Arts and Sciences, Irving K. Barber School of (Okanagan)
History and Sociology, Department of (Okanagan)
DSpace
UBCO
Marten, Tina Inez Lissa
Doctor of Philosophy - PhD
University of British Columbia
Temporary foreign workers, in particular Mexicans and Jamaicans, have been coming to the Okanagan Valley in British Columbia, Canada, since the 1970s, often sojourning for consecutive years. Since 2000 male German skilled workers have also come to the region as temporary foreign workers. Contrary to Mexicans and Jamaicans, German skilled workers have been invited into the British Columbia Provincial Nominee Program (BCPNP), allowing select skilled workers to transition from temporary to permanent residency. This research examines the BCPNP in its Okanagan context and investigates the circumstances of the German skilled labour recruited into this program. Using German male skilled workers as a case study, the study investigates the âGerman advantageâ of these skilled workers as ideal participants in the BCPNP. The research also investigates the intermediaries of this migration phenomenon and documents the characteristics of this recruitment. Finally, the research examines the settlement and integration experiences of skilled workers and their wives in the Valley. This research is a bi-local empirical study, conducted in the countries of Germany and Canada. The studyâs qualitative research methods of inquiry include 40 interviews with government officials, migration intermediaries, and skilled workers and their wives; field trips in the Okanagan Valley and in Berlin, Hamburg and Bonn in Germany; research of a variety of media sources, government reports and government statistical data; and a skilled worker questionnaire. The research demonstrates that Germans are conceptualized as ideal for the BCPNP due to their fascination with and desire to migrate to Canada. Their aspiration to permanently remain in Canada makes them willing participants in the BCPNP. The study also uncovers that Okanagan employers are actively supported by the German state in their recruitment efforts. Furthermore, the research documents that male skilled workers, while economically integrated, remain socially isolated in Canada; their wives are neither. Both, husband and wife, are forced into traditional gender roles. And last, the study chronicles how the BCPNP creates a vulnerable and precarious work force, which is willing to endure poor working conditions for the opportunity to migrate to Canada. The research makes policy recommendations to address precarities arising from BCPNP participation.
Germans on Demand: The Migration of Highly-Skilled German Workers to the Okanagan Valley, British Columbia, Canada, under the British Columbia Provincial Nominee Program, 2000 to 2015 by Tina Inez Lissa Marten B.A., Okanagan University College, Kelowna, BC, 2005 M.A., University of British Columbia, Kelowna, BC, 2009 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE COLLEGE OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Interdisciplinary Studies) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Okanagan) April 2020 © Tina Inez Lissa Marten, 2020 ii The following individuals certify that they have read, and recommend to the College of Graduate Studies for acceptance, a thesis/dissertation entitled: Germans on Demand: The Migration of Highly-Skilled German Workers to the Okanagan Valley, British Columbia, Canada, under the British Columbia Provincial Nominee Program, 2000 to 2015 Submitted by Tina Inez Lissa Marten in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Dr. Luis LM Aguiar, Sociology Supervisor Dr. Shirley Chau, School of Social Work Supervisory Committee Member Dr. Carlos Teixeira, Geography Supervisory Committee Member Dr. Lloyd Wong, Sociology, University of Calgary Supervisory Committee Member Dr. Donna Senese, Geography University Examiner Dr. Vic Satzewich, Sociology, McMaster University External Examiner iii ABSTRACT Temporary foreign workers, in particular Mexicans and Jamaicans, have been coming to the Okanagan Valley in British Columbia, Canada, since the 1970s, often sojourning for consecutive years. Since 2000 male German skilled workers have also come to the region as temporary foreign workers. Contrary to Mexicans and Jamaicans, German skilled workers have been invited into the British Columbia Provincial Nominee Program (BCPNP), allowing select skilled workers to transition from temporary to permanent residency. This research examines the BCPNP in its Okanagan context and investigates the circumstances of the German skilled labour recruited into this program. Using German male skilled workers as a case study, the study investigates the âGerman advantageâ of these skilled workers as ideal participants in the BCPNP. The research also investigates the intermediaries of this migration phenomenon and documents the characteristics of this recruitment. Finally, the research examines the settlement and integration experiences of skilled workers and their wives in the Valley. This research is a bi-local empirical study, conducted in the countries of Germany and Canada. The studyâs qualitative research methods of inquiry include 40 interviews with government officials, migration intermediaries, and skilled workers and their wives; field trips in the Okanagan Valley and in Berlin, Hamburg and Bonn in Germany; research of a variety of media sources, government reports and government statistical data; and a skilled worker questionnaire. The research demonstrates that Germans are conceptualized as ideal for the BCPNP due to their fascination with and desire to migrate to Canada. Their aspiration to permanently remain in Canada makes them willing participants in the BCPNP. The study also uncovers iv that Okanagan employers are actively supported by the German state in their recruitment efforts. Furthermore, the research documents that male skilled workers, while economically integrated, remain socially isolated in Canada; their wives are neither. Both, husband and wife, are forced into traditional gender roles. And last, the study chronicles how the BCPNP creates a vulnerable and precarious work force, which is willing to endure poor working conditions for the opportunity to migrate to Canada. The research makes policy recommendations to address precarities arising from BCPNP participation. v LAY SUMMARY This research investigates the migration experience of one ethnic group in British Columbia's Provincial Nominee Program. German male skilled workers have been coming to British Columbia's Okanagan Valley in Canada since 2000, lured by the promise of transitioning from their status as temporary foreign workers in Canada to becoming provincial nominees in the BCPNP, and then permanent residents in Canada. What characterizes this program in its Okanagan context? And second, what is the migration experience of these skilled workers and their wives as they participate in the BCPNP? This research was conducted in Germany in Berlin, Hamburg and Bonn, and in Canada in British Columbiaâs Okanagan Valley - to uncover the programâs operation in both countries, the labour recruitment process to the Okanagan Valley and those who work within this program. vi PREFACE This study was approved by the full behavioral Research Ethics Board of the University of British Columbia Okanagan. UBC BREB Certificate number H14-01582. vii TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ............................................................................................................................ iii LAY SUMMARY ..................................................................................................................... v PREFACE ............................................................................................................................... vi LIST OF TABLES ................................................................................................................. xii LIST OF FIGURES ............................................................................................................... xiii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ............................................................................................... xiv ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ...................................................................................................... xv CHAPTER 1: GERMANS ON DEMAND: AN INTRODUCTION ....................................... 1 1.0 Background .................................................................................................................... 1 1.1 Why Research German Male Skilled Workers in the BCPNP? .................................... 7 1.2 Setting the Stage: The Okanagan Valley ..................................................................... 12 1.3 Labour Recruitment Schemes in the Okanagan .......................................................... 16 1.4 What Lies Ahead: Structure of the Dissertation .......................................................... 20 CHAPTER TWO: THEORIZING NEOLIBERAL GERMAN-CANADIAN SKILLED WORKER MIGRATION VIA THE BCPNP ......................................................................... 24 2.0 Context for Theorizing Labour Migration in Canada under the BCPNP .................... 24 2.1 Neoliberal German Skilled Labour Migration to the Okanagan Valley ...................... 27 2.2 The Ideal Skilled Worker ............................................................................................ 31 2.3 Migration Systems Theory: Macro, Meso and Microlevel Analysis of German Skilled Worker Migration .............................................................................................................. 41 viii 2.4 Transnationalism and Canada-thusiasm ...................................................................... 45 2.5 Canada-thusiasm: Canada as a Counter-World to Germany ....................................... 51 2.6 Concluding Points ....................................................................................................... 57 CHAPTER 3 METHODS: INVESTIGATING SKILLED GERMAN-CANADIAN LABOUR MIGRATION TO THE OKANAGAN VALLEY UNDER THE AUSPICES OF THE BCPNP ........................................................................................................................... 60 3.0 Researching Skilled Worker Migration: A Brief Introduction .................................... 60 3.1 Researcherâs Position: A German Researching Germans ........................................... 62 3.2 Conducting Bi-local Research ..................................................................................... 65 3.3 Recruitment of Research Participants ......................................................................... 66 3.4 Investigating the BCPNP with the Help of Interviews ................................................ 71 3.5 The Interviews ............................................................................................................. 75 3.6 Research Field Trips .................................................................................................... 79 3.7 Research from a Variety of Media Sources ................................................................. 81 3.8 Government Reports and Statistical Data .................................................................... 87 3.9 The Questionnaire ....................................................................................................... 89 3.10 Reflection and Concluding Points ............................................................................. 90 CHAPTER 4: HOW OKANAGAN EMPLOYERS USE THE BCPNP TO ATTRACT SKILLED WORKERS FROM ABROAD ............................................................................. 92 4.0 Setting the Stage .......................................................................................................... 92 4.1 The BCPNP in the Okanagan Valley: A Brief Introduction ....................................... 94 4.2 Okanagan Employers and the BCPNP ...................................................................... 100 ix 4.3 How Okanagan Employers Engage the Labour Market Opinion and Recommendations to Curb their Overreliance on it ........................................................ 106 4.4 Okanagan Employers as Settlement Agents .............................................................. 117 4.4.1 Hiring of an International Workers Liaison Worker ...................................... 117 4.4.2 Temporary Housing for Skilled Workers. ...................................................... 120 4.4.3 Access to a Vehicle. ....................................................................................... 121 4.5 Blurred lines .............................................................................................................. 142 4.6 Concluding Remarks ................................................................................................. 148 CHAPTER 5: FINDING MEISTER RICHTIG, OR HOW DO EMPLOYERS SEARCH FOR AND RECRUIT THE âRIGHTâ GERMAN SKILLED WORKER? .......................... 152 5.0 Introducing German Labour Recruitment ................................................................. 152 5.1 The Ideal Worker According to the BCPNP ............................................................. 153 5.2 The German Skilled Worker: An On-Demand Ideal for Okanagan Employers? ...... 160 5.3 The Canadian-German Recruitment Chain ............................................................... 166 5.4 Methods of Recruitment: How to Recruit German Skilled Workers ........................ 175 5.5. At the Recruitment Fair ............................................................................................ 177 5.6 Finding Workers via the Internet ............................................................................... 186 5.7 Finding Workers via Word-of-Mouth ....................................................................... 188 5.8 Finding Workers via Immigration Consultants ......................................................... 190 5.9 Concluding Points ..................................................................................................... 191 x CHAPTER 6: MOVING TO CANADA: GERMANâS CANADA-THUSIASM, AND HOW GERMAN SKILLED WORKERS PREPARED FOR THEIR MOVE TO THIS COUNTER-WORLD ................................................................................................................................ 196 6.0 Introducing Skilled Worker Migration from Germany to Canada ............................ 196 6.1 Canada-thusiasm: German Skilled Workersâ Imaginations of Canada ..................... 197 6.2 At the Canadian Embassy in Berlin ........................................................................... 208 6.3 Auf Wiedersehen Deutschland: Reasons for Leaving ............................................... 212 6.4 Hello, Canada! ........................................................................................................... 222 6.5 Arrival in Canada: First Living Arrangements .......................................................... 235 6.6 Concluding Remarks ................................................................................................. 240 CHAPTER 7: IMMIGRATING TO CANADA VIA THE BCPNP: FROM BEING A SKILLED WORKER TO PERMANENT RESIDENCY AND CITIZENSHIP .................. 243 7.0 Immigrating to Canada .............................................................................................. 243 7.1 Adjusting to Life in Canada ...................................................................................... 245 7.2 Should I Stay or Should I Go: Possible Reasons for a Return to Germany .............. 263 7.3 One Failed Experience .............................................................................................. 264 7.4 Skilled Workers Have Little Recourse ...................................................................... 271 7.5 Reasons for Staying for the Long Term .................................................................... 273 7.6 Concluding Thoughts ................................................................................................ 276 CHAPTER 8: CONCLUSIONS ........................................................................................... 279 8.0 Restating the Aim of this Research ........................................................................... 279 8.1 The Research Questions Revisited ............................................................................ 280 xi 8.1.1 German Advantage ......................................................................................... 281 8.1.2 The BCPNP as a Neoliberal Immigration Program ....................................... 282 8.1.3 The Integration of Skilled Workers and their Wives ..................................... 284 8.1.4 German-Canadian Skilled Worker Migration within the BCPNP ................. 286 8.2 Limitations ................................................................................................................. 289 8.3 Suggestions for Future Research ............................................................................... 291 8.4 Recommendations ..................................................................................................... 295 APPENDICES ....................................................................................................................... 328 APPENDIX A: List of Interviews ................................................................................... 328 APPENDIX B: Letter of Introduction ............................................................................. 330 APPENDIX C: Consent Forms for Skilled Workers ...................................................... 331 APPENDIX D: Interview Questions for Skilled Workers, Employers and Government ......................................................................................................................................... 334 APPENDIX E: Questionnaire for German Skilled Workers ........................................... 338 APPENDIX F: Timeline of Events Linked to the BCPNP, 1973 to 2016 ...................... 340 xii LIST OF TABLES Table 1: Interviews Conducted by Group, Occupation and Country ...................................... 73 Table 2: German Provincial Nominees in the Okanagan Valley 2006-2011 .......................... 99 Table 3: Minimum Income Threshold for BCâs Provincial Nominees, 1992 and 2015 ....... 124 Table 4: Profile of German Skilled Workers in this Study ................................................... 157 xiii LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: The Okanagan Valley, in British Columbia, Canada .............................................. 12 Figure 2: English Recruitment Poster ..................................................................................... 68 Figure 3: BCPNP Applications Versus Actually Issued Nomination Certificates, 2005-2014 ............................................................................................................................................... 132 Figure 4: Rate of Approval on BCPNP Nomination Certificates, 2005-2012 ...................... 133 xiv LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS BC British Columbia BCPNP British Columbia Provincial Nominee Program BBG Beibehaltigungsgenehmigung CETA Comprehensive and Economic Trade Agreement COEDC Central Okanagan Economic Development Commission LMIA Labour Market Impact Assessment LMO Labour Market Opinion NOC National Occupational Classification PN Provincial Nominee PR Permanent Resident TFW Temporary Foreign Worker ZAV Zentrale Auslands und Fachvermittlung xv ACKNOWLEDGEMENT One needs a lot of support to complete a doctoral dissertation and I could certainly not have done it alone. First, thank you to my academic team: My supervisor, Dr. Luis LM Aguiar, for his advice and guidance during my doctoral study time. His constructive feedback and willingness to engage with my sociological imagination helped me develop and complete this project. Thank you also to my committee members, Dr. Shirley Chau, Dr. Carlos Teixeira and Dr. Lloyd Wong. Your constructive feedback helped polish this writing into its final version. Second, thank you to my research participants. Your willingness to share with me about your life and work made this work possible. Your stories are the backbone of this study. To my doctoral support and writing team: Earllene and Laura; and Max and Meghan, thank you for helping me flush out and fine-tune my ideas. You were always willing to listen and offer thoughtful feedback. Thank you, too, to the UBCO the librarians, who helped me order many books from Germany. Amanda Brobbel from the Centre for Scholarly Communication was key in providing advice. And, my colleagues from work, who kept cheering me on. Thank you! And last but least, my personal support team: the unwavering support of my parents, who listened to the ups and downs of my doctoral journey. Thank you for always helping me see a silver lining! My dear friend-sis: You were always there when I needed you. My children, who had to share me with this huge research project. Thank you for helping balance all this cerebral time. My husband, who has only ever known me as a PhD scholar. Thank you for your patience; there are even better times ahead. xvi I would also like to acknowledge that I benefitted from financial support of Government of BC, which bestowed me with a Pacific Century Scholarship at the beginning of my doctoral studies. xvii DEDICATION To those who are forced to endure the detriments of neoliberalism. And to those who strive to understand it. May a better understanding of what neoliberalism does to us, help us to make change. 1 CHAPTER 1: GERMANS ON DEMAND: AN INTRODUCTION 1.0 Background âIâm searching for more quality living and I have found it,â Hannes Zimmermann announced in June 2007 in an article in the Kelowna Capital News (Nieoczym, June 6, 2007:A18 and 21). Zimmermann is a skilled temporary foreign worker who arrived in Kelowna, in the Okanagan Valley in British Columbia (BC), Canada, in April of 2007. He is a German master plasterer and drywaller who entered the country under the British Columbia Provincial Nominee Program1 (BCPNP) to work for an Okanagan employer (Nieoczym 2007). His goal is to move the family from Germany to Canada, and subsequently become a permanent Canadian citizen (Nieoczym 2007). According to the news coverage, Zimmermann is portrayed as a model skilled worker for the program in the Okanagan, praised for his enthusiasm for work and skills (Nieoczym 2007). But nine months after his arrival, his wife writes a long letter, in a rather defeated tone, to the editor of this Kelowna newspaper (Zimmermann. 2008, February 17. Kelowna Capital News:n.p.). In it she describes how her familyâs Canada experience turned into a nightmare after her husbandâs employer changed the terms of his work contract, leaving Mr. Zimmermann no choice but to reject the new terms. For doing so, Mr. Zimmermann was promptly fired. She writes that her pleas for help to the government offices of the BCPNP and Kelownaâs Economic Development Commission went unanswered as ânobody felt responsible, nobody wanted to support us, and nobody was even interested in checking on this companyâ (Zimmermann 2008). Mrs. Zimmermann claimed the BCPNP makes it possible for Canadian 1 A Canadian labour recruitment program, which affords a selected few of the recruited workers advantaged access to the Canadian immigration system. 2 employers to systematically exploit skilled workers and suggested participation in this labour migration scheme is akin to âaccepting and supporting modern slaveryâ (Zimmermann 2008). She further alleges a lack of political will by the provincial and federal governments to support skilled workers at odds with their Canadian employers. What happened during these nine months? How did this German skilled workerâs experience in the BCPNP shatter the familyâs dream of a life in Canada? How did Mr. Zimmermann move from being a model for the BCPNP in the Okanagan Valley to being fired? Is their plight an eruption of the system at play? Mrs. Zimmermannâs letter to the editor piqued my sociological interest. I decided to investigate the BCPNP to understand how it works as a program and examine if and how it may have played a role in the Zimmermannâs ordeal. I approach this investigation with a sociological training in the tradition of the late C. Wright Mills. This renowned sociologist developed the concept of the sociological imagination as the ability to understand the connections of history and biography. Mills argued that a personâs biography is shaped by history and the social structures within which one is immersed. Our milieu, as the lived experiences of the intersections of history and biography, shapes us and we in turn shape it (Mills 2000:10). Thus, I ask, what is the Zimmermann familyâs immigration story? Was it a private problem âwithin the character of the individualâ, or rather public issues âwhich have to do with matters that transcends [the] local environment of the individual and â¦ his inner lifeâ (Mills in van den Hoonard 2012:35)? Or, in other words, is the Zimmermannâs situation arising from the social context of being a participant in the BCPNP? What were their âintimate realities â¦ in connection with larger social realitiesâ (Mills 2000:15)? Do the labour recruitment process and the BCPNP in its Okanagan context connect to their 3 biography and history (Mills 2000:15)? With Mills as my theoretical guide, and my interest in understanding the Zimmermann case, I place the BCPNP under scrutiny while simultaneously examining the Zimmermannâs plight in the context of developments in Canadaâs labour recruiting regimes. By taking this approach, I ask questions to explore the social factors behind the BCPNP and in doing so move to consider if the Zimmermann case is unique and unfortunate, or instead symptomatic of the BCPNPâs functioning. I ask, what actually happens to temporary foreign workers (TFWs) under the aegis of this program? Or, to borrow from Donald Avery (1995), what is âthe world of th[ese] immigrant worker[s]â (17)? And in the process of asking these questions and conducting this investigation, I make the invisible visible (Burawoy 2004). Mrs. Zimmermannâs claims raise important questions about the BCPNP as a labour migration program. For example, what is the programâs intent and who are its stakeholders? Who, if anyone, is overseeing its implementation and operation in the Okanagan Valley? What role, if any, does this program play in BCâs immigration landscape and in particular the Okanagan context, especially since there is segregation of workers into programs based on their ethnicity? Mrs. Zimmermann accuses the BCPNP as a form of modern slavery in that skilled workers must accept employersâ work contract terms if they want to remain employed. While the invocation of the concept of slavery to explain modern day work contracts is not only inaccurate but a gross misunderstanding of the nature of slavery and modern-day work contracts, it does relate to her frustration and sense of injustice experienced by her family. Beyond this personal mistreatment, it does raise concerns about the mechanisms governing the BCPNP. Discretion -- which I define within the context of this research as the power to make a decision within a given policy frame and then not 4 having to disclose how this decision was constructed -- I suggest, is built into the structure of the BCPNP. Discretionary mechanisms allow for immigrant selection and preferential treatment of one skilled worker over another, and throughout this process creates vulnerable workers, thereby often giving rise to situations like that of the Zimmermannâs. I argue the BCPNP is structurally a neoliberal labour recruitment program. It is a public-private partnership made possible by the Immigrant and Refugee Protection Act (2001), the legislative framework that facilitates programs like the BCPNP. The program results in the devolution of immigration responsibilities from the federal government to the provincial level. The programâs aim is to attract skilled immigrants trained elsewhere and who therefore do not âburdenâ the Canadian state in their settlement. The program introduces neoliberal tenets, like competition, self-sufficiency and flexibility into Canadian immigration processes. I argue the BCPNP is structured to recruit skilled workers, but in practice, as I show in this case study, purposefully attracts married male workers (with their families for re-settlement purposes). I claim the program is presented to skilled workers in Germany as a permanent migration program, and that Germans are a particularly suitable target group for recruitment because they harbour a strong fascination with Canada. Germans are willing to work as temporary foreign workers in Canada with the hope of becoming provincial nominees, because they believe participation in this program is their ticket to permanent residence. They believe their life in Canada affords them possibility for a life different than in Germany (this difference will be discussed in Chapter 6). Employers and government alike capitalize on this enthusiasm to attract highly skilled individuals. Employers also capitalize on the bonded nature of the program, which ties workers to the 5 workplace for several years. And last, I put forth that German skilled workers are advantaged by the fact that they are wanted for settlement in the Okanagan with their families. Migration scholar Donald Avery urges researchers to critically analyze the involvement of immigration groups in capitalist society (1995:15). Others, like Blakewell, de Haas and Kubal (2011) challenge that all too often the migration initiative regulating and facilitating a migration stream is disregarded by scholars. Researchers tend to study outcome and impact of migration (push and pull factors) while also developing a âcontextual understanding of the circumstances of departure, arrival, settlement, and integrationâ (Teixeira, Kobayashi and Li 2012:xix). But, the critical analysis of immigration programs and their âinner workingsâ itself is understudied (Blakewell, de Haas, Kubal 2011:2). In particular, taking a âone-size-fits-allâ approach to the migration process, researchers miss the variations between different immigrant groups in the same geographical locale and/or immigration program (Teixeira, Kobayashi and Li 2012:xix). Migration systems tend to be identified as fully formed entities, and there is no theorization as to how they came into being. Moreover, there is no explanation of how they change in time, in particular how they come to decline. The inner workings - the mechanics - which drive such changes are not examinedâ (Blakewell, de Haas, Kubal 2011:2). Hence, they miss focusing on âreal people moving in real spaceâ (Favell 2007:272). This research is my attempt to investigate and theorize how the BCPNP, as one cross-border immigration initiative, functions in its Okanagan context from 2000 to 2015.2 The study examines the experiences of a group of male German skilled workers who moved to British 2 This study covers the time frame of 2000-2015, when the first German skilled workers arrived in the Okanagan under the BCPNP. In 2015 program intake was temporarily suspended and the program subsequently restructured. The programâs selection parameters were decidedly different after 2015. The first 15 years (2000 to 2015) are covered by this study. 6 Columbiaâs Okanagan Valley as TFWs under the aegis of this program during the time frame of 2000 to 2015. To research this migration system and the experiences of the German skilled workers in-depth, this investigation undertakes a tri-level approach to the BCPNP, meaning the programâs macro, meso and micro levels of operations. To investigate the BCPNP in its macro-level context, the programâs political and economic context in the Canadian immigration landscape are discussed. This discussion frames the economic and political relationship between Canada and Germany, which supports the labour recruitment partnership between the two countries. At the meso level lies the analysis of the migration industry surrounding this migration, including its intermediaries and actors (Hernandez-Leon 2013), such as agents of the BCPNP and the German government, including those connecting German skilled workers to the Okanagan. I examine who are the agents in the migration industry and the role they play in facilitating the movement of workers across borders. This includes an investigation of the role employers play in nominating Germans for landed immigrant status. Finally, the micro level focuses on the skilled worker and his family. I see their migration as a âdynamic social processâ at different social levels of enactment and interaction (Castles and Miller 2003:31). I explore their role as they become TFWs first, and provincial nominees in the BCPNP. In sum, this research examines the experiences of one ethnic group (Germans) in one particular Canadian migration program (the BCPNP) in a particular geographical location in Canada - the Okanagan Valley - during the first 12 years or so of the New Millennium, when Germanâs trade skills were in high demand and the Okanagan labour market in short supply of skilled workers (Nicholl 2006). 7 Migration researchers like Vic Satzewich and Lloyd Wong (2006) call for an adjustment to the investigative lens of (labour) migration and transnationalism scholars. They point out that most scholars across various disciplines research the plight of low-waged migrant workers (Satzewich and Wong 2006:7). While this is an important research activity and one which should remain on the migration research agenda given the continuous poor treatment and vulnerabilities of these workers, they also urge researchers to conduct empirical investigations into privileged migrant groups (Satzewich and Wong 2006:8). By âprivilegeâ Satzewich and Wong mean the opportunities afforded to some yet denied to others (Satzewich and Wong 2006:8). In the case of these German skilled workers coming to the Okanagan, they are privileged on the basis of their gender (the BCPNP favours male participants), ethnicity (as white Germans), and class (being able to move to Canada with their families). And, they are further advantaged because they are invited into the BCPNP, bring their family members and are streamlined to landed immigrant status. They are wanted as permanent residents in the valleyâs community, âto settle the place [the Okanagan Valley] and to place people here who have the right skin colourâ (read: whites) (MacNaull 2006:A23). 1.1 Why Research German Male Skilled Workers in the BCPNP? Germans have been migrating to Canada for over a century (Lehmann and Bassler 1986), but the academic literature of German migration research does not reflect this. In fact, scholarly research and writing on Germans in British Columbia (BC) are scant in all scholarly disciplines, but history. If one were, for example, to use the worldcat.org data base as a yard stick to establish what was written on Germans in Western Canada, this research gap quickly becomes apparent. There have been approximately 100 Masters and PhD dissertations 8 written on Germans in Canada in the past century,3 but only three on Germans in BC: The first is Ulrike Radermacherâs (1991) PhD dissertation Containerdeutsche: Contemporary German Immigration to Australia and Canada, a phenomenological study of German migration to Canada and Australia during the years following World War II up to the end of the 1980s. She juxtaposes common knowledge about German immigrants with immigrantsâ individual experiences. As part of her empirical research Radermacher conducted 19 interviews with German immigrants in Vancouver (Radermacher 1991:18). Her research revealed the German immigrants of her study spoke proudly of their transition experience; recounting their adjustment period to life in Canada to include few challenges because they planned their migration meticulously (Radermacher 1991:200). Her data suggest those with financial capital and English language skills transitioned easier, and that credential recognition was a challenge for some (Radermacher 1991:201). Gender roles were not specific interview topics in this study (Radermacher 1991:143). The second study is Christian Liebâs (2008a) PhD dissertation, Moving West: German-speaking Immigration to British Columbia, 1945-1961. Liebâs research also focused on Germans migrating to BC, specifically on the time period after WWII and the building of the East German wall, which effectively divided Germany in 1963. His empirical study included 50 interviews with Germans who migrated to BC after WW2 (Lieb 2008a:6). He offers some insight into the Okanagan, by highlighting some Germanâs ethnic organizations in Kelowna and Vernon during the 1960s (2008b:310-311). The German-in-the-Okanagan-focus is still missing. The third study is Margaret Drysdaleâs (2005) MA thesis Three Times Betrayed: The Sudeten 3 I conducted a quick search in the World Catalogue for dissertations with the keyword âGerman.â See www.worldcat.org. April 2019. 9 Germans of Tomslake, British Columbia. Drysdaleâs research focused on the migration of ethnic German Nazi dissidents fleeing persecution in the Sudeten region of Czechoslovakia by moving to Tupper, BC, Canada. She chronicles the escape of this group of Sudeten Germans from Europe labelled âenemies of the Reich,â and their arrival in Tupper in 1939. She documents their Canadian (un)welcome, when they are registered as âenemy aliensâ while being sent by train to settle in northern BC and the neighbouring province of Alberta. Her work is an attempt to âdocument the effect of dislocation and relocationâ on this migrant group in the context of the Canadian governmentâs block-settlement system at the time. While each inquiry gives interesting information about German-Canadian migration, Radermacherâs dissertation is through an anthropological lens, while Liebâs and Drysdaleâs are historical. Sociologically-driven research, investigating and examining the German social group and its unfolding in the context of the social structure of the Okanagan Valley are mainly absent. Through a sociological investigation, transformative elements arising from the German presence are identified and investigated. Where history accounts for the presence of Germans in the Okanagan, sociology investigates transformative effects arising from this ethnic groupâs presence. Turning our attention to the Okanagan, there is no comprehensive history about the German presence. Local historians, attached to The Okanagan Historical Society,4 collected some German histories in the valley and its communities. While these accounts give an interesting glimpse into the past, they are recorded through a historical lens. Local historians 4 The Okanagan Historical Society aims to preserve local Okanagan Valley history since 1925 http://okanaganhistoricalsociety.org/wordpress/. 10 whose work highlights important aspects of the German presence in the Okanagan but do so without the rigour of academic research and theorizing. Missing are sociological investigations examining the unfolding of the existing German community in the Okanagan. The personal experiences of the skilled workers and their families are a direct reflection of Okanagan social structures at work. Through a sociological investigation the invisible is made visible; with the help of research these migrantsâ social interactions with Okanagan social vectors are made visible and recorded. Sociological research identifies structural issues and brings them into the public realm (Mills 2000). Researchers look for generic social processes within a social groupsâ social interactions, âto uncover hidden aspects of the participantsâ collective experienceâ (Van den Hoonard 2018:29). The Zimmerman case, like the other skilled workers who participated in this research, exemplify the experiences that German skilled workers have in their interaction with the Okanagan social structure. This sociological investigation connects the German skilled workersâ âpersonal troubles of milieuâ with âthe public issues of social structureâ (Mills 2000:8). This research, following the political and moral imperative of sociology, asks different questions (Burawoy 2005:6). This studyâs goal is not to generalize the results but by asking âhowâ instead of âwhyâ, this research draws attention to the unfolding processes of the BCPNP in its Okanagan context and the structural antagonisms that German workers experienced while being skilled workers in the program during the time of this study. Further strengthening the argument for sociological empirical inquiry is the fact that to the best of my knowledge there has not yet been a study conducted into the role that Germans play in the economic, political, cultural and social landscapes of the Okanagan. This is surprising with the multicultural policies adopted in Canada, and recent emphasis of 11 the Okanagan as multicultural (Kidd 2010:17; Multi-Cultural Facility Discussed. Vernon Morning Star:2013). The need for an empirical critical scholarship into contemporary German migration in the tradition of sociological migration studies remains (Satzewich and Wong 2006:6; Vertovec 2009:18). Germans migrating as skilled workers to other countries discuss their perils (Erlinghagen and Stegman 2009). While I draw on some of this research, my focus on German skilled workers is different in that it highlights this âprivilegedâ group in a locale (Okanagan Valley) where academic research on Germans is scant. To address this research gap, this study turns its investigative lens to the operation of the BCPNP in the Okanagan as it operated as one of the regionâs labour recruitment schemes, and Germans as one particular immigrant group within the confines of this program. 12 1.2 Setting the Stage: The Okanagan Valley Figure 1: The Okanagan Valley, in British Columbia, Canada Map @ 2020 Tina Marten, by permission. The Okanagan Valley is located in south-central BC, close to the border with the United States of America. The valley is about 200 kilometers long, and in some areas up to 20 kilometers wide. It is located approximately 350 kilometers east of Vancouver, BCâs largest city. Travelling from the Okanagan by car, it is approximately 500 kilometers south to Seattle, 600 kilometers east to Calgary, and 900 kilometers north-east to Edmonton. The distance to Berlin, Germany, is nearly 8,000 kilometers. The climate of the valley is warm 13 and arid, with mild winters (average temperature hovers around -4 to -8 degrees) and hot summers (June to August average temperature is 30 degrees). The region receives more than 2,000 hours of sunlight per year (InvestOkanagan.Com 2018:33). Land in the Okanagan Valley is limited arising from the geomorphological landforms of the valley, like steep mountain slopes which create geotechnical challenges for development and building, and the geology of each building site (BC Housing 2015:4). The Valley lies in unceded Syilx Nation territory. The Syilx peoples have lived in the Okanagan as a sovereign nation for more than 300 years, far pre-dating European contact (Okanagan Nation Alliance 2017). While the Syilx peoples include seven bands in Canada and 12 Indigenous tribes in the United States of America, the four bands who live in the Okanagan Valley are the Okanagan Indian Band (Vernon), the Westbank First Nation (Westbank), the Penticton Indian Band (Penticton), and the Osoyoos Indian Band (Oliver) (Okanagan First Peoples 2008). Historical estimates suggest there were approximately 15,000 Syilx living in the Interior of the province in 1780 (Jensen 1960 in Lanthier and Wong 1996:4). By the 1960s the count was 6,000, due to the targeted destruction of these communities by forcing their children into Indian Residential Schools (Jensen 1960 in Lanthier and Wong 1996:4; Okanagan Nation Alliance 2017). Syilx peoples were - like First Nations peoples elsewhere across BC and Canada - forced off their lands. First traders of the fur brigade moved through the region known as the Okanagan today at the beginning of the 1800s (Simpson 2011:13). The tradersâ relationship with the Syilx peoples was fleeting, as traders merely passed through the Syilx territory (Simpson 2011:21). White British settlers, however, who âdiscoveredâ the valley in the 1850s, presented a different situation (Lanthier and Wong 1996:1). They came with the 14 intent to stay and began to encroach on the Okanagan First Peoples' traditional way of life and land uses soon after arrival (Okanagan Nation Alliance Tourism Guide 2017; Lanthier and Wong 1996:4). As part of the process of making the land permanently accessible to white settlers, the land had to be seized and brought under white British control. The land had to be divided. It was surveyed from 1880-1894 (Okanagan Nation Alliance 2017). Throughout this process the vast countryside was conceptualized as âunusedâ (Harris 2004:171). The Syilx Peoples lost access to their native grounds under the guise of âimprovementâ of the valleyâs natural lands through cultivation (Royal Museum 2012:1). They were coerced off their land by agents of the provincial and federal governments (Harris 2004; Salloum 2007; Thomson 1994), via the reserve system, residential schools, biological warfare, and cultural decimation (Thomson 1994). White settlers pre-empted the land for their settlement and agricultural production (Royal Museum 2012:1; Simpson 2011:33; Thomson 1994). To this day the land remains unceded. It is also important to consider land scarcity arising from geomorphological landforms of the valley, like steep mountain slopes which create geotechnical challenges for development and building, and the geology of each building site (Homeowner Protection Office 2015:4). In the 1960s the valley was rural with a population close to 50,000 (Webber 1999:154). The region was âan amalgamation of fairly small and isolated groups of communities, an area where the main economic production was tied to ânature,â agriculture, fruit production and forestryâ (Aguiar, Tomic and Trumper 2005:128). At the time of this writing, fifty-some years later, the valley population has swelled to approximately 473,000 in 2015 (BC Statistics 2018:Sub-provincial population estimates)! And projections for the 15 future promise further growth scenarios: the population of the valley is estimated to rise to 548,311 people by 2040 (BC Statistics 2018:Population Projections). Beginning in the mid-2000s, the Okanagan Valley was experiencing an unprecedented economic boom, driven by the construction and real estate industry (Marten 2009:68). Buyers from Alberta, rich with money from that provinceâs booming oil industry, bought vacation/luxury homes in the Okanagan. Paul Fabri, senior market analyst at the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation, explains: âThey [Albertans] wanted mansions on the lake, homes around the golf course, condos in high-rises, chalets at the ski hills and view properties on the mountainsides. Developers catered to their demand as the buying frenzy pushed construction to record levels and pricesâ (as quoted in MacNaull 2010:n.p.). Home sales were strong: In 2005, 5,266 units changed hands, while in 2007, at the height of the real estate boom, 5,548 homes changed hands. The construction sector was looking for workers to respond to this consumer demand and create more housing quickly. Construction workers from abroad were imported as TFWs (BC Federation 2014:1). To feed the rising demand for condos, low-income motels were renovated and/or torn down to make way for new construction (Marten 2009:80). The rental vacancy rate fell to zero in 2007 (Canadian Mortgage and Housing Corporation 2008a:6) and rents skyrocketed by 8.2 percent from October of 2007 to October of 2008 (Canadian Mortgage and Housing Corporation 2008b:9). The average price of a single detached home in Kelowna increased from CAN $423,000 in 2005 to CAN $740,000 a mere four years later (Canadian Mortgage and Housing Corporation 2008a:6). Housing simply became unaffordable for people (Marten 2009:81). Many Okanaganites could not afford to live or buy into the quickly escalating housing market any longer. 16 By the late 2000s, however, the Okanagan was in a recession. In 2007-2008 the housing market cooled as home sales dropped to 3,446 (MacNaull 2015). New home construction dropped by 71 percent by 2009, from 2,257 to 657 units (MacNaull 2010). The construction industry went through a bust cycle. But TFWs kept arriving regardless: 37,710 TFWs were in BC by 2006, an increase of 13,317 TFWs despite the economic slowdown (Ilves 2008:11). The same patterns prevailed for TFWs from Germany: their numbers grew by 276 percent, from 379 to 1,424 individuals (Ilves 2008:10-11). They are the focus of this study, as they enter into the BCPNP as skilled workers in their attempt to gain permanent settlement rights - and hope to fare better than the Zimmermannâs. 1.3 Labour Recruitment Schemes in the Okanagan Canadian immigration policy has always been intentional with immigration parameters that have allowed some and denied many others. This history has been thoroughly researched and documented (cf. Roberts 1988). Now it is time to investigate how these programs operate in situ, in this case in the Okanagan Valley. The BCPNP is only one of three temporary foreign worker (TFW) programs operating in the Okanagan Valley. The BCPNP allows skilled workers to come to Canada as TFWs, and after successful completion of the provincial nominee program (PNP) to apply to become permanent residents (PR) in Canada. The other two labour recruitment programs are the Red Seal Program, which employs Red Seal certified construction labour from Jamaica for Okanagan Valley building projects (Government of Canada 2017b; Gilbert 2008; Leung 2008), and the Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program (SAWP), which imports agricultural workers from Mexico to work for Okanagan farmers for up to 10 months per year for as many as four consecutive years (Government of Canada 2016b). 17 The Red Seal Program began in 2007 when the Central Okanagan Economic Development Commission (COEDC) created a partnership with Okanagan College to bring Jamaican workers to the Okanagan to alleviate Okanagan labour shortages (Employee Shortage Continues to Plague Central Okanagan. Kelowna Capital News. 2007:6). The programâs parameters included that the recruits had to enroll at Okanagan College in its Interprovincial Refresher Training. Upon successful completion of the training program the Jamaican recruits would become Red Seal certified journeyman, which in turn would allow them to apply for a visa to work in Canada (Johnson 2008:17). Twelve Okanagan employers recruited in Jamaica, as the then-director of the COEDC explains, â[we] interviewed on the spot for jobs in the construction, service and tourism industriesâ (as quoted in Johnson 2008:17). The goal of this âCaribbean initiativeâ was to attract 300-400 Jamaicans in the programâs inaugural year (Aguiar, MacKinnon and Sookraj 2010/11:65; Leung 2008). The SAWP has a much longer history in the Okanagan Valley. Against the backdrop of national immigration policy goals of settling the country without âalter[ing] the fundamental composition of the Canadian populationâ (Li 2000:23), legislation was passed in the 1970s which allowed non-whites to come to Canada on a temporary basis only. Their labour is characterized by its temporary nature; by being immobile due to being tied to the employer (Preibisch and Otero 2014:110); by being forced to work under inhumane or âdirty, dangerous and difficultâ conditions (Hennebry 2012:16). These workers are being discriminated against due to their ethnicity and temporary precarious status (Wong 1988; Wong and Trumper 2007). This discrimination is manifest in their perennial exploitation while in Canada on their work placement (Office of the Auditor General 2009; Wong 1988): at the hands of the employer at their place of work; while being housed in sub-standard 18 housing on the farms; and while being paid poverty-inducing wages (Preibisch and Otero 2014); and while being kept in social isolation on the farms. In short, SAWPs are systematically exploited while being forced to conduct work that Canadian workers eschewed (Basok 2002; Perry 2012:190). When one of these TFWs is injured, it is customary to dismiss them and ship them back home without compensation or support (Hjalmarson 2016:10; Preibisch and Otero 2014:111; United Food and Commercial Workers 2007:9). Compared to domestic Canadian workers, SAWPs have no legal entitlement to benefits as workers in Canada (Basok 2002; Perry 2012:197), even though they are forced to make payments into the employment insurance system (Perry 2012:191; Wong 1988:48). In a short time, these workers have become a structural necessity to the Canadian agricultural sector (Basok 2002), including in the Okanagan Valley (Wong 1988:1). By 2017, it is estimated that about one third of all workers in the Okanagan agricultural sector are TFWs (Central Okanagan Economic Development Commission July 2017:7), or approximately 3,500 workers (Dacre 2019). And, in the Okanagan these workers are equally and continually exploited as unfree or bonded workers in the valleyâs agricultural sector (Satzewich 1991; Hjalmarson 2016; Tomic, Trumper and Aguiar 2010; Tomic and Trumper 2017). Neither program allows the TFWs to apply for permanent residency since they are -- by design -- perpetually temporary. In this trio of temporary foreign worker programs, the BCPNP is the only one which offers an opportunity to settle permanently through an employer nomination mechanism. The two other programs allow workers to participate precisely on the basis of their promise to leave and yo-yo between the Okanagan and their home country. Yet, the TFWs who participate in these programs have one fundamental 19 difference: the German workers5 come with their families, while the Mexicans and Jamaicans6 are prohibited from bringing with them their wives or girlfriends to the province. In fact, it is preferred that the latter two groups are married but their wives and children are to be left behind (Nakache and DâAoust 2012:163; Preibisch and Otero 2014:111). This ethnic difference is key since for German workers the family is the assurance, they will make every effort to settle and integrate into the Okanagan community. For the workers from Jamaica and Mexico, their families outside of Canada function as guarantee that they remain sojourners in the Okanagan (Preibisch and Hermoso Santamaria 2006; Castles and Miller 2003:30). The differences in status begs the following questions: Why are German TFWs invited into the BCPNP while Jamaicans and Mexicans not? Or, to put it more bluntly: why are Germans âprivilegedâ to move with their wives and children? What is their âadvantage,â their âvalue addedâ? Germans are granted the opportunity to bring their families and transition from TFW status to becoming legitimately landed immigrants. If the BCPNP is non-discriminatory in its operation, what discretions and/or discriminatory criteria are evoked and used in the Okanagan leading to the preference of German skilled workers, who also benefit from a fast track to landed immigrant status? This study investigates this key 5 This research is a case study of German skilled workers who came to the Okanagan Valley as temporary foreign workers during the time period of 2000 to 2015, and then participated in the British Columbia Provincial Nominee Program. Other nationalities have done the same but are not the focus of this study. 6 There is statistical evidence that there are members of other ethnic groups who come to the Okanagan Valley to work in the hopes of accessing a pathway to permanent residency in Canada. Filipino women, for example, come to the Okanagan as caregivers and nannies under the Live-In Caregiver Visa. From 2006 to 2016, the Filipino population grew by 358% in the Kelowna Census Metropolitan Area. To read more about the challenges of Filipino women immigrants to Canada, see for example Saunders, Doug June 2018: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/article-for-this-generation-of-filipino-canadians-broken-policies-have-left-a/. See also the work of Philip Kelly (2006, 2007, 2009, and 2014), who has written on Filipino immigration to Canada. 20 question. And since research on Jamaican and Mexican TFWs is already on the research radar (see for example Tomic, Trumper and Aguiar 2010; Aguiar, McKinnon and Sookraj 2010; Aguiar, Tomic and Trumper 2011; Tomic and Trumper 2012; Hjalmarson 2016) compared to research on German TFWs, this project attempts to address this gap by investigating the third Okanagan labour recruitment program. 1.4 What Lies Ahead: Structure of the Dissertation Chapter Two is next and explains the theoretical framework for this study. It endorses the conceptualization of the BCPNP as a neoliberal recruitment program drawing from David Harvey (2005). This theoretical frame is complemented by migration systems theory (Mabogunje 1970), which considers migration a dynamic process of interacting forces. Add to that the logic that migration systems theory must encompass theorization and analysis at the macro, meso and micro level (Thomas Faistâs 1997), to decipher the interactions and dynamics between them. Drawing additionally from Steven Vertovecâs (2009) theorizations about transnationalism, I theorize the political and economic linkages between Germany and Canada that facilitate and maintain this migration stream, including Canadaâs self-presentation in Germany via its ambassadorial work. Transnationalism as a social morphology helps to frame the gendered nature of the BCPNP. Hermann Bausingerâsâ (2000) work on counter worlds helps to account for skilled workerâs excitement about Canada and their willingness to embark on this program. Drawing from Bausingersâ theory, I conceptualize skilled workerâs Canada-thusiasm7 as a form of ideological transnationalism, which is a driving force in this migration equation. 7 My term for the enthusiasm encountered by Germans when they speak about Canada. 21 Chapter Three focuses on the qualitative research methods employed in conducting this study. To investigate the BCPNP as a tri-level migration system, the empirical study is multi-sited, meaning research is undertaken in Canada and Germany. Qualitative research methods are employed to collect and analyze the data. Except for the concluding chapter, which book ends this study Chapters Four, Five, Six and Seven explore the BCPNP from the perspectives of the research participants and the data collected. Chapter Four focuses on the BCPNP's meso level. This chapter introduces the BCPNP and explains the operation of the program in the Okanagan context, while also exposing the programâs agents, Okanaganâs facilitators and supporters. The discussion draws attention to the employment relationship between the employers and the worker, arguing that the skilled worker is captive to his employersâ demands. Chapter Five continues the discussion of the BCPNPs meso level with the analysis of the work of the intermediaries in this program. In particular, those who facilitate access to the German skilled labor force, and who recruit from abroad to satisfy their labour needs. The discussion details their methods of recruitment used, from recruiting via intermediaries, the internet and immigration consultants, to traveling abroad and recruiting at job fairs in Germany. The aim in Chapters Six and Seven is to give the skilled workers and their wives the opportunity to tell their stories. This creates an account of what it is like to be a skilled worker in the BCPNP in the Okanagan, and to be in Canada on a temporary work permit with the family, hopeful that the relocation decision will work out as planned. This analysis begins in Chapter Six, tracing the origins of research participantâs fandom with Canada. It chronicles the foundation of skilled workersâ imaginations of Canada, from personal and 22 familial experiences to media influences. The interviews enlighten that Canada holds a very special place in the imagination of the research participants. This chapter is also my attempt to reason with the Canada-thusiasm encountered during interviews. The chapter exposes the research participantsâ willingness to become a skilled worker in the BCPNP arises out of their strong desire to be in Canada, and to become permanent residents there. In addition, this chapter also discusses the strategies employed by skilled workers and their wives in the hopes to facilitate their transition from Germany to Canada. Chapter Seven stays with the German skilled worker and his wife. The discussion picks up at their time of their arrival in Canada. In the attempt to document some of their adjustments to life in Canada, the data shows the relocation and settlement experience is very different for men and women. Skilled workers and their wives have gendered settlement experiences. And further, as the research also uncovers, these Okanagan newcomers are not socially integrated, but instead isolated. What is more, not everyone who came to Canada succeeded. The numbers of those who are forced to leave Canada are not public and neither are their stories. In the attempt to chronicle one such return migration experience, Chapter Seven also tells the story of a skilled worker and his family, who returned to Germany after their experience with the employer and the BCPNP turned sour. The chapter ends with a brief discussion of reasons that might compel German skilled workers to stay for the long term. Chapter Eight concludes the study by briefly summarizing the main points of this research, making suggestions for future research, and providing recommendations for change. 