destructive act of feminized suicide bombing. The posters belie a certain insecurity on the part of the producers over how, and in which way it was best to encapsulate these women visually. The result was an amalgam of both, where women were powerful figures capable of doing and carrying out the actions traditionally associated with men, but where it was equally necessary, in order to preserve their notable status, to signify their femininity. It was their femininity after all, which set these fighters apart. \t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A051\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A03.16\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0III\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 63\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Conclusion: Manufacturing Consent Through Suicide Bombing Whether representing male or female martyrs, these posters cannot be separated from the political and social climate of their time. More so than the traditional martyrdom posters seen in the previous chapter, the visual representation of suicide bombers served as tools of political campaigning and methods of popular legitimation. They were a central component of the militias\u00E2\u0080\u0099 strategy to make the suicide operations culturally and socially acceptable in the eyes of the Lebanese public who, they hoped, would back their parochial vision of Lebanon. Some would find more success than others. Hezbollah continued to grow and would turn to armed struggle in the battle with Amal over leadership of the Shi\u00E2\u0080\u0099ite resistance, a struggle that eventually led to the mass desertion of Amal forces to Hezbollah. The LNRF had always shot above their weight in terms of popularity and military might and after a slew of leadership assassinations and heavy losses in battle the group effectively ceased to function as an effective fighting force. However, the implications of suicide bombing and women\u00E2\u0080\u0099s involvement in it cannot be understood. The tactic would be adopted in conflicts globally, with diverse groups incorporating and presenting the act to their audience in ways specific and particular to their struggle. In Lebanon, the war effectively broke the cultural taboo of women\u00E2\u0080\u0099s involvement in politics and conflict and they would continue to join and fight for the militias henceforth. Epilogue\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 64\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Epilogue: Watching From the Ruins The Lebanese civil war left many relics. In downtown Beirut and its suburbs, as well as other cities and towns in Lebanon, half-devastated buildings still stand, attesting to the brutality that was inflicted on the country by both foreign armies and the warring factions of Lebanese society during the civil war. On the walls of these ruins political parties continue to fix their posters, except now they compete with billboards selling consumer products to the new middle classes that nominal peace has allowed to grow. Yet despite the development and continued production of visual media in the post-war years, the martyrdom posters discussed in this study can still be seen, commonly hanging from light-posts or fixed to the lingering ruins of apartment complexes. I first encountered these images in April 2006 while driving through Tyre, where from each light-post hung old, worn photos of young men. When I asked who these men were, my Lebanese companion informed me that they were all shuhada, martyrs from a civil war that I was only vaguely aware of. As we drove on the posters continued unabated, I began to ask myself what processes and systems made such public memorialization possible. This paper represents a belated foray into answering some of the questions I began to ask myself that day. I have argued that contrary to the established scholarly consensus of martyrdom in Lebanon, there is a strong current of nationalism in the way that martyrdom is formulated in Lebanon. The intent is not to psychoanalyze the motivations of individual fighters or the culture as a whole, but rather to illuminate certain aspects of cultural processes that are commonly passed over in studies of Lebanon. There can be other avenues to understanding the violence between certain aspects of Lebanese society that does not reduce it to a simple expression of religious Epilogue\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 65\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 intolerance or xenophobic clan solidarity. Religion does play an incredibly important role in all this, but to say that it is the sole rubric in which to understand martyrdom, as some authors I mentioned have, is to ignore the nuances of Lebanese political and social culture and to completely disregard the history of the country\u00E2\u0080\u0099s secular movements. Lebanon is not an island. While I have focused on martyrdom solely in the political boundaries of the Lebanese state, my argument for a more complex understanding of the relationships between religious and secular phenomenon has implications for the broader region. As shown in the second chapter, Palestinian groups shared a similar conception of national sacrifice through martyrdom, suggesting that Palestinian nationalism underwent a similar historical reconceptualization of martyrdom to what, I argue, occurred in Lebanon. As Lebanon was the birthplace of the new formations of martyrdom expressed in suicide bombing, contemporary research into its continued use in a variety of global arenas must take into account that these self- destructive acts were utilized and formed in large part by secular parties, a point lost to many in the western foreign policy establishment. Understanding the ways in which sacrifice and martyrdom has been conceptualized is as important now as ever. As popular movements in the Middle East continue to agitate against entrenched oligarchies, and as these movements carry their martyrs through the streets in funeral processions, it is imperative that we understand the particular historical context of martyrdom\u00E2\u0080\u0099s cultural and political formation. \t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Works\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Cited\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Anderson,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Benedict\t\r \u00C2\u00A0R\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Imagined\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Communities:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Reflections\t\r \u00C2\u00A0on\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Origin\t\r \u00C2\u00A0and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Spread\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Nationalism.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Rev.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0ed.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0London\t\r \u00C2\u00A0England;\t\r \u00C2\u00A0New\t\r \u00C2\u00A0York:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Verso,\t\r \u00C2\u00A02006.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Asad,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Talal.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Formations\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Secular:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Christianity,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Islam,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Modernity.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Cultural\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Memory\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Present.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Stanford,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Calif.:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Stanford\t\r \u00C2\u00A0University\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Press,\t\r \u00C2\u00A02003.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Barak,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Oren.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 \"Commemorating\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Malikiyya:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Political\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Myth,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Multiethnic\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Identity\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Making\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanese\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Army.\"\t\r \u00C2\u00A0History\t\r \u00C2\u00A0&\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Memory\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Vol.\t\r \u00C2\u00A013,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0no.\t\r \u00C2\u00A01\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(2001).\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Boyd,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0D.A.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\"Lebanese\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Broadcasting:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Unofficial\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Electronic\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Media\t\r \u00C2\u00A0During\t\r \u00C2\u00A0a\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Prolongued\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Civil\t\r \u00C2\u00A0War.\"\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Journal\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Broadcasting\t\r \u00C2\u00A0&\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Electronic\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Media\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Vol.