Arts, Faculty of
Classical, Near Eastern and Religious Studies, Department of
DSpace
UBCV
Bezryadina, Anastasiya
Master of Arts - MA
University of British Columbia
The painting that is known as the procession of women from the Christian building of Dura-Europos still sparks a lot of debate. The surviving parts of this artwork do not have enough features to provide definite proof for one biblical narrative interpretation or another. Stepping away from the textual interpretations, I seek to demonstrate that it is more important to compare this painting to local art, which would enrich our understanding of not only local culture but also Durene Christianity itself. It is important to examine the Durene Christian building art in conjunction with the cultural mosaic it existed in because the local viewers would have perceived it through the background of the local culture. As such, the procession of women has more in common with the local worship iconography then it does with later narrative or processional Christian art. The unadorned simplicity of this painting, its lack of decoration and distinctive features, is almost in contrast to how women are depicted in other religious settings of Dura. Instead of being showcases, the women in the painting known as the procession are screens that local viewers of any culture, class, or status would have been able to project themselves onto.
A Minority within a Culture: Women in the Christian Art of Dura-Europos by Anastasiya Bezryadina A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULLFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in The Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies (Ancient Culture, Religion, and Ethnicity) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver) December 2020 © Anastasiya Bezryadina, 2020 ii The following individuals certify that they have read, and recommend to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies for acceptance, the thesis entitled: A Minority within a Culture: Women in Christian Art of Dura Europos submitted by Anastasiya Bezryadina in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Ancient Culture, Religion, and Ethnicity Examining Committee: G. Anthony Keddie, Classics, Near Eastern and Religious Studies, UBC Supervisor Matthew McCarty, Classics, Near Eastern and Religious Studies, UBC Supervisory Committee Member iii Abstract The painting that is known as the procession of women from the Christian building of Dura-Europos still sparks a lot of debate. The surviving parts of this artwork do not have enough features to provide definite proof for one biblical narrative interpretation or another. Stepping away from the textual interpretations, I seek to demonstrate that it is more important to compare this painting to local art, which would enrich our understanding of not only local culture but also Durene Christianity itself. It is important to examine the Durene Christian building art in conjunction with the cultural mosaic it existed in because the local viewers would have perceived it through the background of the local culture. As such, the procession of women has more in common with the local worship iconography then it does with later narrative or processional Christian art. The unadorned simplicity of this painting, its lack of decoration and distinctive features, is almost in contrast to how women are depicted in other religious settings of Dura. Instead of being showcases, the women in the painting known as the procession are screens that local viewers of any culture, class, or status would have been able to project themselves onto. iv Lay Summary Dura-Europos, a border town between the Roman and Persian Empires, abandoned in 257 CE, has given modern-day scholars a lot of beautiful art from several religious buildings. Among those, the earliest known Christian church still poses many mysteries. Created nearly a century before Christian art began appearing, the paintings form Duraâs Christian building allow some insight into early Christianity. Like all other instances of Durene art, these paintings reflect the interplay of the cultural mosaic that was created through the interaction on the periphery of two empires. This paper seeks to examine the cultural influences that led to production and interaction of the wall-painting known as the procession of women, the most ambiguous artwork of the Christian building. The biblical narrative it depicts is debated in scholarly circles; however, I seek to demonstrate that the cultural influences behind this painting would have meant more to a local viewer. v Preface This thesis is original, unpublished, independent work by the author, Anastasiya Bezryadina. vi Table of Contents Abstract ......................................................................................................................................... iii Lay Summary ............................................................................................................................... iv Preface ............................................................................................................................................ v Table of Contents ......................................................................................................................... vi List of Figures ............................................................................................................................. viii Acknowledgements ...................................................................................................................... ix Dedication ...................................................................................................................................... x Introduction ................................................................................................................................... 1 Chapter 1: Overview of the Painting and Its Visual Context ................................................... 7 The Structure ............................................................................................................................................................... 7 Physical Features ......................................................................................................................................................... 8 Clothes ........................................................................................................................................................................ 11 The Mysterious Hera ................................................................................................................................................. 12 The Style and Similarities ......................................................................................................................................... 12 Visual Context of the Baptistery............................................................................................................................... 13 The Good Shepherd ................................................................................................................................................. 14 Adam and Eve ......................................................................................................................................................... 14 Healing of the Paralytic ........................................................................................................................................... 15 Walking on Water ................................................................................................................................................... 16 David and Goliath ................................................................................................................................................... 16 Woman at the Well .................................................................................................................................................. 17 A Few More Fragments............................................................................................................................................. 18 The Thousand Cultures in One Picture ................................................................................................................... 19 Chapter 2: Interpretations and Presuppositions ..................................................................... 20 vii The Mystery ............................................................................................................................................................... 20 Myrrh Bearers ......................................................................................................................................................... 21 Wise and Foolish Virgins ........................................................................................................................................ 22 How Much Does the Interpretation of Art Matter? ............................................................................................... 23 Scholarship on Art and Dura ................................................................................................................................... 24 Religion and Art ...................................................................................................................................................... 28 Art and Society ........................................................................................................................................................ 30 Chapter 3: Approaching the Procession ................................................................................... 34 The Importance of Local Influences behind the Art .............................................................................................. 35 Relationship between the Viewer and the Image .................................................................................................... 36 Chapter 4: Women of Dura ....................................................................................................... 39 Worship Iconography and Women of Dura ............................................................................................................ 40 Women in the Temple of Bel â Cononâs Daughter ................................................................................................. 40 Women in the Temple of Zeus Theos - Baribonnaea .............................................................................................. 42 Women in the Synagogue Art ................................................................................................................................... 42 Solomon and Queen of Sheba ................................................................................................................................. 43 Infancy of Moses and the Pharaohâs Daughter ........................................................................................................ 44 Elijah and the Widow .............................................................................................................................................. 46 Esther ...................................................................................................................................................................... 46 Visual Themes in the Synagogue ............................................................................................................................ 46 Participation of Women in Religion ......................................................................................................................... 47 The Many Levels of Salles Ã Gradins ..................................................................................................................... 47 Musicians Graffito .................................................................................................................................................. 49 Cultural Mixing at Dura .......................................................................................................................................... 50 Women and Power within Religious Settings .......................................................................................................... 50 Chapter 5: Sacred in the Eye of the Beholder .......................................................................... 51 Power and the Procession ......................................................................................................................................... 52 Visual Contrast .......................................................................................................................................................... 54 Conclusion: Where the Procession Leads ................................................................................. 55 Bibliography ................................................................................................................................ 57 viii List of Figures Figure 1: The Procession of Women. Source: Wikimedia Commons .....................................................10 ix Acknowledgements First of all, I would like to thank from the bottom of heart my thesis supervisor, Dr. G. Anthony Keddie for his immense patience with me in these strange and difficult times. I would also like to thank Dr. Matthew McCarty for his infectious enthusiasm and endless supply of information. I am eternally grateful to my graduate advisor Odessa Cadieux-Rey for making everything work as it should. I would like to acknowledge my wonderful fellow Graduate Students from the Department of CNERS who made these years unforgettable. My parents and grandparents for believing in me and supporting me in my dreams. My aunt for encouraging me to finish what I started. Finally, I would like to thank my friends: Marren, for being a supportive shoulder that helped me get through the past three years, and Karlene, for exclaiming âI could have told you so!â when I told her I ended up in Religious Studies. x Dedication To my friends and family1 Introduction Having been raised in the rich tradition of intricately decorated Russian churches, when I first saw the art from the Christian building of Dura-Europos, it seemed overly simple and lackluster. But like the widowâs offering in the Bible, those paintings held more meaning for their contemporaries than the majority of Russian religious icons, in their abundance, would ever mean for me. That is not to say there are no masterpieces, but when I, as a viewer, look at them, I see the past. With the way they are depicted, there is nothing that would allow me to connect them to my present. But for the Christian community of Dura-Europos, the significance of the paintings was a part of their present reality, and by examining the paintings, perhaps we could gain a glimpse into that reality as well. Dura-Europos, located on the western bank of the Euphrates River in Syria was founded by the Seleucids. It is unknown when exactly the town was established, but it is estimated to be around 330 BCE.1 Around the late second/early first century BCE, the town fell under Arsacid control; then, around 165 CE, during the campaign of Lucius Verus, it was conquered by the Roman Empire.2 Eventually it was captured by Sassanian forces under Shapur I in 256-257 CE and never resettled. It was roughly fifteen years before Duraâs destruction that a house was remodeled to serve as a space for Christian worship. By that point, the Roman garrison stationed there occupied a significant part of the town and played a part in the townâs life. 1 Jennifer Baird, Dura-Europos (London: Bloomsbury Publishing, 2018), 19. 2 Baird, Dura-Europos, 23-29. 