23 Finally, this research aims to be meaningful to the public. It is important to know and understand that migration does not happen in a vacuum. Today there are more people on the move than ever before. It is a well-known fact that in Canada immigration policy has historically been created without public debate (Simmons 2010). Consequently, it is âcriticalâ then, that âwe become familiar with how the [immigration] system works and begin to challenge the policy changes to immigration that are done without public debate but have important consequences for Canadian societyâ (Gogia and Slade 2011:57). It is equally necessary to demonstrate that these skilled workersâ experiences are a result of the social structures in which they occur. That is, their experiences are connected to the structure of the BCPNP and the latterâs operation in the Okanagan context. Therefore, my investigations exposes and makes public: (1) information about the BCPNP as a labour recruitment program operating in an Okanagan-specific context; (2) the neoliberalization of the Canadian immigration system as exemplified by the BCPNP in its operation in the Okanagan Valley; (3) the research demonstrates who are the stakeholders in this German-Canadian migration industry and how they conduct their work; and (4) the study gives witness to the migration trajectory as experienced by the skilled workers of this study and their families. Altogether, this research is my attempt to crack open one neoliberal migration program and lay bare its workings, in the process exposing its neoliberal agents of change and their work. 24 CHAPTER TWO: THEORIZING NEOLIBERAL GERMAN-CANADIAN SKILLED WORKER MIGRATION VIA THE BCPNP 2.0 Context for Theorizing Labour Migration in Canada under the BCPNP German skilled labour migration under the British Columbia Provincial Nominee Program is symptomatic of Canadaâs neoliberal global labour market politics in the twenty-first century. Arising from the recommendations to increase the countryâs productivity included increasing economic growth in Canada via migration (CIC 2002:1; Wilson 2004:127) and attracting immigrants with skills and capital (Stuart 2003:132; Wong 2003), immigration programs are structured to be responsive to labour market needs. Immigrants are recruited in the global immigration marketplace (Wong 2003:1) in which the migrants are the âsupplyâ so to speak, and the countries wanting to attract and recruit them are the demand (Wong 2003:327). These recruits/immigrants are just-in-time workers, recruited for an economic purpose, based on a set of state-set criterion for immigration (Wong 2003:2), to address a particular economic need in a particular labour market. Those recruited are âdesigner immigrantsâ (Simmons 1999), recruited for specific criteria; they are deemed âusefulâ to Canada due to their ability to âcontribut[e] to the Canadian economyâ (Kelly and Trebilcock 2010:419) and make no demands on the Canadian social welfare system. In the context of the labour market, these immigrants are conceptualized as âidealâ (more on this later in Chapter 4), because of their skills and labour power -- they supposedly possess skills that the local/Canadian labour force lacks. Their recruitment to Canada is intended to supplement the composition of the labour market into which they are recruited by adding/supplementing the labour marketsâ missing skills. The immigrants are further conceptualized as ideal immigrants in the immigration system and ideal newcomers to 25 Canada, because they bring economic, financial and human capital (more on this later in this chapter). They are thought to be self-sufficient in the immigration process and in settlement and intended to settle without placing a burden on the Canadian state and society. To achieve this, immigration programs are constructed as âhighly selectiveâ, which allow for ârecruit[ment of] the âbest and brightestâ by relying almost exclusively on economic [selection] indicatorsâ (Gogia and Slade 2011:57). The immigrantsâ capital is their skill and matching to the concept of the âidealâ worker. They are âidealâ also because they can provide economic gains thereby alleviating fears of an aging population with dwindling contributions to welfare state programs. The economic performance of immigrants became one major focal point of the immigrant selection process (Kelly and Trebilcock 2010:417). Furthermore, the new Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (2002) also âprovided significant room to adjust the applicable criteria [for economic immigrants] and to facilitate the entry of temporary workersâ (Kelley and Trebilcock 2010:425) to supplement the Canadian labour market. This policy shift show that immigration is a long-term economic policy with the explicit goal to spur economic growth in Canada (Green 2003:34 and 40-42). To understand the issues raised in this thesis -- a sociological investigation of German skilled worker migration to the Okanagan Valley under the neoliberal immigration program (the BCPNP) and the experiences of the German skilled workers and their wives as migrants in this program -- theory is important. I employ a framework of four theories: First, drawing from David Harveyâs (2007) theory of neoliberalism, I conceptualize this labour migration to the Okanagan Valley in its contemporary Canadian neoliberal context and the idealization of Germans as skilled worker migrants within. Harveyâs (2007) theorization of neoliberalism provides the theoretical meta frame for this research and also provides an 26 explanation of the economic and political structures within which the BCPNP operates as a migration system in its Okanagan context. My second theoretical strand draws from systems theory. Here the foundational work of Akin L. Mabogunjeâs (1970) is important, and the later theorization of Thomas Faistâs (1997) immigration systems theory. Mabogunjeâs (1970) work provides the impulse that systems must be investigated by considering the structures/framework of the system as a whole including arising operations therefrom. Based on this, I situate this migration phenomenon as comprising of dynamic processes set in a specific context: the BCPNP in its Okanagan context and Germans as skilled workers within. It is further necessary then, to also consider the system under question in its macro, meso and micro dynamic context. Here Faistâs (1997) work is useful. He posits to understand any migration system, its components must be examined, including the interaction(s) between them. Hence, each migration systemâs level - micro, meso and macro - must be studied on its own and within its political/economic and/or social forces. My theoretical premise suggests no rigid separation between the macro, meso and micro levels comprising this labour migration stream, but instead considers how together their processes and interplay shape the program in its Okanagan context. The Okanagan presents uniqueness in relation to the outside of the Valley. Where it (the Valley) may be concluded micro in this scheme, but macro when considering the Okanagan as a hub of economic and cultural activity in the interior of the Province of BC. This means, then, that a hierarchy of macro, meso and micro are flexible and only occasionally stable. This discussion would be incomplete without an analysis of Canadaâs and Germanyâs transnational economic and political relations, hence my inclusion of two additional theories in this theoretical tapestry. Third, I draw on Vertovecâs (2009) theories of transnationalism 27 to analyze Canadaâs strategy to gain access to the foreign (German) skilled labour market and the âeconomic, social and political linkages between people, places and institutionsâ (Vertovec 2009:1) which facilitated and support German skilled worker migration under the BCPNP to the Okanagan Valley. I suggest, however, this historical cross-border relationship (Avery 1995; Wagner 2006; Vertovec 2009:2) between the two countries is only one critical cornerstone facilitating Canadian labour recruitment in Germany. The other is the willingness of Germans to migrate to Canada. Their Canada-thusiasm - my term for their fascination for Canada and all things Canadian - is a very powerful ideological force mobilizing German skilled workers to be(come) willing participants in the BCPNP. To make sense of this Canada-thusiasm, I supplement Vertovecâs (2009) theory of ideological transnationalism with a fourth theory: Hermann Bausingerâs (2000) concept of the counter world, or Gegenwelt in German. The counter world, in the context of this research, is an imaginary realm within which different realities hold possibility. For German skilled workers, I will suggest, the counter world is an ideological transnational space in which they can imagine themselves first as immigrants and later as permanent residents in Canada. Taken together, these four theories create a conceptual frame through which it is possible to decipher sociologically this skilled labour migration from Germany to Canada. This theoretical mosaic is elaborated next; in the order introduced above. 2.1 Neoliberal German Skilled Labour Migration to the Okanagan Valley The crisis in Canadian immigration, neoliberals argue, lies in the countryâs aging population and a birth rate far below replacement levels (Arat-Koc 1999:32; Statistics Canada 2013). They sound the alarm that the Canadian labour pool is shrinking and in need of replenishment (Guy 2011:3). Migration being the most easy and traditional way of carrying 28 out this replenishment. Immigration scholar Naomi Alboim, for example, suggests that even with a better inclusion of underemployed groups, like aboriginals and individuals with diverse abilities, âby 2015, 100% of net labour force growth will depend on immigrationâ (Alboim 2011:5). Proponents of neoliberalism claim there are simply not enough workers to replace the Canadian aging workforce. This economic climate poses a threat to neoliberals and capitalist pursuits. To illustrate, labour shortfalls force employers to vie for workers (CIC 2001:10) because there is more work than workers. This economic climate gives workers - from the perspective of employers - leverage in the labour market, since it empowers them (workers) to choose their jobs more carefully. It also allows workers to make demands on wages and working conditions. Employers, in turn, must create appealing conditions to attract and retain workers. In this labour market scenario, employers are forced to compete for workers (Steinberg 2009:213). This is a most undesirable condition in a capitalist system because it forces the employer to pay more for a worker's labour power. And this, in turn, increases the costs of production for employers and reduces their margin of profit (McIntosh 1997:60). It also conditions workers to be less enduring of employers poor relations and more purposeful in pursing their interests. This climate poses an economic threat to capital (Harvey 2005:15) since it raises production costs, and potentially presents the employer with more militant workers strengthened by a tight labour market. An economic climate of this sort, neoliberals argue, threatens Canadaâs global competitive standing as a nation in a globalizing economy. For Canada, to increase its global competitiveness, the costs of production must be lowered. Or, stated differently, the cost of labour must be cut. Labour has to become cheaper and âdocileâ for employers. In Canadaâs 29 neoliberal reality, two things allow for this: first, the systematic re-regulation and elimination of labour protections through, for example, the implementation of restrictive labour laws (Canadian Foundation for Labour Rights 2017), and second, the introduction of flexible employment standards (Fairey 2005) for those who are working in Canada, so that it costs less to employ them. Second, increasing competition amongst workers by growing a domestic surplus of labour. Implemented together, a neoliberal capitalist economy ensues in which capital holds the leverage: there is a surplus of workers, which forces competition for work in addition to agreement to the working conditions set by capital. In a climate of this nature, worker protections are systematically undermined, and unions attacked, denounced and their legitimacy questioned. Over time working conditions are continually deteriorating (Burgard and Lin 2013; Labonte, Cobbett, Orsini, Spitzer, Schrecker and Ruckert 2015). Capital exerts downward pressure on wages by offering to pay less for (more) work than in the past. Following this logic, neoliberal capital requires a âcheaperâ work force, which is also flexible to its labour demands. In this race to the bottom, the logic of capital stipulates that the worker has little choice since there is always someone else willing to work for less; the worker is replaceable. To create long-standing legitimacy for this neoliberal imposition, supporting discourses must be fostered (Connell 2010:27). The discourse of the missing skills shortfall in the native labour force was created by neoliberal agents of change who âfacilitate[d] the application of neoliberal policies in economic, social and cultural strategiesâ (Marten 2009:124). In Canada, the discourse of the missing skills arose (due to the retiring workforce and the shift to the knowledge economy), with the argument that Canada must remain competitive in the global economy (DeCloet 1999:15,16). The same discourse is found in 30 BC where the ârightâ skills are purportedly also missing in the provincial labour force. In the case of the Okanagan Valley, as my research demonstrates, it was the Okanagan Chamber of Commerce, the Urban Development Institute, and provincial and municipal governments working together calling attention to the lack of skills in the regional workforce. In this hegemonic neoliberal discourse, which becomes âa mode of discourseâ (Harvey 2007:22) in immigration policy, training and investment in the domestic workforce are less and less the focus of the government. Instead, the import of foreign labour is âpresented as a desirable form of social [re]organizationâ (Connell 2010:27). Under the parameters of the BCPNP - it is suggested by its architects - the domestic work force will be able to learn from the imported skilled workers during periods of skills transfers (HRSDC 2013: Temporary Foreign Worker Program). A comparison to a medical procedure helps illustrate this logic. Like an injection into an arm, the TFW and his skills can be inserted into the domestic labour market. Like a booster shot, the TFWsâ skills then do work there that was previously impossible to do. Like a needle, however, the TFW is only inserted temporarily. Once his task is complete, he is pulled out again. His teaching sojourn is over. The difference with the BCPNP is that the TFW has a chance at changing the temporariness of his status to a more permanent one, if he is granted a nomination certificate and can then apply for permanent residency. Programs like the BCPNP are said to bring the skills missing in Canadaâs domestic workforce, and at the same time address the problem of the aging population in Canada (Green 2003:34). Who then is this ideal skilled worker that programs like the BCPNP are trying to attract? This I discuss next. 31 2.2 The Ideal Skilled Worker McClintock-Comeaux (2013) reminds us that the ideal of the skilled worker is a social construction. She writes in her definition of the same in the Sociology of Work: An Encyclopedia, a skilled worker is characterized by a clear, relentless commitment to paid work. Working long hours and not allowing distractions outside the paid work environment to interfere with the job, including family and personal facets of life, often exemplify an ideal worker's commitment to paid work performance. The ideal worker does not take time off. [â¦] certain behaviors bring the ideal worker to life, pursuing high-profile assignments and new opportunities, getting to know supervisors and decision makers in companies, letting the supervisor know abilities and willingness to perform, advertising accomplishments, learning company politics, and asking for help when it is needed (McClintock-Comeaux 2013:403). This construct of the ideal worker, she further argues, arose in the early 1900s, as men began to work in factories. Traditionally, the concept of the ideal worker is gendered, shaped by the patriarchal norms of the 19th and early to mid-20th century, when women were confined to the domestic sphere. Men worked in the public sphere while women were relegated to work in the private sphere of the home. Men worked for money for the familyâs subsistence, while women worked for free - taking care of the household and child rearing duties. Men were the breadwinners and financial providers, while women did the unpaid work of maintaining the family (McClintock-Comeaux 2013:403). He is to be relentless in the pursuit of work; giving all of himself to the employer and his orders. She is to support him in his role as skilled worker. In neoliberal times the ideal worker must be flexible to the demands of capital and responsive to the changing requirements of the market. He ought to possess skills that can be easily transferred from one job to the next. This worker is to be flexible in his functionality, capable of moving between all kinds of jobs and even careers (Atkinson 1984:3). This 32 worker must - forced into a âfunctional flexibilityâ - change alongside products and production methods as they develop throughout time (Atkinson 1984:3), and/or as the market demands. Standing (2013) adds that the ideal worker is a member of the precariat, characterized by a profound lack of security in the labour market. He explains, members of the precariat find themselves working in jobs for which they are over-educated without access to employment benefits (like paid vacation and medical benefits); they lack access to community and family supports and income security in general (Standing 2018:6). They live in a constant state of uncertainty and chronic insecurity (Standing 2018:7): in employment, because there are no rules that make employers accountable to workers; in the job, because any worker can be easily replaced by another worker; the work itself, because there is a lack of safe guards against exploitation; in skill reproduction, because there are no training and/or development opportunities in the neoliberal labour market; in income, because there are no/few wage protections/guarantees and/or supplements; and last, in representation, because there are few unions with legitimate power to make demands. In other words, Standingâs argument posits that the precariat is vulnerable and powerless to capitalâs demands (Standing 2013). Urciuoli (2008) adds that in the neoliberal labour market skill is now a concept which is âinculcated in a few daysâ or weeksâ training [...] and is a technique designed by someone other than the user and [drilled] into the user through limited trainingâ (Urciuoli 2008:218). In this labour market scenario, the worker is not measured by his knowledge and mastery of a trade and its accompanying skill. Instead, he is measured by his willingness and ability to adapt his behaviour and respond to the needs of the market. Atkinson (1984) called this 33 ability to move from one job to another like a âmulti-skilled craftsmanâ - possibly even across different vocations - functional flexibility (Atkinson 1984:3). âSkills,â Urciuoli elaborates, are âaspects of personhood with exchange value on the labor market: [a] skill is learned ability to do something well. Skills are the currency used by workers. In the labor market, you receive pay in exchange for the skills that you offer and use at workâ (Urciuoli 2008:211). The worker takes part in an exchange system of sorts, selling his labour power (McIntosh 1997). The worker can think of himself as a âbundle of skills,â in which each skill has its own exchange value on the labour market, and each skill is traded like money (Urciuoli 2008:211). In the neoliberal logic, the worker's ability to employ different skills enhances his entrepreneurial self (Clarke 2008) and in turn his opportunity to maximize his interactions with the market. Skills are treated like things which can be âacquired and measured and that possess an inherent capacity to bring about desired outcomes, outcomes that can be measured in dollarsâ (Urciuoli 2008:212). Skills are gendered, âreproducing individual and one-to-one relationships [and] also collective, organizational and historical processesâ (Connell 1987 in Acker 2005:2) that usually affords more power to men than women (Acker 2005:2). Neoliberal doctrine, with its conservative concepts of womenâs role in the family and womanhood in general, pushes for traditional gender roles (Cornwall, Gideon and Wilson 2008:2). Urciuoli argues that workers are thought to possess âhardâ and âsoftâ skills (Urciuoli 2008:215). Hard skills refer to the technical requirements of work or an occupation, whereas soft skills are the âcluster of personality traits, [and] social graces, [the worker's] facility with language, [the worker's] personal habits, friendliness, and optimismâ (Urciuoli 2008:215). Traditionally, skills are also conceptualized gendered as masculine (technical) skills and feminine (personal and 34 caring) skills (Horrell, Rubery and Burchell 1990). In neoliberal times, these two skill sets are to complement one another and in the ideal worker of today both shall be (equally) developed (Royal Bank of Canada 2018). Often, however, the worker with the soft skills is preferred in hiring situations; as one employer put it: â[We] don't worry so much about the technical skills. We need [â¦] them [â¦] to show up on time, [â¦] work in teams, and [â¦] take supervisionâ (Menochelli quoted in Urciuoli 2008:215). Stathern (2000) adds that the ideal worker is also supposed to be a self-starter who is self-monitoring, self-assessing, and continuously self-improving (Stathern 2000) and who âinternalizes the organizations interestsâ (Martin 1997 in Urciuoli 2008:216). It appears, though, that the in-depth knowledge and the mastery of skill, while part of the requirement to participate in the BCPNP are not deemed the most valuable asset anymore, but instead have been replaced by a willingness to be flexible (Urcioli 2008). The ideal worker must be adaptable and like a âcanvasâ to be inscribed for each task/contract/employer anew. And, as Waldinger and Lichter (2003) add, having the âright attitudeâ is especially important for skilled workers who will be trained on the job (2003:176-77). Overall, the ideal skilled worker of the 21st century must be âflexibleâ (Atkinson 1984:2), and open to the demands of his employer (Atkinson 1984:2; Harvey 2006; Urciuoli 2008:219). Atkinson explains that employers strive for the concept of numerical flexibility in their work force (Atkinson 1984:3), meaning there are to be just the right number of workers working in a workplace at any given time. Since a work force can easily be expanded and reduced - as production demands - there is no need to maintain a large number of workers. The worker who works in this labour environment is temporary and/or disposable in the sense that he can be quickly added to or eliminated from the work force, just as the employer 35 demands. In Harveyâs words, the worker belongs to a temporary âwork force that can quickly be taken on board and equally quickly and costlessly be laid off when times get badâ (Harvey 1992:152). Simply put, the worker is taken from the labour pool and returned to it when he is no longer needed. The same premise remains in contemporary neoliberal Canada. TFWs are considered ideal as workers because they have skill that is wanted by employers and because they are in a precarious status. The Canadian government stipulates skilled workers must: address the current and future demands of the Canadian labour market. [They are selected because they possess] flexible and transferable skills [which are] needed to succeed in [a] rapidly changing, knowledge-based economy, rather than on qualifications for specific occupations. The current criteria place[s] more emphasis on the applicantsâ level of education and previous work experience, and there is greater importance attached to their knowledge of English or French. In addition, applicants with pre-arranged employment are awarded extra points. These skilled workers are also expected to have enough money to support themselves and their dependants as they settle in Canada (CIC 2005:17). In addition, this skilled worker is conceptualized and idealized as a worker who does not exist within Canadaâs borders, and therefore must be imported. It becomes a quest for employers and government officials to find the ârightâ and âidealâ worker, who possesses these skills that the domestic workforce (supposedly) lacks or is insufficiently endowed with. The BCPNP is the vehicle that allows for the search, import and selection of these workers. This argument is, however, contradictory. If the missing skills in the domestic workforce are the reason for the import of the skilled labour, and Germans workers are wanted and invited to participate in the BCPNP because they are journey/master tradesman, then they are by Canadian definition skilled workers. From the German perspective, however, a master tradesman is simply not a skilled worker even though he will be very skillful at his trade. He has earned the masterâs designation. Many master tradesmen are 36 craftsmen who âare dedicated to good work for its own sakeâ (Sennett 2008:20). They take pride in their craft and âhave autonomy and can shape the nature and content of their workâ (Adams and Welsh 2008:208). But, to be a participant in the BCPNP, the worker must pass himself off as a person who is skilled; like a âcanvasâ with flexible skills, ready to be impregnated with the wishes of the Canadian employer. As a BCPNP skilled worker he is expected to be two opposing ideals at once, simultaneously drawing from his hard and soft skills to satisfy all those who will decide over his fate by judging his personal performance in economic terms. This paradox must be tolerated since being a skilled worker is akin to being a tradesman, working for a means to an end (Sennett 2008:20). The skilled worker must âdo the right things to get aheadâ (Carter and Silva 2011). The skilled worker must do as the market and his employer dictate to obtain the permission to remain in Canada. In the case of the German skilled workers, I argue, being a skilled worker within the confines of the BCPNP is a temporary status endured by skilled workers as a means to an end -- to âearnâ the right to land in Canada. The focus of employers is not on the mastery of the training and/or being a craftsman, but instead on the skilled workerâs willingness to embrace the work given, while being tied to the employer for several years. It is this economic context into which German skilled workers are being attracted into. Neoliberals want to attract this workforce to Canada instead of investing in training/maintenance and support of the domestic work force. To achieve this - expanding the available labour supply across the country - â[i]mmigration is seen as a silver bulletâ (Beach, Green and Reitz 2003:4). Coupled with the discourse of the labour/skills shortage, increasing Canadaâs immigration levels is conceptualized as a win-win situation for Canada. One vehicle to accomplish this is via economic immigration programs like the BCPNP with 37 its economic immigrant selection criteria and policies which tie skilled workers to the same employers for several years. Implementation of neoliberal policy needs enabling circumstances and political will. The role of the state is to create an institutional framework that is appropriate for the neoliberal policy framework system, but not intervene beyond that (Harvey 2005:2). In Canada, the work to create a welcoming environment and political frame for neoliberal immigration reform began in the late 1990s when a 3-member committee reviewed the Canadian Immigration Act (1996) âwith a view to its complete overhaulâ (Kelley and Trebilcock 2010:419). The immigration climate at that time was marred by bureaucratic bottlenecks in the processing of immigration applications and a growing immigration application backlog (Kelley and Trebilcock 2010:423). The committeeâs report Not Just Numbers: A Canadian Framework for Future Immigration (1997) made several recommendations, from improving Canadaâs business climate to attracting wealthy entrepreneurial and investor immigrants, to ensuring those admitted speak both official languages and hold certain educational achievements. Most importantly, the report also called for policy changes to restructure the processing of applications for immigration. While many of the reportâs recommendations were met with fierce criticism and harsh public debate (Cheadle 1998; Mah 1998:B1; Yaffe 1998:A15), in general, the call for reform of the old Immigration Act (1976) was accepted. The neoliberal turn in immigration officially came into force with the assent of the Immigrant and Refugee Protection Act (IRPA) on June 28, 2002, which repeals and supersedes the previous Immigration Act of 1976 (CIC 2002:3). Earlier immigration rules that made the state act a certain way were reworked. The state had to be âdisembeddedâ 38 (Harvey 2005:11), allowing for change and different ways of doing things. This Act brought legislative and policy change: on the one hand its restricted Canadaâs borders with enhanced security legislation, yet on the other hand lacked detail and specificities (Kelley and Trebilcock 2010:461). The new legislation was âskeletal, setting out in broad terms the framework of immigration policy while leaving the details to the executive to design and implement through regulation, with minimal parliamentary scrutinyâ (Kelley and Trebilcok 2010:425). This was a distinct change from the previous Act; under the new Act there was less legislative accountability (Kelley and Trebilcock 2010:425). The new Act signalled that market priorities shaped the focus of Canadaâ immigration policies, not immigrant well-being. In truly neoliberal fashion, market needs supersede human needs, or âprofit over peopleâ to borrow from Noam Chomsky (1999), and the quest for the ideal skilled worker became a foundational pillar in the reworked Canadian immigration system. Immigration programs like the BCPNP were devised to source ideal skilled workers and to entice them into the program. The IRPA includes legislative mechanisms that allow the Minister of Immigration to issue directives to set direction in immigration, like âenable the minister to limit the number of applications that are accepted each year, shift priorities to accelerate the processing of certain types of applications, control eligibility requirements, and create new immigration categories that are in effect for a specified timeâ (Satzewich 2015:66). In other words, âthe Ministerial instructions allow the CIC Minister to change selection criteria instantaneously to meet labour market needsâ (Ferrer, Picot and Riddell 2014:861). These directives influence how the Act is procedurally implemented, including the decision making of visa officers (Satzewich 2015:40 and 65). Accordingly, ministerial instructions issued from 2008 to 2013 39 by then-Immigration Minister Jason Kenney effectively inserted the Conservative Partyâs neoliberal priorities into Canadian immigration policy (Satzewich 2015:40). In fact, every Minister for Immigration issues his own instructions, reflecting the wants and needs of the government of the day in Canada's immigration policy. Thomas Rosenberg (2009), a Canadian lawyer, writes âwhile the programs are governed by a blend of IRPA and Federal-Provincial agreements, [there is an absence of] a strict regulatory paradigm [which] allows the programs to evolve with the times but often at the cost of uncertainty for those who engage themâ (Akaha, Thomas and Rosenberg 2009:17). Resulting are a proliferation of migration streams reflecting the interests of the government of the day while âleaving Canadaâs immigration system [â¦] far more complex, dynamic and differentiatedâ (Satzewich 2015:64). A case in point are frequent program changes in the BCPNP. Before the programâs temporary suspension in September of 2015, which also coincides with the end of this projectâs research period, changes were becoming increasingly frequent and at shorter intervals (see Appendix F for the BCPNP timeline). The IRPA was amended once again in 2008, with changes to the law which further increased the Conservative then-immigration-minister Jason Kenneyâs executive powers. The Jason-Kenney-Revolution (see Fleras 2015:15-19), as the amendment has been nick-named, was presented to Parliament as part of the Budget Implementation Act.8 With this 8 This is another example of a neoliberal tactic at work: the bundling of amendments in into omnibus legislative changes, so that it becomes impossible for politicians to discuss amendment on their own. Bundling legislative changes gives few options except to accept or defeat them. The case of the 2008 Amendment to the Immigrant and Refugee Protection Act serves as a case in point: As Kelly and Trebilcock chronicle (2010), the legislative amendment was bundled with the Budget Implementation Act. The bundling prevented a debate and also discussion by a House of Commons committee. The only way to defeat this bill would have been to defeat the amendment with a vote of non-confidence in the 40 amendment, previously established methods of processing immigration applications in order received by the immigration system was eliminated. Instead, ânew provisions [â¦] gave the minister the power to instruct immigration officers to fast-track applications from certain skilled occupations that were determined by the minister to be in high demandâ (Kelley and Trebilcock 2010:436). This change granted âthe minister expanded discretion in the processing of [certain] immigration applicationsâ (Kelley and Trebilcock 2010:436; Satzewich 2015:40). Consider these numbers: provincial nominees admitted to Canada skyrocketed from 233 provincial nominees in 1996 to 47,628 in 2014 (Immigration, Refugee and Citizenship Canada 2017:12). The minister could cherry-pick select applications and have them processed in an expedited fashion. This amendment passed with little opposition and set in motion a fundamental transformation of the immigrant selection process. Under the Canadian Constitution Act of 1867, federal and provincial governments share the responsibility for immigration (CIC 2002:5). But under this new legislation, the immigration responsibilities of the federal government were also reworked. One example of the neoliberal rework is the power granted to the Minister of Immigration to enter into bilateral immigration agreements with each province, except for the Province of Quebec, which enjoys autonomy from the federal government on immigration (Citizenship and Immigration 2006; Fontana 2003:1; Carter, Morrish and Amoyaw 2008:165; Kelley and Trebilcock 2010:431). This includes immigration framework agreements in addition to provincial nominee agreements (CIC 2002:5), which set parameters for immigration government of the day, the conservative Stephen Harper government. A motion of that sort would have triggered an election, which the then-Liberal opposition party lacked the confidence of winning (437). As a result, the amendment passed, without much discussion or opposition. 41 initiatives. Section 8 of the Act grants the federal Minister of CIC the power to sign âagreements with the provinces and territories which coordinate and implement immigration policies and programs,â in effect making immigration a shared jurisdiction between federal and provincial governments, except in Quebec (CIC 2002:5). Under the Act, each jurisdiction is allowed to operate its own immigration program, including setting its own immigrant selection criteria (Fontana 2003; Teixeira, Kobayashi and Li 2012:xviii). The Province of British Columbia, for example, struck its initial federal-provincial immigration agreement - the British Columbia Provincial Nominee Program - in 1998 (CIC 2002:16).9 The neoliberal context discussed highlights how skilled worker migration from Germany to Canada is a cross-border system of exchange operating in its own special context. To further unpack this interactive and dynamic migration stream and its processes (Boyd 1989:641) for analytical purposes, I draw from systems theory (Mabogunje 1970) and migration systems theory (Faist 1997), as I discuss next. 2.3 Migration Systems Theory: Macro, Meso and Microlevel Analysis of German Skilled Worker Migration The work of geographer Akin L. Mabogunje (1970) is useful in providing direction for how to approach a system for analysis. He suggested a conceptual functionalist framework which âviews the migration system as a self-perpetuating and regular pattern of exchanges between particular localities: a set of relationships across time and spaceâ (Blakewell 2014:303). This framing is needed so that âa whole range of questions relevant to an understanding of the 9 The category of provincial/territorial nominee is mentioned as its own stand-alone category for the first time in the federal Annual Immigration Plan in the millennial year, kind of like a pilot project, with an allotment of 1,400 designated spaces for skilled workers to participate in provincial/territorial nominee programs across Canada (CIC 2000:7). 42 structure and operation of [a] system can be askedâ and is needed (Mabogunje 1970:2). He further argued that each system shapes a âspecial environmentâ (Mabogunje 1970:3) with its forces in operation in relation to the system: A system may be defined as a complex of interacting elements, together with their attributes and relationships. One of the major tasks in conceptualizing a phenomenon as a system, therefore, is to identify the basic interacting elements, their attributes, and their relationships. Once this is done, it soon becomes obvious that the system operates not in a void but in a special environment. ... [A] system with its environment constitutes the universe of phenomena which is of interest in a given context (Mabogunje 1970:4). This kind of analysis - system-wide - affords ânew insights [â¦] into old problems and new relationships whose existence may not have been appreciated previously are uncoveredâ (Mabogunje 1970:2). I borrow this insight to conceptualize the system of German skilled worker migration to the Okanagan Valley inclusive of the âentire migratory process, starting from the initial movement right through to settlement, community formation and new generations in the immigration countryâ (Castles 2007:30). While this provides for a more inclusive explanation of the resulting migration system, it is also necessary to look more closely at each level of the migration stream on its own. Faist (1997) shows how this is done. Sociologist Thomas Faist (1997) proposes that when analyzing migration sociologically we consider: (1) the political-economic-cultural structures on the level of the international system, the country of origin and the country of destination (structural level), (2) density, strength and content of social relations between stayers and movers within units in the areas of origin and destination (relational level), and (3) the degree of freedom or autonomy of a potential mover (individual level) (Faist 1997:195). Migration systems theory does this by focusing on the economic, political, social and historical linkages between the countries of origin and countries of destination (Kritz and 43 Zlotnik 1992:2). A framing like this requires inclusion of the history, and temporal and spatial dimensions of the nations involved (Kritz and Zlotnik 1992:4). At the macro level, equivalent to Faistâs structural level, the structural conditions of the migration system must be investigated by asking what are the operational linkages between the countries (Faist 1997:187 and 197; Portes and Walton 1981)? Then, at the meso level, in between the macro and the micro level, one must investigate the operational structures of migration. It is necessary to investigate who are the facilitators of this German-Canadian migration system, including their interactions (Kritz and Zlotnik 1992:7)? As Faist writes, what are the interactions of these âindividuals and [the] larger structures such as the nation stateâ (Faist 1997:188 and 196)? This includes at least two aspects: First, the historical and contemporary interactions between the sending country and the receiving country, which create and regulate the movement of people and goods. These âpatterns of interactionsâ (Kritz and Zlotnik 1992:4) are represented in the political and economic relationships of the nations involved. The second aspect focuses on the facilitators of the migration stream, so-called migration intermediaries, or those who ârecruit and guide migrantsâ (Agunias 2009:1). In this case I understand a migration intermediary as a person who facilitates the migration process of a person. Agunias (2009) explains that migration intermediaries are found in âformal social networks, recruitment agencies and their chains of subagents, travel agencies, legal advisors and similar businessesâ (Agunias 2009:1). These agents facilitate and at times drive the flow of migrant groups by - for example - matching migrants with employers and/or providing information about the living and working conditions at the place of destination (Agunias 2009:1). Their involvement and activities could potentially shape market outcomes for the migrant worker (van den Broek, Harvey, 44 Groutsis 2015:525). This (read: my) research suggests that governments and their designates, too, can be migration intermediaries. Here, as chapters 4 and 5 demonstrate, local Okanagan government officials, in their work of supporting recruiting employers, and the government office in its official state capacity, act as migration intermediaries. They are, in their respective capacities, actively involved in the recruitment of migrants, and âplay a critical role in the way migrants source information about individual employment opportunities [the BCPNP] and destination labour marketsâ (van den Broek, Harvey and Groutsis 2015:526). Their work occurs in the legal realm, like this research shows in the case of the German skilled workers of this research, but also in the illegal realm when migrants are smuggled and/or trafficked (Agunias 2009:1). In their work as facilitators and drivers of migration, they are agents of development, creating capacity (Agunias 2009:2). As facilitators of this neoliberal migration, they act as agents of the neoliberal system. The micro-level of the systems theory studies the individual. Here the individual migrant is investigated in the processes and interactions taking place at the personal level (Faist 1997:191). Through this tri-lens, the connections between the macro, meso and micro levels of the migration system, including the reciprocal forces/processes linking each, are explored (Faist 1997:194; Kritz and Zlotnik 1992:2). In other words, through the lens of migration systems theory, the (reciprocal) processes/forces of the migration system, which are also contributing factors to the migration phenomenon itself, as they arise from the particular linkages/processes between the sending and receiving countries, can be conceptualized (Faist 1997:193). This framing allows for the investigation of the BCPNPâs own unique characteristics, and dynamic processes, as they are âinvolving individuals, institutions, employers, communities, post-secondary institutions and municipal, provincial 45 and federal governmentsâ (Gogia and Slade 2011:118). Employing migration systems theory affords the development of a more inclusive explanation of the âskilled-worker-on-demand-migration-systemâ that is operating in the Okanagan Valley in its time-specific and place-specific context, including circumstance-specific characteristics of the BCPNP. But these approaches are not sufficient on their own to theorize skilled worker migration to the Okanagan. It is equally important to consider the human dimension of all of this: what are the forms of transnationalism part of this migration system and how to consider the willingness of Germans to engage in the first place? This is addressed next. 2.4 Transnationalism and Canada-thusiasm Since the new Millennium, the body of research on transnationalism has benefitted from a rigorous research focus (Vertovec 2009:1). Scholars of transnationalism focus on nuances of transnationalism as a mode of reproduction; avenue of capital; social morphology; type of consciousness; (re)construction of place or locality and site of political engagement (Vertovec 2009). Most important for this thesis -- to theorize how German immigrantsâ are prepared and their social relations impacted and transformed by their move from Germany to Canada -- are three forms of transnationalism: (1) transnationalism as an ideology of social morphology âspanning bordersâ (Vertovec 2009:4); (2) the investigation of German-Canadian transnationalism as an avenue for exchange, as it arises from Canadaâs and Germanyâs economic and political connections; and (3) Canadaâs transnational practices as a site for political engagement (Vertovec 2009:10). These forms of transnationalism are interconnected and also impact each other in one form or another. The following will make that clear. 46 As a social morphology, transnationalism is a social formation that spans communities and nation-states dispersed over great geographical distances and time (Vertovec 2009:4). It is manifested in the social, political and economic interactions of those migrants who are attached to more than one community at a time. But, as Vertovec heeds, just because many migrants are located in a geographic area who might have some ties to the home country or culture, does not mean they are necessarily transnationals (Vertovec 2009:17). The site and form of each ethnic groupsâ transnationalism has facilitating and supporting structures, or not, and these must be investigated in their place-specific context (Vertovec 2009:21). Being transnational, the migrantsâ consciousness grows out of a multi-local collective memory which is âfractured [and which] produces a multiplicity of historiesâ (Appadurai and Breckenridge quoted in Vertovec 2009:6). This ââdiasporic consciousnessâ [is fluid and messy,] and marked by dual or multiple [sometimes competing] identificationsâ (Vertovec 2009:5). In order to reconcile and maintain this dual focus, the migrant might attempt to reproduce cultural characteristics from his home culture in his host community. If other migrants are receptive to this cultural reproduction, and in turn reciprocate, then a cultural bridge connecting the communities of the host and home country arises. A diaspora, a transnational community with very particular characteristics might develop (Cohen 1996, 1997; Satzewich 2002; Wong and Satzewich 2006:5-6). Within this diasporic space âpeople share common cultural and religious heritageâ (Vertovec 2009:129-130). While âtransnational communities encompass diasporas, [â¦] not all transnational communities are diasporasâ (emphasis added, Wong and Satzewich 2006:5-6). Only when members of the diasporic community recreate particular aspects of their home culture in their host culture 47 can a âsocial form of [a] âtriadic relationshipâ between: (a) globally dispersed yet collectively self-identified ethnic groups; (b) the territorial states and contexts where such groups reside; and (c) the homeland states and contexts whence their forebears cameâ develop (Sheffer, Safran, Cohen as cited in Vertovec 2009:4). Since this cultural reproduction is dialectical between transnationals and members of the originating nation, elements of the cultural experiences also flow back to the community of the home country, potentially impacting and transforming the community there. A continual flow of interactions and exchanges ensues, each impacting upon the other, manifest in the diaspora. One characteristic for being a transnational is the fact that transmigrants live in more than one place at the same time (Glick Schiller, Basch, Szanton Blanc 1995:48; Levitt and Glick Schiller 2008). Often the different realities are thousands of kilometers and several hours apart. (For the German skilled workers there are approximately 8000 kilometers and nine hours of time difference between Canada and Germany.) Forced into being bilocal - never being fully at one place without thinking about the other - can place great stress on transnational migrants (Mahler 1998). Many migrants are -- like Neil Diamond sings in his song I am â¦ I said, -- âlost between two shoresâ meaning they are emotionally vested in more than one place at the same time, making their emotional lives âmessyâ (Vertovec 2009:2). And this emotional investment often comes at great personal, psychological, and financial cost. Being bilocal stretches migrants across great geographical distance and emotional feelings. Transnational migrants cannot physically be in more than one place at a time, possibly leading to the development of a sense of double belonging (Vertovec 2009:68), feeling connected to more than one culture and nation (Glick Schiller, Basch and Blanc- 48 Szanton 1992). This duality can be a particularly difficult experience for a person if a âtwonessâ abounds because the different identities are warring because they are irreconcilable. In that case the person feels torn by the opposing forces of the two realities at hand. This duality becomes painfully clear in the research of Gloria Patricia Diaz Barrero (2007), who demonstrates how the forces of globalization push many poor Latina women to seek work as exotic dancers in Canada. Forced to work and live far away from their children, often for many years, they become transnational with multi-stranded relations (Diaz Barrero 2007:147). The Latina women feel unsettled - neither here nor there. Their intentions and realities are - and often remain - irreconcilable. The resulting dual orientation (Vertovec 2009:68) forces these women into binary positions, which leaves them with a double consciousness (Becerril 2007:166; DuBois 1995). Their problem is âwickedâ because it is impossible to reconcile this double consciousness; it can threaten the personâs sense of self, leaving the person disillusioned. Feminist scholar Dorothy Smith (1998) explained that this bifurcation of consciousness forces women to try to find ways to fulfill both their roles, as women and mothers. And that attempts at resolution come at huge personal costs and enormous personal investment (Smith 1998). If (Latina) women/people cannot find ways to reconcile their strivings and beings in positive ways, then they are forced to live with one identity at the cost of the other. Others (Schneider 2001; Hiebert and Ley 2006; Matthews and Satzewich 2006; Wong and Ho 2006) have argued this double belonging can be experienced as positive and beneficial by the transnational. Transnationals do hold specific cultural knowledge since they have been socialized and habituated in more than one culture/place (Vertovec 2009:66). Often, they are multicultural beings, equipped with particular forms of social capital (Bourdieu 1986). Transnationals live in âdiverse âhabitats 49 of meaningâ that are [neither] territorially restrictedâ (Hannerz 1996), ânor polar opposites, but [â¦] sites in âlocal mental maps [that] involve a geography of power, in which locations are points along a continuum, with different types of empowerment to be found at eachâ (Gardner quoted in Vertovec 2009:68). Many transnationals have been able to reconcile their dual or even multiple identities to their advantage. This is often seen in the case of privileged transnational migrants, whose activities are manifested in their privileges, for instance dual citizenship and upward class mobility. Especially in Canada, being multicultural is often constructed as beneficial and an asset for a transnational migrant (Bloemraad 2006) - as long as the migrantsâ dual orientation and belonging are not challenged at the migrantâs personal level and are also not a threat to the Canadian nation state. Diaz Barreroâs (2007) research also established that migrantsâ function under different identities in their role as migrants. In the case of skilled workers, their identities are strictly gendered. The man transfers his identity and social position as a worker into the Canadian labour market, so to speak. He remains a worker in his trade. This is very different for the skilled workerâs wife. She functions under a different identity whence on Canadian soil. She assumes a very traditional gender role with her relocation to Canada because she is thrust into a traditional social position role of wife and mother. She leaves her public labour market participation in the German labour market for a private and domestic role. Her role in the skilled worker migration system, is to support the man in his role as a skilled worker. In neoliberal times, an individualâs identity is conceptualized in relation to the individualâs perceived usefulness in the labour market, like for example the individual migrantsâ position in the labour market of the country that they migrate to. In this case, skilled workers and their wives. While this identity can at times be self-constructed, it is 50 most often assigned by others as a function of oneâs economic and class position (Bauman 2004:38). An imposed identity is, as Bauman reminds us, is in effect pigeonholing the migrant because â[they] cannot manage to get rid of it. [Imposed identities are [s]tereotyping, humiliating, dehumanizing, stigmatizing identitiesâ¦]â (Bauman 2004:38). For women, this is a steep price to pay, because they leave their autonomy behind. When the workerâs wife steps into the role of the skilled workerâs wife, she also surrenders her previously held autonomy and self-determination. The women take on unpaid work, like taking care of the household and the family. For women, this transnational move comes at a high personal cost. Women who are migrating as wives of skilled workers experience downward social mobility. Examinations of identity politics suggest forces of globalization propel global transformations which impact individuals in their understandings of self (Bauman 2004). The use of identities in particular (strategic?) ways is part of being a transnational being. In this process, individualsâ identities are constructed âguided by the logic of goal rationalityâ (Bauman 2004:49). Here, the individual wants to move to Canada to begin a different life there. The man can do so under the identity of the skilled worker. The woman can do so as the skilled workerâs wife. For the purposes of the re-location to Canada, both take on a persona and perform in its role (Butler 1999; Bauman 2004:49). This performance as skilled worker and skilled worker wife become a task (Bauman 2004:20), and participation in the BCPNP, a means to an end. Another important facet of transnationalism is the ideological transnationalism occurring when potential immigrants imagine how a life elsewhere would be. To do this they situate themselves in an imaginary world that is different from their own. They dream of a 51 different life elsewhere, like in another nation and its context (Hall and Williams 2002:2). Sigrist (1995) coined these desired spaces as Wunschräume (dreamscapes), within which so-called Wunschträume (Sigrist 1995), or pipe dreams, are possible. Within this space people can dream of a different reality. The German social scientist and linguist Herrmann Bausinger (2000) termed this a Gegenwelt - a âcounter-world.â A counter-world is a place that appears to be contrastive and very different from the world in which one spends every day. In a counter-world, things are different, and opposites pervade. As such, what one does, thinks and feels when in this counter-world differs from what one does, thinks and feels in the everyday world. The everyday world represents the mundane, with its duties, structures, and social confines, while the counter (dream)world promises an escape from the mundane with the possibility for something different to occur. The counter-world creates a space within which an individual can be special, where dreams remain alive and social constraints are not as tight and restrictive (Bausinger 2000:60). Next I discuss Canada as Germanyâs counter-world. 2.5 Canada-thusiasm: Canada as a Counter-World to Germany Visiting this counter-world, people become transnational in their minds. The imagined Canada is a dreamy sort of place, its imagined authenticity far from reality. Many of the components of this counter-world, however, are imagined and made up. The imagined counter-world can bear nearly utopian features, far superior to the German everyday reality. The counter-world Canada is comprised of unrealistic fragmented information and images, based in information-snippets that are disconnected from social, economic and political realities. The Canadian author, playwright and columnist Drew Hayden Taylor (2019) suggests the German fascination with Canada is like âfandom on the scale of Harry Potter 52 mania, but on a national level.â10 I could not agree more after similar peculiar observations of German fandom of Canada: Peopleâs eyes light up, they are at attention, and have questions at the ready and/or stories to share of their own/someone elseâs interaction with Canada. This deep fascination and mystique for all things Canadian appears as a driving force in this work, too, as elicited by people entering into the confines of the BCPNP. In any case, I call this German fandom and enthusiasm for Canada and all things Canadian Canada-thusiasm and argue that it is a driving force in the facilitation of German skilled worker migration from Germany to Canada. It matters, because Germans believe that in Canada they can construct a life that is better. Skilled workers deeply believe, as this research demonstrates, that in Canada their lives will improve. And that makes them willing to physically enter into the confines of the BCPNP. As German people imagine themselves in Canada, they develop perspective for a life that is different from the one they are leading in Germany. This mental activity and the imagined counter world act as mobilizing structures; they are instrumental in the personal decision to embark on the migration to Canada. They legitimate the personâs Wunschtraum of a life in Canada. In other words, it entices mobility because it âform[s] potentialâ in the individual. It also âactivate[s] recruitmentâ though the information disseminated and âcreate[s] the motivation to participateâ by giving people opportunity to imagine a life in Canada. When people are subsequently connected with agencies which can support them in their endeavour to migrate, barriers to participation are removed (Vertovec 2009:42). People 10 Taylor, Drew Hayden. 