\t\r \u00C2\u00A035,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0no.\t\r \u00C2\u00A03\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 (1991):\t\r \u00C2\u00A0269-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u009087.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Chalabi,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Tamara.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 The\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Shi'is\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Jabal\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 'Amil\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 New\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Lebanon:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Community\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Nation\t\r \u00C2\u00A0State,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01918-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u00901943.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0New\t\r \u00C2\u00A0York:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Palgrave\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Macmillan,\t\r \u00C2\u00A02006.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Cobban,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Helena.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 The\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Making\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Modern\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Lebanon.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 The\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Making\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Middle\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 East.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0London:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Hutchinson,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01985.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Deeb,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Marius.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Militant\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Islamic\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Movements\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Lebanon:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Origins,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Social\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Basis,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Ideology.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Occasional\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Paper\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Series.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 \t\r \u00C2\u00A0Washington,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0D.C:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Georgetown\t\r \u00C2\u00A0University,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01986.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0el-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090Husseini,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Rola.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 \"Resistance,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Jihad\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Martyrdom.\"\t\r \u00C2\u00A0The\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Middle\t\r \u00C2\u00A0East\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Journal\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Vol.\t\r \u00C2\u00A062,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0no.\t\r \u00C2\u00A03\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(2008).\t\r \u00C2\u00A0El-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090Safa,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Muhammad\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Jaber.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Tarikh\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Jabal\t\r \u00C2\u00A0'Amel.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Beirut:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Dar\t\r \u00C2\u00A0al-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090Nahar,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01998.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fisk,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Robert.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Pity\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Nation:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Lebanon\t\r \u00C2\u00A0at\t\r \u00C2\u00A0War.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 3rd\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 ed.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 \t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Oxford;\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 New\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 York:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Oxford\t\r \u00C2\u00A0University\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Press,\t\r \u00C2\u00A02001.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 \t\r \u00C2\u00A0 France-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090Presse,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Agence.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Family\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Mourns\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Tunisian\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Revolt's\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 First\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 'Martyr'.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Agence\t\r \u00C2\u00A0France-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090Presse,\t\r \u00C2\u00A02011.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Hanf,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Theodor,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Centre\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 for\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Lebanese\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Studies\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 (London\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 England).\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Coexistence\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Wartime\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanon\t\r \u00C2\u00A0:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Decline\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0a\t\r \u00C2\u00A0State\t\r \u00C2\u00A0and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Rise\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0a\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Nation.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0London:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Centre\t\r \u00C2\u00A0for\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanese\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Studies\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0association\t\r \u00C2\u00A0with\t\r \u00C2\u00A0I.B.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Tauris,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01993.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Johnson,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Michael.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0All\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Honourable\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Men\t\r \u00C2\u00A0:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0The\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Social\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Origins\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0War\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanon.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Oxford;\t\r \u00C2\u00A0London;\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 New\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 York\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 L.B.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Tauris\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Publishers;\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 New\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 York:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Center\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 for\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Lebanese\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Studies\t\r \u00C2\u00A0;\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Distributed\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0United\t\r \u00C2\u00A0States\t\r \u00C2\u00A0and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Canada\t\r \u00C2\u00A0by\t\r \u00C2\u00A0St.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Martin's\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Press,\t\r \u00C2\u00A02001.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Kassir,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Samir.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Beirut\t\r \u00C2\u00A0[in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0French].\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Berkeley:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0University\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0California\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Press,\t\r \u00C2\u00A02010.