Education, Faculty of
Educational and Counselling Psychology, and Special Education (ECPS), Department of
DSpace
UBCV
Rachid, Hitaf Kady
Doctor of Philosophy - PhD
University of British Columbia
Informed by culturally relevant pedagogy, which emphasizes guiding principles that focus on appreciating studentsâ cultural differences, preserving studentsâ cultural integrity, and challenging knowledge constructions that maintain social inequities, a critical discourse analysis of text and talk was conducted to examine constructions of peoples of Arab descent in social studies textbooks and in teachersâ talk in secondary schools in British Columbia. The study examined the following research questions: 1) How are peoples of Arab descent constructed in social studies textbooks that are available for Grades 10 and 11 and by secondary school teachers in British Columbia? 2) How do secondary school teachers talk about using the textbooks in teaching about peoples of Arab descent? Linguistic and discursive analyses, based on Fairclough (2003), identified three discourses. The first discourse, a âdiscourse of othering,â was found in both textbooks and teachersâ talk. The discourse of othering was reflected in the accentuation of differences between peoples of Arab descent and peoples in Canada. The second discourse, also found in the textbooks and in teachersâ talk, was identified as a âdiscourse of multicultural progressâ that emerged in the ways the texts highlighted a positive shift in cultural attitudes in Canada. The third discourse, a âdiscourse of barriers to teaching about peoples of Arab descent,â emerged in the ways the participants talked about the challenges they faced in teaching about peoples of Arab descent. The study revealed stereotypical constructions of peoples of Arab descent as terrorists, violent, and aggressive. Peoples of Arab descent were excluded from Canadaâs past and present, and shown as passivated colonial subjects who are inferior opponents to the âWest.â Additional findings revealed homogenization between peoples of Arab descent, Islam, and the âMiddle East,â and constructions of Islam and the âMiddle Eastâ as involved in human rights violations and oppressive practices. The study also identified barriers to teaching about peoples of Arab descent, including insufficient textbooks and teachersâ lack of cultural knowledge. Implications highlight the importance of enhancing pedagogical skills that could help teachers recognize and challenge stereotypical constructions of peoples of Arab descent in text and talk.
CONSTRUCTIONS OF PEOPLES OF ARAB DESCENT IN SOCIAL STUDIES TEXTBOOKS AND TEACHERSâ TALK IN SECONDARY SCHOOLS IN BRITISH COLUMBIA by HITAF KADY RACHID B.A., Burman University, 2005 M.A., Fielding Graduate University, 2010 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE AND POSTDOCTORAL STUDIES (Human Development, Learning and Culture) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver) May 2020 © Hitaf Kady Rachid, 2020 ii The following individuals certify that they have read, and recommend to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies for acceptance, the dissertation entitled: Constructions of peoples of Arab descent in social studies textbooks and teachersâ talk in secondary schools in British Columbia submitted by Hitaf Kady Rachid in partial fulfillment of the requirements for for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Human Development, Learning and Culture Examining Committee: Jennifer Vadeboncoeur, Professor, Educational and Counselling Psychology, and Special Education , UBC Supervisor Michelle Stack, Associate Professor, Educational Studies, UBC Supervisory Committee Member Ãzlem Sensoy, Professor, Gender, Sexuality, and Womenâs Study, SFU Supervisory Committee Member Penney Clark, Professor, Curriculum and Pedagogy, UBC University Examiner Meghan Corella, Assistant Professor, Language and Literacy Education, UBC University Examiner iii Abstract Informed by culturally relevant pedagogy, which emphasizes guiding principles that focus on appreciating studentsâ cultural differences, preserving studentsâ cultural integrity, and challenging knowledge constructions that maintain social inequities, a critical discourse analysis of text and talk was conducted to examine constructions of peoples of Arab descent in social studies textbooks and in teachersâ talk in secondary schools in British Columbia. The study examined the following research questions: 1) How are peoples of Arab descent constructed in social studies textbooks that are available for Grades 10 and 11 and by secondary school teachers in British Columbia? 2) How do secondary school teachers talk about using the textbooks in teaching about peoples of Arab descent? Linguistic and discursive analyses, based on Fairclough (2003), identified three discourses. The first discourse, a âdiscourse of othering,â was found in both textbooks and teachersâ talk. The discourse of othering was reflected in the accentuation of differences between peoples of Arab descent and peoples in Canada. The second discourse, also found in the textbooks and in teachersâ talk, was identified as a âdiscourse of multicultural progressâ that emerged in the ways the texts highlighted a positive shift in cultural attitudes in Canada. The third discourse, a âdiscourse of barriers to teaching about peoples of Arab descent,â emerged in the ways the participants talked about the challenges they faced in teaching about peoples of Arab descent. The study revealed stereotypical constructions of peoples of Arab descent as terrorists, violent, and aggressive. Peoples of Arab descent were excluded from Canadaâs past and present, and shown as passivated colonial subjects who are inferior opponents to the âWest.â Additional findings revealed homogenization between peoples of Arab descent, Islam, and the âMiddle iv East,â and constructions of Islam and the âMiddle Eastâ as involved in human rights violations and oppressive practices. The study also identified barriers to teaching about peoples of Arab descent, including insufficient textbooks and teachersâ lack of cultural knowledge. Implications highlight the importance of enhancing pedagogical skills that could help teachers recognize and challenge stereotypical constructions of peoples of Arab descent in text and talk. v Lay Summary Informed by culturally relevant pedagogy, this study addressed: 1) How are peoples of Arab descent constructed in social studies textbooks that are available for Grades 10 and 11 and by secondary school teachers in British Columbia? 2) How do secondary school teachers talk about using the textbooks in teaching about peoples of Arab descent? A critical discourse analysis was conducted on data from two social studies textbooks, semi-structured interviews with five participants, and an observation in each of the participantsâ classrooms. Linguistic and discursive analyses identified three discourses: a discourse of othering, a discourse of multicultural progress, and a discourse of barriers to teaching about peoples of Arab descent. The study revealed âotheringâ constructions that excluded peoples of Arab descent from Canadaâs past and present and identified barriers that hindered teaching about peoples of Arab descent. Implications highlight the importance of enhancing teachersâ pedagogical skills to improve teaching in relation to peoples of Arab descent. vi Preface The research in this dissertation was proposed and executed by Hitaf Kady Rachid with the guidance from committee members. This study was approved by the Behavioral Research Ethics Board at The University of British Columbia on September 11, 2016. Approval number: H15-03522. The photographs found in Chapter 4 of this dissertation were taken from Counterpoints: Exploring Canadian Issues, by Cranny and Moles (2010), and are reprinted with permission from the publisher. vii Table of Contents Abstract ........................................................................................................................................................ iii Lay Summary ................................................................................................................................................ v Preface .......................................................................................................................................................... vi Table of Contents ........................................................................................................................................ vii List of Tables ................................................................................................................................................ x List of Figures .............................................................................................................................................. xi List of Photographs ..................................................................................................................................... xii Acknowledgements .................................................................................................................................... xiii Dedication ................................................................................................................................................... xv Chapter 1: Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 1 1.1 Theoretical Framework ........................................................................................................... 3 1.2 Constructions of Peoples of Arab Descent .............................................................................. 6 1.3 Overview of the Methodology .............................................................................................. 10 1.4 Significance of the Study ...................................................................................................... 11 1.5 Chapter Summary and Overview of the Dissertationâ¦. ....................................................... 15 Chapter 2: Culturally Relevant and Culturally Responsive Teaching ............................................ 17 2.1 Introduction ........................................................................................................................... 17 2.2 The Culturally Responsive Pedagogical Movement ............................................................. 19 2.2.1 Culturally relevant pedagogy (CRP). ................................................................................ 22 2.2.2 Culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching in principle and in practice. ........ 25 2.3 Addressing Critiques and Moving Forward .......................................................................... 35 2.4 Chapter Summary .................................................................................................................. 39 Chapter 3: Constructions of Peoples of Arab Descent ...................................................................... 42 3.1 Descriptions of Peoples of Arab Descent .............................................................................. 44 3.2 Orientalism: A Post-Colonial Concept .................................................................................. 50 3.3 Constructions of Peoples of Arab Descent in Media and Textbooks .................................... 58 3.3.1 Constructions in media ..................................................................................................... 59 3.3.2 Constructions in textbooks. ............................................................................................... 62 3.3.3 Significance of examining constructions in the current study. ......................................... 70 3.4 Challenges to Teaching and Learning About Peoples of Arab Descent ............................... 72 3.4.1 Acknowledge and challenge media influences on students and teachers. ........................ 72 3.4.2 Acknowledge and challenge insufficient textbook content .............................................. 74 3.4.3 Acknowledge and address insufficient teachersâ skills and preparedness ........................ 76 3.5 Chapter Summary .................................................................................................................. 79 Chapter 4: Methodology and Research Design .................................................................................. 81 4.1 Researcherâs Position ............................................................................................................ 81 4.2 CDA: A Methodological Approach ...................................................................................... 84 4.2.1 Internal relations/linguistic analysis .............................................................................. ...85 4.2.2 External relations/text analysis ......................................................................................... 86 4.3 Rationale for Using CDA ...................................................................................................... 88 4.4 Research Methods: Data Sources, Criteria and Collection ................................................... 89 4.4.1 Textbooks .......................................................................................................................... 90 viii 4.4.2 Teachersâ talk: Interview transcripts and observation notes ............................................. 93 4.5 Analytical Tools and Procedure .......................................................................................... 102 4.5.1 Analytical tools ............................................................................................................... 102 4.5.2 Analytical procedure ....................................................................................................... 107 4.6 Chapter Summary ................................................................................................................ 111 Chapter 5: Constructions of Peoples of Arab Descent in Social Studies Textbooks .................... 112 5.1 Examining Historical Events ............................................................................................... 112 5.1.1 Identifying actors in international conflicts .................................................................... 115 5.1.2 Human suffering and cost of international conflicts ....................................................... 119 5.2 Locating Peoples of Arab Descent in the Textbooks .......................................................... 127 5.2.1 Strategic locations and oil ............................................................................................... 128 5.2.2 Terrorism ......................................................................................................................... 130 5.2.3 Economic threats ............................................................................................................. 134 5.2.4 Political threats. ............................................................................................................... 140 5.2.5 Relations between Islam and the âMiddle Eastâ with violence. ..................................... 145 5.3 Identification of a Discourse of Othering ............................................................................ 150 5.4 Multicultural Attitudes in Canada ....................................................................................... 155 5.4.1 Eurocentric perspectives ................................................................................................. 156 5.4.2 Discrimination as a past practice in Canada ................................................................... 161 5.4.3 Changes in multicultural attitudes .................................................................................. 164 5.5 Identification of a Discourse of Multicultural Progress ...................................................... 166 5.6 Chapter Summary ................................................................................................................ 171 Chapter 6: Discourses in Teachersâ Talk: Constructions of Peoples of Arab descent ................. 172 6.1 Examining Participantsâ Perspectives on Teaching for Cultural Diversity ......................... 173 6.2 Identification of a Discourse of Multicultural Progress ...................................................... 179 6.3 Teaching About Peoples of Arab Descent .......................................................................... 181 6.3.1 Topics about peoples of Arab descent in the classroom. ................................................ 187 6.3.2 Homogenization of Arab descent, Islam, and the âMiddle East.â .................................. 198 6.4 Identification of a Discourse of Othering ............................................................................ 205 6.5 Barriers in Teaching About Peoples of Arab Descent ........................................................ 209 6.5.1 The barrier of limited textbook content. ......................................................................... 211 6.5.2 The barrier of time .......................................................................................................... 212 6.5.3 The barrier of studentsâ developmental abilities ............................................................. 214 6.5.4 The barrier of teachersâ potential biases ......................................................................... 215 6.5.5 The barrier of complexity of the topic ............................................................................ 217 6.6 Identification of a Discourse of Barriers to Teaching About Peoples of Arab Descent ..... 223 6.7 Chapter Summary ................................................................................................................ 229 Chapter 7: Conclusions, Implications, and Limitations of the Study ............................................ 230 7.1 Addressing the First Research Question ............................................................................. 244 7.2 Addressing the Second Research Question ......................................................................... 252 7.3 Conclusions and Implications ............................................................................................. 256 7.4 Limitations .......................................................................................................................... 274 7.5 Future Research ................................................................................................................... 275 7.6 Concluding Thoughts .......................................................................................................... 277 References ................................................................................................................................................. 264 Appendices ................................................................................................................................................ 287 Appendix A: Principal Consent Form ....................................................................................................... 287 ix Appendix B: Participant Consent Form .................................................................................................... 289 Appendix C: Interview Questions ............................................................................................................. 291 Appendix D: Observation Form ................................................................................................................ 293 Appendix E: Transcription Conventions ................................................................................................... 295 x List of Tables Table 4.1 Participantsâ Profiles ................................................................................................................. 97 Table 4.2 Analytical Tools ....................................................................................................................... 106 Table 6.1 Inclusive Teaching ................................................................................................................... 177 Table 6.2 Teaching for Diversity as an Effortful Endeavourâ¦..â¦..........................................................178 Table 6.3 Descriptions of Studentsâ Levels of Understanding of Peoples of Arab Descent.....................182 Table 6.4 Participantsâ Views of What Students Probably Know About Peoples of Arab Descent ........ 184 Table 6.5 Participantsâ Views of What Students Know About Peoples of Arab Descent ........................ 185 Table 6.6 Teaching About Peoples of Arab Descent as a Shared Responsibility .................................... 187 Table 6.7 Topics Related to Teaching About Peoples of Arab Descent .................................................. 190 Table 6.8 Topics Related to Peoples of Arab Descent in Current Eventsâ¦â¦â¦â¦â¦â¦â¦â¦â¦â¦â¦.....194 Table 6.9 Descriptions of Students of Arab Descent ............................................................................... 201 Table 6.10 Aspirations for Teaching About Peoples of Arab Descent ..................................................... 210 Table 6.11 Barrier of Time ....................................................................................................................... 212 xi List of Figures Figure 5.1 Locations, actors, and arrangement of historical events in Counterpoints ........................................ 114 xii List of Photographs Photograph 5.1 Dead soldiers in the trenches ................................................................................................... 122 Photograph 5.2 Dieppe Beach .......................................................................................................................... 122 Photograph 5.3 Dead soldiers in Passchendendaele ......................................................................................... 122 Photograph 5.4 Wounded soldiers in Vietnam ................................................................................................. 122 Photograph 5.5 Destruction of Ypres ............................................................................................................... 123 Photograph 5.6 Bombing London ..................................................................................................................... 123 Photograph 5.7 Ortona destruction ................................................................................................................... 124 Photograph 5.8 Families during the war ........................................................................................................... 124 Photograph 5.9 Concentration camp survivors ................................................................................................. 124 Photograph 5.10 The September 11th attacks .................................................................................................... 124 Photograph 5.11 Survivors in Japan ................................................................................................................... 125 Photograph 5.12 Burning oil in Kuwait ............................................................................................................. 126 Photograph 5.13 Abu Ghraib terror suspect ...................................................................................................... 132 Photograph 5.14 MacLeanâs article about Islam ............................................................................................... 146 Photograph 5.15 Female protester killed in Iran ............................................................................................... 149 xiii Acknowledgements Undertaking a project of this magnitude can be a challenging and lonely journey. I am grateful that I embarked on this daunting journey with the confidence of knowing that, even though I had to walk it alone, within my reach there stood a circle of dedicated intellectuals who guided my steps, as I wandered in amazement in the literary fields, and pushed me to cultivate my own intellectual harvest. The outcome was a rewarding and humbling journey of self-discovery and academic achievement. This study was made possible thanks to the intellectuals who walked a similar path before me and provided me with the foundations to expand on their work and contributions. I extend my gratitude to all three supervisory committee members, Dr. Jennifer Vadeboncoeur, Dr. Michelle Stack, and Dr. Ozlem Sensoy who recognized my passion for this research and showed a vested interest in my topic. Our meetings and conversations were essential in providing me with multiple perspectives to expand my thinking and to enhance the quality of this dissertation. A special thanks to Dr. Vadeboncoeur for her thoroughness and attentiveness to detail and for her guidance throughout this process. Further, I would like to express my thanks to the behind the scenes faculty and staff who created a caring intellectual community in and outside their classrooms and office spaces. My gratitude goes to Professor Sandra Mathison, whose professionalism, genuine care, sense of justice, and dedication have been a source of support and inspiration since my arrival at UBC. I also want to thank Dr. Shawna Faber, whose genuineness, pursuit of academic wellness, and positivity were instrumental during my earliest days of teaching at UBC. xiv I am thankful for the research participants who played an instrumental role in my study. I truly admire their willingness to examine their teaching practices and search for improvement. I also wish to thank my peers and colleagues at UBC. It was my pleasure to be in the company of skilled and ambitious individuals. I am thankful for friends along the way who knew when and how to show up and give support. A special thanks to Louai, whose gentle demeanor and patience helped me navigate many rough patches during my journey. My biggest heartfelt thanks go to my loving and passionate family members. I am grateful for my motherâs love, strength, and her therapeutic sense of humour. I also have an immense amount of gratitude for my dad, whose wisdom, artistic skills, and way with words have been an inspiration for me. I am thankful for Gus who always saw the best in me and motivated me to achieve more in life. I am thankful for Ramiâs considerate, caring, and gentle presence. I am thankful for my siblings and my nieces, whose compassion and love overcome the distance between us. More than anything in my life, I am forever grateful for my two pillars and my blessings in this world, Leanne and Keana. You two have been my ultimate source of strength and happiness. I am incredibly proud to be your mom; you make me want to strive for distinction in all aspects of my life. I hope that my academic journey will inspire you to follow your own path and pursue your goals and aspirations. xv Dedication To all minoritized students who have experienced âotheringâ one way or another, may you find yourselves in classes with culturally relevant and culturally responsive educators and may you always learn to value your and everyone elseâs differences. 1 Chapter 1: Introduction Canadaâs population observed a significant demographic shift with immigrants accounting for 20.6 percent of its total population (Statistics Canada, 2013), thus making ethnic and cultural diversity a characteristic of life in Canada. Ethnic diversity is represented in the multicultural nature of todayâs schools (Puzio et al., 2017). The current research was conducted in British Columbia, Canadaâs most ethnically diverse province and home to more than 200 ethnic groups (Statistics Canada, 2011). In this respect, schools bring together culturally diverse students whose cultures may differ from the mainstream culture in schools. Cultural diversity in this study acknowledges that all students, regardless of their ethnic background, have cultures and different cultural experiences. In line with these views, culture is defined as worldviews, epistemological stances, and ways of being that include nontangible components of human groups such as beliefs and values, as well as tangible components such as food, clothes, and artifacts (Ladson-Billings, 2017). The increasing diversity in British Columbia creates urgency to more vigorously pursue inclusive education through curricula and pedagogical practices that promote teaching for diversity. The British Columbia Ministry of Education (2008) elaborated on the ways the â[s]chool curriculum honours the diversity represented in families, communities, the province, the nation and the worldâ (p. 4). Furthermore, the British Columbia Ministry of Education (2008) emphasized the notion that school âas institutional bulwarks of democratic life, has a particular responsibility in its teaching and operational practices to ensure that it does not perpetuate traditional kinds of stereotyping or the inequalities they promoteâ (p. 4). These sentiments were reiterated by the British Columbia School Act that stressed that the school system has âto enable all learners â¦ to acquire the knowledge, skills, and attitudes needed to contribute to a healthy, 2 democratic, and pluralistic society and a prosperous and sustainable economyâ (British Columbia Ministry of Education, 2008, p. 15). In the 2017-2018 Report on Multiculturalism, the British Columbia Ministry of Education renewed its commitment to recognize and value ethnic and cultural diversity, enhance respect for all cultures in schools, and âpromote through its curriculum and related resources, student global and cultural understandingâ (Report on Multiculturalism, 2017, p. 34). Despite the existence of national and provincial educational policies in Canada, minoritized groups continue to experience inequitable treatment (Henry, 2017). Schools in Canada have been accused of perpetuating racialization and devaluation of non-Eurocentric cultures (Stonebanks, 2019). This has been particularly the case for peoples of Arab descent and adherents of the Islamic faith who continue to face numerous challenges, including misunderstandings, negative biases, and stereotypes that have seeped into school environments (Al-Fartousi, 2016; Asma, 2016; Zine, 2006). Arguably, teaching and learning about peoples of Arab descent is challenging for a variety of reasons, such as insufficient textbook material, as well as teachersâ limited preparedness (Almosa, 2006) and their lack of critical evaluation of personal biases and assumptions towards these minoritized peoples (Amjad, 2018). Responding to the needs of all learners in culturally diverse classrooms necessitates the enactment of teaching practices that aim to promote academic success, as well as cultivate studentsâ cultural integrity (Gay, 2000/2018; Ladson-Billings, 2017). This study draws upon the theoretical framework of culturally relevant pedagogy (CRP) (Ladson-Billings, 1995a) and the contributions of scholars and teacher educators, including Gay (2000/2018, 2002a) who focused specifically on culturally responsive teaching and explored 3 teaching practices in ethnically and racially diverse classrooms. Additionally, I rely on Saidâs (1978/2003) work on orientalism as a postcolonial concept that informs this study in regard to the ways peoples of Arab descent are constructed as âother,â and emphasizes the importance of challenging the view of peoples of Arab descent as a homogenous and foreign group. Through critical discourse analysis (CDA) (Fairclough, 2003), I examine constructions of peoples of Arab descent in two social studies textbooks and in teachersâ talk in five classrooms in British Columbia, including how educational text and teachersâ talk challenge and/or reproduce oppressive constructions of minoritized peoples, particularly peoples of Arab descent. In place of the commonly used label, âArabs,â I employ the term âpeoples of Arab descentâ to denote the heterogeneity and flexibility of nearly 265 million peoples who live in, and the millions from around the world who come from, the 22 âArab nationsâ (Shaheen, 2003/2012). Further, my use of the word âconstructionsâ is influenced by a social constructionist perspective that views knowledge, in this case knowledge about peoples of Arab descent, as socially constructed and transmitted through social interactions between human beings (Crotty, 1998). This chapter is divided into four sections. The first section introduces CRP as the theoretical framework. The second section is an overview of the literature on constructions of peoples of Arab descent. The third section introduces the research questions and includes an overview of the methodology. The fourth section addresses the significance of this study. The chapter ends with a brief summary and an overview of the remaining chapters of the dissertation. 1.1 Theoretical Framework CRP was made prominent by Ladson-Billings (1994/2009) with her emphasis on the recognition and appreciation of studentsâ differences, as well as engaging them in critiquing 4 cultural norms, values, and institutions that produce and maintain social inequities (e.g., Ladson-Billings, 1995b). From this perspective, teachers are expected to promote student learning in caring and inclusive classroom environments, promote connectedness among students, and encourage students to think critically about knowledge construction and social issues (Ladson-Billings, 1994/2009). According to Ladson-Billings (1994/2009, 2014, 2017), CRP has three distinguishable components: a) academic success, which refers to the intellectual growth of students that results from learning experiences in classroom, school, and community, particularly learning that is aided by teachers; b) cultural competence, which refers to helping âstudents recognize and appreciate their culture of origin while also learning to develop fluency in at least one other cultureâ (Ladson-Billings, 2017, p. 145); and c) sociopolitical consciousness, which refers to the ability to take learning beyond studentsâ individual achievements in the classrooms, and to use learned knowledge and skills to identify, critique, analyze, and address social issues (Ladson-Billings, 1994/2009, 2014). By striving toward these goals in their practice, teachers can help their studentsâ academic and social development (Ladson-Billings, 2009). In this study, Ladson-Billingsâ (1994/2009) theoretical framework that focused on how students can benefit from culturally relevant teaching pedagogy is further complemented with Gayâs (2000/2018) expansive review of what she referred to as âculturally responsive teaching.â Culturally responsive teaching is defined as â[u]sing the cultural knowledge, prior experiences, frames of reference, and performance styles of ethnically diverse students to make learning encounters more relevant to and effective for themâ (Gay, 2018, p. 36). Like Ladson-Billings (1994/2009), Gay (2002a, 2000/2018) shared similar pedagogical goals and described concrete 5 teaching skills and strategies that can enhance âteaching to and through cultural diversityâ (Gay, 2013, p. 48). Both scholars promoted teaching in ways that recognize and value studentsâ cultures and incorporate studentsâ various differences into the curriculum (see Gay, 2002a; Ladson-Billings, 1995a, b). I include Gayâs (2018) contributions for her multidimensional and multicultural approach that emphasizes the importance of teaching practices that enable teachers to respond to all ethnic and cultural groupsâ needs, and to use âperspectives of ethnically diverse students as conduits for teaching them more effectivelyâ (p. 106). Culturally responsive teaching emphasizes acknowledging teachersâ accountability. This involves teachers being conscious of their cultural socialization, becoming critical and analytical of their beliefs and behaviors, and developing their âdeeper knowledge and consciousness about what is to be taught, how, and to whomâ (Gay & Kirkland, 2003, p. 182). Throughout this study, I use the term culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching to refer to the teaching strategies and principles that were highlighted by Ladson-Billings (1994/2009) and Gay (2000/2018). Gayâs contributions are particularly important for this study through her extensive review of the many challenges that teachers often encounter in schools and her emphasis on particular skills that could help teachers overcome some of these challenges. For example, Gay (2000/2018) elaborated on the challenges teachers face in teaching for ethnic and cultural diversity, including the challenge of having to rely on insufficient curriculum content in textbooks that reflect inequalities between mainstream and minoritized groups, as well as differential treatment of particular minoritized groups including women of color and adherents of the Islamic faith. Gay (2002a) asserted that teachers need to thoroughly analyze âtextbooks and 6 other instructional materials, revise them for better representations of cultural diversity, and provide many opportunities to practice these skills under guided supervisionâ (p. 108). In addition to noting insufficient official school curriculum, Gay (2002a) emphasized the importance of exploring what students learn and experience through âsocietal curriculum,â that is described as âknowledge, ideas, and impressions about ethnic groups that are portrayed in the mass mediaâ (p. 109). From this perspective, teachers are expected to be mindful of and willing to analyze authenticity, arrangement, intent, relevance, and accuracy in curriculum content and instructional material, and to note how the content they teach may produce and/or challenge existing stereotypes and inaccuracies that may circulate in societal curriculum. Proponents of culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching have suggested that teachers act as agents of change and adjust their teaching strategies and instructions in ways that are compatible with students sociocultural realities (Gay, 2000/2018; Villegas & Lucas, 2002). For example, teachers are expected to enhance their cultural competencies and demonstrate appreciation of diverse cultural values, historical legacies, and achievements of different cultural groups (Young, 2010). Teachers are encouraged to rethink traditional assumptions of neutrality in teaching and learning (Pete, 2017), and demonstrate willingness to expand student learning beyond the classroom to incorporate diverse perspectives and build bridges between studentsâ academic learning and their sociocultural realities (Gay, 2013). 1.2 Constructions of Peoples of Arab Descent For decades, peoples of Arab descent have been constructed as different from the âWest,â and viewed as undesirable groups that are inferior and inherently incompatible with Western 7 societies (Ali, Salem, Oueslati, McAndrew, & Quirke 2011; Bahdi, 2003; Jackson, 2010; Said, 1978/2003). Misunderstandings and inaccuracies have been perpetuated by constructions of peoples of Arab descent, as well as adherents to the Islamic faith, as backward, violent, abusive, degenerate, feeble-minded and easy to fool/defeat, fanatical, passive, and oppressed (Bahdi, 2003; Said, 1978/2003). The inaccuracies are problematized as âotheringâ practices that aim to sustain orientalist constructions that serve political and imperial ambitions (Said, 1978/2003). Orientalist constructions are addressed in Saidâs (1978/2003) explorations of orientalism as a post-colonial approach that exaggerated differences of peoples of Arab descent from peoples in European and North American countries. In this respect, orientalism contributed to the constructions of peoples of Arab descent as âother.â The âotheringâ practices are noted in constructions of peoples of Arab descent and adherents to the Islamic faith as fundamentally different and opposite to peoples of European descent who are constructed as peaceful, logical, âand capable of holding real values, without natural suspicionâ (Said, 2003, p. 49). Notably, orientalist constructions of peoples of Arab descent and Islam have intensified post events (e.g., the September 11th attacks) that contributed to constructions of peoples of Arab descent, Islam, and the âMiddle Eastâ as threatening, and as a homogenous entity (Altwaiji, 2019; Ameli & Merali, 2019; Jackson, 2010; Samari, 2016; Stonebanks, 2019). Educational textbooks that are used in schools have gained considerable attention for the ways they construct knowledge about minoritized groups, and how they influence teaching and learning about diverse ethnic and cultural communities (see Gay, 2000/2018, 2002a, 2013). Ali et al. (2011) stated that textbooks are viewed as major sources that influence peopleâs values and attitudes, therefore what students learn can be either challenged or reinforced by what is communicated in textbooks. Within schools, textbooks mediate what can be known, 8 remembered, and highlighted (Mazawi, 2011). As part of the curriculum, textbooks are helpful resources to examine the âpolitics of official knowledge, a politics that embodies conflict over what some regard as simply neutral descriptions of the world and others regard as elite conceptions that empower some groups while disempowering othersâ (Apple, 1993, p. 222). Indeed, textbooks have been recognized for reducing the historical contributions of cultural groups into excerpts that are discussed with brevity or not discussed at all (Apple, 1993; Paxton, 1999), and for minimizing cultural and social understandings in culturally diverse societies (Gay, 2000/2018; Paxton, 1999). Shortcomings in textbooks, noted by several scholars (e.g., Apple, 1993; Gay, 2000/2018), are reflected in content in relation to peoples of Arab descent. For example, coverage of peoples of Arab descent in social studies and history textbooks in Canada was nearly absent and/or included inaccurate information and problematic constructions (e.g., Brockway, 2007; Kenny, 1975; Wiseman, 2014). Biases and factual errors in social science textbooks were found in discussions about peoples of Arab descent and what they described as the âMiddle Eastâ (Jarrar, 1976). Research also revealed conflations in textbooks between peoples of Arab descent, Islam, and the âMiddle East,â as well as negative constructions of all three (e.g., Ali, 2013; Ali et al., 2011; Oueslati, McAndrew, & Helly, 2011). In addition to noting textbook biases, scholars and teacher educators emphasized the significance of teachersâ skills and preparedness to teach about diverse groups (e.g., Au & Jordan, 1981; Ladson-Billings, 1994/2009) and addressed teachersâ roles in challenging textbook content that communicates mainstream assumptions and ideological constructions of minoritized groups (Gay, 2000/2018). The way teachers react to and use textbook content has been addressed 9 by numerous scholars such as Banks (2009), Gay (2013), and Sleeter (2012), all of whom contended that teachers have a central role in challenging dominant mainstream perspectives and addressing prevailing ideologies in official and societal curricula. Teachersâ choices in mediating learning are important, because some âstudents rarely question the trustworthiness of their textbooks, nor do they question authorsâ intent or search for possible biasâ (Paxton, 1999, p. 321). These views highlight teachersâ roles in promoting advanced and more critical readings of textbooks to invite inquiry, reflection, and evaluation. In this respect, teachersâ roles are emphasized for their potential to promote studentsâ understanding of the ways socially created âdifferences and inequalities are constructedâby peopleâaround ideas of race, ethnicity, gender, and classâ (Ghosh & Galczynski, 2014, p. 6). In their position, teachers can promote understanding and tolerance among their students (McDougall, 1996) and help foster greater awareness for equitable constructions in schools (Banks, 2009; Gay, 2018). Conversely, teachers can inadvertently obstruct deep reflections and stifle cultural awareness if they engage in shallow discussions (Paxton, 1999). In light of misunderstandings and âotheringâ practices concerning peoples of Arab descent, this study examines textbook content and teachersâ roles in mediating constructions of peoples of Arab descent in the textbooks they use. Researchers have noted that teacher education, especially in the area of the âMiddle Eastâ has been insufficient, and the majority of teachers depended on textbooks to teach about peoples of Arab descent and the topic of the âMiddle Eastâ (Jackson, 2010). Studies have revealed that teachers are aware of textbook stereotypes and limitations, and many teachers seek alternative resources (see Almosa, 2006). Regardless, some teachersâ biases have been noted in the ways they related negative traits with peoples of Arab descent and the âMiddle East.â Amjad (2018) found that teachers in schools in 10 Canada had difficulty understanding studentsâ cultures and religion [i.e., Islam], lacked critical examination of personal lenses and assumptions, and facilitated social injustice through teaching methods and curriculum content. 1.3 Overview of the Methodology The research questions that guided this study were: 1) How are peoples of Arab descent constructed in social studies textbooks that are available for Grades 10 and 11 and by secondary school teachers in British Columbia? 2) How do secondary school teachers talk about using the textbooks in teaching about peoples of Arab descent? This research incorporated data from educational textbooks and teachersâ talk. The textbooks were two provincially approved and recommended high school social studies textbooks for Grades 10 and 11. Teachersâ talk was collected from a single semi-structured interview and one non-participatory observation with five teachers employed in three high schools in British Columbia. In order to address the research questions, I relied on Faircloughâs (2003) CDA approach as a methodology. According to Fairclough (2003), CDA incorporates linguistic and discursive analyses to examine relations and assumptions, and identify discourses in text. In this respect, CDA is a well-suited approach to examine how textbooks and teachersâ talk produce and/or challenge constructions that contribute to assumptions about groups of people, and sustain normalized views of cultural differences and commonalities. A discourse, defined âas ways of representing aspects of the worldâ (Fairclough, 2003, p. 124), can be reproduced and/or challenged in educational practices through a variety of means, including educational text and 11 talk, and can be identified with systematic analysis of linguistic and discursive relations between words in both texts and transcripts of interviews. Following Fairclough (2003), I used specific analytical tools (e.g., lexical choices) and followed a particular analytical process. The analysis progressed from identifications and interpretations of linguistic features and meanings in texts and talk, to identification of different discourses. The analysis of textbooks began by reviewing instances that directly or indirectly related to peoples of Arab descent. Nine instances were found in both textbooks: six of them included direct connections to peoples of Arab descent, and the other three were indirectly related to them. The analysis examined the lexical choices, temporal and spatial markers, arrangement of events, visual displays, and assumptions in the educational text and talk. This analysis was followed by interpretations of the meanings in texts. After analyzing the data, three discourses were identified in the instances in social studies textbooks used in Grades 10 and 11 and in teachersâ talk: a discourse of othering, a discourse of multicultural progress, and a discourse of barriers to teaching about peoples of Arab descent. 1.4 Significance of the Study To date, there is a lack of studies that apply CDA to examine constructions of peoples of Arab descent in social studies textbooks in secondary schools in British Columbia. Moreover, there are no studies that examine how secondary school teachers produce and/or challenge constructions of peoples of Arab descent in the textbooks that they use as part of the curriculum in British Columbia. However, there is a growing interest in examining constructions of minoritized groups (e.g., peoples of Arab descent, adherents to the Islamic faith) in textbooks used in schools in Canada (see Ali, 2013; Ali et al, 2011; Salman, 2014). This study 12 acknowledges and builds on several research studies that problematized constructions of peoples of Arab descent, Islam, and the âMiddle Eastâ noted in textbooks (see Ali, 2013; Ali et al., 2011; Almosa, 2006; Kenny, 1975; Oueslati et al., 2011). Several studies investigated constructions of minoritized people using content analysis to examine textbook content (e.g., Brockway, 2007; Jarrar, 1976; Kenny, 1975; Morgan & Walker, 2008; Oueslati et al., 2011; Salman, 2014; Schellaas, 2016). Other studies used discourse and critical discourse analytical approaches (e.g., Ali et al., 2011; Wiseman, 2014). Ali et al. (2011) used hermeneutic discourse analysis to examine constructions of Islam and âMuslimsâ in social studies textbooks in Ontario, and to interpret and identify assumptions in texts. Wiseman (2014) applied discourse analysis to investigate the content in history textbooks from Canada and from 14 other countries to examine the coverage of peoples of Arab descent and âMuslimsâ in the textbooks. With a less critical lens, Almosa (2006) combined analysis of text and talk by examining constructions of what he described as the âArab world and Islamâ in textbooks and in teachersâ talk in the United States. In this respect, Almosa (2006) shared some similarities to the current study in its examination of textbook content and teachersâ talk. Studies, particularly those conducted post September 11th attacks emphasized the need for researchers and educators to engage in a more critical examination and move beyond looking for biases in textbooks (e.g., Ali, 2011; Wiseman, 2014) and to include critical analysis of visual displays as well as text (e.g., Zagumny & Richey, 2012). The current research responds to this need by using a CDA of linguistic and discursive analysis, including the analysis of visual displays, and by adding teachersâ talk to further examine how textbook constructions are produced and/or challenged by teachers who use the textbooks. In this respect, my study diverges 13 from most of the previous studies specifically in its use of multiple data sourcesâby linking textbooks with an interview and an observation of teachers in the classrooms to examine how they used the textbooksâ and in its critical discourse analytical approach that offered a more in-depth examination of constructions of peoples of Arab descent in the educational text and talk. The data in this research included excerpts from textbooks, as well as interview transcripts and observation notes, gathered from five teachers with semi-structured interviews and a classroom observation. Analyzing educational text and talk provided an opportunity to examine content in the textbooks and to examine how the textbooks were used by participants in this study. By investigating both text and talk, I was able to analyze curriculum content, and analyze the ways teachers talked about how they use the curriculum content from textbooks to teach about peoples of Arab descent. This approach allowed me to examine how the teachers in this study explicitly or implicitly built on, produced and/or challenged constructions in the textbooks. In this vein, I was able to examine âwhatâ constructions of peoples of Arab descent were present in the text and talk, and to show âhowâ they were constructed in the excerpts and by the participants. Combining both text and talk offered more opportunities to examine discourses, and influences of discourses that can be investigated when analysts look âclosely at what happens when people talk or writeâ (Fairclough, 2003, p. 3). The current study utilized CDA to analyze excerpts from texts and interviews at the linguistic and discursive levels. The analysis examined lexical and grammatical relations in texts and the ways the texts incorporated, alluded to, and assumed elements of other texts. Conducting linguistic analysis enabled me to examine linguistic features in order to identify and ground discourses in the examined texts. By coupling linguistic and discursive analysis, I engaged in extensive analysis that acknowledged the processes of production of meanings and interpretation 14 of texts. In this respect, my analytical approach addressed several critiques of discourse analysis, such as spotting features in texts and/or underanalysis through generating data summaries (see Antaki, Billig, Edwards, & Potter, 2004). However, as a critical discourse analysis, this study was located critically and, as such, incorporated the analystâs own moral, political or personal stance. Further, as discussed in Chapter 4, isolated quotations were used to emphasize features of the linguistic analysis; both are inconsistent with the recommendations of Antaki et al. (2004). Further, I approach my analysis with the view that textbooks do not exist in a vacuum, but in relation to teachers and students who use them in the classroom. The connection between textbooks and teachers is emphasized by education scholars who contended that textbooks, as part of the curriculum, continue to be used as primary teaching tools (Gay, 2000/2018). The analysis of both text and talk was founded on the assumption that textbooks are utilized by teachers who are in positions to influence or augment the content in their selected textbooks (Gay, 2010, 2000/2018). According to Gay (2010), teaching practices and teaching instructions are necessary to activate and/or challenge the curriculum. This statement stresses the importance of examining the textbooks that could be potential carriers of official curriculum content and how the teachers describe using the content to teach in culturally diverse classrooms. The limited scope of the data sources, a single observation, did not provide adequate information to be able to analyze pedagogical practices, however, the semi-structured interviews enabled me to analyze how the teachers talked about teaching about peoples of Arab descent using the textbooks. In other words, I was able to analyze the textbooks in relation to how teachers say they used it, and in turn how they produced and/or challenged constructions of peoples of Arab descent. Even though my study shares some similarities with other studies that 15 combined textbooks and teachersâ talk (e.g., Almosa, 2006), my critical examination of teachersâ talk enabled me to expand the discussion on how teachersâ view the content they teach, how they describe the barriers they face, and how they describe overcoming those barriers in relation to peoples of Arab descent. This study contributes to the literature by identifying current constructions of peoples of Arab descent in social studies textbooks, and it also provides insight into how teachers produce and/or challenge constructions that may advance dominant assumptions and ideologies. 1.5 Chapter Summary and Overview of the Dissertation This chapter provided an overview of the current research. The chapter began with an introduction to the context of this study, and identified CRP as the theoretical framework that informs this study and explored effective teaching practices that can enhance learning about diverse groups in classrooms and promote more critical approach to teaching that encourages teachers to question, critique, and challenge curriculum content and other practices. The chapter highlighted several studiesâ findings that revealed constructions of peoples of Arab descent as âotherâ and as a foreign entity in textbooks used in schools. I introduced CDA as the methodology that guides this linguistic and discursive analysis of text and talk. The chapter ended with the significance of this study that contributes to the literature that addresses teaching and learning about peoples of Arab descent in classrooms in British Columbia schools. Chapter 2 includes literature that introduces CRP as a theoretical framework, reviews culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching, and addresses their potential to enhance teaching for cultural diversity. Chapter 3 reviews the literature on peoples of Arab descent and explores the constructions of peoples of Arab descent as âotherâ and as a foreign entity. Chapter 16 4 provides a discussion of my position as the researcher, details the methodological approach, and explains the analytical framework for this study. Chapter 5 describes the analysis and interprets constructions of peoples of Arab descent in social studies textbooks that culminated in the identification of a discourse of othering and a discourse of multicultural progress. Chapter 6 describes the analysis and interprets teachersâ talk to reveal a discourse of othering, a discourse of multicultural progress, and a discourse of barriers to teaching about peoples of Arab descent. Chapter 7 integrates key findings from Chapters 5 and 6 and shares conclusions that respond to the research questions. Chapter 7 also addresses the implications of this study, shares its limitations, and ends the dissertation with ideas for future research and concluding thoughts. 17 Chapter 2: Culturally Relevant and Culturally Responsive Teaching This chapter consists of a literature review that is relevant to an examination of constructions of peoples of Arab descent in educational text and talk and the ways teachers talk about and use textbook content in teaching about peoples of Arab descent. The chapter is divided into three sections. The first section begins with an introduction. The second section reviews the shift from âdeficitâ to âassetâ based approaches that contributed to a paradigm shift in teaching and learning. It also introduces CRP (Ladson-Billings, 1994/2009, 2014) and describes culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching practices (Gay, 2000/2018, 2002; Vavrus, 2008; Villegas & Lucas, 2002). In the third section, I explore critiques and debates around culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching, and I end this chapter with a summary. 2.1 Introduction Studentsâ cultural diversity presents learning opportunities for teachers and students (Gay, 2000/2018; Ladson-Billings, 1994/2009; Omeri, Malcolm, Ahern, & Wellington, 2003). Tapping into the potentially enriching opportunities in multicultural classrooms in support of studentsâ learning experiences may present teachers with a variety of challenges. For example, cultural diversity in classrooms may pose challenges to teachers who lack the knowledge and the skills that are needed for supporting all students (Gay, 2013; Gay & Howard, 2000). Gay and Howard (2000), Howard (2003), and Gist (2014) highlighted that preparatory programs do not provide teachers with adequate knowledge and training about how to sufficiently reflect on their perspectives and examine how those perspectives may impact all learners. Scholars noted that ârather than building upon studentsâ linguistic and cultural backgrounds, schools often âsubtractâ these rich resources from studentsâ learning experiencesâ (Puzio et al., 2017, p. 223). This is seen as problematic because disregarding salient features of studentsâ identities, such as culture or 18 race, could result in student disconnection from the school and disengagement from what is taught (Howard, 2001; Ladson-Billings, 1994/2009), ultimately manifesting in lower academic and social achievement (Gay, 2000/2018; Irvine, 1990; Ladson-Billings, 1994/2009). Therefore, establishing adequate connections between studentsâ cultures and pedagogy is viewed as necessary to provide minoritized students with equitable learning opportunities (Ladson-Billings, 1995a). Notably, culture is viewed as endemic to studentsâ ways of knowing and learning and is significant in education (Au & Jordan, 1981; Ladson-Billings, 1994/2009). Meeting the needs of all learners in todayâs multicultural classrooms requires the enactment of pedagogical approaches that can cultivate all studentsâ cultural integrity, individual abilities, and academic achievement (Gay, 2000/2018; Ladson-Billings, 2017). This is particularly needed in relation to peoples of Arab descent who continue to face challenges with teacher biases, cultural stereotypes, and home versus school conflicts that are unique to their culture and/or to their religious identities (Al-Fartousi, 2016; Aziza, 2018; Zine, 2006). Even though some teachers are aware of biases and stereotypes, others âbelieve stereotypes about minority students are trueâ (Aziza, 2018, p. 97). Stereotypes are defined as preconceived fixed images that do not accurately depict people, and that attribute specific physical, social, and cultural characteristics to individuals and groups (Ghosh & Galczynski, 2014). As a pedagogical approach that is situated in a critical paradigm (Ladson-Billings, 1995b), CRP is viewed as a suitable theoretical framework that informs this study regarding teaching and learning âto and throughâ cultural diversity (Gay, 2000/2018, 2013). Culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching, promoted by Ladson-Billings (1994/2009, 1995b) and Gay (2000/2018, 2002a), is especially relevant for this study due to its focus on recognizing 19 and appreciating studentsâ cultural differences, preserving studentsâ cultural integrity, and critiquing and challenging curriculum content and knowledge construction that maintains social inequities. 