2019. âShould We Be Offended That Germans Are Obsessed with North American Indigenous Culture?â CBC. March 1. Retrieved March 2, 2019. https://www.cbc.ca/cbcdocspov/blog/should-we-be-offended-that-germans-are-obsessed-with-north-american. 53 are further readied people to make a move from when the ideological transnationalism spills over from the mind of the person to the social, economic and political realm, as the person begins to act on impulses that originated in the ideological world. The move from Germany to Canada is also supported by the economic and political relationship between both countries. Canada and Germany hold longstanding transnational linkages (Vertovec 2009:1), trading goods, services and people for centuries (Trautsch 2009). Their peaceful economic and political linkages from the 1850s to the early 20th century (Kuznet 1966; Thomas 1972) helped develop todayâs transnational trade and economic growth in Canada and Germany (Simmons 2010:33). Both countries developed strong bilateral political relations as members of the North American Trade Organization, the International Atomic Energy Agency, the G7/G20, Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development and the World Trade Organization. Germany benefits additionally from observer status in the Organization of American States and the Arctic Council (Government of Canada 2014; Government of Canada 2018:Trade and Investment Agreements). Throughout centuries of political and economic collaboration, Canada and Germany have become economically and politically âlike-minded partnersâ (Government of Canada: September 2016). Each holds important markets in the other, so that by 2015 Germany was Canadaâs fourth largest overall trading partner and Germany an import market for Canada (Government of Canada 2017c). In 2015, for instance, Canadian merchandise imports from Germany totaled a little more than CAN $17 million, while Canadian merchandise exports to Germany were CAN $3.6 million (Government of Canada 2017c). The Canadian export and import of service exchanges was more balanced with Canada exporting services to the tune of CAN $2.2 million and importing services for CAN $2.7 54 million (Government of Canada 2017c). German foreign direct investments in companies located in Canada were valued at approximately CAN $13.5 million, while Canadian foreign investment in companies in Germany was about CAN $7 million (Government of Canada 2017c).11 The Canada-European Union Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) which at the time of writing is under negotiation, is expected to deepen the economic integration of both countries (Government of Canada 2017c) by granting Canadian products a more competitive access to the EU market (Government of BC 2012:3). CETA will also intensify the exchange of temporary foreign labour to Canada (Rokne, No date, Alberta Federation of Labour). Canada is very interested in economic collaboration with Germany since the latter is the largest economy in Europe, with a population of 81.4 million (Gowans 2016:1). Germany is an important player on the world stage because it is globally strategically connected as a founding member of the European Community (the predecessor of the European Union), a political and economic alliance of 27-member states (Government of BC 2013). The EU is known as the worldâs largest trader, foreign investor, and single market (Government of Canada 2012). The EUâs 2011 Gross Domestic Product that was ten times as large as Canadaâs (Government of BC 2013). Germany is also a member of the United Nations, the North American Trade Organization, the G8 and G20, the Organization for Economic Co-Operation and Development; and the Council of Europe. Likewise, throughout past decades, Germany has hosted some of the worldâs largest and most important trade fairs 11 The province of British Columbia also trades directly with Germany. In 2012, the total value of the provinces exports to Germany were valued at about CAN $248 million (BC Statistics. Fact Sheet Germany 2013:1). Compared to other Canadian provinces, BC ranks N (8.3 percent) for exports to Germany, behind the provinces of Ontario (43.1 percent) and Quebec (32.2 percent) (BC Statistics Fact Sheet Germany 2013:1). 55 (Government of Canada 2014). Canada capitalizes on these economic realities by using its German connections to create and maintain access to these markets. One of the transnational linkages between Germany and Canada is Canadaâs political and ideological representation in Germany. Since countries represent themselves through their consulates and chanceries, where consular and ambassadorial services are conducted, they actively contribute to their own national identity and the imaginations that others are to hold of them.12 Canada is no exception to this and self-represents through symbols like the national flag, government institutions and the countryâs political apparatus, including those that work within. On the outside of these buildings flies the countryâs flag. It is often customary for the buildingâs architecture and building materials to show-case the country and its assets.13 12 From 1951-1999 Canadaâs ambassadorial representation was in Bonn, Germany (Trautsch 2013:159-160). Then Germany moved its capital affairs to Berlin. Canada secured the opportunity to build its first embassy in the new capital, at the Potsdamer Platz, a locality with a particularly complex history (Trautsch 2009:12). 13 Many of the embassyâs building materials have been imported from Canada; there is Tyndall limestone from Manitoba, Douglas Fir from British Columbia, black granite and maple from Quebec, and Eramosa marble from Ontario. The building materials are to represent what âis [â¦] considered typically Canadian, both symbolically and economically speakingâ (Kroeller 2003:347). One of the unique architectural features is the embassyâs green roof which features waterways in the shape of the Mackenzie River Delta (Kunst am Bau der Botschaft von Kanada in Berlin. http://www.canadainternational.gc.ca/germany-allemagne/offices-bureaux/embassy_art_ambassade.aspx?lang=deu&view=d; and KPMB Architects, the builders of the Canadian Embassy in Berlin. http://www.kpmb.com/index.asp?navid=30&fid1=0&fid2=25#desc). While these features are proclaimed to be âCanadian,â they are simply stipulations from the Berlin Senate Planning Bureau to build the building with certain characteristics (Kroeller 2003:347). But to the German public that does not matter, amongst Berliners the building is known as the embassy with the river on its roof (Berliner Morgenpost 2005: Die Botschaft mit dem Fluà auf dem Dach). 56 The placement of the Canadian embassy into Berlinâs urban space was strategic and unique, with the goal to invoke the perception that both countries are connected (Vertovec 2009:11). The Canadian strategy to build at the Potsdamer Platz is instrumental to Canadian-German relations. Berlinâs âheartâ - as the historically significant area is known in Berlin - began to transform in October 1989, when the Wall dividing East and West Berlin was torn down. Previously part of the no-manâs land between the divided Germanies, the Potsdamer Platz became an urban space once again, with the Canadian Embassy situated within. The aim was to create the impression that Canada and Germany are deeply connected, with Canada positioned right in Berlinâs heart. The German historian Eva Kröller (2003:348) states, The embassy serves as a bridge between Germans and Canadians, a space where they can meet and have cultural, social and political exchange. It is also a bridge to experience âCanadaâ, as reflected in the architectural design, construction materials and interior design materials and patterns, and âCanadiannessâ, as reflected in the social and cultural exchanges and business dealings. The [architectural] design takes care to project, as architect Bruce Kuwabara explains, âa sense of openness and tolerance and transparencyâ in keeping with the âcountryâs [Canadaâs] legacy of mediation and peace-keeping.â This theme of the intimate relationship between both countries also resurfaces on the inside of the embassy, as Chapter 6 details. Embassies, as cultural landmarks (Löffler 1999:5), are material representations, and the relations that occur within are symbolic exchanges. In the Canadian Ambassadorâs Marie Bernard-Meunier words: The Canadian embassy is âan open place where Germans can meet Canadians,â and together they can be âpart of the dynamic life in Berlinâ (Kröller 2003:356), echoing - once again - that the Canadian embassy is a bridge between these two nations and peoples. The Canadian embassy in Berlin is a self-representation of Canada to German and Germans, constructed to show-case Canadian ideals and goals. 57 Through the embassy, âCanadaâ and âCanadiannessâ are presented in particular ways: Canada actively strives to self-presenting itself as a place very different from Germany, based on the antithetical adjectives and language encountered during the study; for example, Germany is âoldâ and Canada âyoung;â Germany is âcrowdedâ while Canada is âemptyâ with an abundance of nature and space. In these imaginations and discourses, Canada is presented as a world unlike Germany. And this perception of Canada being everything that Germany lacks, is further instrumental in the mobilization of the skilled German labour force. 2.6 Concluding Points This chapter introduced the theories that frame my conceptualization of German skilled worker recruitment under the BCPNP. I conceptualize the BCPNP as a contemporary neoliberal immigration program, drawing on Harveyâs (2005) theorization on neoliberalism. I frame the program into the global context of Canada which strives to attract TFWs for work under the guise of global competitiveness. I explain how accompanying discourses are constructed under the guise of missing skills in the domestic work force. This establishes the importance of cheap labour to the neoliberal logic. This theoretical tapestry is supplemented by Mabogunjeâs (1970) argument that systems investigations must include the analysis of the systemâs structures and processes, including the arising interaction. This line of argument is further bolstered by Faistâs (1997) logic to investigate the BCPNP as a migration system, including inquiry at the macro, meso and micro system level, while simultaneously considering each levelâs influence on the migration system itself and the system as a whole. Canada is actively recruiting skilled workers, some of which are given an opportunity to become Canadian citizens. To investigate who is a good candidate for this privilege, I 58 borrow from the concept of the ideal worker. The discussion makes it clear that this worker works under precarious labour conditions, is male, brings his wife and family. Germans are conceptualized as ideal workers due to their training and skills, which means the Canadian state does not need to make an investment into Okanagan Valley training. They are brought in as just-in-time workers, depending on the economic cycles of the region into which they are recruited. They are further ideal for the program because they bring their families, to replenish the local population. They are also ideal because they must be self-sufficient in their settlement and integration, since they do not qualify for settlement support from the Canadian state. Drawing from the work of Vertovec (2009) and other transnationalism scholars, I also consider the social transnationalism of skilled workers and their family members. The participation in the BCPNP is gendered. Men transfer into a new position in the public sphere, but women transfer into the domestic sphere. Men remain bread winners, while women take on the unpaid work of caretaking and mothering. For men, the move means a different job, while women experience downward social mobility. They step into the role of wife and mother, as they relocate to Canada. The chapter further theorizes ideological transnationalism, which firmly places skilled workers in the counter-world Canada, as they imagine their âbetterâ and âimprovedâ lives in Canada. Again, their fandom for all things Canadian is a major mobilizer for these migrants as they imagine their lives in a nation other than Germany. This is a further example of why they are conceptualized as ideal, because their Canada-thusiasm, or their fandom of Canada, creates a willingness to enter into the BCPNP. And last, to theorize the long-standing political and economic relationship that 59 facilitates this labour exchange relationship between Canada and Germany I also borrow from Vertovec (2009). Through this theoretical tapestry I frame the BCPNP as a neoliberal labour recruitment program, which is gendered. I suggest that Germans are a particularly suitable target group to recruit from, because they harbour a strong fascination with Canada. Their Canada-thusiasm makes them willing to work as temporary foreign workers in Canada, since they hope to become transition their temporary status to a permanent one. Employers and government alike capitalize on this enthusiasm to attract highly skilled individuals. Employers also capitalize on the bonded nature of the program, which ties workers to the workplace for several years. And last, I suggest, German skilled workers are advantaged by the fact that they are wanted with their families. In the next chapter I turn my attention to the qualitative sociological research methods employed to conduct this investigation. 60 CHAPTER 3 METHODS: INVESTIGATING SKILLED GERMAN-CANADIAN LABOUR MIGRATION TO THE OKANAGAN VALLEY UNDER THE AUSPICES OF THE BCPNP 3.0 Researching Skilled Worker Migration: A Brief Introduction Migration is a life-changing event and relocating across international borders for employment is no less so. To understand the magnitude and intensity of these changes, it is not only important to explore migration systems in depth as dynamic social processes (Castles and Miller 2003:27), but also necessary to empirically investigate the relationships within (Henne 2017:99). This includes an analysis of the interactions of the âmacro, meso and micro - structures (Castles and Miller 2003:27; Faist 2010; Simmons 2010) of the migration stream, and the operational impact of the migration program on migrants. To conduct a tri-level analysis of the BCPNP, I employ qualitative research methods in a multi-sited research design. Conducting research in Canada and Germany allow for an understanding of how the program functions in the Okanagan (Canadian) and German contexts. I investigate the tri-level structures of this migration system because they bridge the sending to the receiving country (and vice versa). Further, I conduct an empirical investigation of the circumstances under which the program operates in BCâs Okanagan Valley and in Germany (Berlin, Hamburg and Bonn) and capture the experiences of those who migrate in this migration stream. This chapter describes the qualitative methods used to collect data for this exploratory research project. The research methods employed herein investigate the social processes arising from the BCPNPâs operation in its Okanagan context, and âthe ways of asking and answering questionsâ about it (Mills 1980:63), are various, flexible and open- 61 ended. To clarify, the research impetus came from the Zimmermann case - recall Mrs. Zimmermannâs letter in the newspaper. Questions arose from there, in an emergent fashion (van den Hoonard 2019:21). My first questions were: What happened to this family? Can this be true? Are any of Mrs. Zimmermannâs allegations founded? Is this an isolated case? How does something like this happen? Is the Zimmerman case an example of the social vectors that prevail in the Okanagan? Are their private troubles a reflection of public issues? Then I began thinking about the BCPNP and other questions formed, for example, what is the BCPNP anyways? How does it operate? Is it the same in the Okanagan Valley as elsewhere in BC? Who is involved in this program and its operation? I then began to notice that Germans were being recruited into the BCPNP. This realization prompted questions like, why Germans? What makes them interesting to Canadian employers? And thereafter, as I learned more about the BCPNP and the parameters of the program, I wanted to learn why would Germans be willing to do this (enter into the program). And all of a sudden, the BCPNP and German migrants seemed to be everywhere -- like Millsâ suggests it happens when the âcrossroads of life experience, professional activity and way of workâ (Mills 1980:64) intersect for those who employ their sociological craftsmanship. This development of questions about social processes is a common strategy for qualitative sociology researchers (Mills 1980; van den Hoonard 2012:27) engaged in the development of the sociological imagination. In other words, the biographies of the German skilled workers collected in this exploratory research project help to make the processes of the BCPNP in its Okanagan context visible. This investigation aims to do just that, not offer results that are to be taken as representative of all Germans - or other skilled workers - in the BCPNP. 62 This kind of research is emergent and hallmarked by simultaneous data collection and data analysis (van den Hoonard 2012:21) and a flexible research design (van den Hoonard 2012:21). For this study, the research methods include interviews, fieldwork and analyses of various media sources and government documents. I begin with a discussion of my positionality in this study and the Germanness I share with the research participants. I sympathize with their experiences and rigorously examine the latter through analysis of the BCPNP. 3.1 Researcherâs Position: A German Researching Germans Sociologists often use themselves as tools of research (McCall 2006:2), in particular when they are conducting qualitative research (Janesick 2000). The sociologist Loïc Wacquant (2004), for example, studied the habitus of boxers through his own ethnographic account in a boxing gym in Chicago. He gained access into the social structure within which his research participants were located, by boxing at a Chicago gym and by doing so found the visceral experience of what it means to be a boxer. Similar to Wacquantâs argument for immersing oneself in fieldwork (Wacquant 2015:1), I also draw from my âinsiderâ insight into the German ethnic group. Through shared cultural experiences with the skilled workers of this research it is possible to build rapport and establish trust. I am an âinsiderâ because I share a culture with the group that I am researching. Therefore, I chose German skilled workers to exemplify the experience of those within the BCPNP because I share three distinct insider commonalities with this group. This âsharing,â I believe, facilitated the establishing of familiarity and rapport between me and the research participants, and increased their willingness to speak with me. The three commonalities are: (1) I too immigrated from Germany to the Okanagan Valley; (2) I speak 63 German fluently; (3) and I know the German culture. This sharing afforded me insights (Reinharz 1992:70) that someone who has never been an immigrant, who has never had the experience of being new to a country, culture and language, misses. The shared immigration-related cultural capital, complete with the shared German immigration culture, was an asset when recruiting candidates for interviews. I have no doubt that these commonalities, and the option to hold the interviews in either English and/or German, helped research participants speak more comfortably and intimately about their migration experiences (Merton 1972). It allowed me to âunderstand the meaning of participantsâ lives in their own termsâ (Janesick 2000:382). While interviewing, I had the impression that some of the research participants really enjoyed having someone listen to their personal stories, and in particular being able to reflect on their immigration experiences, good and bad, in a confidential setting (Poggenpoel and Myburgh 2003:418). At the same time, though, I also hold a unique position within this group, since I occupy a different social position as the studyâs researcher. My own positioning is further influenced, in sociological terms, because as a German immigrant to the Okanagan Valley I am also a âstranger.â Simmelâs (1950) theory of the stranger argues that a stranger âsurveys conditions with less prejudice; his criteria for them are more general and more objective ideals; he is not tied down in his action by habit, piety and precedent when compared to insidersâ (404-5). It is the stranger, who finds the familiarities that the group [Okanaganites in the Okanagan Valley] shares âsignificantly unfamiliarâ and therefore can raise questions that insiders [Okanaganites] are less likely to raise (Merton 1972:33). The stranger brings a unique view that the group and those inside lack. But, these positions of insider and outsider are not static but rather fluid; they change depending on the social situation âas situations involving different values arise, [and] 64 different statuses are activated[. Then] the lines of separation shiftâ (Merton 1972:28). Being an insider/outsider affords me, sociologically speaking, a unique viewpoint and position, which supports this sociological research. This social positioning of insider/outsider can also pose challenges. For example, to guard against âassumed shared knowledgeâ (DeLyser 2001:444), I employed open-ended questions in the interviews, which allowed research participants to explain themselves. In addition, I engaged critically with the data collected from the interviews to ensure I evaluated how the immigration experience of the skilled worker cohort differed from my own. It was helpful for me to remind myself that my own migration experience occurred close to two decades prior and under a very different migration program. In short, my own migration experience is not central to this research but affords me the shared lived experience of being a migrant. Nevertheless, their (the migrants) stories are always at the forefront. To sum up, the basis for this research project is my intellectual curiosity about German immigrantsâ experiences in the Okanagan, and my desire to empirically document how neoliberal political and economic policies impact the Okanaganâs social landscape. Having previously investigated impacts of neoliberalism in the Okanagan,14 this project is a 14 For my empirical investigation into the neoliberalization of housing in the Okanagan, see Marten, Tina IL. (2009). âThe Reconfiguration of Downtown Kelowna, British Columbia, Canada, 1980-2006: A Case Study of Kelowna's Neoliberal Downtown Transformationâ. University of British Columbia; for a discussion on whiteness in the Okanagan see Aguiar, Luis LM and Tina IL Marten. (2011). âShimmering White Kelowna and the Examination of Painless White Privilege in the Hinterland of British Columbia.â Pp. 127-144 in Rethinking the Great White North: Race, Nature, and the Historical Geographies of Whiteness in Canada. Edited by Audrey Kobayashi, Laura Cameron and Andrew Baldwin. Vancouver: UBC Press; for a discussion on the Okanagan wine industry see Aguiar, Luis LM and Tina Marten. (2010). âScripting Taste, Marking Distinction: Wine Tourism and Post-Fordist 65 next logical step, so to speak, in my scholarly and intellectual development, allowing me to take yet another look at how neoliberal policies manifest in economic, political, cultural and social spheres of the Okanagan Valley. This repeated âproblem posingâ allows me as the researcher to look at a given setting in a new way, and in doing so - hopefully - construct something new (Janesick 2001:537). 3.2 Conducting Bi-local Research The aim of this research is to investigate how the BCPNP operates in the Canadian and German contexts. This requires a twofold focus. First, on how Okanagan employers recruited skilled workers in Germany with the help of Canadian BCPNP representatives and staff. This part of the research pertained to how Okanagan employers used the program. Who helped them access the program? Who accompanied them to Germany and how did they conduct their recruiting? Two, the study also asked how German government officials facilitated Canadian laboursâ access to German labour in Germany? How was German labour mobilized for recruitment purposes? How was the program presented to candidates? And more specifically, what enfolded at recruitment fairs in Germany? To facilitate this dual local emphasis, the studyâs research design included data collection in two geographical locations in two countries: in Canada in the Okanagan Valley, and in Germany in Berlin, Bonn and Hamburg. Restructuring in the Okanagan Valley, British Columbia.â Pp. 173-193 in Interrogating the New Economy: Restructuring Work in the 21st Century. Edited by Noreen Pupo and Mark P. Thomas. Toronto: University of Toronto Press; and last, for a discussion of the University of British Columbia Okanagan as a transnational university, see Whiteley, R., Aguiar, L. L. M., and Marten, T. 2008. âThe Neoliberal Transnational University: The Case of UBC Okanagan.â Capital & Class, 32(3):115-142. 66 Another necessary consideration was the geographical distance between the two research sites. The two locations are nearly 8000 kilometers apart, and in two different time zones. Traveling to and from Germany is very expensive, and with a nine-hour time difference also physically taxing on the researcher. Thus, the research design needed to be well organized. My strategy was to efficiently pack all appointments into the first two weeks of each research trip, thereby allowing for later âspareâ times in my research schedule. Spare time was used for additional interviews. The research methodology used for this study was approved by the University of British Columbia Okanagan's Ethics Board. Since the study is based on a bi-local design, permission was granted to conduct bilingual interviews in Germany and English. Hence all the accompanying research documents, like the introductory letter, consent form and posters were composed in both languages. 3.3 Recruitment of Research Participants Research participants for this study were located and recruited making use of theoretical sampling (van den Hoonard 2008:874), meaning they fit certain criteria. In this case they were selected according to their specific connection or role they held in relation to the BCPNP. This occurred in different ways in Canada and in Germany. In Canada, interviewees were recruited to participate in one of three ways: (1) with the assistance of posters , which advertised this project and solicited interested parties to contact me; (2) identified via internet research and then contacted via email by me; and/or (3) via word-of-mouth referral approach, or the snowball sampling method (Esterberg 2002:93; van den Hoonard 2012:84), from those who were participating in the study. Of these approaches, the snowballing technique proved the most productive in securing access to new research 67 participants. This method entails one informant passing forth the name of another potential research participant (Esterberg 2002:93; van den Hoonard 2012:84). In general, the snowball method remains one of the most useful techniques to gain access to future research participants because it is easier to request research participation with a referral from someone already interviewed and with the assistance of someone they already know (Atkinson and Flint 2001:1; van den Hoonard 2012:84) than cold-calling and asking people for an interview. In this research, the participation by some people worked like a positive endorsement of sorts for others to also participate. Each poster contained a brief description of the project, the intended research participant and how to contact the researcher. The English-language posters were displayed in community areas, like city hall and community boards, while German-language posters were displayed at the places deemed popular with German immigrants, including regional library branches (on their community boards or even taped right to the shelves in the German-language section, if the branch had one); immigrant welcoming centers; bulletin boards in city and municipal government offices; other general community places such as the post office; German delicatessen and specialty stores; and/or churches offering religious service in German. I anticipated that seeing a German-language sign in an English-speaking environment would catch the attention of the envisioned participants. In total 50 posters were placed in the Okanagan communities of Osoyoos, Oliver, Penticton, Summerland, Peachland, Westside, Kelowna, Lake Country, Vernon, and Salmon Arm for the duration of six weeks in January and February of 2015 in the hopes of connecting with German skilled workers who live there. 68 Figure 2: English Recruitment Poster Poster created by Tina Marten, 2014 The poster campaign strategy allowed me to speak with members of the Okanagan community about my study and in doing so drawing additional attention to the project. Moreover, I had a brief visit in the communities in which the skilled workers lived and worked. While only two skilled workers contacted me via this effort and also agreed to be interviewed, several others (skilled workers and employers alike) later disclosed in interviews they had seen my poster in their community (but not reached out to me at that time). Other skilled workers were found through the snowball method (van den Hoonard 2012:84). 69 To identify the agencies and people involved in this migration stream, I scoured Canadian and German online media releases and reports for names of individuals, who I thought were part of this migration stream, and also instrumental in bringing German skilled workers to the Okanagan region. This way I identified at the Canadian federal level the Ministry of Immigration and Citizenship (www.gic.ca.ca), which deals with immigration to Canada. At the provincial level I found two agencies: the Ministry of Jobs, Tourism and Skills Training and Responsible for Labour (https://www2.gov.bc.ca/gov/content/employment-business/employment-standards-advice/employment-standards) which deals with immigration policy, labour market policy and regional economic development, and Welcome BC (www.welcomebc.ca) which administers the BCPNP in the province of British Columbia. In Germany, I focused on the Zentrale Auslands- und Fachvermittlung (www.arbeitsagentur.de) which is the German government agency facilitating Canadian access to German labour. I also included the Raphaelswerk e.V. (https://www.raphaelswerk.de/), a catholic agency which receives funding from the German government to provide consultative services to Germans contemplating emigration. Lastly, the Canadian Embassy in Berlin was important to examine since it is a physical manifestation of Canada in Germany, and Germans interested in migrating to Canada had to make their applications for migration there. I searched Canadian industry-specific websites and commerce journals, like the BC Construction Association (www.bcca.com) and the Daily Commercial News (http://dailycommercialnews.com) for their labour recruitment in Germany. Once I found an officialâs name, I conducted a brief public internet check on the person to decide if his/her role/involvement in the recruitment/migration chain warranted 70 inclusion in this study. I was looking for research participants who would be able to âgive [â¦] the greatest possible insight into my [research] topicâ (Esterberg 2002:93). This way I identified experts, government officials and representatives in Canada and Germany, who as a group belong to the âauthorities who determine admission requirements and regulations for a country or institutionâ (Iacovetta 2006:xii). They were people that were âin the knowâ, so to speak. The next step was to cross-reference these names with word-of-mouth referrals given. Lastly, I recruited participants for this study was by asking each person interviewed to provide, if they could, a further potential contact. I then contacted the referred person requesting their participation in this research. This personal referral practice helped secure interviews with people who had been reluctant at first to partake in this research. These people agreed to be interviewed, after they learned their name had been put forth by another interviewee. This technique affirmed that I had identified key players when their names were suggested by interviewees, which I had also identified. Without this snowball strategy, I would have missed to contact two additional individuals. In Germany, recruitment occurred in a similar fashion: agencies that are instrumental in the German-Canadian cross-border movement of skilled workers were identified via an online search of media releases and reports. The names of interviewees, however, came from word-of-mouth referrals from Canadian government and immigration industry representatives. In fact, leads given during interviews conducted in Canada helped me secure access to the four key stakeholders interviewed in Germany: three government representatives, one each from the Zentrale Auslands - und Fachvermittlung, the Raphaelswerk and the Canadian Embassy, and one immigration consultant. Since I was able 71 to cross-reference these agencies with my previously conducted internet research and establish that they are involved in this migration. I hoped these four interviews would provide enough information. My strategy was to ask for new leads from the German interviewees at the time of their interviews. Thankfully, the names given were of those who already agreed to participate in my study, affirming that I had identified the correct people. Once the Germany-based interviews were concluded and no new references were given, I was convinced that the interviews conducted would be satisfactory. With increasing numbers of interviews completed in Canada and Germany, theoretical saturation occurred (van den Hoonard 2018:21), meaning I encountered the same/similar information during the interviews. This was my signal that I had collected sufficient information. Following this recruitment process, 40 people in total were interviewed - 37 via face-to-face, two by telephone and one through email. Of these 40 interviews conducted, 35 were done in Canada and five in Germany. All interviews were conducted in 2015, in Canada from February to September, and in Germany during the month of July. A list of all individuals who were interviewed for this research can be found in Appendix A. 3.4 Investigating the BCPNP with the Help of Interviews I choose to conduct interviews with people who are in one way or another connected to the immigration system, to investigate the BCPNP as a German-Canadian migration program. My research design decision is based on the assumption that during interviews âtwo persons [â¦] exchange information and ideas through questions and responses, resulting in communication and joint construction of meaning about a particular topicâ (Janesick 1998:30). In the case of this research the topic is the BCPNP, and I aim to understand the Okanagan BCPNP in its implementation, operation, and economic, political and social 72 impacts by conducting interviews with different groups of people (more on who these people are later on in this chapter). In conversation with my supervisor, I considered who to interview. The number of interviews was set at 40 based on the rough calculation of conducting interviews with three different groups of people who are involved in the BCPNP: Group One includes those involved in the labour recruitment process; Group Two includes skilled workers and their families; and Group Three those involved in the reception and the settlement of immigrants in the Okanagan Valley. Following van den Hoonardâs (2012:21) suggestion for sociological research design, this number of interviews was set with the understanding interview numbers might be expanded or reduced. The point of theoretical saturation, or the stage in the research at which the researcher is not learning anything new from the interviewees, was the guiding measure (van den Hoonard 2012:21) to end the interviewing process. The table below lists the three groups of interviewees, the countries in which each interviewee is active, and the total number of interviews conducted. 73 Table 1: Interviews Conducted by Group, Occupation and Country Group # Interviewee/Group Country Total # of interviews conducted In Canada In Germany Active in both countries One Government officials/ representatives 4 3 7 7 Labour recruiters/employers 10 0 7 10 Migration consultant 2 1 2 3 Two Skilled worker 7 1 8 8 Skilled worker's wife 5 0 5 5 Three Settlement worker 7 0 1 7 Total interviews conducted 35 5 30 40 The country columns report to which country the interviewees are (still) connected. For example, in Group One, government officials/representatives, are equally active in both countries. In their attempt to establish and maintain the BCPNP, they travelled to each country for collaborative meetings and for recruitment purposes with employers. The table shows that ten labour recruiters/employers in Canada are working for Canadian companies, but none in Germany. Since the BCPNP is a Canadian effort, seven of the ten âCanadian playersâ have been actively recruiting in Germany, the other three recruited via the internet. There was no recruitment by German employers in Canada. In the category of migration consultant, two of the three consultants are working in both countries. In total, 20 interviews were held with members of this group. Transnational relations/activities and behaviours increased significantly for Group Two. Skilled workers and their wives were first active in Germany, but then relocated their 74 existence to Canada. They moved with the explicit goal of staying in Canada; they did not portray themselves as sojourners or commuters. The sole skilled worker in the Germany category relates to a returnee skilled worker. He was interviewed in Germany. While the skilled workers of this research did not physically travel back and forth between Germany and Canada (they were investing their earnings into their familyâs new start in Canada (cf. Vertovec 2009)), they exhibited other forms of transnational behaviour, such as keeping relations with those in the home country and/or maintaining their language, food habits and cultural traditions. Overall, 13 interviews were conducted with this group. The settlement workers of Group Three work exclusively in Canada. The research showed they only become active once skilled workers have transitioned from being TFWs to landed immigrants.15 Six interviews were conducted with immigrant settlement services workers from Okanagan communities. Additionally, a seventh interview was held with one Okanagan employerâs in-house settlement worker who had been hired specifically to facilitate the companyâs skilled workersâ transition into the employerâs workplace. These seven interviews helped develop an understanding of the settlement services landscape of the Okanagan, and the supports and resources newcomers to Canada can(not) draw from. In the attempt to recognize the different groups of people involved at different levels of the migration trajectory, the research-related documentation was specifically tailored. I had group-specific introductory letters and consent forms, in English and German: for government officials, for employers, for skilled workers and then a generic form which was 15 Skilled workers only become eligible for settlement services whence they have officially landed in Canada. 75 given to all others, like skilled worker wives and immigration consultants and settlement workers. A sample of the introductory letter can be found in Appendix C. 3.5 The Interviews The interviews were semi-structured, designed to âask solid, meaningful, textured questionsâ (Janesick 2000:391). There were four different sets of interview questions: for employers, government representatives, skilled workers and others, like settlement workers and immigration consultants (see Appendix D). Employers were asked about the recruitment of skilled workers under the BCPNP. They were further asked about their relationship with BCâs municipal and provincial government as they worked to access the foreign labour force and the programâs processes of worker recruitment. Another set of questions focused on the employment of the skilled German workers at their workplace and their assessment of the program, German skilled workers were asked about their decision to leave Germany. I followed this by asking how they learned about the BCPNP and why they choose to participate in it. Also, they were asked how they found an employer, and their relationship with him/her regarding questions about their employment. The next set of questions focused on their experiences while being a provincial nominee. I also asked about their move to Canada, and their transition into their new life. Government officials were asked questioned about the BCPNP as a labour recruitment program and the programsâ goals and processes. Canadian government officials were asked to describe the functioning and criteria of the BCPNP, and how it was âsoldâ to Canadian employers and potential participants. They were also asked about their relationship with German government officials and how they facilitated access to the labour force in 76 Germany. The German government representatives were asked about their relationship with their Canadian counterparts, the BCPNP, how they heard about it and then in turn mobilized German workers for participation within. Settlement workers were queried about their work with BCPNP participants, including what supports they provided to this group. Immigration consultants described the immigration/selection processes of the BCPNP, and how they support or enable skilled workers in the program as they seek Canadian permanent residency. Copies of each interview guide are appended in Appendix D. Semi-structured interviews allow the researcher to gain an understanding of the research participantsâ background, ideas and particular aspects of their individual experiences, as they are situated within the immigration process. The research participant is allowed to express his/her opinion in depth in his/her own words [â¦] âto really understand the other personâs point of viewâ (authorâs emphasis Esterberg 2002:87). Listening to the migrantsâ life stories allows the immigration process to come alive and aid in the investigation of peopleâs personal experiences with the BCPNP as a program and by extension also the Canadian immigration system (Bacon 2008). Personal in-depth interviews offer an exploration into immigrantsâ experiences and grant insight into what it is like to be a participant in the BCPNP. The interviews were conducted in English or German, depending on the research participant's language preference. Of the interviews conducted, 19 were held in German and 21 in English. In general, the interviews with the skilled workers and their wives, as well as German government officials and the immigration consultant in Germany, were conducted 77 in German. Interviews with employers, Canadian government officials, settlement workers and the other immigration consultant in Canada, were held in English. I assigned pseudonyms to those who consented to participate in this study in order to protect their identity and facilitate their participation in this project. To assure research participantsâ anonymity, I also withheld other identifiers that might characterize them, like their rank or employment position. The migration and construction industries in the Okanagan Valley are rather small, and as a result many people know one another. I removed identifying factors. In fact, the offer of anonymity made research participants willing to speak. The average interview lasted between 30 to 60 minutes. They were held at a place of the research participantâs choosing. Government officials, settlement workers and employers were interviewed at their offices, while skilled workers and their wives were interviewed at local coffee shops of their choice, though on two occasions interviews were also held in participantsâ private residences. All interviews were digitally recorded, except for two: one where the interviewee allowed for hand-written notes only, and one which was completed via email. In addition, during the interviews I also wrote interview notes. Right after each meeting, I recorded my observations and comments regarding the interview. Transcripts were made as soon as possible after each interview. Interviews held in German were translated into English, during the transcription process, since the dissertation was being written in English. Since I am a native German and English speaker, and fluent in both languages, I did the translation myself. The bilingual interviews were translated literally, and each translation was double-checked for accuracy by re-listening to the interview and its translation (Brown 2008:62). I listened and re-checked 78 each interview until I was sure the meaning was carried forward correctly from one language to the other. Being the researcher-translator, my autobiography, knowledge of both languages, knowledge of the culture of the people under study and fluency in both languages supported my translation (Birbili 2000:1; Vulliamy in Birbili 2000:1; Harkness 2011:417). I did not send the transcribed interviews back to the research participant for verification. Sending research transcriptions back to research participants for member checks can bring distinct challenges, which can potentially derail a research project (Morse, Barrett, Mayan, Olson and Spiers 2002:8). For example, if a research participant is sent a transcript for verification but does not respond back to the researcher in a timely fashion - or not at all - confirming the researcherâs transcription is accurate, then that collected research data needs to be removed from the research. Or, if a research participant upon review of their transcribed interview is changing their story as told during the interview (see cf. Carlson 2010:1107-1110). Member checking that may allow the research participant to rewrite and/or alter part of their interview without the researcher present may even render an interview âuselessâ, in particular âif the transcript returned barely resembles the original version sentâ (Carlson 2010:1107), therefore potentially presenting the researcher with alternative narrative data (Carlson 2010:1108). Instead, trustworthiness for this study arises from my careful repeated review of the taped interviews, interview notes, comments and observations. The interview transcripts were examined, reviewed and coded manually (Warren and Karner 2010:218), so that I could be intimate with my data. Since âcoding is analyzingâ (Saldaña 2013:8), it was necessary to immerse myself deeply in the data and other research materials collected. Guided by my interview questions, I grouped the information and 79 distinctive ideas during the open coding process (van den Hoonard 2012:119; Warren and Karner 2010). This approach to coding resulted in a multitude of answers for each research participantsâ answers to the interview questions, highlighting themes and sub-themes (van den Hoonard 2012:119). I was looking for âpoints of tension and conflict,â using the information that âdid not fitâ (Janesick 2000:390) as a welcome point of analysis and consideration, where the âthinking begins, nuances emerge, as well as meaning in settingâ is found (Monstakis quoted in Janesick 2000:390). It was a highly creative process (van den Hoonard 2012:110) during which the process of problematization of the encountered themes began (van den Hoonard 2012:119). In retrospect, this part of the research was a real success with the goal of 40 interviews completed. Interviews, however, were only one component of this research. The other important piece was the fieldwork and secondary literature, which I describe next. 3.6 Research Field Trips Since immigration streams are complex in their social contexts, approaches to investigating them as systems and their individual components must be varied. While interviews provide some insight, research field trips were another cornerstone in this study. In the effort to develop an understanding for my research participantsâ decision to move to Canada, I sought information about what is shaping the skilled workersâ resolve to migrate through their eyes (Katz 1994). I also drew from my own experience as an immigrant to Canada to understand their decision to relocate to the Okanagan. I wanted to comprehend their fascination with Canada. Why were they willing to embark on this endeavour? Since a fieldtrip is a visceral experience that can hardly be replicated in an office or behind a screen, I hoped that going to Germany and being immersed there (even if it was only for 3 weeks at a time), coupled with 80 listening to Germans talk about Canada, would afford me an insight into skilled workerâs Canada-thusiasm. In Germany, I went to different places during each of the research field trips. During the first trip (July to August 2014) I went to Berlin. I spent two days at the Canadian Embassy, in part to investigate how Canada and British Columbia present themselves in German. I also wanted to have a personal, cultural encounter of experiencing Canada at the Canadian embassy (Ellis, Adams and Bochner 2011). To do this, I attended the embassyâs Marshall McLuhan Salon and researched the Canadian information presented there. I viewed Canadian information videos showcasing Canadaâs provinces and territories, which, in sum, highlighted a distinct quality of life within a strong Canadian economy. While there, by pure chance, I was able to attend a public Canadian recruitment event. Canadian schools and their agents were hosting an international student recruitment fair. This allowed me to listen to Canadian officials present, as they delivered information about the Canadian secondary school system and living in the Province of BC, to the Germans in the audience. During the second field trip (June to July 2015), the research progressed to the interviewing stage. I stayed again in Germany for three weeks and held four interviews during that time: two in Berlin, and one each in the cities of Hamburg, where the Raphaelswerk e.V. is located, and Bonn, where the ZAV has its headquarters. I timed my stay so that I could hold interviews during the first two weeks, with one additional week for further interviews, should the opportunity arise. This proved wise since one interviewee postponed his interview twice. The days in between interviews were used to browse local bookstores on books about Canada, and to conduct online research into German media sources. Additionally, I went to a 81 few travel agencies to learn about their sales pitch for vacations in Canada. Altogether, I developed an understanding of sorts for the fascination of Canada, as the country was (self)presented at the Canadian Embassy in Berlin, and also via literature at bookstores, some travel agencies and German media sources. In Canada, I undertook several short, one-day long research fieldtrips in the valley. During some of these I distributed the recruitment posters, while on others I conducted the interviews with skilled workers, government representatives, settlement workers and immigration consultants. I also visited four immigrant reception/welcoming centers to learn about their programs and services. Driving through the Okanagan allowed me to see the valley like someone who is moving to the area would, since I had not been to some areas of the valley for many years and could see the landscape with fresh eyes. 3.7 Research from a Variety of Media Sources A variety of German and Canadian media sources proved valuable for this research project. In particular, internet, electronic and print media, and some select TV sources, as I discuss in more detail in the next paragraphs. With this information I established which agencies and/or people are involved in the skilled worker migration from Germany to Canada. I developed an understanding for some of the expectations voiced by skilled workers and their family members during interviews. Altogether, the information collected from these sources helped in the analysis of the historical, political, social and economic discourses that accompany German-Canadian skilled worker migration. I became aware of internet discussion and information fora early in my research and quickly became fascinated by the information available within; there was general information about migration experiences just as there were peopleâs personal stories and 82 accounts. While it is often difficult to discern truth from fiction on the internet (Fleitas 1998; Rier 2007), the existing posts nevertheless indicated what topics people are discussing, and what information is being publicly shared. The internet fora were âa rich source of information about personal experiences [â¦] with discussion forums, and other kinds of sites containing plentiful accounts of a wide variety of [immigration] experiencesâ (Robison in Seale, Charteris-Black, MacFarlane and McPherson 2013:2). With the help of these posts, I learned that people shared their personal migration experiences. I was continually amazed at the private information people divulged on the internet, including, and not limited to, where in Canada they relocated, what industry or employer they worked for, their education and/or credentials, their demographic information including their familyâs composition, and their (personal) details from their immigration-related interactions with Canadian immigration officials. Some even disclosed their names. Taken together, all this information negated any confidentiality or privacy that the internet might possibly afford to those who post in public fora. I accessed four immigration fora for information: two Canadian and two German. The first - Immigrationboards.com (www.immigrationboards.com) - is an international discussion forum for information seekers of all matters relating to immigration, work visas and work permits. The second was Canadavisa.com (www.canadavisa.com), a website and information forum run by the Canadian immigration lawyer/consultant David Cohen. The third is German and goes by the name the Auswanderer Forum, which can be translated as The Migrant Forum (www.auswandererforum.de). It is a forum for questions about emigration, living and working outside of Germany. This one is run by the German publisher Maxim Pouska, who lived in Canada during the 1990s. It is called Kanada: Dies und Das 83 von Maxim Pouska (translated as Canada: this and that by Maxim Pouska). Pouska positions himself as an advisor, based on his experiences of having lived and worked in Canada. He offers public discussion posts (http://diesunddasvon-maxim-pouska.blogspot.ca) in addition to a public YouTube channel (https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCfsuwZomar5A8O2ETEjIXew). In sum, I read public accounts of very personal migration experiences, granting me detailed insight into all aspects of a personâs migration journey. Furthermore, the forumâs topics and their user metrics worked as a sort of an index as to which topics are discussed most amongst forum users, namely the Canadian immigration system and its bureaucracy, the culture shock once in Canada, and the different German and Canadian ways of life and work. During the interviews three skilled workers mentioned that they had read about other peoplesâ migration experiences in fora like these, and they had been influenced by information like this in their own migration decision. I also began reading Canadian and German newspapers and other print media for insight into public discourses about Canada and German-Canadian labour migration. For example, there are in-depth articles about Canada and those who successfully migrated there in the German weekly magazines like Der Spiegel (www.spiegel.de) or Der Stern (www.stern.de), or the quarterly 360° Kanada (www.360grad-kanada.de), and from dailies like the Süddeutsche Zeitung (www.sueddeutsche.de), the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (www.faz.net) or Die Welt (www.welt.de), one can learn about Canadian government officials setting paths for German-Canadian labour exchange with talks and agreements with German government officials. In addition, one can read in newspapers on both sides of the Atlantic on how politicians and policymakers from both countries strive to deepen German- 84 Canadian relations. The Canadian daily newspapers The Province (www.theprovince.com), The Globe and Mail (www.theglobeandmail.com) or The Vancouver Sun (www.vancouversun.com) offer descriptions of the Canadian provincial nominee programs, in which capital and industry are calling for the admittance of more skilled migrants to Canada (Friesen 2014:A1; Ottawa Must Start Letting in more Tradespeople. The Province 2006:A1; Bryan 2010:A11). In all of the above, editorials and âLetters to the Editorâ feature (public) opinions about (aspects of the) German-Canadian migration. Combined, these (feature) articles, in-depth reports and commentaries offer detailed information and socio-historical background useful for sociological analysis (van den Hoonard 2012:103). What is more, the different discursive representations of skilled migrants, through the lens of capital/government and industry, provided important context for this research. At the local level, Okanagan Valley newspapers like the twice weekly and free Kelowna Capital News (www.kelownacapnews.com) or The Daily Courier (www.kelownadailycourier.ca) played an important role in preparing Okanaganites for the arrival of these skilled workers (for issues of immigrant reception in the Okanagan Valley see Aguiar, McKinnon and Sookraj 2011). Acting as a mouthpiece for the proponents of skilled worker migration, they parroted the mantra of the shortage of suitable and skilled workers in the Okanagan and the resulting need for industry to import skilled labour from abroad rather than (re)train/invest in domestic workers (Chamber of Commerce 2006). There is little critical analysis into the claims about the skilled worker shortage, just as there is no scrutiny of the TFW/skilled worker experience in the Okanagan. A case in point are the Urban Development Institute (www.udiokanagan.ca), the Chamber of Commerce (www.kelownachamber.org) and the Economic Development Commission 85 (www.investkelowna.com), which all make public statements calling for skilled labour to be imported to the Okanagan, when they could also call for (more) training opportunities of the domestic work force. In general, there is little to no investigative in-depth analysis into these requests, or even into bringing skilled workers to the Okanagan in general, suggesting the local media is âembeddedâ (Peck 2007) in the labour recruitment process. Migration reality shows are a relatively new genre of TV for German viewers. In the mid 2000s Shows like Goodbye Germany-Die Auswanderer (translated as Goodbye Germany - The Emigrants) (http://www.vox.de/cms/sendungen/goodbye-deutschland.html) or Auswandern auf Probe (translated as Emigration as a Try) (http://www.auswandern-auf-probe.de) and Der Traum vom Auswandern (translated as The Dream of Emigration) (lhttps://www.zdf.de/dokumentation/dokumentation/der-traum-vom-auswandern-104.html) began airing on German television (Frey 2010). The viewer follows singles, couples and/or families on their migration journey - in reality show format. The viewer is presented with interviews with the immigrants, in which for example they explain what their expectations are for their new life in the destination country, but then a narratorâs voice over comments on the immigrantâs thoughts and actions. Frequently, the narrator questions the immigrantâs expectations and choices -- often with a portion of Schadenfreude -- in particular when things become difficult and do not pan out according to the immigrantâs plan. The cameras follow the skilled worker every step of the way, including select milestones of the journey are broadcast, like the decision to leave Germany to the first days in the new destination. The television viewer sees it all: people experiencing euphoria, bearing their emotions and suffering setbacks. Unrelenting, the cameras record the trials and tribulations of the relocation, and in doing so allow television viewers to âstep into a dream about an adventure 86 that many would like to experience themselves, but that only a few would undergo themselves,â as television viewer Bernd Schumacher sums it up on the IMDB website about Goodbye Deutschland - The Auswanderer (No date).16 Skilled workers admitted to watching these shows as a source of entertainment, but also to gain information about their impending migration experience. I watched these docu-soaps to develop an understanding of what my research participants were referring to during the interviews. I also watched to understand how migration is conceptualized and which cultural values these television broadcasts disseminate about Canada. There are an increasing number of German books chronicling contemporary peopleâs migration experiences. Many are self-published and entertainment-oriented travel/immigration guidebooks, which, as I later learned from some of the research participants, have served as informational guidebooks for those interested in relocating to Canada. I reviewed only a few because the information offered quickly becomes repetitive. For example, Pouskaâs three books Arbeiten im Traumland Kanada (2006) (translated as Working in the Dreamland Canada), Kanada-Auswanderer erzählen aus ihrem Leben (2007) (translated as Canada - Emigrants are Sharing Their Lifeâs Stories) and Canada calling! (2014) explain the different Canadian (labour) migration programs in detail. Other authors, like Henry Frey (2005), who also moved to Canada, share a more critical account of their own migration journey. In Auswandern nach Kanada: Traum oder Alptraum? (2005) (translated as Migration to Canada-Dream or Nightmare?), he asks whether migration to Canada a positive or negative experience is. There are also books with a distinctly more 16 IMDB. No date. Goodbye Deutschland! - Die Auswanderer. Plot. Retrieved December 18, 2018. https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0844551/plotsummary?ref_=tt_ov_pl. 87 unenthusiastic tone about Canada, focusing on negative comparisons of Germany and Canada. These include Ulrich Lauxâs (2010) Abenteuer Kanada-Kanada ist anders! (translated as Adventure Canada - Canada is Different!) or Katarina Jacob's (2015) Oh (weia) Kanada. Mein Abenteuer vom Auswandern (translated as Oh Man: Canada. My Emigration Adventure). A content analysis of the above-mentioned media materials aided in the understanding of the ideas that Germans develop about Canada as they plan their migration. While the information gleaned helped situate collected research materials into historical context, the information presented was in general anecdotal (Moore and Stilgoe 2009:655). There was also no information about being a skilled worker in BC or Canada, but rather a repeat of existing clichés without critical analysis. To balance this information, I read German and English academic literature for this study. Those that made it into this dissertation are cited in the bibliography. The next section explains the governmental and statistical sources used in this study. 