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Khalaf,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Samir.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Civil\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Uncivil\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Violence\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Lebanon:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 A\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 History\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Internationalization\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Communal\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Conflict.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 \t\r \u00C2\u00A0 New\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 York:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Columbia\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 University\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Press,\t\r \u00C2\u00A02002.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Klausner,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Samuel\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Z.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\"Martyrdom.\"\t\r \u00C2\u00A0In\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Encyclopedia\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Politics\t\r \u00C2\u00A0and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Religion,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0edited\t\r \u00C2\u00A0by\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Robert\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Wuthnow.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Washing,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0D.C:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Congressional\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Quarterly,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Inc.,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01998.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Kramer,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Martin.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\"The\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Moral\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Logic\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Hizballah.\"\t\r \u00C2\u00A0In\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Origins\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Terrorism:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Psychologies,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Ideologies,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Theologies,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 States\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Mind,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 edited\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 by\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Walter\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Reich.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 131-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u009057.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Cambridge:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Cambridge\t\r \u00C2\u00A0University\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Press,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01990.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0094.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\"Sacrifice\t\r \u00C2\u00A0and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0'Self-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090Martyrdom'\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Shi'ite\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanon,.\"\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Terrorism\t\r \u00C2\u00A0and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Political\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Violence\t\r \u00C2\u00A03,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0no.\t\r \u00C2\u00A03\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(1991):\t\r \u00C2\u00A030-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u009047.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0LaBelle,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0G.G.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Associated\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Press,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0March\t\r \u00C2\u00A012\t\r \u00C2\u00A01985.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanon,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Republic\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\"The\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanese\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Constitution.\"\t\r \u00C2\u00A0edited\t\r \u00C2\u00A0by\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanese\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Parliament.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Beirut:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0GPO,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0National\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Assembly.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 \t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Lewis,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Bernard.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 \"What\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Went\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Wrong?\"\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 The\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Atlantic,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0http://www.theatlantic.com/past/docs/issues/2002/01/lewis.htm.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Maasri,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Zeina.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Off\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Wall:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Political\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Posters\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanese\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Civil\t\r \u00C2\u00A0War.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 \t\r \u00C2\u00A0London;\t\r \u00C2\u00A0New\t\r \u00C2\u00A0York:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0I.B.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Tauris,\t\r \u00C2\u00A02009.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0McQuiston,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Liz.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Graphic\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Agitation:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Social\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Political\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Graphics\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 since\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Sixties.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0London:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Phaidon,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01993.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Merari,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Ariel.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Driven\t\r \u00C2\u00A0to\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Death:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Psychological\t\r \u00C2\u00A0and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Social\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Aspects\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Suicide\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Terrorism.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0New\t\r \u00C2\u00A0York:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Oxford\t\r \u00C2\u00A0University\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Press,\t\r \u00C2\u00A02010.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Middleton,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Paul.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Martyrdom:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0A\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Guide\t\r \u00C2\u00A0for\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Perplexed.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0New\t\r \u00C2\u00A0York:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0T\t\r \u00C2\u00A0&\t\r \u00C2\u00A0T\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Clark,\t\r \u00C2\u00A02011.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0NA.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\"Islamic\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Underground\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Group\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Claims\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Responsibility\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\"\t\r \u00C2\u00A0United\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Press\t\r \u00C2\u00A0International,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0November\t\r \u00C2\u00A04\t\r \u00C2\u00A01983.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0094.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 \"Israelis\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Surround\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Village,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Mosque\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Collapses\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 \".