2 Due to the buildings closest to city walls being filled with debris for fortification purposes, a large number of wall-paintings from those buildings survived. My thesis is going to focus on one wall-painting in particular to examine how the relationship between art, gender, and social identity mattered in a town as diverse as Dura. The painting, known as the procession of women, features surviving fragments of three female figures. Modern scholarship has interpreted the figures to be either the myrrh-bearers coming to Christâs tomb (Matthew 27:55â28:10, Mark 15:40â16:11, Luke 23:50â24:10) or Wise and Foolish Virgins from the eponymous parable (Matthew 25:1-13). However, lately the focus has shifted onto how this painting might have been perceived by its contemporaries. Dura was re-discovered by the British forces in 1920 after the Arab Revolt. Upon receiving photographs of well-preserved wall paintings, James Henry Breasted set out to investigate the site. In 1922, the excavations began by lâAcadémie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres under Franz Cumont. In 1927, Michael Rostovtzeff from Yale University joined the excavations alongside the French academy.3 In 1937, the excavations ended.4 This thesis was inspired by Michael Peppardâs book The Worldâs Oldest Church, in which he examines how the art of the Christian building might have been perceived by a male neophyte worshipper. However, Peppard makes several broad generalizations, as his theoretical approach implies that the experience of a Durene man would not have been different from the experience of a woman. He also ignores the surrounding cultural milieu and examines the Christian building as if it existed in a cultural vacuum. He takes into consideration other, later 3 Baird, Dura-Europos, 3-9. 4 Baird, Dura-Europos, 15-16. 3 Christian art and Christian texts, but ignores the cultural diversity of Dura-Europos and how it might have influenced the creation and the interaction of the worshipers with the art. I would like to examine Christianity as it might have existed in the cultural environment of Dura-Europos and where a female worshipper specifically would have found herself in the environment of Durene Christianity. The procession painting is an important reflection of that. Within the procession, the subjects of the painting are shown in a way that places them outside of social status â they are not wearing any jewelry, nor do they have any features which might identify them and thus explain the reason for their placement of importance. The majority of women we find in Durene religious art are placed there because they carry some sort of importance or influence in the society. The importance of the figures in the procession is that they could be anyone, so that any worshipper, regardless of their social standing, could find a reflection of themselves in them. Not much is known about Durene Christianity. A fragment of biblical text known as Dura Parchment 24 was identified by Carl Kraeling to be the only surviving piece of Tatianâs Diatessaron, a gospel harmony.5 At first, Kraelingâs opinion was supported by the rest of the scholarship on the subject. However, D. C. Parker, D. G. K. Taylor, and M. S. Goodacre have suggested that this is a fragment of a different harmony altogether, as attempts to reconstruct the Diatessaron result in a text that is different from Dura Parchment 24.6 Others argue that it is the same text. Thus, the comparison of a fragment to a lost text has resulted in a great amount of debate in scholarship. Because of that, all references to the standard received versions of biblical 5 Ian Mills, âThe Wrong Harmony: Against the Diatessaronic Character of the Dura Parchment,â in The Gospel of Tatian: Exploring the Nature and Text of the Diatessaron (London: T&T Clark, 2019), 146. 6 D. C. Parker, D. G. K. Taylor, and M. S. Goodacre, âThe Dura-Europos Gospel Harmony,â in D. G. K. Taylor, in Studies in the Early Text of the Gospels and Acts (Atlanta, GA: University of Birmingham Press, 1999), 192â228. 4 narratives in this thesis should not be regarded as referring to the scriptural texts exactly as they were known by Durene Christians, which may have differed in more or less significant ways. It is likely that Christianity had been brought into the cultural network of Dura by Roman soldiers, becoming another element of cultural interaction within this diverse town.7 In âParadise Lost, Paradise Regained: The Meaning of Adam and Eve in the Baptistery of Dura Europos,â Lucinda Dirven examines the possible origins of Durene Christianity. Dirven compares the graffiti of names from the Christian building to the Roman army rosters, finding that two of the names from the Christian building do appear in the rosters.8 In addition to that, Roman soldiers likely brought along with them their families and camp followers, who could have become members of Duraâs Christian community.9 Chapter 1 focuses on the analysis of the wall-painting itself. The procession of women is the largest artwork from the baptistery, visually dominating the other art. It features two female figures, dressed in white robes and veils, approaching a white structure. There are also five pairs of feet, and missing space that likely held more figures. This chapter is also going to examine other artworks from the Christian building (the woman at the well, Adam and Eve, the Good Shepherd, walking on water, and the healing of the paralytic) and their similarities to, and differences from, the procession painting. This comparison seeks to demonstrate that despite being the largest artwork, the procession has very few features which would have allowed to assign a specific identity to each figure, unlike the smaller art pieces. 7 Simon James, The Roman Military Base at Dura-Europos, Syria: An Archaeological Visualization (New York: Oxford University Press, 2019), 312. 8 Dirven, âParadise Lost,â Paradise Regained: The Meaning of Adam and Eve in the Baptistery of Dura Europos.â Early Christian Art 5 (2008), 46-7. 9 James, The Roman Military Base, 34. 5 Chapter 2 will investigate the interpretations of the art and the problems with those interpretations. The two main interpretations of this wall painting claim that it illustrates a New Testament narrativeâeither the myrrh bearers going to Jesus Christâs tomb (Matthew 27:55â28:10, Mark 15:40â16:11, Luke 23:50â24:10) or the Parable of the Wise and Foolish Virgins (Matthew 25:1-13). While these interpretations are not unsubstantiated, it is even more important to consider how the intended audiences would have woven meaning around this painting regardless of the religious narratives. Chapter 3 will look into ways to correct the issues with the interpretations, relying on the âlived religionâ theoretical framework. It is going to consider the interactions between the painting and the individual worshippers, as well as between the painting and the Christian community as a whole. For that, I will be drawing on JaÅ Elsnerâs work to demonstrate that an image allows for a transcendent interaction between itself and the worshipper. I will also be relying on the scholarship of David Morgan, who examines how images allow people to re-imagine and create alternate versions of themselves and locate themselves within a community. Chapter 4 will focus on the cultural experience of the women of Dura as evidence that could be used to correct the issues with interpretation. It will examine the history of female worship at other religious buildings in Dura. Several of Durene religious buildings feature spaces divided by gender, such as the andrones, rooms specifically for men to congregate in, and the salles Ã gradins, stepped rooms with names and families inscribed upon the seats. This chapter will feature a brief overview of other religious art from Dura, focusing especially on art that features women, such as Elijah reviving a widowâs son, the infant Moses and Pharaohâs daughter, and Esther from the Synagogue, Cononâs family from the Temple of Bel, and Bariboneia from Temple of Zeus Theos. Finally, this chapter will examine cultural mixing at 6 Dura and how elements of both Roman and Parthian cultures combined together and contributed to shaping the identity and the social status of a Durene individual. Chapter 5 will examine the possibilities for the interaction of a neophyte female viewer with the procession of women wall-painting. The procession of women features some traits of how worshippers are depicted in other Durene temples. This chapter will consider what this wall-painting has in common with them, and how it is different. It will seek to demonstrate that, through the lack of features which might have identified their status, the figures in the procession would have allowed the viewers to find their standing within the Christian community of Dura regardless of their status in the society. 7 Chapter 1: Overview of the Painting and Its Visual Context The wall painting that is widely known as the Procession of Women stretches across the northern and eastern walls of the baptistery room.10 It is located under the paintings depicting the apostles walking on water and Jesusâs healing of the paralytic. At 0.88 meters, it is the largest artwork in the Christian building.11 Like all of the art from the Christian building, it was done on dry plaster.12 The Structure Starting at the far left of the panel, there is a yellowish-white structure (generally referred to in scholarship on the subject as âthe white structureâ). There is a top part, which resembles a gabled roof, separated from the rectangular bottom part by a thick horizontal line. The two sloping sides of the top part are uneven, with the left side being shorter and steeper. The top part of the structure was decorated with wavy red lines, also asymmetrical.13 The structure has two star-shapes in the upper corners of the roof. One of them has twelve rays, the other has eleven.14 Both have three concentric circles in the middle, with the innermost and outermost circles having been done in black. According to Kraeling, eleven-ray stars do not occur elsewhere in western art,15 but it is not specified whether there are eleven-ray stars in other types of art. Also, according to Kraeling, the structure resembles the eastern type of a sarcophagus. The structure poses a great deal of mystery, most of which will have to be 10 Carl H. Kraeling, The Excavations at Dura-Europos: Final Report VIII Part II Christian Building, ed. C. Bradford Welles (Locust Valley, NY: J. J. Augustin Publisher, 1967), 71-88. 11 Kraeling, Christian Building, 232. 12 Baird, Dura-Europos, 33. 13 M. I. Rostovtzeff, ed., The Excavations at Dura-Europos Conducted by Yale University and the French Academy of Inscriptions and Letters: Preliminary Report of Fifth Season of Work October 1931-March 1932 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1934), 270. 14 Rostovtzeff, Fifth Season, 270. 15 Rostovtzeff, Fifth Season, 270. 8 overlooked here, as it is not quite the focus. As pointed out by Kraeling, the asymmetry of the structure might have been a sign of foreshortening.16 However, I have not noticed any other objects in Durene art that were foreshortened in a similar way. Physical Features This wall painting features two figures facing left, towards a white structure. They are positioned facing the viewer, turned very slightly to the right, with both shoulders shown equally. This seems to be the tendency with other Durene art as well.17 Their faces are turned forward, although lack of preservation makes it impossible to determine if there is any tilt sideways. Unlike the sacrifice of Conon fresco from the Temple of Bel, where the position of the necks clearly shows that the heads are in three quarters, here the necks give no indication of that. The first figure has wavy hair, which is either shoulder-length or styled in a way that cannot be seen from the front. As will be discussed in the clothing section, this is not a style that appears a lot in Durene art, as the majority of women that are depicted are dressed in a way that covers their hair, except the women that appear in the synagogue, whose hair peeks out from under their headdresses. The garments and the veils indicate that the figures are female. It is possible to distinguish the two lines that make up the mouth of the first figure; however, the painting is too damaged from the mouth up to discern the amount of detail in the facial features.18 According to the initial reports, the lips and the nose on the first figure were 16 Kraeling, Christian Building, 270. 17 The Sacrifice of Conon fresco from the temple of Bel has all the figures positioned facing the viewer but turned slightly to one side. A large number of figures in the synagogue paintings are presented frontally or turned slightly to one side. 18 The way the mouth is drawn is simple, however most modern artists would also draw the mouth and in a similar manner when drawing frontal portraits. 9 painted in red. 19 On the second figure, one can also discern the mouth, and possibly even also the tip of the nose, but the rest of the painting is lost. The right arms of both figures are outstretched, bent at the elbow with the second figureâs arm bent at a slightly sharper angle. Both of the figures seem to be holding long objects tapered towards one end in their right hands; these objects culminate in star shapes, suggesting that they are lit torches.20 The flames of the torches are drawn in black, according to Kraeling, to make them stand out against a red background. In their left hands, both figures are holding something close to the body. The objects are hemispherical, with prominent rims that bend outwards, resembling small bowls. They have several lines inside, which were, according to Kraeling, originally dark red. The elbow part of the third figure is in the same pose and appears to be holding the same object. The hands of both figures have a good deal of definition, with fingers clearly delineated. The postures of the hands look natural. This is an important detail because hands are one of the hardest body parts to draw, as most artists would attest. Hands have a lot of small mobile elements and it can be difficult to make them appear natural. Even on the lowest quality photographs, the clear lines of the fingers can be seen, especially on the left hands. There is also a fair amount of detail on the right hand of the first figure. Hands down, the amount of detail in the fingers indicates a higher level of artistic skill than previously believed. Sure, the art is rather 19 Kraeling, Christian Building, 270. 20 There has been some discussion about the nature of the elongated objects that the women hold. Kraeling identifies them as torches. Since it is difficult to distinguish any traits on the photographs, both recent and original to identify them as such or as something else, Kraelingâs explanation seems to be plausible enough. Peppard points out that in the narratives dealing with the myrrophores, there is no mention of torches. Based on that, he chooses the Wise and Foolish Virgins interpretation, suggesting that the Greek word lampas could refer to a torch as well as a lamp. Peppard, Worldâs Oldest Church, 118-124. 