3.8 Government Reports and Statistical Data I studied government reports from the Canadian and German governments. Very informative were the BCPNP evaluation reports. I obtained a copy from the BC Government of the 2003 draft report BC Provincial Nomination Program: Strategic Occupations. Evaluation Report. I further studied the 2011 provincial evaluation report titled BC Provincial Nominee Program Evaluation Report from the Ministry of Tourism, Jobs and Innovation, and the federal 2011 (September) report titled Evaluation of the Provincial Nominee Program. These reports evaluated the program in its role as an economic driver for BC and provided statistical information about the immigrant group in general and their economic integration in the province. I balanced this economic, pro-business development tone of the 88 governmentâs evaluation reports with the Auditor General of Canadaâs report, the 2009 fall Report of the Auditor General of Canada. The Auditor Generalâs report took a more critical look at the program and its economic, political and social impacts in BC. Additionally, I reviewed the Annual Report to Parliament on Immigration for the years 1999 to 2015, to find data about the annual allocation of nomination certificates to the Province of BC. This information was further enriched by the provincial taskforce reports from the Minister of State for Multiculturalism, titled the British Columbia Immigration Task Force (2012). Statistical information from a number of Canadian and German immigration-related databases were studied. For Canadian statistical information on immigration I used two sites: for federal immigration data I went to Statistics Canada (www.statcan.gc.ca), while for provincial aspects of immigration related matters I used BC Statistics (www.bcstats.gov.bc.ca). Combined, they provided detailed data on the performance and impact of Canadian immigration programs. I also used data and research information from three Metropolisâ websites: International (www.international.metropolis.net), Canada (www.canada.metropolis.net) and British Columbia (www.mbc.metropolis.net). There, I found Canadian research publications on immigration policy, migration and diversity, and manifestations thereof in Canadian cities. I also paid close attention to information and reports from the Library of Parliament (https://lop.parl.ca/About/Library/VirtualLibrary/library-of-parliament-e.html), where for example annual immigration reports and standing committee reports are found. For statistical information about migration from Germany, I used the statistical archives of the German Statistical Bundesamt (www.destatis.de), which is the German equivalent to Statistics Canada; the Deutsches Auswärtiges Amt (www.auswaertiges-amt.de), 89 which collects statistics about Germans abroad; the Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge (www.bamf.de), the German government office working with migrants and refugees; and the Zentrale Auslands- und Fachvermittlung (www.arbeitsagentur.de) and The Raphaelswerk e.V. (www.Raphaels-Werk.de). I also received statistics, reports and research materials from Canadian and German government officials/representatives, as requested by me via email and during interviews. They were key to collecting data for understanding the BCPNP to include worker and government interviews, media analysis and various government publications. One last source of information came from information collected from skilled workers with the help of a questionnaire. I administered this questionnaire during interviews to gather a brief profile of interviewees. 3.9 The Questionnaire I developed a brief questionnaire (see Appendix F), to profile a basic demographic understanding (age, marital status, education, employment status, housing and immigration status) of the German skilled workers and their spouses partaking in this study. With a survey questionnaire, a demographic snapshot of the migrant population emerged (Hiebert 2003; Hiebert and Ley 2006:75; Gray and Guppy 1999:11). A survey of this nature can collect specific information about the characteristics of the migrant population (for example age, family composition, educational attainment), query settlement patterns, migrant integration and acculturation, and establish âdata on the geographical dispersal of familiesâ (Goldring 2006:199). The ethics approved questionnaire took only about 4 minutes to complete. It asked skilled workers and their wives questions about their language skills; age, education and professional skills at migration; their place of departure in Germany; marital 90 status; living arrangements once in Canada; household income; and legal status in Canada at the time of the interview. It also asked whether coming to Canada as a skilled worker was their first attempt to migrate to Canada. The voluntary questionnaire was administered during the first 5 minutes of the interview. There were German and English language versions available, according to each participantâs preference. In total, 12 questionnaires were given out to skilled workers and their wives, and 11 were filled out. One participant declined to participate in this survey, while two other questionnaires were only partially completed, since one research participant was unwilling to disclose their annual income. The questionnaire collected a demographic snapshot of the skilled German workers and their families, including their age, trade skills, level of education, language capabilities, and status in Canada. It helped uncover similarities and differences and established during which chronological time during the BCPNPâs existence they arrived in Canada. 3.10 Reflection and Concluding Points The research design of this study was ambitious with its bi-local design. Conducting multi-sited research on two continents requires organization. While I took two research field trips to collect data, I benefitted from a previous exploratory trip to Germany, during which I collected preliminary information (like for example print and media information) to develop the studyâs idea and research methodology. Since the goal was to investigate one migration program (the BCPNP), as it operates in two locales (the Okanagan Valley and Berlin, Hamburg and Bonn in Germany) using members of one ethnic groupâs experience (German skilled workers) as the case study, I used qualitative sociological research methods. The bread and butter of this research are 40 interviews, conducted with three groups of 91 individuals in Canada and Germany: (1) those who are involved in the labour recruitment process, including government officials and representatives, labour recruiters and employers, and migration consultants; (2) skilled workers and their wives; and (3) those involved in the reception of the recruits. I supplemented these data with research collected from a variety of media sources, to learn about the socio-historical context of immigration via the BCPNP, in particular to understand how the presentation of the program was constructed and delivered, and ultimately consumed by my research participants. Via the internet, I collected information about immigration from Germany to Canada, in general, but also more specific immigration stories, as they were shared via public immigration fora. The questions posed in these fora served as an indicator of topics immigrants contend with as they entertain their ideas of a move to Canada. From the electronic and print media I learned about the public discourses that shape (and support) German-Canadian migration, and more general of Canada as a country. Of particular interest were immigration-focused television programs with episodes of immigrants who moved to Canada. I supplemented this body of research with information compiled by the German and Canadian governments, mostly statistical information and reports. This research approach was key to constructing origin and unfolding of the BCPNP as a program not accessible via interviews, since the latter could only mostly describe and explain their participation in the program. In other words, interviews needed supplementing to understand the macro and meso processes. In addition, to learn more demographic information about the skilled workers and their wives, I devised a brief questionnaire. It was voluntary and was administered at the beginning of the skilled workersâ interview. Taken together, this information informed my research. In the chapters that follow, the collected data are analyzed and discussed. 92 CHAPTER 4: HOW OKANAGAN EMPLOYERS USE THE BCPNP TO ATTRACT SKILLED WORKERS FROM ABROAD 4.0 Setting the Stage This chapter focuses on the BCPNP, and its functioning in the Okanagan Valley during the years of 2000 to 2015, since the program and its structure impact the micro experiences of the skilled workers embedded within. Thus, this chapter provides an anchor for the following discussion/chapters and the findings/context for what follows. Drawing on online research, fieldwork and interviews with Okanagan employers and provincial government staff from the BCPNP office, I detail the BCPNP set-up and operating mechanisms in the Okanagan Valley. The program, as it is the subject of this research, had a soft launch in BC in 1998 and then operated with the same application criteria until 2015, when it was suspended for a review and subsequent restructuring (see BCPNP timeline in Appendix F). This 17-year period provides, in my opinion, a logical timeframe of inquiry since the application process and program intake procedure were completely revamped after 2015.17 17 The program restructuring has resulted in a new application process and new immigration streams. Criteria still include a full-time indeterminate job offer for work that qualifies in BCâs National Occupational Classification and that pays a wage in line with government rates. The applicant must hold the educational credentials and skills to do this job. He must have 2 years of Canadian work experience. In addition, he also needs to be able to financially support himself and his family, be legally eligible for immigration to Canada and hold minimum English language requirements (www.welcomebc.ca. âAm I eligible?â Retrieved April 17, 2019. https://www.welcomebc.ca/Immigrate-to-B-C/BC-PNP-Skills-Immigration/Skilled-Worker.). The application process has been revamped from a first-come-first-serve process to one where everyoneâs application collected. Think of a pool in which applicants swim like fish. Once the government is in need of applicants, it issues a draw. A draw is like a fishing expedition during which the fish with the right points is picked -- based on the premise that those with the highest points are best candidate. The points number is set based on criteria beyond my knowledge. But all those who fulfill the set points criteria become eligible candidates for that particular draw. Only whence picked does a 93 The discussion herein begins with a brief introduction of the BCPNPâs parameters and legal footing, as well as its unique federal-provincial-public partnership model. The analysis then turns to the work of government as migration intermediary. The research demonstrates how Okanagan employers use the BCPNP for foreign labour recruitment. The discussion makes public which strategies employers use to secure access to the German labour market. The point here is to establish employers making a case for foreign workers due to âunqualifiedâ domestic labour in BC (Chamber of Commerce 2006; Gollom 2014b). Thereafter the discussion turns its attention to employers as settlement agents for the skilled workers they recruited. The examination reveals the BCPNP as neoliberal in unfolding practices of reducing state intervention and outsourcing previously held state services to the province, business and the public. This is followed by an analysis on the provincial nomination process, and the employer-worker relationship during the time of application. The research reveals the program is creating a highly contradictory relationship between the employer and the skilled worker, in which the worker is tied to his employer, until he (the skilled worker) either lands in Canada as a permanent resident or leaves the BCPNP (and Canada) again. I argue further that the design of this labour recruitment program intentionally forces skilled workers into a state of vulnerability during the time the nomination and immigration applications are in process with the Canadian government. While in legal âlimboâ the worker is captive to the demands of the employer. This research also exposes that discretion is built into the BCPNPâs program design, granting employers decision-making powers. The program lacks structures that ensure accountability, leaving candidate have to pay the application fees. The pool is drained once a year at which time all applications are deleted again (Walter, interview, May 28, 2015). 94 workers with no opportunities for recourse against decisions made. Finally, the program lacks public measures of accountability, making it impossible to discern how many skilled workers are negatively impacted by employerâs decisions made. 4.1 The BCPNP in the Okanagan Valley: A Brief Introduction The British Columbia Provincial Nominee Program is one of three labour recruitment programs in operation in the Okanagan Valley; the others are the Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program (SAWP) and the Red Seal Program. The SAWP is the longest-running program guest worker program in Canada it has been in operation since the late 1960âs (Justicia/Justice for Migrant Workers n.d.) in 2004 BC was incorporated into the program and has since imported predominantly Mexican workers to toil on Okanagan farms for 10 months out of the years, and for up to four years in a row (Government of Canada 2016; Justicia/Justice for Migrant Workers n.d.). The SAWP workers are not allowed to bring family members. There is no mechanism for them to become permanent residents in status. Instead, they are classified as temporary migrant agricultural workers. This labour market designation also means they are excluded from labour market protections that other workers have access to, like employment insurance. As a result of their temporariness and invisibility, they are working in precarious conditions and are exploited at every turn.18 18 For further reading/information see for example Leibel, Geody. 2007. âThe Changing Face of Farm Labour in BC. Exploring the Experiences of Migrant Quebecois and Mexican Agricultural Workers.â University of British Columbia; Tomic, Paty, Trumper, Ricardo and Luis LM Aguiar 2010. âHousing Regulations and Living Conditions of Mexican Migrant Workers in the Okanagan.â Canadian Issues 4(12):78-82. The Okanagan group Radical Action with Migrants in Agriculture (RAMA) works with Okanagan Mexican farmworkers, advocating on their behalf. See their website for more information: www.ramaokanagan.org. 95 Sojourning in Canada, so it seems, is detrimental and hazardous to their health and well-being (Thompson 2016). Initially, the BCPNP was signed in 1998 (Seidle 2013:11). It was established under the 1998 Agreement for Canada â British Columbia Cooperation on Immigration (Seidle 2013:12), and has been continuously renewed since (CIC 2004, CIC 2010 and CIC 2015). While the program was first implemented with the three components of strategic occupations, business skills and projects (Rivers & Associates 2003:1), by 2005, according to a staff person from the BCPNP, the project component was moved into the business stream (Michelle, interview, September 30, 2015), leaving only the strategic occupations stream and the business stream in place (Ministry of Jobs Tourism and Innovation 2011a:2). For the purpose of this thesis, I focus solely on the strategic occupationsâ component of the BCPNP since it is here that Germans are found as skilled workers.19 According to Ian Mellor, BCâs 2007 Director for Immigration Programs, the BCPNP is an employer-driven program (personal communication, Ian Mellor, December 14, 2007) designed to support employerâs access to foreign skilled labour. As a group, employers are part of the architectural design team of provincial nominee programs (Baxter 2010:21). They can influence the format and design of the program and its policies. Under the BCPNP, employers hold individual and collective powers. Individually, employers can exert their decision-making power by selecting individual skilled workers, who, once chosen, can subsequently enter Canada as Temporary Foreign Worker so long as they hold a work 19 In the beginning of this initiative, this program included only a high-skill stream, but in 2008 a stream for low-skill workers was added. Highly skilled German workers work in the trades and construction industry while low skilled workers work in the tourism and hospitality industry (CIC 2015). 96 permit. This decision-making authority previously rested with federal immigration authorities but was shifted to the provincial level during the neoliberal restructuring of immigration programs in the new Millennium (Whiteside 2016:35). While the federal government continues to hold the final decision-making authority on immigration decisions, this downloading shifted the selection work from the federal to the local level. At the local level, the municipal government has in turn given the immigrant sourcing and selection process to industry associations and employers, who are now authorized to source and select workers. In the attempt to have their interests considered, employers lobby provincially and federally as members of industry associations and/or other special interest groups, like for instance BC Chambers of Commerce and/or employer/industry associations (Fontana 2003:17-18; Tilson 2009). One modus operandi of neoliberalism is public private partnerships, also known as PPPs or P3s, which are policy mechanisms to redistribute responsibilities within business partnerships from the public sector to the private sector while shifting benefits to the private sector (Hearne 2014:158). Risk, previously carried by the private sector, is shifted to the public sector, offloading externalities and/or responsibilities such as welfare state service provisions or infrastructure maintenance and repairs. At the same time, profits that previously benefitted the public, are shifted to the private sector. Under P3s, the publicâs wealth is transferred into the hands of private interest. The concept of the common/public good is privatized (Martinez and Garcia 1997). The Province of BC was readied in the late 1990s by the Liberal government Gordon Campbell for P3s with the creation of best practices guidelines for the development of P3s. At the same time a comprehensive guide was published for municipalities on how to engage 97 in P3s and legislation for political support was passed (Loxley 2010:50-51). When the Liberals came to power in 2001, P3s became their modus operandi for the neoliberalization of BC (Loxley 2010:51). The BCPNP operates as a partnership model between the Province of BC, business and the public. The partnership model of the program grants the provincial government the decision as to who it wants as its stakeholders in this partnership (Fontana 2003:1). In the early years, the initiative included only the province and partners from the business community. But in five years into the program and acting on a recommendation from The Standing Committee on Citizenship and Immigration (2003), the public partnership scope was broadened to include industry groups, municipalities, and other community groups and organizations (Fontana 2003:8). The Standing Committee (2003) suggested it would be beneficial to the prospective immigrant if more groups were involved in the identification and selection of potential candidates. The rationale being that there are then more groups who can sponsor provincial nominees and support their settlement (Fontana 2003:8). The broadening of inclusive groups did not include labour unions who remain excluded from the partnership in BC, even though they are part of other provincial nominee models across Canada (see Baxter 2010). The exclusion of unions in BC is surprising since there is official recognition that unions might play a useful role in skilled labour recruitment. For instance, BCâs provincial Liberal government struck an immigration task force mandated to hold consultations with government partners, including organized labour (Ministry of Jobs Tourism and Innovation 2012a:22). The records of the 2012 Immigration Task Force draw from suggestions of review participants that organized labour could play a beneficial role in this labour recruitment scheme. For example, unions could support training 98 for TFWs (Ministry of Jobs Tourism and Innovation 2012a:21). But it is not clear to what degree unions were actually part of the taskforceâs consultation process. While organized labour is mentioned alongside representatives from major economic sectors as participant in the consultations (Ministry of Jobs, Tourism and Innovation 2012a:22), the resulting taskforce recommendations are silent on future union involvement. This makes me question the extent to which organized labour was actually involved in the review. The recommendation of the Immigration Taskforce to the federal government and to BC employers includes a suggestion for the continuing devolution of immigration matters to the province in order to increase the provinceâs role in issuing allocations of provincial nomination certificates for more foreign skilled workers (Hunter and Walton 2012). This partnership model brings significant changes to the way immigrants were selected. Whereas the government would previously choose immigrants with the public good in mind -- though tainted by racist policies and parameters (Roberts 1988; Li 2000) -- under the BCPNP the wants and needs of individual employers, or capital, drive the immigrant selection process. In this joint relationship the provincial government relegated powers to the private sector (employers), who in turn use the publicâs immigration system, including its bureaucratic structures, to further their interests, exert control and influence and make decisions that are in their interests (Whiteside 2016:8). Employers chose temporary immigrants because they believe they will help them achieve efficiencies to benefit their bottom line. The immigration systemâs infrastructure and the cost of operating it, however, draw on the public purse (Whiteside 2016:8). This research establishes that the BCPNP operated in the Okanagan Valley since the programâs inception, Okanagan employers made use of the program as soon as it became 99 available to them (Walter, interview, May 28, 2015). While earlier statistical (pre-2006) local program(s) are not available, the following numbers on Germany foreign workers who came to work in the Okanagan show the programâs popularity in the valley. Table 2: German Provincial Nominees in the Okanagan Valley 2006-2011 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 Kelowna 403 531 603 605 592 Vernon 110 120 110 125 116 Penticton 71 106 101 109 87 Total 584 757 714 839 795 Source: Welcome BC. No date. Research Data Mart. Permanent Residents Q 2012 extracts, CIC. The number of Germans participating in the program increased every year, except for 2010 when at the height of the recession, the number dipped slightly. Of the three major centres in the Okanagan Valley, Kelowna consistently attracted most of the German skilled workers and Penticton the least. A public or private employer can access, at any time, the BCPNP program as long as he/she: (1) has a minimum of five fulltime employees in his/her company, or at least three in the region into which he/she is trying to recruit the skilled worker; (2) are in workplace compliance with the provinceâs workplace legislation, meaning there are no complaints against him/her; (3) offer a wage that is aligned with the occupation that he/she is recruiting for, as set by Human Resource and Skills Development Canada and published as part of the National Occupation Classification; and (4) has been in business for at least one year, or two years if he/she is recruiting for entry-level and semi-skilled positions (Michelle, interview, September 30, 2015). The program is more popular with private sector employers than with 100 public sector employers. For instance, in 2003, 81 percent of applications came from private sector employers (Rivers & Associates 2003:6). By 2011 this number grew to 99 percent (Ministry of Tourism, Jobs and Innovation 2011a:18). This suggests the public sector does not participate much. Also, private sector companies tend to hire up to 20 workers, while public sector companies, when they do participate, tend to hire 20 or more workers (Ministry of Tourism, Jobs and Innovation 2011a:18). These numbers suggest employers can and do rely on access to this labour force. More on this later in this chapter. Drawing from my research, the following section illustrates how Okanagan employers made use of the program. 4.2 Okanagan Employers and the BCPNP A regionâs local economic development commission or development officer supports an employer who wants to recruit foreign skilled labour. By connecting those looking for labour (employers) to those looking for work (labour), they act as migration intermediaries (Agunias 2009).20 In the Okanagan Valley, there are three active economic development commissions supporting employers in their quest for access to foreign labour. In Vernon, in the Okanaganâs north, there is no economic development commission per se. Instead, employers find support for their recruitment needs at the municipal level. Under the umbrella of cooperation, the City of Vernon and the North Okanagan Regional District collaborate on projects, share funding and staff resources for their region (Greg, interview, July 14, 2015). This partnership was driven by an economic development initiative with the 20 For a more detailed discussion on migration intermediaries see also van den Broek, Di, William Harvey and Dimitra Groutsis (2016) and their article âCommercial Migration Intermediaries and the Segmentation of Skilled Migrant Employment.â Work, Employment & Society. 30(3):523-534. 101 goal âto benefit the entire North Okanagan regionâ (Greg, interview, July 14, 2015). Together, they fund the position of the cityâs economic development officer, who in turn reports to the cityâs advisory committee. This economic development officer serves as the first point of contact for all North Okanagan employers wishing to recruit overseas.21 In Kelowna the Central Okanagan Economic Development Commission (COEDC) appears to be a lot more organized. It is the valley's largest economic development commission, and a strong advocate and facilitator for Central Okanagan employers (Walter, interview, May 28, 2015). For instance, in 2014 the COEDC provided assistance to 165 Central Okanagan companies regarding the foreign skilled worker program (Central Okanagan Economic Development Commission, Annual Plan 2015:17).22 Walter, an employee from the COEDC, explains it âaggressively strives to create a positive economic climate in the regionâ (Walter, interview, May 28, 2015). He boasts this approach succeeds because it procures resources for the Central Okanagan region and its communities (Central Okanagan Economic Development Commission, Operational Plan 2015). Walter remarked there is less employer demand for the program outside Kelowna and the Central Okanagan (Walter, interview, May 28, 2015). 21 The North Okanagan region includes the communities of Salmon Arm, Vernon, Oyama, Cherryville, Grindrod and Lavington, and the Okanagan Indian Band in Vernon. 22 For other years, unfortunately, there is no official information as to how many businesses might have been assisted by the COEDC. Likewise, there is no official record if skilled workers might have been assisted, if Okanagan employers from other Okanagan regions received assistance, or if there was assistance by other Okanagan development offices. 102 This employer âdisinterestâ may be due to a lack of available resources in the other Okanagan economic regions.23 As provincial support dollars are secured and distributed by the COEDC, Penticton employers in the south Okanagan are left without resources for a designated foreign worker recruitment initiative. Walter claims employer demand is weak in Penticton, since only a few south Okanagan employers participate in the recruitment of foreign skilled labour (Walter, interview, May 28, 2015). As a result, labour recruitment is not a focus of the south Okanaganâs economic development officerâs portfolio (Walter, interview, May 28, 2015). The few who do wish to recruit from abroad must therefore deal on their own with the bureaucracy of the program and the recruitment of the skilled workers. This process can be daunting for employers, and without municipal support, recruitment is a lot more expensive and time consuming for single employers (Walter, interview, May 28, 2015). According to Walter, Central Okanagan employers are more attuned to the BCPNP as a recruitment program because there is a designated staff member at the COEDC (Walter, interview, May 28, 2015). This is the Foreign Skilled Worker Program Liaison Officer whose task it is to assist employers with their BCPNP-related needs (Walter, interview, May 28, 2015). The COEDC made this position official in 2008 when it established its Foreign Skilled Worker Program. They hired a retired federal immigration officer with 30 plus years of experience to assist employers âaddress their labour market needsâ (Walter, interview, May 28, 2015). Prior to this, the COEDC had held already a contractual relationship with 23 The Central Okanagan Region encompasses, from north to south, the communities of Lake Country, Winfield, Kelowna, West Kelowna and Peachland, and the Westbank First Nation reserve. The South Okanagan Region is comprised, again from north to south, of the communities of Summerland, Penticton, Naramata, Kaleden, Okanagan Falls, Oliver and Osoyoos, and the communities of the Osoyoosâ and Penticton Indian Bands. 103 this person, but as the program gained popularity and more local employers began to use it, the COEDC made this position permanent and full-time (Harold, interview, June 1, 2015). The Foreign Skilled Worker Program Liaison Officer facilitated employersâ access to the foreign labour force by (1) liaising between employers and the provincial government, namely with the BCPNP office at the provincial level, and with CIC at the federal level; (2) answering program and immigration-related questions for employers wishing to recruit abroad; and (3) helping employers prepare the skilled workerâs application for the BCPNP (Walter, interview, May 28, 2015). Walter discusses the process: Employers get in touch with the Economic Development Commission. If local employers are unable to find the employee that they are looking for, or wish to look for employees outside of Canada, they contact us. They asked us, what do I do? [We help them] explore the options that they have, for example hire someone as a temporary foreign worker. [â¦] What are the advantages of hiring temporary workers? What does the employer have to do? We just want to get them [the employers] moving on the right pathway, so they understand what it is they have to do. And then we help them with each stage of the process. Where should they advertise? Where are the upcoming [recruitment] fairs? We can help them post job openings at upcoming fairs. Or, we can arrange for the company to go and attend the actual work fair (interview, May 28, 2015). In sum, the COEDC actively facilitated skilled labour recruitment from abroad for domestic employers and industry stakeholders. Harold, also a staff person from the COEDC, makes two arguments as to why employers in the region have been more successful in attracting skilled workers than others in other regional and provincial jurisdictions. First, he suggests Central Okanagan employersâ benefit from the assistance they receive from the permanent full-time position of the Foreign Skilled Worker Program Liaison Officer. Second, he claims the level of support provided to Central Okanagan employers has been more strategic with this specialized support position. He maintains the Central Okanagan model of employer support is unique to 104 all of BC and a position of this nature does not exist anywhere else in any of the other provinceâs economic development regions (Harold, interview, June 1, 2015).24 This âOkanagan modelâ is important to note, because it serves as an example of government acting as migration intermediary. Perhaps this institutionalization of migration intermediary infrastructure (funding and full-time position) explains Central Okanagan employersâ increased recruitment of skilled workers compared to employers in other areas of the Okanagan Valley (Walter, interview, May 28, 2015). Additional pressure for better access to foreign labour by Okanagan employers came also from other Okanagan stakeholders: namely the Urban Development Institute, the British Columbia Construction Association, and the Chamber of Commerce. These three agencies are staunch supporters of the program. In February 2005, the Urban Development Institute called on its members and affiliates to accompany the delegation from the COEDC and the Ministry of Community, Aboriginal and Women's Services, the ministry responsible for the BCPNP then, on their recruitment trip to Europe. Their press release urged members to âtake advantages of these opportunitiesâ and to âdirectly participate in [the work fair] and [to] recruit [skilled foreign workers] at the eventâ (Urban Development Institute 2005). Staff from the British Columbia Construction Association, including Julia who recruited skilled workers on behalf of Okanagan employers, also travelled to these work fairs (Lee 2007) to ârecruit skilled workers in Europeâ on behalf of its members (Julia, interview, August 10, 2015). 24 Unfortunately, the verification of this claim falls outside of the parameters of this work. 105 The local chapter of the BC Chamber of Commerce also supported local employersâ access to the BCPNP through their lobbying efforts. They passed a resolution in late 2006 calling for an expansion of the skilled worker immigration program. They appealed to the provincial government to: (1) increase the total numbers of nominees allowed to BC; (2) âestablish the BCPNP as a major source of immigration;â (3) âenhance the BCPNP to include trades and positions that require less than two-year apprenticeship training and that are encountering major obstacles in finding new employees, for example, construction, agriculture and trades;â and (4) âincreasing interview and accessibility to the [BCPNP] program for small businessesâ (Kelowna Chamber of Commerce, December 13, 2006). This âenhanced Provincial Nominee Programâ resolution was also passed at the national level and subsequently became the federal lobbying platform of all Canadian Chamber members (authorâs emphasis; Castanet 2006). It appears this memberâs call was heard by the provincial government, who subsequently expanded the capacity of the BCPNP office by adding six additional staff to the BCPNP government office (BC Provincial Nominee Program, 2006). The then-BC Chamber President, John Winter, praised these interventions on behalf of BC employers: Weâve got a very hot economy right now which has B.C. facing major skilled worker shortages in virtually every sector and every region of the province. It is most encouraging to see the Province stepping up its efforts behind an already proven program like the PNP at a time when it is most needed (Kelowna Chamber of Commerce, December 13, 2006:2). All in all, Central Okanagan employers are well supported in their access to foreign labour. The question remains, how do employers prepare their access to the foreign labour 106 force? Drawing from interviews and my reflections on secondary research data, I explain this next. 4.3 How Okanagan Employers Engage the Labour Market Opinion and Recommendations to Curb their Overreliance on it To participate in the BCPNP and recruit from outside Canada, employers must demonstrate two things to the Employment and Social Development Canada (ESDC),25 the federal government agency facilitating the issuance of permits required to recruit labour power from outside Canadian borders. First, employers must demonstrate a critical skills shortage in the domestic labour market for the position they are trying to hire for, and second, the only way for them to fill this position is by recruiting from abroad (Rivers & Associates 2003:1). As the following explanation by Harold from the COEDC shows, this sounds more complex than it is. According to Harold, an employer must advertise his position domestically in the local and national market to demonstrate her attempt to secure applicants from within Canada (Harold, interview, June 1, 2015). If this advertising does not turn up any suitable candidates, the employer can turn to the federal government for help. The employer contacts Economic and Social Development Canada with the request to conduct a Labour Market Opinion (LMO)26 claiming there are no qualified Canadians to do the work. The LMO is the 25 This government branch was previously known as Employment and Social Development Canada (ESDC). After 2014, the labour market impact assessment work was shifted to the Human Resources and Skills Development Canada. 26 Formerly known as a Labour Market Opinion, or LMO, the permitâs name was changed in June of 2014 to Labour Market Impact Assessment, or LMIA, when the Temporary Foreign Worker Program underwent reform. I use the term LMO in this writing. 107 governmentâs tool to measure the impact a foreign worker will have on the Canadian labour market. Harold explains: â[The employer informs the ESDC] I need to find 10 drywallers, and I cannot find any in Canada. Here are the ads that I ran; these are the places where I ran them. These are the wages I plan to pay.â In turn, the ESDC will compare the employerâs recruitment efforts with the search results (Harold, interview, June 1, 2015). Harold continues: âHereâs what I got: five people applied; one is a construction helper, one drove a taxi; three have the wrong skills.â If and once the ESDC is satisfied that the employer âdidn't get anybody that serves their need for drywallers,â the ESDC âgives him [the employer] permission to recruit 10 drywallers from [abroad]â (Harold, interview, June 1, 2015). The permission to recruit abroad comes in the form of a positive LMO. Issued by the ESDC, this letter is handed to the skilled worker as a âpledgeâ he will be hired by the employer who initiated the LMO process (Harold, interview, June 1, 2015). With this documentation, the skilled worker can then apply for a work permit (CIC 2008:7) and enter Canada as a TFW. With a positive LMO a skilled worker is not subject to the criteria of the federal skilled worker selection grid (CIC 2008:7),27 but instead accesses Canada and then subsequently, with his employersâ support, enter into the BCPNP with the promise of an expedited immigration application process (Ali 2014:10). This kind of assessment must be conducted before a domestic position is filled with a temporary worker from abroad. The 27 Federal Skilled workers are evaluated under the criteria for economic immigrants, and as such need to demonstrate they are âthe bestâ immigrant for Canada. During the immigration process, their worth (skills and abilities) is numerically measured via the criteria of the points scale, which establishes their usefulness in the Canadian economy. The points scale affords points on the basis of job-related skills, age, knowledge of official languages, and education (see Fleras 2015:101-102). 108 point of this exercise it to ensure no external worker will take a job from a Canadian worker (CIC 2015; Nakache 2013:5).28 Local Okanagan employer, Julia, reminds us of the early days of the program when employers qualified for issuances of LMOs in bulk (Julia, interview, August 10, 2015). Then, the ESDC issued blank letters of permission to employers, so they could recruit abroad, even before they sourced for any suitable candidates (Julia, interview, August 10, 2015). She recalls that prior to travelling abroad for recruitment purposes, employers could be issued up to 20 blank LMOs at a time. Once recruits were chosen, the employer would simply fill the candidatesâ name into the permission letter and submit it to the ESDC office. The latter then officially updated the LMO with the recruited skilled workersâ information. This process changed, however, and today bulk LMOs are no longer issued (Julia, interview, August 10, 2015). Juliaâs recollection is corroborated by COEDC staffer Harold who confirms this practice was especially prevalent in the construction industry (Harold, interview, June 1, 2015). Today, it is quite different: an employer can only obtain a positive LMO after an actual employment contract has been made with a skilled worker. This agreement must also be specific; regarding the employer's obligations towards the employee, including working conditions and wages, medical coverage, any employer assisted settlement support, and which party is financially responsible for any other costs arising from bringing the worker to Canada (Nakache and Kinoshita 2010:5). The LMO has been heavily criticized for being an inadequate tool to measure domestic labour market vacancies, and for not doing enough to protect domestic labour 28 The Royal Bank of Canada was caught replacing domestic labour with temporary foreign labour (see Tomlinson 2013). 109 (Sweetman 2012:11, Tomlinson 2014). Under-represented domestic workers remain unemployed while temporary foreign labour is imported (Canadian Labour Congress 2016:4). Another critique challenges that under this neoliberal regime fewer investments (i.e. upgrading and re-training workers) are made in the domestic labour force (Canadian Labour Congress 2016:4). While the LMO was designed as a short-term solution to a labour market shortage with a life-span of up to three years, data collected on the LMO suggest employers are using it as a long-term solution for their labour market needs. Some employers have even developed a reliance on their access to a âcheaperâ short term labour force (Nakache 2010:2; Tilson 2009). Ian Mellor, who was BCâs Director for Immigration Programs in 2007, in an email shared that the BCPNP had become the most popular vehicle to âassist [employers] meet their hiring needsâ and bring foreign labour to the province (Ian Mellor, email exchange, December 14, 2007). Naomi Alboim alleges the TFW program makes it too easy for employers to import labour over hiring domestically (Alboim 2011). The 2014 data from the ESDC give credence to her claim of domestic worker underplacement. In 2013 approximately 12,200 Canadian employers retained circa 20,200 temporary foreign workers. For 2,600 of these employers the foreign workers constituted 30 percent of their workforce, for 1,100 of them it was even 50 percent (Human Resource and Skills Development Canada 2014:9). Another argument supporting the unplacement of Canadian workers is that in some provinces and in some occupations, Canadian unemployment numbers remained the same or increased, while foreign labour was imported to take those jobs (Elgersma 2014:8, Canadian Labour Congress 2016:4). This situation is a recipe for rise in anti-immigrant sentiment towards those who are imported to take these jobs (Foster 2014:244). Gross (2014) argues this 110 situation arises from the hiring conditions of the TFW program, which make it too easy for employers to hire TFWs over domestic labour, leaving regional labour untapped (Gross and Schmitt 2012; Gross 2014; Sweetman and El-Assal 2016). By 2012 the unemployment rate remained steady at 7.2 percent, while the number of TFWs rose from 101,000 in 2002 to 338,000 in 2012 (Gross 2014:3). Even worse, Gross challenges, modifications made to the TFW program have resulted in increasing unemployment rates in BC since âthere was little empirical evidence of [actual] shortages in many occupationsâ (Gross 2014:24). Labour unions, meanwhile, remain critical of foreign labour recruitment and its partnerships. Unions in BC and other Canadian provinces question if enough is done to train the domestic work force for the jobs foreign workers occupy (BC Federation of Labour 2014; Dyck 2015; Stodalka 2015). The argument is that the goal of these labour recruitment programs is to systematically disinvest in the domestic work force by undercutting and reducing the wages of domestic workers (Stueck 2007; BC Federation of Labour 2014; Alberta Federation of Labour 2009). A recent background paper to Parliament presents the argument that recruiting TFWs into Canadian labour markets distorts the market by âlimit[ing] wage increasesâ and stifling productivity investments (Pang 2013:16) in the domestic work force. Others suggest the use of TFWs helps employers be âunion-proofâ (Foster 2012:41) since these workers âhave more to loseâ (Foster and Barnetson 2012:8) and are thus dependent on their employer (Pang 2013:8). Davison and Shire (2015) write that âflexible labour markets that keep down wage costs are at the heart of the neoliberal projectâ (11). And, since these workers are more vulnerable and disenfranchised, they are less likely 111 to protest and join a union29 (Foster and Barnetson 2012:8). Consequently, the temporary work force is often found in industries that have and/or maintain low union density and are generally more difficult to unionize (Foster and Barnetson 2012:8). The LMO is a weak and inadequate mechanism to protect domestic labour from being displaced by TFWs. Already in 2009, the Standing Committee on Citizenship and Immigration heard from witnesses appearing before the committee that employers were developing a reliance on the program. The committeeâs Chair, Member of Parliament David Tilson, wrote in his final report to parliament that âthe foreign worker program has become the faster and preferred way to get immigrants to Canada to meet long-term labour shortagesâ (Tilson 2009:21). Tilson concluded âit is clear that employers, communities and even sectors of the economy have come to rely on temporary foreign workersâ (2009:6). The Province of Alberta serves as an example for this when in 2007 more TFWs arrived than immigrants (Tilson 2009:17). In the same year in BC there were approximately 43,400 foreign workers in the province, of whom 29,000 were there for the first time while 7,400 foreign workers had returned for a second time (Tilson 2009:18). Despite the data documenting the unplacement of the domestic workforce, there is still no legal provision forcing employers to invest in the domestic Canadian workforce. Employers continue to see foreign worker labour recruitment as a quicker and cheaper option because these workers come ready to work (Gross 2014). Dan Kelly, the President of 29 The Food Workers Union from Red Deer, Alberta, helped TFWs who worked at the same plant to become permanent residents. This clause had been written into the unionâs collective agreement; employers hiring TFWs into the plant were required to help them transition to becoming permanent residents. See: http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/how-a-little-alberta-union-helps-temporary-foreign-workers-become-canadian-1.2629710 and: https://www.google.com/search?q=TFW+union&ie=utf-8&oe=utf-8&client=firefox-b. 112 the Canadian Federation of Independent Business, stated publicly on the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation that many Canadian employers believe TFWs come equipped with a better work ethic than Canadian workers and are also more willing to work in regions where Canadians are not (Gollom 2014a). Under neoliberalism, employers intentionally strip away the protections that domestic labour (still) enjoys through the creation of competition amongst workers in the domestic labour market by bringing in an alternate labour force (Fudge and MacPhail 2009:849). This forces domestic workers to compete with foreign workers who -- due to the circumstances of their contracts -- are often âmore willingâ to work for less.30 In other words, the foreign workersâ motivation to do more work for less money arises from their precarious standing in the labour market, and in the case of German skilled workers, additionally from their goal to transition from temporary to permanent residency (Jack, interview, July 1, 2015; Sylvia, interview July 2, 2015). What is additionally enticing to Okanagan employers is that this (German) foreign labour force does not require training. The Canadian employer does not need to invest in any education because they (the Germans of this case study) have already been schooled in Europe at a cost to the German state. Under the circumstance of having access to an already trained work force with less protection and legal support, there is little incentive for local 30 The federal Conservative government of Stephen Harper reformed the Temporary Foreign Worker program in 2014 into two streams: One which is more restrictive and requires employers to conduct the Labour Market Impact Assessment. And the other, the International Mobility Program, which does not have the labour market test requirement. The first is geared at high-skill labour, including German skilled workers, the latter at low-skilled workers. It is impossible to establish statistically whether the new approach actually protects domestic labour since reporting mechanisms differ for each program. Employers who recruit under the International Mobility Program are not required to report to the government about their recruitment efforts. Sweetman and El-Assal (2016) suspect that the practice of worker displacement continues. 113 employers to hire domestic talent and/or invest in their development. Carol Phillips from the Canadian Auto Workers Union sums it up, Canadian employers can hire âcheapâ labour, those with the ârightâ skills or those who will cost a lot less, instead of investing in the domestic work force with training, and education, mentoring and other skill development programs. Employers do not want to pay higher wages, offer training and benefits to attract workers into their workplace (Philips quoted in Tilson 2009:22), because investments in the local labour force increase an employerâs production costs (Harvey 2005). It is more cost-effective for the employer to circumvent these costs by importing already trained labour -- on demand -- as needed. Besides, the duration of the work permit, which is one, two, or three years, is often fewer years than it takes a domestic worker to complete a vocational program. Coupled with the fact that work permits are also renewable, employers can quickly and repeatedly access foreign trained labour without having to make any multi-year investments in the domestic work force. Put another way, the program is structured so that Canadian employers can bypass domestic labour. With these legally enabling requirements, why would employers invest in the local labour force and increase their production costs when they can get ready-made, trained workers on demand from abroad? Arising from the review of the secondary research materials, three recommendations to curb employerâs overreliance on foreign labour stand out. The first is the recommendation of a âsunset clauseâ (DeVoretz 2008) which would allow temporary workers to become permanent if the skills shortages prevail for the long term (CIMM 2008:10). For instance, in cases where skilled workers work permits are renewed for two or more consecutive terms, 114 they are in Canada working for six or even more years.31 David Tilson (2009:25) proposes that all TFW programs must be open for transition to permanence and that there must be more collaboration between the TFW and the provincial nominee program. He hopes such collaboration can lead to an easier path to permanence for those within the program (Tilson 2009:27). Another recommendation, this one from the Standing Committee (2009), is to issue provincial criteria for a labour shortage, recommending a province-wide statement is made of a âbona fide labour shortage in the provinceâ applying to all employers hoping to hire for a certain profession (authorâs emphasis, Tilson 2009:20). Tilson suggests this change might prevent unemployment of existing Canadian workers because if there is no LMO issued for a certain profession, then employers will not qualify to recruit for those professions abroad, but instead have to attract domestic workers. This proposal, however, was dismissed by Parliament. At the time of this research, the ESDC continues to check each employerâs LMO application, and there is no provincial rule regarding what establishes a labour shortage, and when can employers look for labour abroad. In other words, the existing situation prevails. Tilson (2009:23) also called for evaluation and monitoring by an independent body, drawing attention to the fact that there is minimal work done by governments to ensure employers comply with the LMOs issued. It is simply impossible to obtain any official 31 In April of 2011 the Conservative government of Canada implemented a four-year cap on a TFWs stay in Canada, followed by a four-year hiatus from working in Canada (Government of Canada. No date. Backgrounder: Four-year Limit for Foreign Nationals Working in Canada; April 1, 2011). This â4-in, 4-outâ rule, however, does not reflect in this studyâs skilled worker population because they entered into the BCPNP and transitioned away from their TFW status. And in 2015, the rule was scrapped again by the Liberal government (Government of Canada No date. Temporary Foreign Worker Program: Cumulative Duration; Four-year Maximum Eliminated; December 13, 2016). 115 information about employer compliance for the early years of the program because the government did not collect any such data (Ian Mellor, email exchange, December 14, 2007). Only since 2012 has information been publicly available on the federal government's website. A search of the Government of Canada website (www.canada.ca) brings up the page âEmployers who have been non-compliant.â They are those âwho have broken the rules from the Temporary Foreign Workers Programâ (Government of Canada 2016) by either providing false, inaccurate or misleading information when trying to obtain the permission letter. As a result, these employers had their LMO revoked. A check of the website on July 29, 2016 reveals a total of four non-compliant companies listed there - yet approximately 40,000 LMOs were issued in 2014 alone (Immigration.ca July 2015)! In August of 2017, there were all of ten names listed on the website. This number has grown to 30 non-compliant employers by November 2017. Only one Okanagan employer (Witmar Holdings Ltd., Kelowna, BC) made the list (Government of Canada 2018). These numbers are difficult to believe but not surprising. Judging by a 2013 Canadian Union of Public Employees fact sheet, the government has a long history of not making accountability problems public. The union alleges that prior to 2013 the âBad Employersâ list was empty (Canadian Union of Public Employees 2013). My research corroborates this claim. Altogether, Stephen Harperâs Conservative governmentâs reaction to Tilsonâs (2009) recommendations was more than tepid, proving there was no political will to make any regulatory changes to the program that would bind employers across the country and make their access to this labour force more difficult. Instead, the governmentâs response highlighted employersâ advertising standards be tweaked, and that the HRSDC will have to continually evaluate that employers make work contracts falling within the legal parameters 116 of the BCPNP (Government of Canada 2009). In effect, employers were given a carte blanche to continue as before, while neither the federal nor the provincial governments were making any changes to the regulatory framework of the program. And as an added bonus to employers, the federal government used their response as a time to push for more employer-friendly reform. In the future, instead of more standardized national regulation, individual provinces will be allowed to negotiate annexes for their TFW programs with the federal government (Government of Canada 2009). The Province of BC did so soon thereafter and in 2010 negotiated to eliminate LMOs altogether. That means the onus whether a labour market shortage exists was shifted from the individual employer to the provincial government. To do this, the province must remain in compliance by conducting assessments of its own labour market (Government of Canada 2010). So, in a cruel twist, instead of endorsing the recommendations of Tilsonâs (2009) standing committee and making structural program adjustments limiting the exploitation of skilled workers at the hands of employers, the government moved to allow provinces to enter into special agreements, permitting employers to completely bypass the individual evaluation of the domestic labour market and by extension the shape of domestic labour. While these recommendations look good on paper, their absence today serve as a case in point. There is still little political will to make any changes to address the over-reliance of employers on this program or ensure domestic labour cannot be easily by-passed. Attracting skilled workers is only one part of the BCPNP for employers. Far more important for employers is the swift and problem-less transition of their recruited workers into their workplace. Since TFWs do not qualify for government settlement support -- this support is only available to those approved by Canada for permanent residence -- some 117 Okanagan employers choose to provide their own settlement support. Their offerings are discussed in the next section. 