2.2 The Culturally Responsive Pedagogical Movement Teacher educators and scholars have intensified their efforts to explore and enact asset-based approaches in education and address the underachievement of minoritized students (Gay, 2000/2018; Howard & Terry, 2011; Ladson-Billings, 1994/2009, 1995b, 2014, 2017; Moll & Gonzales, 1994). Asset-based pedagogies focus on linguistic and cultural differences and practices, and view those as strengths and resources, as opposed to the assimilationist approach in multicultural education that views differences as âdeficitsâ (Gay, 2000/2018). Deficit thinking in education toward minoritized peoples detracts attention from the roles schools played in the failure of particular groups (Villegas, 1991). Proponents of cultural âdifferenceâ theories shifted the focus from studentsâ shortcomings, which were attributed to studentsâ cultural backgrounds and turned the gaze onto how schools were organized in ways that lead âteachers to interpret the culturally specific behaviors of minority studentsâ¦ as a deficiencyâ (Villegas, 1991, p. 11). The shift from âdeficitsâ to âdifferencesâ views in education was particularly noted in pedagogical strategies that focused on studentsâ culture and other âdifferencesâ as assets (Gay, 2000/2018). In this sense, studentsâ âdifferencesâ become valued for education, and their cultural knowledge becomes a source to guide curriculum development. Numerous teacher educators expressed their concerns about the persistent underachievement of diverse learners in schools and engaged in promoting pedagogical approaches to respond to studentsâ needs (Banks, 2010; Gay, 2000/2018; Ladson-Billings, 20 1994/2009; Villegas & Lucas, 2002). One objective was to find ways that can transform conventional exclusive curricula and challenge normalized educational frameworks that were designed to assimilate students into a mainstream school culture (Ladson-Billings, 1995a). For decades, educators and teacher educators such as Au and Jordan (1981), Cazden and Legget (1981), Gay (2000, 2002), Ladson-Billings (1994/2009), Mohatt and Erickson (1981), Paris (2012), Paris and Alim (2017), and Villegas (1991) explored ways that can improve educational practices and learning outcomes for students, specifically those of âAfrican American,â Indigenous, and Latin background. The culturally responsive pedagogical movement emerged in multiple examples of research and practices of teaching strategies that aimed to illustrate how teachers can make a difference in the lives of minoritized students and enhance their academic achievement (see Villegas, 1991). Since the 1970s, culturally responsive approaches to education were effective in increasing minoritized studentsâ achievement and motivation to learn, as was documented in the Kamehameha Early Education Project in Honolulu (Au & Jordan, 1981), the San Diego Project (see Moll & Diaz, 1987), and other teaching strategies that promoted learning activities that connected with cultural experiences and âcapitalized on pre-existing cognitive and linguistic abilities of the childrenâ (Au & Jordan, 1981, p. 140). Many anthropologists who were invested in bridging studentsâ home culture and school culture used a variety of terms to describe different pedagogies and teaching strategies that were discussed as efforts to enhance the school experience of all students, such as culturally congruent, culturally appropriate, culturally compatible, culturally responsive, and culturally relevant. Culturally congruent was used by Mohatt and Erickson (1981) to refer to the âcongruence of teaching styles [interactions] with the [Indigenous] childrenâs experiences of 21 social life outside schoolâ (p. 110). They revealed that teachers who used language interaction that were somewhat congruent with the studentsâ home cultural patterns were more effective in improving student academic performance. Culturally appropriate was used by Au and Jordan (1981) to describe the school project and pedagogy of teachers in a Hawaiian school who blended elements from studentsâ cultural backgrounds into their reading activities. They detailed how teachers were able to improve their studentsâ academic achievement by utilizing a reading lesson that resembled âtalk storyâ or storytelling. Culturally compatible was used to refer to the use of natal culture âas a guide in the selection of educational program elements so that academically desired behaviors are produced and undesired behaviors are avoidedâ (Jordan, 1985, p. 110). Culturally responsive was used by Cazden and Leggett in the 1980âs to emphasize the ways teachers need to attend to studentsâ learning styles and needs, while remaining active in accommodating learning differences. Erickson and Mohatt (1982) described culturally responsive as connecting with students in ways that help bridge gaps between studentsâ home cultures and the school cultures to improve their achievement in school. Culturally relevant refers to teachersâ efforts to connect teaching with studentsâ cultures and communities and enhance the academic and social achievement of all students (Ladson-Billings, 1994/2009). The scholarly contributions that addressed different pedagogical approaches are considered âinstrumental in moving away from the cultural deprivation and deficit explanations that had become entrenched in the professional literature about students of colorâ (Howard & Rodriguez-Minkoff, 2017, p. 5). Nevertheless, earlier pedagogical approaches were critiqued for overlooking larger social structures of social inequalities, and for reducing the debate to a mismatch between studentsâ home language with the classroom and the school (Ladson-Billings, 1995a; Villegas, 1988). According to Ladson-Billings (1995b), culturally congruent, culturally 22 appropriate, and culturally compatible approaches seem to connote âaccommodation of student culture to mainstream cultureâ (p. 467). Villegas (1988, 1991) stated that while attempting to offer solutions, pedagogues did not adequately examine the social inequalities that contribute to school failure of minoritized children in a Eurocentric education system. Further, Villegas (1988) suggested that the root of the problem is politically linked to an unavoidable conflict in economically and socially stratified societies, where schools play a significant role in preserving and maintaining the status quo. 2.2.1 Culturally Relevant Pedagogy (CRP). In her attempt to improve culturally responsive pedagogical approaches, Ladson-Billings (1995b) popularized the term âculturally relevant pedagogyâ that is influenced by culturally responsive approaches that reflected a âdynamic or synergistic relationship between home/community culture and school cultureâ (p. 467). Ladson-Billingsâ emphasis on using studentsâ culture in education, as well as her concrete examples for teachers who seek to use studentsâ cultural knowledge, cultural referents, and experiences as resources for teaching and learning makes her contributions significant to this study. CRP was made prominent by Ladson-Billings (1994/2009), particularly with her seminal book, The dreamkeepers: Successful teachers of African American children that focused on teaching qualities of eight teachers whose compassion, high expectations, and critical approach enabled them to connect with their studentsâ daily lives and communities. CRP is described as a critical pedagogical framework that emphasizes the importance of recognizing, respecting, and including all studentsâ cultures and experiences in mainstream learning environments and teaching practices (Ladson-Billings, 1994/2009). CRP seeks to empower students individually and 23 collectively and focuses on using their cultures as means to build bridges between the studentsâ lived experiences and learning environments (Ladson-Billings, 1995a). Ladson-Billingsâ (1994/2009) examination of what she described as culturally relevant teaching practices revealed three distinguishable components of CRP: a) students should experience academic success, which was later referred to as student learning that goes beyond studentsâ academic achievement and standardized testing; b) students should develop cultural competence that is a reference to âthe skill and facility to help students recognize and appreciate their culture of origin while also learning to develop fluency in at least one other cultureâ (Ladson-Billings, 2017, p. 145); and c) students must develop sociopolitical consciousness that refers to the ability to take learning beyond studentsâ individual achievements in the classrooms, and to use learned knowledge and skills to identify, critique, analyze, and address social issues (Ladson-Billings, 1994/2009, 2014). Ladson-Billings (2009) asserted that culturally relevant teachers attend to all three components in their teaching in order to empower âstudents intellectually, socially, emotionally, and politically by using cultural referents to impart knowledge, skills, and attitudesâ (p. 20). These components suggest that in addition to enhancing academic achievement and cultural competence, teachers are also expected to promote skills that enable their students to critique and challenge cultural norms, and acknowledge how social inequities are maintained in the ways knowledge is constructed and communicated in and outside schools. Similarly, Gay (2013, 2000/2018) recognized studentsâ cultures and other differences as strengths that should be leveraged in the classroom to accommodate their unique ethnically, racially, and culturally diverse needs and experiences. In her effort to expand the discussion of asset-based pedagogies, Gay (2010) used the term âculturally responsive teachingâ and 24 elaborated on effective teaching practices and instructional strategies that enhance teaching âto and throughâ cultural diversity to tap into the strengths of students of all ethnic and racial groups. Gay (2018) acknowledged the value of different cultural heritages, âboth as legacies that affect studentsâ dispositions, attitudes, and approaches to learning and as worthy content to be taught in the formal curriculumâ (p. 37). Scholars contended that culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching is viewed as a non-neutral act (Howard, 2003; Howard & Terry, 2011) that is further described as an inherently political and ethically complex endeavour that challenges prevailing views of cultural differences as problems, rather than resources (Villegas & Lucas, 2002). In her approach, Gay (2000/2018) emphasized the legitimacy of cultural heritages and differences, building bridges between home and school cultures, using a variety of instructional strategies, and teaching cultural competence. In many ways, Gayâs approach reiterated Ladson-Billingsâ (1995b) views that also endorsed the contributions and the perspectives of minoritized groups, appreciated studentsâ ways of thinking about the world, and assumed that all students are capable of learning complex material. Howard and Rodriguez-Minkoff (2017) suggested that culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching share similar principles and practices. Howard and Rodriguez-Minkoff (2017) added that culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching ârecognize the salience of student culture, both contend that the affirmation of studentsâ identities is important, and both advocate for student achievement to occur without compromising cultural integrityâ (p. 7). In addition to Ladson-Billings (1994/2009) and Gay (2000/2018), scholars such as Paris (2012), Alim and Paris (2017), Vavrus (2008), and Villegas and Lucas (2002) emphasized the 25 need to broaden teaching beyond academic achievement. In this respect, they promoted teaching that helps students succeed academically while sustaining their cultures and enabling them to critically examine and explore larger societal issues. 2.2.2 Culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching in principle and in practice. The breadth and depth of culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching practices are exemplified in the ways teacher educators emphasized essential principles and strategies to guide teachersâ practices (e.g., Gay, 2000/2018; Ladson-Billings, 1994/2009, 1995a, b). In this subsection, I elaborate on the three components of CRP, which were defined as promoting student learning, developing cultural competence, and cultivating sociopolitical consciousness (Ladson-Billings, 1994/2009). The literature informing these practices is enriched by the contributions of several scholars including Ladson-Billings (1994/2009), Gay (2000/2018, 2002a), Villegas and Lucas (2002), Vavrus (2008), and Howard and Minkoff (2017), as well as numerous studies that affirmed the effectiveness of these practices in teaching culturally diverse students. 2.2.2.1 Promoting student learning. Ladson-Billings (1994/2009) and Gay (2000/2018) explored many strategies that help teachers promote student learning in the classrooms. Those strategies included the need to establish caring relationships in inclusive classroom climates, preserve studentsâ cultural integrity, and develop inclusive curriculum. Student learning is fostered by caring teachers who establish inclusive classroom climates that promote equitable, respectful, and caring relationships with all students, thus enabling students to know they are valued, cared for, and emotionally safe (Gay, 2017; Vavrus, 2008). According to Gay (2010), the most effective teachers demonstrate âpersonal caring and concern 26 for students while simultaneously demanding and facilitating high academic performanceâ (p. 620). In this vein, caring is viewed as a âmoral imperative, a social responsibility, and a pedagogical necessityâ (Gay, 2002a, p. 109). The importance of caring relationships in inclusive classroom climates is broadly emphasized by advocates of culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching (Gay, 2000/2018; Ladson-Billings, 1994/2009). Vavrus (2008) noted that teachers who demonstrate proficiency creating inclusive classroom climates encourage learning by all students. A study conducted by Ali (2012) examined how teachers in public secondary schools worked with the particular needs of culturally diverse students in their classrooms and evaluated the experiences of âhijabi and non-hijabi Muslim girlsâ in public secondary schools in Ontario, Canada (p. ii, emphasis in original). Ali (2012) noted that teachers who were caring, passionate, and respectful, and showed interest in diversity-mediated Islam-related content learning effectively and played a significant role in the educational lives of the students. These findings link to Ladson-Billingsâ (1994/2009) and Gayâs (2018) emphasis on building caring relations in inclusive classroom climates that extend the notion of respect and caring to embrace fairness and equality and preserve studentsâ cultural integrity. Teaching students to respect their own culture, as well as otherâs cultures, is a healthy and necessary process (Nieto, 1994) that speaks to maintaining oneâs cultural integrity, as well as achieving academic excellence (Ladson-Billings, 1995a, b). Student learning may be influenced by the ways students experience their cultures in the learning environments. The disregard of studentsâ cultural and racial differences and the failure to acknowledge and appreciate those differences may disconnect students from learning (Howard, 2001), and ultimately result in lower academic and social achievement (Irvine, 1990; Ladson-Billings, 1995b). According to 27 Gay (2018) students who feel invalidated in society and in schools âare not likely to perform as well as they might on academic tasks, if for no other reason than that these prejudices interfere with their motivation to learnâ (p. 194). Research demonstrated that infusing culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching practices that acknowledge cultural diversity in the classrooms and the integration of studentsâ cultural knowledge into education resulted in better social and academic development (Ragoonaden & Mueller, 2016; Santamaria, 2009). Culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching approaches are considerate of not only how to structure teaching and learning relationships in culturally respectful ways, but also how to use inclusive curriculum content (Gay, 2002a; Rishel & Zuercher, 2016). Building an inclusive and caring classroom environment is influenced by the curriculum content and instructional strategies that teachers bring into the classroom. Research suggests that students are more likely to learn when content builds upon cultural references with which they are familiar (Au & Jordan, 1981; Gay, 1993, 2000/2018; Ladson-Billings, 1994/2009). Therefore, students need to see a reflection of themselves in curriculum content and instructional strategies in order to experience teaching and learning that is relevant to their lives (Henry, 2017). An inclusive curriculum âallows students to have their voices and cultural backgrounds incorporated into curriculum and instructionâ (Vavrus, 2008, p. 55) in ways that validate their histories, perspectives, and cultures, and build on their personal and cultural strengths and prior knowledge (Villegas & Lucas, 2002). Teachers are expected to be mindful of and willing to analyze curriculum content and instructional materials for authenticity, complexity, purpose, and significance (Gay, 2002a). Inclusive curriculum is enhanced with instructions that are designed to connect academic learning with what âstudents already know while stretching them beyond the familiarâ (Villegas & Lucas, 2002, p. 20). This view necessitates an approach of âdigging 28 knowledge out of studentsâ that enables teachers to learn about their students and their studentsâ cultures and experiences (Ladson-Billings, 2009, p. 56). 2.2.2.2 Developing cultural competence. Culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching builds on the notion that all students have culture and that each studentâs culture is a valuable starting point for learning (Ladson-Billings, 1994/2009). From this perspective, teaching involves developing studentsâ and teachersâ cultural competence. The development of studentsâ cultural competence includes teaching them to appreciate their cultures, maintain their cultural integrity, and develop fluency in other cultures (Ladson-Billings, 2017). In this sense, teachers are expected to ensure that all students remain grounded in their cultures, while acquiring knowledge about other cultures. Utilizing studentsâ cultures is emphasized for their role in promoting academic achievement and cultural competence that can broaden studentsâ learning and cultural repertoires (Ladson-Billings, 1995b). Villegas and Lucas (2002) reiterated that appreciating studentsâ cultural knowledge conveys to students that their cultures and communities have knowledge and that their knowledge is valuable. Along these lines, teachers are expected to establish interpersonal interactions that reflect the value of studentsâ cultures, experiences, and perspectives (Gay, 2018), hold studentsâ cultures in high regard, and respect and affirm cultural differences in ways that may ultimately influence the way in which students view their cultures (Gay, 2000/2018; Irvine, 1990; Ladson-Billings, 1994/2009). Scholars asserted that in order to develop studentsâ cultural competence, teachers must also develop their own (see Gay, 2018; Young, 2010). Young (2010) suggested that teachers 29 must expand their cultural repertoire, and acquire cultural knowledge that goes beyond awareness of, respect for, and general recognition of an ethnic groupâs values. Gay and Kirkland (2003) added that teachersâ awareness of who they are as individuals, their âunderstanding the contexts in which they teach, and questioning their knowledge and assumptions are as important as the mastery of techniques for instructional effectivenessâ (p. 182). However, a challenge in promoting cultural competence is noted in teachersâ lack of awareness and understanding of their own cultures (Ladson-Billings, 2017; Young, 2010). Gay and Kirkland (2003) emphasized teachersâ need to develop what they described as cultural critical consciousness and self-reflection, both of which are viewed as imperative to improving teachersâ cultural awareness and enhancing educational opportunities for culturally diverse students. This study adopts Gay and Kirklandâs (2003) description of cultural critical consciousness as developing awareness of self and others through analysis and careful monitoring of âpersonal beliefs and instructional behaviors about the value of cultural diversity, and the best ways to teach ethnically different students for maximum positive effectsâ (p. 182). Self-reflection, as used in this study, is not to be confused with descriptions and/or summaries of oneâs ideas and beliefs. It is rather a continuous reconstruction and transformation of oneâs beliefs, assumptions, and skills (Gay & Kirkland, 2003). The importance of self-reflection is further noted by Pete (2017) who stressed the significance of teachersâ abilities to be reflective of the diversity among learners, and to reflect on their roles in reproducing Eurocentric views and colonial ideas. Pete (2017) expanded the notion of self-reflection further by adding that teachers need to examine their assumptions and teaching practices and to thoroughly understand âthe ways in which education has normed their own experience in formal learningâ and limited âtheir ability to understand racialized othersâ (p. 30 70). According to Gay and Kirkland (2003), the desired outcome of self-reflection is for teachers to become aware of their experiences of belonging to particular cultural groups, to become more aware of their attitudes, beliefs, and assumptions that they may have about other cultural groups, and to be able to determine ways to minimize negative effects of their own beliefs and assumptions, particularly through their teaching strategies and practices. Self-reflectionâas an integral skill for teachingâis seen as a difficult task for a variety of reasons. Blair (2017) offered a glimpse into the difficulty of engaging in self-reflection and suggested that â[i]t is fairly easy to assume that oneâs own experience is ânormalâ and any deviation from that norm would be seen as âdifferentââ (p. 100). Moreover, some teachers and learners engage in interpretations âwithout acknowledging that their interpretation comes from a particular location, and in ways that further alienation and racial divisivenessâ (King, 2017, p. 136). Development of cultural competence in teachers involves cultural critical consciousness and self-reflection skills that lead them to question their own âconstruction[s] of individuals from diverse racial, ethnic, and cultural backgroundsâ (Howard, 2003, p. 198), and guides them to take a more personal and challenging look at their own identities as individuals and as active professionals. Teachers have to be willing to reflect on and recognize their own sociocultural locations, cultural values, assumptions, and beliefs, acknowledge the ways those locations influence their perspectives, experiences, and behaviors in classrooms, and âre-examine the degree of their own cultural encapsulationâ (Vavrus, 2008, p. 55). 31 2.2.2.3 Cultivating sociopolitical consciousness. Scholars have contended that knowledge shared in schools is constructed to serve dominant perspectives and it is âheavily steeped in a Eurocentric and patriarchal worldview, experience, and ideologyâ (Howard & Rodriguez-Minkoff, 2017, p. 10). In this respect, schools are seen as political domains, and âschooling as a form of cultural politics which influences not only the construction and production of meaning but how identities are formed and reproduced in societyâ (Bassey, 2016, p. 5). Consequently, schools play a significant role in sustaining social inequities through practices that privilege dominant groupsâ values, behaviors, histories, and ways of thinking (Stonebanks, 2019; Vavrus, 2008). These sentiments were echoed by Sensoy and Ali-Khan (2016) who stated that schools have always been sites for ideological constructions that reinforced and normalized social injustices, however, they added that schools are also seen as places where âthe seeds of social transformation are planted and nurturedâ (p. 519). Acknowledging the central role of schools in sustaining and/or challenging social inequities emphasizes the need for teachers to cultivate sociopolitical consciousness that promotes awareness of the reproduction and perpetuation of social inequalities and discrimination in education that are built into the âcurricular, pedagogical, and evaluative practices that privilege the affluent, White, and male segments of societyâ (Villegas & Lucas, 2002, p. 22). In this respect, culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching represents the courage to challenge the hierarchical and authoritarian tendencies of producing and reproducing particular knowledge and lift âthe veil of presumed absolute authority from conceptions of scholarly truth typically taught in schoolsâ (Gay, 2018, p. 43). The established connection between schools and social injustice creates the urgency for discussing social inequalities in the classroom. Teachers who align themselves with culturally 32 relevant and culturally responsive teaching practice âsubversive pedagogyâ that leads them to constantly question and teach their students to question, âthe inequality, the racism, and the injustice that exist in societyâ (Ladson-Billings, 2009, p. 140). The demand on teachers to acknowledge and respond to social inequalities in what is learned and taught in schools is emphasized by educators who have called for teaching that addresses historical discrimination against minoritized groups (see Martin, Pirbhai-Illich, & Pete, 2017). Martin et al. (2017) suggested that sociopolitical consciousness must âgo hand in hand with making visible the histories of peoples who have been subjugated over the centuries, with notions of culture that are expanded beyond race and ethnicity, and with an understanding of the colonial world systemâ (p. 250). This approach to teaching is emancipatory as it sets out to help students realize that âno single version of âtruthââ should be allowed to circulate and remain uncontested in schools (Gay, 2018, p. 43), enable them to critique the cultural norms and values, and help them analyze perspectives which produce and maintain social inequities (Ladson-Billings, 1994/2009, 2014). As a transformative form of education, culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching challenges dominant perspectives that are nested in the official curriculum and in the teaching instructions, and encourages âintellectual critique, and political and personal efficacy in students so that they can combat prejudices, racism, and other forms of oppression and exploitationâ (Gay, 2018, p. 42). Foster (2012) stressed that teachers can no longer accept âthe long held belief that curriculum should be prescribed, scripted, fixed, rigid, and non-negotiableâ (p. 3). Therefore, teachers need to be prepared and willing to critically reflect on and conduct deep analysis of their curriculum content and include various perspectives that may confront and 33 counter Eurocentric ideals (Gay, 2000/2018). Bassey (2016) reiterated that culturally relevant and culturally responsive teachers create the space needed for expanding teaching and learning to construct knowledge in ways that bring about social change. From this perspective, teachers are responsible to cultivate sociopolitical consciousness and to encourage students to question the authenticity of âwhat they read in classrooms and pose powerful questions about social, cultural, economic, political, and other problems of living in a democracy that attempts to serve a diverse populaceâ (Ladson-Billings, 2017, p. 146). Consequently, culturally relevant and culturally responsive teachers demonstrate âcommitment and skills to act as agents of changeâ (Villegas & Lucas, 2002, p. 24), and assume an active role to confront racial and social injustices through teaching practices that question and challenge knowledge that is shared in schools through official curricula (e.g., textbook content), as well as knowledge that circulates in the larger society through societal curricula (Gay, 2018). Toward that goal, teachers encourage students to uncover the root causes of social injustices in ways that empower all students to participate in decision making, and become agents of change for minoritized and oppressed groups (Gay, 2013). Cultivating sociopolitical consciousness is an effortful endeavour for teachers who may not have time and skills to challenge school structures and curriculum content. For example, Esposito and Swain (2009) found that teachers challenged the mandated and scripted curriculum by devoting additional time and by taking risks and exploring different ways to augment content that was not in their studentsâ best interest, and that did not promote critical examination of social issues. Despite the challenges, teachers who promoted cultural critique and personal accountability in their classrooms were able to help their students analyze and critique the ways injustices affected their lives (Esposito & Swain, 2009) and become more active in identifying 34 root causes of the problems and implement strategies that might bring about awareness and substantive changes (Schultz, 2007). Teachers who included âraceâ related topicsâsuch as racism and institutional oppression that were omitted in traditional historical contentâwere more successful in engaging students in thinking and writing about core issues (Epstein, Mayorga, & Nelson, 2011). Lynch and Rata (2018) and Henry (2017) contended that this form of teaching raises minoritized studentsâ educational achievement and empowers them. This section introduced asset-based approaches in culturally responsive pedagogical movement that challenged the views of studentsâ cultural differences as âobstaclesâ as opposed to âassetsâ in the learning environment. I highlighted CRP (Ladson-Billings, 1994/2009) as the theoretical framework that informs this study and noted the contributions of several teacher educators (e.g., Gay, 2000/2018, 2002a) whose empirical and literary works emphasized the importance of teaching âto and throughâ cultural differences in ethnically and racially diverse classrooms. This dissertation benefits from pedagogical approaches that were proposed by Ladson-Billings (1994/2009, 1995b) and Gay (2000/2018) that highlight the importance of cultural competence and sociopolitical consciousness as components that aim to help students recognize worth and value in their own and in othersâ cultures, and acquire skills that enable them to challenge social inequities. Moreover, the pedagogical approaches that are highlighted in this study provide concrete guidelines and practical strategies that align with the British Columbia Ministry of Educationâs commitment to recognize and value ethnic and cultural diversity, promote recognition and respect for all cultures in schools, and enhance studentsâ cultural understanding (Report on Multiculturalism, 2017). 35 Further, this section noted the agreement among many scholars and teacher educators, including Ladson-Billings (1995b, 2017), Gay (2000/2018, 2002a), Martin et al. (2017), and Villegas and Lucas (2002), who acknowledged the political role of schools and their involvement in the reproduction of social inequalities, and the need for teachers to act as agents of change who can empower students to challenge normalized social inequalities. These views are exemplified in the emphasis on developing cultural competence and cultivating sociopolitical consciousness that stresses the need to possess a critical view of knowledge as constructed and reproduced in ways that advance dominant groupsâ interests and contribute to social inequalities against minoritized peoples. Scholarsâ emphasis (see Gay, 2000/2018; Pete, 2017; Villegas & Lucas, 2002) on the need to critique and challenge knowledge construction, analyze ideological assumptions, and question Eurocentric values and norms in official and societal curricula are relevant to the current study which examines constructions in educational text and talk, and analyzes how constructions challenge and/or contribute to essentializing views of peoples of Arab descent in schools in British Columbia. 2.3 Addressing Critiques and Moving Forward Despite the documented positive outcomes of culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching, scholars raised several concerns and critiques, some of which focused on shortcomings, whereas others focused on potential misuse and misunderstandings of culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching in practice (Alim & Paris, 2017; Martin et al., 2017; Paris, 2012; Sleeter, 2011, 2012). The question of whether the terms ârelevantâ and âresponsiveâ are enough in their approaches to teaching for diversity was posed by Paris (2012) and Alim and Paris (2017) who suggested that these terms do not explicitly encourage students to critique 36 dominant power structures and fail to sustain the cultural ways of minoritized students. Paris (2012) and Alim and Paris (2017) introduced what they referred to as âloving critiques,â which were directed specifically toward Ladson-Billingsâ approach to CRP that they described as one of the most important pedagogical frameworks in the asset-based pedagogical movement, and considered it as a foundational framework for their pedagogical approach, which they termed culturally sustaining pedagogy (CSP). In their âloving critiques,â Paris and Alim (2014) argued in favor of the inclusion of a variety of cultures and identities in teaching and learning, and stressed the need to be more attentive to the ways studentsâ identities and cultures evolve. In a more recent publication, Ladson-Billings (2014, 2017) contended with these views and acknowledged that her previous framework overlooked studentsâ self-generated cultures. Ladson-Billings (2014) declared that the time had come for what she described as a âremixâ of CRP to reflect attentiveness toward cultureâs fluid nature and current demographic and policy contexts. In this respect, she viewed CSP âas a way to push forward her original goals of engaging critically in the cultural landscapes of classrooms and teacher education programsâ (p. 74). She further addressed these concerns and noted the importance of recognizing the fluidity of culture, and added that Paris and Alim emphasized the hybridity and complexity of studentsâ identities and cultures and incorporated into CRP the âmultiplicities of identities and culturesâ¦ rather than focus singularly on one racial or ethnic groupâ (p. 82). These views assert the importance for culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching practice to recognize the many elements of studentsâ cultures that could have implications on teaching and learning. This recognition includes noting studentsâ values, communication styles, as well as their levels of ethnic development and the different ways they 37 affiliate with their ethnic backgrounds (Gay, 2015). Teachersâ acknowledgement of the ways students cultural socialization and the need to be responsive to studentsâ lived experiences is further emphasized by Paris and Alim (2014) who asserted the importance of teachersâ understanding of the ways students enact ârace, ethnicity, language, literacy, and cultural practices in both traditional and evolving waysâ (p. 89, emphasis in original). Attentiveness to the treatment of culture in culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching has generated significant debate. For example, Sleeter (2012) discussed several barriers that prevent successful implementation of these teaching approaches and stated that teachers ârelegate attention to culture to the margins of instruction, ignore low academic expectations for students, as well as the lived culture of the school and classroom, and ignore power relations altogetherâ (p. 569). Scholars including Gutiérrez and Rogoff (2003), Irizarry (2007), and Alim and Paris (2017) noted the simplification in how minoritized peoplesâ cultures are taught. These simplifications are described as fairly common practice among teachers and can occur when teachers do not examine their expectations for minoritized students (Sleeter, 2011). Further, Sleeter (2012) described the emphasis on cultural analysis over political analysis of social inequalities, an occurrence that may stem from the assumption that attending to culture alone will solve problems of inequity and injustice and other forms of oppression âthat underlie achievement gaps and alienation from schoolsâ (p. 571). In other words, teachers may not be sufficiently recognizing the interrelatedness of lived cultural experiences and learning, as well as the practices that undermine minoritized groups in schools. Additionally, Pirbhai-Illich, Pete, and Martin (2017) shared their concern that culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching approaches are not producing the desired goals, and teachers are not effective in the ways in which Ladson-Billings (1994) and Gay (2000) originally 38 intended because they do ânot speak to mainstream educators in ways that are intelligible to them â much is âlost in translationââ (p. 236). Ladson-Billings (2014) affirmed these claims with her views that even teachers who tried to embrace her pedagogical approach lacked adequate skills to promote critical perspectives. She attributed the misuse of her intended framework by White teachers to unexamined biases that led teachers to unconsciously devalue cultural and linguistic practices of students of color. Pirbhai-Illich et al. (2017) suggested that culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching as âpracticed by white teachers does not require them to consider their own complicity in the ongoing project of colonialismâ (p. 16). White teachers, as the vast majority of teaching working force (Ahmad & Boser, 2014), are criticized for lacking cultural competence that is viewed as an integral component for culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching (Gay, 2000/2018; Ladson-Billings, 1994/2009, 2014, 2017). Parhar and Sensoy (2011) argued that teacher participants in their study who recognized the focus on Eurocentric history and the marginalization of people of colour were challenged by standard curriculum that limited their abilities to engage their students more critically to question the content. Parhar and Sensoy (2011) added that despite the literature that emphasizes the importance of student empowerment and action in the community, âthere has been less detailing of the obstacles when promoting student activismâ (p. 210). They explained that teachers face challenges that include administration or district resistance, curriculum constraints, time limitations, and lack of adequate resources. These statements allude to the view that inadequate applications of culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching can also be attributed to other âobstaclesâ as opposed to shortcomings in the scholarship that conceptualizes these approaches. 39 Many scholars and teacher educators continue to debate and advance scholarship to invite more critical approaches to teaching and learning. Notably, educators (e.g., King, 2017; Pete, 2017) intensified their efforts to push teaching practices toward decolonizing education as a way to animate Indigenous and ânon-Westernâ identities in order to disrupt Eurocentric practices in schools, and to recognize and bring forth ânon-Westernâ identities. Sleeter (2012) suggested that culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching must be strengthened with research that elaborates on what it looks like in the classroom and how its practices impact students. In this section, I addressed several critiques that emphasize the need for teachers to improve their understanding of CRP and to be attentive to the fluid nature of studentsâ cultures and identities (Paris, 2012; Paris & Alim, 2014; Sleeter, 2012). These critiques demonstrate the need to continue enhancing culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching and exploring ways to develop teachersâ skills to teach âto and throughâ all differences in diverse classrooms. However, despite the noted shortcomings and/or misunderstandings of culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching, these critiques are considered significant for this study as they help identify skills and practices, as well as challenges that inform my analysis of both effective and ineffective practices that teachers describe in their interviews regarding how they use textbooks to teach about peoples of Arab descent in their classrooms. 2.4 Chapter Summary This study was conducted with teachers and teacher educators in mind; therefore, it is informed by empirical studies and theoretical views that were proposed by scholars and teacher educators who addressed effective teaching in culturally diverse classrooms (e.g., Gay, 2000/2018, 2013, 2015; Ladson-Billings, 1994/2009, 2017; Vavrus, 2008; Villegas & Lucas, 40 2002). The chapter introduced a body of literature that informs this study. In the first section, I described the context of the study. The second section introduced the culturally responsive movement in teaching by highlighting the paradigm shift from âdeficitâ to asset-based pedagogies that promoted the focus on studentsâ cultural and other differences as opportunities for learning. The section detailed CRP as the theoretical framework that grounds this study (see Subsection 2.2.1) and explored culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching components that addressed promoting student learning, developing cultural competence, and cultivating sociopolitical consciousness, all of which aim to enhance teaching and learning of minoritized ethnic and cultural groups (see Subsection 2.2.2). In the third section, I explored several critiques and shortcomings that offer important considerations for building upon, respecting, and sustaining studentsâ cultural differences in the classroom. The pedagogical approaches that are explored in this chapter serve as a launching point to address teaching and learning about peoples of Arab descent who have been historically âotheredâ in both official (see Kenny, 1975; Wiseman, 2014) and societal curricula (see Jackson, 2010; Jiwani, 2005; Steet, 2000). From this perspective, CRP adds insight into this studyâs interpretations of educational text and talk, and informs its implications to support teaching in relation to peoples of Arab descent. Chapter 3 describes constructions of peoples of Arab descent, and details Saidâs (1978/2003) work on orientalism to introduce a post-colonial concept that addressed constructions that âotherâ minoritized peoples in and outside schools. It also explores the challenges that may result from constructions of peoples of Arab descent in mass media and in textbooks. This review demonstrates the significance of âotheringâ constructions in textbooks, as 41 well as how teachers communicate knowledge about these groups. Therefore, I note the importance of applying culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching that can improve studentsâ cultural competence in relation to peoples of Arab descent and other minoritized groups (i.e., adherents to the Islamic faith), and that can promote sociopolitical consciousness to challenge and address negative constructions of peoples of Arab descent and other minoritized groups. 42 Chapter 3: Constructions of Peoples of Arab Descent Peoples of Arab heritage have migrated to Canada since the late 1800s (Abu-Laban, 1980), and have since experienced misunderstandings and negative views about their cultures, religious beliefs, and histories (Abu Laban, 1980; Eid, 2007). Misunderstandings and inaccuracies about peoples of Arab descent have been perpetuated by negative constructions in different media and in curriculum content in schools (see Abukhattalah, 2004; Kincheloe, Steinberg, & Stonebanks, 2010; Said, 1978/2003; Shaheen, 1994). Negative constructions of peoples of Arab descent complicated their social integration processes and consolidated their views of themselves as people who are not a part of society, but rather as tourists or intruders in it (Galabuzi, 2001). In recent years, widespread negative views of these groups have accelerated due to historical events (e.g., September 11th attacks, the Iraq War, Syrian Refugee Crisis) that further subjected minoritized groups to scrutinization of their cultures and religious beliefs (Altwaiji, 2014; Jackson, 2010; Stonebanks, 2019). In response, many scholars and researchers amplified their efforts to examine the ways peoples of Arab descent and adherents to the Islamic faith have been constructed in different media and in textbooks and teaching practices (see Ali, 2013; Ali et al., 2011; Brockway, 2007; Jackson, 2010). Researchers also examined the impact of these negative constructions and cultural misunderstandings in schools (see Ali, 2012; Almosa, 2007; Eraqi, 2015; Khouri, 2016; Zine, 2001). My study builds on the scholarly emphasis and debates in relation to how peoples of Arab descent have been constructed for several decades. In this respect, this research contributes to the growing body of scholarship that examined constructions of peoples of Arab descent in 43 educational text and talk. In my study, I combined examinations of textbook content and teachersâ talk for the important role they could play in producing accurate and factual cultural knowledge and clarifying misunderstandings about peoples of Arab descent. I argue that negative constructions of peoples of Arab descent may be produced and/or challenged by at least two factors: textbook content that produces and/or challenges adequate and fair constructions of minoritized groups, and teachers who may either produce negative constructions or challenge them by developing cultural competence and cultivating sociopolitical consciousness in ways that can alter biased constructions. The chapter is divided into four sections. The first section explores commonly used terms that describe peoples of Arab descent, introduces the terms and labels that I employ in this study, and addresses some variations among peoples of Arab descent. The second section introduces orientalism (Said, 1978/2003), a post-colonial theoretical concept that describes the perspectives and strategies that create essentializing and dehumanizing constructions of peoples of Arab descent and Islam, and details the process of constructing these groups as an âother.â The third section is an overview of constructions in mass media and in textbooks. The section begins with research that focused on constructions of peoples of Arab descent in different media (e.g., films, video games, newspapers, educational magazines) and follows with examinations of constructions in textbooks that have been previously highlighted in the literature. The fourth section addresses challenges in teaching and learning about peoples of Arab descent. The chapter ends with a brief summary. 44 3.1 Descriptions of Peoples of Arab Descent The critical approach that is adopted in this study necessitates acknowledgement of essentializing language that may contribute to constructions of peoples of Arab descent as âother.â Essentialization can be viewed as the construction of categories that show peoples as an immutable and unchangeable, historically stable, and homogenous (Kadianaki & Andreouli, 2015; Said, 1978/2003). With this understanding, essentialization may undermine the uniqueness of individuals who share cultures and affiliate with the same nation, religion, and ethnicity. A form of essentialization is exemplified in the use of generic termsâsuch as âArabsâ and âMuslimsââthat are viewed as homogenizing labels that wipe out individual traces, including complexities, differences, and similarities (Said 1978/2003). In this respect, terms such as âArabsâ âMiddle East,â âMiddle Eastern,â âOrient,â âOccident,â âEast,â and âWestâ may contribute to constructing binaries between peoples of Arab descent and peoples of European descent. To a certain extent, I am confined by the limitations of the generic terms in literature that are used to describe peoples of Arab descent and fail to acknowledge diversity within groups, including histories, gender, sex, religions, ethnicities, political status, abilities, socioeconomic status, and nationalities. By repeating othersâ homogenizing labels such as âArabs,â âOrient,â âEast,â âWest,â and âMuslims,â I am implicated by the trap of the essentializing language. Even though I use these terms verbatim and within context to cite othersâ descriptions, I run the risk of becoming complicit in the homogenization that may occur when these dichotomous terms are applied to describe a group, a religion, or a region. I reiterate Spivakâs assertion that âit is not possible, within discourse, to escape essentializing somewhere. The moment of essentialism or 45 essentialization is irreducible. In deconstructive critical practice, you have to be aware that you are going to essentialize anywayâ (Spivak & Harasym, 1990, p. 51). From this perspective, Spivak emphasized that an individual can strategically view âessentialisms, not as descriptions of the way things are, but as something that one must adopt to produce a critique of anythingâ (Spivak & Harasym, 1990, p. 51). In my attempt to minimize the risk of essentializing in the language I use in this dissertation, I address this dilemma first by holding in tension some of the terms used. For example, I employ the term âpeoples of Arab descentâ instead of the commonly used term âArabsâ in an effort to denote the heterogeneity within these groups. Although the term âpeoples of Arab descentâ may cause reader fatigue, it is a risk I take to emphasize the heterogeneity of peoples who affiliate with Arab ethnicity. The term âArabsâ has been frequently used as a reference to nearly 265 million people who live in, and the millions who live in the diaspora who are from, the 22 âArab nationsâ in North Africa and in areas in Southwest Asia (Shaheen, 2003/2012). This literature does not review the disputes and historical viewpoints that trace the formation of peoples described as âArabs,â however, I note scholarly attempts to offer simplified definitions. For example, Naber (2008a) stated that the term âArabsâ is often used as a referent to persons from countries where the primary language is Arabic. She added that the term also connotes a national identity of peoples who share a language and an imagined national community that emerged from nationalist movements that formed resistance to Ottoman rule and European colonization. Wingfield (2006) stated that peoples of Arab descent, âlike Hispanics, are a linguistic and cultural community, not a racial or religious groupâ (p. 253). Furthermore, terms such as the âOrient,â âMuslims,â the âMiddle East,â and âArab culturesâ are found in this study only when they are used verbatim from the literature, previous 46 studies, the textbook authors, and the participants in this study. I hold these terms in tension to emphasize that they are insufficient descriptions that overlook the disparity within peoples who are affiliated with the region that is referred to as the âMiddle Eastâ and within the religion of Islam. For example, the term âArab culturesâ reduces the diverse cultural groups with their heterogenous ideations, values, and beliefs into a generalizing description of what is referred to as âArab culture.â David and Ayouby (2005) stated that â[g]iven the widespread diversity within the Arab world it is difficult, if not impossible, to pinpoint what constitutes traditional Arab culture or Arab valuesâ (p. 17). In line with these statements, I argue that it is impossible to identify a common culture for peoples of Arab descent. Narayran (2000) rejected the idea that anything can be solidly and âuncontroversiallyâ defined as a culture, such as âwestern cultureâ or in this case, âArab culture.â In this sense, such labels may become a form of cultural essentialism that does not acknowledge the âinternal plurality, dissension and contestation over values, and ongoing changes in practices in virtually all communitiesâ (Narayan, 2000, p. 96). Aside from culture, peoples of Arab descent are also described in relation to geographic locations. Several terms are applied to territorialize the region that is inhabited by peoples of Arab descent, such as ââMiddle East and North Africa (MENA)â, a âGreater Middle Eastâ, an âArab Worldâ, an âArab regionâ, or an âArabâIslamic Worldââ (Mazawi & Sultana, 2016, p. 7). Other subregional designations include terms such as âArab Gulf States,â âPersian Gulf,â and Arabic terms, such as âAl-Khaleej Al-Arabi,â âAl-Mashriq Al-Arabi,â and âAl-Maghrib Al-Arabi,â all of which can carry geographic, cultural, and political connotations and limitations of groups and countries. The plasticity in the various terms that locate countries that are predominantly inhabited by peoples of Arab descent demonstrates the difficulty âto captureâin 47 scholarly discoursesânot only a geographic space, but also its peoples, communities, and the complex realms of connotations and meanings which shape peopleâs worldviews, consciousness, cultures, politics and modes of social and political organizationâ (Mazawi & Sultana, 2016, p. 8). The different terms that reference peoples of Arab descent and affiliate geographic spaces are âhistorically and politically situated frames of reference, narratives, and modes of representationâ (Mazawi & Sultana, 2016, p. 7). For example, polarizing terms such as âArab worldâ and âMuslim worldâ may contribute to frameworks that shape worldviews of peoples of Arab descent and situate them in religious grouping and/or in a geographical or a political space (Said, 1978). Other terms such as the âOrientâ and the âMiddle Eastâ can be traced to a predominantly colonial framework and therefore they may risk advancing essentializing colonial views. The âOrientâ is a famed European construction that romanticizes the Eastern region of the world with a special focus on peoples of Arab descent and Islamic societies in parts of Africa and Asia, including the area known today as the âMiddle Eastâ (Said, 1978/2003). The âMiddle Eastâ is a European, mainly British, term coined during World War II (WWII) âto distinguish what was, for them, an area between the âFar Eastâ [China] and the Near Eastâ (Shora, 2009, p. 24). These polarizing terms, often used to refer to peoples of Arab descent and the regions that are predominantly inhabited by them, overlook a multitude of variations (e.g., ethnicities, languages, religions) that exist between countries and within groups and communities. Geography, history, economy, class, gender, politics, religious beliefs and practices, as well as spoken dialects and other variations, create what Mir (2019) described as a tapestry of difference that is specific to each of these regions and their inhabitants. Moreover, peoples of Arab descent and other ethnic groups vary in relation to the geographical landscape they occupy: peoples in the North African region (e.g., Algeria, Sudan, Egypt, Morocco, Libya); peoples in 48 the Arabian Peninsula region (e.g., Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar, United Arab Emirates); and peoples in the Levant in the Eastern Mediterranean region of Western Asia (e.g., Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Palestine, Iraq). Even though many countries in the so-called âMiddle Eastâ and North Africa (MENA) are predominantly inhabited by peoples of Arab descent, these countries also include a broad range of other ethnicities (e.g., Armenians, Kurds, Amazighs) who speak languages other than Arabic, such as Armenian, Kurdish, Aramaic, Berber, Assyrian, Amharic (Shora, 2009). Modern Standard Arabic is a primary language in all of these nations; however, a multitude of Arabic dialects vary significantly between countries. For instance, Persian Gulf dialects (e.g., Saudi Arabian, Emirati) are quite different from Levantine Arabic dialect spoken in Lebanon and Syria. Shora (2009) elaborated on the difference of dialects by comparing a Moroccan speaking to an Omani in Arabic to a âTexan speaking to a Highland Scot in English,â (p. 26) both speakers communicate with the same language, but use different words and pronunciation. Another significant variation among the people from these different regions and countries is noted in their different religions and religious sects and beliefs, such as Maronite Catholics, Melkite Catholics, Greek Orthodox Christians, Druze, Bahais, atheists, Coptic Christians, Sunni Muslim, Shia Muslim, and Jewish. For example, âMorocco and Tunisia have small minorities of Jews; and members of the Coptic Christian Church are an important group in Egyptâ (Shora, 2009, p. 26). These sects and religions, as well as governance practices, considerably vary in each country, for example, Saudi Arabia is populated predominantly by Sunni âMuslimsâ with a Muslim Monarchy governance system, while roughly 50 percent of Lebanonâs citizens are Christians (Shora, 2009) with a constitution that limits presidential office only to Lebanese of the 49 Maronite Christian Faith (Harb, 2006). It is worth noting that many peoples of Arab descent are not âMuslims,â and most âMuslimsâ are not identified as peoples of Arab descent. Sensoy (2014) stated that âArab states encompass neither the totality of the region identified as the Middle East, nor the totality of Muslim populations that are associated with the Middle Eastâ (p. 296). Only 12 percent of the worldâs âMuslimsâ are peoples of Arab descent (Shaheen, 2003/2012). Several countries in the âMiddle Eastâ are populated by adherents to the Islamic faith who are not of Arab descent (e.g., Turkey, Afghanistan, Iran). Sensoy (2014) explained, âwhen referring to the Middle East or those of Middle Eastern heritage, most outsiders presume that Middle Easterners are Muslims and primarily Muslims of Arab descentâ (p. 296), even though peoples of Arab descent are religiously diverse and âMuslimsâ are ethnically heterogenous communities. Notably, other predominantly Muslim populated countries (e.g., India and Indonesia) exist outside the âMiddle East.â For example, Indonesia, which is the largest Muslim state (roughly 209 million) is located in Southeast Asia (Pew Research Centre, 2017). This section introduced peoples of Arab descent and addressed the language that is commonly used to describe these groups of peoples and noted my efforts to identify and avoid essentializing and homogenizing terms that overlook complexities and flexibilities within groups and countries, such as cultural, ethnic, religious, linguistic, geographic, and other variations. Although mentioning these variations does not sufficiently acknowledge the diversity within these groups, it offers some insight into the heterogeneity that exists among peoples of Arab descent who have been historically discussed as monolithic entity, and who have been treated as religiously unified and culturally homogenous, thus undermining the complex identifications within groups and between countries (see Said, 1978/2003). 50 3.2 Orientalism: A Post-Colonial Concept For decades, post-colonial theories focused on the legacy of colonial regimes and âtheir residual political, socio-economic, and psychological effects on formerly colonized and post-colonial societiesâ (Nasser, 2019, p. 148). Post-colonial theorists and literary critics (e.g., Edward Said, Frantz Fanon, Gayatri Spivak, Homi Bhabha, William Du Bois) intensified the exploration of and the resistance against colonial practices/discourse and recognized the effects of colonization on the colonized individuals and groups (see Spivak & Harasym, 1990). In this study, I limit my focus on post-colonial theories to Saidâs (1978/2003) exploration of orientalism, as a post-colonial concept that explicitly addresses the constructions of colonized identities, particularly peoples of Arab descent and adherents to the Islamic faith, through various acts of exclusions and cultural essentialization that constructed these groups as an âotherâ in society. The focus on constructions of peoples of Arab descent in educational text and talk in this study is informed by Saidâs (1978/2003) discussion on the construction of the âotherâ that involves a âmuch worked-over historical, social, intellectual, and political process that takes place as a contest involving individuals and institutions in all societiesâ (p. 332). This process entails âestablishing opposites and âothersâ whose actuality is always subject to the continuous interpretation and re-interpretation of their differences from usâ (Said, 1978/2003, p. 332). Along these lines, identifying constructions of peoples of Arab descent in this study is informed by the process of âotheringâ that involves productions and interpretations of socially constructed traits and differences that may create the view of the âotheredâ as someone or something as not just different, but as deficient (Said, 1978/2003). 51 Orientalism is viewed as a form of âotheringâ in which identities are historically constructed for particular intent and purposes (Said, 1978/2003). Stemming from an impulse to define and dominate an âother,â orientalist constructions serve a purpose that is determined by those in position to speak for and explore other groups (Said, 2003). In this specific case, the âEastâ was constructed as a region whose inhabitants were identified and studied by the âWest.â Said (1978/2003) stated that orientalism is the theorization that the world is composed of two geographically distinct and unequal halvesâthe âOccidentâ (âWestâ) and the âOrientâ (âEastâ)âand added that the former dominates and the latter must be dominated. In this sense, orientalists contributed to the construction of âideological suppositions, images and fantasies about a region of the world called the Orient â¦ which essentialized an artificial dichotomy between the Orient and the Occidentâ (Said, 1985, p. 2). According to Said, the orientalist approach constructs views that commemorate the âOrient,â its civilizations, and localities in essentialist ideas that emphasize fixed eccentric mentality, moral deficiency, predisposition to despotism, and erratic cultural habits and backwardness. With these constructions, the solidification of a strong, modern, and superior âWestâ (i.e., French and British) was paralleled with a weak, uncivil, and inferior âEast.â Said (1978/2003) described the ways an orientalist approach communicates colonial or imperial thoughts and ambitions that designate specific traits and realities, reproduce and sustain âotheringâ practices that construct peoples of the âEastâ in contrast to the peoples of the âWest.â The construction of the fantasies of an âOrientâ or an âEastâ aligns with Rattansiâs (1997) assertion that the idea of âthe âWestâ as White, Christian, rational, civilized, modern, sexually disciplined and indeed masculine was put into place in a protracted process in which the colonized Others were defined in opposition to these virtuesâ (p. 482). In this sense, the 52 contradictions that âWesternâ nations saw in the âEasternâ peoples reflected their own perspectives of themselves (Said, 1978/2003). The constructions of peoples of European and âWesternâ backgrounds as peaceful, logical, âand capable of holding real values, without natural suspicionâ (Said, 2003, p. 49) and peoples of Arab descent, âMuslims,â and âMiddle Easternâ as the opposite can reinforce a view that the superior âWestâ and the inferior âEastâ have opposing abilities, purposes, and values. The constructions of differences between peoples of the âWestâ and peoples of the âEastâ established polarizing views that essentialized, homogenized, and âotheredâ inhabitants of the âEast,â from a âWesternâ perspective (Said, 2003). In his work, Said (1978/2003) described the ways the orientalist views were adopted in European universities and encouraged by what he referred to as orientalists, thus enabling individuals and groups from Britain and France to suppress and exoticize colonized people. The view of a feared and suspected âOrientâ reached North America in the form of a new âmodern Orientalistâ approach. In this sense, the negative constructions of peoples of Arab descent, as well as adherents to the Islamic faith and the âMiddle East,â is the âlegacy of nineteenth-century Orientalism to which the twentieth century has become inheritorâ (Said, 2003, p. 197). He suggested that the United States presumed a similar role in reproducing a dehumanizing image of the âEast,â and adopted an overpowering approach especially toward peoples of Arab descent who are identified as inferior and in need of Western aid and intervention. His idea is that European figuresâincluding politicians, authors, and artistsâjustified Western imperialism of what they viewed as a morally and culturally lacking region and its peoples in reference to the âOrientâ and its inhabitants. Said emphasized that persistent negative constructions of the âEastâ and its inhabitants present the region and its peoples as places and communities to be feared and 53 suspected and/or to be dominated through different forms of pacification. From this perspective, orientalism is viewed as overlapping purposes of colonialism and imperialism (Jiwani, 2004). Rattansi (1997) defined colonialism as âa particular form of direct rule and, more often than not, involving settlement, by a foreign power,â whereas imperialism âcould be reserved to denote a more diffuse expansionismâ (p. 490). In his preface to the 25th anniversary edition of Orientalism, Said (2003) noted that over the years not much has changed in the constructions of âthe contemporary societies of the Arab and Muslim for their backwardness, lack of democracy, and abrogation of womenâs rightsâ (p. xix). He suggested that the same negative and âotheringâ constructions of the âOrientâ continue to surface in scholarship and emerge in the phenomenon of neo-orientalism that perpetuates the polarisation of âEastâ/âWestâ dichotomy. Like its classical counterpart (i.e., orientalism), âneo-Orientalism is monolithic, totalizing, reliant on a binary logic, and based on an assumption of moral and cultural superiority over the Oriental otherâ (Altwaiji, 2014, p. 3). In other words, the neo-orientalist view is indebted to orientalism as it involves ongoing construction of polarizing views of the âWestâ and the âEast,â with an added emphasis on the threat of Islam and peoples of Arab descent who adhere to the Islamic faith. Scholars noted that even though neo-orientalism constructs the same âotheringâ views of peoples of Arab descent, Islam, and the âMiddle East,â it âengenders new tropes of otheringâ (Behdad & Williams, 2010, p. 284). For example, Behdad and Williams (2010) described how a veil in the form of the headscarf or the niqab has come to signify religious oppression against female bodies, particularly in Islam, whereas âin classical Orientalism, the [womanâs] veil functioned as a metonymy for the harem, portrayed as a mysterious and inaccessible space of eroticism and lusty sexualityâ (p. 285). In this sense, the veilâ a cultural and/or religious symbolâ has been reintroduced to signify lack of civil rights 54 and liberties and oppression against women, thus demonstrating how constructions of veiled women in the colonial imaginary have generally ranged from oppressed to sexualized and inaccessible (Hoodfar, 2003; Å isler, 2008; Zine, 2006). In addition, neo-orientalist views also rejuvenated the focus on the threatening âArab,â Islam, and the âMiddle East.â Naber (2008a) stated that September 11th attacks were a âturning pointâ in that terrorism and âIslamic fundamentalismâ have steadily âreplaced representations (i.e., the rich Arab oil sheikh and belly dancing harem girls) and have become more fervently deployed in anti-Arab state policies and everyday patterns of engagement than ever beforeâ (p. 4). Stonebanks (2019) affirmed that âin the Western world, the notion of 9/11 terrorists extend beyond those who are Arabsâ (p. 8). Reportedly, the âcultural impact of 9/11 events has associated aggression, terrorism and, savagery with Islam and Arab Muslims and resulted in a critical examination of the religion itselfâ (Altwaiji, 2019, p. 68). Similar to the classic orientalist approach that once served the politics and interests of European and colonial powers in the past, neo-orientalism âserves the political hegemony and neo-colonial interests of people who are aware of the need to produce images of aggression and terrorism on the targeted nationâ (p. 321). In its new form, neo-orientalism facilitates ânew imperialist strategies that aim at dominating new regions like Iraq and legitimize the continuous political and economic hegemony on the small Gulf countriesâ (Altwaiji, 2014, p. 319). These statements serve as essential components of the neo-orientalism that emphasizes the idea that violence of the âMiddle Eastâ is a threat to the World (Altwaiji, 2014). The construction of this common enemy diverts aggression toward a common threat (Merskin, 2004), and serves as strategy that legitimizes colonial, economic, or political projects (e.g., the Iraq War, the 55 Afghanistan War). The connection between politics and constructions of peoples of Arab descent is further noted in the surge of polarizing views of peoples of Arab descent, as well as adherents to the Islamic faith and the âMiddle Eastâ region, after the September 11th attacks and the emergence of radical groups (Altwaiji, 2014), which accelerated negative constructions and intensified Islamophobic sentiments, and justified discrimination against these groups (Ameli & Merali, 2019; Stonebanks, 2019). For added clarification, Islamophobia is an old phenomenon that can be traced to the nineteenth century (see Lopez, 2010), and was âincreasingly salient during the 1980s and 1990sâ (Meer & Modood, 2009, p. 340). It can be described as harbored sentiments against Islam, as well as culture and ârace,â that involves discrimination against a religion (i.e., Islam), and traffics âin stereotypes about foreignness, phenotypes and cultureâ (Meer & Modood, 2019, p. 19). Sensoy and Ali-Khan (2016) asserted that âmany people who are not Muslims are victims of Islamophobiaâ (p. 517). In this respect, Islamophobic sentiments affect âMuslimsâ and peoples who have ââMuslim-likeâ appearancesâ (Samari, 2016, p. 1922). In this sense, Islamophobic views are noted in what scholars described as the racialization of âMuslimsâ and the construction of a âvisible archetypeâ that projects those who are constructed as antithetical to âWesternâ cultures, values, and religions (see Considine, 2017; Naber, 2008b; Zine, 2006). Orientalist views manifest in Islamophobic sentiments. Scholars established connections between the âcovert discourses of Orientalism with the overt aspects of Islamophobiaâ (Sensoy, 2016, p. 5), and warned that Islam and the âMiddle Eastâ have become a signifier of an âEasternâ threat and are viewed as targets for discrimination and resentment (e.g., Stonebanks, 2019). Jiwani (2004) stated that in the immediate aftermath of the September 11th attacks, the public was overwhelmed with contrasting images of âOsama bin Laden as the quintessential 56 âevilâ warlord of the East versus George W. Bush as the righteous sheriff of the Westâ (p. 265). With this background, the latter was described as pro-order, the former was described as determined to destroy âthe âfreeâ world as we know it and [unleash] the forces of chaos reminiscent of a tribal pastâ (Jiwani, 2004, p. 265). Arguably, the aftermath of the September 11th attacks consolidated the view of âArab/Middle Eastern/Muslimâ as âotherâ (Naber, 2008a). Both âIslam and Arab Muslims become subjects of enmity, hate and suspicion to the extent that even other brown nations like Indians particularly the Sikhs are mistakenly represented or even harassedâ (Alwaiji, 2019, p. 68). Stonebanks (2019) noted that misidentification of people from North Africa, the âMiddle East,â West Asia and South Asia in the âWestâ have led to hate, violence and racial profiling against these groups. Distinctive cultures, histories, geographic spaces, political and economic systems are generally collapsed into a single ethnic and religious identification (e.g., âArabâ or âMuslimâ) and reconstructed as an âother.