10 minimalistic and definitely not as detailed as some of the other Durene examples, such as the synagogue, it is still executed with a great level of skill. After the first two figures, there is also a preserved piece with the left elbow of a third figure, which suggests a continuous procession of similar figures. There is also a break in the line that runs along the bottom of the painting behind the two figures, underneath the elbow of the third figure. In that break, there seems to be a corner of a decorated rectangular structure. This is followed by the five pairs of feet with little bits of garment hems that are preserved on the eastern wall. The surviving feet, which are in no way connected to the surviving bodies, are also posed in three quarters, with one foot facing sideways and the other foot facing forward. Similar poses appear everywhere in Durene art, as the figures in the Conon and Terentius frescoes stand the same way. Additionally, it should be noted that none of them show a lot of detail in the footwear. I would like to note, however, that most other figures with legs and bodies posed like that in Durene art seem to be stationary. Figure 1: The Procession of Women. Source: Wikimedia Commons 11 Clothes Starting from the very top, both figures are wearing some sort of a head covering, presumably a veil. It seems to continue down, falling at the very least below the waistline, but not to the ankle length. The women depicted in the Temples of Zeus Theos and Bel (daughter of Conon and Baribonneia) wear much more elaborate tall decorated headdresses. However, the women depicted there are women of high social standing. There is nothing to suggest status in the fresco of the procession in the Christian building. In fact, all of the figures are unadorned, with no jewelry or decoration to indicate status or wealth. Their headdress and clothes are the most similar to the women depicted in the synagogue. The top parts of their garments lack vertical folds, but the surviving hems demonstrate that there were some folds near the bottom. These figures are wearing loosely fitting long garments with long sleeves and high necklines. Their clothes give very little definition to the figure. They are synched in at the waist, with a sash or perhaps with another garment, like the women in the synagogue. However, the waist is not otherwise strongly defined, with the overall figures being rather bulky. According to preliminary reports, the first figure had red decoration at the neckline and waist. Similar decoration was done on the second figure, but in green. 21 The bottom of the figures is not preserved; however, the long hemlines above the series of feet indicate that the garments of the first figures were also quite likely to be ankle length. Kraeling does not comment on the feet, so there is no way of knowing if the bottoms of the garments were different colours. The hems do seem to have varying line thickness and shading in the folds. As was already mentioned previously, there seem to be no lines on the feet to indicate 21 Kraeling, Christian Building, 270. 12 a particular type of footwear, although a similar trend appears in the Terentius fresco, so presumably these figures could be wearing some sort of boots. The Mysterious Hera There have been some mentions of a graffito of a name (ÎÏÎ±Ï) appearing next to the first figureâs head; however, there are no recent photographs showing this detail, and conservation undertaken in 2010-2011 failed to detect the graffito. Kraeling published a tracing of the graffito, which he allegedly found while writing the final report on the Christian building.22 And indeed, there are lines that strongly resemble the shapes of the letters in the tracing in some of the older black and white photographs. It is likely that the graffito was lost due to surface degradation. The Style and Similarities It is unknown whether all the figures looked similar or not. The parts that are preserved make it impossible to say so with certainty. While there is not enough evidence to show that the figures were similar or dissimilar, there is enough evidence to demonstrate that they were not identical. The different levels of line thickness and shading in the folds near the hemlines raise the question of whether there might have been some variation in colour. The red and green decoration hits that the rest of the figures might also have had little accents of colour, but the sparing usage of it seems to indicate adornment for the sake of decoration, but not in a manner that would establish an individual identity for each figure. The arm and leg poses of the women are not identical, but they are similar. In fact, the leg poses make me question if they are stationary or walking, which would further complicate identification of this image. Additionally, one can see on the fresco of Julius Terentius from the Temple of Bel that depicting large groups of similarly outfitted people was not uncommon; although it needs to be 22 Kraeling, Christian Building, 95. 13 kept in mind that that the figures on the Terentius fresco are all soldiers. They are more crowded, but all appear in similar clothing and poses, and since it is a painting that depicts worshippers, presumably all of them had separate identities. In comparison, in the Conon fresco, all of the figures are in different clothing, but their poses and overall body shapes are fairly similar. It is plausible to assume that the figures in the procession painting were all dressed and positioned in a similar, if not identical manner. Overall, the figures in the procession are proportionate, although there is no depth in the painting. The outline is done in thick heavy lines. The darkest part of the figures would have probably been their hair. In comparison to the saturated art of the synagogue, there is not much colour. Through examining how women appear in the rest of Durene religious space art in later chapters, we will see that the unadorned simplicity of the women from the procession almost appears to be intentional. However, to understand what it would have meant to Durene viewers, we will have to examine the rest of the local art. Visual Context of the Baptistery The difficulty of identifying the narrative behind the procession painting makes it difficult to establish the identity of each figure. Not only that, but it is also the only painting in the Christian building where the figures might not have a distinct identity, both visually and narratively. In all other paintings, with the exception of the woman at the well and the group of apostles in walking on water, the figures have either a name that could be distinguished from the narrative or some other sort of descriptor for their role (such as the paralytic). The apostles have an identity as a group, and possibly so do the women in the procession. However, I would like to argue that their group identity was important for the Christian community because it allowed the viewers to establish their personal identity as members of said community through their 14 interaction with the image. To demonstrate that, we need to examine the rest of the paintings from the baptistery. The Good Shepherd The Good Shepherd, located above the baptismal font on the western wall of the room, occupies a place of visual importance. 23 This painting features a forward-facing figure surrounded by sheep with long curving horns.24 He is holding the sheepâs hind legs with his right hand and the forelegs with his left.25 He has dark hair, dots for eyes, with mouth and nose barely distinguishable.26 Kraeling states that the number of sheep around him is indistinguishable. 27 The presence of sheep makes this scene easily identifiable, leaving no question as to the identity of the figure. Adam and Eve The painting of Adam and Eve survives in a very poor condition. They are depicted underneath the Good Shepheard, on the left side of the painting, indicating an intentional thematic connection between the two.28 As all artworks except this one were first outlined by the artist with light brown paint before more details were added. This indicates that this painting was an unplanned later addition to the artistic programme.29 The two human figures, holding gray-green leaves in front of them, are drawn between two trees, reaching out for another smaller tree 23 Kraeling, Christian Building, 50. According to Jensen, the Good Shepherd is a very common image in early Christianity; overall, shepherd is a very well-known image in pre-Christian art. Robin M. Jensen, Understanding Early Christian Art (New York: Routledge, 2013), 10-11. 24 Kraeling, Christian Building, 53-4. 25 Rostovtzeff, Fifth Season, 260. 26 Rostovtzeff, Fifth Season, 260. 27 Rostovtzeff, Fifth Season, 260. 28 Kraeling, Christian Building, 50. 29 Kraeling, Christian Building, 51. 15 in the middle between them. There is a silhouette of a snake underneath them.30 There were two dark-red fruits on the tree between Adam and Eve, suggested by Kraeling to be pomegranates.31 The artist initially began painting the serpent too far to the left, stopped, and painted the snake again, leaving the previous one. The snake, the tree, and the figuresâ state of undress makes their identity recognizable. Healing of the Paralytic Next to walking on water is the healing of the paralytic. The image depicts a before and after, with a person reaching out for a person laying in a bed, and then a person picking up a four-legged object, presumably the bed.32 The figure in the bed, which is tipped forward slightly, is dressed in a yellow tunic with a brown outline.33 His right arm is outstretched along his side, his left arm is supporting his head, which rests on a cylindrical green pillow.34 Another figure, presumably Jesus, is standing on the left, above the bed, right hand outstretched towards the reclining figure.35 He is dressed in sandals, a tunic, and a mantle, which is thrown over the left shoulder, concealing the left hand. His clothes are white, with folds outlined in pink and yellow. His hair is black and brown, his eyes are indicated by black dots under red lids, 36 and he seems to be wearing some sort of a headdress. On the left, the figure in the yellow tunic is holding the bed upside down on his back with his left hand, right hand stretched out in front of him.37 The 30 Kraeling, Christian Building, 55-6. 31 Rostovtzeff, Fifth Season, 257. 32 Kraeling, Christian Building, 57. 33 Rostovtzeff, Fifth Season, 262-263. 34 Rostovtzeff, Fifth Season, 263. 35 Rostovtzeff, Fifth Season, 263. 36 I am paraphrasing Kraeling, whose description of Jesusâs appearance in the preliminary report is genuinely bordering on terrifying. âThe hair is light brown between two small bands of black; the eyes, set in dark red sockets and red upper lids have a black dot for iris and pupil, the usual method of indicating eyes in almost all the figures.â Rostovtzeff, Fifth Season, 263. 37 Rostovtzeff, Fifth Season, 263. 16 linear storytelling of this scene, reminiscent of the images from the synagogue, makes it easy to identify. Walking on Water Walking on water could be found in the upper register of the north wall.38 It features a boat full of people and two figures outside the said boat, reaching towards one another, almost holding hands. The head and a shoulder of the figure on the right, as well as the entirety of the ship except the stern were damaged by a wall built for fortification during the cityâs last defense.39 Six people can be seen within the boat, four clearly visible, all of them facing the viewer. Kraeling describes the colours of their clothes, from left to right: pink, yellow, pink, green, yellow, and pink.40 All of the figures have their hands in the air, quite impressed by the occurrence in the foreground of the painting. Two figures are standing on the water, and one of them is closer to the viewer; he has a beard.41 At this point, it is fairly safe to say that the figures in the front are Jesus and Peter, while the people in the ship are Jesusâs disciples. David and Goliath David and Goliath could be, albeit barely, found on the lower register of the south wall.42 The right part of the image was damaged by the mudbrick wall, while the rest was severely damaged by the elements.43 Most of this painting is gone, but it is still easily identifiable by the names of the characters.44 ÎÎÎÎ¥ÎÎ is scratched above the raised arm of one of the figures. He is 38 Kraeling, Christian Building, 61-4. 39 Rostovtzeff, Fifth Season, 266. 40 Rostovtzeff, Fifth Season, 266. 41 Rostovtzeff, Fifth Season, 266-267. 42 Kraeling, Christian Building, 69. 43 Rostovtzeff, Fifth Season, 275. 44 Kraeling, Christian Building, 70. 17 holding a sword; only his hair, arm, and a little bit of face survive.45 There is also an outline of his bare leg and left arm touching the tunic below the hip. In front of him lays a decapitated head, of which only the chin survives. ÎÎÎÎÎÎ is scratched above his chin. Further right is the rest of the big body, right arm bent across the chest and one knee drawn up.46 The scene featured here is believed to be from 1 Samuel 17. This painting is the only clearly labeled scene in the Christian building. Peppard suggests that in light of Dura as a military garrison, David would have been an icon of hope in a town that was constantly prepared for an attack.47 Peppard believes that this painting would have allowed the worshippers to envision themselves as warriors of Christ.48 Woman at the Well The woman at the well is located on the lower south wall.49 There is a hollow object, according to Kraeling, a large pithos buried in the ground, at the bottom of the painting. A woman is bending over it, pulling on a rope. She is dressed in a long garment that leaves her ankles exposed.50 Her dark hair falls around her neck framing her face. There is a comparatively large five-pointed star shape on her chest.51 She is drawn fully in three quarters, with right foot in the front of her left, standing sideways.52 The initial interpretation of this scene was that of the Samaritan woman who talked to Jesus in John 4:5-42.53 Kraeling also suggested the scene with Rebecca watering Eleazarâs 45 Rostovtzeff, Fifth Season, 275. 46 Rostovtzeff, Fifth Season, 275. 47 Peppard, Worldâs Oldest Church, 41, 73. 48 Peppard, Worldâs Oldest Church, 83-85. 49 Kraeling, Christian Building, 67. 50 Rostovtzeff, Fifth Season, 277-278. 51 The meaning of the star is one of the many mysteries posed by this painting. 52 Rostovtzeff, Fifth Season, 278. 53 Kraeling, Christian Building, 68-9. 18 camels in Genesis 24:10-21.54 Peppard questions the interpretation of this artwork as the Samaritan woman, stating that the Bible has several instances of different women going to wells.55 He prefers the interpretation of it being Mary in the moment of Annunciation, an instance from the Protoevangelium of James, which was first suggested by Dominic Serra.56 In this narrative, the initial salutation by the angel occurs when Mary has gone to fetch water from a well.57 Overall, this painting is one of the more ambiguous pieces from the Christian building. However, even though there are several instances of women going to wells in the Bible, those women are either named, such as Rebecca or Mary, or clearly identified in a way that matters to the narrative, such as the Samaritan woman. A Few More Fragments There was also a painting of a garden on the upper south wall, which is interpreted by scholars to be the Garden of Eden.58 It was mentioned in the preliminary reports, but was lost in the process between being removed from the wall and being transported elsewhere.59 From the extant photographs, there seem to be no human figures in this scene.60 The initial reports also describe fragments that were found on the floor, pointing to the ceiling showing a starry sky, with eight-ray stars on a blue background.61 54 Kraeling, Christian Building, 69. 55 Michael Peppard, The Worldâs Oldest Church: Bible, Art, and Ritual at Dura-Europos, Syria (Yale University Press, 2016), 158. 56 Dominic E. Serra, âThe Baptistery at Dura- Europos: The Wall Paintings in the Context of Syrian Baptismal Theology,â Ephemerides Liturgicae 120 (2006), 67â78. 57 Peppard, The Worldâs Oldest Church, 149. 58 Kraeling, Christian Building, 65. 59 Kraeling, Christian Building, 65. 60 Kraeling, Christian Building, 66. 61 Rostovtzeff, Fifth Season, 254. 