4.4 Okanagan Employers as Settlement Agents The Okanagan employers who participated in this research provided select settlement services to âtheirâ skilled workers in the hope the workers would be ready to settle into their work-life in the Okanagan without delay. From the employersâ perspective, the three most successful strategies included: (1) the hire of a settlement liaison worker and the use of informational welcome packages, (2) the provision of temporary housing, and (3) access to a (work) vehicle. Okanagan Employers offered a variety of temporary support: Michael, Colin, Philip, Amanda, Jason and Vanessa provided initial accommodation; Michael, Colin, Amanda and Vanessa provided financial assistance, while Susan, Amanda, Vanessa and Sarah also helped setting up bank accounts; Susan additionally gave assistance to the skilled workers of her company as they registered for utilities. Michael, Colin and Jason also loaned a vehicle (Michael, interview, June 8, 2015; Colin, interview, August 21, 2015; Philip, interview, June 21, 2015; Amanda, interview, June 11, 2015; Jason, interview, September 1, 2015; Vanessa, interview, June 11, 2015; Susan, interview, July 13, 2015). I discuss these in detail next. 4.4.1 Hiring of an International Workers Liaison Worker Employers want to settle the worker as quickly as possible so that the workerâs sole focus is on becoming a productive member of the workplace. The goal here is to eliminate matters that might prove to be distractions and reduce the time the worker is physically and mentally available to the employer. Since every skilled worker (family) arrives with a different understanding of what needs to be done upon arrival in the new location, employers invest 118 time to help each skilled worker and his family. Michael wanted âhisâ skilled workers to be ready to work right after arrival in Canada, but he recognized they would need to arrange their personal lives to be present in their work lives (Michael, interview, June 8, 2015). Michael: I provided support to those who wanted to come and work for me. I had created a position for an in-house International Liaison Staff. She made recommendations about how to prepare for life in Canada. She could [also] answer questions and give advice. With her help I could have my workers start working the day after arrival. This way, no work time was lost (Interview, June 8, 2015). To expedite and facilitate the arrival process, employer Michael created an in-house position for a settlement worker. The duty of this part-time International Workersâ Liaison staff was to support the skilled workers of his company - and their spouses if they arrived at the same time (Michael, interview, June 8, 2015). Susan, Michaelâs International Workers Liaison staff says: My task was to facilitate their arrival and guide their first days of settlement. I was supposed to make their transition as smooth as possible. This included answering their questions, showing them where they could shop and bank, and also showing them how to set up their banking, telephone and other utilities (Susan, interview, July 13, 2015). Susan had the task âto make the workerâs transition successfulâ and to âthink ahead,â in the attempt to anticipate what workersâ needs might be upon their arrival in Canada. To that effect, she developed a settlement information package. âWe were trying to imagine what one might appreciate knowing before comingâ (Susan, interview, July 13, 2015). This information package was e-mailed to the approved skilled workers and included âinformation about making applications for a BC driverâs license, social insurance number, medical insurance, school registration, contacts and information for housing and other things that will ariseâ (Copy of email provided by Susan, personal email exchange July 20, 2015). Soon after skilled workers had signed their work contract, Susan was in regular email 119 contact with them. Michael stated he was very pleased with this strategy since they transitioned quickly and expediently into their new positions. Susan echoed the same; she recalled that the skilled workers generally seemed very appreciative of the support given (Michael, interview, June 8, 2015; Susan, interview, July 13, 2015). The above-mentioned employer, however, stands out with his level of support. Other employers did not go to such lengths to help âtheirâ skilled workersâ settlement. For example, Colin, who had only one skilled worker arriving at a time, recalls accompanying one worker on errands because his English skills were very poor, while with others he provided to and where-to information (Colin, interview, August 21, 2015). And, as a last example, employer Jason expected the skilled workers who were already in his company to provide peer support to the incoming workers. âI think they need to help each other. They work together, they can help each other with this kind of stuffâ (Jason, interview, September 1, 2015). He did not see it as part of his responsibility to provide settlement support. âThey chose to come to Canada, so now they need to do the work to settle here!â (Jason, interview, September 1, 2015). But workers needed more support than just information. For workers to start working right after stepping onto Canadian soil, they also needed a place to rest. They needed housing, and possibly also access to a vehicle, so they could travel from their place of work to their place of rest, and vice versa. 120 4.4.2 Temporary Housing for Skilled Workers. Some employers offered temporary accommodation.32 Michaelâs construction company provided up to three weeks furnished accommodations for the newcomers (Welcome email provided by Susan, personal email exchange July 20, 2015). The company offered the first week of housing for free, but thereafter charged an ascending rental rate: $250 for week two, $305 for week three and $365 for week four (Welcome information package from Susan, personal email exchange July 20, 2015). This accommodation was âto be considered as temporary housing (1-3 weeks) so that those [skilled workers] arriving at a later date will also have a place to stayâ (original emphasis, Welcome Information package from Susan, personal email exchange July 20, 2015). Michaelâs workers had support during the first few weeks, but then needed to find a more permanent place to stay. Michael again stands out since not all employers interviewed made mention of providing access to housing. Some simply gave leads for permanent housing in the community, such as example referring the skilled workers to (business) acquaintances and/or friends with rental space (Colin, August 21, 2015; Michael, interview, June 8, 2015). Colin provided a place to stay at the workshop. He proudly explains, I created a spare room in the warehouse. It fits a bed and a small closet. Thereâs a hot plate, too. And a toilet and shower. Itâs great for one or two workers, and I let them stay there. Itâs great, because they do not have to travel to get to work, are on time, and have all that they need. Once their family comes, they can move out (Colin, interview, August 21, 2015). No doubt, Colin is pleased with this arrangement; it gives him access to this worker anytime he wants. Even better, the worker is already at the place of work when the employer gets 32 The lack and access to affordable and adequate housing was also identified as a problem in the South Okanagan in a recent study by Depner and Teixeira (2012). 121 there. For the worker, on the other hand, this arrangement is less beneficial. The worker feels like he is always at his employerâs disposal, without a clear separation of work and private life. In this arrangement, to borrow from McClintock-Comeaux (2013), the skilled worker is relentless in his commitment to his work. He is at work while working, and he is also there while at rest. This living arrangement blurs the lines between worktime and non-worktime; the worker simply remains at his employerâs disposal the entire time. This scenario is not supportive to the worker, but instead creates opportunity for exploitation on the part of the employer. Another employer left housing entirely to the skilled worker to sort out on his own. He did not consider it part of his responsibility to help the new employees. Employer Jason shrugged his shoulders when asked about housing for workers. âThey can decide for themselves how they do that. Live with a co-worker or whatever. I just bring them here to work for meâ (interview, September 1, 2015). 4.4.3 Access to a Vehicle. When it came to vehicles, most employers were a lot more willing to provide some level of support. Maybe because it is customary in the construction trade that employees have access to company vehicles to carry the tools of their trade from job site to job site. Or maybe, because employers understand that workers might experience challenges getting to and from work, especially when they are new to Canada and do not know the roadways and public infrastructure yet. For support, Michael granted his skilled workers access to a company vehicle, for all to share a work truck to carpool to work and maybe also occasionally run some errands (interview, June 8, 2015). There was one truck for sharing amongst the workers of his company. Colin, who housed his skilled workers on site, granted access to a 122 work vehicle only upon request. âThis way they could get groceries when they needed toâ (interview, August 21, 2015). Employer Jason, on the other hand, did not provide personal access to a company vehicle at all. He had his foreman drive the workers to the job sites. âI think that if they want to stay here in Canada, they can get themselves wheels. Itâs not expensive to have a beater to get aroundâ (interview, September 1, 2015). Again, the level of support given by employers is a matter of personal choice, even though all skilled workers would benefit greatly from having temporary access to a vehicle. To recap, employers are not required to provide settlement support to skilled workers to participate in the BCPNP, even though they are encouraged to lend support to the newcomers (CIC 2009). But this encouragement is not enforceable by any level of government, leading to great variations in actual supports provided to skilled workers by âtheirâ employers. The different levels of support offered by employers demonstrate the various degrees of responsibility and/or compassion towards âtheirâ workers. Some employers recognize that workers need support upon arrival in Canada. In fact, of the employers interviewed, Michael was most supportive granting access to housing and a vehicle as needed. During the interview he gave the impression of being proud of his companyâs supports. On the contrary, Jason did not appear concerned at all with the workersâ living arrangements, or their well-being. He did not see it as his role to provide any settlement support. âI need workers. They are adults. They need to take care of that [housing, etc.] themselvesâ (interview, September 1, 2015). Colin fit somewhere in between these two positions by providing support only for specific tasks, or when asked. Finally, any support provided was limited in duration. 123 While well intentioned by some employers, settlement supports given can create greater dependency for the skilled worker. The assistance given - while maybe helpful - at the same time also provides leverage for the employer to exploit the skilled worker since the employer is only giving this support for the expectation to receive something in return. It is not an equal transaction because the worker must pay back his employersâ investment and perform for him. Without regulations that clearly stipulate employerâs requirements on providing settlement support, and enforcement thereof, employers can do as they see fit (provide support or not). This policy gap increases workersâ vulnerability and provides yet another arena for worker exploitation. 4.5 The Provincial Nomination Application Process The transition from temporary status to permanent status via a provincial nominee program is a two-step process (Tilson 2009:10; Bagley 2011:127). The skilled worker can only make a joint application to the BCPNP office together with his employer. The skilled worker alone cannot initiate his transition towards permanency. In addition, the application for nomination must be made while the skilled worker is still a TFW, working for the same employer as named on the work permit. Above all, the skilled worker requires his employerâs endorsement and support from the time the application is made to the end when it is completely processed (Michelle, interview, September 30, 2015). The worker depends on his employerâs good will and must ensure good behaviour and compliance towards employer during the application processing time. Michelle, a government employee from the BCPNP office, explains the actual application into the BCPNP program requires only two documents. The first is the program intake application form which collects demographic and financial data about the skilled 124 worker and his family. With the help of this information the government agent gauges the ability of this family to establish themselves economically in the province (Michelle, interview, September 30, 2015). Table 3 below illustrates the minimum threshold of financial capital skilled workers need to bring to BC. Table 3: Minimum Income Threshold for BCâs Provincial Nominees, 1992 and 2015 Size of Family Rest of B.C. Metro Vancouver 1992 2015 1992 2015 1 12,819 16,934 15,865 24,600 2 15,602 21,082 19,308 30,652 3 19,429 25,914 24,043 37,650 4 24,237 31,468 29,996 45,712 5 27,600 35,689 34,157 51,846 6 30,609 40,253 37,881 58,473 7 or more 32,182 44,825 41,604 65,101 Source: Statistics Canada. Table 11-10-0241-01 Low income cut-offs (LICOs) before and after tax by community size and family size, in current dollars https://doi.org/10.25318/1110024101-eng Those skilled workers who bring financial capital and amass more while in Canada - beyond the programâs requirements - have a much greater chance of completing their application for provincial nomination satisfactorily since the ability to establish themselves financially ranks highest (Michelle, interview, September 30, 2015). Those skilled workers are also more likely to survive crisis and other hardship and complete their application for permanent residency than those who just meet the threshold of the programâs financial guidelines. The second document is the recommendation letter from the employer. In this letter the employer details the reasons for endorsing this particular workerâs nomination into the 125 BCPNP (Michelle, interview, September 30, 2015). The recommendation can be in whichever format the employer chooses; there is no set template or catalogue of questions that must be addressed by the nominator (Michelle, interview, September 30, 2015). The employer chooses how much or little support to extend to the skilled worker. This means that if the nominator thinks the skilled worker is a valuable asset to Canada, then the skilled worker has a greater chance at receiving a nomination certificate. The letter itself carries a disproportional amount of importance in the application process. There is no information available on the BCPNPâs website on how applications are processed. Sociologist Vic Satzewich (2015), through his study of Canadian visa officers, found that discretion is part and parcel of the Canadian immigration system, and discretionary decisions are made by immigration officers all the time. In fact, visa officers are granted âdelegated discretionâ as part of the bureaucratic framework within which they make their decisions. âIn Canada,â Satzewich writes, âthe delegated nature of discretion is reflected in the concept of âsatisfiedââ (Satzewich 2015:49). When officers are satisfied that the candidate is suitable, the application moves forward. Visa officers exercise their delegated discretion when they evaluate whether an applicant satisfies the criteria of the migration stream into which he/she is applying, or not. This discretion is a complex interaction of micro, meso and macro level factors, which together create contextual factors within which the immigration officer makes the decision (Satzewich 2015:55). In the context of Satzewichâs study, the micro level variables arise from interaction(s) between the officer and the applicant, coupled with the officerâs personal beliefs and professional identity, while meso level pressures arise from the organizational expectations/direction. Macro level decisions are shaped by prevailing ideologies which inform and shape immigration 126 discourses (Satzewich 2015:57). The danger of lacking clear criteria, he cautions, can lead to officers passing their bias forth.33 In the case of the BCPNP, it is less clear what satisfies the BCPNP immigration officer. The application is based on the employerâs nomination letter, which is evaluated by the immigration officer. This information in this one document establishes the candidateâs suitability for being nominated by the province. But, without firm direction for implicit criteria, what exactly must the nominatorâs (employerâs) letter stress? What is this list of exemplary qualities (Van Note Chism 2006:589) government agents are looking for so that the admissibility of the skilled worker and his family âsatisfies the requirements of the immigration actâ (Satzewich 2015:49)? Does the letter need to state the worker is flexible to the employerâs demands? Or that he can work a certain number of hours, is punctual and willing? Does the employer think the skilled worker respects Canadian values? That he can establish himself and his family economically in BC? And, since the BCPNP office requires no documentation beyond the nomination letter from the employer, how are these accomplishments evaluated and/or demonstrated by the government worker who is processing the paperwork? In this evaluation process, the employer is given bona fide standing again, this time to act in a capacity of an immigration agent by recommending a worker for nomination. This is different than in Satzewichâs (2015) research on visa officers, since they evaluate the actual application of the person who wants to migrate. For skilled workers who want to enter the BCPNP, the employer exercises his âprofessional judgementâ about the personâs suitability to become a provincial nominee and his application. 33 In this case, the discretionary decision-making mechanisms become tools for perpetuating racism (Aiken in Satzewich 2015:34). 127 Clearly, though, the letter has a major impact on the workerâs (and his familyâs) future. With the employerâs support, the skilled worker and his family have a chance to make their stay in Canada permanent. With a positive nomination the skilled worker is permitted to make an application to the federal government. But without clear guidelines and evaluation criteria, the nomination process is difficult to analyze. It is also quite possible that different BCPNP immigration officers would evaluate one and the same application in very different ways (Satzewich 2015:167). This is yet another area of the program that invites abuse by employers with skilled workersâ realities disregarded and/or neglected (Baxter 2010:35-36). These abuses are discussed in Chapter 7. This lack of clear criteria, I argue, is by design. While the IRPA (2001) was to âimprove transparency and consistencyâ (Satzewich 2015:169) in the immigration system, discretionary practices had previously been shifted to the provincial level with the signing of the BC provincial immigration agreement. With the stroke of a pen, discretion was delegated from the federal to the provincial level, from the federal visa officer to the provincial BCPNP immigration officer. Today, the practice of discretion remains an important program component of the BCPNP. And, is under this programâs purview extended to individual employers. One example of how employers exercise their discretion is found in their decision whether to nominate a skilled worker for provincial nominee status. This lack of set criteria for when nomination is to occur is intentional; it creates the organizational space within which discretionary practices continue as part and parcel of the immigration process. The application criteria for becoming a provincial nominee are intentionally structured âopenâ with flexible evaluation parameters, leaving âdelegate discretionâ (Satzewich 2015:15) in the hands of the programâs processing agents. These street-level 128 bureaucrats, as Alpes and Spire (2013 in Satzewich 2015:47) call them, make highly consequential decisions (Satzewich 2015:47). They decide whether the TFW has his application for nomination processed positively or negatively, by either issuing or denying the provincial nomination certificate. Only whence BCPNP staff are satisfied with the application and convinced the probabilities that the BCPNP candidate and his employer told the truth about their application (Satzewich 2015:52), will a decision be rendered whether the applicant receives a positive or negative nomination for permanent residency. Satzewich (2015) argues that the parameters of âsatisfiedâ were constructed intentionally vague for visa officers. He writes, âthe definition of âsatisfiedâ is so big that you can drive a truck through itâ¦. Those kinds of words in the act are all about discretion without saying it is discretionâ (Satzewich 2015:50). My research suggests room for discretionary decisions is built into the assessment processes of the skilled workerâs nomination application. BCPNP staff âmust assess [each application on its] own merits, and the [immigration] guidelines cannot prescribe a particular outcome or decisionâ (Waldman in Satzewich 2015:50). Each applicantâs file must be assessed individually by BCPNP immigration agents (Michelle, interview, September 30, 2015). Satzewich explains that the immigration program is structured so that in this absence of strict guidelines the visa office staff is âguided by complex laws, rules, and proceduresâ (Satzewich 2015:7). And that these are âpart of a bureaucratic, yet discretionary process where the officers are entrusted to use their knowledge, experience, and judgement to apply the law and decide whether particular people ought to beâ granted a visa or not (Satzewich 2015:7). The same holds true for BCPNP immigration agents who decide on a case-by-case basis whether a provincial nomination certificate will be issued. Applicant interviews are not 129 part of the process, leaving BCPNP immigration agents, like visa officers, to assess the credibility and risks of an application based solely on the paper application submitted (Satzewich 2015:55). In the case of visa officers, Satzewich (2015) reminds, they are guided in their decision-making by competing goals (Lipsky 2010 cited in Satzewich 2015:120): be as efficient as the rules and policies of the bureaucratic immigration machine demand yet give each case individual attention and âfair considerationâ (Satzewich 2015:121). For those who are processing the applications, Satzewich explains, this can be a vexing combination of having to adhere to processing timelines and making decisions within the stipulated target parameters of the application (Satzewich 2015:122). The timing of the applicationâs processing is of importance, Satzewich established in his research, because the set targets have to be met at the right time of the year, because they are rigid (Satzewich 2015:134). During the interviews I was unable to extract how decisions about applications are made at the BCPNP office. While I suspect there might be further similarities between Satzewichâs research and this study about how each application is assessed, it appears to me that for BCPNP applications it is a denial process rather than an approval process. Considering the large number of applications over the number of certificates that can be awarded every year, I suspect immigration officers are first and foremost looking for reasons to deny applications, in the attempt to work through the stack of applications while choosing only a limited number of successful applicants. As a matter of fact, the processing time to become a provincial nominee is much shorter than for applications made to the federal governmentâs skilled worker program (Rivers & Associates 2003:28; Michelle, interview, September 30, 2015). To compare, it took on average 15.7 days for a skilled worker application to be processed by the BCPNP 130 office (Rivers and Associates 2003:29), while for federal skilled worker applications submitted to CIC before 2003, the wait time could be twenty years (Rivers & Associates 2003:28)! Throughout the subsequent years, there was much effort to shorten federal processing times, while provincial processing times grew longer. As the program became better known amongst BC employers, the number of applications increased (Michelle, interview, September 30, 2015). Jason Kenney, then-Minister for Citizenship and Immigration, introduced immigration policy reform in 2008 which saw all pre-2008 applications to the Federal Skilled Worker Program eliminated by simply refunding applicants their application fees. In this way some 300,000 federal skilled worker applications were tossed out (Canadian Immigrant 2012) after the Conservatives passed their budget in February of 2012 (Wattie 2013). Consequently, federal application processing times were reduced from about eleven years in February of 2008, to approximately six years by June of 2010, then to approximately 12 months by December 2014, and finally to six months by January 2015 (Canadavisa.com N.d. a: Federal Skilled Worker Processing Times). For the years 2005-10, by comparison, at the provincial level, it took only ten to twelve weeks to process an application for a provincial nominee (Ministry of Jobs, Tourism and Innovation 2011a:5). This time increased to six months in 2008, then eight months in 2010 (Ministry of Jobs, Tourism and Innovation 2011a:33), and by 2013 it climbed to 13 months (Hunter 2015). During the same year, the BC government was faced with an unmanageable backlog of provincial nominee applications, which could only be completely eliminated with a policy adjustment. The resulting program change allowed for all remaining/unprocessed BCPNP applications to be tossed out (Walter, interview, May 28, 131 2015). The new policy stipulates that applications are kept for one year only and that everyone who is not chosen within that one-year timeframe will have to re-apply since their application submission lapses thereafter (Harold, interview, June 1, 2015). Just like at the federal level, where the backlog was eliminated by refunding applicants for their languishing applications (Satzewich 2015:65-66), all applicants waiting for provincial processing were refunded. Anyone still interested is forced to make a new application.34 Becoming a provincial nominee is a highly competitive process. Demand for nomination certificates far outstrips the supply of nominations awarded annually by the BCPNP office. It is customary for the BCPNP office to accept many more applications for nomination than actual nomination certificates can be issued (Julia, interview, August 10, 2015; Harold, interview, June 1, 2015; Ministry of Tourism, Jobs and Innovation 2011a:35). Figure 3 below illustrates this practice by showing the limits set by government versus the actual numbers of applications made. 34 Since the effects of this procedural change fall outside the parameters of this study, I did not consider the effects of a lapsed application on a skilled workerâs plan for becoming permanent in Canada. This impact might make an interesting subject of study at a later date. 132 Figure 3: BCPNP Applications Versus Actually Issued Nomination Certificates, 2005-2014 Source: BCPNP. 2014. Attracting & Retaining Foreign Workers through the BC Provincial Nominee Program. www.hrtechgroup.com/files/PDF/.../BC-PNP-Presentation-to-HR-Tech-Group.pdf; accessed online July 2, 2016. In the figure, the black bars represent the number of applications for nomination made from 2000 to 2012, while the grey bars represent the number of nomination certificates actually awarded. These numbers show many more applications for nomination are made every year than certificates awarded. This rate is broken down further in Figure 4 below illustrates the size of the surplus of applications over nominations. The dark grey bottom part of the column refers to the percentage of all applications made in a given year receiving a positive nomination, while the light grey top part of the column refers to the percentage of applications made in a year receiving a negative nomination and declined. 13 24 206 4415987891924 25223629 470949004305593271957024544 1147 1837 2331 2694 35313525 37563800 41502 000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014YEARBC Provincial Nominations Issued PNP Nominations Approved 133 Figure 4: Rate of Approval on BCPNP Nomination Certificates, 2005-2012 Source: Authors calculations from BCPNP. 2014. Attracting & Retaining Foreign Workers through the BC Provincial Nominee Program. www.hrtechgroup.com/files/PDF/.../BC-PNP-Presentation-to-HR-Tech-Group.pdf; accessed online July 2, 2016. This shows the approval rate fluctuated wildly from year to year, depending on how many applications were made in total vis-Ã -vis how many nomination certificates awarded. Employers prefer when there are more applications for nomination made than certificates to be awarded, they do so because a surplus of workers creates a competitive climate for those vying for one of the coveted nomination certificates. The surplus of workers also highlights the discrepancy between the numbers of those who apply into the BCPNP and those who will be awarded a nomination certificate. The surplus represents the hopeful individuals who will most likely not make it. They are the reserve army of skilled labour, who bring Canadian employersâ profits, and who must leave Canada again after their sojourn. But this large surplus of labour also puts pressures on the domestic labour force, competing with the foreign workers for positions. Judging by the size of the surplus, BC employers have many hopefuls to choose from. Yet, they still want more (Hunter and Walton 2012; OâNeil and Carman 2013)! Employers want to be able to nominate even more workers into the pool, and they want to be able to attract more workers. During the interviews with employers, I was 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 201268 59 72 64 57 72 82 6332 41 28 36 43 28 18 37Approval rate Surplus of workers 134 repeatedly informed that the number of nomination certificates allocated to the province are not enough (Harold, interview, June 1, 2015, Walter, interview, May 28, 2015). For example, in May of 2012, the number of nomination certificates earmarked for BC was 3,500 (Seidle 2013:13). Employers then asked to grow the BCPNP skilled worker pool to 5,000 for 2012 and 6,500 for 2013 to address the needs of BCâs labour market (Seidle 2013:13). Another case in point comes from Pat Bell, the then-minister responsible for the BCPNP, who in 2012 asked the Conservative federal governmentâs Immigration Minister, Jason Kenney, on behalf of the province and its stakeholders, to raise BC's allotment to 10,000 nomination certificates (Carman and OâNeil:2012). His request was refused because the total national number of nomination certificates allotted is finite and set by Cabinet. BC employers had to contend with a slightly increased contingent of 3,800 allocated nomination certificates for 2013 (Seidle 2013:13).35 When the nomination support letter has been issued to the skilled worker, he must make his application for permanent residency to the federal government within six months (Michelle, interview, September 30, 2015). The CIC gives these submissions special care. Applications for permanent residency from provincial nominees are not only expedited, but their approval rate is a lot higher with a 98 percent success rate (Michelle, interview, September 30, 2015). It is possible that federal visa officers are âreluctant to oppose the choices of provinces and private employersâ (Satzewich 2015:109). It is also possible that these applications are already considered well vetted by provincial immigration officers, and 35The number of annual limits for the province of BC has increased from 3,000 in 2003 to 3,800 in 2009 (Seidle 2013:8). 135 that their approval constitutes the candidateâs suitability for becoming a permanent resident to Canada. The skilled worker remains tied to his employer while his application is with federal immigration officers (Michelle, interview, September 30, 2015; West Coast Domestic Workers Association 2014:41), and immigration admissibility is assessed and determined (Michelle, interview, September 30, 2015; Satzewich 2015:67). During this time, the skilled worker enters a highly contradictory state: on the one hand he must demonstrate his willingness to leave Canada again because he is a TFW on a termed work permit. On the other, he must demonstrate his commitment to the province of nomination. This âdual intentâ forces the skilled worker to signal his flexibility to Canadaâs demands and willingness to leave again, but at the same time be committed to his employer and the community in which he has been a resident, and by extension also the nominating province. There have been cases where applicants had their application for permanent residency denied by immigration officials because they were not convincing enough in their provincial residency claim (Ackah, Thomas and Rosenbaum 2009:11). In other words, they were not successful in convincing the federal immigration officers evaluating their permanent residency application that their intent is to remain in the province of nomination. They failed to demonstrate their commitment to BC. This dual intent provision is contradictory at best because once a permanent resident, the skilled worker and his family are free to move anywhere in Canada. Moreover, with the designation of permanent resident the skilled worker is no longer tied to his employer either but can instead choose his employer as he pleases. 136 Employers are concerned by the governmentâs long waiting periods (Harold, interview, June 1, 2015), as are skilled workers (Ben, interview, August 15, 2015; Sasha, interview, February 10, 2015). Harold from the COEDC explains employers and the province might miss out on âthe best and most qualifiedâ candidates becoming Canadians, because of these application processing delays (Walter, interview, May 28, 2015). If the waiting time extends beyond the skilled workersâ work permit, he is legally no longer allowed to work/remain in Canada. The skilled worker has to apply to have his work permit extended - or leave Canada again. Clearly, this practice is also disconcerting to skilled workers and their families alike because as processing times balloon, the chances of having the application for provincial nomination processed during the timeline the work permit is valid declines (Ben, interview, August 15, 2015; Sasha, interview, February 10, 2015). It appears, though, that this circumstance is also by design since there is no application due date which stipulates at what point in time during a skilled workersâ sojourn in Canada the joint employer/skilled worker application to the BCPNP has to be made to prevent this situation from occurring. Without this milestone date, the employer can initiate the nomination process as he sees fit so long as it occurs during the time the skilled worker's work permit is valid (Michelle, interview, September 30, 2015). While this might help the employer delay a bureaucratic step, it creates uncertainly and anxiety on the part of the worker, since he is forced into limbo not knowing when the application will be made by his employer, or if at all. Thus, the skilled worker must be on his best behaviour at all times. He must practice âself-censorshipâ (Nakache 2013:13), otherwise he might jeopardize his employer's willingness to support, sign and submit the skilled workerâs application for nomination. 137 Employers act as âde facto principalsâ for these workers (Baxter 2010:25, original emphasis), rewarding their best workers with support for their nomination application (Baxter 2010:34) while not supporting others (Jason, interview, Sept 1, 2015; Michelle, interview, September 30, 2015; and Walter, interview, May 28, 2015). This research found the way employers perceived the skilled workerâs commitment to their work placement impacted at what time during the workers sojourn they made the application. The data revealed different scenarios, ranging from employers submitting nominating papers to the BCPNP office immediately after they met their new employee, to employers waiting until it was nearly too late and the skilled worker's work permit had almost expired. For instance, Phillip, who had recruited a skilled worker for a position with very specific qualifications and skill set, filed for nomination while the skilled worker was still in Germany. Phillip cited with confidence that the skilled worker would remain with his company for years. âAfter all, I recruited him specifically for this positionâ (interview, June 21, 2015). Michael and Jason, two other Okanagan employers, also nominated âtheirâ skilled workers right at the beginning of their work tenure with the company. Michael recruited a master tradesman with a very specific skill set. He was also certain this worker would stay for many years (interview, June 8, 2015). Jason filed during the early stages at the request of the skilled worker (interview, September 1, 2015), but stated he usually likes to wait longer. Colin, yet another Okanagan employer, initiated the process only once â[I] find out how reliable they [the skilled workers] areâ and he is certain he wants to keep them for the long term (interview, August 21, 2015). Colin hired his skilled worker as part of his succession planning, hoping the skilled worker would buy his company at a later point in time (interview, August 21, 2015). In three other cases, employers filed the paperwork with the 138 skilled workers late, very close to the expiration date of the skilled worker's work permit. These employers wanted to tie the skilled worker to the company for as long as possible, for the entire duration of the work permit (Jason, interview, September 1, 2015; Michael, interview, June 8, 2015; Julia, interview, August 10, 2015). In yet another case, the employer Jason stated he filed the papers when he âfelt like itâ (Jason, interview, September 1, 2015). The data collected show that there is even variation within the same company, suggesting that an employer can choose to treat each skilled worker as he likes. The fee to submit an application for provincial nomination to the BCPNP is $550 CAN (Michelle, interview, September 30, 2015), a sum remaining constant since the inception of the program (Baglay 2011:127). The program design does not stipulate who must pay the provincial nomination application fee because from the governmentâs perspective the submissions are considered âjointlyâ made by the employer and worker (Michelle, interview, September 30, 2015). The government leaves it to the two parties to negotiate who carries the risk of making this application (Whiteside 2016:11), meaning who pays for the user-fees for this application. In reality, and as my study shows, employers offload the cost associated with making this application to the worker. Five employers reported downloading the application costs to their skilled workers, while another paid for the fee but subsequently claimed it as a business expense. The latest federal audit (2011) revealed the BCPNP was financially not breaking even. Taxpayers have been subsidizing this program. Irrespective of attempts by the provincial government to recover the program's operating costs by raising fees and collecting interest accrued from the business stream, the BCPNP office recouped only 84 percent of its gross expenditures from 2007 to 2010 (Ministry of Jobs, Tourism and Innovation 2011a:32). 139 With costs at CAN $6.8 million and revenues at only CAN $5.7 million, taxpayers subsidize the CAN $1.1 million short fall (Ministry of Jobs, Tourism and Innovation 2011a:36). This program design to offload cost-sharing to the public is yet another characteristic of a neoliberal public-private-partnership (Boardman and Vining 2008; Whiteside 2016:11). The fact that BC employers are subsidized by taxpayers paying for the administration of this program has not gone unnoticed. Negative press (see for example Curry 2014), coupled with a joint evaluation of the TFW program by the HRSDC, CIC and the Canada Border Services Agency, has drawn attention to the practice of subsidizing employers (HRSDC and CIC and CBSA 2012:vii). In 2014, perhaps in an attempt to regain public support, a fee of $1,000.00 was implemented for each Labour Market Impact Assessment that is to be processed (ESDC 2016), which in turn forced employers to carry the costs of securing access to foreign skilled labour (HRSDC and CIC and CBSA 2012:vii). But even so, one might suspect on the basis of past practices that employers will offload the fee, too, just as they do with the fee for the application into the BCPNP. Only 53 percent of the skilled workers surveyed during the last federal evaluation of Canadaâs provincial nominee programs indicated they found the nomination application fees reasonable (Ministry of Tourism, Jobs and Innovation 2011a:33). This finding resulted in a recommendation to rethink the current fee structure. Program evaluators suggested linking the application fees to the application processing speed. They hypothesized that candidates might accept higher fees, if the processing time of their application is expedited (Ministry of Tourism, Jobs and Innovation. 2011a:41). That means the applicantâs fee would depend on the processing time that they choose. Consequently, this change would create a new market of applicants. New classes of applicants would emerge, depending on which processing- 140 speed-scenario applicants choose. Hence, users would be effectively tiered based on their ability to pay. The benefits of this proposed change do not extend equally to all parties involved. The change benefits the governmentâs bottom line because additional fees could be collected. For the employer, raising the application fee has little impact since he can simply offload these costs either to the skilled worker wishing to be nominated or write them off as business expenditure. However, for the average skilled worker, this scenario can present yet another hurdle. Those skilled workers with financial capital and disposable income can easily move themselves to the beginning of the queue because they have the ability to pay higher fees. Those who cannot, however, could effectively be relegated to the end of the line. In short, those who have the funds to pay higher fees can expedite their claims and make sure they continue to move forward -- towards permanent residency -- while those with financial constraints are in danger of languishing at the end of the line. Considering the current lack of oversight and enforcement under which the program is operating (Michelle, interview, September 30, 2015; Baxter 2010:12), it is doubtful the government is interested or willing to implement a mechanism executing oversight and ensuring equitable access. At the time of this writing no decision on a revised fee structure had been made public. The BC government considers the program a win-win-win situation for employers, TFWs and the federal government alike (Ackah, Thomas and Rosenberg 2009:1; Michelle, interview, September 30, 2015). On closer consideration, however, the investments made by each party are disproportionate. The employer is granted access to cheap yet skilled labour power. By holding the worker captive for the duration of the work permit, she (the employer) can maximize his benefits and investments into the worker (should she have made 141 any). Overall, the employer effectively controls the worker and the working conditions (West Coast Domestic Workers Association 2014:34). The worker remains in this state of vulnerability until the worker's application for permanent residency is positively processed. If unhappy with one worker, the employer can withdraw or withhold his support for that particular skilled workerâs application and instead easily pick another skilled worker from the reserve army of waiting workers all too willing and eager on taking the other skilled workersâ place. For the skilled worker and his family, the stakes are high since they invest much social and economic capital in their move to Canada. As will become clear in the next chapter, the skilled workers of this study came to Canada with the intent to stay. They completely undid their life in Germany before moving to Canada. They agree to work in Canada as TFWs to gain access to the BCPNP. They want to be nominated into the program as soon as possible after arriving for work in Canada so that they can take the next step and apply for permanent residency for themselves and their families. As a TFW, being temporary in Canada, yet having dissolved his life in Germany, he and his family are in-between two countries. During this time, the skilled worker family is in a very vulnerabe and risky situation. Thus, the skilled worker must do everything ârightâ to earn his provincial nominee certification (Rivers & Associates 2003:2). If he âmesses upâ and/or or falls out of favour with his employer, then his investment is lost and his âpathway to permanent residencyâ terminated (Tilson 2009:27). If expelled from the employerâs tutelage, he is subsequently ejected from the program and the country, just like it happened to Mr. Zimmermann. Not surprising then, skilled workers want to transition out of their state of vulnerability and temporariness as quickly as possible. Their goal is to gain the security that 142 comes with the status of being a permanent resident. Once landed as a permanent resident, the skilled worker is no longer tied to the employer because he does not need a work permit anymore. He becomes free, so to speak, allowed to switch employers and/or become self-employed. He and his family are also free to choose where they want to live in Canada. As permanent residents, they enjoy the same mobility rights as Canadians under Section 6 of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms (Immigration and Refugee Protection Regulations 2002). 4.5 Blurred lines Not all skilled workers succeed with their quest to land in Canada. For the years 2005-2010 the application success rate was 87 percent (Thornton 2011:39). Some fail in their quest to become provincial nominees, while others succeed in becoming provincial nominees but then fail to have their application for permanent residency processed favorably, or in due time. Some change their mind and return to Germany. In cases where the relationship between the skilled worker and his employer changes (Ackah, Thomas and Rosenberg 2009:15; Neely 2009:6), whilst an application to the BCPNP has already been made, staff from the BCPNP office, again, hold discretionary decision-making authority. Staff can decide whether to support a skilled worker and his application, or not. My research found the following scenarios why skilled workers can have their application for provincial nomination refused by the BCPNP office. They include: the skilled worker and his employer do not meet the programâs criteria. They might, for example, have attributed their application to an occupation that does not fall within the National Occupational Classification for the skilled worker program designation, meaning the occupation does not meet program criteria. Or, the proposed wages do not correspond with the programâs wage guidelines or seem inflated to BCPNP staff. Or, the worker does 143 not have the necessary qualifications and his skills do not meet program guidelines. In this case, the worker is legally allowed to remain in Canada until the issued work permit expires, after which time he must leave Canada (Harold, interview June 1, 2015; Ackah, Thomas and Rosenberg 2009:1). The worker can remain with the employer during this time. Or, the skilled worker fails to prove that he has been able to establish himself and his family economically as per program requirements. This means he has failed to demonstrate he can sustain himself and the members of his family (West Coast Domestic Workers Association 2014:22). These four scenarios seem straightforward; they arise because the information presented in the application is contrary to the programâs requirements. More complicated are the following instances. The way workers are dealt with by BCPNP staff demonstrates that government officers processing applications for nomination do indeed hold discretionary powers. The scenarios also demonstrate more than one way to satisfy the criteria of the BCPNP application (Satzewich 2015). In scenario one, the application for nomination is made too late and the skilled workerâs work permit expires before his application is processed. Without an extension to his work permit, and without a nomination certificate, he becomes a person without status. He must leave Canada. In scenario two, the relationship between the employer and the skilled worker breaks down and the employer revokes his support for the skilled workerâs nomination. In cases like this, it is in the purview of the BCPNP officer to decide whether to help the skilled worker complete his application for provincial nomination, or not. The research findings suggest the application will be favourably processed if the skilled worker can demonstrate the relationship breakdown is beyond his control, like a company going bankrupt, or the worker being laid off due to a shortage of work. Then, the BCPNP staff considers whether the 144 worker meets the nomination criteria to date, at the time that the skilled worker-employer relationship ended. Staff can then choose to extend the workerâs work permit, so he can either find a new employer to support his current application to the BCPNP, or to find a new employer and make a new application to the BCPNP. These examples establish that each case is evaluated by government staff on a case-by-case basis (Michelle, interview, September 30, 2015). As long as the skilled worker can demonstrate the situation was outside his control and that he has established himself - at least economically - in BC, then his application for nomination will usually proceed favourably (Bishop 2013:4; Michelle, interview, September 30, 2015). In general, BCPNP staff assumes both parties made the application in good faith, and that for no fault of their own the skilled workerâs situation changed (Michelle, interview, September 30, 2015). Skilled workers have few avenues of recourse to protest against their employer or the program if they are being mistreated within the BCPNP, as seen by the Zimmermannâs at the beginning of this writing. If the relationship breaks down before the skilled worker and his employer have made an application for nomination to the BCPNP, then the onus is on the skilled worker to find a new employer, who in turn will take out a new work permit for him. Similarly, if the nomination application is processed negatively by the BCPNP office and the skilled worker is expelled from the program, then he is also unable to make an application to CIC for permanent residency under the BCPNP stream.36 Likewise, if the relationship with the employer breaks down before the skilled worker has the nomination certificate issued, then he is unable to work in Canada because the work permit is tied to that one particular 36 Skilled workers can, however, submit an application under the Federal Skilled Worker program. 145 employer and the work permitâs contract parameters. Nevertheless, the skilled worker is allowed to remain in the country until the expiration date of his work permit (Ackah, Thomas and Rosenberg 2009:2). However, they are prohibited from working for anyone else (Harold, interview, June 1, 2015; Walter, interview May 28, 2015) unless they can secure a new employer, who first makes a new application for a work permit with the skilled worker, and subsequently submits an application for nomination. With the expiry of the work permit the skilled worker effectively becomes a person without status, meaning he is legally required to leave Canada, or remain in the country illegally. The lack of support and/or enforcement mechanisms is structural to the BCPNP since the program was designed without mechanisms for enforcement (Michelle, interview, September 30, 2015; Baxter 2010:37). There is no formal complaint mechanism for skilled workers like Mr. Zimmermannâs, just as there is no mandate for government staff to listen to skilled workersâ problems or assist with an employerâs non-compliance problem and/or to deal with exploitative situations (West Coast Domestic Workers Association 2014:25). Instead, the program is merely administrative in nature (Michelle, interview, September 30, 2015), designed to process applications for nomination. When asked how program oversight of participating employers can be provided, I was informed by BCPNP staff that they monitor employers through the quality of incoming applications (Michelle, interview, September 30, 2015). When pressed for clarification, I was reminded that there is no mandate to vet and/or investigate employers for compliance.37 Employers hold bone fide 37 Granting employers bona fide status is deeply engrained in Canadian immigration practices and Canadian society. For a much earlier example of âbona fide recruitmentâ see Wagner, Jonathan. 2006. A History of Migration from Germany to Canada, 1850-1939. Vancouver: UBC Press. For another example of the negative impacts of this privilege on 146 status. But even so, to this day I do not understand how an employerâs conduct can be measured through a written application that he makes with the skilled worker, when there is a long-documented history of discrepancies between what is written on an application and what actually happens at an employerâs work place (Lenard and Straehle 2012; United Food and Commercial Workers Canada 2011; West Coast Domestic Workers Association 2013 and 2014). Equally telling, there is no budget allocation in the BCPNP for enforcement and oversight, just as there are no designated staff (Michelle, interview, September 30, 2015). Simply put, there is no political will to support skilled workers who are ejected from the program, or who are at odds with their employers. In sum, skilled workers as foreign workers are isolated in their status and systematically excluded from labour protections, often due to exploitation at the hands of their employers and misinformation about the program. They are âformally excluded from most means of public participation and are often practically cut off from mechanisms to have their voices heard, such as organized labour regimes and other modes of collective actionâ (Baxter 2010:38). And, âthe design of [this immigration program] is contingent on employer support, exacerbating unequal bargaining power and eroding worker agencyâ (West Coast Domestic Workers Association 2014:24). David Tilson (2009:66) poignantly states: Many of the abuses and difficulties that temporary foreign workers experience stem from their ignorance of the laws and regulations in place at different levels of government. [â¦] workers may be unaware because they were never informed, because they were workers, see sociologist Luis LM Aguiarâs article on cleaners in Vancouver. Aguiar, Luis LM. (2004). âResisting Neoliberalism in Vancouver: An Uphill Struggle for Cleaners.â Social Justice 31(3(97)):105-129. 147 informed in a language they did not understand, or because they were intentionally misinformed. [Often they lack understanding and knowledge] in the following areas: employment standards, workersâ compensation, occupational health and safety, tenancy law, human rights law, immigration opportunities, legal recruitment practices, cost of living in Canada, payroll deductions, tax filing procedures, and entitlement to benefits such as health care, employment insurance, and workersâ compensation. Workers were also uninformed about where to go for assistance. Tilson places the blame on the workers. I disagree. Employers are the ones who are abusing the program, benefitting from the administrative nature of the program and its lack of oversight and enforcement mechanisms. The absence of support structures for workers is in itself a disciplinary measure because once workers are ejected from the program for whatever reason, they lose their chance at permanent residency. Workers must behave in such a way that they do not need any support. At the time of writing not much has changed. There are no formal support structures for skilled workers in the province. These workers have no government representative or agency to turn to. Likewise, there are no mechanisms to help foreign skilled workers who are exploited, just as there is no official government body to support them or advocate on their behalf. And most revealing, there is still no political will to protect these workers. This is exacerbated by the fact that there is no publicly accessible information about the difficulties that these workers experience. As a result, it can also not be calculated how many TFWs have not completed the nomination process, nor were not nominated by their employers. Empirically, it is impossible to establish how many are forced to leave Canada, or even how many choose to return to their home country. The government does not keep statistics that 148 track how many TFWs leave Canada or the circumstances of their departure. There is also no official information about how many skilled workers experience difficulties, and/or what are the nature of their difficulties. And, maybe not surprising, as this research demonstrates, there is no political will to make any structural program adjustments to address these program deficiencies. 4.6 Concluding Remarks This chapter focused on researching the BCPNP as a labour recruitment program operating from 2000 to 2015. Important points to take away from this discussion are that the program is employer-driven, created for and structured by employers and industry associations with the intent to create their easier and better access to foreign labour. The program is a public-private-partnership between the federal and provincial governments, and the public; unions are excluded from this process. In this relationship, employers take care of the selection of workers who enter Canada as TFWs with a one, two or three-year work permit, depending on the industry into which they are being recruited. The province takes care of the processing of nomination applications while the federal government retains the final decision-making authority on a skilled workers admission to Canada. The public subsidizes the program through taxes. Okanagan employers are supported in their recruitment by the Okanagan Valleyâs economic development officers, the Chamber of Commerce and the Urban Development Institute. In the valley, Kelownaâs COEDC has been most aggressive in supporting Central Okanagan employers in their recruitment, possibly due to the fact that they had a designated full-time staff member, or due to an unequitable funding allocation to Kelownaâs economic development initiative. Kelownaâs Skilled Worker Liaison Officer, a retired federal 149 immigration officer with decades of knowledge of the Canadian immigration landscape, supported local employers and the province to meet their labour market needs. The COEDC counselled employers in their attempts to bring workers to Canada. Generally, employers gain access to the foreign labour force via the LMO, which in the earlier days of the BCPNP could be issued as a permission for singular or bulk recruitment. The discussion suggests that the LMO is a weak protection for domestic labour. Employers can easily circumvent Canadian workers. The BCPNP fosters disinvestment in the domestic workforce. In short, employers have developed on overreliance on the foreign work force, so much so that a parliamentary standing committee sounded the alarm bells in 2009. Yet, at the time of writing, there is no political will to make structural program changes that protect Canadian labour. Instead, employers continually enjoy unhindered access to foreign labour, even though reforms were made in 2014 by the Stephen Harperâs Conservative government. These reforms included more stringent rules for applications from businesses to bring in TFWs, in addition to limiting language requirements to the official language, so Canadian residents would not be excluded by employers requiring an unofficial language. With the same reforms, however, other program streams were started which allow business to circumvent the LMIA process altogether. In fact, the Express Entry Program38 and the International Mobility Program39 find workers for positions that do not require a 38 The express entry program creates a pool of pre-screened workers, from which employers can pick and choose. For more information see here: Government of Canada. June 2018. âHow express entry works.