â The entanglement of culture and ethnicity with religion were also noted by Garner and Selod (2015) in the ways âpeople read Muslimness onto individuals by using a combination of ideas about culture and appearanceâ (p. 12). In this case, Arabic sounding names, skin color, national origins, and cultural and religious symbols (e.g., Turban) fit the stereotype of the antagonist from the âEast.â Naber (2008b) found that peoples of Arab descent who were Christian were targeted and viewed as having terrorist affiliations because they had Arabic sounding names, such as âOsama.â Samari (2016) noted that religion may âact in conjunction with immigration status, race, or gender as a basis for discriminationâ (p. 1923). In Canada, people who identified as âMuslimsâ noted religion as the least type of discrimination they faced, as more people reported they feel discrimination mostly due to ârace or skin colour,â 57 as well as âethnicity or cultureâ (Reitz, Simon, & Laxer, 2017). The racialization of Islam has increased âthe post 9/11 backlash against persons perceived to be Arab, Middle Eastern, South Asian, and/or Muslimâ (Naber, 2008a, p. 2). Knowing that peoples of Arab descent, âMuslims,â as well as those who look âMiddle Easternâ may all be viewed as an âotherâ from the âEast,â suggests that individuals who look like or identify as âArabâ and/or âMuslimâ and/or âMiddle Easternâ experience discrimination that targets one or more aspects of their identities or their presumed ethnoreligious identities. In this section, I introduced orientalism (Said, 1978/2003) as a theoretical concept that describes the process of âotheringâ specifically toward peoples of Arab descent. The literature shared in this section emphasized the orientalist approach that continues to essentialize and âotherâ peoples of Arab descent, as well as âMuslims,â who have been similarly constructed in the public imaginary as a homogenous entity that is fixed, unchanging, and threatening to the âWest.â The process of constructing an âotherâ in discourse of âotheringâ is relevant to this study as it informs my examinations of how constructions in educational text and talk may produce and/or challenge this orientalist approach. Notably, the literature in this section introduced the âotheringâ of peoples of Arab descent as a colonial construction that has endured over the years and continues to activate and sustain the view of an âEastâ and its inhabitants as different and deficient. The literature also noted the purposeful misrecognition and the misinformation in regard to minoritized peoplesâ traits, religions, histories, and cultural differences that aim to subjectify a group of people to satisfy imperial and colonial ambitions. I addressed some of the effects of constructing negative views of cultures and religions in Canada that have manifested in discrimination against âotheredâ peoples in and outside schools. In addition to introducing the literary concept that informs this study, this section also demonstrated 58 the need to promote cultural competence and sociopolitical consciousness that may help challenge orientalist and neo-orientalist views that manifest in Islamophobic sentiments and discriminatory behaviors against minoritized peoples. 3.3 Constructions of Peoples of Arab Descent in Media and Textbooks This study examines constructions of peoples of Arab descent in educational text and talk. The study is concerned with the construction of knowledge, and more specifically with discursive practices of âotheringâ that construct particular knowledge about a particular group of people (i.e., peoples of Arab descent). My understanding and my use of the word âconstructionâ stems from the social constructionist lens that views knowledge and what is known about the social world, as produced through interactions âbetween human beings and their world, and developed and transmitted within an essentially social contextâ (Crotty, 1998, p. 42). These views align with Faircloughâs (2001) approach that emphasizes the role of language in constructing meanings through different social processes that provide opportunities to construct different versions of knowledge through various social interactions. An important point in these processes is the assumption that knowledge construction is related to power (Fairclough, 2001). Groups who possess the most power construct knowledge in a way âthat maintains their power and protects their interestâ (Banks, 2002, p. 11), and sustains power inequalities in the social world (Fairclough, 2001). In this section, I focus on identifying scholarly efforts that examined the constructions of peoples of Arab descent in mass media and in textbooks for several decades. The section is organized in three subsections. The first subsection describes studies that identified the ways 59 peoples of Arab descent, adherents to the Islamic faith, and the âMiddle Eastâ were constructed in mass media. The second subsection details several studies that examined constructions in educational textbooks. The third subsection addresses the significance of the current studyâs examination of constructions in educational text and talk and notes how it diverges from earlier research. 3.3.1 Constructions in media. Orientalism recirculates via advanced media networks and varied technologies of communication (Behdad & Williams, 2010; Sensoy, 2016) and continues to construct a binarism between a superior âWest,â and an âinferior Arab cultureâ (Altwaiji, 2014, p. 313). For decades, scholars have examined constructions of peoples of Arab descent, âMuslims,â and/or the âMiddle Eastâ in different media sources, such as political cartoons (Al-Hajji & Nelson, 1997), childrenâs cartoons (Sensoy, 2010), newspapers and news magazines (Jiwani, 2004, 2005), news media (Jackson, 2010), comic books (Dar, 2010), and political speeches (e.g., Merskin, 2004). Shaheen (1984, 2003/2012) wrote extensively about the orientalist constructions of peoples of Arab descent and âMuslimsâ in Hollywood films, comic books, and television shows. Shaheenâs examinations of more than 900 Hollywood movies revealed constructions of men of Arab descent as oil-rich sheikhs, violent, and terrorists who are easily defeated, and women of Arab descent as oppressed and submissive maidens, his work was followed with several scholarly efforts to investigate the constructions of peoples of Arab descent, as well as Islam in different entertainment media. For example, Bakali (2011) conducted textual analysis of Hollywood films and news media both prior to and post the September 11th attacks and examined how studentsâ views may be altered through critical discussion of media constructions. 60 Bakali (2011) revealed that peoples of Arab descent and âMuslimsâ were shown as âcrazed lunatics wanting to blow themselves up along with hosts of innocent civiliansâ (p. 43), and âMuslims,â post the September 11th attacks, were shown as âradicalized violent terrorists filled with rage towards the West whose acts of aggression are linked with the Islamic faithâ (p. 76). Similar findings were noted by Merskin (2004) whose interpretative textual analysis of political speeches post the September 11th attacks revealed constructions that drew from accumulated âhistorically, politically, and culturally cultivated negative images of Arabsâ (p. 158). Explorations of different entertainment media included studies that examined constructions in video games. Å isler (2008) conducted a content analysis of more than 90 European and American and 15 Arabic video games. Å isler found constructions of the âMiddle Eastâ as a place without history, with common medieval fantasy settings, and photographs of headscarves, turbans, Bedouins and belly dancers, harems, and deserts. Darâs (2010) analysis of comic books showed familiar constructions noting that âthe majority of comic book depictions about Muslims and Arabs are overwhelmingly negativeâ (p. 109) and women were shown as victims of their own people and in need of rescue. Moreover, Dar (2010) noted that the constructions did not challenge the assumptions that âMuslims, Arabs, and Iraniansâ are violent, ârabidly anti-American and anti-Israel, uncivilized and misogynisticâ (p. 109). In an effort to engage in more critical examinations and explore orientalist constructions of peoples of Arab descent in educational media, Steet (2000) applied CDA to a centuryâs worth of material from the National Geographic. Steetâs pictorial and textual analysis included more than 3000 photographs and accompanying text from 1888-1998. The relevance of exploring this particular media source is noted in its educational claims; National Geographicâs insistence on 61 the reputation as âeducational journal offering totally factual materialâ (Steet, 2000, p. 19). However, Steet suggested that the constructions of peoples of Arab descent were found to be biased and not âinnocent.â Noting the impact of different media on young people, Jackson (2010) reviewed constructions of âIslam and Muslimsâ in news and entertainment media to look for what is seen as ânormalâ in media construction since the September 11th attacks, and to address their implications. Jackson (2010) acknowledged that real life political events contributed to the âcommonality of associating Muslims with terrorism in the US mass media [and in political cartoons]â (p. 7). She stated that most common graphic constructions of âMuslimsâ or Islam since the September 11th attacks were of bin Laden and Saddam Hussein, the former was identified as a terrorist and the latter was identified as a sponsor of terrorism. Additionally, Jackson (2010) noted the absence of âMuslims doing good things, or being ordinary members of societyâ (p. 17). Despite the diversity among adherents to the Islamic faith, the âMuslim bad guyâ was foregrounded over all others, and âMuslimsâ were shown as âsinister, scary, and threateningâ (Jackson, 2010, p. 17). Orientalist constructions were also found in newspapers in Canada. In her analysis of 56 articles published post the September 11th attacks over the span of 20 days, Jiwani (2004) noted that in some ways the association of women with the veil emphasized their seeming âoppression and tradition-bound existenceâ and showed them as unable to liberate themselves without the help of Western intervention (p. 270). Jiwaniâs (2005) examination of newspapers in Canada (The Globe and Mail and The Gazette) revealed that print media reinforced a dichotomy between âthe liberated West and the oppressed Eastâ with orientalist constructions of women in Islam as oppressed, silenced, mute victims in the face of their oppression, and objectified under the 62 âvoyeuristic Western gazeâ (p. 19). The silencing of women was also noted by Golnaraghi and Mills (2013) in a CDA that examined the use of the veil and the niqab to construct the female âotherâ in newspaper articles from The Globe and Mail and The National Post in Canada. They found that adherents to the Islamic faith and âMuslimâ women were shown as a considerable threat to Quebecâs identity. Similar to Jiwaniâs (2004, 2005) findings, Golnaraghi and Mills noted that the âMuslimâ women did not speak for themselves and were positioned as oppressed. 3.3.2 Constructions in textbooks. Scholarly interest in textbook bias dates as far back at least to 1889 (Jarrar, 1976; Kenny, 1975). In Canada, one of the earliest studies of constructions of peoples of Arab descent and the âMiddle Eastâ in textbooks was initiated in 1972. Kenny (1975) used content analysis to examine the ways in which the âMiddle Eastâ was treated in 70 social studies textbooks used in schools in Ontario and in English-speaking provinces. In addition to examining textbooks, Kenny surveyed 123 teachers (113 from Ontario, ten from Quebec, two from Alberta, and one from Nova Scotia). The research found that some textbooks constructed peoples of Arab descent in âArabiaâ as âwholly illiterate,â and discussed peoples of Arab descent as an âethnically pure speciesâ and nomadic desert dwellers (Kenny, 1975). Kenny reported that coverage of the âMiddle Eastâ included pro-Israeli bias, and had a narrow, parochial, Western-oriented viewpoint especially in the treatment of European colonialism and regional nationalism. Kennyâs examinations also revealed omissions, factual errors, and questionable assertions in descriptions of Islam. Another study that focused on social studies textbooks was conducted by Jarrar (1976). Jarrarâs (1976) study examined constructions of peoples of Arab descent in 43 secondary 63 (Grades 7-12) textbooks in the United States. He used mixed methods to address the following research question: âHow do dominant social studies textbooks in the United States secondary school textbooks represent the Arab culture?â (p. 11). Jarrar used content and assertion analysis and documented unfavorable images of the âMiddle Eastâ and of peoples of Arab descent and stated that textbooks dating back to 1889 contained inaccurate constructions, stereotypes, imbalanced information, generalizations, omissions, and references to extremist action by âMuslimâ groups. Jarrarâs study also noted conflation between peoples of Arab descent and Islam and noted the inclusion of inaccurate material, such as an upside-down image of Arabic calligraphy from an Islamic script and mistranslations of Arabic quotations. Textbooks in Jarrarâs research constructed peoples of Arab descent as nomads with a limited view of them as desert dwellers and omitted their efforts toward modernization. Along similar lines, Perry (1975) examined the treatment of the âMiddle Eastâ in textbooks in the United States, and investigated 20 textbooks noting lack of coverage about the âMiddle East,â particularly in world history textbooks. Overall, 15-25 out of 700-900 pages were devoted to the âMiddle East.â The scarcity of information was described by Perry (1975) as constructing the region and its inhabitants as âa minor sideshow of the Westâ (p. 47) and emphasizing the physical aspects of deserts, camels, and nomadism, which contributed to constructions of peoples of Arab descent as nomads. Perry concluded that information about peoples of Arab descent in the text was vague and, furthermore, recycled distorted constructions with a great deal of misinformation and biased accounts of certain subjects, especially about Egypt and the Israeli-Arab conflict. The study revealed what Perry described as âsinisterâ impressions and distorted constructions. Additionally, coverage of other topics that included peoples of Arab descent (e.g., Suez Canal Crisis, Israel-Palestine conflict) was found replete with 64 vague and distorted historical facts that positioned peoples of Arab descent as offenders against âWesternâ interests in the region. Perry revealed confusion between peoples of Arab descent and Islam, with the latter shown as intolerant. However, constructions of Islam were not noted as extremely malignant, and there were noted efforts to clear misunderstandings about âJihad,â women in Islam, and conversion. More than three decades later, recent studies continue to show similar findings in textbooks in relation to constructions of peoples of Arab descent and the âMiddle East.â Brockway (2007) examined 10 American world history textbooks using both quantitative and qualitative analyses and content analysis to address the question âDo American junior and high school world history textbooks present a biased perception of the Middle East?â (p. ii). Findings revealed similar negative bias toward the âMiddle East,â as well as omissions, inaccurate information, and lack of definitions and details. Even though earlier textbooks were notably biased in their coverage of peoples of Arab descent, âMuslims,â and the âMiddle East,â researchers reported some improvement over time from earlier research of textbook content from the 1980s and 1990s (Morgan & Walker, 2008). However, in their content analysis of four United States textbooks, Morgan and Walker (2008) concluded that negative constructions were still evident and that some books did not reflect modernization in the âMiddle East,â and a few textbooks constructed the region as violent. Furthermore, pictographic representation in some books revealed what Morgan and Walker (2008) viewed as âproblems with the way women were shown and the frequency of pictures showing violence and violent leadersâ (p. 91). In another study that compared coverage in different time periods, Morgan (2008) surveyed constructions of peoples of Arab descent in textbooks published over four different time periods of 1898-1920, 65 1920-1940, 1945-1965, and 1970-1994. With textual analysis, Morgan found negative stereotypes, âbias towards the Arab political system, and pictures that donât reflect the everyday life of the majority of people in the Middle Eastâ (p. 329). Morganâs study noted the ongoing constructions of peoples of Arab descent as rich folk who live in desert oases, lack initiative, and have disdain for âWesternâ countries. Like Morgan and Walker (2008), Ouestlai et al. (2011) found improvement in textbook content, particularly in relation to Islam. Oueslati et al. conducted a content analysis of 211 social studies textbooks that were composed of 24 secondary education French language textbooks used from 1990 up to 2005, 88 new textbooks approved for 2006 educational reform, and 99 textbooks that were indirectly reviewed from the existing literature. Oueslati et al. (2011) surveyed the literature âdealing with the representation of minorities in Quebec textbooks used during the 1980s which included substantive references to Arabs and Muslimsâ (p. 7). Oueslati et al. found that coverage of Islam as a religion has improved over the years. However, they also found vague and biased public discourse about Islam and Muslim cultures and conflations with shifting references from Islam to peoples of Arab descent. Entanglement between Islam and peoples of Arab descent was also noted by David and Ayouby (2005) in their examination of a sample of educational source materials which were designed to foster âthe inclusion of Arab American components in multicultural curriculumâ (p. 13). David and Ayouby (2005) found conflation between âMuslimsâ and peoples of Arab descent and reported âconflation of the region known as the Middle East with the Arab world, or as the home of the Arab peopleâ (p. 14). Over the years, political developments and historical events from around the world (e.g., Iraq-Iran war, the September 11th attacks) reflected some changes in the coverage of topics that 66 involved peoples of Arab descent, as well as adherents to the Islamic faith and the âMiddle Eastâ and generated additional studies that examined textbook coverage. For example, Wiseman (2014) investigated the perspectives and ideologies concerning constructions of peoples of Arab descent and Islam in textbooks, specifically in âWestern countriesâ national education systemsâ (p. 312). Wiseman (2014) noted that the topics about peoples of Arab descent and the âMiddle Eastâ in textbooks were dominated with âthe Arab/Israeli conflictâ and the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, as well as topics that involved terrorism. Wisemanâs study included 72 textbooks from 15 countries; two of those were secondary world history textbooks from Canada. He conducted discourse analysis to examine the amount of coverage of topics about peoples of Arab descent and âMuslims.â The world history textbooks from Canada contained 1,026 pages of content; 18 of those were âdedicated to presenting Islam and Arab societiesâ (p. 322). Wiseman found âmuch more of a focus on the âMiddle East,â which includes non-Arab countries (e.g., Iran) rather than looking at the Arab and Islamic countries specificallyâ (p. 323). He concluded that stereotypical constructions of ideologically intolerant and aggressive âMuslimâ communities were consistent in the textbooks. Wisemanâs study showed how the little recognition of Islamâs value was common in the textbooks in different âWesternâ countries, and he further problematized this as an obstacle that did not promote âunderstanding the complexity of culture and political context in Islam and Arab societiesâ (p. 337). Similar to Wisemanâs study, Schellaas (2016) also noted the emphasis on the âMiddle Eastâ as a place of conflict and terrorism. Content analysis was utilized by Schellaas (2016) to examine three United States high school world history textbooks published between 2012 and 2016. Schellaas found emphasis on âterrorism,â ârefugee crisis,â and civil wars in Iraq, Iran, 67 Lebanon, and Syria that constructed the âMiddle Eastâ as violent and in ongoing conflict and crisis. Additionally, she noted biased descriptions of Palestinian resistance in the Israel-Palestine conflict and an emphasis on Israelâs perspective and a pro-Israeli stance. However, despite these conflicts, Schellaas also found that the âMiddle Eastâ was still constructed as a resource, with emphasis on the value of oil and the economic importance of the region. The constructions of the âMiddle Eastâ as a place of conflict and important natural resources were also noted in research by Salman (2014) who examined âhow the Middle East and its people were represented in U.S. elementary and middle school social studies textbooksâ (p. 2). Salman conducted a content analysis on ten elementary and middle school textbooks: social studies textbooks, geography textbooks, and world history textbooks and reported that the textbooks shared minimal and simplistic information about many countries that are predominantly inhabited by peoples of Arab descent. The most common topics included oil and its importance, followed by conflicts in the âMiddle Eastâ and the impact on those conflicts on Western policies. The emphasis of Islam on the âMiddle Eastâ and its inhabitants were also highlighted, as well as the political, military, economic roles of the United States and other Western nations relating to the âMiddle Eastâ and the region. Salmanâs study revealed omissions of detail pertaining to peoples of Arab descent. These findings were complemented with visual displays of deserts and oil fields that constructed peoples of Arab descent as nomads and Bedouins dressed in traditional clothing. Most of the studies mentioned thus far focused primarily on textbook constructions. In a study that included textbooks and teachers, Almosa (2006) examined data from 12 social studies textbooks, two literature texts, ten teacher interviews, as well as supplementary instructional materials used by teachers in Minnesota, in the United States. Almosaâs qualitative case study 68 revealed that the textbooks content conflated peoples of Arab descent and âMuslims,â lacked content about the âMiddle East,â and provided an inadequate understanding of countries that are predominantly inhabited by peoples of Arab descent. Some teachers in Almosaâs study showed awareness of the limitations of the coverage in their textbooks; consequently, they noted that they searched for additional teaching resources. Almosaâs study is somewhat comparable to the current study in its inclusion of textbook content, as well as teacherâs talk. However, unlike my study, Almosaâs emphasis remained focused on noting the content as opposed to engaging in a deeper analysis of textbooks and teachersâ talk. Critical approaches to examining textbook content and ideological assumptions in textbooks were noted in recent studies in Canada. Guided by the notion of âarchaeologyâ of knowledge, Ali (2013) examined 58 English Language textbooks for Grades 1â12 in Ontario to investigate constructions of âMuslimsâ in Western society. Aliâs findings revealed common constructions of âMuslimsâ living in Western societies as different and inferior to âWhite folkâ and as inept immigrants, conflicted, and oppressed groups who are rescued from wars, and as savage and menacing people who practice archaic traditions. In her study, Ali noted the orientalist lens in constructing Islam (Said, 1978/2003), as she revealed the complete absence of mentions of any âMuslimâ characters with extraordinary qualities or achievements, and problematized the salience âgiven primarily to the religious/cultural identity of Muslimsâ (p. 426), thus making religion the only visible feature in their identity. A finding that evokes the one dimensional narrative of âotheredâ peoples in ways that may contribute to their homogenization. In another critical approach to examining textbook content, Ali et al. (2011) used hermeneutic discourse analysis to examine constructions in 49 social studies textbooks from 69 Grades 1-10 used in Ontario. The researchers reported simplistic and negative constructions of âMuslims,â absence of critical information and context, and constructions of Islam and peoples of Arab descent (e.g., President Gamal Abdel Nasser) as threatening and aggressive. Moreover, Ali et al. (2011) reported âconflation of Muslims with Arabs [that] ignores the existence and accomplishments of well-developed non-Arab Muslims civilizationsâ (p. 32). Ali et al. connected these constructions with âotheringâ strategies that reduced â[t]he multiple and complex sociopolitical, economic, and ideological locations of contemporary Muslim societiesâ to simplistic constructions of the groups as irrational aggressors or victims of underdevelopment (p. 26). The researchers drew connections between the constructions of Islam with âMuslimâ and non âMuslimâ students; âMuslimâ students may experience alienation from the dominant culture, whereas the students from the dominant group may have more misunderstanding and stereotypes against âMuslimsâ (Ali et al., 2011). Orientalist views were similarly noted in a study by Zagumny and Richey (2012) who used critical discourse analysis to examine ten world geography textbooks available for adoption in secondary schools in Tennessee. The textbooks were collected âfrom three consecutive six-year cycles â1996 to 2002, 2002 to 2008, and 2008 to 2014â (p. 195). Their findings showed an âoverwhelmingâ modern/traditional dichotomy which was noted in subtitles, picturesâ captions, explanation of geographic and physical features, as well as the discussions and the lack of context of womenâs rights and roles, all of which were analyzed for how they constructed the polarizing views of historical and traditional non-Western others, and the failure to challenge âthe dominant stereotypes of Muslims or the layers of (mis)representations of Muslims/Arabs in the mediaâ (Zagumny & Richey, 2012, p. 206). With their critical approach, the researchers were 70 able to examine the ways visual displays in the textbooks reproduced orientalist constructions in the official curriculum. 3.3.3 Significance of examining constructions in the current study. As evident by the scholarly attention given to this topic, constructions that âotherâ cultural and religious groups, particularly peoples of Arab descent and adherents to the Islamic faith have gained considerable attention in the past few decades and continued to generate more interest in critically examining constructions and their potential implications for education. However, to date, there is little research that specifically examines the constructions of peoples of Arab descent in social studies textbooks that are employed in secondary schools in Canada. Moreover, there are a few studies that investigate how secondary school teachers describe their use of the recommended textbooks in teaching about peoples of Arab descent. This study acknowledges and builds on literature that problematized the ongoing âotheringâ of peoples of Arab descent, âMuslims,â and the âMiddle Eastâ (Said, 1978/2003). My study notes the absence of investigating constructions of peoples of Arab descent in educational text and talk in British Columbia, combines different elements from earlier studies that investigated similar topics, and expands on the scholarly efforts to date. For example, like Ali et al. (2011) and Zagumny and Richey (2012), I adopted a critical analytical lens to examine textbook content. And, like Kenny (1975) and Almosa (2006), I also included teachersâ talk to examine teachersâ perspectives of textbook constructions. However, my study diverges from most of the cited research specifically in using its critical analytical approach and joining different data sourcesâby linking textbooks with interviews with teachers and observations to examine how they talked about constructions in the textbooks. 71 The current study used CDA, as a methodology underpinned by a social constructionist orientation to knowledge (Fairclough, 2003), and aimed to uncover both explicit and/or implicit use of language and to examine constructions that hold and sustain the dominant groupsâ status (Fairclough, 2001). In this respect, it allows examination of knowledge with a critical lens that questions what knowledge is constructed, how it is constructed and shared, and what purpose does it serve. In this section, I showed the scholarly interest in examining constructions of peoples of Arab descent in entertainment and educational media. In Subsection 3.2.1, I focused on studies that examined constructions of peoples of Arab descent in different media, including film, comic books, video games, educational magazines, and newspapers. The findings in the subsection revealed negative and biased constructions (Dar, 2010; Steet, 2000) that reinforced the view of peoples of Arab descent and âMuslimsâ as threatening (Bakali, 2011; Jackson, 2010), and constructed the view of âMuslimsâ as violent and oppressive towards women (Golnaraghi & Mills, 2013; Jiwani, 2004, 2005). In Subsection 3.2.2, I examined findings from several studies that focused on textbooks, and I noted the similarities of negatively constructing and marginalizing peoples of Arab descent, âMuslims,â and the âMiddle Eastâ in books published as far back as 1898 and as recent as 2016 (See Morgan, 2008; Salman, 2014; Schellaas, 2016). This section demonstrated the growing scholarly emphasis on adopting critical approaches to examine constructions in textbooks as seen in Ali (2013) and Zagumny and Richey (2012) whose studies addressed the enduring orientalist constructions in textbooks. The current study builds on and extends the examination of the processes of producing and/or challenging the constructions of minoritized peoples as an âotherâ in educational text and talk. 72 3.4 Challenges to Teaching and Learning About Peoples of Arab Descent In light of the negative constructions in the media and the persistent inadequate content in textbooks that continue to construct peoples of Arab descent in stereotypical ways, this section highlights three important points that are relevant to this study: a) the need to acknowledge and challenge media influences on students and teachers; b) the need to acknowledge and challenge insufficient textbook content; and c) the need to acknowledge and address insufficient teaching skills and preparedness. These three points relate to this studyâs theoretical framework that emphasizes the importance of developing cultural competence with inclusive curriculum content that values all studentsâ cultures, and cultivating sociopolitical consciousness that emphasizes the need to critique and challenge structures that sustain social inequalities (Ladson-Billings, 1994/2009). By highlighting these points that surfaced in the literature, I emphasize challenges both inside and outside schools that may complicate teaching about peoples of Arab descent and that may benefit from culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching practices. 3.4.1 Acknowledge and challenge media influences on students and teachers. Constructions of peoples of Arab descent and adherents to the Islamic faith in media are emphasized in this study for their potential influences on students and on teachers. Popular media reinforces negative constructions of peoples of Arab descent, âMuslims,â and the âMiddle Eastâ (Shaheen, 2001), and creates âa highly stereotyped view of [Muslim] womenâ (Crocco, 2005, p. 566). Sensoy (2010) stated that âby the time students study the Middle East and Islam, they have already received a lifetime of media-based schooling about itâ (p. 113). Jackson (2010) addressed the potential influences media messages may have on young peoples, who may not 73 note the biased, stereotypical, and harmful constructions that associate particular groups with terrorism. Misunderstandings and stereotypes may alter the ways students view and value minoritized groups. Crocco (2005) claimed that âsince 9/11, the images of Afghani, Iraqi, Iranian, and Saudi women found in US media reports have reinforced the notion that the lives of these women can be summarized by the notion of oppressionâ and that students bring those assumptions to their social studies classrooms (p. 566). In addition to the mediaâs influence on students, scholars also acknowledged the concern with the potential influence of media on teachers and school environments, for example, Wingfield (2006), Naber (2008b), and Khouri (2016) argued that after the surge of post 9/11 characterizations in the media, North Americans, including educators connected Arab ethnicity with radical ideologies and terrorism. Although these statements were made in reference to the United States, similar situations can be observed in Canada by scholars who problematized the racialization of minoritized groups in schools (see Stonebanks, 2019), noting that misunderstandings, negative biases, and stereotypes of peoples of Arab descent and âMuslimsâ have influenced school environments (Asma, 2016; Zine, 2006). In light of the influences of media messages as part of the societal curriculum, scholars and teacher educators highlighted the importance of teaching students skills that could help them question and critique prevailing views in the larger society (Gay, 2000/2018, 2013; Ladson-Billings, 2014). In Chapter 2, I detailed several skills and practices that teachers need to enhance and apply in order to promote their own abilities to critique and challenge their own biases and assumptions. In their effort to help teachers address potential biases, Gay and Kirkland (2003) and other scholars (e.g., Pete, 2017) emphasized the importance of engaging in a rigorous process of self-reflection that may enable teachers to enhance their cultural critical consciousness 74 and become more cognizant of their assumptions, views, attitudes, and beliefs about minoritized groups. Self-reflection may help teachers determine ways to minimize negative effects of media on their own and their studentsâ assumptions and biases, particularly in relation to peoples of Arab descent. 3.4.2 Acknowledge and challenge insufficient textbook content. van Dijk and Atienza (2011) argued that curriculum content, including textbooks, construct knowledge that can reflect prevailing ideologies on minorities and sustain dominant class perspectives. Textbook production, as part of the curriculum, is a nonneutral assemblage of knowledge (Apple, 1993). From this perspective, what is included in textbooks is an outcome of a long selective process that involves an individualâs or a groupâs vision of what is seen as relevant or legitimate knowledge (Apple, 2011). Jorgensen (2014) stated that historians decide what should be included and/or omitted from the texts. For example, authors of social studies textbooks select specific versions of history that they consider significant. Further, the âcontroversies over âofficial knowledgeâ that usually center around what is included and excluded in textbooks really signify profound political, economic, and cultural relations and historiesâ (Apple, 2011, p. 171). In many ways, â[t]extbooks continue to hold the power to shape social view, perpetuate stereotypes and privilege some groups at the expense of othersâ (Zagumny & Richey, 2012, p. 209). Several scholars and educators noted the importance of actively including multiple perspectives into social studies curriculum content (Ali et al., 2013; Oueslati et al., 2011; Salman, 2014; Zagumny & Richey, 2012). Teacher educators stressed the importance of textbooks as teaching resources and suggested that teachers continue to heavily rely on 75 insufficient textbooks in their classrooms (see Gay, 2000/2018). Arguably, many textbooks contain nonfactual and insufficient information about culture and religion, and communicate essentializing and âotheringâ constructions toward minoritized groups (see Subsection 3.3.2). Teachersâ reliance on such textbooks poses concerns due to some textbooksâ âoutright erroneous information about culture and religionâ (Zagumny & Richey, 2012, p. 208) that communicates stereotypical views of peoples of Arab descent, Islam, and the âMiddle Eastâ (Ali, 2013; Douglass & Dunn, 2003; Kincheloe & Steinberg, 2004; Morgan, 2008; Salman, 2014). Zagumny and Richey (2012) argued that the construction of particular âknowledge concerning these vast geographic and cultural/religious groups is presented in such a way as to not challenge Orientalist meaning-makingâ (p. 208). In an effort to counter the stereotypes and the negative constructions about peoples of Arab descent, âMuslims,â and the âMiddle East,â scholars recommended raising the level of scholarship in textbooks to promote understanding about cultures and religions, and work toward challenging homogenization by acknowledging âcontexts of change across time and space that ultimately include all of humansâ (Douglass & Dunn, 2003, p. 70). In this vein, scholars stress the importance of abandoning constructing knowledge in binary fashion that continues to essentialize and âotherâ minoritized groups (Ali, 2013; Salman, 2014; Zagumny & Richey, 2012). Despite improvements along the years in constructions of peoples of Arab descent and âMuslimsâ in textbooks, which were noted by several scholars (e.g., Jackson, 2010; Morgan & Walker, 2008; Oueslati et al., 2011), textbook scholarship is still not doing enough to address cultural and religious stereotypes to counter the influences of negative constructions in different media (Douglass & Dunn, 2003; Jackson, 2010). 76 The shortcomings in the quality of textbook content emphasize the importance of culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching that is mindful of and willing to analyze curriculum content and instructional materials for authenticity, purpose, and significance (Gay, 2002a). In her efforts to promote culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching, Gay (2002a) suggested that teachers need to recognize potential biases in the textbooks they use, and they should know âhow to do deep cultural analyses of textbooks,â¦. [and] revise them for better representations of cultural diversityâ (p. 108). Educators believe that teachers are not doing enough to compensate limited curriculum content, for example, Crocco (2005) asserted that âWestern authors and social studies teachers often employ a mechanical approach to human rights, based on Western cultural values, that automatically interprets womenâs lives in less developed, especially Muslim, countries, as âoppressedââ (p. 563). 3.4.3 Acknowledge and address insufficient teachersâ skills and preparedness. In addition to having to use mandated textbooks that may include insufficient and limited content, teachers face more challenges that relate to their preparedness and skill level (Amjad, 2018). Teaching and learning about minoritized peoples is still met with resistance by social studies teachers for several reasons. Some of the reasons that may contribute to teachersâ resistance have been attributed to the assumption that âcomplexities of dealing with issues from multiple perspectives extends the curriculum significantly, â¦ [and the] need to maintain an âofficialâ posture towards the national story that does not undermine what they consider the âpatrioticâ demands of social studies curriculumâ (Crocco, 2005, p. 564). 77 Crocco (2005) noted that some teachers âdeal with societies and cultures in a monolithic, superficial, and consensual fashion, keeping issues of difference and perspective to a minimumâ (p. 565). Further to this point, Jackson (2010) reiterated the concern that teachers lack formal training or preparation to discuss controversial issues and topics substantively in their classrooms. In a broader view, Gay and Howard (2000), Howard (2003), Young (2010), and Gist (2014) suggested that teachers are not prepared with adequate knowledge and skills to sufficiently reflect on and examine how perspectives may impact teaching culturally diverse learners. Recent studies reflected these scholarly concerns about teacherâs preparedness, particularly in relation to teachersâ misinformation and lack of understanding of topics relating to peoples of Arab descent, Islam, and the âMiddle East.â For example, Amjad (2018) found that teachers had difficulty understanding studentsâ cultures and religion [i.e., Islam], and lacked critical evaluation of biases and assumptions. Amjad stated that âsome Muslim students perceive most of their teachers not only as inefficient in combatting racism, discrimination and Islamophobia, but also as promoting injustice through their teaching methods and curriculumâ (p. 327). In a similar study, Al-Fartousi (2016) examined âyoung female Shiâi Muslim Arabic-Canadian studentsâ experiences associated with wearing the Hijabâ (p. 192). Al-Fartousi (2016) revealed that some teachers were unaware of âthe complexity and dynamics of cultural practices of diverse Muslim groups, and the discourse of âotherizingâ was common in participantsâ [students] learning environmentâ (p. 215). In an effort to promote alternative ways to diversify teaching perspectives, Crocco (2005) addressed the challenge of incorporating gender issues into social studies and noted that âteachers often lack background in womenâs history and, in particular, requisite knowledge about womenâs social and political conditionsâ (p. 564). Croccoâs inquiry-oriented exercise around 78 using fictional literature in social studies examined ways to diversify knowledge about different cultures and groups with alternative books and recommendations that may include various perspectives into social studies classrooms. The substance of Croccoâs discussion suggests that social studies teachers can employ several alternative methods, including fiction, to introduce perspectives and enrich context in learning about essentialized people. Moreover, similar to Jackson (2010) and Zagumny and Richey (2012), Crocco emphasized the need to develop âeducatorsâ and future educatorsâ capacity to read all texts, fiction and non-fiction, as well as visual media, with a sophisticated post-colonial consciousnessâ (p. 578). Croccoâs explorations demonstrated that adding alternative resources may initiate talks about cultures, critique of literature, and evaluation of different modes of constructions. This section highlighted three points that emerged in the literature that reflect potential challenges that may impact teaching and learning about peoples of Arab descent. The first was noted in the persistent media constructions that can potentially influence students and teachers, the second was noted in the insufficient textbook content, and the third was noted in the teachersâ lack of skill and preparedness to teach about minoritized peoples and explore controversial topics in their classrooms. The three challenges that are listed in this section place emphasis on the culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching practices that encourage teachers to critique knowledge construction processes, develop their own and their studentsâ cultural competence, and cultivate sociopolitical consciousness to help students analyze, challenge, and confront biases in societal and official curricula (Gay, 2000/2018; Ladson-Billings, 1994/2009, 2014). Further, the three challenges also emphasize the importance of self-reflection and cultural 79 critical consciousness, both of which could lead teachers to question and challenge their knowledge about individuals from diverse backgrounds. 3.5 Chapter Summary This chapter was divided into four sections that introduced the literature that informed this study. The first section began with a brief introduction to peoples of Arab descent and identified the language that is used in this dissertation. The second section elaborated on Saidâs (1978/2003) views on orientalism as a post-colonial concept that describes the historical and sociopolitical influences that have contributed, and continue to contribute, to the constructions of peoples of Arab descent and adherents to the Islamic faith as âothersâ in North America. The third section detailed constructions of peoples of Arab descent, as well as adherents to the Islamic faith, and the âMiddle East,â in different entertainment and educational media, including textbooks. The review showed that constructions of peoples of Arab descent in the media appear to have been consistently negative, and noted that the examined textbooks in the various studies mirrored some of the mediaâs negative and homogenizing constructions of peoples of Arab descent. Moreover, despite some improvement, textbooks were still considered insufficient to challenge the polarizing views that target particular minoritized groups, including peoples of Arab descent and adherents to the Islamic faith. The fourth section highlighted three points that address challenges to teaching and learning about peoples of Arab descent: the need to become cognizant of mediaâs influences on students and teachers, the need to develop inclusive textbook content and curriculum, and the need to promote teachersâ skills that are consistent with culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching, all of which are critical to recognize and challenge the âotheringâ of minoritized groups. 80 The next chapter is dedicated to the methodological approach and research design. The chapter introduces the researcherâs positionality, and describes CDA as a methodological approach that offers a critical focus on linguistic and discursive meanings in texts. Chapter 3 details the data collection process, ethical considerations, and shares an overview of the analytical tools and the analytical procedure that guided my examinations of the educational text and talk. 81 Chapter 4: Methodology and Research Design Examining constructions of peoples of Arab descent in educational text and talk requires an analytical approach that systematically investigates the meaning making processes in texts. This chapter is divided into five sections. The first section clarifies my position as the researcher. The second section focuses on CDA as the methodological approach for this research, as described by Fairclough (2003), followed by a third section that introduces the rationale for selecting CDA. The fourth section addresses ethical concerns and details the process of data collection. The fifth section illustrates the process of data analysis, specifically pertaining to analytical tools, analytical procedure, and presentation of the findings. 4.1 Researcherâs Position âI really donât like being Arab. The teacher said that women canât even vote in the Arab world.â Those words have stuck with me since my daughter arrived from school one day, telling me about how her social studies teacher taught them that women in the âArab worldâ are not allowed to vote. My daughter described how she felt embarrassed and uncomfortable, especially because she was the only student of Arab descent in the classroom. On that day, I explained to my daughter that the âArab worldâ is not one country, and that each country in the so-called âArab worldâ has its government, policies, and rules. My daughterâs face lit up when I told her that women in Lebanon, our country of origin, have had the right to vote since 1952. I have lived in Canada for nearly 30 years and raised two daughters in this country; both of whom attended elementary and secondary schools in different cities and provinces. Across these various cities and provinces, I have had several encounters of overgeneralized constructions of peoples of Arab descent. Over the years, I corrected information that both my 82 daughters learned in schools about peoples of Arab descent, some of which originated from their textbooks and from their teachersâ lack of knowledge on this topic. I am a citizen of both Lebanon and Canada. I spent my early years and part of my adolescent years in the first and became an adult in the second. My early years of life involved attending school during a religiously fuelled and politically motivated civil war following the 1982 Israeli invasion and occupation of my first home country, Lebanon. I experienced the loss of family members, neighbors, and friends before my family fled the country and became refugees for a short time before returning to Lebanon. My experiences sensitized me to the ways cultural, religious, linguistic, social and other differences can easily become resources for conflict and construct cultural borders even within a neighborhood in the same country. I include this information reluctantly, but I find it relevant to share especially after I worked as a sessional lecturer in the teacher education program at the University of British Columbia (UBC), taught in culturally diverse classrooms in the Teacher Education Program, and realized how important it is for me as an educator to reflect on my biases toward all kinds of differences, and reflect on how I communicate knowledge about cultural differences. In addition, my assumptions, personal views, values, ideologies, experiences, and sociocultural position risk influencing how I read, describe, and interpret the texts that I have chosen to research. However, my cultural background and my position as a member of a minoritized group in my country of origin, Lebanon, and in my adopted country, Canada, instils in me a social commitment to participate in promoting cultural competence and sociopolitical consciousness as preconditions for reducing cultural discrimination and prejudice. From a social constructionist perspective, I note the unresolved tension between how I view myself and my 83 role as a researcher in this study. As a consequence, I attempt to address this tension by becoming more conscious of my experiences and potential biases and by recognizing that these experiences will undoubtedly inform my research. Further to this point, I also recognize the potential impact of my background on the research participants. The ways I introduced myself to the participants and my surname after marriage (Rachid)âa known Arabic nameâmay have influenced how the participants saw me, perhaps as a person of Arab descent, and may have led them to assume, albeit incorrectly, that I am an adherent to the Islamic faith. In this respect, the ways the participants viewed me may have altered the ways they interpreted and/or responded to my questions and how they identified themselves and described their teaching in regard to peoples of Arab descent. I am aware that every individual is entangled in the circulation, reproduction and transformation of constructions of the social world. As a researcher, I am undoubtedly influenced by my personal experiences, socioeconomic status, and by the ideologies that I have been exposed to all my life. As a critical discourse analyst, I investigate elements through socially co-constructed ways of knowing and being in the world; that is, seeing and understanding the social world as repeated and reconstructed ideas that are communicated through a variety of social interactions. Social interactions are composed of discourses that are subject to diverse interpretations by producers, distributors, and consumers. From this perspective, I have come to terms with the notion that my interpretation of what is said and exchanged is socially constructed knowledge that is produced by an individual who is influenced by the discourses that I analyze; therefore, I am limited by my own experiences and assumptions. 84 With this research, I take a socially responsible stance to promote better conditions for dialogue that can counter homogenizing constructions of peoples of Arab descent. I do not claim to be neutral or to possess an objective view of the social world. However, my awareness and theoretical approach motivate me to reflect on and question my assumptions, and to try to minimize the effects of taken for granted common sense understandings and potential biases. 4.2 CDA: A Methodological Approach CDA is underpinned by a social constructionist orientation to knowledge (Fairclough, 2003; van Dijk, 1993). From its start, CDA integrated linguistic analysis and social theory to eventually emerge as a distinct theory of language associated with critical linguistic analysis (van Dijk, 1993), and became recognized as a method of analysis within qualitative research (Langley & Abdullah, 2011). According to Fairclough (2003), CDA examines the ways societies produce beneficial and detrimental effects, mainly through language, and how those effects can be ameliorated or otherwise mitigated. CDA aims to examine both explicit and/or implicit use of language, and to investigate how it is constructed to hold the dominant groupsâ status and sustain existing ideology (Fairclough, 2001). Language, in this respect, is a productive and constraining system that functions to sustain power inequalities in the social world. As a significant communication tool, language can be used to create, maintain, and influence beliefs, values, thoughts, and behaviors that, in turn, shape interactions in ways that form, challenge, or sustain dominant ideologies. CDA is a methodology for analyzing relationships, assumptions, and discourses in texts, and for examining how meanings in texts operate to advance a perspective. A discourse can be 85 viewed as a way of representing the world in text and talk. Further, it is described âas ways of representing aspects of the world â the processes, relations and structures of the material world, the âmental worldâ of thoughts, feelings, beliefs and so forth, and the social worldâ (Fairclough, 2003, p. 124). The current study adopts Faircloughâs (2003) approach to discourse analysis that is based upon the assumption that language is a part of social life, and it is âdialectically interconnected with other elements of social lifeâ (p. 2). Social life is how Fairclough (2003) termed the social construction of the material world. This view highlights the importance of analysis and research that takes account of language use. The dialectical relationship between language and society suggests that: whenever people speak or listen or write or read, they do so in ways which are determined socially and have social effects. Even when people are most conscious of their own individuality and think themselves to be most cut off from social influences â¦ they still use language in ways which are subject to social convention. (Fairclough, 2001, p. 19) From this perspective, linguistic phenomena can be viewed as social phenomena. The current research acknowledges both the external relations between language and society, and the internal and dialectical relations that exist between the two (Fairclough, 2003). 4.2.1 Internal relations/linguistic analysis. Internal relations are relations found within the text and contain syntagmatic and paradigmatic relations. Syntagmatic relations are attentive to relations âbetween elements which are actually present in a textâ (Fairclough, 2003, p. 37). Paradigmatic relations are ârelations of choice, and they draw attention to relations between what 86 is actually present and what might have been present but is not â âsignificant absencesââ (Fairclough, 2003, p. 37). At the internal level, the emphasis is on semantic, grammatical, lexical, and phonological relations. 4.2.2 External relations/text analysis. Analysis of the external relations of texts is an analysis of their relations with other elements in other texts (Fairclough, 2003). External relations highlight how the text incorporates, alludes to, and assumes elements of other texts. Fairclough (2003) stated, â[w]hat is âsaidâ in a text is âsaidâ against a background of what is âunsaidâ, but taken as givenâ (p. 40). In this respect, the text may incorporate assumptions that are connected to external texts. Assumptions can be viewed as presuppositions that âare not generally attributed or attributable to specific textsâ (Fairclough, 2003, p. 40). Assumptions in texts are highlighted by identifying and examining claims that are made by the author/speaker, in both what is said and unsaid. With emphasis on internal and external relations in texts, CDA guides examination of the lexical and grammatical choices that construct meanings, as well as examination of the potential ideological reproductions in texts. Fairclough (2001) suggested that text analysis is only a part of analyzing discourse. In Faircloughâs (2001) view, a discourse can be influenced by the social conditions of production and interpretation that necessitates analysis of productive and interpretive processes. The immediate environment in which the discourse occurs shapes the resources that people draw on as they produce or interpret texts, and in turn, influences production and interpretation of texts. From this perspective, the resources that influence discourses are viewed as socially originated. 87 Faircloughâs (2003) approach to CDA provides options that enable analysts to avoid several shortcomings that are highlighted by Antaki et al. (2004). Antaki et al. (2004) warned about the pitfalls of underanalysis through: 1) generating data summary; 2) resorting to circular identification of mental constructs and attributing what is said to peoplesâ thoughts and attitudes; 3) falsely surveying oneâs findings; and 4) spotting features in text without noting how they are used, and for what purpose. I worked carefully to ensure that the analysis presented here overcame these shortcomings. Antaki et al. (2004) identified two additional shortcomings of discourse analysis that were considered, but not incorporated into this study. First, they suggested that analysts should not take sides by incorporating the analystâs own moral, political or personal stance. For example, they assume that the researcher can remain neutral. This does not align with the inherently critical perspective that is adopted in this study that acknowledges the researcher as a part of the study, and as an individual who engages in critical interpretation and examination of how language is used as a site for social struggle (see Fairclough, 2001). Further, their perspective conflicts with the researcherâs role to provide textual evidence of social inequalities and power imbalances that are inherent within society and that serve dominant groupsâ interests at the expense of minoritized peoples (Fairclough, 2003). Second, Antaki et al (2004) advised against using isolated quotation, such as removing quotes from the context of the interview transcript. While this was considered, ultimately, isolated quotations were used in order to highlight the linguistic and discursive features. This is most evident in Chapter 6, the analysis of interview data, which includes excerpts from interview transcripts, as well as isolated quotations in table format. The identification and representation of isolated quotations is reflective of and consistent with the lexical and linguistic analysis in this study, therefore, isolated quotations 88 were considered beneficial for illustrating the micro level analysis that was undertaken by the researcher. My analytical approach involved close engagement with educational text and talk and acknowledgement of the processes of production and interpretation of texts (Antaki et al., 2004). In other words, both educational text and talk in this study were analyzed with awareness of the potential social origins of what is said, shared, and interpreted, such as origins in the ideologies that may influence the constructions in texts. With this approach, I was able to examine âwhatâ constructions of peoples of Arab descent were present in the text and talk, and I was also able to show âhowâ they were constructed in the textbooks and by the participants. 4.3 Rationale for Using CDA Fairclough (2003) emphasized that analysis of texts has to relate to theoretical questions about discourse, and that an understanding of social effects of discourse is only possible through âlooking closely at what happens when people talk or writeâ (p. 3). From this perspective, CDA is suitable to provide insights into relationships within language as it views language as âinseparable from its socio-linguistic context, its mediation of ideology and its relation to power structures within societyâ (Orpin, 2005, pp. 37-38). As a methodology, CDA allows researchers to examine textual and discursive processes and the constructions that they perpetuate and reproduce. The current study examined lexical and grammatical relations in texts and the ways the texts incorporated, alluded to, and assumed elements of other texts. Conducting linguistic and discursive analyses enabled me to examine systematic use of linguistic features in order to identify and ground discourses in the texts. 89 This study examined both text and talk with the awareness that both text and talk involve individuals who are influencers and influenced by the existing discourses, and who may reproduce discourses from different texts. From this perspective, analyzing teachersâ talk enabled me to investigate the ways teachers constructed peoples of Arab descent and the ways they talked about using the textbooks in teaching about peoples of Arab descent. The analysis of teachersâ talk provided information about âwhatâ and âhowâ teachersâ talk about using the textbooks, and in the process I was able to interpret how they may build on, borrow from, and/or challenge discourses that emerge in the analyzed textbooks. Chapter 3 noted that many studies of textbook constructions of peoples of Arab descent applied content analysis. However, CDA was favored for this study for its extensive framework and tools for analyzing and interpreting potential ideological, social, and political implications of constructions in texts. With CDA, I engaged in both examining what is said and how it is said, as well as what is unsaid in text and talk. In the process, I considered sociohistorical contexts that could potentially influence the meanings in text. Further, CDA aligns with theoretical underpinnings that frame this study, particularly the emphasis on disrupting power relations that sustain cultural and social inequities. CDA is well-suited to examine how academic text and talk reproduce or challenge ideological perspectives (e.g., constructions of differences and commonalities) that construct knowledge in ways that may contribute to sustaining power relations in the social world. 4.4 Research Methods: Data Sources, Criteria and Collection In the current study, three data sources: textbooks, interview transcripts, and observation notes were used. Textbook analysis was supported by semi-structured interviews and non- 90 participatory observations to investigate how teachers talk about using the textbooks to teach about constructions of peoples of Arab descent. Textbook data was taken from two social studies textbooks for Grades 10 and 11 that are currently available in British Columbia high schools. Interview transcripts were generated from a semi-structured interview with five teachers employed in British Columbia high schools. In addition to the interview, data also included observation notes that were generated from a single one hour-long observation in each of the participantsâ classrooms. The following paragraphs describe using textbooks, interview transcripts, and observation notes as data sources. 4.4.1 Textbooks. As pedagogical tools, textbooks signify particular constructions of reality (Apple, 2011) and convey cultural, social, and political perspectives (Nicholls, 2003; Schissler, 2009). Textbooks are sources for officially producing, reproducing, and disseminating knowledge sets, as such they can carry values and value-laden assumptions about individuals and groups (Schissler, 2009). The notion that textbooks are written to support a provincial curriculum by authors who are selected for their familiarity with provincial curricula and pedagogy, as opposed to their historical scholarship (Clark, 2005), creates more reasons to look at content in textbooks with a critical lens. Social studies textbooks, in particular, are utilized for this research because of their potential role in communicating knowledge that conveys power relations in different settings, and for communicating multicultural ideals in society. According to Banks (2010), the inclusion of multicultural ideals and varied perspectives is easier to achieve for the subjects of humanities and social sciences. In line with culturally relevant and culturally 91 responsive pedagogical approaches, curriculum content of the textbooks is a significant component to teaching âto and throughâ cultural differences (Gay, 2013, 2018). 4.4.1.1 Criteria for the selection of textbooks. Four criteria were used to select textbooks. First, the textbooks were approved by the British Columbia Ministry of Education. Second, they were recommended and available for use in secondary schools in British Columbia. Third, they were familiar to and used by the participants. Fourth, they contained information that is relevant to the research questions. British Columbiaâs Grade 12 curriculum does not include social studies courses and textbooks, therefore Grade 12 was not considered for this research. While this study was conducted prior to the transition to the new curriculum in 2019/2020, which aimed to provide teachers with flexibility to explore topics in more depth, content in the old and the new curriculum share some similarity. For example, Grade 10 social studies continues to focus on particular incidents in Canadaâs history, such as âdiscriminatory policies and injustices in Canada and the world, such as the Head Tax, the Komagata Maru incident, residential schools, and internments,â âinternational conflicts and co-operation,â and âchanging conceptions of identity in Canadaâ (Province of British Columbia, 2020, p. 272). Grade 11 social studies continues to emphasize learning about âmajor issues in local, regional, and international politicsâ (Province of British Columbia, 2020, p. 273). The new curriculum for both Grades 10 and 11 stresses competencies, such as learning to analyze cause and consequence, identify continuity and change, and take historical perspectives. Notably, while the social studies textbooks used in this study were not mandatory for the old or the new curriculum, both textbooks were made available to teachers and address topics and concepts that are a part of the curriculum. 