\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Associated\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Press\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 \t\r \u00C2\u00A0 (June\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 21\t\r \u00C2\u00A01984).\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0094.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\"Lebanon\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Shiite\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Leader\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Was\t\r \u00C2\u00A0'Liquidated'\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Libya.\"\t\r \u00C2\u00A0France\t\r \u00C2\u00A024,\t\r \u00C2\u00A02011.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0094.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 \"Suicide\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Car\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Attacks\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 South\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Lebanon\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Army.\"\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Xinhua\t\r \u00C2\u00A0News\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Agency,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 August,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01985\t\r \u00C2\u00A01985.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0094.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 \"Young\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Lebanese\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Seek\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 New\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Martyrdom,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Suicide\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Bombers\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Emerge\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 as\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Martyrs\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\"\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Washington\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Post,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0May\t\r \u00C2\u00A012\t\r \u00C2\u00A01985.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Nassar,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Farouk.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\"Israelis\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Hurt\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Car\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Explosion\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\"\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Associated\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Press,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0June\t\r \u00C2\u00A016\t\r \u00C2\u00A01984.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0O'Ballance,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Edgar.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Civil\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 War\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Lebanon,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 1975-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u009092.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 \t\r \u00C2\u00A0 New\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 York:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 St.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Martin's\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Press,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01998.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Pape,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Robert\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Anthony.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Dying\t\r \u00C2\u00A0to\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Win:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0The\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Strategic\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Logic\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Suicide\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Terrorism.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 \t\r \u00C2\u00A0New\t\r \u00C2\u00A0York:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Random\t\r \u00C2\u00A0House,\t\r \u00C2\u00A02005.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 \t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Peteet,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Julie\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Marie.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Gender\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Crisis\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 :\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Women\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Palestinian\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Resistance\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Movement.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0New\t\r \u00C2\u00A0York:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Columbia\t\r \u00C2\u00A0University\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Press,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01991.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Pipes,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Daniel.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\"Radical\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Politics\t\r \u00C2\u00A0and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Syrian\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Social\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Nationalist\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Party.\"\t\r \u00C2\u00A0International\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Journal\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Middle\t\r \u00C2\u00A0East\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Studies\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Vol.\t\r \u00C2\u00A020,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0no.\t\r \u00C2\u00A03\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(August\t\r \u00C2\u00A01988).\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Press,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Associated.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\"Report\t\r \u00C2\u00A0on\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanon.\"\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Associated\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Press,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0November\t\r \u00C2\u00A011\t\r \u00C2\u00A01982.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Reuter,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Christoph.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 My\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Life\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Is\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 a\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Weapon\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 :\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 A\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Modern\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 History\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Suicide\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Bombing.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Princeton,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0NJ:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Princeton\t\r \u00C2\u00A0University\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Press,\t\r \u00C2\u00A02004.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Saad-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u0090Ghorayeb,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Amal.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Hizbu'llah\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 :\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Politics\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Religion.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Critical\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Studies\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 on\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Islam.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0London\t\r \u00C2\u00A0;\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Sterling,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Va.:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Pluto\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Press,\t\r \u00C2\u00A02002.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Said,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Edward.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 \"Palestinians\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Aftermath\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Beirut.\"\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Journal\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Palestine\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Studies\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Vol.\t\r \u00C2\u00A012,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0no.