19 The Thousand Cultures in One Picture Most figures within the Christian building are easily identifiable. While we should not discount the accident of preservation, it does seem strange that the largest, most detailed painting from the Christian building is the one with the most ambiguity when it comes to the interpretation. It is impossible not to notice that, while the rest of the figures are much simpler, they are easily recognizable within their narrative, even the woman at the well. Perhaps the survival of other figures would have clarified the interpretation; however, in both interpretations the women do not have enough traits to identify them as individuals. The myrrh bearers have names, but those names are the only thing known about them, except for Mary Magdalene, who plays a slightly more prominent role in some versions of the story. However, there would not be enough traits to identify Mary Magdalene in this scene. The wise and foolish virgins have no traits other than their descriptors. Thus, ultimately, the women in the procession came with no identifiers other than an archetype or two attached. And those archetypes were exactly what the viewer would have been able to identify with. According to Peter Stewart, the function of religious art was both to reflect the divine narratives and to allow the viewers to locate themselves within the cult. 62 In this case, the art from the Christian building allowed all of the aforementioned groups with an opportunity to find and reaffirm their place within the cult. They would be able to project themselves into the art by referring to a pre-existing body of knowledge. However, they likely also drew upon their knowledge of local culture while viewing the images. Relying solely on biblical interpretations is limiting, especially since Dura is an outlier. 62 Peter Stewart, The Social History of Roman Art (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 134. 20 Chapter 2: Interpretations and Presuppositions There has been a fair amount of discussion around the narrative behind the procession painting; however, all of it falls back upon the biblical text and later Christian art, mostly disregarding Durene sources. As was already pointed out, the rest of the scenes depicted in the Christian building are much easier to identify, despite their smaller scale. There are enough features in most paintings to allow us to be certain as to which passage of the Bible they represent. And yet, the largest painting is the one that has resulted in the greatest amount of debate. There have been two major, highly contested interpretations for the procession painting. Each interpretation presents a number of compelling arguments, however there are not enough details preserved to firmly support one or the other. Unless more proof were to be discovered, there may never be a conclusive answer. The number of questions posed by this painting might as well outweigh the number of straightforward answers available to the modern viewer. What is the nature of the white structure? Why do the star-shapes in its corners have eleven rays? How many figures were there? It would not be possible to answer all of these questions; however, I hope to clarify and contribute to the debate on some in a useful manner. I argue that the that either interpretation would still imply the same interactions of this artwork with its worshippers. The Mystery The two main interpretations are that the figures featured in the painting are either women at the tomb of Jesus (Matthew 27:55â28:10, Mark 15:40â16:11, Luke 23:50â24:10) or the Parable of Wise and Foolish Virgins (Matthew 25:1-13). However, considering the limited knowledge that we have about the Christian community at Dura, we cannot exclude that the 21 parallels with local non-Christian art were as important as the biblical implications. It is also possible that a Durene native worshipper would have envisioned something completely different. As will be discussed in the following chapters, the women in the procession would remind Durenes of worship iconography, which tended to feature subjects who occupied positions of power and influence. There are issues with both interpretations, as the painting has details that disagree with either explanation. When the art was first excavated, in March of 1932, the initial interpretation suggested by Clark Hopkins was that the painting features the three kings going to see the newborn Jesus.63 However, soon after, Hopkins, and all others who were there agreed to Henri Seyrigâs interpretation of the figures as the women at Christâs tomb. 64 Nonetheless, from the moment of it being unearthed and up until today, all of the proposed interpretations have issues, and it is possible that there will never be a conclusive answer to this mystery. Myrrh Bearers The most popular interpretation of the image is that of the women going to Christâs tomb to anoint his body. If this interpretation is correct, then the torches light the way in the early hours of the morning, the bowls contain oils for anointing, and the white structure is a sarcophagus.65 This interpretation of the wall-painting points to the experience of baptism as death and resurrection.66 63 Kraeling, Christian Building, 80. Rostovtzeff, Fifth Season, 232. Peppard, The Worldâs Oldest Church, 111. 64 Kraeling, Christian Building, 80. Peppard, The Worldâs Oldest Church, 111. 65 Peppard, The Worldâs Oldest Church, 117. Lidewijde De Jong suggests that usage of such sarcophagi was widespread, as they were a more portable and reusable variant than some of the other burial options (The Archaeology of Death in Roman Syria: Burial, Commemoration, and Empire [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017], 40-41). 66 Peppard, The Worldâs Oldest Church, 116-7. 22 The extant biblical narratives cannot quite agree as to the number, never mind the names of the women who were there. As Kraeling himself discussed, only one woman, Mary Magdalene, is mentioned by John and there is nothing about anointing (John 20, 1-18).67 A similar episode also appears in Luke 24:1-11. Matthew mentions two women, also without discussion of anointing (Matthew 28:1-10). Only Mark (Mark 16:1-8) mentions the women bringing materials for anointing.68 Most details of these accounts, however, do line up enough to consider this a plausible interpretation. Female imagery, in this case, is very significant, because women were central to the scene as the first witnesses of the resurrection. The problems with this interpretation include the absence of guards or an angel (although, as Kraeling discusses, this might be caused by the lack of space), and bowls rather than bottles or incense burners.69 Sanne Klaver also argues in favour of this interpretation, as the symbolic implications of the parable in the Christian texts connect it to the act of baptism.70 Wise and Foolish Virgins The second interpretation of the scene would be the Parable of the Wise and the Foolish Virgins featured in Matthew 25:1-13.71 It is unknown who proposed this explanation first, but according to Kraeling, this view was originally supported by Otto Casel, Gabriel Millet, and Joseph Pijoan.72 The main evidence, in this case, would be the high probability that there were ten women depicted, that the preserved shape in the bottom of the painting could be interpreted as an open door.73 In that case, the torches light the way and the bowls contain the oil for them, 67 Kraeling, Christian Building, 80. 68 Kraeling, Christian Building, 80. 69 Kraeling, Christian Building, 80. 70 Sanne Klaver, âThe Brides of Christ: âThe Women in Processionâ in the Baptistery of Dura-Europos,â Early Christian Art 9 (2013 2012), 70. 71 Peppard, The Worldâs Oldest Church, 127. 72 Kraeling, Christian Building, 81. 73 Peppard, The Worldâs Oldest Church, 128. 23 which is essential to the narrative. There are several issues with this interpretation: the parable mentions lamps, not torches (although, Peppard does provide an explanation for that);74 the nature of the white structure is unclear; and the door dividing the five wise virgins from the five foolish ones should be closed.75 However, it is just as plausible as the previous interpretation. It is difficult to assign a specific text to an image when the original audience and the modern audience are not even using the same text. How Much Does the Interpretation of Art Matter? As proposed by Michael Peppard, the viewers interacting with these images would have been able to project themselves onto the figures. Peppard argues that any initiate, regardless of gender would have still been able to relate to the figures in the procession, or any other figure depicted in the baptistery, for that matter.76 Because of the location, it is likely that the procession, the largest piece of art in that room would carry a meaning that was connected to baptism and Christian initiation rites. And indeed, Kevin Butcher suggests that the women in the procession lead the viewerâs eyes towards the font.77 This might as well be just as important as any textual interpretation. Does it matter who these women are and if it is clear where they are going? All of the paintings, especially the ones that have women, carry some sort of salvation imagery.78 Because of that, either of the interpretations thematically ties this painting to the rest of the artistic programme.79 74 As was already mentioned previously, the Greek word for lamp that is used in the parable could also refer to a torch. 75 Peppard, The Worldâs Oldest Church, 128-9. 76 Peppard, The Worldâs Oldest Church, 138-40. 77 Kevin Butcher, Roman Syria and the Near East (London: British Museum Press, 2003), 326. 78 Adam and Eve could be seen as referring to the original sin, implying eventual salvation. Woman at the well, could be Mary at Annunciation, then the moment is crucial to the birth of Christ. In another scenario, if she is the Samaritan woman, she is a figure in one of Christâs big teaching moments. 79 Kraeling, Christian Building, 81. 24 Since the art at Dura represents some of the earliest surviving Christian art, it is always compared to the art from later periods. That gives us an understanding of how certain themes were interpreted later, but not how Durene art was perceived by its contemporaries. While there were some lasting artistic themes, as well as artists learning from one another, Dura was not in a geographic location where it could have had a large influence on later Christian art. In fact, it is clear enough that Durene art did not influence later artworks, and perceiving it contrarily creates a false sense of a linear history of Christianity. It is definitely not a reflection of Christian art in the third century, as all other instances of Christian art from this or earlier time periods are the symbolic elements of catacomb art. Because of that, I am going to compare the painting to the women in art found in other religious buildings at Dura. One particularly interesting detail is that in most paintings, every single figure can be identified, while in the procession, even if the interpretation was clear, the women would still have a degree of anonymity. Scholarship on Art and Dura In The Worldâs Oldest Church, Michael Peppard presents a very detailed examination of the art from the Christian building.80 He devotes a chapter to each piece of artwork, examining them piece by piece, and looking into past interpretations before he settles on the one that he considers to be the most accurate, as well as providing his own, new interpretations for some of them. He relies on textual evidence and attempts to build the visual communication between the art and an early Christian worshipper. However, there are several things that Peppard neglects. He relies primarily on the identification of each scene as it appears in the modern biblical text. He also examines the art from a strictly early Christian perspective; thus, it is almost as if it exists in a Christian cultural vacuum. In the chapter on the procession painting, for example, he 80 Peppard, The Worldâs Oldest Church. 25 draws heavily upon Christian bridal imagery, but in doing so leans towards elements of it that are specifically Greek and examines the outfits of the women as such.81 This is a problem in a location like Dura-Europos, a town founded by Seleucid Greeks, which, by the virtue of its location on the border between Roman and Arsacid/Sassanian Empires, has been shaped by both. Peppard also examines the art from the point of view of a male neophyte worshipper, although he identifies a large portion of the figures as female. He cites a graffito of womanâs name above the head of one of the figures as proof that at least one woman was able to identify with a figure on the fresco. However, he does not examine whether the perception of a male neophyte would have been different from that of a female neophyte, treating them as if their interaction with the artworks was ultimately the same. In another article, Peppard discusses the importance of an artistically adorned baptistery in a religion like Christianity, which, in the third century relied strongly on conversion. He highlights how the procession fresco might have been intended to help the newly initiated to visualise themselves within their new faith. He elaborates visuality, an approach he bases off JaÅ Elsnerâs theories, to study the interaction between the viewer and the image, proposing that the space itself dictated a separate identity, temporarily adopted by the viewer.82 This would explain the uniform treatment of the worshippersâ gender by Peppard; however, I believe that there is more nuance to this interaction. Jennifer Baird provides an archaeological overview of the site of Dura-Europos.83 Her book covers everything from the siteâs discovery to the houses, public and religious buildings, 81 Peppard, The Worldâs Oldest Church, 122. 82 Michael Peppard, âEarly Christian Art and Ritual,â in The Routledge Handbook of Early Christian Art, ed. Robin M. Jensen and Mark D. Ellison (Abingdon: Routledge, 2018), 275â89. 83 Baird, Dura-Europos, 26-7. 26 the history of excavation, and its ultimate destruction both by the Sassanian forces and by ISIS. This is the most recent archaeological book on Dura-Europos. Particularly interesting is the timeline for the construction of temple buildings at Dura: the Temples of Azzanathkona, Artemis, Zeus Kyrios, Atargatis, Bel, and Aphlad were constructed in the 1st century BCE; Temples of Zeus Theos, Adonis, and the Gaddé were built in the second century; the Mithraeum in 169; and the synagogue in 240s.84 Baird highlights the familial nature of worship, such as Conon, who is depicted with his sons, daughter, and grandchildren, and gendered spaces which point to gender having an impact on how worship was conducted in some of the Durene temples.85 The gendered spaces in question include the andron, a room in the temple of Aphlad specifically reserved for male worshippers, and the salle Ã gradins, rooms in three different temples, where names of women have been found written on the stepped benches, which most scholars interpret to be a sign of female participation in religious life of the city. Jean-Baptiste Yon investigates the female presence in Durene temples. Overall, while there are signs of presence of women, such as the salles Ã gradins, the stepped rooms with womenâs names inscribed on the seats, there are no signs of female priesthood, despite a relatively large number of female deities being worshipped.86 Both of the two surviving wall-paintings that feature women in non-Christian or Jewish religious contexts are clearly depicted there because of their families. 87 This makes the Christian building stand out as there are no familial themes or narratives in the art that adorns the walls of the baptistery. 