92 Two textbooks that met the criteria above were chosen. The first was Horizons: Canadaâs Emerging Identity, which is the current Grade 10 social studies textbook that is authored by Cranny, Javis, Moles, and Seney (2009). It is referred to in this dissertation as Horizons. Horizons consisted of four units with a total of nine chapters that are organized around what the authors titled as âKey Eventsâ that occurred between the years 1810 and 1920 in Canada. This textbook addresses internal Canadian affairs, geography, economy, political parties, womenâs rights in Canada, and the environment. The second was Counterpoint: Exploring Canadian Issues, which is an updated Grade 11 social studies textbook that is authored by Cranny and Moles (2010). It is referred to in this study as Counterpoints. Counterpoints is described by authors as inclusive of diverse ethnic groups in Canada with international coverage of major world events. The book is divided into four units that include 13 chapters. Counterpoints is organized into what the authors entitled, âKey Events in History,â that are discussed under different categories, such as Aboriginal Peoples, Minorities and Immigrants, Canadian, International, and Prime Ministers. Each chapter includes photographs, fast-forward comments, practice questions, and chapter reviews with paragraphs titled âCritical Thinkingâ and âDocument Analysis.â Both textbooks were scanned for keywords that relate to this research topic, such as âimmigrant,â âArab,â ârefugees,â âNear East,â âMiddle East,â âIslam,â âNorth Africa,â and âmulticultural.â The textbooks seemed to include issues of multiculturalism, immigration, and ethnic minorities in Canada, however, Horizons focused on Canadaâs internal affairs and did not expand the discussion to include international events. Counterpoints had a broader range of topics that included internal affairs, as well as international events and historical conflicts. 93 4.4.1.2 Textbook analysis. The textbook analysis started with a reading of each text to familiarize myself with the stylistic properties and structures that constitute cues for analysis and interpretation. In line with this studyâs social constructionist approach, the researcher does not enter a study with a completely blank slate, therefore, highlighting sensitizing concepts such as terms, phrases, and constructs (e.g., diversity, peace-keeping, human rights, Eurocentrism, multicultural, nationalism, discrimination experiences, cultural differences) that related to this study was an initial step to navigate the textbook content. Sensitizing concepts are reference points that facilitate organization and analysis of data (Patton, 2002). Identifying sensitizing concepts provided initial direction to examine how the texts could challenge or build on the prevalent concepts that are noted by the researcher. Next, I highlighted the instances that directly or indirectly related to constructions of peoples of Arab descent. Nine instances surfaced in total across both textbooks. I engaged in linguistic analysis of the linguistic features in the identified instances. For this level, I noted vocabulary (e.g., repetitive lexical choices), and other elements used to add coherence and meanings to text (e.g., arrangement of events, visual displays). Analysis of instances in the textbooks involved interpreting discursive meanings within text. At the external level, I analyzed elements in the instances in the examined text that incorporate, allude to, and assume elements of other texts. The analysis included interpreting assumptions in what is said and unsaid and identified discourses in text that build on and contribute to discourses in society. 4.4.2 Teachersâ talk: Interview transcripts and observation notes. Textbooks are utilized by teachers who interact with their content. Teachers are in positions to potentially influence or augment the dominant discourses in their textbooks and resources. From this perspective, 94 analyzing teachersâ talk provides information about the ways teachers produce on and/or challenge content from the examined textbooks and whether they promote cultural competence and sociopolitical consciousness, particularly in relation to peoples of Arab descent. Through social interactions and instructions in their classrooms, teachers may be able to reproduce or challenge the discourses that are found in the educational texts and the larger society. Ladson-Billings (1994/2009) claimed that the ways teachers mediate learning can be an opportunity for them to inspire democratic ideals in their students, as well as help foster greater awareness for equitable constructions in schools. In this sense, the role of teachers is emphasized for their potential to encourage students of all backgrounds to investigate, question, understand, and challenge what is written in their textbooks. According to Gay (2000/2018) and Ladson-Billings (1994/2009), culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching demands that teachers help all students reflect on their experiences and biases, share their cultural knowledge, and relate the curriculum to their lives and cultural experiences outside school. Teachers may help students challenge how they see the world and hold value for all groups equally (see Ghosh & Galczynski, 2014). In this respect, teachers are expected to be involved in what and how knowledge is constructed and the way it is communicated to students. 4.4.2.1 Participant recruitment. This study adhered to ethical principles that are detailed by the University of British Columbia Behavioral Research Ethics Board (UBC BREB), such as Respect for Persons, Concern for Welfare, and Justice (Panel of Research Ethics, 2015). Ethical concerns were addressed, especially concerning anonymity, welfare of participants, respect for othersâ dignity, and the right to be heard. 95 The researcher in qualitative research often engages in purposeful recruitment of participants (Creswell, 2009). Participant recruitment is determined by the theoretical perspective and the research questions (Sargeant, 2012). The recruitment of participants for this research underwent several steps in a thorough ethical process to gain accessibility to schools and classrooms in British Columbia. First, I applied to and received approval from UBC BREB. Then, I requested and received consent from two school boards, one of which is the largest in British Columbia, to approach schools in their districts in an effort to recruit participants for this project. Next, I sent invitations along with the verification of school board consent forms to 22 principals in secondary schools in Merrit City District and Rockview District (pseudonyms used) to request their permission to contact teachers in their schools. Three principals from Merrit City District responded and expressed interest in the study. All three principals received a hard copy of the consent form (see Appendix A), followed by a face-to-face meeting to obtain informed consent and address concerns and questions. The meetings concluded with signing the consent forms. After receiving consent from principals, the first round of invitations was sent out to all teachers in districts and schools that granted research access. The response was slow and discouraging at first. However, eventually five teachers from three schools in Merrit School District (pseudonym used) responded and expressed interest in the study. Hard copies of the consent forms were delivered to the teachers to obtain their informed consent (see Appendix B). All potential participants were briefed on the research during face-to-face meetings, during which I addressed questions and concerns (e.g., time, anonymity). Despite their busy schedules, as well as the fact that this research offers no immediate benefit to the participants, they consented to participating in this research. 96 All five teachers met the criteria to join this study. Recruiting criteria were as follows: â¢ Teachers must have taught or be teaching social studies in Grades 10 and/or 11 in British Columbia; â¢ Teachers must have at least three years of experience teaching social studies; and â¢ Teachers must have used or be using one or more of the textbooks that are selected for the current study. Table 4.1 lists profiles for five participants and includes information about participantsâ pseudonyms, grades, teaching subjects, years of experience, school names, and districts. Unnecessary risks were minimized by using pseudonyms to conceal participantsâ identities, school names, locations, and districts. All participants were employed in high schools in British Columbia. All of them were teaching social studies, with the exception of two who were also teaching social justice and geography. The participants were familiar with both textbooks used for this research and had used one or both textbooks in their classrooms. 97 Participantsâ Profiles 4.4.2.2 Collection of data: Teacher interviews and observations. In addition to textbooks, the data included interview transcripts and observation notes. Data was gathered from teachers with two methods: a semi-structured interview and a non-participatory observation. Interviews are significant tools for qualitative research and can be an effective method to examine a topic and obtain input from participants (DiCicco-Bloom & Crabtree, 2006; Patton, 2002). Patton (2002) stated that âinterviews begin with the assumption that the perspective of others is meaningful, knowable, and able to be made explicitâ (p. 341). In this research, an interview was used to invite the participantsâ perspectives on how they used the textbooks in their classrooms. A semi-structured interview was conducted with all five participants. The interview followed a specific order based on Pattonâs advice that suggests that asking the same basic questions in the same order can facilitate organization and analysis of data. Patton stated that this standardized approach increases comparability of intervieweesâ answers and potentially reduces interviewer effects and biases. Additionally, the approximately one-hour long interview Table 4.1 Participant pseudonym Grades & current teaching subjects Years of experience School pseudonym School District pseudonym Juliane Social Studies 8, 10, & 11 8 years FerryField Secondary Merrit City District Rolland Social Studies 8 & 11 Geography 12 15 years Shadow Hills School Merrit City District Elizabeth Social Studies 8, 10 & 11 15 years Langcrest Secondary Merrit City District Casey Social Studies 10 Social Justice 12 28 years Langcrest Secondary Merrit City District Emery Social Studies 8, 9, & 10 3 years FerryField Secondary Merrit City District 98 consisted of open-ended questions to allow for flow of information and to enable participants to share their views and experiences, and to expand their answers at their own discretion (Patton, 2002). In sum, semi-structured interviews were chosen for their potential to elicit data that is grounded in the participantsâ experiences (DiCicco-Bloom & Crabtree, 2006). Patton (2002) asserted that rigorous and disciplined inquiry requires skill and technique. Several steps were taken to improve the quality of the interview feedback. For example, prior to conducting the interviews, a pilot interview was considered necessary to address potentially diverse responses to the interview questions and improve their quality (Patton, 2002). The interview was piloted with a volunteer teacher who was not one of the five participants in this research. The pilot interview was not recorded. Feedback from the pilot interview helped me estimate the approximate duration of the interview and identify areas that seemed redundant and/or unclear. The interview questions were revised accordingly (see Appendix C). As mentioned, the interview questions were designed to elicit responses about topics that are relevant to this research. The structuring of the interview began with inquiries about the participantsâ perspectives of basic concepts, such as multiculturalism and multicultural education, and limitations of teaching for cultural diversity in their classrooms. Then, the questions inquired about how the participants used the textbooks to teach about peoples of Arab descent. Interviews were audio-recorded with the participantsâ consent. Conducting interviews and scheduling a single observation per classroom to collect data from participants were time-consuming processes that involved several steps to earn access to the participantsâ classrooms. After at least three emails to each participant, I was able to schedule 99 the interviews two to three weeks after the first contact. The interviews ranged from 60-90 minutes. An observation was scheduled after all five interviews were completed. Only one observation of each participantâs class was possible for two main reasons. First, the teachers identified the topic of interest to this study as an occasional topic that comes up in classroom discussions, not as a required teaching material for Grades 10 and 11 that is expected to occur regularly. Second, the participants seemed to have an intense workload and busy schedules. The single observation was mutually decided to occur on a day that could include teaching material with potential connections to peoples of Arab descent. Each single observation was scheduled on dates that were chosen by the participants and each observation lasted for one class period. The observation was a passive type (Spradley, 1980). In this sense, classroom observations were non-participatory and did not involve any engagement with participants or students in the classrooms. To make the most out of the verbal exchanges that took place during the observation period, I followed recommendations that were described by Payne and Payne (2004) and focused on what is seen as relevant data amidst the complexities of exchanges. I took observation notes of the following: how teachers utilized textbooks (e.g., were the lesson plans drawn from or inspired by the book?), what, if any, external sources and visual displays were used in the class? (e.g., did the teachers introduce content from outside the textbook?), what types of examples and activities were employed to augment textbook content in their classrooms in relation to the topic of this research? (see Appendix D). Classroom observations were not audio- recorded. After completing both interviews and observations, interviews were transcribed guided by transcription conventions adapted from Fairclough (2003) and Schiffrin (2006) (see Appendix 100 E). Data collection and transcription followed a specific protocol to enhance systemization. The transcribed interviews were read and re-read to ensure that the transcripts adequately addressed anonymity concerns. A follow-up meeting was scheduled with each of the participants to review and discuss the transcripts in an effort to review the transcript with each participant. Member-checking ranged between 40-50 minutes. All participants were invited to expand on their transcribed answers and offer any additional input to ensure that the transcripts and analysis of transcripts were coherent with what they intended to communicate to me. These steps elicited additional clarifications from the participants and enhanced the reliability of the data. During the meetings, I read passages, answers, and stories that were most relevant to the topic and shared my interpretation of their answers. I invited participants to make any clarifications, additions, or changes. The participants were content with their responses and did not express the desire to make any changes. I concluded the meetings by rechecking participantsâ comfort level and expressed my gratitude for the significant role they played in my research. 4.4.2.3 Analysis of interview transcripts. The interview analysis started with a thorough reading of each transcript to familiarize myself with each participantâs responses. Several sensitizing concepts were examined across the transcripts (e.g., Eurocentrism, terrorism, acceptance, discrimination, cultural diversity). The next step included examination of linguistic features that the participants used to construct meanings in text and address the interview questions in each transcript. The linguistic features were further examined for how they contribute to constructions of peoples of Arab descent and the assumptions they carry about peoples of Arab descent. Descriptions and 101 interpretations of the linguistic features produced a foundation for identifying discourses in the examined texts. Analyzing interview transcripts also included exploration of external relations in text that examined the ways elements in the text may have incorporated and alluded to elements of other texts (Fairclough, 2003). Analysis included identifying discourses in teachersâ talk and noting how those contribute to, draw from, influence, and be influenced by discourses that emerge in the textbooks and in society. With this in mind, I interpreted the relations between discourses that were prominent in all transcripts and that related to the textbooks, and examined some of the ways those discourses may produce and/or challenge dominant ideologies in society. 4.4.2.4 Analysis of observation notes. Analyzing observation notes began by reviewing and highlighting elements (e.g., lexical choices and temporal and spatial markers). No visual displays were introduced by the teachers during the observations, therefore, the analysis of observation notes does not include visual displays. First, sensitizing concepts were utilized for observation notes. Noting sensitizing concepts enabled me to highlight prevalent words and phrases that could relate to the study (e.g., terrorism, refugees) and helped organize data around the focal points of classroom discussions. In this way, sensitizing concepts assisted the observation notes in narrowing down and organizing observations and making decisions about what to note (Patton, 2015). Analysis focused on the lexical choices that identified and introduced topics in relation to constructions of peoples of Arab descent in the classroom, and how constructions of peoples of Arab descent were described in those topics. Next, interpretations of observation notes were cross-checked with interpretations in interview transcripts to note contradictions, commonalities, descriptions, and inclusions/exclusions of constructions of peoples of Arab descent. Finally, observation notes, as teachersâ talk, were also 102 examined for the ways they draw from, influence, and are influenced by discourses that emerged in interview transcripts and textbooks, and how they may produce and/or challenge dominant discourses in society. 4.5 Analytical Tools and Procedure This section begins by introducing analytical tools that were applied in this study. The section also includes details about the analytical procedure and the organization and presentation of the findings. 4.5.1 Analytical tools. CDA provides several tools that can guide the analysis of the data. Specific analytical tools were chosen to analyze and interpret meaning in text. For example, lexicalization, temporal and spatial markers, arrangement of events, and visual displays assisted in examining meaning making in the examined text and talk. 4.5.1.1 Lexicalization. Analyzing lexical choices aids the process of examining the function of language at the textual level and systemically examine its social meanings and relations before identifying discourse(s) in and outside the text. Lexical choices may have meanings that build on and perpetuate inequalities that contribute to constructions of minoritized groups (e.g., peoples of Arab descent). Fairclough (2003) suggested that discourses can be identified in terms of linguistic relations between words. Collocations note patterns and repetitions of lexical choices in text, and can identify the relations of words within the text. Different lexicalization strategies have reinforcing functions, such as producing lexical cohesion that results from use of lexical choices that relate to preceding elements in text. In the current study, I noted the use of lexical choices that related constructions peoples of Arab descent to 103 specific traits and constructed them as active and/or passive participants in events. Active versus passive in the context of this study distinguishes between participants who are constructed as active, or who âdo things and make things happen,â and participants who are constructed as passive, or those who are affected by the processes created by others (Fairclough, 2001, p. 145). In this sense, analyzing the use of lexical choices contributes to identification of constructions of people and groups. For example, peoples of Arab descent were constructed with nouns (e.g., Saddam Hussein, Gamal Abdel Nasser), and pronouns (e.g., we, us, them) that detected inclusions and exclusions of peoples of Arab descent as participants in events. Further, Fairclough (2003) emphasized the role of pronouns in creating inclusivity. Pronouns may contribute to inclusive/exclusive constructions of people and events. Fairclough (2003) illustrated how pronouns such as âI,â âwe,â âus,â and âourâ may assume shared values and beliefs of an in-group. Noting pronouns also identified cohesions of exclusions; where there is an in-group there is likely to be an out-group that will be viewed as an âoutsider,â as a group with different beliefs and agendas than âours.â In this study, pronouns were helpful to identify the discursive construction of âusâ and âthem,â especially in relation to peoples of Arab descent. Lexical choices were further examined for the ways they contribute to âotheringâ through classification of peoples of Arab descent in text (e.g., âArab,â new immigrants, Palestinian). Classification can accentuate commonalities and/or differences between, and within, groups of people. Fairclough (2003) stated that classification schemes create polarization or social cohesion in text. In this sense, the ways peoples of Arab descent are classified may give insight into assumptions that define them as similar to or different from others. Lexical choices were also noted in modalized statements to provide insight into the knowledge that authors and speakers share with others, and the ways they share their knowledge. 104 By examining modalized statements, researchers can distinguish the different ways speakers choose to represent the world and construct identities. For example, hedging and hesitation (e.g., may, might, can, could, should, seem, appear, think, suggest), evaluation (e.g., good, bad, worthless, negative, desirable), and assertiveness (e.g., must, should) can all construct different meanings in text. In the current study, I noted different modalities as hedging used to describe perspectives on teaching for cultural diversity and to discuss constructions of peoples of Arab descent. 4.5.1.2 Temporal and spatial markers. With temporal markers researchers can look into changes in references in text between past, present, and future. For example, verbs (e.g., they felt, we will), adverbials (e.g., yesterday, now, tomorrow), locative adverbials (e.g., here, there), and other cohesive elements (e.g., then this happened) serve as connectors or continuations and demonstrate successive events unfolding in time. Spatial markers are also analyzed as variations in constructions of past and present space. Fairclough (2003) stated that locality is not confined to a physical area or place; it can be regional (e.g., Europe) and local/national (e.g., Canadian). In the current study, the interweaving of temporal elements with other linguistic features was noted to identify what and how actors and events were discussed across time and space through acts of passivation, suppression, and activation. For example, what and who was assumed to belong in a specific locality (e.g., Canada, Canadian society), and who was not visible and when? Although the focus of this study was the constructions of peoples of Arab descent, temporal and spatial markers also showed the ways the textbooks and teachersâ talk addressed changes in multicultural attitudes in Canada. 105 4.5.1.3 Arrangement of events. The arrangement of events was emphasized by Fairclough (2003) to examine how events unfold in narrative accounts through time. Analysts can note the arrangement of events, examine their order in relation to each other, and examine how abstractly or concretely they identify people in events that may be represented in texts (e.g., backgrounded/foregrounded, included/excluded). CDA examines representational points of view with the understanding that â[w]hat is âsaidâ in a text is always said against the background of what is âunsaidâ [but taken as given]âwhat is made explicit is always grounded in what is left implicitâ (Fairclough, 2003, p. 17). In the current study, I applied this analytical tool to note instances that directly or indirectly addressed constructions of peoples of Arab descent, what elements of events appeared to be prominent in the instances, what elements of events were absent, and how peoples of Arab descent were constructed in those events (e.g., included/excluded, activated/passivated). 106 Analytical Tools Table 4.2 Analytical Tool Textbooks Interview Transcripts Observation Notes Lexical choices Identify lexical choices in the instances used to describe constructions of peoples of Arab descent. Identify activated/passivated constructions of peoples of Arab descent in the instances in the textbooks. Identify repetitions and collocated terms used in the instances that constructed peoples of Arab descent. Identify lexical choices used to describe constructions of peoples of Arab descent. Identify inclusion/exclusion of constructions of peoples of Arab descent. Identify repetitions and collocated terms that constructed peoples of Arab descent. Identify lexical choices used to describe constructions of peoples of Arab descent in classroom discussions. Identify inclusion/exclusion of constructions of peoples of Arab descent in classroom discussions. Identify repetitions and collocated terms that constructed peoples of Arab descent. Temporal and spatial markers Identify constructions of peoples of Arab descent across time and place. Identify constructions of peoples of Arab descent across time and place. Identify constructions of peoples of Arab descent across time and place. Arrangement of events Locate instances of inclusion of constructions of peoples of Arab descent in events in the textbooks. Identify instances of inclusion/exclusion of constructions of peoples of Arab descent in the order of events. N/A N/A Visual displays Locate instances of constructions of peoples of Arab descent in photographs. Identify prominent and/or backgrounded relations with peoples of Arab descent in photographs. N/A N/A Assumptions Interpret claims and assumptions in constructions of peoples of Arab descent in textbooks. Interpret claims and assumptions in constructions of peoples of Arab descent in interview transcripts. Interpret claims and assumptions in constructions of peoples of Arab descent in observation notes. 107 4.5.1.4 Visual displays. Textual and visual layouts âoperate as âpan-semiotic categories of languageâ, which mediate what can be known, remembered, and enunciated within textbooksâ (Mazawi, 2011, p. 171). Fairclough (2003) acknowledged the significance of visual displays as elements of social life and as integral parts of language that communicates messages through visual displays. In this research, I noted forms of visual communication (e.g., photographs) that directly or indirectly addressed peoples of Arab descent in the textbooks, and I identified who was included/excluded and who and what seemed most prominent. 4.5.2 Analytical procedure. The analysis of textbooks, interview transcripts, and observation notes benefited from a systematic approach that used specific analytical tools to guide my examination of the data. Table 4.2 listed the analytical tools that were used to analyze all three data sources. As noted in Table 4.2, lexical choices were systematically analyzed to identify instances of inclusion/exclusion, as well as activation/passivation of constructions of peoples of Arab descent in the texts. It is worth noting that the differences that exist in the data sources that were examined for this study benefited from using additional analytical tools. Notably, textbooks contained photographs and arranged topics in particular chronological order (e.g., World War I, World War II). The structure and layout in the textbooks necessitated a deviation from the systematic approach in specific texts. As a result, visual displays and arrangement of events were used for the textbook analysis. However, these specific tools were not applicable to the interview transcripts and observation notes, both of which did not contain any visual displays (e.g., photographs, images, tables). Furthermore, the interviews were semi-structured with questions about specific topics that progressed in a structured order, therefore the arrangement of events as 108 an analytical tool was not applicable because the arrangement of events in interview transcripts was influenced by the interview questions. The analysis included a recursive approach that involved three interrelated levels of analysis described by Fairclough (2001) as description, interpretation, and explanation. Each level is described next. At the description level, the analysis attended to the formal properties of the text and noted linguistic features that introduced and related to constructions of peoples of Arab descent. For instance, the linguistic features were analyzed for how they categorize, incorporate, suppress, background, or omit constructions of peoples of Arab descent. The analysis identified how peoples of Arab descent were constructed as participants in events, through their presence (e.g., inclusion) or absence/omission (e.g., exclusion). Inclusion noted if and how peoples of Arab descent were present in the text, whereas exclusion noted if and how they were omitted/excluded, but could have logically been in the text. In instances of inclusion, the analysis focused on how individuals and groups were described and discussed, for example, were constructions of peoples of Arab descent activated or passivated? Fairclough (2003/2005) stated that when individuals and groups are activated, âtheir capacity for agentive action, for making things happen, for controlling others and so forth is accentuatedâ (p. 150). In this sense, activated individuals and groups are those who are described as actively involved in events. On the other hand, when individuals and groups are passivated, âwhat is accentuated is their subjection to processes, them being affected by the actions of others, and so forthâ (Fairclough, 2005, p. 150). Constructions of peoples of Arab descent were examined for the ways they subjectified peoples of Arab descent as recipients of particular actions (i.e., passivated), and/or for the ways they 109 constructed peoples of Arab descent as agentic and taking part in particular actions (i.e., activated). At the level of interpretation, the text becomes âthe product of a process of production, and as a resource in the process of interpretationâ (Fairclough, 1989, p. 26). The interpretation level addresses internal structures in text, that is descriptions of immediate relations of linguistic elements, thus considering elements present in relations in âpraesentiaâ and âin absentiaâ (Fairclough, 2003). According to Fairclough (2003), the interpretations of meanings include judgment and evaluation of what authors/speakers intend to communicate. The interpretations address possible claims that are directly or indirectly supported by intertextual weaving of elements of text. At this level, the analysis of linguistic features (e.g., repetitions, synonyms, collocations) provide insight and facilitate interpretations to how linguistic features contribute to constructing differences/commonalities, and/or polarizing social actors. Fairclough (2003) suggested that coherent text can recreate ideological assumptions. In this study, I interpreted assumptions and/or claims that the textbook authors and the participants may have made through the use of the various linguistic features (e.g., photographs, repetitions of lexical choices) that constructed peoples of Arab descent in particular ways (see Table 4.2). At the level of explanation, Fairclough (2003) emphasized that meanings in texts are constituted, explicitly or implicitly, in dialogue with other texts. In this study, interpretations were compared across texts to examine intersecting ideas that may influence and may be influenced by discourses in and outside the text. Fairclough (1989) emphasized the ârelationship between interaction and social context â with the social determination of the processes of production and interpretation, and their social effectsâ (p. 26). My explanations included a discussion of ideological underpinnings of noted discourses that produce and/or challenge 110 dominant discourses, which contribute to constructions of peoples of Arab descent. For example, Chapter 5 details the linguistic and discursive analysis of nine instances in the examined textbooks and identifies two discourses: a discourse of othering and a discourse of multicultural progress. Chapter 6 details the linguistic and discursive analysis of teachersâ talk and identifies three discourses, two of which were consistent with discourses in the textbooks (i.e., a discourse of othering and a discourse of multicultural progress), and one discourse that was exclusive to teachersâ talk and reflected barriers to teaching about peoples of Arab descent. My description of the constitution of discourses included identifying specific terms and ideas (e.g., âArab world,â âMuslim world,â âChristian worldâ) that were reproduced by textbooks and in interview transcript and observation notes and that may have social origins outside the examined texts. At this level, meanings in text were analyzed in relation to the external relations that include sociocultural and/or political environmental influences that interact with the processes of production and interpretation of discourses. For example, the discourse of othering and the discourse of barriers to teaching about peoples of Arab descent may have social origins in other discourses in society. Both discourses appeared to be influenced by the orientalist approach that was described by Said (2003) as constructions that suppressed and exoticized peoples of Arab descent, and constructed them as foreign and unfamiliar. Similarly, the discourse of multicultural progress appeared influenced by concepts that are found in official policies and multiculturalism Acts in British Columbia, such as celebrating diversity and promoting inclusivity (see British Columbia Ministry of Education, 2008). The Ministry of Education in British Columbia stated that it is committed to recognizing and valuing ethnic and cultural diversity, and to promoting respect for all ethnicities and cultures in schools 111 through the curriculum and related resources. The discourse is also influenced by education models in British Columbia that aimed to enhance cultural understanding, and to discourage prejudice, discrimination, and inequality in schools, but fails to consider persistent inequalities in the present times. 4.6 Chapter Summary This chapter clarified my position as the researcher and detailed CDA as the methodological approach. I addressed the rationale for using CDA to analyze text and talk for this research and introduced the research methods, highlighted ethical concerns, and detailed the data collection process. CDA offers sufficient tools to engage in linguistic and discursive examination of texts and examine meanings that produce and/or challenge dominant ideologies. The chapter specified the analytical tools (i.e., lexical choices, temporal and spatial markers, arrangement of events, visual displays, assumptions) that guided my analysis of constructions of peoples of Arab descent in educational text and talk. I ended this chapter with an overview of the procedure for analyzing the data and presenting the studyâs findings. 112 Chapter 5: Constructions of Peoples of Arab Descent in Social Studies Textbooks This chapter describes a critical discourse analysis of nine instances in two social studies textbooks that are used in Grades 10 and 11 in secondary schools in British Columbia. The chapter is divided into five sections. The first section describes historical events, identifies participants who were involved in those events, and examines the ways peoples of Arab descent were constructed in these events. The second section examines the ways peoples of Arab descent, as well as Islam and the area that the authors referred to as the âMiddle East,â were described. The third section identifies a discourse of othering that emerged from constructions of peoples of Arab descent in historical events and conflicts. The fourth section is an analysis of the ways the authors emphasized cultural inclusivity and multicultural attitudes. The fifth section identifies a discourse of multicultural progress that emerged from the ways the authors described changes in multicultural attitudes in Canada. The chapter ends with a brief summary. 5.1 Examining Historical Events The analysis began by examining the arrangement of historical events in the textbooks. Horizons did not include international conflicts due to its focus on Canadaâs internal affairs. Counterpoints described what appears to be a chronological telling of historical events and international conflicts from 1899 to 2005. The historical events are summarized and listed in the same order as they appeared in Counterpoints (see Figure 5.1). Constructions of peoples of Arab descent occurred mostly in the coverage of international conflicts. The analysis started with the identification of geographic locations that were related to these historical events, and the participants who were involved. The identification of the 113 locations, events, actors, and the arrangement of historical events in the textbooks provided an entry point for analyzing how peoples of Arab descent were constructed as participants. 114 Figure 5.1 Locations, actors, and arrangement of historical events in Counterpoints 115 5.1.1 Identifying actors in international conflicts. Cranny and Moles (2010) began their coverage of international conflicts with an introduction of the three colonial empires: Russia, Austria-Hungry, and the Ottomans. They proceeded to introduce several countries/nations that were shown as actively involved in shaping the world. As evident in Figure 5.1, wars and conflicts from 1918-1945 were described as occurring mostly in European countries with limited references to Asia and Africa. In describing international conflicts, Cranny and Moles (2010) listed several countries in Europe and North America, such as Britain, Germany, France, Italy, Canada, and the United States, with an occasional mention of other countries (e.g., Japan). Aside from including countries by name, Cranny and Moles (2010) also described countries in Europe in collective terms that reflect different alliances, such as: â¢ The Great Powers; â¢ The Central Powers; â¢ The Triple Alliance (Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy); â¢ The Allies (France, Britain, and Russia); â¢ The Commonwealth countries (Canada, New Zealand, and Australia); and â¢ The Axis (Germany, Italy, and Japan). With these references, the authors identified mostly European countries (e.g., Britain, Italy, France, Germany) and coalitions (e.g., the Central Powers, the Commonwealth, the Axis) that were involved in international conflicts that shaped the worldâs history. In addition to describing which countries were involved in the international conflicts, the authors also described the involvement of different participants. Cranny and Moles (2010) distinguished many countries and related those to power, for example, ââ¦ powerful countries 116 practiced imperialism â¦ Powerful countries exploited the land and resources â¦ [Germany and Britain] were growing their imperial powersâ (p. 26), and domination, as in statements such as âthe Axis had to dominate the Mediterraneanâ (p. 134). These countries were noted for their ability to expand and invade other countries as seen in the following examples: âseveral European nations had been aggressively expanding their territory â¦ often competing for the same territoryâ (p. 26), âBritish cavalry and tank regiments immediately invaded Libyaâ (p. 134), and âthe totalitarian leaders of these states [Europe, Soviet Union, and Japan] had nationalistic ambitions to expand their territory and resourcesâ (p. 124). In the descriptions of European countries and their roles in wars and conflicts, proactive verbs were used: âcompete,â âdominate,â âinvade,â âexploit,â âgrowing,â and âexpand,â all of which connote power and domination. Cranny and Moles (2010) addressed these countries as imperialist nations that âpracticed their power,â âexploitedâ others, and grew âtheir imperial powers.â The metaphoric use of âgrowingâ oneâs powers adds coherence to the overall notion of expansion and can be viewed as another reference to imperialist and colonialist practices. In describing these international conflicts, the authors included the locations of the conflicts and some of the participants who were involved in wars and battles, while omitting others. Despite identifying these countries and their roles, most references to non-European colonial targets appeared depersonalized and contained generalized references to areas that may include peoples of Arab descent (e.g., the Mediterranean, territory, land, resources). In this respect, the authors maintained a focus on countries that were shown as creating change in historical events, as opposed to countries and people who were impacted by them. 117 A common feature that was attributed to European countries is their ânationalistic ambitions.â The term ânationalisticâ is often used to describe oneâs loyalty to oneâs nation or state. It also reflects peopleâs efforts to promote and elevate their nation state. â[N]ationalistic ambitions,â along with the verb âexpand,â made a direct connection to other textual references that identified European countries as colonial nations in pursuit of better status, territories, and resources. Nationalism was also used to describe inhabitants of occupied Eastern Europe. Cranny and Moles (2010) wrote, â[s]everal Slavic nations that wanted independence and rebelled against Austrian rule. ... Some Bosnian Serbs formed the Black Hand, a group willing to fight for their nationalistic goals. They wanted to unite the Slavic peoplesâ (p. 29). The authors also added that âthe Balkans were a hotbed of nationalismâ (p. 29), and described resistance efforts in statements that showed how âsocialist revolutionaries, called Bolsheviks, overthrew the provisional Governmentâ (p. 52). In these examples, the lexical choicesâsuch as âindependence,â ârebelled,â âformed,â âwilling to fight,â âwanted to unite,â and other collocated terms such as âsocialist revolutionariesââemphasize how citizens in European countries were described as actively involved in fighting back against invaders and how they sought power and agency. The authorsâ referential descriptors attribute a sense of power and agency to the occupied Eastern Europeans who were constructed as proactive in their efforts to create change. For example, the Slavics âwantedâ and ârebelled,â the Serbs âformedâ and were âwilling,â and the Bolsheviks âoverthrewâ and âmade promises.â These lexical choices construct meanings that reflect agency, as well as nationalistic ambitions that include fighting for sovereignty and having pride in oneâs own people. The authors bolstered this construction with the metaphorical term, âhotbed of nationalismâ that was ascribed to the Baltics. With these examples, ânationalismâ appears as a motif describing both European colonizers and colonized Europeans. 118 In their telling of history, Cranny and Moles (2010) did not mention resistance movements or nationalistic efforts in occupied and battling countries outside Europe during WWI and WWII. For the most part, Counterpoints detailed nationalist movements in the Baltics and other European countries. The authors omitted discussions of forms of resistance that occurred outside Europe, including countries that are predominantly inhabited by peoples of Arab descent. This focus on the European aspects of world history suppressed mentions of other people who were impacted by colonial empires, but were nevertheless involved in creating change through different forms of resistance. Moreover, notable in Counterpoints is the European perspective of historical events that included non-European nations as a side note in the stories. An example of this can be inferred from the following sentence: âfor more than 100 years, the Ottoman Empire has controlled the Balkans and south-eastern Europe, as well as areas of northern Africa and the Middle Eastâ (Cranny & Moles, 2009, p. 27). The â100 yearsâ time frame explains the Ottoman Empireâs presence in Europe as opposed to their presence in North Africa and the âMiddle East.â The duration of the Ottoman rule in the âMiddle Eastâ and parts of the Northern African regions extended to nearly 500 years (Delahanty, 2014), therefore the â100 yearsâ does not accurately describe the history of the Ottoman Empireâs rule outside Europe. The additive term âas well asâ seems to describe the Ottoman rule in more than one region, however, in this particular event, the inclusion of the non-European region communicated inaccurate information about North Africa and the âMiddle East.â Further, Counterpoints included information about the fall of the Ottoman Empire after World War I (WWI), but there was no information on the division and distribution of the region after the Ottoman Empireâs defeat (see Jacobson, 2006). The textbook 119 authors did not mention ensuing changes that occurred in the region after the fall of the Ottoman Empire. For example, Britain and France, the two colonial powers in the region at the time decided on the boundaries of the states they carved up and mandated who should rule and decided on the âtype of government for the new statesâ (Mir, 2019, p. 37), thereby impacting lives of peoples of Arab descent and other ethnic, cultural, and religious groups in the divided areas. 5.1.2 Human suffering and cost of international conflicts. In addition to describing several international conflicts and historical events and identifying key participants and locations of these events, Cranny and Moles (2010) described the impact of international conflicts and historical events (e.g., wars) on various countries. Analyzing the descriptions of human suffering and cost of wars identified how peoples of Arab descent were included and/or excluded from this discussion. The following paragraphs describe how the authors focused on losses in specific countries in Europe and North America, omitted mentions of human losses and tragedies that occurred in other countries, especially in countries that were predominantly inhabited by peoples of Arab descent and were, directly and indirectly, involved in the conflicts. Lexical choices and visual displays showed the authorsâ descriptions of the impact of wars. The authors detailed both military and civilian casualties in European and North American countries during international conflicts and historical events. Lexical choices included references to âsoldiersâ and other terms that are usually related to military personnel, such as âprisoners of warâ and âbomber member groups.â These terms are evident in the following examples: â[n]early 1700 Canadian prisoners of war (POWs) [in Japan] faced brutal conditions and were later used as slave labour. More than 260 of these POWs died during three and a half years of 120 imprisonmentâ (Cranny & Moles, 2010, p. 137), and â[n]early 10000 Canadian Bomber Group members lost their livesâ (Cranny & Moles, 2010, p. 139). In these examples, casualties in armies were described in approximate numbers using lexical choices, such as ânearlyâ and âmore than.â In other statements, Cranny and Moles (2010) used detailed descriptions as seen in â[a]fter Juno Beach attack â¦ 350 Canadians died and 715 were woundedâ (p. 146) and ânot a single Canadian soldier was killed or injured in the fighting [in Iraq]â (p. 274). In addition to describing casualties among soldiers from Canada, the authors also detailed casualties in armed forces from other countries. For example, âafter suffering more than 300,000 casualties, the German army surrendered in early 1943â (Cranny & Moles, 2010, p. 135). The descriptions of European and North American losses also incorporated visual displays that emphasized the impact of war on specific countries. For example, in their discussion of WWI, Cranny and Moles (2010) created a visual display in the form of a table that showed the â[a]pproximate number of military casualties of WWIâ (p. 58). They listed what they described as the numbers of âdead,â âwounded,â and âmissingâ soldiers. The authors tallied losses and suffering of soldiers from Canada, Britain, France, Germany, Russia, Austria-Hungary and the United States. The inclusion of visual displays emphasized the coverage of human casualties only in European and North American armies. The emphasis on describing civilian casualties in specific European and North American countries was also noted throughout the text. For example, Cranny and Moles (2010) noted that â[t]he city [Hamburg] was practically destroyed, and more than 40000 civilians were killedâ (p. 139). Losses in London during the Battle of Britain were detailed with their statement âmore than 23000 people, mostly civilians, were killedâ (Cranny & Moles, 2010, p. 134). In addition, 121 the authors included details about human rights abuses toward citizens as seen in âthe Germans had killed more than 6 million Jewish people and another 5 million Roma, Slavs, and other âundesirablesââ (Cranny & Moles, 2010, p. 152). Cranny and Moles (2010) also discussed the displacement of families during war times, for instance, â[m]illions of refugees were stuck in camps across Europe at the end of the warâ (p. 177). In their descriptions, Cranny and Moles used lexical choices that referenced cities and groups of people and explained the type of suffering that was endured by civilians, for example, âcity â¦ destroyed,â âkilled â¦ people,â and ârefugees â¦ stuck.â In sum, the analysis highlighted descriptions of the impact of war on military, as well as civilian lives. The authors included repetitive references to âsoldiersâ to indicate military casualties, and detailed the suffering of soldiers with verbs like âwounded,â âkilled,â âsuffered,â âmissing,â and âattacked.â Civilian populations were repetitively referenced with the lexical choices âpeople,â âcivilians,â and ârefugees.â In addition, visual displays in Counterpoints contributed to the emphasis on showing casualties among both soldiers and civilians from European and North American countries. For example, military casualties were evident in many photographs, as seen in Photographs 5.1, 5.2, 5.3, and 5.4 that foregrounded images of dead and/or wounded soldiers. 122 Photograph 5.1 Dead soldiers in the trenches. âMany Canadian soldiers lost their lives in the trenches and suffered psychological disorders and nervous breakdowns.â Adapted Counterpoints: Exploring Canadian Issues (2nd ed.) (p. 36), by M. Cranny and G. Moles, 2010, Toronto, ON: Pearson Canada Inc. Copyright 2010 by Pearson Education Canada. Reproduced with permission. Photograph 5.2 Dieppe Beach. âDead soldiers and tanks on Dieppe Beach August 19, 1942.â Adapted Counterpoints: Exploring Canadian Issues (2nd ed.) (p. 142), by M. Cranny and G. Moles, 2010, Toronto, ON: Pearson Canada Inc. Copyright 2010 by Pearson Education Canada. Reproduced with permission. Photograph 5.3 Dead soldiers in Passchendendaele. âPasschendendaele; soldiers and horses sometimes drowned in the mud-filled craters which could be more than 30 meters wide.â Adapted Counterpoints: Exploring Canadian Issues (2nd ed.) (p. 39), by M. Cranny and G. Moles, 2010, Toronto, ON: Pearson Canada Inc. Copyright 2010 by Pearson Education Canada. Reproduced with permission. Photograph 5.4 Wounded soldiers in Vietnam. âImages of American soldiers in Vietnam encouraged anti-war sentiments.â Adapted Counterpoints: Exploring Canadian Issues (2nd ed.) (p. 230), by M. Cranny and G. Moles, 2010, Toronto, ON: Pearson Canada Inc. Copyright 2010 by Pearson Education Canada. Reproduced with permission. 123 Photograph 5.5 Destruction of Ypres. âThe Belgian town of Ypres in 1917 showing the massive destruction caused by the war.â Adapted Counterpoints: Exploring Canadian Issues (2nd ed.) (p. 139), by M. Cranny and G. Moles, 2010, Toronto, ON: Pearson Canada Inc. Copyright 2010 by Pearson Education Canada. Reproduced with permission. Photograph 5.6 Bombing London. âFor almost two months, the German Luftwaffe bombed London day and night.â Adapted Counterpoints: Exploring Canadian Issues (2nd ed.) (p. 134), by M. Cranny and G. Moles, 2010, Toronto, ON: Pearson Canada Inc. Copyright 2010 by Pearson Education Canada. Reproduced with permission. The authors also included several photographs illustrating the impact of international conflicts on civilian populations in many European and North American countries. Photographs 5.5 and 5.6 provide views of towns, cities, and civilians (i.e., Ypres, London, Winnipeg, and New York). The photographs reflected loss of infrastructure and security (see Photograph 5.5 & 5.7), separation from families (see Photograph 5.8), and human suffering and displacement (see Photograph 5.9). 124 Photograph 5.8 Families during the war. âTroops departing from Winnipeg.â Adapted Counterpoints: Exploring Canadian Issues (2nd ed.) (p. 130), by M. Cranny and G. Moles, 2010, Toronto, ON: Pearson Canada Inc. Copyright 2010 by Pearson Education Canada. Reproduced with permission. Photograph 5.7 Ortona destruction. âOrtona after the Canadian advance.â Adapted Counterpoints: Exploring Canadian Issues (2nd ed.) (p. 144), by M. Cranny and G. Moles, 2010, Toronto, ON: Pearson Canada Inc. Copyright 2010 by Pearson Education Canada. Reproduced with permission. Photograph 5.9 Concentration camp survivors. âSurvivors from the Buchenwald concentration camp. Elie Wiesel about his experiences during the holocaust in his book Night. Wiesel (inset and farthest face from the right second bunk from bottom) was later awarded the Nobel Peace Prize.â Adapted Counterpoints: Exploring Canadian Issues (2nd ed.) (p. 152), by M. Cranny and G. Moles, 2010, Toronto, ON: Pearson Canada Inc. Copyright 2010 by Pearson Education Canada. Reproduced with permission. Photograph 5.10 The September 11th attacks. âOn September 11, 2001, terrorists attacked the World Trade Center in New York City.â Adapted Counterpoints: Exploring Canadian Issues (2nd ed.) (p. 278), by M. Cranny and G. Moles, 2010, Toronto, ON: Pearson Canada Inc. Copyright 2010 by Pearson Education Canada. Reproduced with permission. 125 Photograph 5.11 Survivors in Japan. âA woman and child who survived the atomic bomb dropped on Nagasaki, Japan, on August 9, 1945.â Adapted Counterpoints: Exploring Canadian Issues (2nd ed.) (p. 139), by M. Cranny and G. Moles, 2010, Toronto, ON: Pearson Canada Inc. Copyright 2010 by Pearson Education Canada. Reproduced with permission. Notably, the visual displays also highlighted both military and civilian casualties for European and North American countries. Some exceptions in Counterpoints revealed faces of people from different continents (see Photograph 5.11) that showed survivors of the atomic bomb in Nagasaki, Japan. Photograph 5.11 reflected two human survivors from Japan as opposed to images of the destruction of cities (see Photographs 5.8, 5.9, & 5.10), and images of corpses (see Photograph 5.5). Military and civilian losses in non-European countries that suffered from the colonial wars and from ongoing imperialistic ambitions of Western countries were minimal. Descriptions of the human suffering and cost of international conflicts were inconsistent throughout the text. In the sections explaining the Persian Gulf War and the Iraq War, Cranny and Moles (2010) stated â[t]he coalition had won a stunning victory, with only a few casualtiesâ¦ not a single Canadian soldier was killed or injured in the fightingâ (p. 274). Cranny and Moles (2010) added â[i]n the end, the Gulf War destroyed the Iraqi fighting force and much of the countryâs infrastructureâ (p. 274). The cost of war in this case included reported losses or lack thereof among coalition forces and Canada. However, in the single mention of what could be a reference to human loss on the Iraqi side, the authors opted for less explicit descriptions that did not specify human suffering or casualties. For example, Cranny and Moles (2010) stated that 126 Photograph 5.12 Burning oil in Kuwait. âAmerican marines near a burning oil well in Kuwait during the First Gulf War.â Adapted Counterpoints: Exploring Canadian Issues (2nd ed.) (p. 274), by M. Cranny and G. Moles, 2010, Toronto, ON: Pearson Canada Inc. Copyright 2010 by Pearson Education Canada. Reproduced with permission. the war âdestroyed the Iraqi fighting forceâ and the âcountryâs infrastructureâ (p. 275). The lexical choices in this section are relevant due to their discrepancy with other textual references that described European and North American soldiers throughout the textbook. For instance, the authorsâ descriptions of European and North American soldiers/armies were composed of words that have human connotations (e.g., âarmy,â âsoldiersâ) as opposed to the depersonalized term âfighting forceâ that alluded to Iraqâs army. References to Iraqâs army were noted again with the pattern of lexical choices, such as âdestroyedâ (i.e., âdestroyed the Iraqi fighting forceâ). The verb âdestroyedâ is often used to describe damage to material possessions and infrastructure, in this case, its use to describe Iraqâs army differs from the lexical choices (e.g., âkilled,â âwounded,â âcapturedâ) that were used to describe European and North American armies and soldiers. Similar to other coverage of wars and battles in Counterpoints, the Iraq War also included a juxtaposed photograph (see Photograph 5.12) to complement the written text. The photograph foregrounded the United Statesâ presence in Iraq and Kuwait with an image of the desert. The only two visible elements in the photograph are United Statesâ military personnel and the burning oil. Photograph 5.12 marks the only photograph in both Counterpoints and Horizons to feature a country that is predominantly inhabited by peoples of Arab descent. 127 The descriptions of the conflict in Iraq and Kuwait focused on natural resources and drew attention to material losses as opposed to human losses. Loss of natural resources after wars was not the focus of the authorsâ descriptions of conflicts in Europe and North America. Further, the coverage of the conflict in Iraq and Kuwait also absented the human suffering and losses that these wars have caused in countries that are predominantly inhabited by peoples of Arab descent. In this respect, the descriptions of the Gulf War and the Iraq War did not address civilian suffering, nor did they include similar lexical choices that could have alluded to peopleâs suffering (e.g., âkilled,â âwounded,â âinjured,â âlost their livesâ) that were used to describe European and North American losses in other wars and conflicts. 5.2 Locating Peoples of Arab descent in the Textbooks The examination of the textbooks included locating instances that constructed peoples of Arab descent and identified the ways they were included/excluded in the different instances. Examining the arrangement of events showed several wars and conflicts that contributed to constructions of peoples of Arab descent in the textbooks, and identified which conflicts were included and in what order (see Figure 5.1). The examination of the textbooks revealed six instances that directly involved peoples of Arab descent and three instances that indirectly involved them. Five of the six instances were noted in Counterpoints, and one instance was noted in Horizons. The first instance appeared in the discussion of the North African Campaign that involved Libya and Egypt. The second instance was included in a passage explaining the September 11th attacks. The third instance included peoples of Arab descent in a section addressing the conflict of Suez Crisis in Egypt in 1956. The fourth instance was noted in a paragraph describing the Oil Embargo in the 1970s. 128 The fifth instance occurred in the introduction of the Persian Gulf War, and the sixth instance was noted in a section that reintroduced the September 11th attacks. Even though Horizons did not include details of international conflicts, it included a single instance that mentioned peoples of Arab descent at the end of the book. This single mention occurred in a paragraph titled âAnalyzing Imagesâ that aimed to teach critical reading skills. In addition, the remaining three instances indirectly related to peoples of Arab descent. Those instances were found in Counterpoints in events and examples that involved Islam and the area they described as the âMiddle East.â Analyzing how peoples of Arab descent were constructed in those instances necessitated a closer look at the lexical choices, as well as the visual displays that contributed to their constructions. Analysis of lexical choices and other linguistic features (e.g., visual displays) examined the ways peoples of Arab descent were described, and identified connections that were made in relation to peoples of Arab descent. 5.2.1 Strategic locations and oil. Cranny and Moles (2010) introduced the first instance that included peoples of Arab descent in a paragraph that provided details about the European expansion into countries that are predominantly inhabited by peoples of Arab descent. The following are examples from the authorsâ description of the war in North Africa: âBritish cavalry and tank regiments immediately invaded Libya (an Italian colony). â¦ Italy, in turn, invaded Egypt with its sights on the Suez Canal, a major strategic pointâ (p. 134). Cranny and Moles (2010) added that âItaly wanted to increase its territories in Africa. â¦ To have any hope of victory, the Axis had to dominate the Mediterranean by controlling its two access pointsâ (p. 129 134). The authors further explained the purpose of the invasions in statements such as âthe Desert War was a struggle for the control of valuable resources and strategic positionsâ (p. 134) and âholding these waterways [Suez Canal] would give the Axis armies access to the oil-rich Middle Eastâ (p. 134). From this perspective, the North African Campaign was described as part of the European colonial ambitions in WWII. In the examples, Cranny and Moles (2010) used relational identifiers to construct Libya as a subject that belongs to Italy âan Italian colony,â while Egypt was described in relation to its geographic space as âa major strategic point.â The textbook did not offer additional descriptions of Libya and Egypt, their peoples and their role in the war. Lexical choices in these introductions highlighted benefits of these countries to colonial nations, for example, they were described as âstrategic locations,â âstrategic point,â âland and resources,â and âaccess points.â The pursuit of these resources was legitimatized with lexical choices that described invading these lands as a necessity and a desire for Italy, for example, âItaly had toâ and âItaly wanted.â The control of these resources was described as an exercise of superiority over peoples of Arab descent with terms that embodied power and dominance (e.g., âaccess,â âcontrol,â âincrease,â âdominate,â âinvadeâ). Both Libya and Egypt were discussed for their beneficial roles to the quest of colonial Britain and Italy. The authors did not mention any engagement or resistance by peoples of Arab descent in the North African region. This type of introduction passivated Libya and Egypt, thus constructing them as âsubjectsâ who were beneficial to and controlled by colonial powers. These constructions are consistent with images in Western literature of peoples of Arab descent as weak (Eid, 2007), and the land/region that they inhabit as a part of the world that has been viewed âas an accompaniment to that regionâs colonial conquestâ (Said, 2003, p. 343). 130 5.2.2 Terrorism. The second instance that included peoples of Arab descent occurred in a chapter titled âCanada in the Post-War World: the 1950sâ in a paragraph that discussed the September 11th attacks. The inclusion of the September 11th attacks strays from the chronological telling of international conflicts from around the world (see Figure 5.1). In their efforts to incorporate a segment about the September 11th attacks, the authors included a paragraph titled âTerrorist Threatsâ that was found in the chapter following a discussion of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and North American Aerospace Defence Command. The following excerpt shows how the textbook detailed this event: The Cold War of the 1950s prompted the government to create military alliances and build weapons to protect Canadians from communist spies and attack. Fifty years later, when terrorists attacked the Twin Towers of the World Trade Center and other targets in the United States on September 11, 2001, governments around the world again took strong measures to protect their citizens. In both cases, the threat was real. But were all the security measures really necessary? What price were governments and citizens prepared to pay for security? Critics pointed out the dangers of governments overreacting to threats and sacrificing vital rights and freedoms in the interest of security. (Cranny & Moles, 2010, p. 196) Cranny and Moles (2010) began with a reference to âThe Cold Warâ and included several descriptive words, such as âweapons,â âcommunists,â âspies,â and âattackâ to emphasize threats and fears. After a quick introduction of the Cold War, they connected it to the September 11th attack in the United States. The use of the temporal markers â[f]ifty years later,â (p. 196) makes a shift from past to present, thus linking the discussion of Cold War to the more recent incident 131 (i.e., the September 11th attacks) that was described as similar in magnitude and scale. The use of temporal markers (e.g., âwar of the 1950s,â â[f]ifty years later when the â¦â) connected past conflicts with present ones. The statements âboth cases [cold war and terror attack] the threat was realâ and âthe world again took strong measuresâ likened the Cold War state to the September 11th attacks. Cranny and Moles (2010) proceeded to emphasize the intensity of the situation with statements that included lexical choices (e.g., âprotect,â âdanger,â âthreats,â âsecurityâ) that connote danger as seen in the following statement: â¦ governments around the world again took strong measures to protect their citizensâ¦ What price were governments and citizens prepared to pay for security? Critics pointed out the dangers of governments overreacting to threats and sacrificing vital rights and freedoms in the interest of security. (p. 196) These statements contained generalized references to governments and citizens at risk, and omitted specific references to which governments and whose citizens were threatened. It remains unclear which government overreacted and who paid the price for security, whose rights and freedoms were sacrificed, and by whom. Furthermore, lexical choices such as âallâ and âreallyâ seen in âwere all the security measures really necessary?