â Retrieved August 13, 2018. https://www.canada.ca/en/immigration-refugees-citizenship/services/immigrate-canada/express-entry/works.html. 39 The international mobility program which is specialized to bring in workers for jobs that do not require a LMIA. For information on the exemption of a LMIA for the IMP see here: Government of Canada. August 2018. âInternational Mobility Program: Labour Market 150 LMIA. And while it may look on paper like there are fewer TFWs coming to Canada, they are now coming under a different program category (Nuttal October 9, 2015:online). There is clearly little political will to prevent the disinvestment in the Canadian labour force (Jackson 2010; Pavel 2014; Stanford 2014). In fact, there remains minimal oversight of Canadian employers and their use of the LMO. At the time of writing, program changes have even allowed provinces to do away with the LMO altogether. Upon becoming skilled workers in Canada, the recruited workers are thrust into a vulnerable position, tied to their employer via the work permit. With good behaviour they can subsequently be nominated into the BCPNP, as long as they have the support of their employers. My research shows the nomination criteria are beyond public accountability without any explicit criteria. And, there is a great deal of discretionary authority bestowed upon provincial government staff as they process incoming applications. This research further suggests the most important criteria to satisfy the application and the staff processing it are economic, meaning the skilled workerâs ability to establish economically in BC, including the financial capital that he came to Canada with and the savings that he is able to amass while in the country. There is no milestone date in the application process permitting the employer and the skilled worker to make their joint application at any time in the process. My research showed there are many variations, as some employers nominate the same day as they meet the worker, whereas others wait until it is (nearly) too late. Workers, in the meantime, have little Impact Assessment exemption codes.â Retrieved August 29, 2018. https://www.canada.ca/en/immigration-refugees-citizenship/corporate/publications-manuals/operational-bulletins-manuals/temporary-residents/foreign-workers/exemption-codes.html. 151 say over this process. It is also important to understand that there always more workers accepted into the program than actual nomination certificates can be issued every year. This creates a surplus pool of foreign workers. While the surplus size fluctuated from 2006 to 2012, it was on average 46.57 percent (authorâs calculation). Nomination certificates by the provincial government are coveted, guaranteeing those who are issued one expedited processing with the CIC for permanent residency for themselves and their family members, at a 98 percent chance of approval. This results in fierce competition amongst skilled workers to become provincial nominees and âearnâ one of the certificates. To achieve this, skilled workers are forced to be on their best behaviour at all times. The entire time the skilled worker remains at the mercy of his employer. Finally, this research found the program to be administrative in nature, structurally lacking any enforcement mechanisms. In fact, there are no budget allocations for enforcement in the future, suggesting there is no political will to make change to the structure of the program and/ or to protect labour. When things go wrong for these skilled workers, they quickly find themselves in the same situation as other TFWs: without government support. What has been under discussion, however, is a proposal to change to the fee structure of the program, changing the processing speed according to applicantsâ desired processing time. In other words, have applicants pay for how quickly they wish to have their provincial nomination application processed. Details are scant, we will need to keep an eye on this matter. In the following chapter, I turn my attention to the skilled worker recruitment process describing how Okanagan employers search for and recruit skilled German labour. 152 CHAPTER 5: FINDING MEISTER RICHTIG, OR HOW DO EMPLOYERS SEARCH FOR AND RECRUIT THE âRIGHTâ GERMAN SKILLED WORKER? 5.0 Introducing German Labour Recruitment In the previous chapter, I described how the BCPNP operates as a labour recruitment program and who are its intermediaries. It is clear Okanagan employers actively recruited German skilled labour or authorized/designated others to do so on their behalf. This sets the stage for this chapter, which investigates how German skilled worker recruitment took place in practice. Recall the social construct of the ideal worker in neoliberal times: His skills do not exist in the local labour market into which he is to be recruited. He is imported as a just-in-time-worker to satisfy the immediate/changing needs of the local labour market into which he is recruited. He must be flexible to the demands of the employer and the market. He is precarious in his position in the labour market, with no employment security and/or few labour protections. The state reinforces his precarity by responding to capitals need for an insecure and floating workforce while also diminishing benefits workers claim from state programs (Harvey 2007:96). Considering the aforementioned, the following questions guide the investigation in this chapter. Who are the Germans recruited, and what are the skills that make them âidealâ candidates for recruitment? Where and how is this work force accessed? How did the actual recruiting occur? Drawing on the online document research, the questionnaire administered to skilled German workers, and interviews, the analysis demonstrates who it is that Canadian employers search for in Germany, what skills the workers sought must possess. This section ends with a profile of the skilled workers recruited, explaining why they were of interest to Okanagan employers. 153 I discuss the immigration relationship between Canada and Germany focusing on the establishment of a Canadian-German recruitment arch, linking together the two countries. This relationship is special because the German state enables Canadian access to the German labour pool. In fact, the German state facilitates Canadian labour migration recruitment in Germany by extending special advantages to Canadian recruitment intermediaries at recruitment fairs in spite of legislation forbidding foreign countries and their agents from actively advertising for emigrants in Germany (Bundesministerium für Justiz und Verbraucherschutz 1975). The findings also show that Canadian migration intermediaries are supported by German state officials in their recruitment efforts, as Canadians openly advertise living in Canada at Canadian recruitment fairs in Germany. The final section discusses the actual recruitment methods employed by migration intermediaries. Four methods of recruiting German skilled workers are discussed: First, the recruiting at German job fairs, including the fairâs format and locational selection criteria; second, employers recruiting skilled workers via the internet over the Canadian Service Canada job banks; third, recruitment with the help of word-of-mouth referrals from already recruited skilled workers; and four, recruiting with the service of immigration consultants. 5.1 The Ideal Worker According to the BCPNP The ideal of the skilled worker depends on the needs of capital. The true tenets of the ideal worker, according to neoliberalism, are an educated flexible individual, malleable to the needs of the market, who is willing to work long hours for little pay and who does not require labour protections or state welfare support. He takes care of himself and defines his success in economic terms, in relation to his success in the marketplace. 154 What, then, are the skills and qualities that make German skilled workers âidealâ for Canadian employers and their migration intermediaries? And what are the deciding criterion for their immigration (Wong 2003:302)? Here, the discussion focuses on how the ideal worker is conceptualized by the Canadian government and its representatives. This profile is juxtaposed with research results from the skilled worker questionnaire I administered and collected from research participants, including data about their age, marriage status, education, skill level, and language capabilities. The discussion interweaves this information with data collected by the Canadian government in their 2003 and 2011 evaluation of the BCPNP. Thereafter, employers share their perception of German skilled workers and what they hope to gain by recruiting them. According to 2003 and 2011 program evaluations conducted, the ideal skilled worker recruited had the following characteristics: male, young and married, educated, and speaks English fluently. The skilled worker is male; he can devote himself entirely to being a(t) work(er) (more on this later on in this chapter). He is young, meaning he has lots of years left during which he can work and contribute to the neoliberal economy. The worker is married and brings his family. This is important for re-settlement purposes, since it is believed that with a family in tow, he will be more motivated to integrate himself long-term into the workplace and host community. The worker is already educated, meaning the host nation does not need to invest in training and educating him. He was trained at the cost of another country. This is a form of neoliberal off-loading of expenditures by externalizing the costs of training to elsewhere. The worker is also supposed to speak English fluently, to facilitate the integration at the place of work and in the community. Speaking the language of the host country also facilitates the knowledge transfer between individuals in the 155 workplace. The 2003 evaluation of the BCPNP informs that the 296 provincial nominees surveyed were on average 37.3 years old, with individual ages ranging from 21.9 to 65.9 years (Rivers & Associates 2003:13). Interestingly, during the first two years of the program, the gender disparity of the program was less pronounced with 52.5 percent male and 46.8 percent female provincial nominees. The majority were married (56.9 percent) or in a common-law relationship (2.7 percent), leaving 33.1 percent unmarried (Rivers & Associates 2003:13-14). Skilled workers, as well as their dependants are reported to have high rates (92 percent) of English language fluency. At that time, 4.4 percent ofall surveyed provincial nominees were born in Germany and held German citizenship (Rivers & Associates 2003:15). These statistics reflect the ideals exemplified above. By the time of the next evaluation (2011), the program already recruited more men than women (68 percent versus 33 percent) (Ministry of Jobs, Tourism and Innovation 2011:10). The average age was 36, with individual ages ranging from 25 to 64 years (Ministry of Jobs, Tourism and Innovation 2011a:9). 96 percent self-reported to be fluent in English (Ministry of Jobs, Tourism and Innovation 2011:16). This evaluation is silent on the number of dependants who accompanied the skilled workers. The evaluation suggests 11 percent hold a trade certification Ministry of Jobs, Tourism and Innovation 2011:16). Again, the statistics of those recruited are close to the ideals. The profile of the skilled workers who participated in this study shows more variation than the information from above (see Table 6 below). Here ages range from 31 to 55.40 The skilled workers recruited are older, which could possibly be explained by the fact 40 I did not ask their specific age on the questionnaire, as such I cannot offer the average age of this group. 156 that Okanagan employers were aiming to recruit master tradesmen, which are the most educated amongst trades people. (It takes at least 7 years for a trades person to achieve the master designation. More on this shortly in this chapter). All of the participants are male.41 Six are married, and one is in a common-law relationship. Four are journeymen, three are master tradesmen. All self-report some English language proficiency: seven claim they are able to read English, while only five research participants report to both speak and write English. (More on the skilled workerâs language abilities later on in Chapter 7). 41 I did not encounter any evidence during my interviews that women were recruited as skilled workers: Not one employer made reference to having recruited a female skilled worker. Likewise, recruiters also did not make reference to any women being recruited to the Okanagan as skilled worker. And skilled workers also did not mention that they had female colleagues or knew of other female skilled workers who had been recruited. 157 Table 4: Profile of German Skilled Workers in this Study German skilled workers (n=7) Gender Male 7 Female 0 Age 31-35 1 36-40 3 41-50 1 46-50 1 51-55 1 Marital status Married 6 Divorced 1 Engaged* 1 Skill level Journeyman 4 Master 3 Languages (in addition to German) English 7 Read 7 Write 5 speak 5 French 0 Other 0 Source: Marten, Tina. 2015. Results from the Questionnaire Survey. * One skilled worker was still married in Germany, yet also already engaged again in Canada. He was awaiting his divorce. 158 A note of caution, the government program evaluations lump all provincial nominees together, regardless of profession. I only collected data from tradesmen. It is quite possible that those with higher education levels than a trade certification had better English skills. Put another way, the governmentâs evaluation does not break out provincial nominees into individual cohorts, according to occupational groups and their demographics. The government data also does not break out the provincial nominees into ethnic groups, even though they do account for provincial nomineeâs country of origin and country of citizenship. Ethnic group-specific data are not available. The research for this dissertation is a snapshot of seven German skilled-worker-provincial-nominees who are also tradesmen. As a program, the BCPNP is gendered. The program is geared to men, to attract those skilled workers who can come to Canada and devote themselves entirely to their work - without distractions arising from childrearing and caretaking. This way the man can demonstrate his complete commitment to his work, in whatever avenue was required, including arriving early, leaving late, not taking time off, and staying focused on the paid work all day because another person was supporting him by taking care of all of the personal and familial responsibilities in his lifeâ (McClintock-Comeaux 2013:403). To satisfy this scenario, the young male skilled worker from the two-parent family is the ideal target. From the neoliberal perspective, as a young worker he has lots of years of productivity/market contribution left. The wife can take care of the household and other family-related matters, freeing the man to devote himself to his new position (More on this later in this chapter). The BCPNPâs evaluation statistics and my collected data demonstrate that men were recruited as provincial nominees according to this logic. In 2003, 52.5 percent of principal applicants of provincial nominees were men (Rivers & Associates 2003:14), and by 2011 this number had grown to 68 percent (Ministry of Jobs, Tourism and Innovation 159 2011:10). The positions into which skilled workers are recruited in the Okanagan are traditionally male-dominated trade positions.42 Equally, in the Okanagan context workers are invited to bring their wife and so there is a supporting person while on the job in Canada. The skilled worker can be entirely devoted to his new position because his wife sets up the house and ensures the integration of the family and the children. The wives, by definition, cannot be ideal workers because of their status as married women. Being married means they are tasked with the familyâs caretaking, which makes them âunfitâ for the role of ideal worker (Jenson 1991). They cannot be devoted to the family and work at the same time.43 Being a skilled worker, a wife and mother are competing demands, which cannot be balanced (Adams and Welsh 2008:190). But women in general are also excluded from this ideal due to their reproductive abilities (McClintock-Comeaux 2013:404). In the social construction of an ideal worker in a neoliberal market, having children introduces competing responsibilities (caretaking responsibilities versus working responsibilities) which simply cannot be reconciled. The woman cannot devote herself to economic pursuits being solely focused on work, while at the same time being a mother/caretaker. Considering the above, what makes German skilled workers interesting to Okanagan employers? I attempt to answer this next. 42 This refers to trade professions which do not require Canadian certification. 43 McClintock-Comeaux (2013:405) makes the distinction between traditional conceptions of an ideal worker who is physically present at his place of work (like the trades men of this study) and a worker who performs like an ideal worker with the help of technology by, for example, working from home via technology. 160 5.2 The German Skilled Worker: An On-Demand Ideal for Okanagan Employers? Walter is a retired immigration officer with decades of experience working for the Canadian immigration system. He assists and guides Okanagan employers in their skilled worker recruitment. He explains how age matters: âThe ideal candidate is young, between 20 and 45 years of ageâ (Walter, interview, May 28, 2015), because migrants in their mid-30s are especially sought to âfill the gaps in Canada's population structureâ (Friesen 2012). The candidate is considered at âthe peak age range for innovative work and the acquisition of new knowledgeâ (Livi-Bacci 2012:95) with âyears left in their economic capacityâ (Walter, interview, May 28, 2015). He is even more desirable if his spouse is young and in childbearing years (Livi-Bacci 2012:95). Young immigrants are not only important for population growth in Canada. They are also wanted and valued for their potential to reproduce the valleyâs (read: white) population (see Aguiar and Marten 2011:138-140). Since most German skilled workers fit this ethnic profile, their skin colour becomes yet another asset that makes them interesting to those who work to protect and maintain the prevailing whiteness of the Okanagan Valley (Aguiar and Marten 2011). Further support for this argument lays in that these white skilled workers, vis-Ã -vis ânot quite whiteâ workers (Frye Jacobson 1999), like the Mexicans and Jamaicans who toil in the Okanagan Valley, have the possibility to settle, whereas the latter do not. âThe non-whites are just-in-time-workersâ (Aguiar and Marten 2011:140) while âEuropean workers areâ - according to one provincial government report (Rivers & Associates 2003) and one Okanagan municipal representative - âculturally more compatible than other immigrants [because] they hold the same values and work ethic as those already living in Kelownaâ (Aguiar and Marten 2011:141). 161 The ideal skilled worker speaks at least one of the official languages - French or English - so he can fully communicate and engage at this place of work, especially to transfer his knowledge and expertise to the domestic workforce. A good command of one of these languages facilitates integrating and settling in the community since he can converse with his fellow citizens. Of course, the better his language skills the less investment he will need to acquire the language, and by extension forgo use of already strained immigrant language services and resources (Barron 2007; Brach 2016; Dickson, Lindquist, Pollard and Yan 2013). Employers interviewed agreed that a poor command of the English language was a concern since it is a barrier to understanding what is asked of the worker. The inability to communicate in a shared language at work can turn into a serious safety issue and hindering workplace integration (Jason interview, September 1, 2015; Julia, interview, August 10, 2015). Nevertheless, two other employers (who did not participate in this research)44 must not have shared this concern, because Ben and Andreas were recruited with only rudimentary English skills. Since neither Benâs nor Andreasâ employer were part of this study, I can only speculate their employer did not care if they could converse with them or transfer their skills and expertise to co-workers. Officially, skilled workers are recruited to fill in the gaps and complement the expertise and skills of the domestic workforce. Christian, a Canadian visa officer from the Canadian embassy in Berlin, said this is the âofficial story [because] supposedly skilled 44 Recall that I was not always able to speak with employers and skilled workers from the same company. 162 workers bring skills that do not exist in Canadaâ (interview, July 3, 2015). According to this officer, they should hold educational skills different from those of the domestic work force. The 2003 evaluation of provincial data established that only 2 percent of provincial nominees completed their secondary education, while 60 percent of federal skilled workers did (Ministry of Community, Aboriginal and Women's Services 2003:17). This suggests the education selection criteria were set much higher for the federal government than the BCPNP. Over time, however, this changed significantly for provincially selected immigrants, as the subsequent federal evaluation (2011) of Canadaâs provincial nominee programs suggested: 11 percent of skilled workers had at least a secondary education, while 13 percent held a trade certificate (Ministry of Jobs, Tourism and Innovation 2011a:17). My data show all seven skilled workers hold a lower secondary education, meaning they finished 10 years of schooling in Germany. Upon completion of grade 10, Mark, Sascha, Alexander, Felix, Chris and Ben went on to the Berufsschule (a professional school like a college) for a three-year apprenticeship to become a Geselle, or journeyman. Only after plying their trades as a Geselle for about four years, or 10,000 hours,45 can they take their master exam. To become a Meister, or master tradesman, requires at least 10,000 hours of work experience (Sennett 2008:20). Only Mark, Sascha and Alexander went on to the Meisterschule to complete their trade certification at the masterâs level. Felix, Chris, Ben and Andreas are Gesellen, certified tradesmen; Felix and Chris completed further schooling in the attempt to better reposition themselves in their home labour market. 45 This calculation applies if they work full-time. 163 The German apprenticeship training is solid and provides employees with an impressive foundation of skills, training regimen and work ethic in the eyes of Canadian recruiters and employers (Fokus 2007). Walter, the representative from the COEDC, explains that prospective Canadian employerâs value âhow they [Germans] train their peopleâ since German education offers âa great training programâ (interview, May 28, 2015). This includes âsoftâ and âhardâ skills and a ârightâ attitude making Germans valued workers in the labour market (Julia, employer and recruiter; interview August 10, 2015). Only one of the skilled workers interviewed possessed both sets of skills. With respect to the other recruits, there appears to be âa considerable gap between the stateâs policy discourse emphasizing highly skilled, ready-to-work immigrants and the characteristics of immigrants actually submittedâ (Simmons 2010:88). According to Simmons (2010), there is a disconnect between the skills and characteristics the ideal worker possesses and what makes him attractive to the BCPNP, and the actual skills the recruited workers have. In this study, only one skilled worker fulfilled the desired qualifications. Two of the seven skilled workers had no/or poor English skills, and one was âtoo oldâ (mid-fifties) at the time of immigration. Two came to Canada with the intent to escape years of chronic unemployment in Germany. Considering the aforementioned, the question arises why Okanagan employers specifically looked to Germany to hire skilled labour? The following paragraphs discuss the various reasons employers recruited Germans. Phillip (an Okanagan employer) recruited skilled workers for his hotel. For him the industry-specific knowledge and education were the reason to turn to Germany to locate a skilled worker there. Phillip explains, 164 They [Germans], in working here, raise our standards considerably [when compared to other hotels in the Okanagan area and BC] since the hotel industry in Canada does not have apprenticeships like in Europe. We need to teach those [Canadian] workers just about everything. Being a waiter is just a job in North America [whereas] a waiter in Europe attends the hotel school and completes a three-year apprenticeship. The European waiter holds a lot more knowledge and his/her work are of a higher-quality. And these qualifications are recognized in Europe (interview, June 21, 2015). In an effort to illustrate some of the differences between the training and skills that German and Canadian waiters hold, he says: Many North American servers are unable to carry more than two plates, and they have not developed [a] feeling when tables need to be waited on or cleared. Food security and food and drink knowledge are nonexistent. European waiters, for example, learn about the meals, how they are prepared, the wines to pair with them, etc. It's just much more comprehensive and in-depth (Phillip, interview, June 21, 2015). Phillip goes on, âthe skilled and motivated young hotel workers from Europe are extremely important, because they know the trade and the significance of the skills that are taught within the industryâ (interview, June 21, 2015). But due to the shortage of this qualified labour, he is also forced to âinvest a lot of time in the training of Canadian staff, but often their work is short-term due to the transitory nature of this segment of the labour market. They wait [tables] between school semesters to finance their studiesâ (interview, June 21, 2015). For Phillip, recruiting a skilled worker entailed bringing a person with educational skills trained and developed outside Canada. A very different account comes from Jason, another Okanagan employer, who suggests hiring skilled German tradesmen âreally wasnât about [their] skillâ at all (interview, September 1, 2015). Instead, he wanted them to work as fast as possible, and thought their industry specific knowledge and skill would facilitate that (interview, September 1, 2015). While the contradictory nature of his statement seems to be lost on him, he criticizes the skills and abilities of the dozen German skilled workers he recruited. He alleges their 165 qualifications were inflated and their skills wanting, resulting in the under-appreciation of Canadian techniques of their trade. He further criticizes many of these workers for having a chip on their shoulder evident in a sense of entitlement. They seemed too set in their German ways, he complained. Jason expressed his displeasure in having to âretrainâ them to Canadian standards (interview, September 1, 2015). In the examples above, the governmentâs argument for the knowledge transfer skilled workers were entrusted with delivering did not conform to employersâ expectations and needs. Jason wanted workers who worked fast and hard without making demands. He reflects that recruiting German skilled workers came at a high cost to his company since his staff had to retrain the German skilled workers. He pointed out that during retraining he had to pay his staff at supervisory levels while paying the German skilled workers the journeyman rate set in the BCPNP contract (interview, September 1, 2015). He was clearly annoyed with this turn of events but hoped to reduce the skilled workersâ wages to a training wage. It seems to me this employer was hoping to find a more captive and cheaper labour force than the Canadian workers who did not want to work for him (interview, September 1, 2015). Another Okanagan construction employer hired 20 skilled German workers and was happy with his recruits and their abilities. He recalls the skilled workers had a âdesire to be perfect, to do it right the first time.â He adds that they exhibited âgreat attention to detail.â But this also delayed the work since âtheir tendency [is] to try to get it perfectâ (Michael, interview, June 8, 2015). Framing or roofing a house, or dry walling or painting does not have to be perfect, but it has to be quick so the next house can be tackled. This employer communicated these requirements to the skilled workers without a retraining program. 166 During the interview, he seemed content with his decision to bring in skilled foreign workers. He claims to never see them âslacking off, because they were such hard workersâ (interview, June 8, 2015). Another Okanagan employer perceived the skilled workers in a similar vein. She stated the German skilled workers were exhibiting less entitlement than Canadian workers she had been in contact with. German skilled workers brought an attitude of âwhat can we do for you? You are paying us to be hereâ (Vanessa, interview, June 11, 2015). She was thrilled that the skilled workers of her establishment were demonstrating a strong appreciation for their job and would show up on time every day and work the entire day. The skilled workers desire to migrate to Canada makes them ideal candidates in their willingness to subject themselves to their employerâs requests. They are willing to endure the conditions of the program in return for the chance at first becoming a provincial nominee, and second a permanent resident. In sum, I suggest the most important criterion for immigration (Wong 2003:3012) for the skilled German workers is their willingness to enter into the confines of the BCPNP as a TFW and the trade-related skills that they bring, even if they do not meet the âidealâ worker criteria. One question remains, how are these German workers recruited? This I discuss next. 5.3 The Canadian-German Recruitment Chain Finding a target market from where to recruit workers is a combination of political, economic and social factors. For example, there must be supportive governments willing to collaborate and institutionalize the needs and wants of employers in that country's migration programs. When sourcing for possible countries from where to recruit, one consideration is economic hardship, like for example high unemployment, which makes that country's 167 workforce suspect to emigration. When workers are mobile and willing, a country has a product to sell. In the case of Germany and beginning in 2006, the country was sliding into recession with surplus labour and increasing unemployment in the construction industry (Caliendo and Hogenacker 2012). This made the German construction labour supply interesting to Canadian employers (Walter, interview, May 28, 2015), particularly since German workers also brought âsolidâ standardized skills and knowledge due to the German vocational training program (Julia, interview, August 10, 2015; Fokus 2007). The involvement of Canadian and German intermediaries is manifest in a recruitment chain (Parr 1994). In the case of this research, they span different levels of government and other institutions, and reach from North America to Europe. The Canadian-German recruitment chain is transnational with economic/political Canadian institutions on each - the European and North American - continent: there is the Canadian Embassy in Berlin; representatives from the Province of BC and the BCPNP office; (executive) staff from Okanagan Economic Development Commissions and the (Okanagan) Chamber of Commerce (Chamber of Commerce 2006 a and 2006b). Other Canadian intermediaries included are recruiters from industry associations and Canadian employers and/or their representatives, as well as immigration consultants. On the German side, the recruitment chain includes two German government offices, namely the Zentrale Auslands- und Fachvermittlung (ZAV), translated as Federal Employment Agency, the German equivalent to Service Canada, and the St. Raphaelswerk, the German agency tasked by German government to advise its citizens considering migrating away. The places and people involved in this recruitment chain are purposefully connected (like a fraternity), leaving little 168 room for incidental connections (Parr 1994:339). Together, they build capacity for this cross-border recruitment initiative (Agunia 2009:2). In the early days, officials from the ZAV were instrumental in laying the groundwork for this recruitment chain. Jack, one government worker from the ZAV, explained that in 2002 the ZAV had outgoing services attempting to find work for unemployed Germans beyond the country (interview, July 1, 2015). It connected employers in and outside of Germany with willing and able German workers. Jack held the North America portfolio and was âresponsible for Canada within this employer serviceâ (interview, July 1, 2015). He explains that he made his first connections to Canada in the fall of 2002 when he flew to Canada to meet Canadian federal officials in Ottawa. The meeting was fruitful and at the end, it was agreed to sign an agreement between the Canada and Germany finalizing their partnership in bringing German skilled workers to Canada. At the same time, while still in Canada, Jack took the time to market the available German labour by advertising for the program. This included making presentations to municipal officials in the provinces of Alberta and BC, and then also to employers. Jack recalls with a laugh, âwe would travel from town to town covering huge distances compared to Germany. [Then] rent a community hall or church and make a presentation to [local] employers.â The local advertising had been taken care of by the local economic development initiative, just like it had in the Okanagan Valley. âDuring this presentation, I informed them [local employers] of what resources the ZAV could be for Canadian employers,â in helping establish contact and subsequently secure access to German workers. âIn return, I made it clear that the ZAV would need concrete jobs/positions to be filledâ (interview, July 1, 2015), otherwise his agency would not fund the move of Germans to Canada. 169 During the early years of the program, when it was still being established, the ZAV was the only German government agency dealing with the administration of the program on the German side, and those interested in participating in it. As the program grew in popularity and the numbers of German candidates increased, the Raphaelswerk joined in to provide information to interested parties and candidates (Jack, interview, July 1, 2015; Sylvia, interview, July 2, 2015). This partnership lasted until about 2011 when the ZAV suspended all outgoing services for Canadian employers due to dwindling demand by Canadian employers (Jack, interview, July 1, 2015). The movement of workers did not require official government intervention any longer. The Raphaelswerk, nevertheless, continues to support Germans interested in moving to Canada; Sylvia, one Raphaelswerk employee facilitating the Canada portfolio, was confident that there would not be any change to that service in the future (interview, July 2, 2015). Even after active recruitment from Germany ceased, many Canadian intermediaries who had interviewed in and recruited from Germany, remained connected with one another in their recruitment efforts (Michelle, interview, September 30, 2015; Jack, interview, July 1, 2015; Harold, interview, June 1, 2015; Walter, interview, May 28, 2015). A network had been established. When demand for a different kind of worker was established by the members of this group, for example with skilled workers from the Netherlands, England or Scotland (Koopmans 2007) or Ireland (Gilbert 2013; Wilson 2012), the Canadian side of the recruitment chain simply shifted countries as the Canadian government built new partnerships elsewhere in Europe. The German intermediaries were, as a result, then and thereafter less active in the Canadian-German-recruitment chain. One might suspect, however, should economic and political circumstances change between the countries, then 170 the network could easily be reactivated and amended by its agents according to the needs of Canadian capital, or maybe German capital, since originally the program was set up as reciprocal, allowing for the flow of people in both directions (Jack, interview, July 1, 2015). It is forbidden by law in Germany to advertise for emigration, and to actively recruit people to move abroad (Sylvia, interview, July 2, 2015). The German law the Auswandererschutzgesetz, translated as Emigrant Protection Act, was passed with the intent to protect Germans from unlawful recruitment from abroad (Bundesministerium für Justiz und Verbraucherschutz 1975). Adopted in 1975, the Act has two pillars: pillar (1) states that in Germany only those who are sanctioned by the German state can give information about migration (Bundesministerium für Justiz und Verbraucherschutz 1975). For example, an immigration consultant must demonstrate that he has five years of specialized expertise and experience in a geographical region and country before he can officially consult on migration to that country (Sylvia, interview, July 2, 2015). And (2): The Act states that it is forbidden to advertise for emigration in Germany unless an individual/organization has expressed permission from the German government (Bundesministerium für Justiz und Verbraucherschutz 1975) to do so. Sylvia states, âthe law was passed to protect people, and [therefore] it stipulates that those who have the idea to go abroad need to be able to gain unbiased information and support as they make their decisionâ (interview, July 2, 2015). The government sees this service as essential to its citizensâ success abroad because âevery German must be advised so they do not failâ (Jack, interview, July 1, 2015). To comply with this law, the German federal government offers support in the form of outgoing services. They advise German citizens about working abroad, including âcover[ing] the cost of traveling to [an] interview in a foreign countryâ (Jack, interview, July 171 1, 2015). In the hopes of giving those contemplating moving away objective and neutral information about the working, economic, political and social conditions in the country of their interest, only a few registered immigration consultants (Sylvia, interview, July 2, 2015) and community social service organizations are allowed to provide consultative services. The Raphaelswerk e.V., the German catholic agency which the German government hires to provide such services to Germans considering emigration and repatriating must provide standardized, neutral and intentional information; âeverything else would be considered biasedâ (Sylvia, interview, July 2, 2015). Sylvia points out: You notice that there is an absence of ads from immigration consultants from other countries in the German media. That is unique. Many countries, Canada included, have state regulations for their immigration consultants, but they do not have a law that prohibits the advertisement for immigration [altogether] (interview, July 2, 2015). Sylvia makes it clear this permission to recruit for skilled labour in Germany, as granted by the German government to its Canadian counterparts and employers, speaks to the special relationship Canada holds with Germany. This is âa permission of that sort [that] is rare and uniqueâ (interview, July 2, 2015). And so, since the Canadian and the German governments developed a state-sanctioned partnership for the recruitment of skilled German workers to Canada, the Canadian (provincial and municipal) government representatives, employers and industry associations - involved migration intermediaries - are extended a special status to recruit openly in Germany. This was evident during the recruitment fair in the advertisements that Canadian recruiters displayed: brochures, pamphlets and promotional videos advertising their companies and the famed âOkanagan lifestyleâ (Susan, interview, July 13, 2015; Michael, interview, June 8, 2015; Jason, interview, September 1, 2015; Julia, interview, August 10, 2015). This situation results in a contradictory context in which the 172 two countries collaborate -- albeit with very different political framing for each party's intent, as I explain next. When I pressed Jack from the ZAV about this contradictory situation -- the enforcement of the Emigration Protection Act and Canadians actively advertising and recruiting in Germany for a life in Canada -- I was informed that the ZAV is not suggesting that German workers emigrate to Canada per se, but merely that they can work there. Jack reasons: âWe [the ZAV] procure work for Germans abroad; we do not provide emigration services, [â¦] because it is not in the interest of Germany to promote emigrationâ (interview, July 1, 2015). Instead, he explains the ZAV considers the program circular in nature. âIf someone has good qualifications and skills, they might go abroad for a few years, but then return to Germany with his/her experience abroad, and in turn has better chances in the home labour marketâ (Jack, interview, July 1, 2015). A circular labour migration program can work, he continues because the German abroad can always return to Germany to work and live. âIn theory, they can jump back and forth between the countries, if they likeâ (interview, July 1, 2015). It is neither financially nor socially feasible to frequently commute between Canada and Germany, arising from to the geographical distance (recall itâs 8000 kilometers), the prohibitive financial cost of flying between countries (tickets average at about CAN $1,000.00 each way), the personal and emotional strain of travel through the nine-hour time change, and the cost of maintaining two homes. Pushed on this matter, Jack admits he is not aware of one single person commuting for work between Canada and Germany (interview, July 1, 2015). Sylvia, also, was not aware of any German skilled worker commuting between the countries (interview, July 2, 2015); but skilled worker Daniel recalled he had had a co-worker who tried to maintain a home in each country and commute, but soon realized he 173 could not earn enough money to sojourn between countries and maintain a proper lifestyle (interview, July 10, 2015). Regardless, the political framing of labour migration programs as circular and workers being able to pick up skills abroad before returning home is standard practice because âinstead of ripping other countriesâ workersâ off, we are providing them with skillsâ was the explanation from Harold from the Central Okanagan Economic Development Commission (interview, June 1, 2015). Pressed further on the notion of reciprocity, Jack recalled that in the beginning the program âwas thought to be an exchange programâ allowing Germans to work in Canada and Canadians to work in Germany. However, âthere were hardly any applicants from the Canadian sideâ rendering the idea of reciprocity meaningless (interview, July 1, 2015). In part, this can be explained by the booming Canadian economy, which was short of tradesmen, while simultaneously an economic slump ensued with too many unemployed tradesmen. âInterest was strong on the German side, in part due to high unemploymentâ (Jack, interview, July 1, 2015). Between 2000-2002 the overall unemployment rate for Germans was 14.6 percent, 14.4 percent and 13.9 percent respectively (Bauer, Dietz, Zimmermann and Zwintz 2005:213). Meanwhile, German employers demonstrated little interest in hiring Canadian tradesmen because the âGerman vocational program is deemed more extensive and thorough than the Canadian oneâ (Jack, interview, July 1, 2015). Jack admits, âI am not aware of a single German employer who has hired a Canadian tradesman, [rendering the program] practically a one-way streetâ (interview, July 1, 2015). German officials treat the participation of skilled German workers in the BCPNP as temporary. Jack explains his governmentâs thinking: âGerman workers might go abroad for a couple of yearsâ and then return to Germany (interview, July 1, 2015). He explains that not 174 everyone who went to Canada for work would be suitable for the PNP. âAs you can imagine, during times of high unemployment, there are people who just say, âI am going to Canadaâ -- many of whom are not suited for working in Canada.â He estimates that âout of one hundred requests for information, I would have forty who are serious and who could be successful in this stepâ (interview, July 1, 2015). He justifies the position of his office as merely giving information to German skilled workers who might want to stay longer than their work permit allows. âI have to point out that it is also our job to tell the truth,â Jack defends his way of doing it, âand when I am asked [by a skilled worker] âwhat happens if I want to stay longer?â In my role as consultant, I would make mention of the [BC]PNPâ (interview, July 1, 2015). He explains his government must âmake sure people have all the information they might need to succeedâ (interview, July 1, 2015). Here, the contradiction of providing information that might lead to emigration is circumnavigated with the claim that Germans can always return âhomeâ again, since they do not lose their citizenship when they work abroad (Jack, interview, July 1, 2015). But Jack admits âon the Canadian side the thinking decidedly differsâ (interview, July 1, 2015). The present research corroborates his claim. The Canadian employers I interviewed went to the work fair with the intent to recruit workers they would then nominate into the BCPNP, a program geared at settling skilled workers in the province of nomination (Susan, interview, July 13, 2015; Michael, interview, June 8, 2015; Jason, interview, June 11, 2015; Julia, interview, August 10, 2015). Likewise, Canadian provincial government representatives in attendance were also touting the BCPNP as an immigration program for German skilled labour which will stay in the province (Greg, interview, July 14, 2015; Walter, interview, May 28, 2015). For the Canadian and German Government officials in this research, it was clear that âthe BCPNP suggests someone goes 175 abroad foreverâ because in the Canadian labour market âqualifications and skills [can open the door and] lead to immigrationâ (Jack, interview, July 1, 2015). I establish through my research that the format of the information sessions at the work fairs included information about emigration to Canada, and that it was standard practice to give this information to the all skilled workers in attendance, not just those who asked further questions, as Jack from the ZAV had suggested. Right from the beginning, interested parties were learning about the BCPNP. Harold, from the COEDC, who was at some of the fairs, recalled âevery time someone spoke with an employer, they were also told to speak with the people from the BCPNPâ (interview, June 1, 2015). It was implied that the use of these programs was open to all those who are looking for work in Canada, and that Canadian intermediaries âuse[d] the PNP to bring in skilled trades workers, plumbers, carpenters, drywallers [into the Canadian labour market], and at the same time use[d] the nomination program to get people to stayâ in the province (interview, June 1, 2015). Last, the focus turns to the actual recruitment and how it occurred in situ, as recalled by the research participants and interpreted through my understanding of the research materials. In the following section, I discuss the methods of recruitment employed by the migration intermediaries in this study. 5.4 Methods of Recruitment: How to Recruit German Skilled Workers Canadian labour recruitment has a long history in Germany. First accounts of Canadian efforts to recruit German migrants for economic purposes and settlement occurred during the 18th century (Trautsch 2009; Wagner 2006:44). At that time there was no direct involvement from the Canadian government in Germany (Wagner 2006:43), and recruitment efforts were individualized and chaotic (Wagner 2006:45). Historical records show that since the 1870s, 176 Canadian immigrant recruiters were placed in Germany, or a neighboring country since direct recruitment by a foreign power inside Germany was (and remains) forbidden (Trautsch 2013). The practice of intentionally sorting through incoming applications, historian Jasper Trautsch (2009) argues, was established back then, and the continuing search for the âbest immigrantâ prevails to this day even though the understanding of what âbestâ means has changed through the years (Satzewich 2015). As previously mentioned, some Okanagan employers went to Germany to do the recruiting themselves, whereas others hired representatives. This research found Okanagan employers recruited formally and informally (Carroll, Marchington, Earnshaw and Taylor 1999): at recruitment fairs; via the internet; with the help of immigration consultants, and via word-of-mouth from already recruited skilled workers. Formal hiring methods are more expensive and work-intensive for employers than informal methods because in formal hiring methods employers need to utilize labour recruitment structures and services for their employment efforts. In contrast, during informal hiring, employers use existing employees to recruit for them. This way the employer can offload much of that engagement and possibly also accompanying costs to the worker, who is doing the recruiting work for the employer. Small employers prefer to recruit informally (Carroll, Marchington, Earnshaw and Taylor 1999:238), while larger employers often have formal recruitment structures as part of their companyâs structure. Banding together for recruitment efforts with the Okanagan Valleyâs COEDC, which had already established a relationship with the German ZAV, allowed Okanagan companies to access formal recruitment structures. Okanagan employers had to pay for their trip to Europe, in addition to a nominal fee to be a recruiter at the work fair, 177 where the ZAV had already organized a willing contingent of hopeful workers (Jack, interview, July 1, 2015; Sylvia, interview, July 2, 2015; Walter, interview, May 28, 2015). Not all of the aforementioned recruitment methods could be used when Okanagan employers began recruiting. In the early days, recruitment occurred in the real world at job fairs. Only whence the recruitment chain had become established with virtual linkages between the ZAV and Service Canada, and recruitment efforts were more public/better known, did employers begin posting their job ads online, on sites like Service Canada (www.canada.gc.ca). The word-of-mouth recruiting started after the first skilled workers arrived in Canada, because once in the Okanagan, they could recommend the program to others back home, who were also hoping to become skilled workers in Canada. Immigration consultants were involved right from the beginning when they learned about the BCPNP program (Thomas, interview, March 3, 2015). The eight employers in this study used a mix of the aforementioned methods to recruit skilled workers. Six employers recruited at a recruitment fair, either in person or via a representative. Two placed job advertisements on the website of the ZAV, while one placed a newspaper ad in an industry specific journal. Two also recruited via the word-of-mouth method, meaning already recruited skilled workers referred names of other potential skilled worker candidates to their employers. Immigration consultants, too, helped to recruit workers for two of the employers. Overall, most employers used more than one strategy to access the German talent pool, as I discuss in more detail next. 5.5. At the Recruitment Fair Recruitment fairs, or immigration markets, were events where countries try to satisfy their demand for labour by inviting immigrants (the supply) to learn about the opportunities 178 existing in their country (Wong 2003:305). In this case, there was no competition amongst recruiting countries, but instead Okanagan/Canadian employers were trying to cover their needs with the existing demand. The resulting âmatching processâ (Klooserman and Rath in Wong 2003:305) benefitted from a mixture of competing energies, including the job offers made by the various employers; the desire of the immigrants to move to Canada; the competition between employers to secure the âidealâ worker and the prospective migrants goal to secure one of the job offers. In this scenario, the job offer/work permit/LMO was the commodity being sought (Wong 2003:321), as workers paraded from one employer to the next at the job fair, dropping off résumés. The element of choice, as perceived by the workers as they were giving out their résumés, is integral to the sorting process of applicants, as they work their way across the immigration market (Wong 2003). To illustrate, six employers recruited skilled workers at a job fair. The first big recruitment fairs in Germany involving representatives from Canadian government, industry associations, employers, and the German government were held in 2006 in Essen and Berlin.46 Sylvia (from the Raphaelswerk) explains that they were organized in collaboration with the German federal labour agency, the Bundesarbeitsagentur für Arbeit, its sister company the ZAV and the Canadian visa office at the Canadian Embassy in Berlin (interview, July 2, 2015), and the Canadian provinces. She recalls, there were never all provinces represented at the fairs, but only those who were actively searching for German skilled workers, in particular industries for the provinces. The provinces and certain employers; they worked really hand-in-hand because the provinces knew what employers were looking for skilled workers (interview, July 2, 2015). 46 The first meeting to prepare for recruitment held in Germany was in 2001, when Canadian mayors and government officials met with German officials from the federal government (Jack, interview, July 1, 2015; Christian, interview July 3, 2015). 179 Two subsequent recruitment fairs followed this event, one in Leipzig and another in Munich. The 2006 Canadian workforce recruitment fair, advertised as âKanada-Jobmesseâ tour, translated as Canada Job Fair, brought 45 Canadian employers to Germany who had 700 jobs that needing filling. About 1200 jobseekers attended each of those fairs and approximately 140 jobs were filled in situ at the fair (HalloKanada.de 2015:Arbeiten in Kanada-Jobmessen in Essen und Berlin). More workers were hired later after employers had returned to Canada. The next tour was in February of 2007. Canadian employers, industry association representatives and government officials returned to Essen and Berlin (Hallo.Kanada.de 2015:Arbeiten in Kanada-Jobmessen in Essen und Berlin), where they were again met by officials from the ZAV and the Canadian embassy. Regina Brodersen, who led the British Columbia Construction Association delegation was there âshopping for eight companiesâ (Sorensen 2007). Brodersen was hopeful that more British Columbia construction companies would begin their recruitment this way, and âjoin in this opportunity to source up to 2,000 candidates attending, with two thirds drawn from the construction tradesâ (Sorensen 2007). The 2006 and 2007 recruitment tours focused on trade-related jobs, like mechanics, welders, carpenters, truck drivers, masons and locksmiths (Hallo.Kanada.de 2015:Arbeiten in Kanada-Jobmessen in Essen und Berlin); essentially those construction jobs that did not require certification in Canada. Brodersen alone hoped to fill 300 journeyman positions for fourteen companies across BC (Sorensen 2007). In 2008 two additional fairs were held, again in collaboration with the ZAV and the Canadian Embassy in Berlin (Jack, interview, July 1, 2015). This time the location was Essen and Leipzig (Hallo.Kanada.de 2015:Kanada Jobmessen 2008). That year the fairâs focus was on construction jobs and other related industries, but also for the first time in 180 tourism-related jobs, including hotels and restaurants (Economic Development Commission 2010). The last German recruitment fair was in the spring of 2009, again in Essen. One Okanagan government official from a smaller community recalls that BC provincial participation was limited. None of the officials from the COEDC attended that year (Greg, interview, July 14, 2015), because BCâs economy was in a slump. A global economic downturn resulted in employment declines of 2.2 percent across Canada (LaRochelle-Côte and Gilmore 2009:6) and increases in unemployment from 6.3 percent to 8.8 percent (LaRochelle-Côte and Gilmore 2009:5). BCâs economy was also impacted as the provinces real GDP decreased by 2.3 percent in 2009 (Ministry of Finance 2010:4) and 54,900 jobs were shed (a 2.4 percent reduction) (Ministry of Finance 2010:8). BCâs unemployment rate increased to 7.6 percent (Ministry of Finance 2010:8). In the Okanagan, sales of luxury and recreational homes slowed as buyers from elsewhere stayed away and the dollars that fueled the speculation frenzy dried up. The construction industry laid off workers, and other housing-related industries did too (Michaels 2008:1). And without officials from the COEDC, other local Okanagan employers also did not travel to Germany to attend. One Okanagan government worker explained that without the Executive Director of the COEDC, his municipality and Okanagan employers were not interested in attending. âHe [the Director of the COEDC] was âthe manâ with his local and overseas connectionsâ (Greg, interview, July 14, 2015). The Director of the COEDC was considered instrumental at the recruitment fair, and without him present, other Okanagan employers did not make the effort to travel overseas, because they had little confidence in their ability to recruit on their own. 181 The location of the job fairs in Germany was always chosen by the ZAV and focused on areas with high concentrations of people and elevated unemployment numbers in the region (Jack, interview July 1, 2015). For example, the Essen area is home to more than 3 million people and âin those cities there is potential in the form of interested, willing and qualified skilled workersâ (Sylvia, interview, July 2, 2015). Most of the jobseekers who attended those fairs were there by invitation, I was told, but for some the attendance was mandatory since their visit was tied to receiving further unemployment benefits. Sylvia explains, the ZAV wrote to every unemployed [person] and job seeker in that region, [and] alerted them to the event, and told them to attend. This call went out to all unemployed and employed individuals who received government funding, and those unemployed who are registered [as] seeking employment. These people are of course all registered in the [ZAV's] databank. The first group was asked to attend, and some had to prove their attendance by having a paper stamped [at the fair], while the latter group was invited (interview, July 2, 2015). The practice of recruiting in areas with high unemployment is echoed by employer Julia, because the âresponse is better in areas of high unemployment for tradesâ peopleâ (interview, August 10, 2015). Migrating for work, writes Livi-Bacci (2012), âis a function of the demand of labor, and the ability to participate in the labor marketâ (Livi-Bacci 2012:100). Recruitment was successful in part because it occurred in regions with high unemployment and in part because the ZAV had previously mobilized the qualified unemployed candidates. The format of these job fairs put Canada, its provinces, immigration programs and employers at centre stage. My research findings suggest the fair format remained the same for 2006, 2007 and 2008. The event would start with speeches by representatives from the Canadian embassy in Berlin. This was followed by senior staff from the ZAV, who gave 30- 182 minute presentations by the ZAV, with a focus on living and working in Canada (Jack, interview, July 1, 2015; Vortragsprogramm Jobmesse Kanada 2007, Vortragsprogramm Jobmesse Kanada 2008). Third, were presentations by officials from the Canadian embassy in Berlin about immigrating to Canada (Vortragsprogramm Jobmesse Kanada 2007, Vortragsprogramm Jobmesse Kanada 2008). Thereafter, came presentations by government officials from the provinces of Alberta, Ontario, BC, Saskatchewan and Manitoba. And last, rounding out the information, came the representative from the Raphaelswerk. The same roster of information was repeated again in the fair's afternoon session (Vortragsprogramm Jobmesse Kanada 2007). The representation of the Canadian state at these events grant authority and legitimize the opportunities in the eyes of the job seekers (Wong 2003). Inside the job fair, it was busy! Julia, the Okanagan employer, explains that a recruitment fair is âlike a tradeshow, where companies each have a tableâ (interview, August 10, 2015), or share a booth (Greg, interview, July 14, 2015). Presenters brought promotional materials to hand out, like brochures about Okanagan communities (Michael, interview, June 8, 2015; Greg, interview, July 14, 2015; Harold, interview, June 1, 2015), information about what to expect when working and living in Canada (Jack, interview, July 1, 2015; Sylvia, interview, July 2, 2015; Harold, interview, June 1, 2015). Some employers even had pictures of their company and its projects, as well as BC and the communities of the Okanagan Valley, playing in an endless slideshow loop on their laptops for all fair attendees to see (Michael, interview, June 8, 2015, Jason, interview, September 1, 2015; Greg, interview, July 14, 2015; Sylvia, interview, July 2, 2015; Harold, interview, June 1, 2015). Candidates came with their résumé in hand. Greg, the government official from Vernon, recalls that âit was a big crowded affairâ (interview, July 14, 2015), with a âline of 183 about 5 to 6 people deep the entire dayâ (interview, July 14, 2015). Jason, an Okanagan employer, likened it to a â10-hour one-man show;â he felt he was unable to leave throughout (interview, September 1, 2015). Sometime during the day, Julia remembered, an âoutside catering company would come with beverages for the exhibitorsâ (interview, August 10, 2015). Jason remembers âthe response [was] absolutely overwhelmingâ (interview, September 1, 2015), while Michael, another Okanagan employer, said âat the end of the day, [I] had no voice leftâ (interview, June 8, 2015). They worked from eight o'clock in the morning until 8 oâclock at night âto allow people to come after their workday endedâ (Julia, interview, August 10, 2015). Fortuitous for employers and recruiters, the interest from Germans was strong (Sylvia, interview, July 2, 2015). One can liken these events to a heaven, or market (Wong 2003:307), for employers and recruiters; they only needed to pick the worker they liked the best from the available stock. The set up at the fair was grouped to further streamline the different trades according to the companies present (Julia, interview, August 10, 2015). To speed up the process, âthe skilled workers attending the fair had already been vetted ahead of time [by the ZAV], to make sure they were qualifiedâ (Michael, interview, June 8, 2015; Sylvia, interview, July 2, 2015). Michael recalls, We met dozens and dozens of people and spoke with them. Some would sit down with me. I would speak with them to get to know them a little better and make sure they have the right qualifications. I think at the end of that day, we probably had a list of 20 people, who had the right skill set and seemed fairly fluent in English, because that was very important (interview, June 8, 2015). 