84 Baird, Dura-Europos, 23. 85 Baird, Dura-Europos, 23. 86 Jean-Baptiste Yon, âWomen and the Religious Life at Dura-Europos,â in Religion, Society and Culture at Dura-Europos, ed. Ted Kaizer (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2016), 99. 87 Yon, âWomen and the Religious Life at Dura-Europos,â 101. 27 Sanne F. Klaver, in her doctoral dissertation on Women of Roman Syria: The Cases of Dura-Europos, Palmyra, and Seleucia on the Euphrates focuses specifically on the depictions of women in both statuary and paintings. She is interested in what the artistic depiction can tell the viewers about the womenâs identities, positions in social networks and participation in the civic life.88 Alongside a very detailed appendix that includes photographs, this is quite likely the most complete collection on the subject up to date.89 She approaches gender as a social, political, and cultural category that is based on its context. Klaver settles on hybridity as the best model for examining the cultural environment of Dura-Europos. Klaver goes into a great level of detail on how women in Durene temple paintings functioned as showcases for their familiesâ influences. She reconstructs family trees of women based on names and inscriptions from the salle Ã gradins, which allows her to explore the ethnic and cultural backgrounds and self-presentation, such as Greco-Macedonian or Semitic names, the latter of which were more frequently used by women, while the former by men. She concludes that the dress and social status show that the temple art is not conveying the importance of Greek origins. Since the religious context from the non-Christian buildings at Dura allows us to reconstruct the social position of women, as the users of the salle Ã gradins were more likely to come from an upper-class background, as can be further confirmed by the combination of Greco-Roman and Parthian motifs in the dresses of the women who were used in the temple art as a display of influence. 90 Klaver arrives at a conclusion that being Greek was 88 Sanne Klaver, âWomen in Roman Syria: The Cases of Dura-Europos, Palmyra, and Seleucia on the Euphratesâ (PhD Dissertation, Amsterdam, Amsterdam School of Historical Studies, 2019), 2. 89 Klaver, âWomen in Roman Syria,â 2. 90 Klaver, âWomen in Roman Syria,â 17. 28 less important in presentation of women than it was in the presentation of men, especially since more women bore Semitic names. Religion and Art Robin Jensen in her book Early Christian Art stipulates the importance of developing an approach to art that combines art and text but does not rely solely on one to explain the other. Jensen challenges the view that early Christian art stood in opposition to text, as often interpreted by most scholars. According to Jensen, although art might be impossible to decipher without text, it did not exist to illustrate or replace texts. Jensen considers Dura-Europos to be an exception, although one that does not contradict the majority, since majority of early Christian art of the third century came from Rome and its surrounding regions. There was no distinctive Christian art before the third century altogether, for reasons that could be ideological or financial. She suggests four categories for early Christian art: pagan themes adapted for Christian purposes, decorative motifs imbued with Christian symbolism, biblical narratives, portraits of Christ and the saints. 91 Pre-Constantinian art also falls into three categories: non-biblical themes (the Good Shepherd, the philosopher, the person in the process of praying, meal and harvesting scenes), decorative motifs with Christian symbolism, and some biblical narratives. 92 The former two are themes that appear in pre-existing pagan art, making it hard sometimes to classify art as Christian. Its simplicity and ambiguity allowed the early Christian art to be more expressive and carry more complex messages, and thus understanding it requires several layers of decoding. 93 Jensen suggests examining Christian art by its forms: themes and motifs that are central to the art because they carry its message, as well as the style in which they are presented, and functions: 91 Robin M. Jensen, Understanding Early Christian Art (New York: Routledge, 2013), 10. 92 Jensen, Understanding Early Christian Art, 17. 93 Jensen, Understanding Early Christian Art, 11. 29 the purposes of the art, which can be derived from its contexts. 94 Jensen considers the Christian community to have been both the patron and the audience for early Christian art. As the art developed alongside theological traditions and texts, it was neither replacing nor simply illustrating them. It is unfortunate that Dura receives little attention in Jensenâs book, although many of the categories discussed by her are easily applicable to the case of this city. Jensen highlights that since Christian art did not exist in vacuum, it should be examined with regards to its religious and cultural context â although she does not consider the possibility of the context not being entirely Greco-Roman â as was the case with Dura. David Morgan examines the relationship between a viewer and an image in a religious context, claiming that the art interacts with the viewer as much as the viewer interacts with the art.95 According to Morgan, a worshipperâs interaction with religious artwork transcends merely the visual. When looking at a religious image, a worshipper understands that they are not looking at the object of their devotion, merely at a representation of it, but they interact with it as if it were the object itself.96 He critiques art historians for not giving enough attention to the relationship between the image and the viewer, and agrees with the perspective of scholars of lived religion. Scholars studying lived religion place a lot of value on the images because they allow a glimpse into the social and personal reality of the viewers.97 Morgan thinks that while symbolism should not be ignored, precedence should be given to how images allow people to 94 Jensen, Understanding Early Christian Art, 12. 95 David Morgan, âThe Look of the Sacred,â in The Cambridge Companion to Religious Studies, ed. Robert A. Orsi (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 296â318. 96 Morgan, âThe Look of the Sacred,â 297. 97 Morgan, âThe Look of the Sacred,â 297. 30 build such relationships as devotion, contrition, or humiliation.98 âImages enable people to revise or re-vision their own bodies and therefore to come into a new relationship with themselves. By positioning themselves before images, people use images to help them imagine alternate versions of themselves.â99 While Jensen considers the themes, purposes and meanings of early Christian art, Morgan focuses more on the interaction between the viewer and the art. In another work, Morgan discusses how a personâs view of self within a community is formed by their visual perception of other members of said community.100 Morgan focuses on more modern religious movements, but his approach could be used to allow scholars to better understand ancient religious art as well as recreate a better understanding of ancient viewersâ understandings of that art. Art and Society JaÅ Elsner perceives the narrative motifs in the Jewish and Christian art of Dura as two minority religions establishing their identity through retellings of their origin myths. He considers both Jewish and Christian art to be a pushback against the mainstream Roman religion.101 While that might have been the case for the Jewish art, it is hard to say the same for Christianity, as it had not existed at Dura long enough, as the Christian building was remodeled from a house some fifteen years before Dura fell and was abandoned. Lucinda Dirven explores three scholarly attitudes towards religious interaction at Dura: influence and assimilation between cults, competition between all, or Judaism and Christianity 98 Morgan, âThe Look of the Sacred,â 299. 99 Morgan, âThe Look of the Sacred,â 307. 100 David Morgan, âVision and Embodiment,â in The Embodied Eye: Religious Visual Culture and the Social Life of Feeling (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2012), 6. 101 JaÅ Elsner, âCultural Resistance and Visual Image: The Case of Dura Europos.â Classical Philology 96, no. 3 (Jul. 2001), 278; idem, âArchaeologies and Agendas: Reflections on Late Ancient Jewish Art and Early Christian Artâ in The Journal of Roman Studies 93 (2003), 119. 31 competing with other cults for power. All of these attitudes are based off the physical proximity of the various religious buildings at Dura.102 Due to lack of surviving texts, the iconography is particularly important, as it assists in establishing the identities of the Durene cults. Dirven challenges the perspectives of competition between cults, demonstrating that the iconography from most buildings does not demonstrate rivalry. She adds that competition implies choosing between cults, which is a relatively modern concept. The idea of competition is also based on Jewish and Christian material. Inconspicuous and private architecture of both the Synagogue and the Christian building is not enough to prove their subordinate position, especially since the architecture follows Mesopotamian style with the temple not being visible from the street. While some of the scenes depicted in the Synagogue clearly were intended to demonstrate superiority of Judaism, it is not a dominant motif. This perception was likely influenced by a later perception of Diaspora Judaism. As can be seen in some of the sources below, there is no scholarly consensus on the purposes of the art from the Durene Synagogue. Other temples worshipped gods from their places of origin and it in no way undermined the political authorities at Dura. Peter Stewart in The Social History of Roman Art emphasizes the importance of examining art in its social context, as books on Roman art often do not examine the purposes for which art was made.103 Why, by whom, and for whom, and for what purpose are all important questions one must answer when approaching a historical artwork. The chapter on political art and propaganda also discusses religious art. And while Stewart highlights that Roman religious art might have been a flexible concept, just like Roman religion itself, he does not consider religious narrative wall-paintings to be a special category. According to Stewart, religious 102 Lucinda Dirven, âReligious Competition and the Decoration of Sanctuaries: The Case of Dura-Europos,â Eastern Christian Art 1 (2004), 1â20. 103 Stewart, The Social History of Roman Art, 103. 32 narrative wall-paintings were indistinguishable in style and iconography from the wall-paintings that appeared in public non-religious contexts.104 Overall, according to Stewart, art operated in two ways: narrative images of gods, or of viewers that show them their place in the cult. The purpose of narrative images was to retell stories important to the gods or give viewers an image of their own place in the cult worship.105 Only certain cults, distinctive from general Roman religion used imagery to construct a distinctive identity, and Christianity, unlike other cults that originated in the East of the Empire, did not aim to express its religious identity through art, as there was no distinctive Christian art until 200s CE.106 It is likely that Christian motifs evolved from already existing pagan ones, and even more likely that the artists and artisans worked for customers of different religious backgrounds.107 While Stewart examines Dura as an example instead of singling it out as an exception, he does not completely look into the social background of the art from the Durene Christian building. He only focuses on the Roman and Hellenistic aspects and does not pay much attention to the fact that, as a frontier town, Dura-Europos was very prone to constant cultural intermingling. Michael Sommer in âAcculturation, Hybridity, Créolité: Mapping Cultural Diversity in Dura-Europosâ focuses on the frontier status of Dura and what that this meant for cultural interactions within the city.108 He examines existing theoretical frameworks but also remains aware that all of the cultures, Roman culture in particular, that existed and interacted at Dura-Europos were composites of many elements borrowed from various civilizations.109 Sommer 104 Stewart, The Social History of Roman Art, 133. 105 Stewart, The Social History of Roman Art, 134. 106 Stewart, The Social History of Roman Art, 138. 107 Stewart, The Social History of Roman Art, 140. 108 Michael Sommer, âAcculturation, Hybridity, Créolité: Mapping Cultural Diversity in Dura-Europos,â in Religion, Society and Culture at Dura-Europos, ed. Ted Kaizer (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2016), 58. 109 Sommer, âAcculturation, Hybridity, Créolité,â 60-61. 33 focuses on two case studies within Dura: the Jewish community and the women. For the former, he focuses on the stories as told by the wall-paintings decorating the walls of the synagogue, and how those stories would have been important to a third century Jewish community in Mesopotamian region.110 According to Sommer, the art represents the otherness of the surrounding cults, as seen from a Jewish perspective, and while there is wariness, there is also a possibility of peaceful co-existence, although perpetuating the understanding that Jews are very much a minority.111 In comparison with Dirvenâs work, it remains questionable as to how much Sommerâs perspective is influenced by modern views. He also highlights the usefulness of Homi K. Bhabha and Stuart Hallâs Third Space paradigm, but overall states that a new set of tools is needed to examine the complexity of the cultural milieu of a town like Dura, where the existence on the border of two rivaling empires created a new culture in its own right.112 When examining the female figures in the art featured in the baptistery of the Christian building at Dura-Europos, one must keep several factors in mind. These factors include the interplay of cultures and political power within Dura-Europos, as well as how gender was perceived in religious spaces. In order to understand how a female worshipper would have interacted with the images, we need to understand her social and cultural environments first. 110 Sommer, âAcculturation, Hybridity, Créolité,â 62. 111 Sommer, âAcculturation, Hybridity, Créolité,â 63. 112 Sommer, âAcculturation, Hybridity, Créolité,â 66-67. 34 Chapter 3: Approaching the Procession As I argued in the previous chapter, the extant approaches do not quite succeed in reflecting the full extent of the meaning that the procession painting would have had to the viewers from within the Durene culture. Because of that it is becoming quite necessary to examine how exactly we are approaching these images. So far, my critiques of the shortcomings of scholarship on the Dura Christian Building have assumed some principles of a âlived religionâ approach, although it is in this chapter that this concept becomes central to the argument. As Jörg Rüpke points out, Mediterranean religions have usually been studied through their public expressions in the past.113 While in the modern world they are frequently defined in terms of what they are not, that is Abrahamic, the structure of having many gods itself inspires variety in the ways that they are worshipped.114 The lived religion approach centers around focusing on the ritual instead of what Rüpke calls the âblueprint of Christian dogmatics.