â (Cranny & Moles, 2010, p. 196) were included without informing the reader about the types and extent of security measures. The authors did not invite the students to question the necessity of the âmeasuresâ per se; they rather questioned whether âallâ the measures were âreallyâ necessary. An assumption here is that some measures against the responsible party and/or country were necessary. In their statements, the authorsâ descriptions show that violence against other people as needed and justified. The lexical choices enabled the authors to focus their discussion on peopleâs safety and on governmentâs 132 Photograph 5.13 Abu Ghraib terror suspect. âPeople around the world were horrified by evidence of torture of terrorist suspects by U.S. military personnel. This 2004 photograph was taken at Abu Ghraib in Iraq.â Adapted Counterpoints: Exploring Canadian Issues (2nd ed.) (p. 196), by M. Cranny and G. Moles, 2010, Toronto, ON: Pearson Canada Inc. Copyright 2010 by Pearson Education Canada. Reproduced with permission. reactions to threats, in the process, they avoided disclosure of critical information about the September 11th attacks. Additionally, Cranny and Moles (2010) juxtaposed a photograph of an Iraqi prisoner next to the section discussing the September 11th attacks (see Photograph 5.13). It is worth noting that this photograph is the only visual appearance of a person of Arab descent in both textbooks. The inclusion of this photograph related the act of terror to peoples of Arab descent. This is also exemplified in the caption of the photograph that described the prisoner as âterrorist suspectâ and located the prisoner âat Abu Ghraib in Iraqâ (p. 196). In addition, the juxtaposition of the prisonerâs image did not add context to the September 11th attacks, nor did it address the scandals around the internationally opposed war and its consequences for Iraq and neighboring countries (Gore, 2004). The invasion of Iraq, under false pretences, has been a controversial topic (Gore, 2004). Regardless, the authors only emphasized the attack on the United States without detailing the connection between the September 11th attacks and Iraq, and without discussing the connection between the attack and the prisoner who was labelled as a âterrorist suspect.â Despite the caption under the photograph that noted, âpeople around the world were horrified by evidence of torture of terrorist suspects by U.S. military personnelâ (Cranny & 133 Moles. 2010, p. 196), the description of the prisoner as a terror suspect and the placement of this photograph may contribute to the readersâ view of the Iraqi prisoner as an individual related to terrorism. The caption in Photograph 5.13 included lexical choices that alluded to human rights violation with the term âtorture of terrorist suspect,â it is worth noting that this is the only reference made to torturing prisoners in Abu Ghraib. The authors included the prisonerâs image as a subtle inclusion of human rights abuses without actually explaining the events surrounding the photograph. The juxtaposition of this particular photograph with the September 11th attacks appears to relate the terror attack to peoples of Arab descent, particularly from Iraq. The authors limited their introduction of the United Statesâ retaliation to the incident of Abu Ghraib. They omitted mentions of scandals regarding the controversy that resulted in an invasion of Iraq that led about three-quarters of citizens in the country to believe âfalsely, that Saddam Hussein was personally responsible for the attacks of September 11thâ (Gore, 2004, p. 785). The authors did not engage in any discussion of the impact of the war on Iraq, even though the United States was involved in other scandals that did not involve prisons and terror suspects, such as using Depleted Uranium in Iraqi cities (Busby, Malak, & Entesar, 2010). Depleted Uranium contributed to an alarming rate of documented birth defects and cancer cases, especially in the city of Fallujah (Busby et al., 2010). Reportedly, the rates of deformities and Leukaemia after the United States invasion of Iraq were worse than Hiroshima (Cockburn, 2010). In sum, despite the outcomes of the United Statesâ war on Iraq, the placement of this photograph with the September 11th attacks constructed a view of Iraq as a threat not as a victim. It further described the only person of Arab descent, shown in both textbooks, as a prisoner and a suspect of terrorism not as a citizen whose country was attacked and whose human rights and freedoms were violated. The inference that Iraq and an Iraqi prisoner pose a âterrorist threatâ and 134 their inferred connection to the September 11th attacks contributes to stereotypical images of peoples of Arab descent as threats and as terrorists. 5.2.3 Economic threats. The third instance that included peoples of Arab descent occurred in a section titled âThe Suez Crisisâ that was examined in Counterpoints. Cranny and Moles (2010) described the Suez Canal as a link between the Mediterranean and the Red Sea that âprovides the shortest sea route from Europe to the Indian Oceanâ (p. 200). The authors added that âit [the Suez Canal] was opened in 1869 and was privately owned by British and French investorsâ (p. 200). With this introduction, Cranny and Moles (2010) highlighted two specific points: the first introduced the Suez Canal for its strategic location, and the second addressed ownership of the Suez Canal by investors from Europe, thus suggesting that the Canal is European property. In recounting the details about Suez Crisis, Cranny and Moles (2010) wrote: In 1956, Egyptâs president, Gamal Abdel Nasser, took over the canal and threatened to ban ships travelling to and from Israel. In response, Israel, Britain, and France planned âOperation Musketeerâ to regain control of the canal. â¦ The United States was angry with its allies, Britain, France, and Israel, for not consulting the U.S. government before attacking Egypt. â¦ Nevertheless, the United States threatened retaliation against any Soviet involvement. (p. 200) In the opening statement, the authors described Gamal Abdel Nasserâs action as a take-over, as seen in âtook over the canal.â They also clarified his intentions and role in the Suez Crisis. For example, the lexical choices âthreatenedâ and âbanâ communicate aggression, thus introducing 135 his actions as an aggressive move that is threatening and intending to do harm. Moreover, the textbook identified the target of the aggressive action and the parties impacted by Abdel Nasserâs threat. This is noted by the conjunctions âtoâ and âfromâ in the statement to âban ships to and from Israel.â In this incident, Egypt was identified as an aggressive party and Israel as its target. Notably, the Suez Crisis introduced the first mention of Israel in the textbook. Further to this point, the word âalliesâ has been used to describe mostly European and North American countriesâ alliances during the wars (see Section 5.1). However, in this instance, the word âalliesâ positioned Israel, Britain, and France on one side and Egypt on the other. Counterpoints emphasized this alliance with the inclusion of the battleâs name that was dubbed âOperation Musketeer.â The term âmusketeerâ connotes friendship and loyalty among three comrades thus emphasizing the alliance between European countries and Israel whose intention was to âregain controlâ of what they lost. The term âregain controlâ presupposes that Suez Canal belonged to Britain, France, and Israel before Egyptâs âtake over.â Further, the description of the United Statesâ threat against the Soviet involvement in the Suez Canal appears to show a familiar glimpse of European and Western countriesâ competition over resources in countries that are predominantly inhabited by peoples of Arab descent. In Counterpoints, the authors incorporated mentions of the Prime Minister of Canada, Lester Pearson, for his role in solving the Suez Crisis. Cranny and Moles (2010) introduced Pearson as a Nobel Peace Prize winner and a peace broker who helped defuse the Suez Crisis. They did not offer any critical views of Pearsonâs or Canadaâs alternative intentions for their role in solving the Suez Crisis. For example, Carroll (2016) wrote that Canadaâs actions in the Suez Crisis were not solely driven by the pursuit of peace. Carroll (2016) added that âbringing the Suez Crisis to a swift end was a crucial matter of Canadian national self-interestâ (p. 171). With 136 this incident, Canada was discussed in relation to its efforts to bring peace to the âMiddle Eastâ and North Africa. The authorsâ discussion of Canadaâs involvement in the Arab-Israel conflicts did not expand beyond the Suez Crisis. It is worth noting that the authors mentioned Canadaâs role in one conflict (e.g., Suez Crisis), but omitted its role in the conflict that started in Palestine. Both the United States president Harry S. Truman and Lester Pearsonâwho at the time played a role as the lead representative with the United Nations Special Committee on Palestineâcontributed to the partition of Palestine (Darkins, 2010) and facilitated the acceptance of the United Nationsâ resolution 181. The United Nationsâ resolution 181 called for the end of the Mandate for Palestine that was followed by the partition of the Palestinian state. The resolution stated that â[i]ndependent Arab and Jewish States and the Special International Regime for the City of Jerusalem, â¦ shall come into existence in Palestine two months after the evacuation of the armed forces of the mandatory Power has been completedâ (United Nations, 1947, n. p.). The authors also omitted any mention of Pearsonâs role in the creation of Israel, as well as Canadaâs absence from the United Nations Truce Supervision Organization that was organized in 1948 to address the Palestiniansâ exile after the creation of Israel (Carroll, 2016). With these selective inclusions and omissions, the authors seemed to keep the focus on Canadaâs role in negotiating peace, as opposed to its role in the start of unresolved Israel-Palestine conflicts. The fourth instance emerged in a paragraph that addressed the energy crisis that resulted from the Oil Embargo that was described as imposed on Canada by countries that are 137 predominantly inhabited by peoples of Arab descent. In a section titled âThe Future of Energy,â Cranny and Moles (2010) wrote: The energy crisis of the 1970s resulted from the Arab worldâs response to Western support of Israel in the 1973 Arab-Israeli War. Todayâs energy crisis is caused by a vastly increased world demand for hydrocarbons â¦ In that year, war broke out in the Middle East between Israel and its Arab neighbors. Many Western countries, including Canada, supported Israel. In retaliation, OPEC, which included Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and other Arab oil-producing countries, refused to sell oil to these countries. (p. 225) The causal verb âresultedâ in âenergy crisis of the 1970s resulted from the Arab worldâs response to â¦â (Cranny & Moles, 2010, p. 225) suggested an action preceding an outcome with no other possible outcome of the action. Further, the lexical choice âfromâ followed by the term âthe Arab worldâ identified the âArab worldâ as the active participant who affected Canada and other countriesâ economic stability by creating an oil crisis. Once again, the descriptions of peoples of Arab descent as active participants revolved around hostile actions that appear to disrupt Western interests and Israelâs existence. Additionally, the term âArab worldâs responseâ constructed a view of âthe Arab worldâ as a homogenized entity, despite the fact that many countries, in what was described as âthe Arab world,â did not possess oil (e.g., Lebanon), had no control over OPEC, and were not considered oil-rich countries (e.g., Syria, Morocco). Moreover, the authors referenced âWestern support of Israel,â thus establishing a connection not only in this sample of text, but also discursively across the different stories/events in the textbook. In other words, the repeated lexical choices âalliance,â âally,â âsupport,â and âsupportedâ in more than one context (e.g., âSuez Crisis,â âOil Embargoâ) emphasized the alliance of Israel and Western countries (e.g., Canada, the United States, Britain, France). The 138 Oil Embargo incident also revealed the first mention of conflict between Israel and âits Arab neighbors.â It is worth noting that the authors did not offer explanations or background of the wars between Israel and specific countries (e.g., Egypt, Lebanon, Palestine) in the âMiddle Eastâ and North Africa. Additionally, the conflicts between Israel and countries that are predominantly inhabited by peoples of Arab descent were discussed with lexical choices that depersonalized peoples of Arab descent. For example, Cranny and Moles (2010) used the relational identifier âitsâ in the phrase âIsrael and its Arab neighborsâ that referred to unnamed countries that are predominantly inhabited by peoples of Arab descent in relation to Israel. Conflict between Israel and Lebanon, a country that is predominantly inhabited by peoples of Arab descent, emerged again in the only instance that included peoples of Arab descent in Horizons. Cranny et al. (2009) used an incident drawn from the Israeli attack on Lebanon in 2006. The attack resulted in civilian casualties, as well as widespread infrastructure and property damage (Niv-Solomon, 2016). Cranny et al. (2009) discussed this attack in a section titled âAnalyzing Images.â Cranny et al. (2009) wrote: In the summer of 2006, there was a war in Lebanon. During that war, Reuters, an international news service that sells photographs to media all over the world, fired one of its photographers when he was caught adding smoke to an image of a fire caused by Israeli bombing. Why might the photographer have done this? Why do you think Reuters fired him? (p. 366) As shown in the opening sentence, the authors used an intransitive reference âthere was a warâ that did not identify any parties responsible, parties that suffered, how the war started, and how it ended. War, in this context, was discussed as something that simply âwasâ there, and as 139 something that âbroke out.â It remains unclear, where and how the war came to be, how it impacted people, and why Israel and Lebanon were at war. In this respect, the authorsâ statements seemed to downplay the idea that Israel was conducting air raids on another country. In the paragraph that mentioned the Israel bombing of Beirut, the authors focused on an altered photograph that appears to be biased against Israel. Cranny et al. (2009) did not show the altered or the original photograph. Including the altered or the original photograph could have illustrated the impact of a âwarâ on peoples of Arab descent. Instead, the authors appear to have kept the focus on what was described as a bias against Israel. Israel-Arab conflicts were mentioned in Horizons and in Counterpoints. However, in its coverage of international conflicts, Counterpoints appeared to have missed several opportunities that could have included the political and historical events that led to the creation of Israel, and the ensuing tensions between Israel and many countries that are inhabited by peoples of Arab descent (e.g., Egypt, Lebanon, Palestine). The absence of events preceding the establishment of the state of Israel began in earlier parts of the book. For example, in sections discussing the Treaty of Versailles, the authors did not acknowledge its impact on countries in North Africa and the âMiddle East,â especially in regard to the partitioning of lands that were inhabited by peoples of Arab descent (see MacMillan, 2014). Cranny and Moles (2010) briefly mentioned the Balfour Report in detailing WWII, however, the Report was exclusively discussed for what it meant to Europe. In the process, the authors omitted the impact of the Balfour Report on peoples of Arab descent. The Balfour Report promised Palestine to people who practice Judaism after Germanyâs persecution of the latter group, thus ushering the establishment of Israel (Ahmed, 1990). Furthermore, the authors glossed over events and omitted alliances between peoples of Arab descent and politicians from Britain. 140 The alliances included Britainâs promise to facilitate full independence for countries that are predominantly inhabited by peoples of Arab descent, if they support the European war against the Ottoman Empire (MacMillan, 2014). The historical events that followed included a revolt against the Ottoman Empire by peoples of Arab descent, which helped weaken and eventually defeat the Empire (MacMillan, 2014). 5.2.4 Political threats. The fifth instance that included peoples of Arab descent occurred in the context of Canadian peacekeeping role in the world. In Counterpoints, the authors dedicated a segment to describe Canadaâs peacekeeping missions. The segment was titled âPeacekeeping: A tradition in peril?â with the headline: âThe Persian Gulf War.â Cranny and Moles (2010) appear to have included the events of the Persian Gulf War as an example of Canadaâs peacekeeping efforts, thus using this incident to emphasize Canadaâs peaceful image and its role in countries that are predominantly inhabited by peoples of Arab descent (e.g., Kuwait, Iraq). The peacekeeping image of Canada was also noted in Horizons. Cranny et al. (2009) explained how âCanadians are known for their commitment to peaceâ (p. 133) and juxtaposed a photograph of two soldiers with smiles on their faces, and their guns lowered to the ground. The photograph is captioned: âCanada has less than 1 percent of the worldâs population, yet we have provided 10 percent of the worldâs peacekeeping forcesâ (Cranny et al., 2009, p. 133). In these examples, cohesion is noted across texts and in different events to relate Canada to terms such as âpeacekeeping,â âcommitment to peace,â and âpeacekeeping forces.â Constructions of Canada as a peacekeeper, contribute to the notion that Canada is a part of the civilized world that brings 141 order and peace to chaotic and violent places. If Canada is a peacekeeper, then other conflict-ridden countries are peace disturbers. The constructions of Canada as a peacekeeping nation elicits the image of Western countriesâ mission âto enlighten, civilize, bring order and democracyâ to the world (Said, 2003, p. xvi). The events in this section feature peacekeeping Canadians and other Western nations caught in a conflict between Iraq and Kuwait. Notably, this is the first and only mention of Kuwait; it was identified only in relation to its oil, as âthe oil-rich countryâ (Cranny & Moles, 2010, p. 274). The following passage illustrates how the Persian Gulf War was addressed in Counterpoints. In August 1990, Iraqi forces under the leadership of Saddam Hussein invaded the oil-rich country of Kuwait. â¦ In January 1991, U.S. and coalition forces began bombarding targets in an effort to drive Iraqi troops from Kuwait. The use of âsmartâ weapons, such as laser-guided bombs and cruise missiles launched many kilometres from their targets, significantly changed the nature of the war. In the end, the Gulf War destroyed the Iraqi fighting force and much of the countryâs infrastructure. After victory in the Gulf War, U.S. President George H. W. Bush proclaimed a new world order. (Cranny & Moles, 2010, pp. 274-275) Lexical choices were analyzed to identify how the authors described the Iraq War and, in turn, peoples of Arab descent. In their explanation of the first United Statesâ invasion of Iraq, Cranny and Moles (2010) used metaphoric language about weapons that were utilized by the coalition against Iraq. For example, the lexical choices âsmartâ weapons, âlaser-guided bombs,â âtargets,â and âchanged the nature of warâ seemed to presuppose that these weapons possess a level of intelligence, control, and superiority that suggests precision and accuracy of attack. Framing 142 bombings and missile-launching as âsmartâ and âguidedâ may divert attention from civilian suffering and casualties, and in the process suppress mentions of the brutality of war and the effects of those weapons on civilians. Cranny and Moles (2010) added that weapons âsignificantly changed the nature of the warâ (p. 274) resulting in a âstunning victoryâ (p. 275). The lexical choice âstunningâ implies that beating Iraq was a desired goal. In recounting this war, the authors used lexical choices and transitive verbs that described actions in ways that seem devoid of human agency, thus attributing actions to non-human agents (e.g., âmissiles launched,â âthe Gulf War destroyedâ). In addition, as mentioned earlier, the reference to Iraqâs army as a âfighting forceâ is a less common description than âarmyâ or âsoldiersâ that are often related to people. The depersonalized terms constructed views of the enemy (i.e., Iraqâs army, Iraqâs citizens) as easy to defeat and less human. The sixth instance that included peoples of Arab descent appeared in the recurring descriptions of the September 11th attacks, which was introduced in Counterpoints. The authors wrote: On September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks of unprecedented magnitude and severity shocked the world. Members of a fundamentalist Islamic group called al-Qaeda hijacked four passenger jets. ... A month after the 9/11 attacks, the United States, with the support of the United Kingdom, attacked Afghanistan. The aim of the attack was to destroy al-Qaeda and its leader, Osama bin Laden, as well as the Islamic fundamentalist Taliban government that supported and protected the terrorists. (Cranny & Moles, 2010, p. 278) 143 As can be noted from the excerpt, the September 11th attacks were foregrounded with the title âTerrorist Attacks,â which is a collocated term to the word âterroristâ and the âTerrorists Threatâ title that were mentioned earlier in the textbook. The textbook contains clear references to âmembers of Al Qaedaâ as people who were responsible for the terror attacks. In their descriptions of the attacks, Cranny and Moles (2010) detailed the events with verbs, such as âhijacked,â âattack,â and âdestroy,â all of which contributed to emphasizing their severity. In addition to the lexical choices such as âterrorist attacks,â âunprecedented magnitude and severity,â and âshocked the worldâ the â9/11 attacksâ were further emphasized in a juxtaposed photograph that showed New York engulfed in black smoke (see Photograph 5.9). In all of these lexical choices, the attackers were related to Islam with terms like âIslamic fundamentalist.â Cranny and Moles (2010) identified the people responsible for the attack as a âfundamentalist Islamic group,â âIslamic Fundamentalist Taliban,â and âOsama bin Ladenâ as active participants in terrorism. The activated roles of those involved that included peoples of Arab descent (e.g., Osama bin Laden) are relevant due to the passivated role of peoples of Arab descent in discussions that addressed them as colonial subjects and occupied nations in other sections. Cranny and Moles (2010) introduced the Iraq War following the discussion of the September 11th attacks and the war in Afghanistan. The authors wrote: In 2003, the United States government decided to invade Iraq to âdisarm Iraq of weapons of mass destruction (WMD).â The U.S. was joined by forces from Britain, Australia, and Poland. The war was not supported by a broad coalition of nations, and the Canadian government was not convinced that the Iraqis has, and were prepared to use, weapons of mass destruction. As it turned out, no WMD were found in Iraq. The United States and 144 Britain, with some contingents from other countries, defeated Iraq and occupied the country. (p. 279) In their description of the Iraq War, the authors explained the disarming Iraq of WMD as the cause for the invasion of Iraq. This description presupposes that Iraq is a threat, and it cannot be allowed to possess WMD. In the case of Iraq, Cranny and Moles (2010) acknowledged that WMD were not found, however, the way the authors made that acknowledgement is worth noting in this study. For example, their use of the term âas it turned out, no WMD were found in Iraqâ (p. 279) did not address the seriousness of the fact that a country was invaded and occupied, under false pretences. Moreover, the authors continued to describe Iraq as a weak opponent who was âdefeatedâ and âoccupiedâ by Western countries. These descriptions were consistent with other descriptions throughout the textbook that described peoples of Arab descent in passivated terms and described them as weak and easily conquered (see Section 5.2). The description of the 2003 war on Iraq excluded mentions of human and military casualties that Iraq suffered during the invasion and occupation. The absence of civilian casualties and losses demonstrated a pattern in Counterpointsâ omissions of any signs or mentions of human losses and suffering of civilians in countries that are predominantly inhabited by peoples of Arab descent. Notably, the September 11th attacks were included twice in Counterpoints, and both times they were placed alongside the Iraq War. Moreover, the authors omitted details of the occupation of Afghanistan and Iraq, and once again excluded mentions of ensuing scandals in relation to the Iraq War, such as the false claims of Iraqâs possession of weapons of mass destruction and the debunked connection to the September 11th attacks (see Gore, 2004). The 145 authorsâ descriptions of the September 11th attacks included paragraphs that detailed the attacks, then followed by the Afghanistan War, and then another paragraph summarizing the Iraq War, thus constructing relations between all three events. These events were linked again in the Practice Questions section, when Cranny and Moles (2010) asked, âWhat was the stated purpose for the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq?â (p. 280). The verb âstatedâ implies a difference between the âstatedâ and the ârealâ purpose for these wars. Further, the additive conjunction âandâ linked the two countries together. In addition, the question presupposes that there was one âpurposeâ to both wars, thus potentially contributing to the conflation of both countriesâ involvement in the September 11th attacks. 5.2.5 Relations between Islam and the âMiddle Eastâ with violence. Addressing descriptions of Islam and the âMiddle Eastâ in the textbooks was relevant due to the conflation of religion (i.e., Islam) and geographic space (i.e., the âMiddle Eastâ) with peoples of Arab descent. The following paragraphs describe and analyze three instances that involved Islam and/or the âMiddle East.â The mention of Islam was first noted in the Afghanistan War with lexical choices that collocated fundamentalism and Islam with terms such as âfundamentalist Islamic groupâ and âIslamic fundamentalist.â However, the authors included Islam in more detail in three instances, all of which were found in Counterpoints, none were found in Horizons. 146 Photograph 5.14 MacLeanâs article about Islam. âWhy the Future Belongs to Islam, MacLeanâs, October 23, 2006.â Adapted Counterpoints: Exploring Canadian Issues (2nd ed.) (p. 338), by M. Cranny and G. Moles, 2010, Toronto, ON: Pearson Canada Inc. Copyright 2010 by Pearson Education Canada. Reproduced with permission. All three instances were included in a chapter titled âProtecting Human Rights.â Cranny and Moles (2010) first mentioned Islam in a case study that was presented as a discussion about free speech in Canada and issues of human rights. To address the issue of free speech, the authors introduced an article and included a magazine cover photo (see Photograph 5.14) featuring Islam. The authors reported that the article in MacLeanâs stirred backlash in Canada from the Canadian Islamic Congress that objected to some statements, such as âMuslims will soon dominate world cultureâ (Cranny & Moles, 2010. 338). Cranny and Moles (2010) minimized their own responsibility for the negative statements on Islam by presenting these statements as other peopleâs views. Additionally, Cranny and Moles (2010) also included quoted views in defence of the article claiming that â[m]any people in the media defended the right to disagree and to offend as part of the price of free speechâ (p. 338). This last sentence suggests that free speech includes the right to offend. The authors did not offer a formal definition of âfree speech,â and did not address any controversies around sensitivities to religions in general, and Islam in particular. Furthermore, it is unclear why the authors chose to include the same negatively charged photograph from the magazine cover (see Photograph 5.14) and why they neglected to address 147 the potential bias in the photograph. For example, the photograph illustrates Islam in ways that communicate the oppression of females and children and aggression, as may be deduced from the image of a little girl covered in black and staring at the camera. It is worth noting that the authorsâ inclusion of othersâ criticism of Islam enabled them to include negative opinions about the religion that described it as a threat to the âworld culture.â The omission of details that serve to educate the reader on potential biases is suggestive that the authors were satisfied with the level of input that they included in the text, thus allowing for whatever assumptions that may result from both photograph and statements. A second instance that included Islam in Counterpoints occurred in a Critical Thinking section that posed several examples and asked students to discuss answers that could be considered violations of human rights. The examples, included in this exercise, were as follows: a) In an Islamic country, a woman is stoned after being accused of having an affair. b) A woman of visible minority is refused a university teaching post on the grounds that the qualifications are not sufficient for the job. c) A Canadian citizen is refused entry to Canada after visiting Africa because he or she is considered a security threat. d) A Sikh employee is refused permission to wear a turban at work. e) A gay man is called names as he walks down a Vancouver street. f) A young man is refused the right to vote because he is 16 and not a Canadian citizen. g) A protest at a trade conference is broken up by the police using tear gas. h) A prominent Canadian makes derogatory remarks about Aboriginal people. i) A qualified man is refused a job because the company says it must give the position to a qualified woman. (Cranny & Moles, 2010, p. 348) 148 In the first example, the authors stated the location of the proposed incident as occurring âin an Islamic country.â The example was presented as an act of âstoningâ of women, thus relating the stoning of women to Islam, as can be inferred from locating the incident â[i]n an Islamic country.â Cranny and Moles (2010) included the phrase âaccused of having an affairâ (p. 348) that emphasized the idea that âin an Islamic countryâ accusation of infidelity is considered a crime that is punishable by death. This first example introduced what appears to be a torturous execution of women suspects who are accused of, as opposed to trialed and convicted of a crime. Furthermore, the use of the declarative sentence âin an Islamic country, a woman is stoned afterâ (Cranny & Moles, 2010, p. 348) presented this act as an unquestionable fact that occurs in âIslamicâ countries. The authors did not make any reference to describe the diversity within Islam or incorporate any factors that may contribute to the âstoningâ of women. The inclusion of the stoning of women and locating the act in an âIslamic countryâ is a replication of what Said (2003) described as constructions of backwardness that were evident decades ago in Western literatureâs constructions of Islam and the âMiddle East.â Although Islam was not discussed in the textbooks that were examined in this study, the inclusion of this specific example contributes to a view of Islam as intolerant and aggressive. Moreover, the first example focused on two issues (i.e., stoning of women and infidelity), whereas the remaining examples were related to with employment as seen in statements such as â[a] woman is â¦ refused a university teaching postâ (Cranny & Moles, 2010, p. 348) and â[a] qualified man is refused a job â¦â (p. 348). Cranny and Moles (2010) also included examples about citizenship rights as noted in âCanadian citizen is refused entryâ (p. 348) and â[a] young man is refused the right to voteâ (p. 348). In other examples, Cranny and Moles (2010) described 149 verbal attacks against individuals as seen in a âgay man is called namesâ (p. 348) and a âCanadian makes derogatory remarksâ (p. 348), as well as examples that included political rights and freedoms as noted in the sentence â[a] protest â¦ is broken upâ (p. 348). The examples that addressed employment, citizenship rights, verbal attacks, and political rights pale in comparison with the gravity of the example that included a torturous act that leads to death. The contrast between the first example and the remaining ones illustrates a difference between the potential abuse others face â[i]n an Islamic country,â and the potential abuse that could occur in Canada. These examples appear to show a violent and backward view of others, especially in comparison to Canada whose human rights abuses were reduced to debates around university teaching positions, citizensâ rights and permissions, and verbal attacks as opposed to stoning women to death. The third instance that included Islam was more evident through a photograph (see Photograph 4.15) of what the authors described as a âyoung girlâ shown with a bloodied face on a poster during a demonstration. âNedaâ was identified in the textbook as an âIranian protestorâ who was âkilled by the police during the election protests in Iranâ (Cranny & Moles, 2010, p. 349). Cranny and Moles (2010) once again, invited their readers to reflect on an issue in the âMiddle Eastâ by asking them to â[d]escribe how Neda is portrayed in the pictureâ and reflect on â[w]hat Rights and Freedoms allow for this type of demonstration?â (p. 349). Although Cranny Photograph 5.15 Female protester killed in Iran. âNeda, a young girl allegedly killed by the police during the election protests in Iran, became a symbol for rebellion. Her death was filmed by bystanders and broadcast all over the world.â Adapted Counterpoints: Exploring Canadian Issues (2nd ed.) (p. 139), by M. Cranny and G. Moles, 2010, Toronto, ON: Pearson Canada Inc. Copyright 2010 by Pearson Education Canada. Reproduced with permission. 150 and Moles did not mention Islam, the image itself is suggestive of Nedaâs religion, as well as the demonstratorsâ religious affiliation. The authors also identified the killing as it happened in âIran,â a country that is located in the âMiddle East.â Notably, the authorsâ examples of human rightsâ abuses from around the world focused on Islam and the âMiddle East.â Both females in Photographs 5.14 and 5.15 were shown wearing the headscarf that is often identified with Islam. The emphasis on human rights violations in relation to Islam and the âMiddle Eastâ constructs a consistent description of both Islam and the âMiddle Eastâ as a source of oppression (e.g., stoning, shooting) toward women. The inclusion of the Iranian victim and the stoning victim in an âIslamic countryâ accentuated differences and constructed a comparison between practices in Canada and what was described as a âMiddle Easternâ and an âIslamic country.â To emphasize this difference, the authors invited the readers to reflect on these human rights abuses and discuss â[w]hat freedoms under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms allow for this type of demonstration?â (Cranny & Moles, 2010, p. 349). This request draws attention to the more humane government of Canada as it compares to Iran and âIslamic countries.â These descriptions contributed to the construction of a violent âMiddle Eastâ and a peacekeeping Canada. In this respect, the instances that included Islam and the âMiddle Eastâ appear to be âotheringâ strategies that constructed the view of Islam and the âMiddle Eastâ as violent and oppressive, especially toward women. 5.3 Identification of a Discourse of Othering The constructions of peoples of Arab descent, as well as the instances of their inclusions/exclusions in the textbooks, contributed to the identification of a discourse of 151 othering. This section reviews key points and interpretations that construct peoples of Arab descent in the analyzed instances in the textbooks as âothers.â Subsection 5.1.1 showed that the textbooks excluded any mentions of peoples of Arab descent as citizens in Canada or as people who live outside the âMiddle Eastâ and North Africa, despite the groupsâ immigration into Canada over two centuries ago (see Abu-Laban, 1980). Further, peoples of Arab descent were described exclusively in international conflicts in ways that widen the gap between them and peoples in Europe and North America. The authors described several positive traits and attributed those to Western and mainly European countries, and explained these countriesâ active and significant roles in historical events and international conflicts. Conversely, descriptions of peoples of Arab descent constructed them as passive peoples, lacking nationalistic desires, thus lacking ability to be independent and to fight off occupations (e.g., North African Campaign, the Persian Gulf War). Further, the inclusions of peoples of Arab descent only as conflicting parties with the United States and other European nations constructed the views of peoples of Arab descent as inferior, powerless, lacking resources, and as weak opponents of the âWest.â The constructions of peoples of Arab descent as inferior and as weak opponents has been noted in formal education (see Perry, 1975; Salman, 2014), entertainment media (see Ramji, 2016) and political rhetoric (see Merskin, 2004). In the current study, these constructions were emphasized by the authorsâ inclusions of countries such as Libya, Egypt, and Iraq that were invaded and defeated by colonial powers and by the United States, thus confining inclusions of peoples of Arab descent to passivated roles (e.g., colonial subjects, defeated enemies, prisoners). The focus on passivation of peoples of Arab descent appears to be consistent with what Said (1978/2003) noted in 152 âotheringâ strategies in Western literature that undermined peoples of Arab descent and did not acknowledge their quests for independence. The analysis revealed an absence of any mentions of the impact of wars and historical conflicts on peoples of Arab descent. Subsection 5.1.2 demonstrated how Cranny and Moles (2010) seemed to downplay human losses among peoples of non-European heritage, while emphasizing incidents and losses in European and North American countries. For instance, the authors focused only on the loss of resources (e.g., oil) in countries that are predominantly inhabited by peoples of Arab descent. These constructions were noted in several incidents in Counterpoints including the coverage of the Persian Gulf War and the Iraq War. The focus on resources was particularly noticed in the authorsâ description of the North African Campaign, which discussed Egypt and Libya as Western interests (e.g., strategic locations, access points, oil). On the other hand, the reports of human suffering and losses among European and North American countries addressed all three: military (e.g., soldiers, army), civilian (e.g., people, citizens, refugees), and infrastructure losses. This distinction could emphasize European and North American life and worth, and reproduce the orientalist views that devalue and dehumanize peoples of Arab descent by absenting any mentions of their suffering and focusing only on their roles as colonial subjects and their geographic locations as valued for oil (Said, 1978/2003). The absence of humanizing descriptions in relation to peoples of Arab descent was complemented with the focus on showing them as aggressive people, terror suspects, and enemies of the United States and its allies. The authorsâ descriptions of leaders of Arab descent contributed to highlighting more differences between peoples. For example, leaders of Arab descent (e.g., Gamal Abdel Nasser) were shown as threatening and aggressive, whereas leaders 153 from other countries (e.g., Canada) were described as peace brokers (see Section 5.2.3). The descriptions in Counterpoints are consistent with stereotypes of peoples of Arab descent as different and aggressive. This aggressive image has been similarly noted in numerous studies and literature that revealed constructions of individuals of Arab descent as hostile toward Western countries (e.g., Naber, 2008a; Perry, 1975; Said, 1978/2003; Tuastad, 2003). In notable contrast to European and North American countries, peoples of Arab descent only appeared in the context of conflict and crisis. Cranny and Moles (2010) referred to peoples of Arab descent in topics that demanded intervention by Western countries (e.g., Suez Crisis, Kuwait invasion), and in acts of terrorism (e.g., the September 11th attacks). Counterpoints included several references that conjoined acts of terror with countries that are predominantly inhabited by peoples of Arab descent. The focus on relations between peoples of Arab descent and terrorism was evident in the arrangement of events in Counterpoints that discussed them as suspected terrorists (e.g., Abu Ghraib prisoner) and as âIslamic fundamentalistsâ (e.g., Osama bin Laden), thus relating peoples of Arab descent and Islam to terrorism (see Subsection 5.2.2). For example, the September 11th attacks were included twice in Counterpoints. In its first mention, the authors made direct and indirect links between the September 11th attacks and Iraq. In its second mention, the authors made implicit connections between the attacks, the Afghanistan War, and the Iraq War. Relations between peoples of Arab descent with terrorism, particularly with the September 11th attacks, were further established by the use of a visual display in Counterpoints that featured a photograph of a person of Arab descent as a prisoner in Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq (see Photograph 5.13). The range of topics that included peoples of Arab descent in Counterpoints appears to be similar to Wisemanâs (2014) study that showed 154 content involving peoples of Arab descent was dominated by the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, as well as topics that involved terrorism and terrorists. Further, a discourse of othering was also noted in the lack of acknowledgement of Islam and adherents of the Islamic faith in Canada or other Western countries. Similar to their approach toward peoples of Arab descent, the authors also discussed Islam as a religion that is confined to the âMiddle Eastâ and âIslamic countries.â In addition to locating Islam outside Canada, the authors included specific detail about the religion that contributes to homogenizing constructions of both Islam and inhabitants of the âMiddle East.â The descriptions of the âMiddle East,â as a place where peoples of Arab descent and Islam were located, were dominated by violent practices and oppression against women (e.g., stoning women, Iranâs shooting of the protester) (see Photographs 5.14 & 5.15). These two photographs appear to project dual oppression of what was shown as âMuslimâ and âMiddle Easternâ women who were constructed as victims of patriarchal forms of religious and political oppression, thus advancing the orientalist constructions of the religion as oppressive and uncivil (see Said, 1978/2003). The inclusion of stoning of women reflects findings in other studies that noted constructions of Islam as a religion that is intolerant and peculiar (e.g., Barlow, 1994), and showed the status of women in Islam as inferior and reproduced cultural and religious stereotypes (Ali, 2013; Zagumny & Richey, 2012). The constructions that were noted in Counterpoints may contribute to the reproduction of the neo-orientalist constructions of the âMiddle Eastâ as a geographic space that is inhabited by people who are âMuslimsâ and practice barbaric cultural habits and political oppression. In this sense, not only was the religion of Islam confined to âIslamic countriesâ and the âMiddle East,â it was solely discussed in the context of oppression, human rights abuses, and terrorism. 155 The analysis illustrates how the authors constructed views of peoples of Arab descent, Islam, and the âMiddle Eastâ in ways that reflect what Said (2003) described as the frontiers for âbackwardness, lack of democracy, and abrogation of womenâs rightsâ (p. xiv). The textbooks lacked perspectives and information that challenged existing stereotypes about peoples of Arab descent, Islam, and the âMiddle East.â The persistent construction of a distant place (i.e., the âMiddle Eastâ) with unfamiliar and strange inhabitants (i.e., peoples of Arab descent and âMuslimsâ) reproduces the dichotomy between the âWestâ and the âEastâ (Said, 1987/2003). In this respect, a discourse of othering in the textbooks borrows from orientalism that constructs superior-inferior views of the world and its inhabitants that is framed with the binary typology that constructs the âWestâ as everything the âEastâ is not, and vice versa (Said, 1978/2003). 5.4 Multicultural Attitudes in Canada The authors in Counterpoints and Horizons introduced their textbooks by describing the importance of cultural diversity and inclusivity. The authors stated that there are â[q]uestions to ask while studying history: â¦ Which stories should we tell? What about the past is significant enough to pass on to other generations?â (Cranny et al., 2009, p. vii; Cranny & Moles, 2010, p. viii). In addition, Cranny and Moles (2010) specifically emphasized the inclusion of diverse perspectives, as seen in the following statement: Recognizing perspectives not only can help us to understand others, it may be an essential basis for getting along in a culturally diverse country such as Canada. Social studies should give us practice moving beyond our own perspectives and taking seriously the perspectives of others. (p. ix) 156 At surface level, the textbook appears to be promising a shift toward inclusivity, and the authors appeared to be aware of the value of diverse perspectives or those âbeyond our own perspectivesâ (Cranny & Moles, 2010, p. ix). The focus in this section is the recognition of the variety of cultures and ethnicities in Canadaâs multicultural society. The analysis examines lexical choices that described multiculturalism in Canada and described attitudes towards minoritized groups. The analysis reveals how multicultural groups are discussed and which groups are emphasized. How they are represented and who is suppressed or omitted from the discussion. Analyzing multicultural perspectives and attitudes is relevant to this research because it provides a glimpse into how these educational textbooks include diverse perspectives and construct cultural and ethnic groups in Canada. Examining the ways the texts addressed multicultural attitudes provides information into potential inclusions and/or exclusions of peoples of Arab descent in the discussion of ethnic groups. 5.4.1 Eurocentric perspectives. In this subsection, I begin by noting repetitions and juxtapositions of lexical choices and include several instances from both textbooks to examine how the authorsâ language conveyed messages about ethnic and racial attitudes in Canadaâs history. For example, Cranny and Moles (2010) used the term âEurocentricâ to describe attitudes in Canada toward some immigrants as can be noted in statements such as â[n]ot everyone is welcomed. ... Most Canadians were Eurocentric, believing their own race or group was superiorâ (p. 9). The term âEurocentricâ carries a negative connotation that is often discussed in relation to being centred on Western nations and biased against non-European cultures. In other statements, 157 the authors described multicultural attitudes toward others as seen in â[p]eople of African or Asian origin were not accepted by many Canadiansâ (Cranny et al., 2009, p. 272) and âthey [Canadians] disliked outsiders ... [s]ome Canadians did not welcome â¦â (Cranny & Moles, 2010, p. 9). Several similar lexical choices (e.g., âdid not welcome,â âdisliked outsiders,â ânot accepted by many Canadiansâ) further described racial and ethnic biases in Canada. With these lexical choices, the authors described the âEurocentricâ attitudes among people in Canada. In their descriptions of some of the past events and attitudes towards minoritized peoples, the authors seemed to highlight an undesirable outcome of Eurocentrism that manifested in racist behaviours toward particular minoritized groups. However, despite mentioning discriminatory attitudes toward ethnic minorities in the past, the authors communicated these unwelcoming attitudes with softer language as can be noticed in ânot acceptedâ instead of ârejected,â and âdislikedâ instead of âhatedâ or âresented.â Furthermore, in their descriptions of cultural attitudes, Cranny and Moles (2010) included two specific groups: those who were in positions to welcome or accept others, and those who were in positions to be welcomed or accepted by others. In describing those who welcomed or accepted others, Cranny and Moles (2010) used hedging to avoid general references about the discriminatory attitudes that were held by this group against others. For instance, Cranny and Moles (2010) wrote â[m]ost Canadians were ethnocentric â¦ Many French-speaking Canadians were concerned that the new immigrants would â¦â (p. 9) and âmany Canadians had a somewhat more open attitude toward people of other cultures and countriesâ (p. 211). The quantifiable lexical choices such as âmost,â âmany,â âsome,â and âsomewhatâ appear to be efforts to further confine the Eurocentric attitudes to unidentified groups in Canada. The authors, in these 158 examples, seemed to avoid making general claims to describe all people in Canada as possessing discriminatory attitudes toward ânew immigrantsâ and âother cultures.â Cranny and Moles (2010) discussed attitudes toward immigrants indicating that not all newcomers were wanted, as noted in the phrase â[n]ot everyone is welcomed ... Most Canadians were Eurocentricâ (p. 9). In discussing immigration trends, the authors occasionally identified which groups were welcomed at the time. For instance, â[i]mmigrants of British and European origin, especially northern Europeans, were preferred because it was thought that they would adapt the most easily to the Canadian wayâ (Cranny & Moles, 2010, p. 177). The authorsâ casual statements about who was accepted and on what basis did not clarify how Eurocentrism as a dominant ideology manifested in racism in Canada and how it fueled the attempt to construct a White European Canada that resulted in additional discrimination against minoritized groups. In this sense, Counterpoints introduced events without problematizing the construction of a White European Canada. For example, the authors repeated the term the âCanadian way,â but they did not question it, nor did they address ideologies that oppressed Indigenous peoples and other ethnic groups in favor of European cultures and values that served as criteria for evaluating and welcoming/unwelcoming groups. Discrimination against people who practiced the Jewish faith, as well as people of Chinese, Japanese, Indian, and African affiliations were evident in both textbooks. Both textbooks included mentions of specific ethnicities and religions (e.g., âAfrican,â âAsian,â âJewishâ) that were targets of Eurocentric bias, as noted in the following: â[m]any Chinese, Japanese, and South Asian immigrants settled in British Columbia. They too suffered from discrimination and racismâ¦ The race riot resulted in severe restrictions on Japanese 159 immigrationâ (Cranny & Moles, 2010, p. 9) and â[p]eople of African or Asian origin were not acceptedâ (Cranny et al., 2009, p. 272). The authorsâ descriptions of racial attitudes toward ethnic groups were consistently framed as past occurrences as opposed to modern practices. A variety of temporal and spatial markers such as verb tense and adverbs (e.g., were, now, then), were noted in statements in both textbooks, as seen in âattitudes were also different thenâ (Cranny & Moles, 2010, p. 4), âthey [Canadians] disliked âoutsidersâ... [s]ome Canadians did not welcome â¦ Many French-speaking Canadians were concernedâ (Cranny & Moles, 2010, p. 9),âJewish people were seen as burden on the stateâ (Cranny & Moles, 2010, p. 128) and âpeople of African or Asian origin were not accepted by many Canadiansâ (Cranny et al., 2009, p. 272). The authors also included particular temporal markers with references to specific dates that signaled change, as seen in â[b]y the 1960s, many Canadians had a somewhat more open attitude toward people of other cultures and countriesâ (Cranny & Moles, 2010, p. 211) and â[d]uring the 1980s, Canada became more multicultural than ever beforeâ (Cranny & Moles, 2010, p. 246). Temporal and spatial markers such as âdifferent then,â âby the 1960s,â â[d]uring the 1960s,â âduring the 1980s,â and âever beforeâ were used to identify and connect events from the past. The use of past tenseââattitudes were,â âwere concerned,â âdisliked outsiders,â âCanadians had,â âdid not welcome,â ânot accepted,â and âwere seen as burdenââcontain temporal and spatial markers. These markers confine discriminatory attitudes to Canadaâs past and to a group of people from another place and time, thus, distancing these attitudes from present day Canada and to people who currently live in it. The differentiation of past and present attitudes, values, and policies was foreshadowed in the opening pages in both textbooks, as seen in questions that alluded to a different Canada today 160 than in the past. For example, the authors asked: â[h]ow did things get to be as we see them today?â (Cranny et al., 2009, p. vii; Cranny & Moles, 2010, p. viii). Although describing past attitudes and policies is expected in textbooks about historical events, what is worth noting is the descriptions of these sentiments as past occurrences in contrast to Canadaâs present ethnic attitudes. Cranny and Moles (2010) constructed the image of a different modern Canada in their detailed introduction to Canada as an âEmerging Nationâ in a chapter entitled a âDifferent Canada.â The term âdifferentâ and its derivatives were repeatedly applied to separate Canadian ethnic attitudes and views in the past. For example, âattitudes were also different thenâ (Cranny & Moles, 2010, p. 4) and âCanada fit the claim that âthe past is like a foreign country; â¦ they do things differently thereââ (p. 5). Along the same lines, Cranny et al. (2009) repeated these sentiments with explicit comparisons between past and present cultural attitudes and perspectives. For example, they stated that âwe need to recognize that although peopleâs ideas from another time or place may seem unfamiliar, their perspective may make sense to them... We cannot necessarily judge people from the past, for example, with our present-day perspectivesâ (Cranny et al., 2009, p. x). The examples from both textbooks attributed racist perspectives and attitudes to a different place (e.g., there) and time (e.g., then), thus constructing a different view of Canada with a range of near synonymous words, such as âforeign,â âdifferent,â âanother time or place,â and âunfamiliar.â In addition, throughout the textbooks, the authors used presumptive questions to refer to change in attitudes and policies toward immigrants and ethnic minorities. Cranny and Moles (2010) asked, â[h]ow did Canada and Canadian identity change as a result of social, economic, and cultural trends at the end of the millennium and beyond? In what ways did Canadian society 161 change after 1980?â and â[h]ow did changes in social practices affect women and minority groups in Canada?â (p. 240). One assumption here seems to be that the readers are not expected to question whether âchangeâ in multicultural attitudes actually happened, in this sense, the change is taken for granted as something that did happen. Further, the relational identifiers in the form of pronouns, âwe,â âour,â âtheir,â and âtheyâ aided the construction of a view that differentiates the past and its inhabitants from what âweâ know in the present. The use of these pronouns contributed to constructing the views that âourâ attitudes and values are different from âtheirâ [past Canadiansâ] values. The underlying assumption in these examples is that at least two versions of Canada exist. The authors in both textbooks omitted mentions of current racist issues and problematic attitudes, thus indirectly suggesting that people in Canada today have different racial attitudes and perspectives. In this respect, Canada today is assumed to be welcoming and accepting of others, and peopleâs Eurocentric attitudes are assumed to be no longer an issue for immigrants and people of non-European heritage in Canada. 5.4.2 Discrimination as a past practice in Canada. This subsection details experiences of several cultural groups with examples showing how the authors in both textbooks addressed the ways minoritized groups experienced discrimination in society. The authorsâ descriptions of several groupsâ experiences are relevant for analyzing the ways they reflected multicultural attitudes, and for examining inclusions/exclusions of peoples of Arab descent. The authorsâ introductions of minoritized groups were passivated with multiple verbs (e.g., âdisadvantaged,â âwere viewed,â âwere deported,â âlost their jobs,â âseen as a burdenâ) and other lexical choices that highlighted how they âwereâ received in Canada (e.g., âsuffered 162 from discrimination,â âexperienced discriminationâ). These terms were noted in several examples, such as âsome groups of people, including immigrants, Aboriginal peoples, and women, were particularly disadvantaged ... Immigrants were viewed with hostilityâ (Cranny & Moles, 2010, p. 96), âimmigrants were deportedâ (p. x), and âJewish people were seen as a burden on the stateâ (p. 128). Other statements included specific immigrant groups, for example, ârestrictions on Asian immigrants were particularly severeâ (Cranny & Moles, 2010, p. 76) and âas more Chinese immigrants came to British Columbia, discrimination against them also increasedâ (Cranny et al., 2009, p. 238). In most of these statements, the authors did not identify those who were effecting ethnic groups. For example, who deported the immigrants? Who or which groups of âCanadiansâ viewed Jewish people as a burden? And who disadvantaged people? Both textbooks detailed the types of discrimination that some immigrants experienced in Canada. The authorsâ lexical choices identified what and how minoritized groups were discussed in the textbooks. The authors specified groups who were discriminated against in Canada, and in the process, they identified specific minoritized groups who were targets of discrimination, violence, and abuse by other citizens. For example, â[i]n 1907, an angry mob of 9000 people smashed windows and destroyed signs on stories owned by Chinese and Japanese immigrantsâ (Cranny & Moles, 2010, p. 9) and âthe mob from the Asiatic Exclusion League rampaged through the Chinese and Japanese sections of Vancouver during the riot of 1907â (p. 274). Violence against other communities included actions in different provinces, for example, â[i]n Nova Scotia, officials ordered the destruction of the African-Canadian community of Africvilleâ (Cranny & Moles, 2010, p. 212). The use of verbs that carry violent and negative connotations 163 ârampaged,â âsmashed,â and âdestroyedâ emphasized the gravity of the discrimination against specific immigrant groups (i.e., âChinese and Japanese,â âAfrican-Canadiansâ). These verbs also cohere with the lexical choices âthe mob,â âangry mob,â and âriotâ that usually refer to crowds of people who may engage in disorderly and unruly behaviors. The violence against the identified ethnic groups is bolstered with several terms that carry similar meanings, such as âdestroyâ and âsmash,â both of which emphasize the victimization of minoritized groups. Throughout the texts, the authors did not engage in critical examination of the dominant ideologies and policies that enabled one group to discriminate against others. Instead, most incidents were reported as actions that resulted from individual bias. In this respect, the authors did not mention systemic issues at the institutional and structural levels that located specific ethnicities and cultures as the societal norm and enabled those who fit the ânormâ to discriminate against âdifferentâ others. In these examples, the authors focused on the citizensâ actions (e.g., âa mob of citizens,â âlow level officialsâ) without sufficient mention of dominant ideologies and policies. Cranny and Moles (2010) described people affected by negative encounters with generalized lexical choices that evaded clear ethnic identifications (e.g., ânewcomers,â âimmigrantsâ), as seen in âmany newcomers to Canada experienced discrimination ... Many Chinese, Japanese, and South Asian immigrants settled in British Columbia. They too, suffered from discrimination and racismâ (p. 9) and â[m]any immigrants who were already employed lost their jobs because they had been the last to be hired. By 1935, more than 28000 immigrants were deported from Canadaâ (p. 96). In these examples, the word âmanyâ was used in several phrases, such as âmany newcomersâ and âmany immigrants.â The lexical choice âmanyâ appears to demonstrate the authorsâ effort to avoid sweeping generalizations and, in the process, it enabled 164 them to omit citing other ethnic groups who may have been subject to discrimination at the time. Furthermore, the authorsâ referrals to some ethnic groups as ânewcomersâ and âimmigrantsâ did not define who was classified as an âimmigrantâ and who was classified as a ânon-immigrantâ in the textbooks. 5.4.3 Changes in multicultural attitudes. In the following paragraphs, I highlight the process of change in multicultural attitudes and policies in Canada that were noted in the instances in the textbooks. An examination of lexical choices demonstrated how the authors distinguished multicultural attitudes in Canadaâs past and present. Lexical choices such as (e.g., âthan ever,â âfrom â¦ up until,â âduring,â âuntil,â âby,â âbefore,â âafter,â âpreviously,â âtodayâ) reference time frames that allude to shifts in multicultural attitudes. Comparative lexical choices (e.g., âmore â¦ than ever,â âmore â¦ thanâ) were noted in several statements, such as âCanadian society was more discriminatory than everâ (Cranny & Moles, 2010, p. 55) and âby the 1960s, many Canadians had a somewhat more open attitude towards people of other cultures and countries â¦â (p. 211). These lexical choices posit an increase or decrease in behaviors and attitudes. References to attitude changes across time also occurred in descriptions of behaviors and attitudes during specific time periods and specific events. For example, â[d]uring the 1980s, Canada became more multicultural than ever beforeâ (p. 246) and â[a]fter the war Canada eventually loosened some of its immigration restrictions to allow more people to come to Canada â¦â (Cranny & Moles, 2010, p. 246). Additional references to time described and alluded to the changing policies that promoted shifts in cultural attitudes. Cranny and Moles (2010) stated that âup until the 1960s, Canada had a somewhat 165 restrictive immigration policyâ (p. 177), â[i]n 1971, an official policy of multiculturalism was introduced by Prime Minister Trudeauâ (p. 211), and âliving in Canada today, you enjoy the guarantee of rights and freedoms that are denied to people in many countriesâ (p. 323). These statements demonstrate change in multicultural attitudes by the Canadian government. Further, changing multicultural attitudes were related to positively charged verb clusters, as seen in the following excerpt: Canada guarantees its people equality and inclusion in society. Federal and provincial human rights laws protect our right to equality, as well as our right to be different. â¦This rule of law helps to protect our rights and prevent those in authority from abusing their power. â¦ Canadian legislation promotes tolerance and open-mindedness, which characterizes our multicultural society. (Cranny & Moles, 2010, pp. 337-338) Positive verbs such as âguarantees,â âprotect,â âpromotes,â âhelps,â and âcharacterizesâ presuppose the inclusion of fair multicultural practices and attitudes in modern times. The attitudes were framed with specific descriptors that identify values often relate to multiculturalism, such as âequality,â âinclusion,â âprotection,â âopen mindedness,â and âtolerance.â In reference to Indigenous cultures, however, Cranny and Moles (2010) diverged from consistently situating racism and discrimination as past practices. Aboriginal peoplesâ experiences were noted differently as shown in the following example: âThe ongoing struggle of Aboriginals for self-determination, the fight for womenâs suffrage, and the forced internment of Japanese Canadians during the Second World War are part of Canadaâs human rights historyâ (p. 323). The authors mentioned both past (i.e., Canadaâs human rights history) and present (i.e., ongoing struggle) events that seem to identify continuing discrimination only in relation to 166 Aboriginal peoples. In this respect, the authors allude to the fact that discrimination against Indigenous peoples is unresolved and ongoing. 