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(1983):\t\r \u00C2\u00A05-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u00908.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Sayigh,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Rosemary.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Too\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Many\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Enemies.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 \t\r \u00C2\u00A0London\t\r \u00C2\u00A0;\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Atlantic\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Highlands,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0N.J.:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Zed\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Books,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01994.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Suleiman,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Michael\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 W.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Political\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Parties\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Lebanon.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 \t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Ithaca,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 NY:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Cornell\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 University\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Press,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01967.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\"Symbols\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Republic.\"\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanese\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Government.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Taraboulsi,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fawwaz.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0A\t\r \u00C2\u00A0History\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Modern\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanon.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0London\t\r \u00C2\u00A0England\t\r \u00C2\u00A0;\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Ann\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Arbor,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0MI:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Pluto,\t\r \u00C2\u00A02007.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Volk,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lucia.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Memorials\t\r \u00C2\u00A0and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Martyrs\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Modern\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanon.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Public\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Cultures\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Middle\t\r \u00C2\u00A0East\t\r \u00C2\u00A0and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0North\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Africa.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Bloomington:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Indiana\t\r \u00C2\u00A0University\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Press,\t\r \u00C2\u00A02010.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Wedeen,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Lisa.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Ambiguities\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Domination:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Politics,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Rhetoric,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Symbols\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Contemporary\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Syria.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Chicago:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0University\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Chicago\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Press,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01999.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 \t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Yasmine\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Dabbous,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Khaled\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Nasser,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Farah\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Dabbous.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\"Across\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Bridge\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Death:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0The\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Culture\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Martyrdom\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Lebanon.\"\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 International\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Journal\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Cultural\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Studies\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Vol\t\r \u00C2\u00A013,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0no.\t\r \u00C2\u00A01\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(2010).\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 \t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Appendix The\t\r \u00C2\u00A0posters\t\r \u00C2\u00A0compiled\t\r \u00C2\u00A0and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0used\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0this\t\r \u00C2\u00A0paper\t\r \u00C2\u00A0come\t\r \u00C2\u00A0primarilys\t\r \u00C2\u00A0from\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0American\t\r \u00C2\u00A0University\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Beirut\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Archives,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0which\t\r \u00C2\u00A0can\t\r \u00C2\u00A0be\t\r \u00C2\u00A0accessed\t\r \u00C2\u00A0here:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0http://ddc.aub.edu.lb/projects/ jafet/posters/index.html.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0All\t\r \u00C2\u00A0other\t\r \u00C2\u00A0posters\t\r \u00C2\u00A0come\t\r \u00C2\u00A0from\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Zeinna\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Maasri\u00E2\u0080\u0099s\t\r \u00C2\u00A0publication,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\u00E2\u0080\u0098Off\t\r \u00C2\u00A0The\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Wall:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Political\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Posters\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanese\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Civil\t\r \u00C2\u00A0War\u00E2\u0080\u0099\t\r \u00C2\u00A0as\t\r \u00C2\u00A0noted\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0bibliography.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Each\t\r \u00C2\u00A0poster\t\r \u00C2\u00A0is\t\r \u00C2\u00A0designated\t\r \u00C2\u00A0by\t\r \u00C2\u00A0a\t\r \u00C2\u00A0number\t\r \u00C2\u00A0corresponding\t\r \u00C2\u00A0to\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0chapter\t\r \u00C2\u00A0in\t\r \u00C2\u00A0which\t\r \u00C2\u00A0it\t\r \u00C2\u00A0is\t\r \u00C2\u00A0referred\t\r \u00C2\u00A0to,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0group\t\r \u00C2\u00A0that\t\r \u00C2\u00A0published\t\r \u00C2\u00A0it,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0where\t\r \u00C2\u00A0possible,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0speciHic\t\r \u00C2\u00A0name\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0designer.\t\r \u00C2\u00A0The\t\r \u00C2\u00A0posters\t\r \u00C2\u00A0will\t\r \u00C2\u00A0be\t\r \u00C2\u00A0marked\t\r \u00C2\u00A0either\t\r \u00C2\u00A0by\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\u00E2\u0080\u0098Maasri\u00E2\u0080\u0099\t\r \u00C2\u00A0or\t\r \u00C2\u00A0\u00E2\u0080\u0098AUB\u00E2\u0080\u0099\t\r \u00C2\u00A0designating\t\r \u00C2\u00A0which\t\r \u00C2\u00A0source\t\r \u00C2\u00A0it\t\r \u00C2\u00A0can\t\r \u00C2\u00A0be\t\r \u00C2\u00A0found. Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0I\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A01.1\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Government\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanon,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01943 Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.3,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Progressive\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Socialist\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Party,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01982\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Maasri) Anonymous Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.1,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Progressive\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Socialist\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Party,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01979\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(AUB) Anonymous Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.2,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Progressive\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Socialist\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Party,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01979\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(AUB) Anonymous ! Fig,\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.6,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanese\t\r \u00C2\u00A0National\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Movement,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01977\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(AUB) Anonymous Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.5,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Progressive\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Socialist\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Party,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0late-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u00901970s\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(AUB) Anonymous Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.4,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Progressive\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Socialist\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Party,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01978\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Maasri) Anonymous Part II Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.7,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanese\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Forces,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01983\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Maasri) Raidy Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.8,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanese\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Forces,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01983\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Maasri) Pierre\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Sadek Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.9,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanese\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Forces,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01983\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Maasri) Raidy Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.12,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Hezbollah,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01985\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(AUB) Anonymous\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 \t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.10,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Amal,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01978\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(AUB) Anonymous\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.11,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Hezbollah,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01980s\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Maasri) Anonymous Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.13,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Syrian\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Social\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Nationalist\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Party,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01980s\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Maasri) Roger\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Sawaya Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.14,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Syrian\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Social\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Nationalist\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Party,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01977\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(AUB) Tammouz\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Knayzeh\t\r \u00C2\u00A0and\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Camil\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Baraka Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.15,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Progressive\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Socialist\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Party,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01983\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(AUB) Anonymous Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.16,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Progressive\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Socialist\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Party,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0late\t\r \u00C2\u00A01970s\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(AUB) Anonymous Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.17,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Popular\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Front\t\r \u00C2\u00A0for\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Liberation\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Palestine,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01979\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Maasri) Anonymous Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.16,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Palestine\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Liberation\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Organization,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0late-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u00901970s\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(AUB)\t\r \u00C2\u00A0 Anonymous Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.19,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Popular\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Front\t\r \u00C2\u00A0for\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Liberation\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Palestine,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0late\t\r \u00C2\u00A01970s\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(AUB) Anonymous Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.18,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Palestinian\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Liberation\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Organization,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0late-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u00901970s\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(AUB) Anonymous Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.19,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Palestinian\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Liberation\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Organization,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0late-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u00901970s\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(AUB) Anonymous Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.20,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Popular\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Front\t\r \u00C2\u00A0for\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Liberation\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Palestine,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01977\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(AUB) Anonymous Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.21,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanese\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Communist\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Party,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01980\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Maasri) Anonymous Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.22,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanese\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Communist\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Party,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01976\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Maasri) Anonymous Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.23,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Syrian\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Social\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Nationalist\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Party,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01980\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Maasri) Anonymous Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.24,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0National\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Liberal\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Party,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01976\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Maasri) Anonymous Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.26,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Phalange\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Party,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0late-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u00901970s\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Maasri) Anonymous Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.27,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Tanzim,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01977\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Maasri) Anonymous Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.28,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Amal,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01985\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(AUB) Anonymous Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.29\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Hezbollah,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01985\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Maasri) Anonymous Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.30,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Hezbollah,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0mid-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u00901980s\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(AUB) Anonymous Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.31,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Hezbollah,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01985\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Maasri) Anonymous Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.32,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Hezbollah,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01985\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Maasri) Anonymous Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A02.32,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Hezbollah,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01985\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Maasri) Anonymous