184 For many Okanagan and BC employers and recruiters, the attendance at these fairs was a great success; they left with boxes filled with résumés from interested candidates (Sylvia, interview, July 2, 2015), which they lugged back to Canada.47 The role of the COEDC was very important in the success of these fairs. It was the only Okanagan economic development commission involved, in part because it is much stronger in membership and financial support than other Okanagan Valley economic development offices and initiatives. The other economic development regions, Vernon in the north Okanagan and Penticton in the south, were less involved in overseas recruitment. The City of Vernon sent a staffer along, while the southern communities were only involved peripherally, and never went to Germany (Harold, interview, June 1, 2015). This is due to a combination of factors, like the regional different labour market needs, economic development as part of other municipal services, and less finances to participate in overseas recruitment. Furthermore, Kelowna's COEDC is a stand-alone government branch promoting and supporting economic development in the region by growing and diversifying the economic base of the Central Okanagan region. Its board of directors had decided to support Okanagan employers in accessing the BCPNP (Walter, interview, May 28, 2015). The COEDC took care of all the arrangements for employers interested in going overseas. 47 On an interesting side note, this practice really irked Sylvia from the Raphaelswerk. She disclosed during the interview that she did not approve of the all the job applications being taken to Canada. In Germany, she explains, it is customary to return job application papers to those who are not being hired (interview, July 2, 2015). In Canada, on the other hand, employers do not return them to job seekers. Sylvia suggests there is a cultural disconnect between the Canadian and German hiring practice (interview, July 2, 2015). She worried that taking the job applications back to Canada and then not communicating with those who had applied suggested to the applicants that they were still in the race, so to speak, and that they might have a chance at being hired. They (job-seeking-fair-attendees) kept their hopes up since they had not been given their application papers back (interview, July 2, 2015). 185 Employers did not âhave to pay for booth space, or advertising to link to the show. [They] just [had to] show up. Employers just had to pay to get thereâ (Harold, interview, June 1, 2015). The COEDC has not gone to Germany since 2008 (Walter, interview, May 28, 2015). There are several reasons for this: First, demand for skilled labour in the Okanagan had slowed to a trickle (Nicholl 2006). The Okanagan boom was over, and employers began laying off their labour force (Michael, interview, June 8, 2015). Second, trades were not so much in demand anymore, and as a result, many Canadian employers from different sectors began recruiting elsewhere in Europe, for example information technology workers from the Netherlands (Greg, interview, July 14, 2015; Harold, interview June 1, 2015; and Walter, interview, May 28, 2015). Meanwhile I noticed that in Germany, there was an explosion of information material about Canada: online (like for example on Amazon or www.worldcat.org) one could find more and less critical guidebooks about living and working in Canada to glossy magazines praising everything Canadian, to reality TV shows about migrating to Canada. The topic of German-Canadian labour migration was gaining traction in the German mainstream media, which in turn allowed the public to become a lot more aware about Canada in general, and skilled labour migration in particular. This stoked the flames for many Canada-enthusiasts. It was a turning point for Canadian employers; they did not have to recruit in person in Germany anymore, interested Germans began reaching out on their own (Jack, interview, July 1, 2015; Sylvia, interview, July 2, 2015). Recruitment via the internet became more prevalent. 186 After the recruitment fair, whence employers were back in the Okanagan with their stacks of résumés, they began the process of finalizing the papers for those skilled workers they wanted to bring to Canada. Employers kept in contact with the workers via the internet; employers Susan, Michael, Colin, Sarah, Julia and Anna used email (Susan, interview, July 13, 2015; Michael, interview, June 8, 2015; Colin, interview, August 21, 2015; Sarah, interview, August 12, 2015; Anna, interview, June 1, 2015). And Colin used the telephone and fax machine to finalize the work contracts with the skilled worker recruits (Colin, interview, August 21, 2015). Recruitment at fairs was most important during the earlier years of the BCPNP and for Okanagan employers from 2006-2008. Once several workers had come to Canada and this labour migration program was established, employers also recruited via the internet and via word-of-mouth. These latter two are described next. 5.6 Finding Workers via the Internet Okanagan employers also recruited with the help of the internet. They did so for several reasons: first, they were looking for only one or two workers at a time and traveling to Europe was financially unwise. Second, employers could not take time away from their business to travel to Germany to recruit; the opportunity costs to do so was too high. Third, they lacked the support of a trade association that could recruit on their behalf. Thus, employers used the internet as an additional way to reach out to potential candidates and attract skilled workers (Colin, interview, August 21, 2015). Three Okanagan employers recruited skilled workers in this manner. Amanda posted her job openings on a job board on the Service Canada website (interview, June 11, 2015), which is linked to the ZAV website in Germany (Sylvia, interview, July 2, 2015; Harold, 187 interview, June 1, 2015). Skilled workers in Germany were then able to see the Canadian job advertisements via the ZAV website. Colin, for example, had been approved for a labour market opinion in bulk - for ten skilled workers - and was able to bring them one-by-one into the country over a period, as he needed and as they became available (interview, August 21, 2015). Anna only needed one worker and was able to attract four interested tradesmen with her ad, two candidates flew to Canada for an interview, and one was hired (interview, June 1, 2015). For Okanagan employers, this method of recruitment was very cost effective; placing the ad on the job boards cost them nothing (Anna, interview, June 1, 2015), and the ZAV paid for the workers to fly to Canada, as part of the German state support system for job seekers (Jack, interview, July 1, 2015). There are pros and cons to recruiting workers this way. The pros are the low opportunity costs for employers. Compared to travelling to Germany, it costs no money and little effort to place an ad on the Service Canada website (Colin, interview, August 21, 2015). And, once posted, workers will take the lead and reach out to the employer. This, it can be argued, is a plus for workers, who can easily conduct comprehensive employment opportunity searches within these job bank web pages. On the contrary, the competition amongst employers from other recruiting companies for candidates can be strong (RKW 2013), leaving Okanagan employers to compete with employers from larger cities. Since the earning potential in the trades is often higher in larger cities, Okanagan (read: rural) employers must hope they are discovered by a skilled worker who is looking for a placement in the Okanagan, and who looks beyond the dollar figure and to the valleyâs amenities. As with all matters and information on the internet, the information presented has to be carefully evaluated by a skilled worker and an employer alike. It is easy for skilled 188 workers to fall for fraudulent job opportunities that promise too much, just like it is possible for employers to be duped by skilled workers who inflate their abilities for the chance to work/emigrate to Canada (Province of British Columbia Work BC, Temporary Foreign Workers 2019; Jason, interview, September 1, 2015). There are also ads from fraudulent recruiters (Braune 2009) who charge fees for job leads and/or emigration services,48 which is actually illegal in Canada and Germany (Michelle, interview, September 30, 2015; Jack, interview, July 1, 2015; Sylvia, interview, July 2, 2015). Personal connections seem safer in the sense that there is less propensity for inflated claims or fraudulent offers because they are more private, and between people. One such example is the referral of workers by other workers, as I discuss next. 5.7 Finding Workers via Word-of-Mouth Employers Colin, Amanda and Jason found skilled workers with the help of existing workers (Colin, interview, August 21, 2015; Amanda, interview; June 11, 2015; Jason, interview, September 1, 2015). This strategy has few costs and takes little effort and energy on the behalf of the employer. In this scenario, the skilled worker briefly becomes an immigration intermediary, fluidly switching identities from worker to broker (Lindquist, Xiang and Yeoh 48 See the following articles for two recent cases of fraudulent labour recruitment in BC and Canada: Bains, Camille. 2017. B.C. Supreme Court Certifies Foreign-Workers Lawsuit. The Globe and Mail. September 2017. Retrieved October 10, 2017. https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/british-columbia/bc-supreme-court-certifies-foreign-workers-lawsuit/article36319696/.; and Campbell, Megan. 2019. Migrant Mushroom-Farm Workers File Lawsuit and Call for Stronger Labour Protections in Ontario. The Globe and Mail. April 10. Retrieved online May 10, 2019. https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-migrant-mushroom-farm-workers-file-lawsuit-and-call-for-stronger/. 189 2012:8). For a short while, the worker is both at the same time: he contacts the potential candidate, then sells the position to him, and then introduces the candidate to the employer. The skilled worker drafts a âknown quantityâ (Watson 1989 cited in Carroll, Marchington, Earnshaw and Taylor 1999:237), someone already known. If he (the skilled worker) engages from his circle of colleagues, friends and/or acquaintances which hold the same ethnic background or ancestral group (Pendakur and Pendakur 2005:4), then he is engaging in co-ethnic recruiting (Markova, Paraskevopoulou, Williams and Shaw 2016:410). Recruiting this way can be very successful because workers are more knowledgeable about the position, the company and its work due to the connection with the recruiting worker (Turban 2006:677). And, the new worker is instantaneously connected to the other workers via the recruiting worker, meaning he will be also adopted into the social circle of those who already work there. The recruiting employee ensures the new recruit fits in socially (Carroll, Marchington, Earnshaw and Taylor 1999:237). Further, the employer might employ ethnic queuing (Waldinger and Lichter 2003), meaning he filters and ranks his candidates according to perceived racialized stereotypes (Markova, Paraskevopoulou, Williams and Shaw 2016:411), because workers are perceived to have a particular work ethic and/or attitude. âFrom the employersâ perspective, belonging to a specific ethnic community is often assumed to provide information about job seekersâ productivity, flexibility and expertise. Ethnic distinctions therefore serve to meet the needs of work organisationsâ (Lendaro and Imdorf 2012:3). Within a company, belonging to a group of workers with a different ethnic background impacts the workerâs social standing. Being a newcomer, the worker must adapt to workplace cultures in striving for acceptance by co-workers (Adams and Welsh 2008:205). Recruiting workers from different ethnic 190 backgrounds can also introduce an element of competition into the workforce, as workerâs (re)negotiate their social positions within a workplace. For employers, recruiting workers from abroad serves as a form of control. Employer Amanda explains her company has formalized this kind of recruitment in its human resource policies with a formal referral program. She rationalizes, âif you have a good worker, and he is bringing his friends, there is a chance that their work ethic is similarâ (interview, June 1, 2015). The referral program used by Amandaâs company also promises the recruiting worker a recruitment bonus, if the new recruit stays beyond the probationary period, making the recruiting worker a disciplinary for the incoming worker (interview, June 1, 2015). 5.8 Finding Workers via Immigration Consultants The last practice of recruiting workers was with the assistance of immigration consultants. Okanagan employers Colin, Amanda and Sarah found skilled workers with the help of an Okanagan immigration consultant (Colin, interview, August 21, 2015; Amanda, interview, June 11, 2015; Sarah, interview; August 12, 2015). In two cases, the immigration consultant took the position of the immigration intermediary: he had skilled workers in supply and was approaching Okanagan employers who had placed skilled labour wanted ads for potential interest. One advantage for employers in this scenario is that the skilled worker comes pre-screened by the immigration consultant, and he (the employer) does not have to take care of any of the paperwork. The consultant takes care of that (Amanda, interview, June 11, 2015; Thomas, interview, March 3, 2015). The immigration consultant supports both parties (employer and skilled worker) as they begin their working relationship together; Thomas, an Okanagan immigration consultant, explains his fees are only paid after the skilled workerâs probationary period concludes (interview, March 3, 2015). 191 In the case of Thomas, the immigration consultant interviewed, he had been contacted by Germans who wanted to migrate to Canada. He met with them and assessed their chances of immigration to Canada via the existing and different immigration programs; he determined their strongest chance of success would be for the husband to become a skilled worker in the BCPNP. Part of Thomasâ work for this client includes finding work placements and helping the worker and employer enter into the BCPNP. He charges his clients a fee, and in turn takes care of all the accompanying paperwork, including offering support to the employer and skilled worker in the preparation of the BCPNP application (interview, March 3, 2015). This service is valued by employers who do not need to expand any of their energy on recruiting or the BCPNP paperwork (Thomas, interview, March 3, 2015). In another case, another Okanagan employer was looking for someone with a very particular skill set. Working with an immigration consultant in Germany allowed her to give the task of head hunting to the immigration consultant (Sarah, interview, August 12, 2015). This consultant facilitated the candidateâs entry as a temporary foreign worker to Canada, and then subsequently facilitated the employer's and skilled workerâs nomination to the BCPNP. This consultant assisted with all aspects of the paperwork (Sarah, interview, August 12, 2015). Nevertheless, in these cases, until the worker finally arrived in Canada, employers still connected with the candidates by telephone and e-mail in the interim. 5.9 Concluding Points This chapter drew extensively from my research with migration intermediaries, the Canadian and German government officials and their representatives; in short those who make up the Canadian-German recruitment chain. I analyzed the construct of the âidealâ Germany skilled 192 worker, as it is constructed by employers in the Okanagan context. I reviewed the criteria with which German skilled workers were chosen. The Canadian argument calls on young, married, educated males with English language capabilities to complement the domestic work force with their tradeâs skills and expertise. Their presence is to help ease the skills shortage while at the same time also transfer their knowledge to domestic workers. I further discussed how the profile of those first recruited to the Okanagan as TFWs and then subsequently into the BCPNP as provincial nominees compares to the profile of the âidealâ skilled worker as characterized by the Canadian government and Okanagan employers. This analysis highlights how the BCPNP as a neoliberal labour recruitment program in its Okanagan context targeted German skilled workers as ideal for work (and settlement?) while other workers, such as Mexicans and Jamaicans, are contextualized as âidealâ sojourners. Like the government literatureâs ideal of the skilled worker, they were all male trades men (three master trades men and four journey men) and they were married with family. But only one of the seven recruited highly skilled workers held the âidealâ characteristics, while the other six either missed language skills, were âtoo old,â chronically unemployed prior to coming to Canada, or some combination of the three. These research findings point to a gap between the official state discourse and the recruitment that occurs. Okanagan employers, the research suggests, want workers who hold industry-specific knowledge, are willing to work fast and hard, and show up to work motivated every day. Some employers were clearly annoyed when their imported workers did not do as told; and one employer attempted to force the workers to perform work contrary to the BCPNPâs contract parameters. The research findings showed that program goals and outcomes are not one and the same. The outcome inconsistencies are manifestations of the competing goals of the migration program 193 (Satzewich 2015:121). On the one hand are the guidelines as to who should be attracted to Canada as a skilled worker, as compared on the other to who employers are actually recruiting as skilled workers and then subsequently nominated into the BCPNP. The discussion then details the German-Canadian recruitment chain and its actors, and documents how the skilled workers were recruited by Okanagan employers. On the Canadian side, there are government officials from provincial and municipal government, employers, recruiters and settlement workers. On the German, side there are the ZAV, the German governmentâs labour agency, and the Raphaelswerk e.V., which is a government-authorized church organization operating as migration consultant. Of note is the special migration-recruitment-relationship that exists in the case of the BCPNP between Canada and Germany. The research results reveal that Canada holds indeed a special status in Germany since it is allowed to recruit Germans into the BCPNP, even though direct immigration recruitment is contrary to the German Emigrant Protection Act. Contrary to the German legislation, the research documents that Canadians have been granted special permission by the German state to recruit at Canadian work fairs held in Germany. The German rhetoric frames the BCPNP as a circular labour migration program, supported by the argument that Germans can always return to Germany should they choose to do so. The program is further justified by German government officials with the argument that German employers are allowed to recruit skilled Canadian trades people under the programâs legislation. But this is a moot point, as this research reveals; there are no known cases of the program being used in a reciprocal fashion by German employers. The chapter also brings to light that Okanagan employers used four methods of recruitment: at work fairs, via the internet, via word-of-mouth, and via immigration 194 consultants. The study details what happens at these work fairs. The research documents that the German state actively supports Canadian recruiters by suggesting cities with high unemployment for recruitment fairs and by mobilizing German workers. German unemployed trades people, who are receiving employment insurance, are sent âinvitationsâ to attend. (These invites must be stamped by an official at the fair and submitted to the case worker to maintain employment benefits.) The fair attendees are also prepped by staff from the Raphaelswerk on what (not) to wear and what (not) to say when face-to-face with a Canadian employer. The analysis provides insight to how Okanagan employers interacted with potential German recruits at these fairs and details that employers indeed did sell BCPNP participation as a way to immigrate to Canada. The research results also document Canadian immigration officials making presentations about immigration to Canada via the BCPNP. This form of recruiting is strategic, intense, requiring personal and financial investment. Less difficult is recruitment via the internet, which was favoured by employers who only wanted one or two workers. They placed ads on the Service Canada website and waited for interested workers to make contact with them. Recruitment at fairs was only necessary during the early years of the program, since recruited workers provided a link to potential recruits in the home country. Recruited workers became recruiters themselves, when they vet candidates and liaise between recruit and employers. It is presumed that the recruiting worker and the potential recruit hold a similar work ethic. This way of ethnic recruitment is the least work intensive for employers. Another quick way for employers to find skilled workers is via immigration consultants, which in this case worked on initiative of one skilled worker who wanted to realize his dream of moving to Canada. 195 The study results suggest the presentation of information to German skilled workers emphasized the possibility of immigration to Canada via the BCPNP. The skilled workers of this study all assumed they would be able to participate in the BCPNP successfully, meaning each and every one was confident they would be able to obtain a provincial nomination and subsequent approval for immigration. This trust arose, in my opinion, from the way the presentation was given at the fair and the fact that Canadian employers and Canadian immigration officials were both present at the fair. Their presence at the employment fair implied consent from the German government and legitimized the information presented. This belief that they (skilled workers) could be successful in their migration to Canada was instrumental in making the decision to migrate, otherwise they (skilled workers) would not have given up on their lives in Germany. The next chapter discusses the workers who participated in this study. 196 CHAPTER 6: MOVING TO CANADA: GERMANâS CANADA-THUSIASM, AND HOW GERMAN SKILLED WORKERS PREPARED FOR THEIR MOVE TO THIS COUNTER-WORLD 6.0 Introducing Skilled Worker Migration from Germany to Canada This chapter focuses on the skilled workers and their wives. The goal is to capture the experiences of âreal people moving in real spaceâ (Favell 2007:272). Here, I introduce the skilled workers and their wives via their fascination with Canada, their reasons for leaving Germany, and how they prepared for their transition to Canada. This chapter speaks to these Germansâ fascination with Canada. I base the discussion on research participantsâ imaginings and beliefs about Canada. What emerges is a carefully constructed version of Canada established through media (re)presentations and cultural symbols, reinforcing at the same time discourses of âopportunities for a different lifeâ and interactions with ânature.â Taken together, the constructed version of Canada becomes accepted as âtrue,â or real, and a âbetterâ place with nearly utopian features of a superior place to the German everyday reality. Canada is Germanyâs ultimate counter-world! Three sections comprise the chapter. The first describes skilled workersâ fascination with Canada. Drawing on data from interviews, I detail their Canada-thusiasm via their imagination(s) of Canada. The second section discusses their motives and specific reasons for leaving Germany. The data show they hold specific reasons for trying a different life in Canada, yet at the same time each personâs reasons for departure arises from the feeling that in Canada they will be able to do something that they cannot do in Germany. The last section focuses on the skilled workerâs familiesâ and their preparation for transitioning into a new land, language and culture. I detail the steps taken to achieve a smooth transition to Canada. 197 The interviews revealed five strategies: they (skilled workers) gathered information about Canada; met the prospective employer face-to-face; translated and notarized their documents; liquidated the assets they held in Germany; and, sent the skilled worker as scout.49 The data show each strategy brought varying degrees of success. The research participantsâ accounts give witness to the intensity with which they prepared for their new start, and the findings suggest they undertook very seriously the preparation for new life in Canada. 6.1 Canada-thusiasm: German Skilled Workersâ Imaginations of Canada Imagined communities are powerful social constructions. Built on the foundation of its membersâ shared beliefs of what characteristics the imagined community holds, these ideas legitimate the commonly held beliefs of what the imagined community is. These imaginations in turn influence the community and how individuals act as a member of it (Anderson 1991). Likewise, Canada - the image and the country - is a powerful social construction in the German mind. Canada, as a nation, holds a special, positive and often unrealistic meaning in the German imagination. This imagination of Canada as wilderness and freedom without restraining organizational structures (bureaucratic structures) is deeply ingrained in the German mind. It has been nurtured over decades and kept alive by positive discourses like those found in various media accounts and taken together they contribute to the dream of Canada. âThe role of imagination, myth and landscapeâ play a crucial role in the imagined âmaterial and social construction of [a] particular place offering an alternative way of livingâ (OâReilly and Benson 2009:3). 49 Freund (2004) uses the term âpioneerâ in his research, whereas I feel the term âscoutâ is more appropriate. 198 Already in the 18th century Germans had developed an awareness of Canada from accounts of mercenaries and select elite travellers who had been to North America, and who had mailed their travel experiences to employers and family in Germany (Boeschenstein 1967:1 and 4; Wagner 2006:28). Detailed travel accounts chronicled day-to-day life in Canada, including focusing on relations between Indigenous peoples and white travellers/âsettlersâ (Boeschenstein 1967:1-2). Some of these accounts were resurrected and evaluated by historians, while other writers found ways to publicize their accounts directly via newspaper articles. It became customary to re-print elite membersâ travel accounts in the German media, thus making them accessible to the public (Boeschenstein 1967:4). Soon thereafter, another form of migration literature emerged: information enticing people to migrate to Canada (see Wagner 2006:48-53). This information mostly touted the fertile agricultural lands and open opportunities (Wagner 2006:50). Then, there were also guides for emigrants which gave solicitous advice on everything from what clothes to pack, what amount of cash to take for the trip to Canada, where to exchange German currency in Canada (and what amount to expect in return), where to go [â¦] to find reliable help or guidance for the continuation of the journey, and what kinds of people to avoid to keep from being defrauded or swindled (as cited in Wagner 2006:51). This pragmatic literature, issued by organizations and institutions, offered advice on how to navigate migration to Canada (Boeschenstein 1967:5). Historian Wagner (2006) describes how some of these pamphlets promised not only a warm welcome, but also success. He provides an example with a pamphlet from 1862: âCanada is almost the only land where the German immigrant is treated before the law the same as any native-born Canadian.â He continues with a quote from migrant William Wagner in 1860: âthere were no monopolies, no exclusive privileges, no great unbridgeable divisions between social 199 classes to present or delay the advancement of an honourable and hard-working manâ¦. In truth, Canada is a land of hope that disillusions no manâ (both cited in Wagner 2006:52). After WWII another shift in the literature occurs. The narratives focused on those who left Germany to escape the aftermath of the war and the collective German guilt. Canada became known in the German psyche as a country in which there could be a future possibility to start over (Boeschenstein 1967:8). By the end of the 20th century Canada established itself in the global arena as a successful multicultural nation (Funck 2012:36). This helped foster the German stereotype that Canadian multiculturalism is a success and a model for Germany to aspire to (GeiÃler 2003:1). Many participants in this study first heard and learned about Canada as children in elementary school when they studied geography and learned about âIndians.â50 One prevailing stereotype includes images of ânoble savagesâ and the romanticization of the Canadian native lifestyle - devoid of any realistic social context (Funck 2012:34). One fitting example of this German imagination of the Canadian native life-style is found in the CBC documentary Searching for Winnetou: German Hobbyists51 in which Germans mimic First Nationsâ dress and cultural practices as a hobby. These hobbyistsâ desire to lead a First Nations lifestyle appears to miss a critical understanding of the dispossession, displacement and racism Indigenous peoples endured. The stereotyping of Canadaâs Indigenous 50 Some of my research participants used this antiquated language, which suggests their schooling occurred prior to the 1990s. 51 CBC. 2018. Searching for Winnetou: German Hobbyists. January 25. Retrieved March 5, 2018. https://www.cbc.ca/player/play/1139829315706. 200 populations ignored its own [Germanyâs] racism and the social consequences of this hostile practice (Funck 2012:34). Another narrative is grounded in the belief that in Canada it is possible to gain material wealth and social standing through hard work (Funck 2012:35). The image of the immigrant who does what is necessary to âget aheadâ prevails. I recall hearing stories from my parentsâ friends about those who had done well for themselves in Canada by amassing real estate, cars and other material status symbols, and by engaging in work they would never have done in Germany, like selling ice cream at the local mall. âIn Germany, due to the rigidity of the social class system, such work would have limited them socially; others would look down at themâ (Grams 2008:2). In Canada, so it seems, they did what they needed to do to earn money. Skilled worker Ben cites the writings of Karl May (1848-1912), which he read as an adolescent, as foundation of his personal imagination of Canada. Ben became intrigued with the Indigenous lifestyle portrayed in Mayâs novel series Winnetou, which he read during childhood. May wrote in a unique imaginative and engaging style about exotic and far away landscapes populated by foreign people. It is estimated that the circulation of his works is more than 200 million copies strong and translated in more than 40 languages (Spröer 2017). His most famous characters are the âwise Indianâ Winnetou and the German immigrant Old Shatterhand (Grams 2008:1). Winnetou and Old Shatterhand are blood brothers and conquer all sorts of adventures together, while riding horses, shooting guns and sitting by the campfire, or chasing villainous cowboys and fighting warring tribes. Mayâs writing offered a make-believe world into which readers could easily escape from the mundane confines of industrializing Europe (McClain 2012:5). Ben promised himself to live at some point in his 201 life like Winnetou in Canada (Ben, interview, August 15, 2015). For Ben, Winnetou is synonymous to freedom, connection with nature and adventure. It did not matter to Ben that America and Canada are different countries; 52 in his young mind, they both offered adventure and contact with Indigenous populations in nature (Ben, interview, August 15, 2015). And this fantasy of Benâs - living like Indigenous people in the Canadian wild - became a defining feature for Benâs quest to relocate to Canada. His desire âto live like an Indianâ became a major driver for Ben and his family to leave Germany (Ben, interview, August 15, 2015). Other skilled workers and their wives in this study reported that their idea of Canada was influenced by travel reports and documentaries airing on German television. Emily, Ben and Felix explained they âvisitedâ Canada and its wildlife via their TV screens. In this way, they were close to bears and eagles without putting themselves in danger and/or without engaging in strenuous exercise. The documentaries53 present an easy escape into nature (Emily, interview, March 24, 2015), while at the same time depicting an idealized image of Canadian nature and its wildlife (Davin 2005). Seeing the beauty of Canadian nature complete with wildlife on their TV screens, created a desire to experience the country in person (Ben, interview, August 15, 2015; Felix, interview, March 24, 2015). Imagining 52 This confounding of America and Canada is not unique to Ben alone. There is a distinct lack of differentiation between Canada and the United States (Funck 2012:31; Wagner 2006:27). It might possibly be explained by Canada being geographically located on the North American continent and the scholarly gaze being dominated by the United States (Trautsch 2013:145). Only rather recently have German-language books been published portraying Canada as separate from the United States. 53 Emily could not recall a specific title per se, but documentaries about Canada are a staple of German TV programming, including Kanada â der Westen (2010), or the film Der Bär (1988). 202 themselves in the beautiful scenery stoked the figments of their imagination and bolstered their dream of moving to Canada (Ben, interview, August 15, 2015; Felix, interview, March 24, 2015; Emily, interview, March 24, 2015). âI imagine a lake surrounded by majestic tall cedar trees. I see eagles soaring high above the treetops, and bears fish for salmon. The water looks pristine. The landscape is devoid of peopleâ (Andreas, interview, August 16, 2015). In fact, nature and nature-interactions are a major attractant for many Germans (Volkmann 2005:261) since they believe much of Canadaâs nature - unlike Germanyâs - remains pristine, untouched, and âauthentic.â The stereotype proposes that in Canada it is possible to interact with nature in ways that are unique and impossible in Germany (Funck 2012:33; Bath and Enck 2003). For Germans the various Canadian landscapes are a big magnet.54 Being in nature elicits for many Germans a quality of feeling: a connectedness with nature that cannot be found in the hustle and bustle of the everyday. And, this connection can only arise while physically in nature. In this context, nature and the access to it become symbolic (Funck 2012:33) and the interactions with the natural setting intentional (Keniger, Gaston, Irvine and Fuller 2013:917). Bausinger argues that âthe forest is the natural churchâ (my translation, 2000:74), and being and interacting within it equals a spiritual experience (Keniger, Gaston, Irvine and Fuller 2013:918). In fact, Bausinger claims, many people attribute their ability to release stress and decompress to their 54 Germans have historically a strong connection with nature. Germans nature connectedness, or Naturverbundenheit, originated during the romantic period, Bausinger (2009:73) explains. To this day, the opportunity and ability to interact with nature are very important for many Germans, because trough these nature-interactions people de-stress, rejuvenate and draw new strength. They take a break from the regulated and mundane every day, recharging their batteries at the same time. 203 interactions with nature (Bausinger 2000:74; see also Kaplan 1995; Keniger, Gaston, Irvine and Fuller 2013). German tourists serve as a case in point to explain how a dream like this can come to be. These tourists reported in a 2007 Canadian Tourism Commission survey that through nature interactions they can âswitch off and reflectâ (Canadian Tourism Commission 2008:65). The contact with Canadian nature becomes a âreset,â a sort of re-charging of batteries, so to speak. In this process, Canadian nature is equated to a powerful source of energy within which people find new strength. The strong desire to connect to nature is also reflected in the activities that German tourists engage in whilst in Canada (CTC 2008). This survey claims that 75 percent of German tourists enjoyed Canadaâs ânatural scenery - lake, rivers, waterfalls, glaciers, trees, beaches and mountains,â while 46 percent âvisited protected areas, including nature reserves[s], regional, or national parks.â Another 35 percent wished to âsee and watch wildlifeâ (CTC 2008:64). Travelling entails an escape from the regulated and mundane daily life. A holiday serves as an âattempt to escape [temporarily]â while âdissolv[ing] from the bonds of everyday lifeâ (my translation; Bausinger 2000:59). It is the attempt to spend time in a counter-world. In a counter-world dreams can still become reality. Yet, many components of the counter-world are mere fantasy - made up of unrealistic and fragmented information and images. It is a dreamy sort of place, far from reality. The holiday is sacred, and with it all activities that help relax, de-compress and de-stress. Bausinger (2000) claims that distance also matters in that the farther away the better, since long distance between home and the vacation destination give the appearance of difference (59). Canada fits this criterion being approximately 8000 kilometers away from Germany. Thus, German tourists come to Canada 204 to âhave a unique holiday [time]â with âlots of once-in-a-lifetime experiencesâ (CTC 2013:8). They come to Canada to access the imagined counter-world (Bausinger (2000:59), while they are not in everyday day mode, like while on vacation. While on vacation, vacationers create event-specific knowledge of the places visited in Canada and the events witnessed there (Tung, Lin, Zhang and Zhao 2017:854). A vacation is a visceral experience, during which cultural events, for example, can be consumed. Aboriginal cultural tourism, for example, as Deutschlander and Miller argue (2002:27), allow Germans to explore two discourses promoted by the German writer Karl May, who shaped many German peopleâs perceptions and imaginations of Canada. In particular the discourses of the âNoble Savage,â which âpromotes Native society as superior to White society for its spirituality and purity,â and the opposing discourse which denotes the same âto inferior status for being primitive and uncivilizedâ (Deutschlander and Miller 2002:30). (Recall that Mayâs books and illustrations of âIndiansâ in the Canadian wilderness had an impact on at least one skilled worker in this study). Participating in cultural performances can open spaces within which cultural representations and discourses are re-evaluated and reconsidered (Deutschlander and Miller 2002:42). Vacationing in Canada is deemed âexcitingâ and safe (CTC 2013:8); in part because Canadians are âEuropean-likeâ people [sic] (CTC 2008:66). Once back home, travelers share their vacation recollections, their autobiographical memory with family and friends (Conwey and Pleydell-Pearce 2000: 261). In doing so, they relive their experience of being elsewhere (Moscardo 2010). This process brings memories back to life in the person doing the re-telling (Tung, Lin, Zhang and Zhao 2017:856), while simultaneously creating images in the minds of listeners. This process actually already 205 begins during the trip when tourists send postcard to their families. 80 percent of German tourists have been found to do just that, while 65 percent of them also send photos via emails (CTC 2013:10). They send images of Canada which in the mindâs-eye of the recipient constructs an image of what Canada must be like. The postcard/image is a snapshot-like representation of a Canadian natural and/or social space. As people retrospect, they awaken a curiosity in those who have not yet travelled to Canada, while simultaneously also strengthening their resolve to return to Canada once more. This âviral marketingâ (CTC 2008:71) of a German-Canadian imagination -- true or not -- is deemed to be highly influential (Tung, Lin, Zhang and Zhao 2017:856) since positive travel accounts and beautiful images have the power to propel Canada onto a personâs âdream listâ (CTC 2008:68). Furthermore, having visited a locale on a vacation, some migration researchers point out, can result in migration there at a later point in the vacationersâ life (Hall and Williams 2002:2). The personâs developed âlove of placeâ can create mobility (see Hall and Williams 2002:21-23). The positive experiences made during the vacation positively influence the relocation decision (Brown and Moore 1970:5). The migrant can mentally situate himself into a locale because he has some information about the space and can imagine himself within that place (Brown and Moore 1970:9). Ben and Andreas each reported that a travel report shared by a friend was pivotal in exciting them about Canada (Ben interview, August 15, 2015; Andreas, interview, August 16, 2015). Their friendâs travel accounts reminded them of their own previous vacation in Canada; and that they had returned to Germany only reluctantly back then because they had wanted to stay in Canada. The emotional response of the moment served as a reminder of the feelings they experienced themselves while on vacation in Canada: happiness and 206 opportunity, Andreas recalled (interview, August 16, 2015). For Ben it is about a profound feeling of freedom and connectedness to nature (interview, August 15, 2015). Andreas remembers his holiday: it is awesome to be surrounded by such a beautiful landscape of lakes and mountains. We were out on the lakes, we were canoeing, we saw bears. We were out in the forest. We were shooting guns. I thought I was in a movie. It was just so awesome! It was an absolute dream! (interview, August 16, 2015) The excitement of the Canada traveler, coupled with their husbandsâ eager reminiscence, maybe not surprisingly, also had a profound impact on the wives. They became equally enamored with the idea of Canada and moving. âI also wanted to go to this place that made my husband so enthusiastic. He was very happy with joy while he was telling us about his adventures. Canada sounded like such a super place where one could have fun. I wanted to have fun with my husbandâ (Kate interview, June 15, 2015). Egged on by their husbandâs enthusiasm wives could imagine themselves being happy in Canada, too. For many Germans, including the skilled German workers of this study, Canada is such a counter-world. Canada is illusory as a place and unlike and different from Germany. Germans often have utterly unrealistic imaginations, beliefs and expectations about Canada and so the latter holds a special place or status in the German imagination. Skilled workers and/or their family members also admitted regularly watching migration reality shows focusing on German emigrants and their migration mishaps. Documentary soaps are a newer form of reality TV developed during the 1990s (Keppler in Klaus and Lücke:198). This includes shows like Good-Bye Deutschland - The Emigrants (2006-2014, VOX), The Dream of Migrating (2009-10, ZDF) and Migration on Probation 207 (2009-2010, ZDFneo).55 These screenings centred on following migrants step-by-step as they plan their life abroad, say goodbye to their family and home community, and depart for their destination country. For example, Good-Bye Germany was launched in August of 2006 as a weekly one-hour show reaching 2 million viewers per episode (IMDB.com, N.d.: Good-Bye Deutschland - Die Auswanderer). But with growing popularity, the show moved to prime-time and was expanded into a 2-hour format (IMDB.com, N.d.: Good-Bye Deutschland - Die Auswanderer). German media psychologist Gregor Waller (in Sommer 2015) argues viewers enjoy these shows because they can relate to the dream of a new life elsewhere. This fascination arises from âthe lack of perspective [in Germany], to escape the bad weather, to experience adventure, to explore opportunities, to finally realize oneself, [and] to give oneâs life a turnâ (99Pro Media, No date). The docu-soaps are human-interest stories (DziÄglewski 2016:830) dramatized for television. They are a hybrid blend of so-called âârealâ storylines and manufactured melodramatic situationsâ ([sic] Nunn and Biressi 2015:269). Waller explains viewers identify with the emotional decisions the protagonists face (Waller in Sommer 2015) and also their insecurity (DziÄglewski 2016:830). He adds viewers admire the protagonistsâ courage to actually try to migrate (Waller in Sommer 2015). Daniel, Emily, Marianne, Kate, Felix and Alexander found the notion of leaving their old lives behind and starting anew in a different country so compelling that they began to plan their migration (Daniel, interview, July 10, 2015; Emily, interview, March 24, 2015; 55 These are my translations from the German originals, in the order mentioned above: Good-Bye Deutschland - Die Auswanderer (2006-2014, VOX) can be found at www.tvnow.de; Der Traum vom Auswandern (2009-10, ZDF) can be found at www.zdf/mediathek.de; and Emigration on Probation can be located at www.tvnow.de. All retrieved December 16, 2016. 208 Marianne, interview, March 12, 2015; Kate, interview, June 15, 2015; Felix, interview, March 24, 2015; Alexander, interview, January 28, 2015). At the same time, the psychologist Waller further explains television viewers are envious since they might lack the drive and courage to leave themselves. In an episode where protagonists fail in their migration attempt, viewers feel reassured in their current life and the choice to remain fixed (Sommer 2015). Chronicling the migrantsâ miscalculations, disappointments and failures (Frey 2010:1) dramatizes the human cost of migration, and, in the process, focuses disproportionately on the negative experiences of migrants. These docu-soaps and their protagonists are part educational tool, part source of inspiration and part information source. Ben and Andreas said each of their wives watched these shows with a critical eye. Then, together as a couple, they would analyze and discuss the protagonistâs naivety, while with an eye to avoid making the same mistake (Ben, interview, August 15, 2015; Andreas, interview, August 16, 2015). Watching others migrate on TV is one way to get close to the process of migration. Visiting the embassy of the country where one contemplates moving to, is another. The embassy building in Berlin and the activities within contribute to imagining Canada in the Germanâs imaginations. In the next section, I report from my field trip visit to the Canadian embassy in August of 2014. 6.2 At the Canadian Embassy in Berlin One enters the fortified embassy through guarded doors after passing through a body scanner, like those in use at airports. A friendly guard asks about the nature of my visit. I tell him I am there to learn more about Canada and immigration to BC. He nods and wants to look into my bag. Once satisfied that I pose no threat, he steps aside while informing me that 209 it is forbidden to make visual or auditory recordings while inside the embassy. I signal agreement, eager to be let inside. Within, located along a large glass wall overlooking an exterior waterfall, are five computerized kiosks, offering political, economic, social, cultural and geographic information about Canada and each of its provinces and territories. These kiosks kind of look like bank machines with a screen and headphones to take in the information. This information is accompanied by spoken information via headphones. Under the rubric âBritish Columbia,â stunning photographs of BC's pristine nature spread across the screen with sounds of nature streaming through the headphones. Reminiscent of BC's tourism slogan âSuper, natural BCâ (Destination BC Corporation 2017), the images show white people paddling along the West Coast of Vancouver, surrounded by whales and dolphins leaping out of the ocean. In other photos there are more white people hiking in the Rocky Mountains, cycling across stunning vistas, and so on. A golden eagle soars high in the sky. Each slide offers stunning and breathtaking views and beckons to the viewer to connect with that pristine landscape. The people look relaxed and happy (they are smiling), healthy (they are in sporty poses and they are athletic), and in tune with nature (they look at peace and comfortable in the natural setting). Everyone in the infomercial is white. There is no ethnic representation and no multiculturalism to be seen. In the economic rubric, the accompanying text explains that BC has trade relations and a balanced export market with other Canadian provinces, the United States, Japan, the European Union and the countries of the Pacific Rim. It is explained that Canada is among the worldâs eighth largest economies. Its per capita GDP of US $39,000 also gives the country a top position. In contrast to Canada, no other G8 state can look back on 16 years of uninterrupted economic growth. 210 [â¦] conditions are favourable for a sustained upward trend because the government has created an optimal business environment (Personal notes from visit to Canadian Embassy in Berlin August 12, 2014). In the political category, BC is strongly tied to the German economy; the countries are linked through comparable economic and political systems. The viewer is told Canada is one of the few OECD countries with a positive budget balance. The unemployment rate is below six percent (Personal notes from visit to Embassy August 12, 201). The Heritage Foundation ranked Canada among the 10 freest economic systems of the world (Index of Economic Freedom 2014). Taken together, this information suggests that Canadaâs economic and political systems are stable and prosperous. The embassy, as an official representative of Canada and its state in Germany, lends credibility to the discourses disseminated within its walls. Canada itself strives to show itself as a counter world to Germany. It is opposite, nay counter, to the crowded, over-bureaucratized and regulated Germany.56 From the interviews and research, a kaleidoscopic version of Canada emerges, constructed through many fragments of information, including, but not limited to, media presentations of the country and its people; travel accounts from friends and family members; Canadian self-representations through its cultural symbols and land marks; and 56 Germanyâs bureaucracy -- which some herald as the countryâs âengine of efficiencyâ (Smith 2016) -- has a far-reaching impact on every personâs personal life (Zudeick 2012). A case in point, Germanyâs bureaucratic apparatus has resulted in Germany being situated in the bottom percentile of a trade comparison of 190 economies, who were ranked according to the ease of doing business and starting a business. According to the World Bankâs 2017 data, the âease of doing business in Germany averaged 19.60 [points] from 2008 until 2017, reaching an all-time high of 27 [points] in 2008 and a record low of 14 [points] in 2015â (Trading Economics 2018). In Canada, on the other hand, it is easier to do business. To compare: to start a business it takes 113 days in Germany, but only two days in Canada! To get credit it takes 42 days in Germany, but only 12 days in Canada (The World Bank 2017). 211 various other sources of print and visual media. For the research participants, these images contributed to the creation of Canada as a âdesired space,â a âWunschraumâ (Sigrist 1995), within which pipe dreams still have possibility. Much of the images and information are snippets only, however, and as such disconnected from social, economic and political realities. Yet, reinforced by positive discourses, in particular âopportunities for a different lifeâ and interactions with ânatureâ and taken together and through the signification of these representations, symbols and discourses, the imagined/constructed version of Canada is accepted as âtrueâ and a âbetterâ place. The life in the new destination under the new realities is more meaningful and allowing for self-realization (OâReilly and Benson 2009:4). In the minds of the research participants, the imagined Canada bears nearly utopian features, far superior to the German everyday reality. For the Germans in this research, dreams were possible in the Canadaâs counter world. As they imagine themselves with their families in Canada, they had perspective for a different life. This, as the research demonstrates, resulted in unprepared migrants, in particular in the emotional realm. They were incapable of anticipating the social challenges arising from relocation to another country and culture, just as they underestimated the emotional and psychological toll their migration might take. Above all, realistic reflections were overshadowed by unrealistic tenets of the imagined life in the imagined Canada. While it is not unique to this group of migrants to be ill-prepared for the migration, I suggest it is exactly this condition, or willingness, that makes Germans ideal candidates for participation in the BCPNP. Their Pollyannaish attitude makes them particularly well-suited to embark to Canada as TFWs, because their willingness to live in Canada minimizes the estimate of what they may endure to achieve their goal. âAs expectation meets reality, migrants come face to face with the limits of their knowledge of 212 the local setting and way of lifeâ (OâReilly and Benson 2009:8). None (!) of the interviewed had considered they might not make it in the program or might not be able to complete the landing process. They all spoke about their relocation to Canada as a fait accompli. What then are their reasons for wanting to leave Germany? This I discuss next. 6.3 Auf Wiedersehen Deutschland: Reasons for Leaving Migrants are often on a quest for a better life and to self-realize (OâReilly and Benson 2009:3-5), their mobility driven by social and economic reasons arising from ânegative economic and professional causesâ in the home country (Freund 2004:258). They are âunsatisfied with their environmental or occupational situation [and as a result chose] to move to another countryâ (Niefert, Ott and Rust 2001:325). Attracted by the promise of a better and meaningful life, they hope to craft an improved life in Canada. Their resolve to leave Germany is further strengthened by independent forces, like poor economic instability and prospects, a changing political climate and/or environmental degradation. Migrantsâ reasons to leave often differ from each other, as the following demonstrates. The overarching theme for leaving found in the data is the lack of economic and social outlook in Germany (Erlinghagen and Stegman 2009:2). All skilled worker research participants in this study were looking to change their lifeâs circumstances. Their migration was âan escape from somewhere and something, while simultaneously an escape to self-fulfillment and a new lifeâ (OâReilly and Benson 2009:3). The migrants of this study were on a quest to a better life. Some were unemployed and knew it would be a struggle for them 213 to obtain employment again in Germany.57 It can be difficult to land a job in Germany (Sylvia, interview, July 2, 2015). This is due in part to the ârequirementâ that a workerâs employment history be documented chronologically showing, no interruptions between the different positions (Sylvia, interview, July 2, 2015). German employersâ frown upon gaps in a job seekerâs employment history. Job candidates will be interrogated about them during their job interview, if they even get one, explains Renate Weber, a HR Manager at the German insurance company Allianz Deutschland AG in a newspaper interview with the Süddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung (Bewerbung-Lebenslauf-Am Liebsten Lückenlos. Süddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung:2011). These intervals can be serious hurdles for re-hiring since German employers might think a personâs âpatchwork resumeâ means the job seeker lacks commitment and focus (Bewerbung-Lebenslauf.de 2010; Bewerbung-Lebenslauf-Am Liebsten Lückenlos 2011). In Canada, this is not the case. Gaps on a resume are not unusual and can be explained if an employer asks (Green 2015). Alison Doyle, a job coach, advises on an online site called The Balance to simply omit gaps in oneâs resumé (Doyle 2017). In Canada, it is not seen as a disadvantage to do something different, take time off or pursue a different career in a personâs professional life. In Germany, most people stay in the same career trained after secondary school for at least 10 years, with many of their developed skills considered career-specific or trade-specific (Astheimer 2014). People in Canada switch jobs and even careers several times in their lives. A 2014 Workopolis study suggests 57 Age is a deciding factor when looking for employment in Germany. Those who are middle-aged experience great difficulty in finding employment, especially when they are trades people or work in other low skill jobs and/or the service industry. See for example report from the Bundesagentur für Arbeit. 