5.5 Identification of a Discourse of Multicultural Progress This section identifies a discourse of multicultural progress that was noted in the authorsâ descriptions of the changes in cultural and racial attitudes in Canada. Section 5.3 focused on analyzing the instances in the textbooks that described multicultural attitudes toward minoritized groups. In Subsections 5.3.2 and 5.3.3, I noted the authorsâ descriptions of discriminatory attitudes toward ethnic groups and descriptions of the Eurocentric perspective as a part of Canadaâs past. Further, in Subsection 5.3.2, I described the authorsâ efforts to show recognition of minoritized groupsâ experiences in Canada. Subsection 5.3.3 noted the descriptions of the shift toward an accepting and culturally embracing Canada today than Canada in the past. A discourse of multicultural progress emerged in the authorsâ efforts to construct a different and more embracing Canada today. This discourse was noted in the emphasis on the distinction between Canadaâs Eurocentric experiences in the past and its culturally accepting and culturally inclusive attitudes in the present. The authors indirectly described their textbooks as multicultural and inclusive (see Section 5.3). Both textbooks included content that reflected an awareness of multicultural values and ideals, such as being inclusive of different cultures and perspectives. The ways the authors emphasized cultural acceptance and cultural inclusivity may lead students to assume that the textbooks acknowledge minoritized groupsâ experiences in Canadaâs past and present (see Subsections 5.3.1 & 5.3.2). The authorsâ claim was evident in statements like â[s]ocial studies 167 should give us practice moving beyond our own perspectives and taking seriously the perspectives of othersâ (Cranny & Moles, 2010, p. ix). Multicultural inclusivity was emphasized in the textbooksâ introductions with questions that acknowledged the diverse stories in society, as seen in â[w]hich stories shall we tell?â and â[w]hat about the past is significant enough to pass on to future generations?â (Cranny & Moles, 2010, p. viii; Cranny et al., 2009, p. vii). These questions presuppose that the textbooks are inclusive of minoritized groupsâ stories and perspectives. This show of inclusivity appeared to reflect multicultural content that aims to diversify knowledge about cultures and ethnicities by incorporating different worldviews and histories of dominant and minority groups. Moreover, the authorsâ questions include a value assessment that alludes to the selection process of the stories that are worth telling. For instance, the lexical choice âsignificantâ adds evaluative assumptions about the stories that were provided in the textbooks. These views may risk normalizing the absence of groups whose stories may not have been evaluated as âsignificant,â and were not included or acknowledged in the instances that described minoritized groupsâ experiences. At a surface level, the textbooks show recognition of some peopleâs stories in Canada, as noted in the excerpts about the experiences of minoritized groups (e.g., Indigenous peoples), as well as the discrimination faced by immigrants from India, China, and Japan (e.g., Komagata Maru, Head Tax, Residential schools, the Continuous Passage Act). These mentions demonstrated attempts to diversify the historical lens and include information about discrimination against people other than those of Eastern European heritage. However, despite the seeming inclusivity, the multicultural content remains limited to specific ethnic groups (see Subsection 5.3.3). Further, lexical choices such as âimmigrants,â âsettlers,â ânewcomers,â ânew immigrants,â and hyphenated descriptors such as âJapanese-Canadiansâ and âIndo-Canadians,â 168 may communicate views that label specific groups as more Canadian than others. The content in the textbooks appears to distinguish between old and new groups in Canada. In this respect, the authors only included the experiences of those who seem to be considered more established in Canadaâs past and present, than those who are viewed as newer immigrants or less âCanadianâ than others. The authorsâ statements highlighted âWhiteâ and Northern European cultures and values as a criterion for acceptance in the past. In explaining discrimination against specific groups, Cranny and Moles (2010) stated that some groups were welcomed because âthey would adapt the most easily to the Canadian wayâ (p. 177). The term âCanadian wayâ taps into ideological assumptions that Canada has a fixed or homogenous culture with White European values. The emphasis reinforces the notion that Canada is naturally White and European, thus justifying why some immigrants who were identified as âWhiteâ and who were of âEuropeanâ origins were assumed to easily adapt to the âCanadian way.â Cranny and Moles (2010) did not challenge the discussion of cultural differences as homogenizing references of particular groups, nor did they explore motives for discussing non-European groups (e.g., peoples of Arab descent) in ways that encourage viewing them as people who are inherently different from âCanadians.â For example, the authorsâ lexical choices and visual displays described people of non-European backgrounds in homogenizing and âotheringâ terms and presented the groups as different from Canada and âCanadianâ values (see Subsection 5.2.5). In this respect, the content in the textbooks may reproduce the views that there is a âCanadian wayâ that reflects âCanadianâ values that are different from othersâ racialized and ethnicized values and practices. 169 Further, the analysis reveals that the authors focused on discrimination and racist attitudes in Canada as a past occurrence. The analysis notes the minimal references to current unwelcoming racial attitudes that could be incorporated into the textbooks. This interpretation was drawn from the variety of ways that the authors drew comparisons between Canada in the past and Canada today that may mislead readers to assume that the unwelcoming racial attitudes are not a concern in Canadaâs present. For instance, temporal and spatial markers such as verb tense and adverbs (e.g., were, now, then) that distanced the present from the past were noted in statements in both textbooks, including âattitudes were also different thenâ (Cranny & Moles, 2010, p. 4). Moreover, the affirmation of a different Canada was also noted in direct statements that asserted Canadaâs changed attitudes toward immigrants as seen in â[d]uring the 1980s, Canada became more multicultural than ever beforeâ (Cranny & Moles, 2010, p. 246). In several of the examples in both textbooks, discrimination was confined to specific ethnicities, despite documented discrimination against others. The authors mentioned discrimination incidents against some ethnic groups (e.g., Komagata Maru, Head Tax, Residential schools, the Continuous Passage Act). They also illustrated how minoritized groupsâincluding Indigenous cultures, Jewish immigrants, and those of Indian, Chinese, African, Japanese backgroundsâexperienced hardship and rejection in Canada (Cranny & Moles, 2010; Cranny et al., 2009). Discussions about groupsâ experiences in Canada did not include any mentions of peoples of Arab descent. In this respect, there was no acknowledgement of them as individuals or groups who are a part of Canadaâs cultural mix even though they also endured discriminatory and unwelcoming attitudes (see Woodworth, 1909) and struggled with restrictive immigration policies (e.g., Continuous Passage Act). Counterpoints explored the discrimination against travellers from India (e.g., Komagata Maru), but omitted recognition of 170 other groupsâ experiences, including peoples of Arab descent, who were impacted by anti-immigration policies and were blocked from entering Canada and from connecting with their families overseas (see Abu-Laban, 1980). Indeed, there was an absence of peoples of Arab descent from the textbooksâ discussion of racial and ethnic discrimination. This absence was noted even when discriminatory events impacted peoples of Arab descent. For example, peoples of Arab descent were omitted from discussions about immigrants and immigration processes from as far back as the 1800s to as recent as 2009 and 2010. These omissions reflect findings in previous studies that showed imbalanced coverage of information in relation to peoples of Arab descent (see Brockway, 2007). Neither textbook mentioned peoples of Arab descent while discussing Canadaâs internal affairs (e.g., âCanadian citizens,â âCanadian immigrantsâ) or mentioned their experiences as minoritized groups who were targeted by discriminatory policies and subjected to unwelcoming racial attitudes and discrimination in Canadaâs past and present. The analysis notes the absence of the more recent experiences of peoples of Arab descent and adherents to the Islamic faith in Canada as groups who continue to be viewed as a threatening âother,â and as targets of Islamophobic sentiments and discriminatory attitudes inside and outside schools (see Al-Fartousi, 2016; Ameli & Merali, 2019; Amjad, 2018; Stonebanks, 2019). The limited focus on attitude changes in Canada toward some minoritized groups and the exclusion of discrimination and discriminatory attitudes toward peoples of Arab descent and other minoritized groups (e.g., adherents to the Islamic faith) fails to reflect multicultural progress towards particular groups in Canada. The discourse of multicultural progress in the analyzed textbooks reflects the differential treatment of particular minoritized groups in 171 curriculum content that was addressed by Gay (2000/2018), who highlighted the discrepancy in the treatment of different groups in curriculum content and the ongoing absences of particular groups. 5.6 Chapter Summary This chapter described a critical discourse analysis of nine instances in two textbooks and identified two overarching discourses in the text. The first is a discourse of othering that showed how peoples of Arab descent and their cultures were constructed in the textbooks. The discourse of othering revealed cultural differences of peoples of Arab descent and related countries that are predominantly inhabited by peoples of Arab descent with values and qualities that are contradictory to values and qualities in Canada. The second is a discourse of multicultural progress that reflected attitudes towards cultural differences in the past and in the present, and described shifts in attitudes and behaviors toward ethnic groups and immigrants in Canada. Notably, this discourse reflected disregard toward specific minoritized groups (e.g., peoples of Arab descent), who were excluded from past and present cultural experiences in Canada, and from what seems to count as multicultural progress. 172 Chapter 6: Discourses in Teachersâ Talk: Constructions of Peoples of Arab Descent This chapter describes a critical discourse analysis of a semi-structured interview with five participants and an observation of their class. The chapter analyzes teachersâ talk to inquire about how peoples of Arab descent are discussed by the participants, and how the participants use their textbooks in teaching about peoples of Arab descent. Notably, teaching about peoples of Arab descent in particular is not a requirement in Grades 10 and 11, therefore, the analysis in this chapter explored the ways teachers navigated instances that directly and indirectly related to peoples of Arab descent and examined potential opportunities to describe and teach about peoples of Arab descent. The analysis follows the same systematic approach that was used in Chapter 5: first, it focuses on lexical choices and internal relations in text and, then, it examines movements of meaning across the texts. The analysis is accompanied with excerpts from the interview transcripts, as well as isolated quotations represented in tables. The tables aid the representation of the linguistic analysis that examined meanings at the micro level of lexical choices (i.e., words and phrases). The chapter is divided into six sections. The first section examines the participantsâ perspectives of teaching for cultural diversity and their views on the social studies textbooks that they used in their classrooms. The second section identifies âa discourse of multicultural progressâ that emerged in the participantsâ descriptions of multicultural content in the textbooks and in their teaching. The third section examines the participantsâ perspectives of their studentsâ knowledge about peoples of Arab descent; it also analyzes how the participants describe using the textbooks to teach about peoples of Arab descent. The fourth section identifies âa discourse of otheringâ that emerged in the participantsâ descriptions. The fifth section analyzes the 173 participantsâ descriptions of how they approach teaching about peoples of Arab descent and the challenges that they face in the process. The sixth section identifies âa discourse of barriers to teaching about peoples of Arab descentâ that emerged in the descriptions of the challenges that the participants face in their classrooms in regard to this topic. The chapter ends with a brief summary. 6.1 Examining Participantsâ Perspectives on Teaching for Cultural Diversity In this section, I begin by describing the ways participants shared their perspectives of the textbooks that they use, and how they detailed their views on teaching about cultural diversity in their classrooms. The section ends with a discussion of âa discourse of multicultural progressâ that is consistent with the discourse of multicultural progress that emerged in Chapter 5. The analysis of the teachersâ talk relied on specific analytical tools that were previously addressed in Chapter 4. Lexical choices were particularly useful for exploring how the participants described how they viewed and used their textbooks (Counterpoints and Horizons) and shared their opinions of the textbooks with statements that emphasized their awareness of the Eurocentric view of history in the textbooks they used. For example, Juliane explained that âthe textbook is pretty Eurocentric, and they give they give kinda of lip service to these communities, but itâs always within the context of...WHAT DID WHITE CANADA DOâ (L. 493). Casey stated, âtheyâre Eurocentric textbooksâ¦a very Eurocentric uh curriculumâ¦the story is very/ to me Eurocentricâ (L. 97, 104, 229) and Emery reiterated a similar view in her statement âhistorically in Canada uh lessons have been uh very uh Eurocentricâ (L. 92). The lexical choice âEurocentricâ was noted in the participantsâ answers (e.g., âpretty Eurocentric,â âEurocentric textbooks,â âvery uh Eurocentric curriculumâ) as they shared their views of the textbooks and 174 explained the textbooksâ focus on the European perspective of history. Juliane elaborated on this point with her statement âwhenever in the textbook we talk about in particular Chinese Canadian and Indo-Canadians itâs kind of likeâ¦OH and BY THE WAY this happened, now letâs get back to the story of the European settlersâ (L. 236-238). In these descriptions, the participants do not explicitly identify Eurocentric perspectives as racism in Canadaâs history, however, the participants acknowledged how Eurocentrism focuses on a particular perspective that favors one view of history over others. In general, the participants described the textbooks as âlimiting,â ânot satisfying,â ânot very good,â and âincomplete.â These descriptors were noted in several statements. For example, Juliane stated, âthese are quite limitingâ¦itâs just not satisfyingâ (L. 186-188) and Rolland asserted that âthe textbook is not very/ not very goodâ¦Horizons is the worst in the bunch, â¦. itâs incompleteâ (L. 619-626). The participants used the adverb ânotâ and the negative prefix âinâ to alter the meanings in their sentences. For example, the word ânotâ was inserted before the positive words âgoodâ and âsatisfyingâ resulting in ânot very goodâ and ânot satisfying,â thus offering polite criticism of textbook content. The same strategy was used to negate the word âcompleteâ by adding the prefix âinâ to describe the books as âincomplete.â The participants also included explicit descriptors that project similar meanings, such as âquite limitingâ and âthe worstâ that further articulate their negative views of the textbooks. The efforts to describe the textbooks in a less flattering light demonstrate dissatisfaction with the content in the two textbooks that were adopted by the school district and supplied by the school. The views that the participants held of textbooks were discussed as reasons to reach out for additional resources. Elizabeth explained, âI don't use the textbook. I have to augment the 175 materialâ (L. 515). The term âhave toâ indicates a necessity. A similar sentiment was echoed by Juliane, âI don't depend on the textbook â¦ so we spend a lot of time working on stuff ~outside the textbookâ (L. 186-193). The lexical choice âsoâ suggests that searching for material outside the textbook is viewed as a must, therefore it may be understood as a consequence of the participantâs inability to depend on the textbooks. Both Elizabeth and Juliane seemed to presuppose that the insufficient material in the textbooks was creating additional work for them, and they are forced to look for material elsewhere due to the âlimitingâ textbooks. Furthermore, the participantsâ dissatisfaction with what they referred to as âincompleteâ and âlimitedâ textbooks was followed with value statements that appear to be attempts to distance themselves from a Eurocentric approach to teaching. The participants emphasized their awareness of the Eurocentric biases in their textbooks. For example, Juliane noted the âconscious effort to not teach a Eurocentric viewâ (L. 137). By adding the negation adverb ânotâ prior to the verb âto teach,â she communicated intentionality to challenge the otherwise naturally occurring âEurocentric view.â The meanings that are constructed in this sentence were repeated in several examples, as seen in âI do I really try in Grade 8 to get away from the Eurocentric...educationâ (Juliane, L. 491-493) and âhistorically in Canada uh lessons have been uh very uh Eurocentric, and so I try to move away from thatâ (Emery, L. 93-94). The terms âget away fromâ and âmove away fromâ can be viewed as distancing efforts from what is considered an undesirable approach. With these statements, the participants appear to view a Eurocentric approach to teaching as âundesirableâ thus positioning their approach as something other than Eurocentric. In their talk, the participants emphasized the importance of teaching in inclusive ways that recognize the differences among various groups. For example, Juliane explained her efforts to teach âabout a variety of culturesâ (L. 138). Casey expressed her attempts âto be more 176 inclusiveâ (L. 209) and to âteach a more encompassing story... show many storiesâ (L. 448). Other participants talked about âdifferent perspectivesâ in their teaching. Emery spoke about âintegrating different perspectivesâ (L. 92). Rolland stated, âI try to be diverse when I read different perspectivesâ (L. 205-206). Elizabeth stated âwe kinda like just present everyone right? We kinda present like a pluralistic multiethnic right? We we kind of teach not to zero in on one ethnicityâ (L. 702-703). All participants expressed their approach to teaching as an inclusive process that invites a âvariety of cultures,â âpluralistic multiethnic,â âmany stories,â and âdifferent perspectives.â The participants made numerous references to describe who was included in the discussions in their classrooms. For this, they used several lexical choices, such as âeveryone,â âmost people,â âone group,â âmany groups,â âthese other groups,â âany topic,â âmany stories,â and âany oneâ¦group.â The lexical choices may have been meant to communicate the participantsâ awareness of diversity and inclusivity. However, the participants did not clarify âwhatâ cultural groups and people they referred to, whose stories and perspectives they acknowledged and emphasized in their classroom discussions and content, and in what ways. As a result, their descriptions of diverse groups remained generalized. Some outliers in the participantsâ responses are worth noting. For example, the participants used specific examples of teaching about certain ethnic and cultural groups throughout the interviews, mainly âBritishâ and/or âEnglish Canadians,â âFrench Canadians,â âfounding fathers,â and âEuropean settlers.â They also discussed diversity in terms of recognizing experiences of people in Canada with a special emphasis on Aboriginal peoples, as 177 well as acknowledging specific ethnic and religious groups (e.g., âChinese Canadians,â âJapanese Canadians,â âEast Europeans,â âJewish,â âIndo Canadians,â âSyrian refugeesâ). The criticism of the Eurocentric approach of textbooks and the limited perspectives coincided with the participantsâ emphasis on recognizing cultural diversity in their teaching. Table 6.1 shows examples of how the participants described their views of teaching in inclusive ways. Inclusive Teaching Participant pseudonym Examples Juliane âweâre definitely moving the curriculum as a whole is moving towards acknowledging the the taking a different perspective on the Aboriginal uh historyâ (L. 219-220). âacknowledging recognizing the diversity that existsâ¦in peopleâsâ¦uh cultural identity and experiencesâ (L. 140-141). âwe have such a diverse community that itâs just regular for kids to talk about diversity and to say yes everybody should be welcomeâ (L. 686-687). Rolland âwith multiculturalism we celebrateâ¦diversity and we try/ we strive to understand diversity â¦ understanding of others and understanding of diversity and acceptance ofâ¦of diversityâ (L. 703-705). Elizabeth âWe we /like embrace multiculturalism, right? And acceptanceâ¦Itâs just teaching in an inclusive manner to sort of make sure that we are looking at the experience of all our ethnic groups, right? ... I think RIGHT?â (L. 61-65). Casey âI feel itâs very acceptingâ¦Uh learning in inclusive mannerâ¦â (L. 166-167). âthe idea of tolerance and diversityâ (L. 262). Emery âintegrating different perspectives from those cultures into the way you teach thingsâ (L. 93). The examples in Table 6.1 show a variety of lexical choices, including a range of action verbs (e.g., âcelebrate,â âunderstand,â âacknowledge,â ârecognize,â âintegrateâ). In other words, the Table 6.1 178 coupling of action verbs with multicultural terms adds coherence to the seemingly familiar and commonly used multicultural phrases, such as âcelebrate diversity,â âunderstand diversity,â âacknowledging and recognizing diversity,â and âintegrating different perspectives.â These lexical choices show the participantsâ awareness of the importance of expanding their teaching to address cultural diversity and to incorporate numerous peopleâs stories and perspectives. Further, Table 6.2 shows examples of how all five participants described teaching in inclusive ways as an effortful endeavor. Lexical choices and repetitions of terms such as âeffort,â âstrive,â and âtryâ reflected teachersâ aspirations to fulfil their teaching objectives. Teaching for Diversity as an Effortful Endeavour Participant pseudonym Examples Juliane I hopeâ¦ you know I do I really try in grade 8 to get away from the Eurocentric (L. 492). Uh thereâs what I hope and thereâs what actually (laughs) happens. (L. 476) Rolland âwe try/we strive to understand diversityâ (L. 72). âI try to be diverse...you make the effort. I have alwaysâ (L. 122-123). âI try to be as unbiased as possibleâ (L. 412). Elizabeth âI try to learn different activities and resources to help me teachâ (L. 88-89). âI kinda try to go back to the rootsâ (L. 368). Casey âI try to adapt to more multiculturalâ¦perspectiveâ (L. 114). âI try to be more inclusiveâ (L. 207). âwe are always trying to spread the idea of tolerance and diversityâ (L. 276-277). âtry to teach uh a more all-encompassing uh storyâ (L. 446). Emery âlessons have been uh very uh Eurocentric and so I try to move away from thatâ (L. 94). âI really make an effort to create an environment that is comfortableâ (L. 550). âI try to really create an environment where they donât feel judgedâ (L. 632). Table 6.2 179 Repetitions of phrases such as âtry to learn,â âtry to create,â and âtry to beâ also reflect the participantsâ aspirations to teach in culturally inclusive ways. However, the lexical choice âtryâ hints at the level of difficulty to accomplish inclusive teaching. Along this line, to say âtryâ to do something is different than saying âI do it.â Therefore, these phrases construct a view of cultural inclusivity as a proactive, challenging, and ongoing process that requires consistent attempts and efforts to teach about diverse groups and include different perspectives, activities, and resources. However, the repetition of the word âtryâ suggests that the participants had not yet reached their goal of âdoingâ what they planned or intended to do. 6.2 Identification of a Discourse of Multicultural Progress The analysis in Section 6.1 described how the participants emphasized the importance of cultural inclusivity in education and addressed their efforts to expand teaching beyond what was found in the textbooks. In this sense, the participants positioned themselves as critics of what they considered âEurocentricâ and âlimitedâ content in their textbooks, and expressed efforts to provide students with opportunities to explore different cultures from a variety of perspectives. Section 6.1 revealed the participantsâ acknowledgement of several principles that reflected their good intentions and their aspirations to fulfil overarching teaching objectives, such as appreciating diversity, being culturally inclusive, and teaching encompassing stories that move away from the Eurocentric approach to history. The participants used inclusive lexical choices (e.g., âembrace multiculturalismâ and âintegrating different perspectivesâ), thus demonstrating their familiarity with the common rhetoric of inclusive teaching and learning. Further, the terms that were highlighted in the 180 teachersâ talk, such as âcelebrating diversityâ and âintegrating different perspectives,â repeated language that is often used to describe educational objectives in official policies in British Columbia (see British Columbia Ministry of Education, 2008). In addition to expressing their views, the analysis revealed that the participants described their effortful engagement and intent to remove ethnocentric biases from the curriculum and to provide information about diverse cultures. In their efforts to incorporate studentsâ cultural experiences and acknowledge cultural diversity in their teaching, the participantsâ teaching aspirations seem to align with culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching that emphasizes the importance of using studentsâ cultures to enhance studentsâ learning and cultural competence (see Gay, 2000/2018; Ladson-Billings, 1995a). A discourse of multicultural progress is further noted in the ways participants criticized the limited content in the textbooks and in their lexical choices that communicated a desire to broaden perspectives and to enhance curriculum content to teach more equitably in diverse classrooms. In light of their realization that their textbook content and their practices did not satisfy their perspective of teaching for cultural inclusivity, the participants focused on their aspirations to pursue teaching that recognizes and values minoritized cultures and challenges the limitations of the curriculum. In this respect, they demonstrated their awareness of the need to enhance their teaching about cultural differences, and to adopt culturally inclusive teaching strategies that are similar to those promoted by proponents of culturally relevant and culturally responsive pedagogical approaches (see Gay, 2000/2018; Ladson-Billings, 1994, 1995b). However, alongside the awareness of the changes that are required to promote inclusivity, the participants acknowledged that their teaching did not reach the desired objectives of 181 recognizing everyone equally and incorporating different cultural groupsâ voices and perspectives. The attempts to improve teaching practices appear to be overshadowed by the emphasis on what the participants aspire to teach, as opposed to how they actually teach. These aspirations are noted in talks of their efforts and attempts to improve teaching by incorporating diverse and âmore encompassingâ stories, and by their stated desires to diversify educational content and acknowledge various cultural backgrounds in their classrooms. The participants drew on what Fairclough (2001) described as âimaginaries,â which are noted in their aspirational views of teaching objectives that are not yet fulfilled. These aspirational views of promoting inclusive teaching constitute a part of discourse as representations of how things are and/or were, âas well as of how things might or could or should beâ (Fairclough, 2001, p. 207). Further, the emphasis on the current teaching outcomes and the potential improvement that can still be made was noted in the participantsâ explanations of their aspirations to continue to make changes to their curriculum content and teaching strategies, and how they might or could or should enhance their teaching in the future. 6.3 Teaching About Peoples of Arab Descent This section examines what the participants said about their studentsâ understanding of peoples of Arab descent and follows with an exploration of the participantsâ views, as well as the ways they teach about peoples of Arab descent. Table 6.3 includes responses from all five participants. 182 Descriptions of Studentsâ Levels of Understanding of Peoples of Arab Descent Participant pseudonym Examples Juliane âI think diversity within groups is hard for them to understandâ (L. 374). â[Students have a] very surface understanding of what is happening in Syriaâ¦and even more superficial understanding of the Arab worldâ (L. 447-448). âthey couldnât tell you anything about Islam anything about the Arab world, they donât know the difference between the Arab world and the Muslim worldâ (L. 456-458). âyou know kids definitely donât understandâ¦the diversityâ¦of religious beliefsâ (L. 832). âthey haveâ¦no idea, they donât even know what ISIS stands for...They have no idea of the history they have no ideaâ (L. 475-476). Rolland â[studentsâ] knowledge base is quite shallowâ (L. 303). âthey donât have a background at all in the Middle East you know!â (L. 382). âtheir background on the Arab world is very limited, at this schoolâ (L. 476-477). âin terms of the Islamic world thereâs uh thereâs vast difference in how the religion is culturallyâ¦portrayed and culturallyâ¦applied and so I think there is a lack of knowledge about thatâ (L. 581-582). âI donât think there is deep understanding of that part of the worldâ¦I donât think that the diversity in the Arab world is understoodâ (L. 506). Elizabeth âThey donât know much at allâ (L. 241). âI still think that this concept of the headscarfâ¦is quite foreign. â¦so itâs hard for them to understandâ (L. 457-461). Casey âI guess that the terrorist stereotype might be. I donât think my students necessarily all of them would think that, but thatâs a possibility, sort of a vague sense of that part of the worldâ (L. 327-331). âmost I would say probably just have a vague notionâ (L. 332). Emery âA lot of stereotypes and like misunderstandings, about whatâs happening in the Middle Eastâ (L. 334-335). âsome people have... very closed views, so theyâll talk about women being mistreated and that they [women] have no rights ~in the Middle East as Muslimsâ (L. 404-406). âI think stereotypical image OF the Middle Eastâ (L. 528). The lexical choices that the participants selected to describe studentsâ knowledge about peoples of Arab descent featured several collocated terms, such as âsurface understanding,â âsuperficial Table 6.3 183 understanding,â âmisunderstandings,â âdefinitely donât understand,â and â[no] deep understandingâ (see Table 6.3). The participants also used several lexical choices that conveyed similar meanings, such as âvague,â âshallow,â âlimited,â âconfused,â and âstereotypical.â The participants used other phrases that reiterate the notion that students have false and/or limited knowledge about peoples of Arab descent. They explained that the students âknow basically nothing,â âdonât know much,â and they have âlack of knowledge,â âclosed views,â and âa lot of stereotypes.â In all of these responses, the participants appeared aware of the misunderstandings and/or limited information that their students had about peoples of Arab descent. Furthermore, the participants distinguished their studentsâ knowledge about peoples of Arab descent in two different ways: the first explained what many or all the students âprobablyâ do not know; the second explained with more assertiveness what many or all the students know and/or do not know. Table 6.4 includes examples of what the participants suspected their students âprobablyâ know, and Table 6.5 includes examples of what the participants seemed more assertive about what their students know about peoples of Arab descent. 184 Participantsâ Views of What Students Probably Know About Peoples of Arab Descent Participant pseudonym Examples Juliane â[they] probably think that Afghanistan is an Arab countryâ (L. 439). âThey might know a little about a country like Saudi Arabia that thereâs oilâ (L. 466-467). âI think they probably think that all Arabs are all Muslims and all Muslims are very devoutâ (L. 535). âthey probably think that all refugees are poor. â¦And that all the refugees are Muslim, but all Arabs are Muslim â¦ Probably that theyâre conservative and that women have to wear ~hijab (L. 537-546). âMost kids would think that Iran is an Arab countryâ (L. 464). Elizabeth âThey knowâ¦a little bit they of how that oil is a factorâ (L. 314). âSo, I would say they have more understanding of Islam than so much of the Middle Eastâ (L. 344). âtheyâ¦sort of view Muslims as you know, not e/ not so much Muslim, but Middle-E/you know Syrians or Middle Eastern as/like a group influxâ (L. 363-365). Casey âthereâs probably stereotypes like Egypt, although people might think theyâre African, the terrorism, Al Qaeda, yeah so the whole Arab. â¦North American racial profiling, students might have some awareness â¦ the terrorist stereotype might beâ (L. 320-328). âI donât think my students necessarily all of them [stereotypes] would think that, but thatâs a possibilityâ (L. 327-328). Emery âI think stereotypical image OF the Middle East is this country full of very religious people who are very anti non-Muslims and theyâre going around killing people and now on top of that they are coming into Europeâ (L. 559-561). âmaybe they have the stereotypesâ (L. 579). Hedging words and combinations of unassertive verbs were extensively used in the participantsâ responses in detailing studentsâ stereotypes about peoples of Arab descent. Lexical choices such as âprobably think,â âprobably that,â âI donât think there is,â âthey might,â âmight think,â âthatâs a possibility,â âI would say,â as well as âsort of,â âa little bit,â and ânot so muchâ enabled the participants to evade committing to exact answers about what students know about peoples of Arab descent (see Table 6.4). Table 6.4 185 In their responses, the participants stated many misunderstandings that âsomeâ or âmanyâ students have about peoples of Arab descent, including the assumption that Iran and Afghanistan are countries that are predominantly inhabited by peoples of Arab descent. Also, that all peoples of Arab descent are âMuslimsâ and conservatives, and that women of Arab descent wear the Islamic headscarf (i.e., the hijab). Worth noting in these descriptions are the different levels of certainty in the answers. For example, the responses had a different tone once the participants discussed specific information that they thought their students knew. Table 6.5 shows examples that show this assertive tone of the type of information that students supposedly knew. Participantsâ Views of What Students Know About Peoples of Arab Descent Participant pseudonym Examples Juliane âThey all have heard about 9/11, they all have heard of ISIS, they have all heard of al Qaeda. â¦They have heard of Osama bin Ladenâ (L. 463-465). âThey do talk about how itâs complexâ (L. 893). Rolland âThey donât have a background at all in the Middle Eastâ¦â (L. 382). â[T]hey definitely have many stereotypes of refugees, they think all refugees are POOR!â (L. 902). Elizabeth âThey know about the five pillars. â¦They know that they [peoples of Arab descent] are generally Muslim. â¦They have an understanding that these [Syrian refugees] are people that have familiesâ (L. 298-308). â[They] have more understanding of Islam than so much of the Middle Eastâ (L. 344). Casey âThe terrorism Al-Qaeda yeah so I think the whole Arabâ¦North American racial profiling, students might have some awareness about, certainly awareness, but some knowledge I guessâ (L. 318-319). Emery âthere are a lot of stereotypes and like misunderstandingsâ¦about whatâs happening in the Middle Eastâ (L. 425-426). âtheyâll talk about women being mistreated and that they have no rights ~in the Middle East as Muslimsâ (L. 430-431). Table 6.5 186 The lexical choice âhaveâ in these examples revealed assuredness of the knowledge that students possess or already acquired about the different cultures of peoples of Arab descent. The participantsâ use of pronouns (e.g., âthey,â âthey allâ) introduced studentsâ awareness of the specific information as unanimous. In this instance, participants stated that their students âhaveâ all heard of 9/11, ISIS, Al Qaeda, Osama bin Laden, Islam, and Syrian refugees. By sharing these specific topics as examples, the participants appeared to presuppose that these topics (e.g., â911,â âISISâ) are related, at least in the studentsâ minds, with what they know about peoples of Arab descent. Other statements included more specific references to what students do not know about peoples of Arab descent. For instance, Juliane described that at the beginning of the year students âcouldnât tell you anything about Islam anything about the Arab world, they donât know the difference between the Arab world and Muslim worldâ (L. 456-457). Rolland shared similar sentiments by stating that the students âdonât have background at all in the Middle Eastâ (L. 382). Elizabeth answered by explaining how the âheadscarfâ is âquite foreignâ¦Itâs hard for them [students] to understandâ (L. 504). What is clear from these examples is that the participants consistently seemed to build on the notion of âstereotypicalâ and âsuperficial understandingâ in regard to studentsâ perspectives of peoples of Arab descent. In addition, the participants made references to geographic spaces and countries (e.g., âMiddle East,â âMuslim World,â âArab world,â âAfghanistan,â âIranâ) and religion (e.g., âIslam,â âHeadscarfâ) while explaining their studentsâ stereotypes of peoples of Arab descent. In their responses, the participants emphasized two significant points: first, students were seen as unfamiliar with peoples of Arab descent, as well as with Islam and the âMiddle Eastâ that 187 the participants related to peoples of Arab descent and second, students were seen as familiar with the stereotypes about peoples of Arab descent, especially those that related peoples of Arab descent to terrorism. In sum, the participants shared their views of studentsâ awareness of peoples of Arab descent as individuals and groups who exist in a remote geographic space (i.e., the âMiddle Eastâ), characterized with a single religion (e.g., Islam), and involved in violence and acts of terrorism. 6.3.1 Topics about peoples of Arab descent in the classroom. In their answers, the participants used the collective pronoun âweâ to describe teaching about topics that they related to peoples of Arab descent. I noted lexical choices that the participants used to share responsibility for the topics that they introduced in their classrooms about peoples of Arab descent. Examples are shown in Table 6.6. 188 Teaching About Peoples of Arab Descent as a Shared Responsibility Participant pseudonym Examples Juliane âwe have talked about the Syrian refugeesâ (L. 639). âwe talked a little bit about 911â (L. 639). âwe talked a little bit about ISISâ (L. 640). âwe have a chapter on Islamicâ (L. 304). Rolland âwe look at the Middle East as/ or North Africa in particularâ (L. 341). âwe discuss uh Islamâ (L. 672). âwe teach the/we teach about Islamâ (L. 486). âwe talk about the crusadesâ (L. 690). âwe all have stereotypesâ (L. 266). Elizabeth âwe had a whole lesson on it [Paris attacks]â (L. 344). âwe do teach the Arab world, and we also teach world religions. So of course, Islamâ (L. 15). âwe look at Islamâ (L. 16). âwe did the Arab worldâ (L. 298). âweâve looked at the Syrian refugee crisisâ (L. 14). âwe did one lesson comparingâ (L. 588). Casey âwe create a family tree we shareâ (L. 117). âwe do reflections like we we includeâ (L. 455). âwe do current events at the beginningâ (L. 460). Emery âwe sort of structured a unit around ~Islamic civilization we talkedâ¦about terrorismâ (L. 732). âwe talk about the fact that Islam started in Saudi Arabia and the people there, are Arabâ (L. 734). âso, weâve learned about the Middle Eastâ (L. 397). In their answers, the participants used the pronoun âweâ repeatedly as they discussed what they introduced in their classrooms in relation to teaching about peoples of Arab descent. In most of the examples, âweâ is a clear reference to a group of social studies teachers as noted in âwe have,â âwe teach,â âwe discuss,â âwe do,â âwe did,â âplus we justâ¦so we spend aâ¦,â âwe compare,â and âa lot of teachers feel that way.â These phrases imply that all teachers make the same choices in regard to teaching about peoples of Arab descent. Additionally, some of these Table 6.6 189 statements also presuppose that teachers follow the social studies curriculum as set by the Ministry of Education. These responses may be the participantsâ attempts to refer to an in-group (i.e., teachers) in an effort to align themselves with a community of common practice and experience. In this sense, the participants may be sharing responsibility for their teaching about specific topics (e.g., Syrian refugees, 9/11, ISIS, Islam, the Paris terror attack), which were discussed as information shared in classrooms while teaching about peoples of Arab descent and related subjects. Sharing the responsibility for the selection of topics may suggest that the participants are concerned with potential judgement for including specific discussions in relation to peoples of Arab descent. In addition to aligning their decisions with other teachersâ decisions, the participants used the lexical choice âweâ to present their teaching about peoples of Arab descent as a joint endeavour that also involves students in their classrooms. This is noted in statements such as âwe talked a little bit about 911,â âwe talked a little bit about ISIS,â and âwe have talked about the Syrian refugees.â These collective utterancesââweâ as teachers and âweâ as classroomâfurther emphasize that the participants are not the sole decision makers in what they discuss about peoples of Arab descent. This alignment appears to be an attempt to share and/or avoid sole responsibility for how topics that include peoples of Arab descent were discussed in class. Additionally, I examined the ways the participants discussed how they teach about peoples of Arab descent. Table 6.7 provides examples of how the participants identified the topics that they introduced in their classrooms in relation to peoples of Arab descent. 190 Topics Related to Teaching About Peoples of Arab Descent Participant pseudonym Examples Juliane âwe have a chapter on Islamic civilization that I teach in Grade 8â (L. 304). âthe chapter is called Islamic civilization uh they start with what is the Middle East? They talk about ancient Fertile Crescentâ (L. 777-778). Rolland âIn Grade 8 we discuss uh Islam as a religionâ¦Thereâs a whole chapter in the Grade 8 textbook on the Arab worldâ¦it sort of ties the Arab world to Islamâ (L. 775). âwe teach the/we teach about Islamâ (L. 567-578). Elizabeth âin social studies 8 uh there we do teach the Arab world, and we also teach world religions. So of course, Islamâ (L. 13-14). âwe do the world religion unitâ (L. 245). âSocial studies 8, we did the Arab worldâ¦the Ancient Arab worldâ (L. 290-291). âthey do learn about Islamâ¦there is a unit on the Arab worldâ (L. 298). âwe do a class on Islam andâ¦~how many pillars is it? Four pillars?â (L. 704-705). Casey âI canât think of any literature that I included from the Middle East countriesâ (L. 575). âwe have talked about the Syrian refugees and ways to helpâ (L. 580). âDuring our unit on Islamic civilization, obviously we talked about that regionâ (L. 365-366). Emery âSo, weâve learned about the Middle East in two different ways, one is from the ~(?) at its history~ so through that the focus is/was on learning about Islam when it/how it was created and when it came aboutâ¦â (L. 304-307). âwe sort of structured a unit around ~Islamic civilization~â¦we talk about the fact that Islam started in Saudi Arabia and the people there, are Arabâ (L. 625-627). As exemplified in Table 6.7, the participants made direct references to textbooks to explain topics that include peoples of Arab descent, and they identified the sources of their lessons with a particular emphasis on Grade 8 social studies textbooks. This can be noted in lexical choices related to books: chapters and units, as seen in âa chapter on Islamic civilization,â âthereâs a whole chapter,â âunit on Islamic civilization,â âworld religion unit,â âunit on the Arab world,â and âunit on Islamic civilization.â By linking these topics to textbooks, the participants discussed Table 6.7 191 âIslamic civilizationâ and âArab worldâ as selected teaching material provided for them by the textbook authors. It is worth noting, that only participants who taught Grade 8 were able to make direct references to specific units and chapters from a Grade 8 textbook, which included sections dedicated to teaching about peoples of Arab descent in the context of Islam. In this respect, the terms âIslamic civilizationâ and âArab worldâ were references to units in a Grade 8 textbook, and they were mentioned by the participants during the interviews. In some instances, the participants attributed these units to the Grade 8 textbook authors. For example, Juliane used âtheyâ as seen in âthey talk about Fertile Crescentâ and âthey talk about...the five pillars of Islam!â (L. 809-810). â[T]hey,â in this context, is a discursive reference to textbook producers/authors (see Table 6.7). The use of âweâ and âtheyâ enabled participants to construct distance between themselves and the content that was taught in class about topics that were related to peoples of Arab descent, thus, once again relinquishing part of the responsibility for teaching about specific topics. As shown in this paragraph, the participants reverted to the textbooks to describe what they teach in their classrooms, despite their initial critiques of the textbooks as potentially âbiased,â âincomplete,â and âlimiting.â As viewed in Table 6.7, descriptions of topics related to peoples of Arab descent included direct references to Islamâsuch as âIslamic civilization,â âfive pillars of Islam,â âfour pillars,â âMuslim family,â âhijab,â âniqab,â and âwomenâs rights in Islamââall of which were discussed as learning about peoples of Arab descent. Most of these terms were used discursively by participants and, in the textbooks, as noted in their responses that made direct mentions to the social studies Grade 8 textbook. The participants referred to Grade 8 as the only grade that included textbook information that related to peoples of Arab descent. 192 The participants focused on specific topics that were taught in different grades ranging from Grades 8-11. Juliane explained, âthe Grade 10 Iâd say itâs [topics related to peoples of Arab descent] completely absent â¦ in Grade 11 it comes up countries come up in a little bit in WWI, but not reallyâ (L. 838-839). According to the participants, teaching about peoples of Arab descent in the remaining Grades 9, 10, and 11 is sourced from daily news and events that are covered by the media. Elizabeth explained, âthat is about you know itâs about whatâs covered on the news, right?â (L. 288), Juliane added, âSyria is definitely front and centreâ¦these daysâ (L. 429), and Rolland brought attention to a specific event in the same year, âthereâs something like what happened in Paris, in November [Paris terror attack]â (L. 486). As can be noted from these topics that refer to content from outside the textbooks, participants showed that in Grades 9, 10, and 11, discussions related to peoples of Arab descent were generated from events that circulated in the news around the time (e.g., âSyrian refugees,â âthe Paris terror attackâ). The participants identified several media sources that they referred to throughout the school year. Rolland stated âI get a lot of my information from magazines like I get the economist every weekâ¦. CBC, uh CNNâ (L. 590). He added, âBBC, especially the BBC I find that to be a very good resource (L. 591). Elizabeth noted that she âusually just look at current events, so probably CBC!â (L. 31). Casey referred to âthe Merrit Sun newspaperâ (pseudonym used) as her source for current events. Juliane and Emery offered more specific examples of the sources that they used to augment their teaching in general. Juliane shared one source that is generated as a biweekly special issue pamphlets to cover different issues and events, however, she appeared to be less excited to rely on the source as can be inferred from her descriptions âthe kids hate this resource,â (L. 868) âalways one or two months out of dateâ¦ itâs pretty low level 193 thinking (L. 871-872) and âboring boring Crosswordsâ L. 894). Out of the five participants, Emery mentioned a specific content that she used from Ted Talks, she stated âthereâs a Ted Talk called The Danger of the Single Story, so I showed that to like Grade 8 studentsâ¦. have them think about/ be aware of what stereotypes they had of Africaâ (L. 469-476). In their responses, most participants regardless of which grade level they taught, discussed teaching about events that involved Islam, acts of terrorism, and violence in relation to peoples of Arab descent. I examined their answers and analyzed the ways they constructed these events in relation to peoples of Arab descent. Table 6.8 includes some of the participantsâ responses. 194 Topics Related to Peoples of Arab Descent in Current Events Participant pseudonym Examples Juliane âso, we talked for a fairly long time about terrorismâ¦we talked a little bit about 9/11 we talked a little bit about ISISâ (L. 638-640). Rolland âthe issue of the hijab became a topicâ (L. 312-313). âwe compare uh the refusal to accept Jewish refugeesâ¦to some of the uh detracting opinions on Syrian refugeesâ (L. 223-224). Elizabeth âin all the courses weâve looked at the Syrian refugee crisisâ¦in social studies 8 uh there we do teach the Arab world, and we also teach world religions. So of course, Islamâ (L. 13-14). âAFTER THE PARIS ATTACKSâ¦we had a whole lesson on itâ (L. 377-378). âwe did one lesson comparing theâ¦ post Holocaust movement of the Jews comparing to the Syrian refugee crisisâ (L. 588-589). âsocial studies 10â¦we did talk aboutâ¦the niqab hijabâ¦we did talk about the refugee crisisâ¦we also had one lesson specifically on ISISâ (L. 568-577). Casey â[w]e have talked about Fort McMurray and how the Syrian refugees are helping people in Fort McMurrayâ (L. 579-580) Emery âwe talkedâ¦aboutâ¦the war in Syriaâ¦we talkedâ¦about ISISâ¦â (L. 365). âwe did a few classesâ¦on womenâs rights in the Middle East/like in Islamâ¦talking about ISIS and how Muslims are violentâ (L. 334-338). âwe were talking about women in Islam and wearing the hijabâ (L. 600). âwe were talking about uh uh refugees entering Europeâ (L. 964-965). With the exception of Casey, the participants stated that they taught about terror related events, such as âISIS,â âthe Paris Attack,â and â9/11,â as well as âthe hijabâ and âwomenâs rights in the Middle Eastâ and Islam. In detailing classroom discussions related to peoples of Arab descent, several topics in the participantsâ statements were discursively intertwined and described as naturally occurring together. For instance, different topics are consecutively incorporated into single sentences (e.g., âMiddle East ANDâ¦ISIS,â âISIS andâ¦Syriaâ). Conjunctions such as Table 6.8 195 âbecause,â âand,â and âalso,â as well as adverbs including âso through thatâ and âobviouslyâ joined topics of the âMiddle Eastâ and Islam (e.g., âhijab,â âIslamic civilizationâ), terrorism (e.g., âISISâ), and political instability and violence (e.g., Syrian war, refugees). The conjunctions described the topics as naturally occurring together. As noted, the participantsâ responses centred predominantly on acts of war and terrorism (e.g., 9/11, Al Qaeda, terrorism, ISIS, Syriaâs refugee crisis, Saddam Hussein), one religion (i.e., Islam), as well as specific countries and geographic spaces (e.g., the âMiddle East,â Syria, Afghanistan, Saudi Arabia, Iran). The participants expressed their awareness of the negativity surrounding classroom discussions about topics that they related to peoples of Arab descent. As they listed these topics, the participants explained that when teaching about peoples of Arab descent, the content was usually introduced in events that are negative and limited. For example, Elizabeth stated âunfortunately, they [students] just learn about really the negative like the/very much the violence and the turmoil and like/and also the emotional turmoilâ (L. 354-356). The word âunfortunatelyâ emphasizes the participantâs dissatisfaction with the negativity surrounding teaching about peoples of Arab descent, which was confined to violence and conflicts in the textbooks and in the news media. The participantsâ responses about introducing current events into their classrooms reflected their efforts to diversify their studentsâ cultural knowledge and awareness. For example, all five participants described teaching about the âSyrian refugees.â In their descriptions of some of their teaching activities, both Rolland and Elizabeth applied a similar activity that included drawing connections between the Syrian refugee crisis and similar past injustices. Rolland stated: if we compare uh the refusal to accept Jewish refugees before the first/ the second world war I compare that to some of the uh detracting opinions on Syrian refugees and howâ¦. 196 they both in the same similar situation and so that brings in a lot of current information. (L. 205-208) Similarly, Elizabeth stated âwe did one lesson comparing theâ¦ post Holocaust movement of the Jews comparing to the Syrian refugee crisisâ (L. 588-589). In both of these examples, the participants resorted to âcomparingâ past and present injustices towards immigrant groups in Canada, therefore drawing on information that the students are already familiar with (e.g., âHolocaust,â âJewish refugeesâ). Casey took a different approach to talk about the refugees; she stated â[w]e have talked about Fort McMurray and how the Syrian refugees are helping people in Fort McMurrayâ (L. 579-580). With this approach, Casey introduced the refugees topic by incorporating an example that showed ârefugees are helping peopleâ in another Canadian province, which is a view that may contradict common conceptions of a refugee as a person in need of help. It is worth noting that Caseyâs discussions were conducted in her Grade 12 social justice classroom. The other two participants, Juliane and Emery shared examples of how they taught about the Syrian refugees in their Grade 8 social studies. Juliane stated that she created a writing assignment about the âdifference whether we use the word refugee or whether we use the word migrant?â (L. 959-960) and requested that her students write a âparagraph on migrants versus the word migrant or the word refugeeâ (L. 979-979). Whereas Emery facilitated a classroom discussion about the refugee topic, she stated âI just let the studentsâ¦ talk about it in a like that environment, and I then I brought in my opinionâ (L. 980-981). Noticeably, they all demonstrated different approaches to engage their students in critically reflecting on what and how they think about refugees. Their approaches ranged from drawing past and present comparisons of social injustices (e.g., Roland, 197 Elizabeth), altering the narrative about refugees by presenting them as willing and capable of helping others (e.g., Casey), providing opportunities for critically reflecting on meanings in labels and words (e.g., Juliane), and expressing their views and hearing othersâ perspectives in an open dialogue in a classroom (e.g., Emery). The examples of how the participants created activities for different grades demonstrated different levels of incorporating culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching practices that could enhance studentsâ sociopolitical consciousness by making connections between what is included in the textbooks (e.g., Holocaust and Jewish refugees) and the ongoing injustices that are omitted from the textbooks. The participants drew parallels between the treatment of âJewish refugeesâ and unwelcoming attitudes toward the âSyrian refugeesâ in Canada. In their responses, the participants demonstrated their effort to create connections between what students may learn from the official curriculum, as constructed in their textbooks, and what they may learn or hear about outside school. One participantâs (i.e., Casey) efforts included content that counters the common misunderstandings about refugees, thus helping students to examine alternate truths and realities. And finally, Emery enabled her students to have a classroom discussion to address different views of âSyrian refugeesâ outside and inside Canada, thus exposing her students to different attitudes and perspectives that others may have, and in turn subjecting them to the plurality of thinking that their classmates may bring into schools. To an extent, the participants knowingly or unknowingly made an effort in their teaching to advance studentsâ sociopolitical awareness, however, they did not expand their discussion beyond creating awareness of these issues. In other words, they did not discuss ways to help students engage in and challenge discrimination against particular groups, nor did they address the ideologies that facilitated discrimination against minoritized groups throughout history. 198 6.3.2 Homogenization of Arab descent, Islam, and the âMiddle East.â In the beginning of this section, I described how the participants expressed awareness of studentsâ stereotypes and how they detailed the topics that they introduced in their classrooms to teach about peoples of Arab descent. Next, I examined lexical choices that the participants used to describe and refer to peoples of Arab descent. Examination of lexical choices uncovered conflations and relations between peoples of Arab descent, Islam, and the âMiddle East.â Lexical choices also revealed essentializing strategies that contributed to the homogenization of peoples of Arab descent. Throughout the interviews, the participants made numerous references to peoples of Arab descent, their cultures, and their places of origin. The term âArab worldâ was noted in the ways the participants identified students of Arab descent, as seen in âa girl from the Arab worldâ (Juliane, L. 661). Also, the term âArab worldâ was noted in the participantsâ attempts to criticize the ways different media and the textbooks describe peoples of Arab descent, however, even in their criticism they fell short of recognizing the polarizing term that widens the gap between âArabâ and the rest of the world. For example, Juliane stated that the students âdonât know the difference between the Arab world and the Muslim worldâ (L. 456-458). Rolland criticized media coverage by explaining that âwhat happens in the Arab world goes back to being in the background in North American mediaâ (L. 539) and Elizabeth stated that she doesnât love the textbooks âbecause itâs sort of is like the Arab world is like this mysterious placeâ (L. 626-627). Caseyâs response included the lexical choice âArab worldâ while expressing her awareness of the diversity in countries that are predominantly inhabited by peoples of Arab descent as seen in âyou know like the Arab world having diverseâ¦countriesâ (L. 313). In all of these instances, the 199 term âArab worldâ was used to situate peoples of Arab descent. Out of the five participants, Emery is the only one who did not use the term âArab world.â In addition, the term âMuslim worldâ was applied interchangeably with âArab world.â For example, Rolland stated that students âget the bias about the Islamic worldâ (L. 816), and suggested that the connection has âbeen constantly made between Islam or the Arab world and terrorismâ (Rolland, L. 506). Emery used a similar description with her comment âfrom different parts of~the Muslim worldâ (Emery, L. 569). In their answers, the participants used âIslamic world,â âIslam,â and âMuslim worldâ to refer to peoples of Arab descent. Furthermore, Rolland made little distinction between Arab ethnicity and Islam by referring to either âIslam or the Arab world.â The conjunction âorâ is used to link alternatives. In this example, the âArab worldâ and âIslamâ can be viewed as having near synonymous meanings. This conflation appeared in Rollandâs comments that described âthe interaction of the Arab world with the rest of the worldâ (L. 741) that also constructs the idea of two separate worlds, âArab worldâ and the rest of the world. In recounting his teaching about the crusadersâ expedition, as part of an old unit that includes peoples of Arab descent, Rolland talked about the âinteractions between the Arab world and [the] Christian worldâ (L. 794), thus discussing both worlds as two dichotomous entities. For example, the âMuslim worldâ appears to be a reference to âMuslimsâ and peoples of Arab descent who fought Christiansâ military expeditions from Western Europe, described here as the âChristian World.â These two terms combined with the conjunction âandâ noted two embattling worlds, one of which is Christian (i.e., European) and the other is Muslim (e.g., Middle Eastern and/or peoples of Arab descent). The use of the term âMiddle Eastâ as an alternative to Islam is also noted in a statement by another participant whose lexical choice appears to establish relations between a geographic 200 location and religious affiliation. For example, Emery discussed conversations in class that students had about âwomenâs rights in the Middle East/like in Islamâ (L. 404). The term âlikeâ establishes relations between two entities, and it can be used to introduce one as an example for the other. In this case, in her discussion of âwomenâs rights in the Middle East,â the participantâs use of âlikeâ adds specificity to the location of abuses of womenâs rights. In her statement, Emery located the discussion of womenâs rights in the âMiddle East,â particularly in Islam in the âMiddle East.â Additionally, mentions of peoples of Arab descent in general, and students of Arab descent specifically, included various religious and/or political descriptors. On several occasions, the participants made references to students of Arab descent in their classrooms by identifying them in terms of their place of origin (see Table 6.9). 201 Descriptions of Students of Arab Descent Participant pseudonym Examples Juliane âI had that Tunisian girlâ¦and she was probably my only Muslim kid in my class definitely my only Arab kid in my classâ (L. 648-649). Rolland âI have students this year who are fromâ¦the Middle East, â¦ I have a student who is Coptic Christian from Egyptâ (L. 281-289). âI mean Iâve had students who are of Arab origins some of which you know the parents are very religious, I got some that are totally secular, like they are not religious whatsoeverâ (L. 344-345). âthereâs always that tie/deep tie of religion Islam to the Middle East thatâs one thing, there is the stereotyping of Islam and uh 9/11 onâ (L. 345-346). Elizabeth âhe [a student who is originally from Iraq]...HIS FAMILY HAS LEFT IRAQ, and heâs Muslim and everythingâ (L. 650-651). Casey âIâve had a Palestinian studentâ (L. 74). Emery âthereâs one boy from Tunisia, that has Tunisian origins uh, but I mean thatâs actually thatâs the ONLY person of North African or Arab backgroundâ (L. 78-79). Table 6.9 provides examples of how the participants described students of Arab descent in relation to the religion of the students or the studentsâ families. For example, âCoptic Christian from Egypt,â âthe parents are very religious,â ânot religious whatsoever,â âheâs [a student of Iraqi origin] Muslim and everything,â and âmy only Muslim kid [a student from Tunisia]â¦only Arab kid.â The participants frequently used lexical choices that relate culture and ethnicity with religion, specifically Islam. Juliane and Casey described their students of Arab descent as âPalestinianâ and âTunisianâ as seen in âI had a Palestinian studentâ and âI had that Tunisian girl.â In these examples, the participantsâ references to students of Arab descent highlighted another nationality (i.e., Palestinian, Tunisian, and Iraqi), thus presenting these students, first and foremost, other than âCanadian.â Emery identified a student of Arab descent in her classroom as Table 6.9 202 a âboy from Tunisia that has Tunisian heritage.â In her response, Emery also added a clarification that made a more specific reference to the studentâs descent (e.g., âNorth African or Arab backgroundâ), as opposed to only describing him by a nationality. In addition to national identity, the participants also made connections between students of Arab descent and political status. For example, in descriptions of ethnic groups in her classroom, Juliane replied: Juliane: uh, OH, we have one kidâ¦ two brothers who have Lebanese parents, yeah thatâs trueâ¦so thatâs FOUR (laughs), well five because thereâs a little brother. Interviewer: Any of Syrian origin? Juliane: No no, I donât think weâve had any we certainly havenât had any refugee families here that I know of. (L. 121-129) The sentence âhavenât had any [Syrian background]â¦certainly, havenât had any refugee familiesâ (Juliane, L. 129) suggests that the former (i.e., Syrian) collocates with the latter (i.e., asylum seekers). A similar example is found in an interview with another participant, Casey. After my inquiry about ethnic backgrounds in Caseyâs class did not yield any mentions of students of Arab descent, I included more probing questions by specifically asking if she had any students of Arab descent in her classrooms. The participant then recalled: Trying to think uh I remember himâ¦uh uh I was gonna say Syrian I think there are Syrian in the building, but I donât think Iâve had Syrian students come throughâ¦uh Iâve had Muslim students uh from yeah, the Muslim student I canât remember which country she came from, but I am pretty sure it was a Middle Eastern country. (Casey, L. 79-83) 203 The order of the clauses in this sentence âI donât think Iâve had Syrian students come throughâ¦uh Iâve had Muslim students,â (Casey, L. 83) suggests relatedness between Syria and Islam. A connection between people from Syria and refugees was also noted during classroom observations. In his classroom, Rolland related âSyriansâ to ârefugees.