â115 This understanding is based on Michael de Certeau, who defines lived religion as individual everyday action.116 As Peter Stewart argues in The Social History of Roman Art, art should not be discussed without reference to society. However, books on Roman art often ignore to answer why, by whom, and for whom this art was made. The social history of art is the name of an approach inspired by Marxism in 60s-70s, which goes beyond iconography, style, dating, artistsâ biographies, cataloguing and descriptions. Instead, it looks at the societies which led to the production of this art.117 113 Jörg Rüpke, On Roman Religion: Lived Religion and the Individual in Ancient Rome (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2016), 1. 114 Rüpke, On Roman Religion, 1. 115 Rüpke, On Roman Religion, 2. 116 Rüpke, On Roman Religion, 3-4. Michel de Certeau, The Writing of History (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988). 117 Peter Stewart, The Social History of Roman Art, 4. 35 According to Peter Stewart, all art needs to be examined in its social context.118 Because of that, Duraâs Christian building should not be regarded as a solely Christian phenomenon, since it did not exist in a vacuum. By comparing the art to later Christian cases only, local influence is ignored, creating an illusion of Christian continuity, which likely did not exist. In order to understand the art as it was seen by its contemporaries, one ought to examine instances of local artworks that were found in buildings sacred to other religions. The Importance of Local Influences behind the Art Trying to examine Durene Christian art through the prism of later Christian art would be like learning Latin through the prism of modern French. It robs the Durene art of meaning beyond that of Christian iconography and neatly slots it into a pretense of an unchanging linear narrative. In order for an exception to exist, there must be rules. So perhaps the art in Duraâs Christian building is an example of specifically Durene culture, as a Christian culture per se would not have really existed yet at that point. Elsner brings out Duraâs focus on local culture, where the center of importance was not elsewhere but in Dura and nearby cities.119 However, Dura was also a border town. It was located between two possible centers of power with different government structures.120 And relatively frequent change in government â at the very least frequent enough to exist in local memory - did not necessarily mean there were no affiliations to a particular state or centre of power. Additionally, letting the local elites remain in power was not an uncommon practice. All 118 Stewart, The Social History of Roman Art, 118. 119 JaÅ Elsner, Roman Eyes: Visuality and Subjectivity in Art and Text (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007), 266. 120 Sommer, âAcculturation, Hybridity, Créolité,â 54. 36 things considered, Dura existed on the border between two powerful empires, which should be considered under any theoretical framework used to examine the town. 121 For that, Michael Sommer suggests hybridity, a concept under which culture does not have clear invariable boundaries but is instead born of continuous negotiation and translation.122 In a town like Dura, individuals would have had to negotiate multiple cultures in order to build an identity. For that, Sommer brings up Homi Bhabhaâs concept âthird spaceâ â a local space in which elements from different cultures would combine to result in a mixture in which those elements no longer existed in their original form.123 Thus, Sommer proposes that the culture of Dura was neither Roman nor Parthian, remarking also that Roman culture itself was a composite entity.124 Overall, Sommer suggests that a new set of analytical tools is needed, not related to Romanization or Hellenization as we know them.125 Relationship between the Viewer and the Image Visual perception is essential to human social interactions.126 Perception of the world is dictated by oneâs environment. It is an act of embodiment, taking up a position within a body, in David Morganâs argument, both oneâs own body and the body of a social group.127 Thus, Morgan argues, communities are established based on external appearance â whether biological characteristics or conscious appearance choices.128 Thus, Morgan relies on the dual meaning of 121 Sommer, âAcculturation, Hybridity, Créolité,â 54. 122 Sommer, âAcculturation, Hybridity, Créolité,â 60. 123 Sommer, âAcculturation, Hybridity, Créolité,â 60. Homi K. Bhabha, The Location of Culture (London: Routledge, 2004); 28-56. Stuart Hall, âCreolité and the Process of Creolization,â in Creolizing Europe: Legacies and Transformations (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2015), 30. 124 Sommer, âAcculturation, Hybridity, Créolité,â 60-61. 125 Sommer, âAcculturation, Hybridity, Créolité,â 55-6. 126 Morgan, âVision and Embodiment,â 5. 127 Morgan, âVision and Embodiment,â 6. 128 Morgan, âVision and Embodiment,â 6. 37 the verb âto lookâ â both to see the world and to appear to the world a certain way.129 Therefore, humans are always both passive and active in the act of seeing â being the seer and being seen. The social body dictates how one sees the world. Therefore, the human body itself is a medium for participation in social bodies. Members of a community do not necessarily appear identical; however, they look at the world in similar ways. Forming perception of self is based on the response of others while looking at others to form a perception of self. As suggested by JaÅ Elsner, who discusses the idea of visuality in his book The Roman Eyes, âViewing the sacred is a process of divesting the spectator of all the social and discursive elements which distinguish his or her subjectivity from that of the god into whose space the viewer will come.â130 Elsner examines Norman Brysonâs definition of visuality when it comes to naturalistic art as a cultural construct that consists of the âsum of discourses between the image and the viewer.â131 This visuality involves a âscreen of signsâ that exists between the eye and the image.132 In the context of Roman culture, Elsner differentiates between two types of visuality: ritual-centered visuality and visuality of naturalism. The latter describes an interaction between the viewer and the image, in which the image operates in its own dimension, which the viewer is allowed to enter, thus equating the experience to looking at someone elseâs world from the outside. There is no direct contact between the subject matter of the art and the viewer.133 Ritual-centered visuality consists of the viewer directly entering an imaginary space in which the divine resides, while the said divine gains access to the viewerâs world, resulting in a 129Morgan, âVision and Embodiment,â 6. 130 Elsner, Roman Eyes, 23-24. 131 Elsner, Roman Eyes, 24. 132 Elsner, Roman Eyes, 25. 133 Elsner, Roman Eyes, 24. 38 reciprocal gaze, which results in a discovery of their identity for the viewer and worship for the divinity, bringing fulfillment to both. The resulting experience is an intentional confrontation, prepared by the ritual.134 To sum it up, one type of visuality is one-sided, while the other is reciprocal. Ritual-centered visuality also involves an element of purification for both the viewerâs body and the mind. The viewer experiences an encounter with the divine in a liminal space, all while donning on a temporary cult-generated identity in lieu of a normal one. Thus, the space of the encounter dictates the viewerâs perception.135 However, the women depicted in the procession do not fall into the category of deities. If anything, they have more similarities to the later cults of saints, who seemed to occupy an intermediary, more accessible position within a hierarchy of holiness. They might have been representative of theological concepts (e.g., piety) and were definitely important to a space of worship; nonetheless Elsnerâs approach requires some tweaking to fit this concept. I agree with Michael Peppardâs suggestion that the painted figures within the Christian building functioned as canvases for self-projection in addition to representing characters from biblical narrative.136 134 Elsner, Roman Eyes, 24. 135 Elsner, Roman Eyes, 25. 136 Peppard, Worldâs First Church, 140. 39 Chapter 4: Women of Dura While there is evidence of female participation in the overall practices of Duraâs religious network, they were mostly featured as members of families and reinforced cultural and hereditary authority. This suggests that some interest might be found in investigating the connections between religious worship and authority. Womenâs participation in the religious landscape of Dura was directly proportional to the power available to them. In this context, the term power will be used to refer to an individualâs ability to influence their various social groups. Most of the women that appear in local religious art and inscriptions come from an aristocratic background, as the art and the inscriptions outline their familiesâ power. Sanne Klaver demonstrates the transition and lineage of power by tracing the family trees of the women whose names are inscribed in the salles Ã gradin, stepped rooms with names of women inscribed along the benches that may have been intended for female-only gathering and worship. Most women featured in the art of the synagogue either occupied positions of power or played a significant role in the founding history of their culture, frequently both. Duraâs surviving artistic corpus is quite large, so only the frescos featuring women shall be discussed in great detail, the rest, while mentioned in comparison, shall only be alluded to. In addition to exchange of power, there are other factors to be considered when relating various types of religious artwork to the cultures that produced them. For one thing, there is a strong contrast between the Synagogue and other surviving temple art in the stories it does or does not tell. More explicitly, the art from both Temple of Bel and Temple of Zeus Theos137 focuses on people in the process of worship, thus showcasing the relationship between the gods and their human followers. In the Synagogue, this relationship is established differently, through retelling of the history of the people that worshipped in that space. JaÅ Elsner argues that the narrative themes in the synagogue art, in particular 137 It is important to note that these are later and most likely inaccurate identifiers that were given to the buildings by the archeologists who excavated them. However, those identifiers are widely used within scholarship and provide convenient and established identifiers, and for the lack of better ones, they will be used here henceforward. 40 the strong running theme of defeating pagan gods, was a pushback against the dominant Roman religion.138 However, Lucinda Dirven argues successfully that there is not enough evidence for a strained religious relationship and that one should be careful not to impose the modern perception of Diaspora Judaism onto the past.139 I will discuss in the following chapter how the iconography of the Christian building combines the themes of both worship iconography and narratives for establishment of identity. Additionally before we begin discussion of women in the Jewish and other local religious art of Dura, it is important that we note that depictions of female deities will not be considered, as their images should not be examined by the same criteria as those of female worshippers, because existed in a different category. The existence of female deities did not imply a higher level of female participation, and female deities were known to carry masculinizing or genderless aspects to them, thus existing in a category that set them apart from mortal women. Because of this, the images of female deities from Dura, such as the Tyche of Dura and Tyche of Palmyra on the Terentius fresco will not be considered.140 While this could be an interesting subject for future study, all women discussed here will be strictly mortal. Worship Iconography and Women of Dura Women in the Temple of Bel â Cononâs Daughter The fresco of Conon from the Temple of Bel depicts an act of sacrifice by a rich Durene family in the Arsacid era, which can be identified from the inscriptions.141 It is not a piece of mythological narrative, but rather an assertion of religious, political, and cultural identity. 142 According to Baird, this 138 Elsner, âArchaeologies and Agendas,â 120. 139 Dirven, âReligious Competition and the Decoration of Sanctuaries,â 8-9. 140 Sarah B. Pomeroy, in her work Goddesses, Whores, and Slaves: Women in Classical Antiquity discusses that the majority of Greek female deities took on masculine attributes and characteristics that were in contrast with the traditional expectations and roles of women (Goddesses, Whores, and Slaves: Women in Classical Antiquity. New York: Dorset Press, 1975). Therefore, artistic representations of female deities cannot be interpreted to qualify as artistic representations of women. Being a multi-ethnic environment Dura had a variety of female deities from various cultures, however, as many goddesses did demonstrate masculine attributes, Pomeroyâs description can be applied to other cultures. 141 Baird, Dura-Europos, 26-7. 142 Baird, Dura Europos, 27. 41 fresco emphasizes the importance of family in religious worship. It is a votive offering as well as a reminder of the familyâs power.143 Klaver discusses the function of the wall paintings as offerings to a deity, citing the inscription dedicating the naos and all the paintings of the temple to Zeus Theos.144 This fresco features Conon, a wealthy and influential Durene noble, two priests, in ceremonial clothes performing a sacrifice above an altar, his sons and daughter named Bithnanaia; in addition, there are his two grandsons and granddaughter in the foreground. Their identity is confirmed by a fragmentary Greek inscription of Cononâs name.145 The entire family is depicted participating in the ritual of sacrifice. Their right hands are raised with palms pointing outwards in a Near-Eastern gesture of piety.146 The public depiction of worship allowed the family to present themselves to the society in a certain way. This painting was intended both as a public statement, with inscriptions identifying the worshippers, and as a demonstration of piety towards a particular deity. Either way, there were not many people who could find common identity with the subjects of the painting. Due to the topic of this work, my main focus is on the daughter, Bithnannaia, and Cononâs granddaughter, whose name is unknown. The womanâs face had been removed, but it can be seen that she is wearing an intricate headdress. Her legs are positioned similarly to those of everybody else in the painting, one forward, one slightly to the side. She is wearing a light-colored dress, with a long veil and an elaborate cylindrical headdress. Baird suggests that it was traditional for Durene women to wear veils in religious spaces, since most women that feature in the art of religious spaces are veiled.147 The girl wears a simpler version of her motherâs outfit, with a headdress. According to Klaver, her size and placement in the lower register may indicate lower status.148 However, it may be because the 143 Baird, Dura-Europos, 27. 144 Klaver, âWomen in Roman Syria,â 96. 145 Elsner, Roman Eyes, 261. 146 Klaver, âWomen in Roman Syria,â96. Dirven, âParadise Lost, Paradise Regained,â 237 â 240. 147 Jennifer Baird, âEveryday Life in Roman Dura-Europos: The Evidence of Dress Practices,â in Religion, Society and Culture at Dura-Europos, ed. Ted Kaizer (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2016), 36. 148 Klaver, âWomen in Roman Syria,â 109. 