Part\t\r \u00C2\u00A0III Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A03.1,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Hezbollah\t\r \u00C2\u00A0/\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Islamic\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Resistance,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01984\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Maasri) Anonymous Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A03.2,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Hezbollah\t\r \u00C2\u00A0/\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Islamic\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Resistance,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01984\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(AUB) Anonymous Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A03.3:\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Amal,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01984\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(AUB) Nabih\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Kdouh Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A03.4,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Syrian\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Social\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Nationalist\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Party\t\r \u00C2\u00A0/\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanese\t\r \u00C2\u00A0National\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Resistance\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Front,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01985\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Maasri) Anonymous Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A03.6,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Syrian\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Social\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Nationalist\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Party\t\r \u00C2\u00A0/\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanese\t\r \u00C2\u00A0National\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Resistance\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Front,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01984\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Maasri) Anonymous Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A03.5,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Syrian\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Social\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Nationalist\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Party\t\r \u00C2\u00A0/\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanese\t\r \u00C2\u00A0National\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Resistance\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Front,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01985\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Maasri) Anonymous Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A03.7,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Syrian\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Social\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Nationalist\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Party\t\r \u00C2\u00A0/\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanese\t\r \u00C2\u00A0National\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Resistance\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Front,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01985\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Maasri) Anonymous Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A03.8,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanese\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Communist\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Party,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01985\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Maasri) Anonymous Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A03.9,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Arab\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Socialist\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Ba\u00E2\u0080\u0099ath\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Party,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01985\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Maasri) Anonymous Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A03.8,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Arab\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Socialist\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Ba\u00E2\u0080\u0099ath\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Party,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01985\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Maasri) Anonymous Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A03.10,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Fatah,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01978\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(AUB) Anonymous Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A03.11\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Democratic\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Front\t\r \u00C2\u00A0for\t\r \u00C2\u00A0the\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Liberation\t\r \u00C2\u00A0of\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Palestine,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0late-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u00901970s\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(AUB) Anonymous Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A03.13,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Palestinian\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Liberation\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Organization,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0late-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u00901970s\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(AUB) Anonymous Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A03.12,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Palestine\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Martyr\u00E2\u0080\u0099s\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Works\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Society,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01978 Anonymous 3.14,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Syrian\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Social\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Nationalist\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Party\t\r \u00C2\u00A0/\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanese\t\r \u00C2\u00A0National\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Resistance\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Front,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01985\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Maasri) Anonymous Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A03.15,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Lebanese\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Communist\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Party,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01985\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(Maasri) Anonymous Fig.\t\r \u00C2\u00A03.16,\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Syrian\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Social\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Nationalist\t\r \u00C2\u00A0Party,\t\r \u00C2\u00A01986\t\r \u00C2\u00A0(AUB) Anonymous"@en . "Graduating Project"@en . "10.14288/1.0076004"@en . "eng"@en . "Unreviewed"@en . "Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library"@en . "Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International"@en . "http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/"@en . "Undergraduate"@en . "University of British Columbia. HIST 449"@en . "Visual representations of martyrdom in the Lebanese civil war : secularism, nationalism and religious narratives, 1975-\u00C2\u00AD\u00E2\u0080\u00901990"@en . "Text"@en . "http://hdl.handle.net/2429/42599"@en .