â For example, he addressed changing demographics in different countries and incorporated terrorism as the biggest cause of death in the world and connected that to the demographic changes that result from wars. âSyrian refugeesâ were brought up in that context as a side note at the end of class time. I noticed during this observation the brevity and duration of classroom discussion about this topic; it did not elicit conversation in class. Additionally, bringing up the topic in that context revealed that Rolland tried to include current news into his classroom discussions, however, those topics also seemed to revolve around wars and war trauma. In the participantsâ statements, Arab ethnicity, Islam, and the âMiddle Eastâ were used interchangeably. For example, in addressing teaching about peoples of Arab descent, the participants responded by making references to Islam. Elizabeth explained that âthe headscarf is for most Canadian Western Canadian kids ~is quite foreign if you will~ so itâs hard for them to understandâ (L. 503-504) and âit [the headscarf] doesnât impact their lives on a day to day basisâ (Rolland, L. 323-324). In these sentences, the use of âthem,â âit,â and âtheirâ construct distance between two different entities. For instance, the pronoun âitââin the statement âit doesnât impact their livesââis used to distance Islam from studentsâ reality. Further, differences are accentuated with lexical choices that emphasized Islam as âforeignâ and justified the difficulty in understanding âit.â In describing teaching about peoples of Arab descent, the participants also focused on the âMiddle East." Rolland explained that âthe fact that the the Middle East is geographically 204 removed/â¦so itâs not/ they donât experience it they donât recognize it immediatelyâ (L. 448-449). Further to this point, Elizabeth stated: âitâs [the Middle East] still veryâ¦like just itâs very culturally and geographically distant for themâ (Elizabeth, L. 425-426). Lexical choices, such as âgeographically removedâ and âgeographically distant,â identified the ways participants located their students on one side and peoples of Arab descent on another, and in the process, they discussed students and peoples of Arab descent as mutually exclusive groups. Further, the statement that the âMiddle Eastâ is ânot a part of their [studentsâ] worldâ (Rolland, L. 389), constructs a view of the âMiddle Eastâ as existing outside the peripheries of the studentsâ world. In this respect, the âMiddle Eastâ that was related in the teachersâ talk with Arab ethnicity is constructed as something that exists outside the studentsâ experiences. These views presuppose that students, or at least those who are considered âCanadianâ students in the participantsâ classrooms, do not have any connections to peoples of Arab descent and the âMiddle East.â The foreignness of the âMiddle Eastâ is explicitly expressed in Elizabethâs comments, as noted in different statements such as âthe Middle East is really like this mystical like people donât have a lot of understandingâ¦of itâ (L. 131-132) and âthe Arab world is like this mysterious placeâ (L. 627). The lexical choices âmysticalâ and âmysteriousâ that describe the âMiddle Eastâ and countries that the participant related to peoples of Arab descent emphasize a view of both the âMiddle Eastâ and peoples of Arab descent as mysterious entities that are far removed from the studentsâ world. These examples demonstrate how the lexical choices âforeign,â âgeographically removed,â âculturally and geographically distant,â ânot a part of their world,â and âmysterious placeâ emphasize studentsâ estrangement with what participants referred to as the âMiddle East,â âIslam,â and âArab world,â all of which are discussed in 205 relation to peoples of Arab descent. From this perspective, the participants described the geographic distance and the lack of knowledge, as a deterrent, as opposed to a reason, to teach students about peoples of Arab descent. 6.4 Identification of a Discourse of Othering Analyzing the lexical choices identified several accentuations of differences between peoples of Arab descent and people in Canada. In the next paragraphs, I review key points and interpretations that contributed to constructing a discourse of othering toward peoples of Arab descent in teachersâ talk. Examinations of lexical choices in text revealed a variety of âotheringâ statements that the participants made in their descriptions. The participants viewed their students as having existing stereotypes about peoples of Arab descent, including beliefs that the inhabitants of what they referred to as the âMiddle Eastâ are peoples of Arab descent who are adherents to the Islamic faith and who have conservative Islamic lifestyles and connections to terrorism (see Section 6.2). Section 6.2 included participantsâ discussions that addressed students of Arab descent in their classrooms. The participants highlighted several identifiers that referred to studentsâ religion and religious backgrounds (e.g., âCoptic Christian from Egypt,â âparents are very religious,â ânot religious what so everâ), studentsâ ethnicity or non-Canadian nationality (e.g., âPalestinian kid,â âTunisian,â âIraqi,â âmy only Arab,â âMiddle Easternâ), and studentsâ political status in Canada (e.g., âSyrian refugeeâ). References to peoples of Arab descent excluded discussions of the group as citizens in Canada. Notable in the participantsâ statements 206 were the phrases that invited focus on the differently identified students of Arab descent (e.g., âmy only Muslim kid,â âCoptic Christian from Egyptâ). Moreover, the relations drawn in the teachersâ talk between âSyrian studentsâ and âSyrian refugeesâ signify difficulty in perceiving these groups as citizens in Canada or even as deeply rooted immigrants. The instant connection between âSyrianâ and ârefugeeâ presupposes that people who originated from Syria did not exist in Canada prior to their arrival as refugees in the past few years. It is worth noting that peoples of Arab descent marked their arrival into Canada from present day Lebanon and Syria from as early as 1870s (Abu-Laban, 1980). However, in teachersâ talk, âSyriansâ were discussed only as new refugees as opposed to citizens in Canada. These descriptions of students of Arab descent contribute to the reproduction of the notion that peoples of Arab descent in Canada are first and foremost an âotherâ in society. Furthermore, peoples of Arab descent, Islam, and the âMiddle Eastâ were discussed with homogenizing terms that described all three as foreign entities, and emphasized the geographic and cultural distance between studentsâ realities and peoples of Arab descent, Islam, and the âMiddle East.â In other words, the participantsâ statements reflected views of peoples of Arab descent, Islam, and the âMiddle Eastâ as existing outside the peripheries of the studentsâ world. These views were noted in the lexical choices âmysticalâ and âmysteriousâ that were used to describe the âMiddle Eastâ and countries that the participants related to peoples of Arab descent, and emphasized a view of peoples of Arab descent and the âMiddle Eastâ as mysterious entities that are far removed from the studentsâ lived experiences. These examples demonstrate how the lexical choices âforeign,â âgeographically removed,â âculturally and geographically distant,â ânot a part of their world,â and âmysterious placeâ emphasize studentsâ estrangement with 207 peoples of Arab descent, the âMiddle East,â Islam, and the âArab world.â In this context, the emphasis on âforeignâ and âmysteriousâ contributes to solidifying a view of incompatible variations that tap into ideological thinking of peoples of Arab descent as foreign entities who are difficult to learn about and discuss, and even more challenging to relate to from a Western perspective. These views mirror constructions in the textbooks that contributed to showing peoples of Arab descent as âotherâ in Canada. These different identifications may further contribute to constructing cultural and religious differences that serve to stereotype and other groups (see Kirova, 2008). The participantsâ lexical choices also illustrated repetition and reproduction. Fairclough (2001) stated that speakers reproduce available words from other texts and reproduce their meanings explicitly or implicitly and knowingly or unknowingly. Despite their awareness of studentsâ conflation of peoples of Arab descent, Islam, and the âMiddle East,â the participants engaged in talk that contributes to this type of reproduction (see Section 6.2). In their statements, the participants demonstrated how terms such as âArab worldâ could jump from one space (e.g., textbook) into another (e.g., classroom conversation, interview). The use of terms that are found in other texts reveals the process of reproducing meanings without further reflection on the ideological underpinnings and implications of the repeated terms. The participantsâ apparent unreflective use of specific terms, such as the âArab world,â could contribute to studentsâ misunderstanding that peoples of Arab descent, Islam, and the âMiddle Eastâ exist in a world removed from Canada. It may also construct what Erickson (2010) described as cultural âboundariesâ or âbordersâ out of differences. The term âboundariesâ can indicate the presence of difference, but that which is characteristic to all societies, whereas the term âborderâ is a politicized view of difference that positions people on two opposite sides of a culturally 208 constructed border. The way cultural difference is viewed as a âborderâ can lead to conflict and difficulty in education (Erickson, 2010). Along this line, the ways differences are addressed in relation to peoples of Arab descent construct the view that they are too different and difficult to teach about and understand. Moreover, these terms also tap into orientalist constructions of peoples of Arab descent as foreign entities in Canada. By repeating terms that separate âArabâ and âMuslimâ from âChristianâ and the âWest,â the participantsâ statements reflected Saidâs (1978/2003) description of orientalism that âothersâ peoples of Arab descent and constructs views of âArabâ and âMuslimâ as entirely foreign entities. The participants highlighted the unfamiliarity with âArabâ and âMuslimâ in Canada in ways that contributed to similar constructions to those noted in the textbooks that showed peoples of Arab descent and adherents to the Islamic faith as people who exist outside Canada and the âWest.â Orientalist constructions communicate the existence of two geographic spaces inhabited by different and distinct people, one related to modernity and Christianity, and the other its opposite (Said, 1978/ 2003). All participants recognized the textbooksâ Eurocentric approach and showed awareness of the limitations of the curriculum. This awareness has been noted by many teachers who acknowledged the limited content in their textbooks and in the curriculum (see Gay, 2000/2018; Ladson-Billings, 1994/2009). My analysis of the ways the participants described teaching about peoples of Arab descent revealed unchallenged views and limited topics, and noted âotheringâ language that distinguished peoples of Arab descent from Canada and from the âWest.â The participantsâ descriptions of what they discuss and teach did not seem to deviate from the textbook topics that focused mainly on religion, terror attacks, and wars that confined teaching about peoples of Arab 209 descent to the contexts of war, conflict, and terrorism. In specific statements, the participants identified the topics that involved peoples of Arab descent as ânegativeâ and âviolent.â In sum, the topics that were discussed in relation to peoples of Arab descent revolved around the wars and conflicts that were included in Counterpoints and those that appeared on the news media. The topics that involved peoples of Arab descent did not challenge the stereotypes, nor did they minimize emphasized differences that may contribute to the âotheringâ of peoples of Arab descent in Canada; a type of âotheringâ that constructs difference as a deficit and posits cultural differences as undesirable traits. A discourse of othering in teachersâ talk emerged in the unchallenged and negatively framed topics, and in the essentializing language that focused on religion, terror, and war. The discussion of the foreignness of peoples of Arab descent and their cultures accentuated differences between peoples of Arab descent and peoples in Canada. The participants described the unfamiliarity with peoples of Arab descent as a justification for studentsâ lack of knowledge about these groups who were regarded as different and distant from students in the classrooms. Further, by emphasizing foreignness of peoples of Arab descent, and relating the group with Islam while locating both in a distant land and geographic space (i.e., the âMiddle Eastâ), the participants also hinted at the difficulty of teaching about these groups. In many ways, the statements that contributed to âotheringâ peoples of Arab descent complemented the information in the textbooks that constructed âotheringâ views that showed peoples of Arab descent as geographically distant and culturally different. 6.5 Barriers in Teaching About Peoples of Arab Descent This section analyzes lexical choices in the participantsâ descriptions of how they approach teaching. The section also details how lexical choices revealed the ways the 210 participants described teaching about peoples of Arab descent and highlighted several barriers to teaching, such as: the barrier of limited textbook content, the barrier of time, the barrier of studentsâ developmental abilities, the barrier of teachersâ potential biases, and the barrier of the complexity of the topic. Table 6.10 provides examples that illustrate how the participants described their efforts to diversify their teaching. Aspirations for Teaching About Peoples of Arab Descent Participant pseudonym Examples Juliane âI want kids to understandâ¦uh, more than theâ¦the headlineâ¦to understand the reallyâ¦complic/ to begin to NOT understand the complicated geopolitical situation, but understand THAT the geopolitical situation IS complicatedâ (L. 919-921). âI WOULD like to spend more time on current events ~in general~ thatâs something that I am working on as a teacher trying to find the time to do thatâ (L. 944). Rolland âI take more time now to uh to get kids to see theâ¦bigger contextsâ (L. 374). âI have grander plans if I had the time to do itâ (L. 820). Elizabeth âI would like do something as simple as like pulling up A MAP you know/ I kind of just like look at the Middle East like thereâs all ~(?)~ of these three different religionsâ (L. 388-391). âthis land like sacred to them [people in the Middle East], right?...and I all fighting over land ~and then~ right?â (L. 388-393). Emery âIâve really put like aâ¦huge amount of uh emphasis on uh making sure that the students are really aware of whatâs going on outside of Canadaâ¦making sure they have a better understanding and appreciation of the culturesâ (L. 205-206). The examples of interview responses in Table 6.10 reflect attempts to diversify teaching as can be noted in the statements: âI take more time nowâ and âIâve really putâ¦a huge amount ofâ¦emphasis.â The participantsâ explanations of their efforts to teach about peoples of Arab Table 6.10 211 descent were framed as aspirations, as seen in statements such as âI would like to,â âI have grander plans,â âI want kids to understand,â âI am working on,â and âthatâs what I wantâ¦â Juliane highlighted the difference between what she âhopesâ to do, as seen in âthereâs what I hope,â and what she actually does, as noted in âthereâs what actually happensâ (L. 944-948), thus distinguishing between her aspirations (e.g., âhopeâ) and reality (e.g., âactually happenâ). The participantsâ responses show a willingness to expand the diversification of learning in regard to this topic (e.g., âI try,â âI want,â âwould like,â âworking onâ). However, the use of hedging (i.e., modals and verbs) suggests that a gap exists between what and how the participants would like to teach and how they actually teach. 6.5.1 The barrier of limited textbook content. In their descriptions of the content that was included in their textbooks, the participants commented on the limited scope of topics in regard to diverse cultures. The textbooks were described as âincomplete,â ânot very good,â ânot satisfying,â and âquite limiting.â The participants also expressed their awareness of the Eurocentric perspective that limits historical telling to a European perspective of events. Juliane explained that âthe textbook is pretty Eurocentric, and they give â¦ kinda of lip service to these communitiesâ (L. 493). Casey stated, âtheyâre Eurocentric textbooksâ¦a very Eurocentric uh curriculumâ¦the story is very/ to me Eurocentricâ (L. 97, 104, 229). In addition to describing the textbook content, the participants explained their efforts to locate additional teaching material that can supplement and diversify the content in the textbooks. In their explanations of how they supplement the textbook content, the participants referred to their efforts to incorporate topics from news media, such as the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC), and the Cable News 212 Network (CNN). However, aside from mentioning the inclusion of current news that were covered in these news networks (e.g., Paris attacks), the participants did not provide details to explain what and how content from these sources was used to minimize knowledge gaps and diversify their or their studentsâ perspectives on topics relating to peoples of Arab descent. 6.5.2 The barrier of time. The participants made repeated referrals to the shortage of time as a barrier that hinders their ability to enhance their teaching and to find learning material to supplement the textbooks. As can be noted in the examples provided in Table 6.11, time is mentioned in statements such as âI have no time,â âThereâs not much time to,â âWe just donât have time,â âI donât have time to delve into,â âtrying to find the time,â âI didnât have time to diverge too much,â âconsistently running out of time to,â âthereâs always the matter of time,â âthereâs a constraint like time,â and âI don't have time to doâ¦â Barrier of Time Participant pseudonym Examples Juliane âwhen I have time to developâ¦uh and I DONâTâ¦â (L. 189). âI would like to spend more time on current eventsâ (L. 944). âitâs all negative negative negative right? I mean when do I have time to talk about some positive things in the Arab world?â (L. 924-925) Rolland âI try to do it [teach about peoples of Arab descent]â¦, given timeâ (L. 470). âI am consistently running out of time to do itâ¦I may do it this year if I have timeâ (L. 741-742). âit depends on time...thereâs alwaysâ¦the matterâ¦~of time~â¦I have grander plans if I had the time to do itâ (L. 820). Elizabeth âof course, you canât really teach history of the Middle East likeâ¦it's a whole course (laughs), so you kinda need like like at least six weeks, right?â (L. 109-110). Table 6.11 213 In most of their comments, the participants made several statements (e.g., âI have,â âI donât have,â âthereâs alwaysâ) that stressed the scarcity of âtimeâ and discussed it as a limitation and a âconstraint.â The use of conditional phrases, such as âwhen I have time,â âif I have timeâ and âit depends on time,â and the conditional subordinator âgiven timeâ are suggestive of how the participantsâ statements emphasize time as a barrier to engaging in inclusive teaching. Examples in Table 6.11 demonstrate how the participants linked the shortage of time to their inability to accomplish all they âwantâ and âwould like toâ do. Direct sentences such as âwhen do I have time?â and ârunning out of time,â and indirect ones such as âyou kinda need like at least six weeks,â emphasize the participantsâ struggle with time to be more inclusive or detailed in discussing topics related to peoples of Arab descent. Affirmation of time as a commodity in the classroom also occurred during my classroom observations. For example, in her Grade 11 social studies classroom, Elizabeth assigned an activity that required students to present information about a country of interest to them. Liam, one of the students, was born in Iraq. Liamâs presentation focused on postwar Iraq; he discussed Iraq as a demolished violent country with limited resources, no adequate infrastructure, and âno working toilets.â After the presentation wrapped up, given their schedule, the participant moved on to the next student who shared his information about another country. During my observation, the presentation about Iraq did not elicit any follow-up discussion, correction of any errors, and/or clarifications to challenge any misunderstandings and inaccuracies. In the interest of time, the participant quickly transitioned to studentsâ presentations about other countries and followed that with a video about a different topic (i.e., Al Goreâs documentary An Inconvenient Truth). Another classroom observation revealed similar patterns of surface level teaching about peoples 214 of Arab descent. For example, Casey assigned a classroom activity that required students to identify on a map the different countries that are predominantly inhabited by peoples of Arab descent. The activity was completed in groups, and the students took an entire period to complete the task. The class ended without engaging in a conversation that could have contributed to informing students about the diversity among peoples of Arab descent, their cultures, religious beliefs, dialects, and locations. 6.5.3 The barrier of studentsâ developmental abilities. Another factor that was described by the participants as a barrier to fulfil their inclusive teaching objectives was attributed to studentsâ developmental abilities. The participants clarified their perspectives in statements that contained references to age and developmental abilities as additional constraints to learning new material. For instance, studentsâ lack of comprehension of particular topics was attributed to their age. Casey stated, âfor teenagers things can still be pretty black and white...â (L. 522). Emery also addressed the studentsâ age with her comments âwhat they are able to understand at that ageâ (L. 366) and âespecially at that age they are not going to â¦ delve furtherâ (L. 558). Juliane echoed similar constraints, as seen in the following examples: âI think that is kind of a psychological development thing, and theyâ¦ maybe/they are not ready for that type of nuanceâ (L. 396), âthere is no way theyâll get a deep understanding, but at least a surface understanding yeah definitely!â (L. 1028-1029), and âthatâs as far as I think we can WE can getâ (L. 922). The emphasis on childrenâs development, as noted in the references to âage,â suggests that teaching about peoples of Arab descent is too complex for the studentsâ age groups. It is unclear how obtaining cultural knowledge is different for the case of peoples of Arab descent 215 than it is for other cultures and peoples, or how this assumption takes into account that on different levels all students are subject to the complexity of cultural experiences, regardless of their age. The view that age is a factor that hinders inclusive teaching appears to bypass minoritized students realities whose experiences with âraceâ and Islamophobia may not allow them to escape or disconnect from topics that are viewed as too complicated to learn about in the classroom. 6.5.4 The barrier of teachersâ potential biases. After analyzing participantsâ views of how their students related to learning about peoples of Arab descent, I examined how the participants described their efforts to teach about these groups. The participants discussed the ways they âtryâ to teach about cultural diversity and shared their perspectives and concerns about biases as a potential barrier. The participants touched on their awareness of their position in society. For example, Rolland stated: âI am a White male heterosexual in education, that gives me a position of privilege in this societyâ (L. 162-163). With this statement, Rolland appeared aware of how his racial, gender, and socioeconomic status put him in a privileged position. Elizabeth described how her middle class and European background might have influenced her cultural perspective, as noted in her statement that she âmight be just be very Eurocentric and ethnocentric just by the nature of being from a middle-class background and having European back[ground]â (L. 79-80). Both participants demonstrated efforts to reflect on their positionality in society and recognized the potential influences that were socially generated by their lived experiences, which could have influenced their teaching and their views. 216 Participants also described their awareness of potential biases directly and indirectly. The lexical choice âawareâ was used several times in discussing their reflections of their perspectives. For example, âso, you want to be aware and want to be the best resourceâ (Rolland, L. 129), âjust kinda of being aware of my own biases because you you do tend to teach what you knowâ (Elizabeth, L. 79-82), and âI am starting to become more aware of about Muslims stereotyping and prejudiceâ (Casey, L. 391). In more detail, some of the participants emphasized their level of âawarenessâ by discussing why they think the way they do. For example, Emery stated that âI wonder if I am portraying things in the right way or if I am pushing MY viewpoints too much onto the students, right? Because we all have our own [viewpoints]â (L. 220-222). In addition to emphasizing awareness, the participants elaborated their answers by using the lexical choice âbecauseâ as seen in âbecause you do tend to teach what you knowâ (Elizabeth, L. 82) and âbecause we all have our own [views]â (Emery, L. 222). The participantsâ elaborations offered additional reasons for why they considered their awareness important to their teaching about diverse cultures. Similarly, Casey reflected on her perspective in her statement, âthe less bias I can have the more I can get them to try to figure it outâ (L. 705). With her comment, Casey communicated a presupposed correlation between bias and potential influence of bias on their teaching, as seen in âthe lessâ she has of the first (i.e., bias) âthe moreâ she can help her students. With these statements, the participants demonstrated attempts to engage in self-reflection and noted the importance of becoming aware of their biases. Furthermore, the lexical choice âtryâ and other terms that have similar meanings appeared in the participantsâ descriptions of how they chose to rise above personal views and old habits, as seen in the following statements, âI try to be as unbiased as possibleâ (Rolland, L. 412- 217 414), âI try to be as open as possibleâ (Roland, L, 710), and âI try hard to assume NOTHINGâ (Juliane, L. 667). In light of these statements about their positions and potential biases, participants shared a glimpse of how their biases influenced their teaching about topics that include peoples of Arab descent. For example, Juliane explained âmy bias comes out, itâs inevitable as much as I try to to uh itâs difficultâ¦as much as I may TRY to be unbiased there is no such thing. EVERY teacher is biasedâ (L. 624-625) and âI try hard to assume NOTHINGâ (L. 667). The emphasis on trying to address the biases, as seen in âas much as I try,â âtry hard to assume nothing,â and âI may try to be unbiasedâ communicated the participantsâ ongoing efforts to minimize those biases. The discussion of backgrounds and viewpoints that may contribute to biases in teaching shows that the participants appeared reflective of what and how to teach their students. However, in their answers, these biases are expressed as concerns to communicate the wrong information or to be misunderstood. In this sense, these biases are described as potential barriers that may limit what and how they teach about peoples of Arab descent. 6.5.5 The barrier of complexity of the topic. The lexical choices âcomplex,â âcomplexity,â and âcomplicatedâ were used repeatedly in the participantsâ descriptions of teaching about issues pertaining to the âMiddle Eastâ and the âArab world.â For example, âitâs [Islam and the Arab world] super complicatedâ (Juliane, L. 488), âso, few people really understand it [Arab world]â (Juliane, L. 626), and âITâS PRETTY COMPLEXâ (Elizabeth, L. 248). The participants included additional references that alluded to the difficulty in teaching about peoples of Arab descent, as noted in the following examples: âI need a cheat sheet â¦ I need a list when we talk about itâ (Juliane, L. 483-484), âI have a color coded [sheet], itâs so complicatedâ (Juliane, L. 218 488), ânobody has all the answersâ¦I definitely donâtâ (Rolland, L. 623), âwhen sensitive issues come up, I am not an expertâ (Rolland, L. 206), and âtheir teachers donât have that strong of und[erstanding]â (Elizabeth, L. 291). In these examples, the participants explained how teaching about peoples of Arab descent and the âMiddle Eastâ is âsuper complicated,â âso complicated,â and âpretty complex.â The participants further emphasized the challenges by adding that ânobody has the answersâ âneed a cheat sheet,â âcolor coded [sheet]â and âdonât have that strong understanding,â all of which communicated unfamiliarity with the topic, limited expertise, and lack of knowledge about peoples of Arab descent. Rollandâs descriptions also included several disclaimers that illustrated his perspective of his expertise and skills as a teacher in multicultural classrooms. He stated: âI know I am am willing to admitâ¦where I lack expertiseâ¦where I lackâ¦uh, I donât know what the word would be! Legitimacyâ (L. 158-159), âI donât have the capacityâ (L. 236), and âI am not one to get to pretend that I am the sage on the stage and I know everythingâ (L. 746-747). The terms âlackâ and âdonât haveâ along with statements such as ânot sage on the stageâ and ânot an expert,â communicated the teacherâs awareness of his shortcomings of skill and expertise on this topic. Similarly, the participants stated: âI could do betterâ (Elizabeth, L. 138), âI could build it up moreâ (Casey, L. 620), and âI think you can always do betterâ (Emery, L. 205). These statements alluded to the participantsâ beliefs that their current teachings and expertise about the topic did not match their potential. Furthermore, the lexical choices âcouldâ and âcanâ¦do betterâ appeared aspirational, thus framing their lack of expertise as subject to change, while highlighting the notion that doing better is the desirable outcome for them. 219 In addition to describing what they taught and how much they knew about this topic, the participants detailed experiences that reflected the feelings of being unequipped to handle sensitive teaching about peoples of Arab descent. The participants detailed their experiences communicating about and communicating with peoples of Arab descent in their classrooms. The following three passages from Juliane, Elizabeth, and Casey revealed examples of how they engaged with students, and how they addressed peoples of Arab descent in their classrooms. The first example was shared by Juliane, and it involved a discussion about âIslamic civilization,â âterrorism,â â911,â and âISIS.â Juliane recounted the following story: I had a TERRIBLE incident about 3 years ago this is so embarrassing, I had a Grade 8 class when we were starting to talk, weâve been talking about Islamic civilizationâ¦so, we talked for a fairly long time about terrorism and aboutâ¦we talked a little bit about 911 we talked a little bit about ISISâ¦at the end of the classâ¦this is so embarrassing. I am embarrassed, I had that Tunisian girl...she was probably my only Muslim kid in my class definitely my only Arab kid in my class, she came upâ¦she had tears in her eyes and ~she said: I donât understand that Word terrorism...and I went OH MY GODâ¦, WHAT HAVE I DONE TO THIS CHILD?... the fact that it was a girl from the Arab world just made me feel likeâ¦the worst person alive...oh god oh okay I try hard to assume NOTHING. (L. 639-667) In this incident, the participant engaged in a classroom discussion about âterrorismâ and âISISâ during a chapter about âIslamic civilizationâ that resulted in bringing a student of Arab descent to tears in class. The participantâs disappointment with her own oversight in discussing âterrorismâ in the context of peoples of Arab descent and Islam was noted in the ways she described the encounter with the student as âso embarrassingâ and âterrible.â Juliane added more 220 subjective statements that echoed sentiments of feeling ashamed, such as âI am embarrassed,â âwhat have I done?â âmade me feel worse,â and âworst person alive.â This participantâs classroom encounter and the way she chose to frame this incident (i.e., shame, shock, embarrassment, disappointment, self-blame) communicated that despite her awareness and efforts, she could not be fully attentive of how her words impacted a student who was both Muslim and of Arab descent. The participantâs description of her experience contributes to a view that teaching topics that include peoples of Arab descent, and in this case, Islam, is a challenging endeavor that could elicit emotions that may be difficult to manage. The level of discomfort in tackling these issues also surfaced in Elizabethâs example. Elizabeth explained: We also had one lesson specifically on ISISâ¦ when I taught ISIS and I was very very nervous about itâ¦and I WAS QUITE NERVOUS ofâ¦them saying terrible things and everything. There was...nothing disrespectful at all. The only issueâ¦ I had a student from IRAQ that his family left, but maybe ten years ago and he said/ uh, he put his hand, and he said âI AM FROM IRAQ, THIS IS GONNA BE AWKWARDââ¦and I said ~ âwell your family left Iraqâ ~ and right? He said âyeahâ I said ~ âbecause of probably the turmoil there!â ~ and he was like ~ âyeahâ and itâs like~ wellâ¦thatâs you know the/ these are the same reasons that people are pushed out of Syria, also RIGHT? SO THATâs but he sort ofâ¦I am not sure, he was worried that we would say somethingâ¦and just that he thought it would be aw/, like he thought it would be awkward, like weâre learning about your/ the area youâre from, ~right? (L. 622-652) 221 The participantâs telling of this example began with a description of her emotional state: âvery very very nervousâ and âquite nervousâ about teaching this topic [i.e., ISIS]. However, in this example, the participant was focused on the studentsâ reactions, such as âthem saying terrible thingsâ and âthere was nothing disrespectful.â These statements presuppose that the participantâs nervousness is partially a result of her assumption that students might engage in disrespectful exchanges. The participant explained that the âonlyâ issue that she encountered was related to a student from Iraq who expressed his concern over discussing his native country in the context of terrorism (e.g., ISIS). In her response to the student, Elizabeth drew a comparison between Iraq and Syria with phrases, such as âitâs likeâ and âsame reasons.â The participant concluded this example by stating: âI think he was ~pleased with the lesson.â The uncertainty in the verb âthinkâ did not show that the participant was sure that the situation was resolved and handled in a satisfactory way. Further, it is unclear, how the likening of a war-torn country (i.e., Iraq) to another war-torn country (i.e., Syria) addressed the studentsâ concerns about the single narrative of war, terrorism, and refugees in regard to his country of origin. Similarly, Casey shared an example about an encounter with a student of Arab descent in her classroom. She explained: Well, I remember this Palestinian student when I was doing this segment in Grade 11 on the Holocaust, he he basically didnât come to class. I think it really bothered him... I I I remember that sensitivity that that and he didnât come on the field tripâ¦I think there might have been some anger there. SO that was sort of a real/ you know, which I didnât I I know I didnât discuss... I let him have that slack, just catch up on his work and just let him have those couple of classes he doesnât come to without confronting him. And you know! Just let him get through the course. (pp. 481-513) 222 In this example, the participant referred to the reaction of a student of Arab descent during a lesson on the Holocaust. Caseyâs assumption that the student was skipping class to avoid the lesson on the Holocaust suggested her awareness of the sensitivity of the topic. The teacher addressed the studentâs emotional state (e.g., âI think it really bothered him,â âthat sensitivity, might have been some anger thereâ). She further explained the encounter with hedging words âI think,â âsort of,â âmight have been some,â and âyou know,â all of which are phrases that did not demonstrate clear understanding of the situation. The participant suggested that the topic of the Holocaust, which is included in Counterpoints and Horizons, may have bothered a âPalestinian studentâ or angered him. This comment by the participant presupposes her familiarity with tensions that exist between Palestine and Israel. The exile of people from Palestine in favor of the establishment of the state of Israel may have been viewed as a trigger for the studentsâ presumed sensitivity or anger. However, similar to Elizabethâs scenario, Casey did not follow-up with the student, she added: âI let him have slackâ¦let him have those couple of classes, without confronting himâ¦get through the course.â These responses suggest that the teacher avoided expanding the discussion to include political and social consequences (e.g., the creation of the state of Israel, the deportation of people from Palestine) that were beyond the lesson plan of the Holocaust. In this case, a sensitive topic was brought up and led to a reaction that was met with avoidance from the teacher. The participantsâ avoidance suggests that she was not sure how to deal with the situation as can be further noted from her use of hedging (e.g., âI think,â âmight haveâ). In most cases, the participants did not credit their cultural awareness and teaching skills to professional learning about peoples of Arab descent and the âMiddle East.â Out of the five 223 participants, only Elizabeth referred to learning about the âMiddle Eastâ from a professional development seminar. The participants revealed that they learned in their classrooms from their experiences, as seen in the provided examples. In general, the participants seemed to emphasize past teaching experiences and classroom incidents, both negative and positive ones, that challenged their skills to teach about peoples of Arab descent. 6.6 Identification of a Discourse of Barriers to Teaching About Peoples of Arab Descent This section describes what emerged as âa discourse of barriers to teaching about peoples of Arab descent.â As noted in Chapter 4, teaching about peoples of Arab descent is not a requirement for teachers in Grades 10 and 11, therefore, the participants in this study described the ways they seized opportunities to teach about different groups of peoples, including peoples of Arab descent, that may or may not have surfaced in their textbooks and in their classroom discussions. The analysis detailed how the participants stated their desires to adopt an inclusive teaching approach that invites multiple stories and diverse cultural perspectives into the classroom. The discussions were more specific to the participantsâ views of educational practices that address teaching about peoples of Arab descent and their cultures. The participants described a variety of barriers to expanding studentsâ âlimitedâ knowledge about peoples of Arab descent, which was either absent (e.g., âthey know nothing at allâ), superficial (e.g., stereotypical and shallow), and/or negatively framed (e.g., terror attacks, wars, radical religious views). These statements suggest that the participants viewed studentsâ knowledge base about peoples of Arab descent and their cultures as lacking in substance, accuracy, and clarity. 224 Section 6.3 detailed the ways the participants described barriers that prevented them from diversifying their teaching to be more inclusive and comprehensive in regard to peoples of Arab descent. The participants stated that they were unable to fulfil their objectives and attributed their inability to diversify their teaching about peoples of Arab descent to several challengesâincluding complexity of the topic, insufficient and biased textbook content, shortage of time, studentsâ developmental abilities, and participantsâ potential biasesâall of which were described as barriers to advancing studentsâ learning and cultural competence in relation to peoples of Arab descent. A significant barrier was noted in what participants considered âcomplexityâ of the topic. The analysis revealed that the participants viewed teaching about peoples of Arab descent and the âMiddle Eastâ as a complicated task. The analysis revealed the ways the participants acknowledged the barrier of their limited knowledge as seen in âI could do betterâ (Elizabeth, L. 138), âI could build it up moreâ (Casey, L. 620), and âI think you can always do betterâ (Emery, L. 205). In this sense, the participants noted how their limited teaching, as well as their limited knowledge about peoples of Arab descent, did not match their potential. Their statements consistently contained references that enabled them to share responsibility with other groups and individuals (i.e., the textbook authors, the social studies teachers, and the students). In this way, the participants avoided positioning themselves as the sole decision makers of the topics that they included in their classrooms. Their attempts to avoid appearing as the sole decision makers in what they taught suggested discomfort in taking ownership of what they taught about peoples of Arab descent. The participants detailed classroom examples that exhibited their discomfort regarding particular issues (e.g., ISIS, hijab 225 debate, Holocaust). For example, the participants expressed their nervousness and showed avoidance to engage in detailed conversations that could have addressed studentsâ concerns in their classrooms (see Section 6.3.5). Not knowing how to diffuse a situation or resolve a conflict about cultural misunderstandings can be attributed to what the participants described as the complexity of the topic. Gay (2013) acknowledged teachersâ anxieties as a form of resistance to engaging in a more challenging form of teaching. In this respect, the participantsâ anxieties and their lack of professional development about these topics may have influenced the ways they discussed and the ways they taught about peoples of Arab descent. This was particularly noted in Rollandâs statement: âI find topics that are uncomfortable to discuss challenging like I donât look forward to teaching about the Holocaust I donât look forward to teaching about uh uh the negative aspects lives of Aboriginal Canadiansâ (L. 215-217). A discourse of barriers to teaching about peoples of Arab descent was also highlighted in the ways the participants expressed their dissatisfaction with the content in the textbooks (see Section 6.1). The participantsâ awareness of limited and Eurocentric content in textbooks was viewed as a challenge that they needed to address, especially if they wanted to promote inclusive teaching. Toward their goal of promoting inclusive teaching, the participants demonstrated that the insufficient coverage in the textbooks forced them to invest time and effort to diversify the textbooksâ perspectives and explore additional resources. In their descriptions of how they aimed to diversify perspectives and enhance knowledge construction about minoritized groups, all participants addressed limited time as a factor that hindered their abilities to teach about peoples of Arab descent in more depth and detail in their classrooms. Shortage of time in their schedules was emphasized during the interviews (see Subsection 6.3.2) and was also noted during the observations. Observations of the participantsâ 226 attempts to include peoples of Arab descent in their classrooms revealed that the time allocated for activities/discussions did not allow for explorations that could have contributed to cultural understanding of peoples of Arab descent. In their statements, the participants also commented on the studentsâ age groups as possible reasons for the lack of understanding and interest in learning. For example, âfor teenagers, things can still be pretty black and whiteâ¦â (Casey, L. 522) and âespecially at that age they are not going toâ¦delve furtherâ (Emery, L. 558). Such comments suggested that studentsâ developmental abilities and interests were viewed as barriers that prevented a more in-depth conversation and learning about peoples of Arab descent. Awareness of and sensitivity to the cultural development of all students is significant to teaching (see Banks, 2009), however, notably in this study, this awareness appears to be misused as a barrier to learning about particular minoritized groups. Similarly, the participantsâ own biases were discussed as barriers that might have created hesitation in engaging in more in-depth conversations. This hesitation was noted in statements such as, âI wonder if I am portraying things in the right way or if I am pushing MY viewpoints too much onto the students, right? Because we all have our own [viewpoints]â (Emery, L. 220-222) and âEVERY teacher is biasedâ (Juliane, L. 624-625). Limited experiences and sensitivities about personal backgrounds were specifically noted by the participants. For example, Elizabeth stated that her Eurocentric and ethnocentric views may have been an outcome of the ânature of being from a middle-class background and having European back[ground]â (L. 79-80), thus emphasizing her own background as a potential barrier. The participantsâ responses reflected their concern for how biases may influence the ways they address different cultures and 227 viewpoints, especially in relation to peoples of Arab descent. However, the participantsâ responses did not expand beyond the recognition of biases that related to their cultural experiences and socialization, and did not seem to demonstrate how their beliefs and views of their own positionality alter the ways they teach about ethnic and cultural groups who may not share the same cultural values and backgrounds. Additionally, the participantsâ examples emphasized their sensitivity to their limited cultural and religious awareness in relation to peoples of Arab descent. Juliane demonstrated this point when she shared a classroom example during a lesson on âterrorism.â Rolland stated that he tried his best not to be misconstrued. Both participants showed concern over saying wrong things about culture or religion that can negatively impact students in their classrooms. Notably, in their responses, they seemed to engage in self-reflection and to be conscious of their possible biases and assumptions. Two of the participants appeared more conscious of their sociocultural locations and made direct references to their Eurocentric and middle class backgrounds. Self-reflection was noted in Julianeâs, Caseyâs, and Emeryâs comments that openly addressed the biases that they may have and how their cultural experiences may influence their thoughts and assumptions. Similar to teachers who made efforts to overcome the limitations of their own cultural knowledge and were effective in their classrooms (see Gay, 2000/2018; Ladson-Billings, 2014), the teachers in this study also reflected on the potential biases that they may have as people influenced by their own lived experiences and cultural knowledge. These types of reflections are consistent with culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching that emphasizes the importance of teachersâ efforts to reflect on their own biases and positionality (see Gay & Kirkland, 2003; Pete, 2017). 228 In this study, the participants showed efforts to engage in self-reflection and advance their cultural critical consciousness. They described how they recognize their personal beliefs and biases; however, it is not clear if and/or how particular reflections were manifested in teaching that could improve knowledge about minoritized groups and alter their instructional strategies and the ways they teach about peoples of Arab descent. Instead, the participantsâ descriptions of their potential biases were discussed as barriers to teaching about particular groups. The barriers that emerged in the analysis are not unique to this study. Barriers, such as limiting curriculum and textbook content, time shortage, and inadequate resources, have been acknowledged by scholars who noted that teachers do indeed face numerous challenges in their efforts to diversify the curriculum and teach for cultural inclusivity in their classrooms (see Esposito & Swain, 2009; Gay, 2000/2018; Ladson-Billings, 1994/2009; Parhar & Sensoy, 2011). Scholars asserted that limited cultural knowledge, biases, as well as the curriculum restrictions, impose additional challenges that teachers need to overcome in order to advance toward inclusive teaching for all ethnic groups (Gay, 2000/2018; Ladson-Billings, 1994/2009). The discourse of barriers to teaching about peoples of Arab descent that is identified in this study shows that the participants adapted a less critical approach to the challenges they faced, and viewed these challenges as reasons or justifications for their inability to engage in inclusive teaching in relation to peoples of Arab descent. 229 6.7 Chapter Summary The participants in the current study shared their perspectives of teaching objectives and described how they value teaching for cultural diversity. The teachersâ talk reflected on textbook content, and on their teaching efforts to overcome textbook limitations. Their recognition of biases in textbooks, their studentsâ limited knowledge, and their own limited skills and perspectives demonstrated their efforts to reflect on different aspects from the social world that may influence the way they teach about peoples of Arab descent. In this chapter, I identified and discussed three discourses: a discourse of multicultural progress, a discourse of othering, and a discourse of barriers to teaching about peoples of Arab descent. The discourses that emerged in this chapter share some commonalities with the discourses that emerged in Chapter 5, this is especially noted in the constructions of peoples of Arab descent as different from peoples in the West, particularly in Canada, and in the descriptions that relate âArabâ to Islam, and âArabâ to the âMiddle Eastâ and reveal âotheringâ constructions of all three. In Chapter 7, I integrate the main findings that emerged in the analysis of textbooks and teachersâ talk, and address the conclusions and implications of this study. 230 Chapter 7: Conclusions, Implications, and Limitations of the Study This final chapter is divided into six sections. The first section addresses the first research question: How are peoples of Arab descent constructed in social studies textbooks that are available for Grades 10 and 11 and by secondary school teachers in British Columbia? The section summarizes findings, integrates key points that were noted in the analysis of the instances in the textbooks and in teachersâ talk, and then reintroduces two discourses that were identified in the analysis. The second section addresses the second research question: How do secondary school teachers talk about using the textbooks in teaching about peoples of Arab descent? The section details the findings that address the ways the participants used their textbooks and how they described teaching about peoples of Arab descent, and then reintroduces the discourse that emerged in relation to those findings. The third section follows with conclusions and implications. The fourth section addresses the limitations of the study. The fifth section addresses possibilities for future research. The sixth section concludes the chapter with a brief summary and final thoughts. 7.1 Addressing the First Research Question The first research question in this study asked: How are peoples of Arab descent constructed in social studies textbooks that are available for Grades 10 and 11 and by secondary school teachers in British Columbia? Linguistic toolsâincluding an examination of the lexical choices, temporal and spatial markers, arrangement of events, visual displays, and assumptionsârevealed five findings in the educational text and talk that contributed to constructions of peoples of Arab descent. Four of those findings emerged across the data sources, and one finding was noted only in teachersâ talk. I describe each finding in turn in relation to the 231 linguistic/analytical tools utilized and then describe the two discourses that emerged from this analysis. First, constructions of peoples of Arab descent in the textbooks were stereotyped as terrorists, and teachers did not appear to be equipped to challenge this view. The first finding emerged across the instances in the textbooks in the constructions of peoples of Arab descent as noted in lexical choices, particularly in collocated terms (e.g., âterrorist attacks,â âterrorist threat,â âterror suspectâ) that established connections between acts of terror and peoples of Arab descent. The terrorist construction is also shown in visual displays that introduced the only person of Arab descent in the textbooks as a prisoner in Abu Ghraib (see Photograph 5.13), and in the arrangement of events that blurred the connections between the September 11th attacks, the Afghanistan War, and the Iraq War. The analysis of the textbooks showed conjoined acts of terror (e.g., the September 11th attacks) with countries that are predominantly inhabited by peoples of Arab descent (e.g., Iraq). In the textbooks, this was particularly noted in the arrangement of events that addressed all three events (the September 11th attacks, the Afghanistan War, the Iraq War) as related to one another. A view that was also shown in the use of the additive conjunction such as âandâ to link the wars in the two countries together and relate that to the September 11th attacks, as seen in âWhat was the stated purpose for the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq?â (p. 280). Despite their apparent discomfort and desire to diversify teaching about peoples of Arab descent, the participantsâ descriptions of what they discussed in their classrooms about peoples of Arab descent centred predominantly on acts of war and terrorism. Analysis of the teachersâ talk found that the participants relied on their textbooks in their teaching about events and topics that involved peoples of Arab descent and introduced these groups in historical and political 232 events that confined them to acts of violence and terrorism (e.g., the September 11th attacks, the Iraq War). The participantsâ descriptions of additional teaching in their classrooms incorporated recent events which were omitted from the textbooks (e.g., the Paris Attacks, ISIS, the Syrian war), all of which introduced peoples of Arab descent in the context of terrorism and violence. A similar focus on terror and conflict in relation to peoples of Arab descent was also reported in other studies. For example, Schellaas (2016) noted that coverage of the âMiddle Eastâ and its inhabitants occurred in the context of terrorism, conflict, and crisis. Further, the inferences in Counterpoints that constructed views of peoples of Arab descent as âterror suspectsâ reflect the stereotypical construction that was reported in several media, which seem to recognize peoples of Arab descent in the context of terrorism and conflict (see Ramji, 2016; Said, 1978/2003; Shaheen, 2003/2012; Wiseman, 2014). The particular focus on the September 11th attacks and the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq across the different data sources were similarly noted by Eraqi (2015) and Wiseman (2014) who revealed that post the September 11th attacks, the content about peoples of Arab descent and the âMiddle Eastâ in educational text was dominated by information about the attacks and the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. Second, constructions of peoples of Arab descent were violent and aggressive, and contributed to constructions of Islam and inhabitants of the âMiddle Eastâ as violent, involved in human rights violations and immersed in oppressive practices, particularly against women. These constructions of peoples of Arab descent, Islam, and inhabitants of the âMiddle Eastâ in relation to conflict and human rights abuses were made visible in the arrangement of events, lexical choices, and visual displays. Findings showed consistent constructions of peoples of Arab descent, Islam, and the âMiddle Eastâ as violent, aggressive, and backward, whereas Canada was 233 introduced as a peacekeeper. This was particularly noted in the arrangement of events in the textbooks that showed the inclusion of peoples of Arab descent and Islam only in the context of wars and terror attacks (e.g., Suez Crisis, the Oil Embargo, the Iraq War, and the September 11th attacks), and the inclusion of Canada as a peace broker in Egypt, Israel-Palestine conflict, and other missions that accentuated Canadaâs peacemaking role. Islam was only discussed across the data sources in topics that highlighted religious oppression, which occurred in the lexical choices that located human rights abuses in âIslamic countries,â as well as in the visual displays that showed photographs of seemingly oppressed women in Islam and in the âMiddle Eastâ (see Photographs 5.14 & 5.15). Similarly, the participantsâ descriptions of their classroom discussions introduced the topics of âHijabâ and âNiqabâ to question the oppressive practices against women in Islam. Despite the participantsâ attempts to challenge the negative views of women in Islam, the analysis of teachersâ talk revealed that they were not informed enough about the religion, and were not equipped to challenge the stereotypical constructions of Islam. Educational text and talk in this study reproduced constructions in Western literature that produced views of peoples of Arab descent and adherents to the Islamic faith as aggressive and uncivilized peoples (see Said, 1978/2003). The relation of violence and aggression with peoples of Arab descent was documented in studies from 1970s and 1990s (Wingfield & Karaman, 1995) The relation continued to surface in more recent studies that found textbook constructions of peoples of Arab descent and Islam as threatening and aggressive, and highlighted constructions of âMuslimsâ as savage and menacing people, rescued from wars, conflicted and oppressed, and practicing archaic traditions (see Ali, 2013; Ali et al., 2011). The focus on womenâs rights in Islam and in the âMiddle Eastâ that was found in this study was also emphasized by scholars who noted neo-orientalist constructions of cultural and/or religious symbols in ways that signify 234 oppression and lack of civil rights and liberties of women who adhere to the Islamic faith (Behdad & Williams, 2010; Zine, 2006). Moreover, the emphasis on human rights abuses against women in Islam and in the âMiddle East,â highlights dual oppression that is religious and political. Along this line, the finding in this study of constructions depicting women as oppressed in Islam is mirrored by the orientalist constructions of veiled women who appear to be in need of saving from their religious and political communities (see Jiwani, 2004; Zagumny & Richey, 2012). Third, constructions of peoples of Arab descent were excluded from Canadaâs past and present. The textbooks and teachersâ talk acknowledged different minoritized groupsâ experiences and emphasized the importance of diversifying teaching and learning about minoritized people in ways that promote acceptance and respect toward all groups. However, the analysis of educational text and talk revealed omissions of any references to peoples of Arab descent as inhabitants of Canada or as a part of its cultural mix, as seen in their exclusion from discussions about ethnic groups experiences with immigration processes and discriminatory attitudes in Canada. For example, examination of lexical choices and temporal and spatial markers in the nine instances in the textbooks showed mentions of peoples of Arab descent in events outside Canada, particularly in North Africa (e.g., North African Campaign, Suez Crisis) and the area they described as the âMiddle Eastâ (e.g., the Persian Gulf War, the Iraq War). Similarly, examination of lexical choices in teachersâ talk revealed that they referred to cultures and religious beliefs among peoples of Arab descent as âgeographically distantâ and âculturally removed,â and as âotherâ than Canadian (e.g., âSyrian refugees,â âSyrian student,â âPalestinianâ). 235 The persistent exclusion of peoples of Arab descent from all talks about Canadaâs past and present is particularly noteworthy because it coincided with the inclusion of these groups as foreign and unfamiliar homogenous groups who exist in a geographically distant place. The lack of recognition of the presence of peoples of Arab descent as existing in Canada and in other Western countries, reflect the marginalization and imbalanced coverage and constructions of peoples of Arab descent that have been noted in numerous studies (e.g., Ali et al., 2011; Almosa, 2006; Brockway, 2007; Schellaas, 2016). Fourth, peoples of Arab descent were constructed as passivated colonial subjects who are inferior opponents to the âWest.â Notably, the accentuation of the differences of peoples of Arab descent was noted in the instances in the textbooks which acknowledged them as passivated colonial subjects, possessors of strategic locations and valuable resources (e.g., oil), and dehumanized them in descriptions of the political conflicts with Canada, the United States, and other European countries. For example, these constructions were noted in lexical choices that identified Libya as âan Italian colony,â referenced Egypt for its benefit to colonial ambitions as âa major strategic point,â introduced Kuwait as âthe oil-rich country,â and omitted any humanizing descriptions of peoples of Arab descent during wars and conflicts (see Section 5.2). These findings show that constructions of peoples of Arab descent continue to be viewed with a Eurocentric lens that ignores their cultures and histories and acknowledges them only as part of colonial and imperial conquests to control natural resources (see Said, 2003). The relation between peoples of Arab descent and natural resources was noted in textbooks dating as far back to the 1970s (e.g., Griswold, 1975), and in many recent studies that found that oil and the economic importance of the geographical space that is predominantly inhabited by peoples of 236 Arab descent continue to be a common topic in textbooks that introduce peoples of Arab descent (e.g., Morgan, 2008; Salman, 2014; Schellaas, 2016). Fifth, and exclusive to teachersâ talk, was the homogenization of peoples of Arab descent, Islam, and the âMiddle East.â The lexical choices in teachersâ talk revealed constructions of peoples of Arab descent, Islam, and the âMiddle Eastâ that merged all three together and overlooked the heterogeneity among peoples of Arab descent and among adherents to the Islamic faith. This homogenization was exemplified in lexical choices (e.g., âArab world,â âIslamic worldâ) that the participants used to refer to peoples of Arab descent and/or the inhabitants of what they identified as the âMiddle East.â Interchangeable references between peoples of Arab descent, Islam, and the âMiddle Eastâ were noted in old and new research (Ali et al., 2011; Almosa, 2006; David & Ayouby, 2005). The homogenization of peoples of Arab descent that was revealed in this research is consistent with findings in a study by Oueslati et al. (2011) that found shifting references from Islam to peoples of Arab descent and noted homogenization of peoples of Arab descent and adherents to the Islamic faith and the âMiddle East.â The homogenization of all three in teachersâ talk reflected the participantsâ lack of attentiveness to potential âothering,â and their lack of acknowledgement of the multitude of variations that exist within and among peoples of Arab descent and adherents to the Islamic faith, and the historical and political meanings of the âMiddle Eastâ as a geographic space. Two discourses emerged from these five findings: a discourse of othering and a discourse of multicultural progress. A discourse of othering was reflected in the ways the examined text and talk âotheredâ peoples of Arab descent by accentuating differences between peoples of Arab descent and Canada, and by positioning them as foreign entities and excluding them from 237 Canadaâs past and present. âOtheringâ is noted in the examined text and talk that limited constructions of peoples of Arab descent to wars and terrorism without including perspectives that could have highlighted the colonial missions and the effects those had and continue to have on social, economic, and political systems in the colonized and occupied countries. The findings showed binary descriptions of peoples of Arab descent that constructed them as aggressive, foreign, âmystical,â and âcomplicatedâ peoples who are different from, and inferior to, peoples of Canada and other Western countries. The absence of context and historical details maintained the focus on colonial powers and European and North American countries as peacemakers and modernizers of the âEast;â such views reflect orientalist constructions of the backward and aggressive nations and peoples of Arab descent and Islam, and sustain the constructions of the superior White and European cultures and societies. This discourse seems consistent with what Said (1978//2003) noted as âotheringâ that constructed two geographically distinct and different cultures of âEastâ and âWest,â and constructed peoples of Arab descent as colonial subjects, and as peoples who are dehumanized, violent, and as something to be suspected and feared. The âotheringâ constructions reiterate scholarly assertions of how biases that are reproduced in educational text and talk reflect prevailing ideologies that maintain dominant perspectives of minoritized groups (see van Dijk & Atienza, 2011). The discourse of multicultural progress emerged from the emphasis in the textbooks and in teachersâ talk on the importance of recognizing and appreciating diverse perspectives that may improve teaching and learning about minoritized groups in Canada. The textbooks and teachersâ talk highlighted recognition, acceptance, and welcoming of diverse perspectives as key concepts for teaching and learning about cultural diversity. This discourse was further shown in 238 descriptions of the discriminatory behaviors and attitudes toward minoritized groups as a part of the past. The emphasis on the changing multicultural attitudes implied that acts of discrimination against minoritized groups in Canada have been resolved and replaced with favorable attitudes that do not reject and/or view these groups with hostility and indifference. However, despite the emphasis on inclusivity in education, the analysis showed that what constituted multicultural progress across different data sources was applied exclusively to some minoritized groups and not others, such as peoples of Arab descent. In this respect, the discourse of multicultural progress in text and talk communicates superficial views of cultural acceptance and fails to address the changes that have yet to be made to recognize and appreciate all culturally diverse groups and communities. 