42 shorter forms and less rigid poses of children would not look good standing with the adults. The girlâs clothes are a simpler version of Bithnanaiaâs, a white garment with veil and simplified jewelry. She is holding her right hand palm up. Women in the Temple of Zeus Theos - Baribonnaea Only a fragment of this womanâs depiction had been preserved, and it is a fragment that has her face on it. Her name, ÎÎ±ÏÎ¹Î²Î¿Î½Î½[Î±Î¹Î±], is inscribed with Greek letters on her left of her face. She appears on a grey background, outlined in dark grey and red lines. Her face is very detailed, there is a highlight on her cheeks and chin, as well as shadows under her eyebrows, jawline, cupidâs bow, and smile lines. She has dark eyes and eyebrows and a very realistic mouth, with a shadowed upper lip and a highlighted lower lip. On her head is an elaborate orange headdress, purple veil, and several elaborate necklaces are around her neck. She is holding something in her hand, which is drawn with the same amount of detail as the face. She is wearing a silver ring with a red stone and a silver bracelet on her pinky.149 Another womanâs face has also been preserved in a fragmented state, but with a similar amount of detail. She is dressed in a similar way, with a veil and necklaces, as well as a silver bracelet on her hand.150 It is clear from her jewelry, as well as the fact that her portrait was in the temple, that she came from a family of wealth and power. Women in the Synagogue Art While the art from the synagogue is closer to the art from the Christian building chronologically, it is very different stylistically. The hands do not receive nearly as much attention, proportions are somewhat stylized and appear a little odd at first sight. However, the most amazing aspect of the synagogue wall paintings are their extremely vibrant colours. There has been some debate about the authorship, with the most popular theory being that the same workshop painted all of the religious 149 Klaver, âWomen in Roman Syria,â 284. 150 Klaver, âWomen in Roman Syria,â 281. 43 buildings. Jensen points out that unless extra-Durene evidence of similar style is discovered, the theory of the same workshop being employed to paint everything makes the most sense.151 Unlike the other religious buildings, the art of the synagogue is purely narrative, establishing the history of the group that utilised this space. There is little debate about the stories featured in the panels, however there is some scholarly discussion around the particulars. While it is not clear that, as Elsner believes, the art from the synagogue was a pushback against the Roman authority, it is nonetheless, clear that the art focuses on establishing the history of the Jewish people. Because of that, the art will be examined considering the criteria of narrative iconography, unlike the previous art. Solomon and Queen of Sheba The identification of this particular image is questionable because only the feet of the figures survive. There is, unfortunately, only so much that can be inferred about feet. A strip along the bottom is all that survived of this panel. There is a dais of a six step throne, with laying lions and eagles surrounding it on either side.152 Î£ÎÎÎÎ©Î (Solomon) is written in the center of the third step.153 There are also figures seated on both sides dressed in long white garments. Between the legs of the chair on the left of the throne is written Î£Î¥ÎÎÎÎÎÎÎ¡Î. The left side of the bottom of the panel features one pair of feet and two flowing garments of two women.154 It is impossible to identify what was depicted on the left panel, so it is up to interpretation as to which episode from the life of Solomon is featured here.155 According to Kraeling, one other suggestion as to the interpretation of the scene was judgement of Solomon (1 Kings 3:16-27), which was ruled out due to the clothes of the women being too high status.156 The identity of the woman next to Solomon is very much a mystery and there does not seem to be a lot of meaning in trying to figure out and ascribe the exact person. According to Kraeling, it had been 151 Jensen, âSynagogue, Early Christian Art,â 186. 152 Rostovtzeff, M. I. et al., eds., The Excavations at Dura-Europos, Preliminary Report on the Sixth Season of Work, October 1932-March 1933 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1936), 348. 153 Rostovtzeff et al., Sixth Season, 348. 154 Rostovtzeff et al., Sixth Season, 349. I find the whole idea to be a bit of a stretch. 155 Rostovtzeff et al., Sixth Season, 348-9. 156Rostovtzeff et al., Sixth Season, 349. 44 initially interpreted by du Mesnil as the visit of Queen of Sheba (1 Kings 10:1-13), since this scene also describes a throne.157 This interpretation is based on the clothes worn by women, with the dress of the woman that is closest to the throne being more elaborate.158 Weitzmann and Kessler compare the painting to later manuscripts and conclude, that with the lack of any indication of infants, dead or alive, as well as the figure in Persian clothes being dressed too lavishly to be an executioner, the scene is Solomon and the queen of Sheba.159 Infancy of Moses and the Pharaohâs Daughter Beautifully vibrant, this panel includes the highest number of women out of all the artworks from the synagogue. It depicts, from right to left, the Pharaoh, dressed in Persian clothes, giving an order to two Jewish midwives, Pharaohâs daughter, surrounded by handmaids who stand on the shore, lifting the baby Moses out of the water and passing him to another woman. While visually the Pharaohâs daughter seems to have been intended as the focal point of the image, narratively, it is the infant in her arms that carries the most importance. The pharaohâs daughter is standing thigh-deep in water, wearing only jewelry consisting of a necklace and a bracelet, and possibly earrings, holding an equally naked baby Moses, and gesturing to the woman on her right. There are reeds on both sides of the river and a square crib in the river. The rest of the women are standing around Pharaohâs daughter on the shore. They are wearing bright colourful garments in pinks, reds, and yellows, consisting of an inner layer and an outer layer, synched under the bust, with many folds, as well as head coverings. Their veils have different lengths, some are short, and others are long. Like the women in the Christian building, it is possible to see the hair coming out from under the headdresses. Kraeling suggested the clothing distinguishes the Egyptian maids from the Hebrew women. It is possible that this was indicated by the sleeves, as some of the women, are wearing sleeveless 157 Rostovtzeff et al., Sixth Season, 349. Kurt Weitzmann and Herbert L. Kessler, The Frescoes of the Dura Synagogue and Christian Art, (Washington: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 1990), 102. 158 Weitzmann and Kessler, The Frescoes of the Dura Synagogue, 102-103. 159 Weitzmann and Kessler, The Frescoes of the Dura Synagogue, 103-104. 45 dresses while others are wearing long-sleeved ones. Their clothing is full of vibrant colour with red, pink, and yellow. Some of them are holding jars and other objects. One of the women is passing the baby to another. The nudity of the pharaohâs daughter has been subject of discussion, as it is the only female nude in the Synagogue. Erwin Goodenough noted that her jewelry resembles the goddess Anahita, who was later identified with Artemis, Aphrodite, and Kybele, in Sassanian art.160 Her posture is similar to that of nude depictions of Aphrodite.161 Goodenoughâs mythological ruminations are rejected by the majority of scholarship.162 It is unlikely that Durene Jews were interested in Aphrodite, especially if you take into consideration the themes of resistance to foreign cults that are so prevalent in the Synagogue art.163 Any similarities with the goddess were most likely completely coincidental. Kurt Weitzmann presumed that the nudity might reflect the womanâs non-Jewish origins.164 Warren G. Moon writes that any nudity depicted in the synagogue ought to have been didactic, and that the Pharaohâs Daughter must have ben perceived as nothing short of scandalous.165 Moon finds contrast in the fact that the rest of the female figures, presumably Jewish women, are heavily clothed.166 He also deems that the nude figure of the Pharaohâs daughter is meant to emphasize her non-Jewishness. 167 According to Steven Fine, it is impossible to accept or deny the claim that such a depiction was possible because she was a foreigner. Fine also suggests some continuity between this and much later medieval Jewish art, which did not shy away from depicting female nude.168 Hagith Sivan finds nothing wrong with a naked woman rescuing a naked child from a river â in fact, it highlights the womanâs courage and the danger to an infant floating 160 Géza G. Xeravits, âGoddesses in the Synagogue?,â Journal for the Study of Judaism 48 (2017), 268-9. 161 Xeravits, âGoddesses in the Synagogue?,â 269. 162 Xeravits, âGoddesses in the Synagogue?,â 270. 163 Xeravits, âGoddesses in the Synagogue?,â 270. 164 Xeravits, âGoddesses in the Synagogue?,â 271. 165 Warren G. Moon, âNudity and Narrative: Observations on the Frescoes from the Dura Synagogue.â Journal of the American Academy of Religion 60, no. 4 (Winter 1992), 595-596. 166 Moon, âNudity,â 196-7. 167 Moon, âNudity,â 196-7. 168 Steven Fine, âNote on the Cover Illustration: The Daughter of Pharaoh at Dura Europos,â Nashim: A Journal of Jewish Women's Studies & Gender Issues no. 4 (Fall 2001), 5-6. 46 in a river.169 From the evidence gathered, it appears that Pharaohâs daughter was, in fact, the focal centre of the painting, just as baby Moses would be the narrative centre. Elijah and the Widow Like other panels, this painting is presented in chronologic order, with a before and after. In the before, the widow is dressed in black, with one breast out. In the middle, there is Elijah reclining on a bed with the dead infant. In the after, the widow is dressed in bright yellow. She has a veil-like headdress, with hair coming out from under it, similar to the headdresses of the women in the procession.170 It is a narrative that demonstrates the power of the Jewish god more than anything. Esther Since there are only two women in this panel, it makes sense to focus on them. Esther is sitting on a chair behind her husbandâs throne. Her dress has a pink outer layer, green inner layer. She is wearing a headdress that consists of a white veil. There is also her maid behind her; she is wearing a yellow dress and her hair is uncovered. The headdress could be a symbol of her powerful position in court, but probably not a metaphor for walls of Jerusalem, as crowns did symbolize royalty in Assyria and Persia.171 Esther is gesturing, while the maid reaches towards her. Estherâs pose has been noted to be similar to the Tyche in the Terentius fresco.172 Visual Themes in the Synagogue Michael Sommer examines the patterns in the synagogue frescos: in Esther, the life of the diaspora, its risks, but also chances of peaceful coexistence; as well as a delineation of the otherness of foreign faiths motif expressed by the events on the frescos of Moses, Elijah, David and Solomon.173 From 169 Hagith Sivan, Jewish Childhood in the Roman World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018), 254. 170 This also makes me doubt Kraelingâs justification of the hairstyle of the women in the procession as bridal. It was most likely the popular female hairstyle/headdress at the time when these two buildings were decorated. 171 Xeravits, âGoddesses in the Synagogue?,â 275. 172 Xeravits, âGoddesses in the Synagogue?,â 274. 173 Sommer, âAcculturation, Hybridity, Créolité,â 62. 47 that, Sommer concludes with a visual message that pretty much depicts the universe of Dura-Europos â polytheistic and multicultural, with themes of demarcation where a minority can thrive.174 Within this demarcation, there is an emphasis on roots and shared symbols of a minority, a promise of nationhood, and a warning against idolatry. The other theme is potential integration into a different society. These two themes are not necessarily exclusive and are characteristics that go together for a minority in a foreign environment.175 In regards to the women that appear in the paintings, at least two are active participants in culturally defining moments in the culturally establishing narrative of this group. There is no way to be certain if it is indeed the Queen of Sheba next to Solomon, and the widow seems to be more of a narrative foil than anything. The pharaohâs daughter and Esther are acting in ways that enable the survival of Jews as a minority in a foreign setting. They are both women who not only occupy positions of power, but actively use that power in their stories. Participation of Women in Religion The Many Levels of Salles Ã Gradins The term salles Ã gradins refers to rooms with stone stepped benches, and in Duraâs case womenâs names and ancestries are inscribed â although commissioned by their male family members. These steps surrounded a small open space, theatre-style.176 The purpose of these spaces was ceremonial, as suggested by the presence of a small altar in the temple of Atargatis, for sacrifice of incense, as well, as small fruit and wine offerings.177 The oldest examples of salles Ã gradins can be found at Delos.178 Durene salles Ã gradins contrast the ones at Delos, where the women in the inscriptions contributed 174 Sommer, âAcculturation, Hybridity, Créolité,â 62-3. 175 Sommer, âAcculturation, Hybridity, Créolité,â 63. Being an immigrant in the 21st century, this is a painfully familiar feeling. There was a point when I believed I would have to make a choice between my homeland and the place I have immigrated to. 176 Klaver, âWomen in Roman Syria,â 49. 177 Klaver, âWomen in Roman Syria,â 52. 178 Yon, âWomen and the Religious Life at Dura-Europos,â 104. 48 towards the cost of construction, while at Dura they were only owners of the seats, with their familial ties to husbands and fathers always brought up.179 In the Durene context, salles Ã gradins have been found in temples of Artemis, Atargatis, and Azzanathkona. These rooms allow us to take a glimpse at the religious lives of Durene women. They provide an indication of female participation in the religious life of the city. There were also androens â specifically male religious spaces â in other temples of the city. The andron in the temple of Aphlad was financed by 11 men from 6 families, on their and their childrenâs behalf.180 There are also other salles Ã gradins, without names inscribed at Dura, at the sanctuary of Adonis.181 Despite the evidence of female presence in ritual spaces, the actual religious space allotted to women, according to Yon, is rather small.182 On the other hand, Sanne Klaver outlines that at the very least the inscriptions indicate that women at one point had access to those cultic spaces, and possibly even some control over them.183 According to Klaverâs research, 10 out of the 84 seats that she examined were dedicated by husbands to wives, 4 by fathers to daughters, all of them in the temple of Azzanathkona. Klaver presumes that that the rest of the women paid for their seats themselves, which would be in character for Greek tradition.184 She cites legal papyri that document ownership of property and transactions by Durene women, demonstrating that they possessed some form of financial independence. However, Klaver states that no transactions in regard to women financing the seats in the salles Ã gradins have been recorded.185 Jean-Baptiste Yon discusses the possibility of these inscriptions being honorary; however, Klaver disagrees, arguing that the names of the woman are in the nominative case rather than the genitive. Klaver believes that the function 179 Yon, âWomen and the Religious Life at Dura-Europos,â 106-107. 180 Klaver, âWomen in Roman Syria,â 56. 181 Yon, âWomen and the Religious Life at Dura-Europos,â 105. 182 Yon, âWomen and the Religious Life at Dura-Europos,â 101. 183 Klaver, âWomen in Roman Syria,â 51. 