7.2 Addressing the Second Research Question The second research question in this study asked: How do secondary school teachers talk about using the textbooks in teaching about peoples of Arab descent? The examination of lexical choices in the interview transcripts and observation notes revealed two main findings: the first finding showed participantsâ awareness of the Eurocentric perspectives in the textbooks, and the second finding showed barriers that the participants identified as challenges that prevented them from fulfilling their teaching objectives to teach in inclusive ways. Next, I review these findings that show how teachers talked about using the textbooks and describe the ways they taught about peoples of Arab descent in relation to the linguistic/analytical tools utilized. One discourse, a discourse of barriers to teaching about peoples of Arab descent, emerged from these findings. 239 First, participants demonstrated an awareness of the Eurocentric perspectives in the textbooks that they had to use, as well as awareness of their studentsâ superficial knowledge and stereotypes about peoples of Arab descent. The participantsâ views of textbooks were noted in lexical choices and terms, such as âpretty Eurocentric,â âEurocentric textbooks,â âEurocentric view of history,â âincomplete,â âlimiting,â and ânot very good.â Similarly, the analysis showed an agreement among participants in regard to the type of knowledge their students have about peoples of Arab descent. This was exemplified in collocated terms and lexical choices that described what they think their students know, such as âsurface understanding,â âsuperficial understanding,â âmisunderstandings,â and â[no] deep understanding,â âshallow,â âlimited,â and âstereotypical.â In light of this awareness, the participants emphasized the importance of making efforts to broaden the scope of the limited content in their textbooks to challenge the Eurocentric view of history, and to enhance studentsâ cultural competence and create sociopolitical consciousness of larger social issues in society. This finding was identified in the participantsâ emphasis on their âeffortsâ and âattemptsâ to broaden studentsâ understanding of cultures. For example, the need to teach beyond the incomplete and Eurocentric textbook content and to challenge studentsâ misunderstandings was noted in action verbs (e.g., âattempt,â âtry,â âmake effort,â âcompareâ) that reflected their intent and effort to augment textbook content and enhance their studentsâ cultural competence. However, the analysis revealed that even when the participants emphasized the importance of augmenting the textbook content and clarifying studentsâ misunderstandings, their descriptions of what and how they taught seemed to rely mostly on the textbooks (e.g., the September 11th attacks, the Iraq War), and were influenced by lexical choices that âotheredâ 240 peoples of Arab descent (e.g., âArab worldâ) that demonstrated their lack of reflection on âotheringâ language that was used in the textbooks. Second, teachers described several challenges as barriers that prevented them from fulfilling their objectives and limited their abilities to teach in more inclusive ways, particularly in relation to peoples of Arab descent. Some of those barriers were highlighted as insufficient textbooks, time constraints, potential biases, and complexity of the topic. The examination of lexical choices revealed how the participants showed dissatisfaction with the âincompleteâ and âlimitingâ textbooks that forced them to exert additional effort to explore alternative teaching material and resources. However, their search for resources was stifled by the time constraints that were also identified in the use of conditional words and phrases that emphasized the limitation of time, as seen in âif I have time,â âdepends on time,â âI tryâ¦ given time,â and âI didnât have time to diverge too much.â The repetition of the element of time highlighted it as a factor that hindered the participantsâ abilities to promote studentsâ learning about minoritized groups. The study also showed the participantsâ concern for how their biases and awareness of influences of their sociocultural backgrounds may impact the ways they address different cultures and viewpoints, especially in relation to peoples of Arab descent. The emphasis on bias was noted in lexical choices and terms that addressed biases as a challenge to teaching, as seen in âI try hard to assume NOTHINGâ (Juliane, L. 667) and âI try to be as unbiased as possibleâ (Rolland, L. 412-414). A significant barrier that was noted in teachersâ talk focused on the level of complexity of the topic that reflected the participantsâ lack of cultural competence in relation to peoples of Arab descent. This barrier was particularly identified in the 241 repeated lexical choices that referred to topics that involve peoples of Arab descent as âcomplexâ and âcomplicated.â Notably, none of the teachers had access to teacher education or professional development in relation to peoples of Arab descent, and only one of them had the chance to attend a workshop specifically on the topic of the âMiddle East.â The lack of teacher education and professional development opportunities may have contributed to the participantsâ lack of cultural competence and increased their discomfort and nervousness in describing how they teach about peoples of Arab descent. This discomfort was noted in responses and lexical choices that alluded to their nervousness and unpreparedness, such as âI was quite nervousâ (Elizabeth, L. 630) and âwhen sensitive issues come up, I am not an expertâ (Rolland, L. 206). These statements reflected the discomfort that the participants experienced while teaching topics that they related to peoples of Arab descent (e.g., Paris terror attacks, September 11th attacks, ISIS). The participants shared several examples that showed gaps in their knowledge and their avoidance of engaging in in-depth discussions with students about sensitive topics, and in their inability to reduce tensions and alleviate studentsâ discomfort and reactions during their teaching about topics that relate to peoples of Arab descent and Islam. The examples demonstrated that the participants either changed the topic, as seen in the example provided by one participant who did not address a studentâs concern about discussing Iraq in relation to terrorism and wars (see Section 6.5), and in another participantsâ response that ignored the tensions in class that related to peoples of Arab descent, as seen in âI didnât discuss, I let him [a student of Arab descent] have some slackâ (Casey, L. 510). The discourse of barriers to teaching about peoples of Arab descent emerged in the ways the participants talked about how they used the textbooks, and how they described teaching 242 about peoples of Arab descent. The analysis showed that the participants expressed intent to engage in inclusive teaching and include diverse learning resources, however, they highlighted several barriers (e.g., insufficient textbook content, complexity of the topic) that they struggled with in their efforts to teach about diverse groups. The discussion of barriers to teaching about peoples of Arab descent overshadowed the participantsâ descriptions of what and how they teach. In the process, these barriers were shown as challenges that the teachers could not fully overcome, as a result, they could not meet their teaching objectives. 7.3 Conclusions and Implications Scholars have made a compelling case for the importance of promoting culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching that could enhance teaching to and through cultural diversity (Gay, 2010/2018; Howard 2001; Ladson-Billings 1994/2009). There is a history of teachers and teacher educators working toward applying culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching practices that can identify, resist, and challenge the limitations of curriculum content in schools (Gay & Kirkland, 2003; Henry, 2017; Pete, 2017). Teachers and teacher educators continue to grapple with designing ways to make learning relevant for studentsâ lives within the mandated curriculum and validate studentsâ cultures and cultural pride (Kucan, Rainey, & Cho, 2019; Parhar & Sensoy, 2011), attempt to reduce stereotypes and deficit attitudes that target minoritized peoples (Coughran, 2012), and build cultural competence by enhancing knowledge about studentsâ cultures (Ladson-Billings, 1994/2009; Milner, 2011). Teachers and teacher educators have applied a variety of strategies that enabled them to acknowledge studentsâ cultural and ethnic diversity in their classrooms, and utilize elements 243 from studentsâ cultural knowledge and practices that emphasize teaching in the context of studentsâ everyday experiences (Irizzary, 2007; Paris, 2012). Teachers used culturally relevant and culturally responsive principles to incorporate cultural referents from studentsâ daily experiences in an effort to make teaching relevant to students and relate learning to their immediate environments to teach a variety of subjects, including math (Civil & Khan, 2001; Martin, 2000), English (Camangian, 2010), and social studies (Epstein et al., 2011; Kucan et al., 2019). In applying culturally relevant and culturally responsive principles in social studies, Epstein et al. (2011) examined approaches that successfully engaged students in critical exploration of historical and contemporary issues and included topics related to race, racism, and oppression which were omitted from the curriculum. Empirical research and the literature examining the effectiveness of culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching have focused attention on rethinking pedagogical approaches that accommodate the needs of culturally diverse classrooms (Esposito & Swain, 2009; Ladson-Billings, 1994/2009, 1995a; Martin et al., 2017; Moll, Amanti, Neff, & Gonzalez, 1992). This body of literature has demonstrated the effectiveness of culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching practices as promising for enhancing the ways teachers can teach about peoples of Arab descent, hence their potential benefit to the participants in this study. Notably, the participants in this study did not explicitly align themselves with CRP; therefore, their practices did not directly reflect the principles that guide culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching. However, examining educational text and talk in this study enabled me to explore the ways the participants aspire to engage in inclusive teaching in their classrooms, learn about the barriers that prevent them from meeting their objectives, and identify the ways 244 culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching could help them address some of those barriers. My theoretical framework and analytical lens focused on the importance of examining what is implicitly or explicitly communicated in textbook content and teachersâ talk, emphasized the importance of teachersâ responsibilities to recognize and challenge taken for granted assumptions in curriculum content and in their pedagogy, and reflected on the ways teachers communicate their assumptions to their students. My discussion of the implications does not detail the radical change that is needed to disrupt âmacro-and micro-levels from policies to practices, and whole systems to classroom relationshipsâ (Martin et al., 2017, p. 236). However, the implications of this study take seriously teachersâ and teacher educatorsâ roles in disrupting taken for granted constructions in textbook content that are shaped by dominant groupsâ values and norms. From this perspective, this study shifts the attention to how culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching principles may help inform and equip the participants who clearly expressed their intent and willingness to diversify knowledge construction and become more critical about what and how they teach in their classrooms. In this section, I introduce three conclusions that are identified in this study. For teaching to become more consistent with culturally relevant and culturally responsive pedagogies, each conclusion is followed by implications that are informed by culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching principles. I highlight several ways that teachers could be supported to enhance how they use their textbooks and how they teach about peoples of Arab descent in their classrooms. 245 First, stereotypes of peoples of Arab descent continue to be reproduced in social studies textbooks used in schools in British Columbia and in the participantsâ talk. Despite the authorsâ positioning of their textbooks as progressive, the textbooks reproduced cultural, religious, and gender stereotypes that are consistent with orientalist and neo-orientalist constructions that have been problematized for several decades (see Altwaiji, 2019; Said, 1997/2003; Zine, 2006). The textbooks did not challenge the ways students learn about peoples of Arab descent. Unlike older studies that included blatant negative descriptions that were biased against peoples of Arab descent, the constructions that âotheredâ them in this study were implicitly introduced in what was presented as multicultural and inclusive textbook content. These constructions are alarming in part because most students view the information in textbooks as authentic and absolute truth (Gullicks, Pearson, Child, & Schwab, 2005). The participants seemed ill equipped to challenge the implicit constructions that contributed to âotheringâ peoples of Arab descent. As a result, despite their awareness of the Eurocentric textbook content, the teachers in this study became complicit in reproducing stereotypical constructions that homogenized peoples of Arab descent, as well as Islam and the âMiddle East.â The stereotypes in the educational text and talk are not likely to challenge studentsâ existing negative views and the âsuperficial understandingâ of what they may have learned about peoples of Arab descent in and outside schools. The focus of the textbooks and teachersâ talkâ both of which are considered by students to be credible sourcesâon wars, terrorism, and oppression in relation to peoples of Arab descent, Islam, and the âMiddle Eastâ is likely to reinforce the negative stereotypes that the students may already have of these peoples and validate what students are exposed to in mass media and in the larger society. In this respect, the 246 failure to expand and challenge the stereotypes denies students the opportunities to learn diverse perspectives about ethnic groups whom they are misinformed about, and to learn about othersâ ethnic and cultural groups in ways that acknowledge the worth and dignity of other peoplesâ cultures. An implication that follows, then, is that improving teachersâ abilities to critically examine texts themselves may help them detect teaching content that negatively constructs minoritized groups in their textbooks. Teachers and teacher candidates could be supported by professional development opportunities and teacher education programs that empower them with skills and strategies to help them become more cognizant of language use and to recognize how textbooks and their own talk may implicitly and/or explicitly reproduce stereotypes about minoritized groups. Teachers could challenge stereotypes by creating opportunities for students to become active in constructing knowledge, and helping them find ways to question and challenge the implicit assumptions in official and societal curricula. In this respect, teachers are encouraged to become proactive in promoting content that includes various cultural and ethnic groups in their teaching, and âbe able to make necessary adjustments to enhance the quality of knowledge exchangeâ (Gay, 2002a, p. 108). Scholars of culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching emphasize the importance of examining textbook content for âaccuracy, complexity, placement, purpose, variety, significance, and authenticity of the narrative texts, visual illustrations, learning activities, role models, and authorial sources used in the instructional materialsâ (Gay, 2002a, p. 108). Teachers could be supported with skills that help them to critically examine the ways textual (e.g., lexical choices) and visual content (e.g., arrangement of events, photographs, 247 images) are used to communicate dominant ideologies in educational text through biased constructions of knowledge. Teacher education programs can support teachers to practice ways to disrupt and dismantle discourses in educational text and talk that accentuate cultural differences that highlight âothernessâ in minoritized peoples. Analyzing and identifying knowledge constructions that are communicated in language use is an important step to push toward challenging discourses that are reproduced in text and talk (Fairclough, 2001). From this perspective, working toward challenging discourses in text and talk is a part of the process toward disrupting these discourses and initiating change (Fairclough, 2001). The recognition of biased content disguised as âneutralâ in textbooks is a significant step toward challenging and changing taken for granted constructions in educational text and talk. By alerting teachers to the various ways textbooks implicitly construct dominant views of particular groups, teachers may become more critical of the Eurocentric approach in the textbooks and become more attentive to the negative constructions and stereotypes of peoples of Arab descent in the textbooks that they use in their classrooms. Critically examining constructions is part of the development of a critical lens and may enable teachers to identify the ways language and ideologies interrelate, to address the âhidden effectâ of language (see Fairclough, 2001), and to become more conscious of how communicating negative constructions and stereotypes about peoples of Arab descent serves to sustain racist ideologies and assumptions that racialize peoples of Arab descent and other minoritized groups. A critical lens may have enabled the participants to challenge the normalization of Eurocentric constructions of historical and national events and to incorporate additional alternative perspectives that minimize the âotheringâ of minoritized peoples (e.g., peoples of Arab descent). This study highlighted a lack of critical examination as to how and why White 248 and European values and norms shaped the dominant discourse, and how the discourse continues to benefit certain groups over others through the normalization of Eurocentrism in Canadaâs past and present. A critical examination of the ways knowledge about dominant and minoritized groups is constructed aligns with the critical approach of culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching that emphasizes sociopolitical consciousness as a way to address large social issues, such as racism and other forms of oppression. Second, participants identified several barriers that hindered their ability to teach in culturally inclusive ways and to challenge what and how their students learn about peoples of Arab descent in their classrooms. Despite the realization that directly teaching about peoples of Arab descent is not expected for Grades 10 and 11, the teachers in this study expressed their intent and willingness to teach in comprehensive ways that respond to the diverse backgrounds in their classrooms and adopt a more critical approach to what and how they teach about minoritized groups, including peoples of Arab descent. In this respect, the participants acknowledged the importance of adjusting their pedagogical practices to respond to the cultural diversity in their classrooms and they demonstrated their desire to push their own boundaries and expand their studentsâ cultural competence. However, the barriers that were discussed by the participants hindered their efforts to fulfill the teaching objectives. Despite the participantsâ seeming good intentions and willingness to diversify the content that they teach in relation to peoples of Arab descent, they were unable to meet their aspirations to teach in more comprehensive and inclusive ways and to overcome these barriers. Time limitations were particularly emphasized in this study, especially in light of the expectations placed on teachers to cover curriculum content and prepare their students for 249 testing. Despite their seeming efforts to do more with their time, the participants shared their nervousness about not feeling equipped to address what they considered to be difficult or complex topics and not being able to fully rely on the Eurocentric and limited textbooks, which placed further pressure on the participants to locate supplemental resources to accommodate all studentsâ needs in their classrooms. Similarly, Canadian Teachersâ Federation noted that teachers believe their âstress related to work-life imbalance has increased over the last five years and the biggest stressor for teachers was not being able to devote enough time to individual studentsâ (Ferguson, Mang, & Frost, 2017, p. 64). In addition to identifying their time limitations and their âincompleteâ and âlimitingâ textbooks as barriers, the teachers seemed particularly challenged by both the complexity of the topic and their own personal biases. An implication that follows emphasizes the need for teachers to be given opportunities to critically engage with texts and alternative resources to help them access knowledge about diverse cultures and to learn how to address biases that may influence how and what they teach about peoples of Arab descent. The barriers that were described by the participants may benefit from providing teachers with better teaching resources and equipping them with culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching skills, such as developing cultural competence and enhancing self-reflection. The participantsâ reliance on the limited scope of the textbook, as well as their lack of critical examination of constructions in the textbooks, asserts the importance of providing them with adequate educational resources. Teachers, who are constrained by time limitations and insufficient textbooks, may benefit from teaching resources that include adequate constructions of peoples of Arab descent and descriptions of historical events that are not limited to Eurocentric views and experiences. Banks (2010) suggested that enriching the curriculum with 250 empowering multicultural content can highlight ethnic groupsâ contributions, transformations, and social action. Textbook authors could help by including culturally inclusive content that may broaden perspectives and views of different minoritized groups. For example, instead of including peoples of Arab descent only as anti-West and as threatening to Western interests, the authors could diversify constructions by adding more historical context. The passivated roles of peoples of Arab descent may be challenged if textbooks include details about the peopleâs nationalistic ambitions and efforts to earn sovereignty. For instance, in pursuit of liberation from French colonization, several countries that were predominantly inhabited by peoples of Arab descent played a significant role in earning their sovereignty and in weakening the colonial presence. People in Algeria launched one of the largest resistance movements in the world, known as the âMillion Martyr War.â This war rattled the French colonial powers and cost Algeria âmore than 1 million martyrs, [with] nearly 3 million people forced from their homes and villagesâ (Stora, 2004, p. 111). Documented records reported that the Algerian War âcaused a true crisis for the French, that is, in a certain conception of France, its role, its âcivilizing missionâ in the coloniesâ (Stora, 2004, p. 111). Regardless of their role and/or significance to world history, Counterpoints did not include any references to such non-European movements that curbed European ambitions in the region. The exclusions of these historical events solidify a view of peoples of Arab descent as passive and easily defeated. On the other hand, inclusions of past or present movements and campaigns that show resistance and ambition could diversify the historical telling and offer a more dynamic view of people and nations who were involved in international conflicts and could 251 lead to enhancing studentsâ sociopolitical consciousness of power relations in society and the world. Teachers may not improve studentsâ understanding and challenge stereotypical constructions about peoples of Arab descent, unless they themselves develop cultural competence that improves their fluency in other cultures and religions. Teachers could become more effective in handling what they consider complicated topics if they possess a high degree of skill and a good mastery of content knowledge (Gay, 2002b). In their pursuit to enhance their cultural and religious knowledge, teachers could be supported by professional educational opportunities that align with culturally relevant and culturally responsive pedagogies that take seriously the significant role teachers could potentially play in addressing misunderstandings and inaccuracies about particular cultural groups that are consistently reproduced in the official and the societal curriculum. Professional development opportunities and teacher education programs could do more to help teachers and teacher candidates become more comfortable teaching about what they consider to be complicated topics in their classrooms. Teachers could benefit from culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching skills that emphasize caring for and building relations with the students and studentsâ communities to gain access to the cultural knowledge and skills their students bring into their classrooms, and acknowledge the worth of their cultural differences that could also be utilized to improve teaching and learning about different cultures (Gay, 2017; Ladson-Billings, 1994/2009; Vavrus, 2008). These objectives align with culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching that considers studentsâ cultures as sources for pedagogical knowledge (Ladson-Billings, 1994/2009). For teaching to be consistent with culturally relevant and culturally responsive pedagogical principles, teaching practices have to acknowledge diversity between and within 252 groups. Classrooms are diverse with students who may experience their race and culture differently and identify in ways unlike others in their own group or even family members (Henry, 2017). Teachers could benefit from becoming more cognizant of intragroup differences among students who may speak the same language or affiliate with the same religion, and notice studentsâ various levels of acculturation into the mainstream society, immigration experiences, and racial identity. The teachers in this study have had students of Arab descent and/or adherents to Islamic faith in their classrooms. The constructions of peoples of Arab descent and Islam may impact students who affiliate with the Arab ethnicity and/or the Islamic religion. Moreover, these negative and stereotypical constructions may impact students differently since not all students affiliate similarly with their cultural communities, ethnic backgrounds, and religions. Constructions in textbooks that showed peoples of Arab descent and Islam as threatening to âWestern societies,â and as deficient in comparison to Canadian values, fail to reflect culturally relevant and culturally responsive principles that emphasize the importance of affirmation of all studentsâ cultural identities and appreciation of their cultures, communities, and cultural differences in ways that maintain their cultural integrity in schools. These constructions may influence students who identify with their culture, ethnicity, and religion that are shown in a negative light, and may lead to internal conflict that could severely hinder student learning and educational growth (Gay, 2000/2018; Torres, 2017), and could result in their disengagement from learned content and ultimately lead to disconnection from the school (Howard, 2001). By becoming more informed about various cultures and about intragroup differences, teachers could become more capable of in-depth conversations that can address their own and other studentsâ misunderstandings about particular minoritized groups in and outside their 253 classrooms. For example, teachers who are familiar with cultural variations among peoples of Arab descent and who have adequate knowledge about the Abrahamic religions may become better prepared to introduce classroom activities and discussions that challenge ethnic and cultural homogenization of religious and cultural communities. Further to this point, social studies teachers need to have fluency in key religions, including Islam, in order to respond to and invite discussions that could challenge stereotypes about peoples of Arab descent and Islam by alerting students to the diversity between and within political, ethnic, cultural, and religious groups. For example, facilitating classroom discussions or assigning group projects to explore how Islam as a governing practice in Saudi Arabia varies from its practice in other countries, such as Indonesia, Turkey, Morocco, Tunisia, or Syria may challenge the homogenization of people who originate from or live in those regions, and may help students recognize variations in cultural and religious beliefs and practices in different countries. The participants were challenged by their biases and the discomfort of recognizing the potential influences of their sociocultural positions. Self-reflection that was exercised by the participants in this study is a significant step to recognize how oneâs cultural experiences and background may influence teaching practices and instructional strategies. Scholars stressed that the desired outcome of self-reflection is to help teachers critically reflect on their limitations, attitudes, beliefs, and expectations, and to determine ways to minimize negative effects of their own biases and assumptions on their teaching practices (Gay & Kirkland, 2003). Even though the participants in this study engaged in self-reflection and were aware of the influences of their own sociocultural positions, their reflections did not seem to demonstrate critical examination of how their awareness of their biases transformed their teaching practices and their instructional strategies in relation to peoples of Arab descent. In line with culturally relevant and culturally 254 responsive practices, self-reflection is more productive when teachersâ awareness of their potential biases and the influences of their sociocultural experiences are accompanied by critical reflection on how those biases implicate their practice (Gay & Kirkland, 2003). Therefore, self-reflection has to be complemented with further action that enables teachers to move beyond the nervousness, discomfort, and the limitations of their biases in ways that can help them examine their teaching choices and practices more effectively. Gay and Kirkland (2003) asserted that teachersâ accountability involves being more critical and analytical not only of their cultural knowledge but also of how their sociocultural position influences their teaching beliefs and behaviors. Teachers could reflect on their sociocultural positions and how those might unknowingly influence them to carry forth and reproduce ways of being and knowing that are shaped by colonial legacies and dominant groupsâ values (Pete, 2017). In order to enhance their teaching, teachers and teacher candidates could practice becoming more comfortable turning a critical eye inward to continue to develop their cultural critical consciousness by ongoing examination of their own assumptions and beliefs about minoritized groups, and by learning how their sociocultural positions, assumptions, beliefs, and values influence their teaching instructions and expectations on a regular basis. Teachers could improve their teaching about peoples of Arab descent by reflecting on and interrogating their assumptions and limited cultural knowledge, and how those limitations influence what they teach, how, and why. Scholars contended that engaging in ongoing self-reflection is a challenging process for teachers (Gay & Kirkland, 2003; Parhar & Sensoy, 2011); therefore, teachers and teacher candidates could be supported with workshops that provide them with learning opportunities to 255 practice self-reflection under the guidance of more experienced scholars and practitioners. Workshops could help teachers and teacher candidates acknowledge their biases, overcome the discomfort of identifying personal biases, reflect on how their biases may influence their perspectives of minoritized peoples, and recognize the roles they play in challenging or reproducing Eurocentric views in the ways they teach about other diverse cultures. Third, both textbooks and participants presented a superficial approach to addressing multicultural progress toward minoritized groups in Canada. Despite noting the existence of cultural misunderstandings and discrimination in Canadaâparticularly against Aboriginal peoplesâthere was little recognition of dominant ideologies that continue to marginalize peoples of Arab descent, as well as adherents to the Islamic faith. The textbooksâ emphasis on Eurocentric view of history reflected ideological views that continue to be prominent in mainstream society and that consider White and European values as the invisible norm. The failure to recognize past and present discrimination against peoples of Arab descent in Canada communicates an orientalist view that may dehumanize them and render their cultural experiences and perspectives as less significant than the dominant groupsâ experiences and perspectives, and in the process may contribute to their âotheringâ and potentially legitimize discrimination against them. In these textbooks, the reproduction of orientalist constructions of peoples of Arab descent, as well as adherents to the Islamic faith and the âMiddle East,â was informed by racist ideologies that position some minoritized groups as less favourable than others, further racializing groups of peoples based on physical characteristics, religious beliefs, geographic locations, and cultural practices. The focus on multicultural progress that is noted in this study is consistent with scholarly assertions that many textbooks continue to align with mainstream White and European values, 256 beliefs, and standards of behavior, emphasize harmonious relations among different groups, overshadow minoritized groupsâ contemporary experiences and concerns with historical issues, and show imbalanced coverage across minoritized groups (see Gay, 2018). Acknowledging the Eurocentric approach in educational text is a first step that has to be followed by active and effective strategies that can help disrupt the Eurocentric telling of history through educational text and talk. The Eurocentric perspective noted in this study has been problematized by many scholars who stressed that Canadian school curricula remain centred on White European perspectives that marginalize and erase âalternative ways of being and knowingâ (Martin et al., 2014, p. 241). The findings in this study noted the Eurocentric telling of history, and the focus on past discrimination and unpleasant events in regard to particular ethnic groups (e.g., Indigenous peoples, âAfrican Canadian,â Chinese) without addressing ethnic groupsâ ongoing struggles in Canada, particularly those experienced by peoples of Arab descent and adherents to the Islamic faith (e.g., racial profiling, Islamophobia). By focusing on historical events and including fewer contemporary issues that impact minoritized groups in Canada, students may be deprived of opportunities to gain a deeper understanding of how power imbalances serve dominant groupsâ interests and manifest in contemporary social issues and injustices against minoritized groups (e.g., peoples of Arab descent) in and outside schools. An implication that follows emphasizes the importance of teachersâ roles to connect textbook content with larger social issues and injustices to enable students to cultivate sociopolitical consciousness and build bridges between their textbook content and their lived experiences (see Ladson-Billings, 1994/2009). Developing sociopolitical consciousness may allow students to become aware of discriminatory structures in society, and to âcritique the 257 cultural norms, â¦ and institutions that produce and maintain social inequalitiesâ (Sleeter, 2012, p. 162). In order to explore further the changing attitudes toward cultures and cultural differences, teachers could employ culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching principles in ways that help their students connect with social realities outside the classrooms, and explore how those realities impact minoritized peoplesâ lived experiences. By highlighting these connections, teachers could push learning in ways that enable students to recognize the interconnectedness of past events and present situations in Canada, help students gain in-depth understandings of systems of oppression, and explore the ways that Eurocentrism manifested in different forms of oppression towards minorized groups and how racist ideologies that favored White and European descent were maintained through acts of exclusion, marginalization, and othering of those who were of non-European descent. In their efforts to diversify the content that students are exposed to, educators promoted culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching to disrupt the taken for granted assumptions and knowledge construction by incorporating teaching content that introduce different knowledge and enables students to learn new ways of knowing about cultures and minoritized groups (King, 2017; Ladson-Billings, 1994/2009; Pete, 2014). Teachers could benefit from the contributions of ethnically diverse educators who promoted culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching that encourages students to recognize and critique power relations, and transform inequities, exploitations, and oppression of minoritized peoples (Gay, 2013; Ladson-Billings, 2017). In line with culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching, teachers could incorporate teaching content and instructions that may develop their studentsâ sense of community and kinship with all people and with different 258 groups, help students acknowledge the moral obligation to support others, and facilitate studentsâ involvement in addressing social inequalities (King, 2017; Pete, 2017). By drawing from culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching practices, teachers could cultivate their and their studentsâ sociopolitical consciousness by addressing textbooksâ absences and providing teaching opportunities that incorporate relevant and emergent events that expose ongoing injustices. Teachers could enhance their teaching by bringing attention to how minoritized groups are recognized and treated in Canada today, as opposed to focusing only on how badly some groups were treated in the past. The discussions can be initiated by introducing students to movements and campaigns that generate awareness against different forms of oppression (e.g., Me Too, Black Lives Matter, Idle No More). In schools, these larger social issues can be used to open up discussions about racial and other inequalities in society, and to identify, critique, and analyze their impact on minoritized peoples. An example is noted in Pete (2017) who applied her cultural knowledge and attitude toward the complexity of the ongoing oppression of Indigenous communities. Pete was inspired by unfolding events, such as Idle No More (INM) movement that emerged because of federal bills that included legislative changes that would limit the rights of Indigenous peoples. She used INM topics as case studies that focused on engaging students in knowledge construction through learning assignments. The content and the assignments challenged students to note connections between emergent events and their own identities, and invited them to explore issues that are often excluded from the official curriculum. Using INM as teaching content exemplifies educatorsâ efforts to enhance teaching and learning about minoritized groupsâ ongoing struggles (i.e., Indigenous communities), and 259 facilitating learning that could expose systemic oppression and discriminatory practices in Canada that can broaden non-Indigenous studentsâ knowledge and âunderstanding of indigenous knowledges, communities, and peoplesâ (Pete, 2017, p. 55). This example reflects the push educators make when they embrace the responsibility of promoting culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching that enables students to examine lived experiences in and outside school, address larger social issues, and challenge oppressive colonial constructions that continue to discriminate against minoritized groups in Canada. The use of INM movement for teaching purposes demonstrated the role teachers could play in challenging orientalist constructions and/or colonial ideas through teaching content that provides students with opportunities to make visible the official curriculumâs exclusions of contemporary experiences and concerns of minoritized peoples. Moreover, by exploring emergent events, teachers are likely to provide different views of minoritized groups that demonstrate strength, hope, and resourcefulness. These different views add new layers to what is known and taught about some minoritized groups and could challenge the constructions that passivate particular groups, show them as inferior colonial subjects, and fail to adequately acknowledge ongoing experiences with discrimination that may be overshadowed with a superficial approach of racial harmony and a discourse of multicultural progress in their textbooks. Even though INM is a movement that is specific to injustices against Indigenous peoples, similar approaches that utilize emergent events could also be applied to help students identify oppressive and discriminatory practices against peoples of Arab descent, as well as adherents to Islam. Teachers could use current events as case studies with well-articulated lesson plans that are informed by research and scholarly contributions of experts on the perspectives and 260 experiences of peoples of Arab descent. For example, teachers could draw on current issues such as Islamophobia and anti-Semitism, and help promote studentsâ awareness as they uncover the ways religion can intersect with âraceâ and ethnicity, and recognize how religion is used as a source to create fear and hostility toward minoritized groups (Ameli & Merali, 2019). Another way to support teachers to acquire skills and strategies to diversify their teaching is to encourage them to form coalitions with other teachers who share common concerns. Sensoy et al. (2010) suggested that teachers can use each other as resources, adding that it may be helpful to âidentify the interests and areas of expertise of teachers. Then, structured opportunities for leadership and collaboration must be created so that knowledge and ideas can be sharedâ (p. 10). For additional support, teachers could establish connections with community centres and research organizations (e.g., Canadian Arab Federation) that aim to enhance cross-cultural communication and understanding. 7.4 Limitations There are four limitations to this study. I discuss the limitations of methodology, participants, observations, and researcher. The study relied on three different types of data to address the research questions and this allowed me to triangulate my findings. However, a limitation emerged when data sources did not share a similar structure or content; at times, this inhibited my ability to use common linguistic tools for analysis across types of data. For example, I used additional analytical tools (e.g., arrangement of events, visual displays) for analyzing the textbooks and these were not applicable to the examination of the interview transcripts and observation notes. 261 In addition to examining textbook constructions, this study aimed to examine how secondary school teachers in British Columbia describe how they use their textbooks to teach about peoples of Arab descent. Only five teachers volunteered to join this study; all five were from the same school district. The number of participants limited my ability to generalize my findings beyond the participants. As a complementary method to my interviews, my goal was to conduct classroom observations to gain additional insight into how teachers teach about peoples of Arab descent. The observations yielded fewer data than originally anticipated due to the single observation and to the absence of this topic from the curriculum. As noted by Fairclough (2003), I cannot claim that the analysis, interpretation, and findings reflect reality. In this respect, what I noted in my analysis was influenced to an extent by my particular perspective at a particular point in time. Therefore, my linguistic and discursive analyses were limited to my own perspectives, assumptions, cultural lens, and influences of my lived experiences. 7.5 Future Research Given the limitations of textbooks and teachersâ recognition of these limitations, one future research project could be conducted specifically on professional development opportunities that are provided for teachers throughout the school year in British Columbia to enhance their knowledge about minoritized groups and improve their inclusive teaching skills. A research question could ask: How do professional development programs improve teachersâ efforts and abilities to teach about peoples of Arab descent and other minoritized groups in schools in Canada? Teachers from secondary schools in British Columbia could be invited to 262 participate in this study. Interviews with participants could be conducted at the end of each term to inquire about professional development opportunities, workshops, and independent teachersâ efforts to acquire additional training and learning material that they use to augment teaching about various minoritized groups throughout the academic year. A longitudinal study using content analysis may provide better input on the types of workshops and training that teachers receive throughout the school year. Data could be collected with regular classroom observations, as well as semi-structured interviews with teachers to obtain a clearer view of how teachers may benefit from additional training to evolve and enhance their teaching material and teaching strategies. A second research project could draw comparisons between the treatment of different minoritized groupsâ cultures and cultural knowledge in the classroom. Several scholars have contended that drawing from studentsâ cultures is one way to address the concern that teachers do not know enough about the cultures of minoritized students in their classrooms (Gay, 2018; Gutierrez & Rogoff, 2003; Howard, 2001). A comparative analysis could be conducted to examine similarities and differences in the ways teachers tap into all studentsâ cultures and cultural knowledge in their teaching approaches and strategies. Research questions could ask: How do teachers use their studentsâ lived experiences and cultural knowledge to enhance their own and their studentsâ cultural competence? What cultural groups are acknowledged and incorporated and what groups are absented from the teaching material? Data for this study could be collected through observations and in-depth interviews with teachers from middle and secondary schools in British Columbia. 263 7.6 Concluding Thoughts The current study applied CDA, including linguistic and discursive analyses, of textbooks and transcripts of teachersâ talk to examine how peoples of Arab descent are constructed in educational text and talk. The findings in this study contribute to the existing literature which has been concerned with constructions of peoples of Arab descent for decades. Exposing the ways constructions of peoples of Arab descent remain consistent and unchallenged in educational text and talk may push teacher educators to amplify their efforts and increase professional development opportunities to empower teachers to do things differently. This study contributes to scholarly debate that emphasizes the importance of adapting culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching principles and promoting teaching skills to empower teachers to engage in inclusive teaching that acknowledges and challenges misunderstandings about minoritized groups and communities in and outside schools. From this perspective, the more we uncover the ways ethnic groups are constructed, the more we explore the fairness and equitable inclusion of diverse cultural perspectives. In sum, uncovering the subtle ways of âotheringâ in educational text and talk could create opportunities to improve teaching and learning about diverse groups. 264 References Abu-Laban, B. (1980). An olive branch on the family tree. Toronto, ON: McClelland and Stewart. Abukhattalah, I. (2004). Educational and cultural adjustment of ten Arab Muslim students in Canadian university classrooms (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Global. 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Unveiled sentiments: Gendered Islamophobia and experiences of veiling among Muslim girls in a Canadian Islamic school. Equity and Excellence in Education, 39(3), 239-252. 287 Appendices Appendix A: Principal Consent Form The University of British Columbia Educational and Counselling Psychology, and Special Education 2125 Main Mall. Vancouver, BC Canada V6T 1Z4 âPrincipal Consent Formâ Study of Cultural Discourse(s) in British Columbia High Schools Principal Investigator. Dr. Jennifer Vadeboncoeur, an associate professor in the Educational Psychology and Special Education Department, UBC. Contact: xxxx@ubc.ca Co-Investigator/Researcher. Hitaf Kady-Rachid, a doctoral candidate in the Educational Psychology and Special Education Department, UBC. Contact: xxxx@ubc.ca Phone: 778 xxx-xxxx Research Purpose. This research is a partial fulfilment of a PhD from the Faculty of Education, UBC. The research has two components. The first is an analysis of social studies, social justice, and/or history textbooks used in BC schools. The second is comprised of interviews and observations with secondary school teachers in Vancouver and/or Burnaby school districts. Eligible teachers are invited to take part in this research project. The input from experienced teachers is viewed as extremely valuable for this research. Educators are asked to express challenges and pedagogical strategies that they use to teach about current topics especially those related to people from Middle Eastern and Arab countries (e.g., Syria, Iraq, Egypt). Eligible Candidates: Currently employed secondary school teachers with minimum three years in experience in teaching subjects from social studies, social justice, or history textbooks meet the criteria to participate in this research. Study Procedures. Approximately one-hour long interviews will be conducted with each teacher, followed by a member check appointment (maximum 1 hour long) to invite any additional clarifications. With the consent of your employed teachers, interviews will be audio-recorded. A maximum of one-two classroom visits to conduct an observation(s) of one or two periods of social studies, social justice, or history teaching. Observations will be non-participatory; therefore, the researcher will not interact with any students or teachers. Classroom observations will not be audio-recorded. The researcher will exercise sensitivity toward school hours and toward teachersâ busy schedules and long workdays. The researcher will not approach, connect with, or involve any students in and outside the classroom for the duration of this research. Potential Benefits. Participants may benefit from understanding the shared sensitivities, challenges, and limitations of multicultural education in diverse classrooms. The research 288 findings may be useful for providing additional insight and highlighting strategies of how some educators in Vancouver and/or Burnaby area are augmenting the textbook material and teaching content related to Arab cultures and Canadians of Arab heritage. Potential Risks. All cautionary measures will be taken by the researcher to avoid any risk or discomfort that may result from discussing controversial topics in interviews. The researcher promises to keep and maintain confidentiality; Participants and schools will not be identified by name in any reports of the completed study. Raw data records will be saved on an encrypted and password protected file that can be accessed only to the Principal Investigator and the researcher. Teachers may refuse to participate or withdraw from the study at any time without any repercussions. The privacy and confidentiality of any and all staff and students in this school will be protected. Remuneration/Compensation. In order to defray the costs of inconvenience and time invested in this research and to show gratitude, teachers will receive a $20 gift card from Starbucks café or Staples. Contact for information about the study. If you have any questions or would like to receive further information with respect to this study, feel free to contact either the Principal Investigator and/or the researcher. Contact for concerns about the rights of research subjects. If you have any concerns or complaints about your rights as a research participant and/or your experiences while participating in this study, contact the Research Participant Complaint Line in the UBC Office of Research Ethics at 604-822-8598 or if long distance e-mail RSIL@ors.ubc.ca or call toll free 1-877-822-8598. Consent. Your signature below indicates that you have received a copy of this consent form for your own records and that you voluntarily grant permission to the researcher to conduct the above named research with eligible teachers in your school. Please be advised that principals and teachers may withdraw consent anytime throughout this study. _____________________________ _______________________________________ Participant Signature Printed Name of the Principal ____________________________ ______________________________________ Researcher Signature Printed Name of the Researcher Date: _______________________ 289 Appendix B: Participant Consent Form The University of British Columbia Educational and Counselling Psychology, and Special Education 2125 Main Mall. Vancouver, BC Canada V6T 1Z4 âParticipant Consent Formâ Study of Cultural Discourse(s) in British Columbia High Schools Principal Investigator. Dr. Jennifer Vadeboncoeur, an associate professor in the Educational Psychology and Special Education Department, UBC. Contact: xxxx@ubc.ca Co-Investigator/Researcher. (Faith) Hitaf Kady-Rachid, a doctoral candidate in the Educational Psychology and Special Education Department, UBC. Contact: xxxx@ubc.ca Phone: 778 xxx-xxxx Research Purpose. This research is a partial fulfilment of a PhD from the Faculty of Education, UBC. The research has two components. The first is an analysis of social studies, social justice, and/or history textbooks used in British Columbia schools. The second is comprised of interviews and observations with secondary school teachers in Vancouver and/or Burnaby school districts. Eligible teachers are invited to take part in this research project. The input from experienced teachers is viewed as extremely valuable for this research. Educators are asked to express challenges and pedagogical strategies that they use to teach about current topics especially those related to people from Middle Eastern and Arab countries (e.g., Syria, Iraq, Egypt). Eligible Candidates: Currently employed secondary school teachers with minimum three years in experience in teaching subjects from social studies, social justice, or history textbooks meet the criteria to participate in this research. Study Procedures. Approximately one-hour long interviews will be conducted with each teacher, followed by a member check appointment (maximum 1 hour long) to invite any additional clarifications. With the consent of your employed teachers, interviews will be audio-recorded. A maximum of one-two classroom visits to conduct an observation(s) of one or two periods of social studies, social justice, or history teaching. Observations will be non-participatory; therefore, the researcher will not interact with any students or teachers. Classroom observations will not be audio-recorded. The researcher will exercise sensitivity toward school hours and toward teachersâ busy schedules and long workdays. The researcher will not approach, connect with, or involve any students in and outside the classroom for the duration of this research. Potential Benefits. Participants may benefit from understanding the shared sensitivities, challenges, and limitations of multicultural education in diverse classrooms. The research findings may be useful for providing additional insight and highlighting strategies of how some 290 educators in Vancouver and/or Burnaby area are augmenting the textbook material and teaching content related to Canadians of Arab origins. Potential Risks. All cautionary measures will be taken by the researcher to avoid any risk or discomfort that may result from discussing controversial topics in interviews. The researcher promises to keep and maintain confidentiality; Participants and schools will not be identified by name in any reports of the completed study. Raw data records will be saved on an encrypted and password protected file that can be accessed only to the Principal Investigator and the researcher. Teachers may refuse to participate or withdraw from the study at any time without any repercussions. The privacy and confidentiality of any and all staff and students in this school will be protected. Remuneration/Compensation. In order to defray the costs of inconvenience and time invested in this research and to show gratitude, teachers will receive a $20 gift card from Starbucks café or Staples. Contact for information about the study. If you have any questions or would like to receive further information with respect to this study, feel free to contact either the Principal Investigator and/or the researcher. Contact for concerns about the rights of research subjects. If you have any concerns or complaints about your rights as a research participant and/or your experiences while participating in this study, contact the Research Participant Complaint Line in the UBC Office of Research Ethics at 604-822-8598 or if long distance e-mail RSIL@ors.ubc.ca or call toll free 1-877-822-8598. Consent. Your signature below indicates that you have received a copy of this consent form for your own records and that you voluntarily grant permission to the researcher to conduct the above named research with eligible teachers in your school. Please be advised that principals and teachers may withdraw consent anytime throughout this study. _____________________________ _______________________________________ Participant Signature Printed Name of the Participant ____________________________ ______________________________________ Researcher Signature Printed Name of the Researcher Date: _________________________ 291 Appendix C: Interview Questions The University of British Columbia Educational and Counselling Psychology, and Special Education 2125 Main Mall. Vancouver, BC Canada V6T 1Z4 The purpose of this interview is to gather data that reflects how teachers interpret the concept of multicultural education, diversity, culture, and cultural differences. How do they present knowledge sets about peoples of Arab descent? How do they mediate learning about peoples of Arab descent? Introduction to overall experiences with education, and with the subject they teach. How long have you worked as a high school teacher? Have you always worked in BC? What courses do you teach? What course materials do you use for your (name their course: SS 10 or SS11 or History12)? What ethnic origins have you encountered/welcomed into your classrooms? Concepts/Goals How would you define multicultural education? How did your teacher education experience shape your views of multicultural education? Have you had professional development experiences that influenced your views of multicultural education? What multicultural concepts do you address in class? Thinking about the concepts you just mentioned, which ones are discussed in the textbook? What multicultural concepts do you find the most challenging to introduce to your students? I am wondering, from your observations in class, to what extent do your students know about people of Arab heritage? Where did they learn what they know about this ethnic group? To what extent is what they have learned through formal education? What challenges does your studentsâ knowledge of this group pose for you as a teacher? From your experience, how do current events in the Middle Eastern region affect what students learn of groups of Arab heritage? In what ways have students brought their concerns about these events into class? 292 Can you describe a situation when you mediated their concerns? What did you do? Was there something you did to open the conversation/discussion? What concepts do you think your students find most challenging when discussing or learning about people of Arab heritage? What sorts of things do you do to help students overcome these challenges? On a scale of 1 to 10, in this historical moment, how important is multicultural education that makes visible the lives of people of Arab heritage in your course? How helpful has this textbook been in addressing topics associated with people of Arab heritage? To what extent do you augment the textbook/material in relation to this topic? What motivates you to augment the material? How satisfied are you with your ability to address ethnic minorities of Arab heritage with the textbook? How satisfied are you with your ability to address ethnic minorities of Arab heritage with the materials that you might find to augment the textbook? What activities or projects, if any, do you use to introduce learning specifically about people from Arab heritage? How do these activities assist you in handling the challenges that are posed by teaching about this cultural group? How do these activities help students learn about this cultural group? What would you do differently today to teach about Canadians of Arab heritage? Do you have any specific advice for novice teachers about materials that may help with this topic? [news articles, op-eds] Do you have any specific advice for novice teachers about activities or projects that may help with this topic? (assignments, assessments) Is there anything that you wouldâve liked me to ask you about in relation to this topic? Any final thoughts? 293 Appendix D: Observation Form The University of British Columbia Educational and Counselling Psychology, and Special Education 2125 Main Mall. Vancouver, BC Canada V6T 1Z4 The purpose of this observation is to gather data that reflects how teachers interpret the concept of multicultural education, diversity, culture, and cultural differences. How do they augment learning about Arab cultures and peoples of Arab descent? Teaching Material What textbook or other resources does the teacher use to refer concepts and initiate discussions? Content/Concepts What multicultural concepts are directly emphasized in lesson plan (e.g., culture/diversity/difference, ethnic groups?) What issues and concepts does the teacher explore? How does the teacher discuss or react to studentsâ cultural understanding of relevant concepts to the discussion (e.g., Ethnic diversity, Canadian citizenship, Arab cultures, Arab world)? What questions and conversations does the teacher ignore or seem to struggle with? Pedagogical Strategies What strategies does teacher use to introduce content? What elicits cultural discussions? How does the teacher assist in defining concepts? 294 How did the lesson design affect the quality of cultural discourse? (e.g., how does lesson design lead studentsâ questioning, thinking about the topic? What tools and/or activities does teacher apply to lead or support studentâs thinking? What types of conversational exchanges occur in the classroom (questions/answer, critical questions, reflection activities? Think/Pair)? How are contents relating to current events? (Assignments? Activities, etc.,) How does the teacher end the discussion? (invite more thoughts, refer additional resources, emphasize facts to remember, etc.,) 295 Appendix E: Transcription Conventions Transcription conventions adapted from Norman Fairclough (2003) and Schiffrin (2006) . Period indicates sentence-final falling intonation , (more to come, incomplete sentence) ~text~ Indicates a drop in intonation or whisper ? Indicates a rise in intonation (yes or no question) ! Indicates exclamation (â¦) Short pauses (three dots for notable pauses ½ second or more) âtextâ Reported speech/text- quoting anotherâs speech Uh Voiced pauses (um, err, uh, hm) (?) Inaudible speech - unclear Te (laughs)xt Laughter within words or between words (laugh/sniff/puzzled look. friendly tone) Indicate non-verbal activity and facial expression Text/ Shows an abrupt stop or cut off of word or sound [text] Overlap- interviewer and interviewee speaking at the same time text Emphasis CAPITAL Emphatic stress increasing volume
Thesis/Dissertation
eng
Human Development, Learning, and Culture
Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library
Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International
Graduate
Constructions of peoples of Arab descent in social studies textbooks and teachers' talk in secondary schools in British Columbia
Text