184 Klaver, âWomen in Roman Syria,â 37-38. 185 Klaver, âWomen in Roman Syria,â 37. 49 of the inscriptions to be between commemorative and honorary, citing Rostovtzeff in comparison of their similarity to modern-day church pews.186 Overall, the salles Ã gradins were not a space for everyone, but rather personal space, a marked territory, of sorts. It is a space that reflected the balance of power within the city, as only the select had a place there. However, it also demonstrates that women, albeit through the power of their male relatives, had a space in Durene religious tradition. Musicians Graffito The graffito of female musicians is the only appearance of women in roles of religious personnel at Dura.187 The graffito shows the women in dresses that do not appear anywhere else at Dura. Presumably, it may have their uniform.188 There are very few details and no colour, only the outlines. There are two female figures in long decorated skirts with ruffles at the bottom. There is a neckline, or a necklace represented by a line at the neck. Each one has two circles to represent breasts. It is unclear if they are bare-breasted or clothed. They wear high headdresses, with hair or ribbons hanging from under them. One of the women is playing a double flute. According to Hopkinsâ preliminary report, the woman on the right holds an object to her chest.189 There is also a graffito of women in similar clothes on the west wall, with the women on the sides holding double flutes. The woman on the right is the only one with a line around her neck. The woman in the center holds her arms to her stomach, it is unclear if she is holding an object or not.190 Overall, this painting is stylistically very different from the rest of the religious art of Dura. Nonetheless, it acknowledges that women had a place not only in the worship but also in some of the ritual itself. 186 Klaver, âWomen in Roman Syria,â 40. P. V. C. Bauer, M. I. Rostovtzeff, and A. R. Bellinger, eds. The Excavations at Dura-Europos, Preliminary Report on the Third Season of Work, November 1929-March 1930 (New Haven, Yale University Press, 1932), 179. 187 Klaver, âWomen in Roman Syria,â 51. 188 Klaver, âWomen in Roman Syria,â 99. 189 Klaver, âWomen in Roman Syria,â 294-295. 190 Klaver, âWomen in Roman Syria,â 295. 50 Cultural Mixing at Dura Sanne Klaver arrives at an interesting conclusion: Greek descent only indicated status in men, Greek names were given to men through patrilineal lines; however, women frequently had Semitic names. Overall, visual representations do not portray their subjects as exclusively Greek. In fact, clothes seem to reflect local culture more.191 Based on a comparison between jewelry finds and the jewelry that appears in the art, Klaver concludes that there are enough similarities between artistic representation and architectural evidence to, at the very least, allow us to study cultural and social identity differentiation.192 Klaver pays attention to how women are depicted in Greek dress, such as the one that Bithnanaia is wearing, but with non-Greek headwear, similarly to men, who also showcase a mix of different cultures in their dress.193 Women and Power within Religious Settings Two of the three preserved women in the synagogue play a very important role in their respective stories. Esther singlehandedly saves her people, and Pharaohâs daughter rescues an infant that grows up to be a saviour figure. Bithnanaia and Baribonneia hold power because of their familyâs status. What does this mean about the power in the Christian building art? The majority of women we have looked at so far come from a high position in the society, so their dress and jewelry are also a signifier of status. Klaver calls them âdisplay casesâ, a term introduced by Thorstein Veblen to signify women being used as reflections of the wealth of their husbands or fathers.194 In worship iconography, such as the paintings from the Temple of Zeus Theos and the Temple of Bel, the worshippers are positioned in a way that puts them a level closer to deities that are depicted within that space. The presence of those people in those paintings itself is a testament to their power. 191 Klaver, âWomen in Roman Syria,â 115. 192 Klaver, âWomen in Roman Syria,â 100-101. 193 Klaver, âWomen in Roman Syria,â 104-105. 194 Klaver, âWomen in Roman Syria,â 105. 51 Chapter 5: Sacred in the Eye of the Beholder In this chapter, we examine the relationship between the viewer and the image, and where it might have fit in within the power mosaic of Dura-Europos. It is important to consider the cultural background of the viewer in order to understand the meaning they would have ascribed to the art. Dura is constantly treated as an exception in comparison to both Roman and Christian art, but it makes more sense to presume that there was a separate culture, unique to Dura, which is reflected in the Christian art found at Dura. The procession painting combines features that appear on the paintings from other religious buildings but also contrasts some of those features, creating an image that any viewer would have been able to see traits of themselves in. While other images reflect features that would have allowed to establish the status of the depicted individual, the procession specifically lacks individuality. In that, not only are their garments somewhat blank, but they themselves are blanks to be filled in by the viewerâs imagination. To understand the function of an image as something the community establishes their identity through, we need to be aware of the cultures that comprise that identity. The texts help us understand the culture, but the images allow us to see the impact of the culture. Because of that, it makes sense to rely on both. As pointed out by Robin Jensen, the combination of image and text gives scholars a better understanding of past reality.195 Physical remains, unlike texts, are closer to the original reality of the past ritual due to being a part of it, while text survives in filtered form, rewritten and retranslated.196 Historians need to contextualize the experience of viewing, including examining the cultural setting.197 195 Robin Jensen, âVisuality,â in The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Mediterranean Religions, ed. Babette Stanley Spaeth (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 310. 196 Jensen, âVisualityâ, 309. 197 Jensen, âVisualityâ, 311. 52 Power and the Procession Extending Elsnerâs idea of the viewerâs resistance to power through self-affirmation to womenâs self-affirmation through the image may be going too far, but it is, nonetheless, an interesting concept to ruminate on. Nonetheless, the public attestations of womenâs presence in religious life of the town would both demonstrate and grant them power in this setting. As has been pointed out in the previous chapter, women in the majority of Durene religious art reflect some instances of the power dynamic within the city. And although Christianity was a minority religion, and a new one at that, it sought to carve out a place for itself. It also needed to create a distinct identity for its members that also integrates with a local identity. And that is exactly where the procession comes into play. While the women certainly did not reflect any political might, their power was in their impersonality. At Dura, dress signalled gender, age, and status, however it did not signal ethnicity, as Parthian and Hellenic styles were mixed.198 Clothes could also demonstrate occupation, as they do in art and graffiti.199 In addition to that, group or occupation differentiation such as military could also be expressed through clothes.200 The women in the procession signal status through the simplicity of their dress, showing that their affiliation to this particular community transcends status. While other women in art wear jewelry and coloured garments, the only evidence of decoration on the women in the procession is a little bit of colour â one colour per woman, which could suggest a repetition of colours. But while on other women jewelry indicates status, even 198 Baird, âEvidence of dress practicesâ, 33-4. 199 Baird, âEvidence of dress practicesâ, 34-5. 200 Baird, âEvidence of dress practicesâ, 54. 53 the on the Pharaohâs daughter, who is fully nude, the women within the procession are interestingly unadorned. While there is some colourful but simple decoration, it seems to have been more of an accent than a statement. There was likely no differentiation that would allow us to identify them as specific individuals. Hence the ambiguity of the interpretation, as even the surviving parts carry very few identifying characteristics. And regardless of how this painting is interpreted, the women remain basically faceless individuals within a larger group. The Wise and Foolish Virgins would have carried no name, no identity except for the one thing that set them apart for the narrative purposes. The myrrhophores have individual names, but no other traits that would allow for a specific image to be assigned to each one. This anonymity allowed the figures in the image to become archetypes that anybody can take on, ubiquitous but still carrying personal significance for the one taking them on. Like fairy tales, where protagonists are often only named by their occupation, character trait, or given ubiquitous popular names, the women in the procession facilitated the viewerâs self-projection onto the image, turning them into templates that anyone â regardless of status â could relate to. Therefore I am assuming that the women in the procession are intentionally unadorned and colourless â while the other figures in the Christian building might lack space for adornment or finances for colour variety (although the walking on water had a lot of colour), the women in the procession were intended to be plain. And despite their plainness, these women still had power within the given religious context. Just like fairy tale protagonists, who are blank, but frequently achieve the happy ending, marrying princes or princesses, gaining fortunes and influence, just by the virtue (or sometimes lack of it) of their moral character, the women in the procession are connected to the fundamental myth of the Christian religion, one way or another. 54 Not only that, but they also possessed power just because of their size, dominating the given space. Their power of this image was in what the viewer assigned to them. Visual Contrast The significance of the procession of women allows the viewer of any social class or ethnicity to project themselves onto the image. Where do other frescoes, such as Terentius or Conon fall within this framework? Could we perhaps argue that the image, despite its ritual setting and subject, should still be considered to fall under the definition of visuality of naturalism? That is not altogether implausible if we consider the purpose of such depictions â the social promotion of wealthy individuals or families. While ritualistic in nature, these images do not offer a transformative experience to the viewer â but rather they serve to emphasize the differences, reinforcing the hierarchy. It might be a step too far to call it propaganda, but perhaps it could be called promotional visuality. The emphasis on specific powerful families and their wealth within these images would point out the class distinctions, a certain threshold of power that one needs to have in order to be one of the people depicted in the process of worship within a ritual setting. 55 Conclusion: Where the Procession Leads There is no longer Jew or Greek, there is no longer slave or free, there is no longer male and female; for all of you are one in Christ Jesus. (Galatians 3:28; NRSV) âIn 1920, the British soldiers in the Syrian desert came across frescoes in the ruinsâ â thus begins almost every article on Dura-Europos. Then it discusses the French, and later American (headed by a Russian émigré) excavation of this ancient town. Neither Britain nor America nor Russia nor France mattered in this small town between two great Empires. Why then do we provide such a detailed, multi-national, multi-cultural excavation history, and yet when examining the religion and culture of the town itself, we often view them as insular cults and mutually exclusive cultures that are thought to be in competition? There is much to be gained by approaching the local Durene culture as a network that was both unique to Dura and combined modified traits of different other cultures. Being a Russian-born Canadian immigrant, I have long since accepted that both the country of my birth and the country I came to live in will occupy a place within my identity. In a Canadian society, I will always be a little bit Russian, just as in Russian society I will always be a bit Canadian. Both sides of my identity no longer exist in their original form but result in a mixture. I guess, subconsciously, that is what drew me to Dura. Dura-Europos is a true mosaic of cultures and ethnicities. Due to its unique location, many different elements were combined and re-combined together to forge a unique identity that bore the characteristic of the cultures that influenced it but did not rely on just one culture. Like all other Durene art, the paintings of the Christian building reflect the traits of the local cultural mosaic; however, they also bring in new culture, bits of which would have probably found a place within the local culture, had the town remained. 56 The procession painting is more reminiscent of local worship iconography, especially considering its large size. In fact, considering the resemblances in the womenâs poses, there is a possibility that it is not a procession at all. Overall, it is strange that the largest painting from the baptistery is the most difficult to identify. Perhaps it was intentional, in order to give the worshippers something they could see themselves in, something that would allow them to find their identity within this minority group. Thus, it could bring together new worshippers and Roman soldiers, both of whom were looking to locate and affirm their identity within Durene society. While it would be taking it too far to suggest that art was a âuniversalâ language understood by all cultures that co-existed within Dura, it would also not be strange for levels of understanding to be similar. Perhaps it was possible for a work of art to say the same thing to different audiences, even though each one of them might have perceived it through a different set of meanings. But it is quite likely that, in a setting like Dura, at least some of the meanings would co-exist. And in the processionâs lack of status identifiers, the worshippers would be able to envision themselves as equals, both similar and dissimilar to the worship iconography of other cults. We should not regard Roman and Palmyrene temples of Dura as being ones for only formalized worship, but rather, it would be better to clarify that Judaism and Christianity were both minority religions. Because of that, it would make sense for there to be more emphasis on power in the more widely-worshipped cults. It is important to remember, when studying Durene Christianity, that it did not exist in a vacuum. There was a cultural environment around it, one with which it interacted, negotiated, and co-existed. Christianity was a minority, but it was a minority within a culture. 57 Bibliography TEAD Series: Bauer, P. V. C. and M. I. Rostovtzeff, eds. 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Thesis/Dissertation
eng
Ancient Culture, Religion and Ethnicity
Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library
Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International
Graduate
A minority within a culture: women in the Christian art of Dura-Europos
Text