2019. Situation von Ãlteren. Retrieved December 30, 2019. https://statistik.arbeitsagentur.de/Statischer-Content/Arbeitsmarktberichte/Personengruppen/generische-Publikationen/Aeltere-amArbeitsmarkt.pdf. 214 Canadians will hold approximately 15 jobs over the course of their careers (Harris 2014). Skilled worker Andreas sums it up like this: In Germany, difficult questions are asked about employment gaps, while in Canada, if you're willing to work, then you can always find work. I could go pick apples if I had to. I can survive here, even though I am not a rocket scientist. I can survive here, if I'm not too proud to [do physical] work (interview, August 16, 2015). In Germany, he was unemployed for many years, because there was no work in his trade/profession, and he did not personally have the financial means to retrain for something else. He could not transform himself from being an unemployed individual. There was also no government support for an alternative, like a retraining program (interview, August 16, 2015). Relocating to Canada allowed for an escape from his marginal social position and offered the opportunity to remake his person. Their migration to Canada was an escape from the stagnant German job market, which was averaging an unemployment rate of 9.4 percent in 2001 and 11.4 percent in 2005 (Statista 2017). Daniel recalls, I was so incredibly fed up with working in Germany. I did not look forward to searching for another job. Coincidentally, I saw an ad in a German TV guide which promised that âit has never been as easy as it is now to get a work visa for Canada.â Then I went to the next Internet café and did some research. I then sent some resumes. I received an answer right away (interview, July 10, 2015). The immediate response from the Canadian employer confirmed for Daniel that work is indeed much easier found in Canada. This only strengthened his resolve to move to Canada. Alexander, another skilled worker, while searching the internet, found different pictures from various employers across British Columbia who were looking to hire skilled foreign labour. Alexander: 215 This company was in Kamloops, BC. So then, I did an internet search looking for what Kamloops is and what BC is. I learned that Kamloops is the sun capital of BC, and I thought, that sounds really good. I learned that the climate is really hot, and then, when I saw the beautiful pictures of Kamloops, I thought, wow - that looks like paradise! (interview, January 28, 2015). The job ad with the Okanagan scenery beckoned to him like a personal invitation to leave unemployment and Germany behind and resettle in the bucolic region of the Thompson-Okanagan. Felix, another skilled worker, discloses that he felt burdened with too many responsibilities in Germany. In the latter, responsibility for oneâs job performance and product results are taught as integral components of the apprenticeship training (Jacoby 2014). He explains: âEverybody is feeling responsible for everyone and everything. In Germany, one is raised to think for the company and the employer, for your place of work. You should have an interest in maintaining it. You feel responsible and you invest yourselfâ (Felix, interview, March 24, 2015). Felix felt like the work responsibility was always with him. In Canada, the opposite is proposed: My colleagues don't feel responsible for things; it seems they just don't even think about matters. As a result, they are a lot more relaxed. Here, they are seasonal workers working at the [company] for one season. They don't have an interest in the business. They don't feel responsible, and they do not invest in their work. (interview, March 24, 2015). He explains he now has little stress at his new work; he just does as he is told. For Felix and his wife Emily, it was an economic lifestyle decision to leave Germany for Canada - in order to re-set their work-life balance. They originally wanted to move to Alaska to live in an idyllic rural community and establish their own bed-and-breakfast business there. However, it is difficult to migrate to Alaska because the American immigration system is riddled with rules often difficult to navigate and overcome (Anderson 2012). Therefore, immigration 216 opportunities to Canada became âa good alternativeâ to escape their personal crisis (Felix, interview, March 24, 2015). For them the ârelocation to romanticized rural places high in natural amenities [â¦] is a moral project concerned with âstarting overâ and âfinding themselvesâ through purposeful place-attachmentâ (Hoey 2009:32). In Canada, they reckoned, their lives could become authentic and meaningful again (OâReilly and Benson 2009:5). The dream of owning a bed-and-breakfast was also a motivating a factor in Danielâs decision to relocate the family to Canada. His wife's dream was to start over and operate such a business, while caring for their children. Alexander wanted to move to the US but could not convince his wife Marianne. She was unwilling to move to the US (for reasons she did not disclose) but was willing to move to Canada to compromise on Alexanderâs wish of leaving Germany and starting anew. âI know he really wanted to move to America, but I was not interested in going there. But Canada? Yes, that seemed OKâ (interview, March 12, 2015). Neither of these families stated they regretted their decision; Canada is deemed a good alternative to living in the US (Funck 2012:32). After having lived in Canada for a few years, they consider âCanada [as] the better of the two [better than the US]!â (Alexander, interview, January 28, 2015). Meanwhile, Andreas was at a crossroads in his working and social life; he wanted to re-invent himself and start over. After working for twenty-five years for a large German car manufacturer, he was offered a buyout package because the company was restructuring (interview, August 16, 2015). He accepted the buyout package with a significant âgolden handshake.â This money provided the opportunity for a new start for his personal transformation (Hoey 2009:32). Additionally, he felt the social climate in Germany was 217 deteriorating due to rising xenophobic tensions in his social milieu. âI found the racist undertones in [my hometown] very disturbing. [I lived in a city of] 120,000 people, where the different ethnic groups are separated and very segregated. And here, [in Canada] there is no such segregation; nobody gives a shit what ethnic background you haveâ (interview, August 16, 2015). In Canada, he believes, âmulticulturalism worksâ (Andreas, interview, August 16, 2015). His impression is that people in Canada embrace one for who they are without judgement or prejudice is idealistic to say the least. âHere it doesnât matter if youâre together with someone from Japan, or India or Turkey or whatever. I think that is super coolâ (Andreas, interview, August 16, 2015). Andreas believes multiculturalism functions better in Canada than in Germany and moving to Canada meant an escape from the growing culture of intolerance in the home country (Beppler-Spahl 2010; Zick, Küppner and Hövermann 2011). Other skilled workers made their decision to emigrate with the social well-being of their families in mind. Rebecca, Mark, Ben, Kate and Andreas wanted to raise their children in the Canadian education system, which they perceive to be less stressful than the Germanâs due to fewer performance expectations for students (Beisenkamp, Müthing and Hallmann 2012).58 Kate elaborates: 58 The social stratification of education is determined in Germany at the age of 11 or 12 (or in Grade 4), whereas in Canada, this occurs much later, upon completion of high school. In Germany, Children must decide into which educational stream - vocational preparatory school, intermediate school, or grammar school - they will enter at an early age. It is uncommon to move between these educational streams, as they are path-specific and rigid; the different streams have differing curricula and learning outcomes. Each educational stream also has a different temporal duration, like for example the gymnasium stream is preparatory for university and ends after grade 12, whereas the trade-specific stream is completed after grade 10, when the student begins his/her apprenticeship (Bleiker 2015; Hurrelmann, Engel and Weidman 1992). 218 We wanted to make life for our children easier. Both had problems [in school], and we thought they would not make it far academically speaking in the German education system under all that pressure. We have heard that it is easier here in Canada, which it definitely is. A lot easier, especially when compared to Germany. I always think that if you can have the same result choosing an easier route, why would you take the difficult one? Here in Canada, you always have the option to do things again. And if you take a couple of years off, that is no problem on your resumé. It is not something that you have to explain for the rest of your life, like you have in Germany. It is different, easier. Being in Canada makes life for my children much easier (interview, June 15, 2015). Mark and Jennifer wanted to homeschool their children, which is illegal in Germany (Home School Legal Defense Association 2016).59 Since school attendance is compulsory in Germany for children aged six to eighteen, those refusing to send their children to school are met with harsh state sanctions, including but not limited to monetary fines, parental incarceration or removal of the child from the family by social services (Heckel and Avenarius 2006; Home School Legal Defense Association 2016). In fact, many German parents who are looking for alternatives to Germanyâs rigid mandatory school attendance policies stipulating children must attend school in person, consider Canada as an ideal because there are alternative ways of schooling children and youth, including homeschooling and distance education (Government of BC 2017:Homeschooling). In 2013 in BC alone, the BC Home Educators Association estimates 52,000 students are not attending in person brick and mortar schools, but instead are taught at home or enrolled in a distance-learning program (BC Home Educators Association N.d.). 59 For those interested in reading about German parents who are defying the German states compulsory attendance laws, like Dirk and Petra Wunderlich or the Romeike family who filed for asylum in the United States, see the Home School Legal Defense Associationâs web resources on Germany: https://hslda.org/content/hs/international/germany/default.asp. 219 Jennifer and family wanted to leave behind the economic, social and environmental stresses that they experienced in Germany. Jennifer says her husband, an introvert and loner, found Germany too busy. He wanted to escape Germanyâs rigid construction regulations, hoping to be more creative in his trade and business skills. For her it was just the âgeneral pressure and stressâ omnipresent in Germany (interview, February 10, 2015). For Ben it was the desire to leave the hustle and bustle of high-density Germany. He wanted solitude and quiet, with ample access to nature. He had been in Canada once before in the late 1990s when he vacationed in Ontario, where he camped in the wilderness. He was most impressed by his then unfettered access to nature, an experience he ânever forgotâ (interview, August 15, 2015). It was during this vacation he pledged to one day return to Canada to live in harmony with nature. Ben: âIn Germany there are signs everywhere telling me what and what not to do. [For example,] it would say forestry road, do not access!â (interview, August 15, 2015). In his view, there is no more âuntouchedâ and pristine nature left in Germany (interview, August 15, 2015), since German land had been divided into parcels and registered in the cadastre system60 centuries ago (Hawerk 1995). Today, Ben laments every piece of German land/nature has been âusedâ by someone in some sort of way and all nature properties are managed leaving human-nature interactions scripted and highly regulated (Bausinger 2000). He frowns and asks me if I remember the infamous and ubiquitous sign âDie Grasfläche bitte nicht betreten.61â He is convinced that a personâs access to nature is unscripted in Canada (interview, August 15, 2015). 60 A cadastre system is the recorded-keeping system of land for the purposes of taxation. It records the extent, value and ownership of land. 61 Translated as âPlease do not step on the grass.â 220 Saschaâs case is the most unusual amongst this group of research participants. He explains that prior to moving to Canada he was living with a woman in Africa. Unbeknownst to him she made an application to migrate to Canada. But only after her application had been successfully processed, she told him what she had done. Sascha was surprised by her initiative but went along as her spouse on a temporary work permit. Once in Canada he applied to the federal skilled worker program.62 While in Canada, this relationship ended, and the woman left for Germany. But Sascha wanted to stay. His federal skilled worker application was stuck in a backlog, so his employer suggested they make an application for Sascha to become a provincial nominee, which they subsequently did (Sasha, interview, February 10, 2015). When asked what these research participants hoped to find in Canada, in sum, their answers showed little variation: they all started this endeavour with the goal to permanently relocate to Canada. They all want to build new lives in Canada. They were in a time in their life cycles where they felt it was an opportune time to make a change (Klekowski, von Kloppenfels and Mulholland 2015:213). For them, the BCPNP was the quickest and easiest route to realize their goal. This program offers opportunity (a life in Canada) in return for something the skilled worker has to offer (his skilled labour power). In the economic sphere, the interests of the âreceiving society and the newcomers meetâ (Harzig and Hoerder with Gabaccia 2009:105). Under the BCPNP they could bypass - or maybe better âevadeâ (Nackache 2010:19) - the lengthy waiting times of the federal skilled worker program and its points scale. Skilled workers shared the expectation that life in Canada would be easier, with 62 Skilled worker Saschaâs federal skilled worker application took years to process. Meantime, he found employment in his trade, and his employer nominated him into the BCPNP. He subsequently withdrew his federal skilled worker application. 221 more employment opportunities, and better access to nature. They also expected less intolerance, xenophobia, stress, and environmental pollution. Markâs, Alexanderâs, and Saschaâs families hoped to find success in their trade, while Jennifer, Kate and Rebecca hoped for a better quality of life for their families. They sought to re-invent themselves, realize social and professional dreams that proved elusive in Germany. Daniel, Emily, Felix and Andreas want to run a bed-and-breakfast as a family business, while Rebecca and Mark want the option to homeschool their children. Rebecca, Jennifer and Ben perceive Canada as very different from Germany, including the thought that one may do as one pleases. In general, all spoke of Canada as a land of opportunity, where age, skills, qualifications and many other social constraints that rank important in German society do not apply. And, as long as the immigrants are not struggling with the same issues as they did in their home country, the relocation is seen as a step up. A move towards the âgood lifeâ is understood as a positive transformation (Waldren 2009:160). In Canada, the German skilled workers can develop their new biographies (Beck 1992). As Andreas bluntly puts it, If you want to succeed with something in Canada, you can make it. You could even be a little stupid in the head, and you can still reach a lot, just because you want to. In Germany, you need to have the accompanying paperwork. You have to go to school; you have to go to trade school or university. That is very different here [in Canada]. If you are little talented, then you can make it (interview, August 16, 2015). Imagining a different life is easy compared to what actually follows, and at times the expectations for what is to come are far from realistic. As Sylvia, the representative from the Raphaelswerk poignantly states, âwhen people are with their back up against the wall, another country holds a lot of promise and many other realities are not duly considered, or contemplatedâ (interview, July 3, 2015). Preparing for the big continental crossing is a lot 222 more challenging than imagining it. In the next section, I discuss the strategies skilled workers and their families used to prepare for their relocation to BC. 6.4 Hello, Canada! Moving is a lot of work and moving from one country to another no less so. Harzig and Hoerder with Gabaccia (2009:103) argue that migrants tend to begin their migration in the economic realm, moving towards perceived opportunities. As TFWs with a work permit, the men were able to move their economic lives first. They (men) began their lives in Canada in the economic realm, ready to work at their new place of employment right after arrival. Their wives, however, came to Canada without pre-arranged employment. For the women the move was first and foremost social and cultural before it was economic. The skilled workerâs employment facilitates the participation in the BCPNP and finances the relocation and familyâs stay in Canada. Only whence they âsecure their basic daily sustenance and necessities, [can] they [subsequently] begin to deal with local and regional social lifeâ (Harzig and Hoerder with Gabaccia 2009:103-104). Migrants begin in the economic realm, and then branch into the social and cultural realm. The political realm comes last. This pattern holds true only for the men in this study, whereas for the women it differs, suggesting gender plays a role in their move. The relocation to Canada restructured the family unit and the responsibilities of those within (Vertovec 2009:61). Skilled workers and their wives prepared for their big transition. This study indicates they devised five strategies to prepared for their move: (1) they gathered information about Canada; (2) they met the future employer face-to-face; (3) they had their legal documents certified and translated into English; (4) they liquidated their assets in Germany; and last, (5) they sent the skilled worker ahead as a scout. The following shows their strategies have yielded varying success for a 223 smooth move to Canada. Those who employed these five aforementioned strategies had better chances at transitioning countries than those who did not. All skilled workers had family to accompany them. None of them were recruited as single men. That said, their family members did not necessarily make the move at the same time as the skilled worker did. This research data show that five men moved to Canada prior to their family, while two came at the same time as their family. The five families who migrated at different times, rendered the familiesâ transnational while separated. While the father migrated ahead for work, childrearing responsibilities were shifted to the parent remaining in the home country (Orellana, Thorne, Chee and Lam 2001). The same holds true for this study, as child rearing was shifted exclusively to the wife/mother. This situation created emotional stress for the women left behind because they found themselves alone and in the role of sole caretaker. Emotional turmoil is often amplified when families are maintained transnationally, even though they themselves are the architects of their transnational separation (Vertovec 2009:63). âThe ties that bind and bond, they can also be the sites of intense conflict and contradictionâ (Wolf 2002:285). These families experience an emotional transnationalism (Wolf 2002) that is quite different from that of the skilled workers in this study. For many other TFWs the reality includes one parent going away repeatedly and for long stretches of time (Orellana, Thorne, Chee and Lam 2001). For this group of immigrants, however, the separation was temporary only, since it was a one-time separation. The German skilled workers moved ahead, and their wives (and children) followed soon after. The BCPNP structures the manâs pre-arranged employment in such a way that his earnings are supposed to sustain the family. This âfreesâ the woman to take on other 224 integrative activities, like setting up the household and integrating the children into school and other activities. Throughout this process, however, women become dependent on their husbands. They relinquish their independence and step into a traditional patriarchal gender role. The research reflected this: the men focused on work, while the women entered the workforce only later, after familial responsibilities (e.g., cooking and cleaning) had been taken care of. In fact, the BCPNPâs program design is highly gendered. It replicates patriarchal structures in which the man is thrust into the position of the breadwinner, while the woman is active in supporting him in his role while also being the social support for the family. Her work lies in the domestic sphere -- worthless in the eyes of the neoliberal market -- and merely there to support the husband (Arat-Koc 1999:34). Here the transnational experience reinforced the patriarchal grip for the woman (Vertovec 2009:64) and strengthened gender structures (Vertovec 2009:65). According to geographer Margaret Walton-Roberts (2004), who researched immigrant settlement in Kelowna at the turn of the Millennium, immigration reproduces the confinement of women to the private sphere (14). For the wives of skilled workers, the move into the BCPNP is akin to turning back the clock and trapping the women anew in patriarchal structures. âOne of the consequences of [neoliberalism] is to make women more dependent on men [again]â (Arat-Koc 1991:35). The timing for women to enter into the workforce is also of interest. The men start working as soon as they arrive in Canada. The women - even though they hold an open work permit63 and can theoretically apply to any employment opportunity - do not enter the job 63 An open work permit is not employer or industry specific. It does not tie a worker to an employer or a certain profession. For more information who can apply for an open work permit, see Citizenship and Immigration Canada. 2018. âWho can apply for an open work permit.â Retrieved September 26, 2018. https://www.cic.gc.ca/english/helpcentre/answer.asp?qnum=177&top. 225 market until the children are settled and the house is set up. This research found it was difficult for the women to enter the job market. This was in part because they had to find employment that would not impede on their familial responsibilities, and second, because their non-Canadian credentials were not recognized. The work had to fit into the womanâs timetable, which is dictated by the husbandâs schedule. Once in Canada, her primary responsibility becomes the family and household. The women in this study experienced downward social mobility with their relocation to Canada, while the men were able to maintain their social standing and social class. The first strategy entails gathering information about Canada. Information plays a crucial role in decision-making, particularly âsufficient information as to what goals can be better accomplishedâ in the destination country (Faist 1997:190). All interviewed skilled workers stated they had plenty of opportunity to access information about Canada from a variety of sources about Canada. For instance, there were German and Canadian government officials and representatives disseminating information about Canada at the Canadian labour recruitment fairs held in Germany (Jack, interview, July 1, 2015; Sylvia, interview, July 2, 2015). The Raphaelswerk, as another example, informed attendees about employment and labour law, banking and health care, and offered advice for daily life (Sylvia, interview, July 2, 2015; Jack, interview, July 1, 2015), while staff from the German Ministry of Foreign Affairs shared information materials about working and moving abroad (Jack, interview, July 1, 2015). And, officials from BCâs provincial government disseminated information about the BCPNP and working and living in the province (Michelle, interview, September 30, 2015). Attendees were further encouraged to utilize the BC governmentâs official 226 website âWelcome BCâ for clarification and further information details (Michelle interview, September 30, 2015). Research participants Mark, Daniel, Chris, Andreas, Jennifer and Marianne recalled they or their husbands received information from the German and Canadian governments, namely the Raphaelswerk and the BCPNP representatives at a work fair. They gathered information materials about Canada and studied it later at home. None of my research participants, however, specifically recalls the BCPNP webpage from the BC government www.welcomebc.ca. Maybe for some the site was too difficult to locate. Another contributing factor may be that at that time information about the BCPNP was only available in Canadaâs official languages.64 Emily, Ben, Kate, Felix, Andreas and Sascha did mention they compiled their information about Canada and/or migrating there from friends and/or acquaintances, travel guides, internet emigration sites, and TV (documentaries and docu-soaps). These strategies are not unique to Germans (DziÄglewski 2016). Information from friends often carries more weight because of the emotional connection between the conveyor of the information and its recipient, and the social situation during which the information is shared. The information suggested by the docu-soaps was used to warn of potential mishaps, as these shows often show migrants encountering difficulties (DziÄglewski 2016:831) due to unpreparedness for economic, cultural and social conditions of the host country (Frey 2010). By the time skilled 64 Information in other languages has been added to the website at a later point in time, but at the time of conducting the research, German-language information had not been included yet See here: Welcome BC. 2016b. âSettlement Information in Your Language.â Retrieved August 5, 2016. www.welcomebc.ca. 227 workers attended a work fair, they already looked for specific information to help them realize their relocation to BC. The second strategy is to meet the employer face-to-face prior to moving to Canada. Six of the eight skilled workers65 also met their future employer face-to-face prior to making the move to Canada. During this meeting they got to inquire about the position they were going to hold and the terms of their employment. This strategy afforded each party an introductory impression of the other person. Besides, personal meetings allow for more straightforward direct communication than email or fax. During the meeting, the employer gauged the candidateâs language ability and attitude (Beam and McFadden 2001:30). Ostenrath (2008:5) suggests face-to-face meetings are important for Canadian employers who tend to emphasize soft skills more than German employers, for whom qualifications are more important. For Mark, Daniel, Chris, Andreas and Jenniferâs husband, the first meeting occurred in Germany at the work fair, where they had impromptu meetings with recruiting employers. For Felix the first meeting occurred in Canada, when he was already in the Okanagan Valley looking for potential employers. Daniel, Chris and Alexander chose to fly to Canada after first meeting their employers at the fair in Germany. They wanted to inspect their future workplace and meet co-workers, but also take a look around in the Okanagan and get a glimpse of the valleyâs social and cultural sphere. After all, they wanted to see where they were moving their families. To their prospective employers this action showed initiative and investment and might have even impressed them (Ostenrath 2008:5). 65 This includes all the skilled workers interviewed: seven in Canada and one in Germany. 228 The third strategy is the translation and notarization of documents. Having personal documents available in English makes the transition to Canada easier because this will establish authenticity and also facilitate bureaucratic exchange with the Canadian government. Sylvia, from the Raphaelswerk, encourages all of her clients to have translations of important documents undertaken beforehand. The hope is to have credentials recognized with more ease (Sylvia, interview, July 2, 2015). Research participants felt so, too, and had their most important personal documents, like birth certificates, educational records and transcripts, for instance, translated into English and their authenticity notarized by a lawyer. While this strategy was helpful for the male skilled workers who had their trade certificates translated, for the wives who held professional certifications it was not. It proved impossible for these women to move their skill sets to Canada (Salaff and Greve 2003:454), often because there simply is no equivalent Canadian occupation in the Service Canada occupations inventory. Huynh (2004:4) claims this problem of credential recognition is an informational problem during which the Canadian state does not recognize the immigrantsâ existing skills, and henceforth assumes their skills are inadequate. This problem is not new, Avery (1995:13) argues, but a reluctance by Canadian professional associations to certify the knowledge and skills of skilled workers, in effect continually underrating their abilities. At some level this problem is recognized by the Canadian state, too: if credentials cannot be validated and recognized, the resulting â[lack of skills] are a major impediment to for foreign worker [women] to enter the Canadian labour marketâ (HRSDC 2002:15). This lack of bureaucratic information denies women licensing and certification (Ameeriar 2017; Li 2003:113; Salaff and Greve 2003:450), and coupled with a lack of required Canadian 229 experience (Ameeriar 2017; Creese and Wiebe 2012:56; Li 2003:113), the skilled workerâs wife âlose[s] access to the occupations [she] previously heldâ (Bauder, 2003:701). This systematic devaluation of immigrant labour -- or âbrain abuseâ (Bauder 2003) -- is a well-documented problem for (female) newcomers to Canada (Ameeriar 2017; Houle and Yssaad 2010:1). Consider these sobering stats: the Canadian Coalition of Community-based Employability Training study (2013:51) found that 53percent of job search difficulties encountered by immigrants in BC stem from non-recognition of foreign credentials. The same trend is found in the Okanagan (Chau, Teixeira, Lai and Hughes 2016; Depner and Teixeira 2012:81; Teixeira 2009:9; Teixeira and Drolet 2016:9; Leggett 2014:14; Walton Roberts 2004:14). Stefan, an Okanagan relocation consultant, had also witnessed Okanagan newcomers struggling with this reality. Skilled workers came to the valley, laden with ideas of future prospects, which they had to let go when they could not translate their expertise and skills into economic capital in the Okanagan (Stefan, interview, June 16, 2015). Likewise, the Okanagan settlement workers Megan, Emma, Maria, and Olivia shared that they met and heard of skilled workerâs wives who were unable to continue their careers in Canada (Emma, Olivia and Maria, interview, February 17, 2015; Megan, interview, March 12, 2015). For example, Jennifer could not have her German credentials translated because her German medical profession did not exist in the National Occupational Classification. She was told to return to school (interview, February 10, 2015). Caught in this bureaucratic entanglement (Ameeriar 2017:29), she experiences an inability to earn an income arising from her skills and education (Salaff and Greve 2003:455). âI lost my economic capital with this move!â (Jennifer, interview, February 10, 2015). Sadly, Jennifer is not alone with her experience. 230 Immigrants all too often discover only upon arrival in Canada that they would have to retrain because âregulatory bodies, which control access to licensed professions will not accept their foreign credentialsâ (Ameeriar 2017:27). This is an intentionally created and systemic problem because for many professions there simply is âno specific provision on how toâ (Ameeriar 2017:35). The federal governmentâs approach to foreign credentialing is to leave it to each province and their regulatory bodies (Government of Canada 2017a). Another compounding factor is the de-skilling of women in the host country. In general, âeducation and credentials in the labour market are valued differently [for women] from those of menâ (Salaff and Greve 2003:455). Therefore, moving to another country all too often results in skilled workers wife being effectively deskilled in the new labour market (Li 2003:119), making it impossible for women to grow their careers (Salaff and Greve 2003:455). Instead, these women are forced to engage in âsurvival employmentâ (Creese and Wiebe 2012:56); work that is most often outside of their field of expertise, and worse, characteristic of flexible and precarious labour regimes (Harvey 1990; Standing 2014). The skilled workersâ wives of this study that held professional careers in Germany, experienced downward occupational mobility (Ameeriar 2017; Creese and Wiebe 2012). They were forced into precarious employment situations (Standing 2009; Vosko 2006), often part-time entry-level jobs in the pink-collar work force (England 1993); if they worked at all. Or, they were forced into old gender binaries, where they had to tend to the house and family. Fourth, it was clear to all migrating families that it is easier to start anew elsewhere with start-up capital (like funds for a house and needed household items, and/or to purchase a vehicle). As such, they liquidated their assets held in Germany to finance their new start, including buying items such as furniture, cars, real estate and/or businesses. Markâs, 231 Jenniferâs, Danielâs and Andreasâ families sold their real estate holdings, while Andreasâ and Kateâs husband also liquidated their businesses. These migrants arrived with start-up capital. Mark and Andreas with close to $200,000 CAN each. However, not all skilled workers were asset-rich with savings from which to draw. Those escaping chronic under-employment and unemployment, for instance, came with a lot less money, two with no reserves whatsoever. For instance, Alexander came with only a few thousand dollars he managed to scrounge together after selling off all of his belongings in Germany. As an unemployed lifetime renter,66 he had no assets other than his furniture and personal belongings. Ben borrowed and scraped together just enough funds to actually move countries. Marianneâs family was able to convince the German state to pay for the move of their container of belongings to Canada. They had no cash to spare upon arrival - just enough to purchase a few groceries. The lack of start-up capital and/or substantial savings for their start/life in Canada, was not seen as a hurdle by the Canadian government, as long as the BCPNPâs minimum income criteria are met (Michelle, interview, September 30, 2015; see p. 124 for the governmentâs family income threshold.) The governmentâs justification is that the skilled worker is coming for work - and will be doing so immediately after arrival - and therefore will be receiving his first pay cheque shortly after arrival in Canada (Michelle, interview, September 30, 2015). As a consequence, the skilled worker only needs to bring enough capital to ensure he and his family can leave Canada again should they wish or need to do so (Michelle, interview, September 30, 2015). My research shows this policy was not enforced, 66 In Germany, the rental housing stock is much larger than in Canada, and being a renter is more common. Homeownership rates are at 41 percent, whereas this number sits at 68.9 percent in Canada. Phillips, Matt. January 23, 2014. âMost Germans Donât Buy Their Homes, They Rent. Hereâs Why.â Quartz.com. Retrieved September 10, 2016. http://qz.com/167887/germany-has-one-of-the-worlds-lowest-homeownership-rates/. 232 however. In Benâs and Marianneâs case, for example, they came without capital reserves whatsoever, let alone funds to cover a possible return of their family members and/or material possessions. The last strategy worth mentioning is to send the skilled worker ahead of the family, as a scout. According to the research participants the most important strategy was for the skilled worker to relocate to Canada ahead of the family. By taking the role of the scout and coming to Canadian soil ahead of his family members, the skilled worker facilitated the family's transition and paved the way for their arrival. Susan, the Okanagan employerâs in-house-settlement-worker, and Michelle, from the BCPNP, echoed during interviews that the male worker usually arrived before his family. Five skilled workers did move to Canada ahead of their wives. During that time Daniel, Chris and Alexander organized housing and a vehicle, while Daniel and Chris also checked out the educational opportunities for their children. The man took the lead until the family arrived, establishing first contacts and functioning as a cultural and linguistic mediator (Freund 2004:494). This initiating time usually lasted for the duration of the workerâs probationary period. Those skilled workers who arrived ahead of their families, worked at their new place of employment for roughly three months before they signaled to their family to come, too. Once reunited, there was then a distinct shift in the assigned roles in the family: the man ceased to be the scout but instead turned his focus solely to his work. The wife, in turn, was thrust into a traditional role of stay-at-home mother, often because the family lacked the support system for child-care and because she had no work of her own yet. The wife took over from the scout. Her task is to get to know the community and make the social connections to facilitate the familyâs integration and settlement. Settlement roles of skilled 233 worker families are traditional (Freund 2004:496). Jennifer: âit is the role of the woman to be strong and give freely from herself to facilitate the integration of other family membersâ (interview, February 10, 2015). She continues, I had to be supportive to my husband, who works seven days a week since we came to Canada. When he is at home, I am not willing to burden him with the familyâs day-to-day problems. He has his own set of challenges to deal with at work. I do not think it is fair to burden him when he is working so hard for us (interview, February 10, 2015). She places his work as superior to hers, suggesting his earning is more important than her for caretaking of the family. She steps into a traditional patriarchal gender role and justifies her sacrifice by placing the needs of the other family members before her own. During the scouting time, Daniel and Chris sent remittance money to their families in Germany, while Alexander and Sascha saved it. Scholars of remittance sending behavior have established that the location of the family is a factor for remitting: when the family is still in the home country, skilled workers tend to remit (Vanwey 2004; Holst, Schäfer and Schrooten 2008), but when the family is with them in the host country, they do not (Menjivar, DaVanzo, Greenwell and Valdez 1998:116). Also, German men with migration background tend to remit more than German women (Holst, Schäfer and Schrooten 2008:10), but specific research focusing on German TFWâs/skilled workers remitting is needed. For the skilled workers of this research, the remittance sending behaviour was influenced by whether the wives had work in Germany and whether the family had savings or other forms of support, for example from government. The sample size of this study is not sufficient to establish a trend of remittance sending behavior for German skilled workers 234 even though this kind of research is warranted (Lowell and Findlay 2001).67 Lowell and Findlay (2001:9) challenge that the remittance sending behavior of high-skilled workers has not been differentiated enough yet in the research, while research from the World Bank (2003 and 2006) suggests that skilled workers do not on average remit more than other migrants, because they (skilled workers) are often from families with stronger socio-economic backgrounds which do not require remittance money. One could also speculate that they remit for shorter durations, because they often move with their families and they tend to integrate faster than non-skilled immigrants (Lowell and Findlay 2001:7). This point refutes research arguing that skilled migrantsâ higher wages in host countries translate into higher remittances (Johnson and Whitelaw 1974; Rempel and Lobfell in Faini 2007:179; Schiopu and Siegfried 2006:5). Faini (2007:182) further argues that skilled migrants make remittance payments to their families left behind, since they usually reconnect with their families in the host country. These five strategies no doubt helped the skilled workers prepare for their arrival in Canada with varying levels of success. The information gathering process was crucial to their decision to embark on this adventure; and strengthened their resolve to actually do it, the skilled workers reflected during their interviews. Meeting the employer face-to-face increased their resolve, and also gave them the re-assurance that they could work for this person/in this situation for a couple of years, until they could land on their feet and do their own thing. None of the skilled workers mentioned they had encountered any red flags during 67 The German government passed a National Remittance Plan in 2015 which initiates the systematic data of remittance sending and receiving data of remittances made to those in Germany. See here for more information: G20 Turkey. National Remittance Plans: Germany. Retrieved October 10, 2019. https://www.gpfi.org/sites/gpfi/files/Germany_0.pdf. 235 their employer-face-to-face meetings that made them second-guess their dream and/or decision(s). The translation and notarization of the documents was the one strategy that yielded the least return on investment. It proved a costly endeavor, which did not support the transfer of the womenâs economic skills to the new labour market. The liquidation of the assets held in Germany was crucial because it provided much needed financial capital to start anew in Canada. No surprise, those with assets fared much better than those without. Two skilled worker families had next to nothing; the German state paid for their exit from Germany and financed their new start in Canada. Those with means purchased real estate as soon as they were able. Once on Canadian soil, the skilled worker family became a very traditional family, with the husband as the bread winner and the wife the familyâs caretaker. The manâs task was to earn money while the womanâs task became the integration of the family, as will be discussed in more detail in the next chapter. 6.5 Arrival in Canada: First Living Arrangements Upon arrival in Canada, the skilled workers Daniel and Alexander were assigned a place to stay by their new employer at their place of work (Daniel, interview, July 10, 2017; Alexander, interview; February 28, 2015), while others had been offered an apartment to share with co-workers (Welcome information package from Susan, personal email exchange July 20, 2015). Daniel and Alexander said their employer covered the cost of housing for their first week in Canada, and thereafter deducted rent from their pay before handing them their earnings (Daniel, interview, July 10, 2017; Alexander, interview; February 28, 2015). Some of these arrangements proved questionable at best, as Danielâs and Alexanderâs stories in the next paragraphs show. However, without strictly enforced rules on housing for 236 TFWs,68 employers can do as they see fit (Tomic, Trumper and Aguiar 2010:79). Likewise, two of the workers of this study are taken advantage of. The skilled workers in this study were surprised by the difficulty of finding proper rental accommodations in the Okanagan rental market. Daniel and Sascha began their rental inquiries under their employerâs guidance and ended up renting from their employer or their employerâs family and/or acquaintances. Daniel explained that he was sharing an apartment with a colleague in a house belonging to the wife of the municipal government employee involved in bringing the BCPNP to the Okanagan. He described this part of his relationship with his employer as âindebtedâ because rent was deducted from his wage. âI feel like I was taken advantage ofâ (Daniel, interview, July 10, 2015). Daniel did not like the fact that his employer deducted the rent money from his pay prior to issuing the cheque and worried his rent was too high (interview, July 10, 2015). âIt felt like I had no control over that expenditureâ (interview, July 10, 2015). Yet, at the same time he sensed he had few options since he was living at this employerâs wifeâs home. Daniel worried his questions about the cost of housing and the way his boss deducted living expenses from his pay-cheque could jeopardize his position with the company, and his nomination. So, he said nothing to his employer and justified his submission, because he was hoping for a quick nomination. âI 68 In 2005 guidelines for housing for seasonal agricultural workers were adopted in BC, based on guidelines from Ontario. A decade later there is still no legislation, but instead the 2016 Guidelines for Seasonal Housing for Temporary Farm Workers in BC (https://bcac.ca/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/BC-SAWP-Seasonal-Housing-Guidelines-Oct-2016.pdf. Retrieved October 1, 2018) were adopted to âassist farmers, housing inspectors and local governments in assessing the suitability of housing intended for Temporary agriculture farm workers,â who are TFWs. For other TFWs there are other (2019) policies from the government of Canada that housing provided to workers shall be suitable and affordable (see here: Government of Canada. âProgram Requirements for Low Wage Workers.â Retrieved October 10, 2019. https://www.canada.ca/en/employment-social-development/services/foreign-workers/median-wage/low/requirements.html#h2.10.). 237 told myself, itâs only for a short time. A few more months, and I will not have to live here anymore. When I live in Canada as a permanent resident, I can do what I want!â (interview, July 10, 2015). Alexander, as already mentioned earlier, had to sleep in his employer's workshop, in a small storage room, which was illegally reconfigured to a bedroom. There was a small washroom on-site and a hot plate in the shop. He had to stay there for the first three months until he had earned enough money for a security deposit on a rental accommodation (Alexander, interview, January 28, 2015). He recalls feeling at his employerâs disposal because his boss could show up at the shop at any time. Alexander felt as if he had no private space and found it difficult to separate work and leisure time. Living and sleeping at his place of work made him feel like he should work all the time. Recent research has critically documented all sorts of housing-related issues in the Okanagan Valley (Aguiar, Tomic and Trumper 2005; Brown 2013; Karl 2013; Lewis 2010; Marten 2009; McEwan 2010; Teixeira 2009 and 2010; Lo and Teixeira 2015). It is not surprising to learn that the research participants, too, experience difficulties securing adequate housing. Unfamiliar with Canadian rental laws, newcomers must rely on the benevolence and honesty of their future landlords, hoping to not be exploited. This, however, is not always the case as Alexanderâs account of his first rental -- a former crack house -- illustrates. Alexander explains that this property owner was delighted when he asked to rent the place with his two large dogs, who would arrive soon with his wife. The proprietor, who was trying to rid himself of his current renters, was even quick to promise supplies (paint) for a basic renovation, and materials for a fence to keep the dogs from running away. Alexander 238 was to supply the labour and do the actual work for free. Alexander agreed because he had difficulty finding another place that would accept large dogs. However, the landlord failed to mention the problems with his previous renters, which proved to be an ongoing problem for Alexander: people repeatedly came to the house to purchase drugs. A few times, Alexander even found people inside the house upon his return from work. He became spooked, asked to have the door locks changed and eventually even negotiated a sturdier new front door with the property owner. He also took to sleeping with a knife under his pillow. When his wife arrived with their two dogs, he did not want to worry her and at first did not tell her about his encounters with people in search of drugs. But with repeated unwelcome bothers from strangers during all hours of day and night, she soon understood their house had a history. They realized they had been taken advantage of and needed to move. But with two large dogs, their rental choices were limited. They ended up moving to a rural area that made for long commutes, which in turn forced them to buy a second vehicle (Alexander, interview, January 28, 2015). Owning property is a dream for many Germans69 but it is unattainable in Germany for many (Phillips 2014). Canadian immigration officials are keenly aware of this desire of Germans to own their own land. Recruiting Germans under the guise of potentially becoming landowners played into this German desire, while reinforcing the âCanadian myth of the primacy of the landâ (Avery 1995:21). My research suggests the migrants of this study 69 According to German 2013 government statistics, 28 percent of households in Germany own their own detached home, or including all forms of housing, 43 percent of households are owned. In Canada, the 2014 rate is approximately 68 percent. See German Circle. 2013, December 14. âDer Traum vom Eigenheim.â Retrieved online March 11, 2017. https://germancircle.blogspot.com/2013/12/der-traum-vom-eigenheim.html. âCanada Home Ownership Rate.â Trading Economics. Retrieved March 12, 2019. https://tradingeconomics.com/canada/home-ownership-rate. 239 worked to buy a home as soon as possible. Of the seven skilled workersâ families in this study, five had already become homeowners by the time of the interview. In short, those who could, like skilled workers Mark, Daniel, and Andreas, bought property after arrival in Canada with economic capital they had brought from Germany, while Felix, Chris, and Ben had no choice but to rent until they could afford to buy a home. Alexander and Sascha were still renting at the time of their participation in this study. These data show the supports given by companies contributed to skilled workers feeling even more closely tied to their employers. Daniel, who ended up renting a house from his employer's wife, did not dare to look elsewhere for a rental opportunity or to cancel the rental agreement for fear of his employerâs reprisal. He could not gauge how that would affect his chance for nomination, so he stayed put (interview, July 10, 2015). Alexander lived in the small back room in the companyâs workshop but felt he was at his employer's mercy all the time. He found it difficult to develop a work-life-balance; instead feeling vulnerable to the employerâs constant and fickle demands (interview, January 28, 2015). While maybe well intentioned on some level, the settlement services provided by employers created further vulnerabilities and made skilled workers and their families more exposed (West Coast Domestic Workersâ Association. N.d.:26). Since employersâ settlement supports are neither evaluated nor regulated by the government or any other regulating body, employers work in a grey zone (Baxter 2010:40). Without oversight and regulation, the provision of these services can exacerbate power imbalances between workers and their employers. Recall, the worker requires his employersâ support and endorsement until the workerâs nomination is complete. The worker must take part in this bonded relationship and 240 always be on his best behavior. This situation remains the workerâs reality until his legal status changes to that of a provincial nominee. Until then he has few options. 6.6 Concluding Remarks To sum up, Germanâs Canada-thusiasm arises from various sources and is fostered during different times in their lives. For some their fascination began in childhood, while for others it emerged later in life. Some had an experience in Canada themselves, while others experienced Canada second hand, through the media, news, novels, films and/or documentaries. Others still developed an interest in Canada through friends and familyâs personal recollections. For many it was the repeated exposure of information about Canada that shaped their often unrealistic and idealized image of the country. But no matter which way their mind had been impregnated, their fascination with Canada was real and desirous of living in this country. While Bausinger (2000) conceptualizes counter worlds as temporary reprieves from the everyday world, the skilled workers of this study set their goal to realize their dream of living in Canada as permanent. In this research, the counter world Canada represents an idealized version of a place where they want to live and âstart over.â Their goals are to escape unemployment, the lack of economic prospects, as well as social stress and educational constraints, xenophobia, and environmental degradation. They move countries to fulfill their dreams of home-schooling, homeownership, running bed and breakfasts businesses while living in a society ostensibly less rigid and bureaucratized to them, and more open and welcoming with the hopes to be happier, healthier and less stressed than they were in Germany. To accomplish their goal of migrating to Canada, they made their relocation application to the Canadian embassy in Berlin. At the embassy, Canada was represented as a 241 country with strong and positive political and economic connections to Germany; albeit it targets a very specific -- white life-style conscious -- audience. This representation of happy/content-looking/slim people playing in beautiful nature further shaped Germanâs unrealistic imaginations of Canada. Naturally, migrants prepared for their departure to Canada. Recognizing their relocation would take effort, and in the attempt to make the transition smoother, they employed five strategies: (1) they gathered information about Canada; (2) they met their employers face-to-face in Germany or in Canada; (3) they had their important personal papers translated to English and notarized to help transition their credentials to the Canadian labour market. (4) To ensure financial flexibility, the skilled workers liquidated the assets they held in Germany in anticipation of transferring them across the ocean. (5) Most importantly, the workers moved ahead of their families to undertake the new job in the new country and set-up accommodations. The skilled worker initiated the social and cultural transition for his family, but then promptly handed everything off to his wife after the familyâs arrival in Canada. The worker then turned his attention to being first and foremost a skilled worker. This transfer of social and home-economic responsibilities suggests German skilled worker migration is a very gendered migration phenomenon, with very different implications for men and women. This is further explicated in the next chapter. Finally, this chapter detailed some workersâ first housing experiences, once on Canadian soil. These examples show that some of the skilled workers were vulnerable in their housing realities, be it because they were living at their place of work, or in their employerâs housing. Unfamiliar with the Canadian rental market, some rented unsafe and unsuitable housing, or in remote locations, which created transportation challenges. 242 In the next chapter the attention turns to skilled workers and their lives once on Canadian soil. 243 CHAPTER 7: IMMIGRATING TO CANADA VIA THE BCPNP: FROM BEING A SKILLED WORKER TO PERMANENT RESIDENCY AND CITIZENSHIP 7.0 Immigrating to Canada Franca Iacovetta (2006) reminds us that integration is a two-way street, involving efforts from the host country and the new migrant arrivals. She writes, successful integration involved a two-sided and gradual give-and-take process in which old and new Canadians interacted with each other, actively engaging in meaningful cultural exchanges and developing new and enriched understandings and interrelationships (58-59). The host countryâs society and its institutions must facilitate the economic and political integration of newcomers through policies which encourage the newcomersâ participation, while the new migrant fulfills her obligations to Canada by striving to become a naturalized citizen of the host country (Anderson and Black 2008:45). It is a course of action âby which immigrants become accepted into society, both as individuals and groupsâ (Koser 2007:250). Integration is âa long [â¦] and multi-dimensional process, requiring a commitment on the part of both migrants and non-migrant members of society to respect and adapt to each other, thereby enabling [all] to interact in a positive and peaceful mannerâ (Migration in an Interconnected World, GCIM, as quoted in Koser 2007:25). Ideally, it is âmutual adjustmentâ on behalf of the immigrant and the host country (Iacovetta 2006:59), at time requiring education of the public to accept the newcomers (Iacovetta 2006:79). Others have argued that integration is a non-uniform process since there are responsibilities and rights attached to the status of the Canadian citizen which are not clearly defined (Galloway 1999). This results in conflicting ideals of what successful integration is (Li 2003:50) and what being a Canadian citizen means (Anderson and Black 2008:47). Thus, it is useful to examine how the conceptualization of integration changes over time (Li 2003; Jenson and Phillips 244 2010), including a more human-centred approach than economic and political benchmarks often reflecting the stateâs goals of integration to turn immigrants into new Canadians (Anderson and Black 2008:45). Social scientists question how migrants adapt to being in a new country (cf. see Biles, Burstein and Frideres 2008); and how they adjust their life (see Iacovetta 2006). Researchers also ask if immigrants are becoming acculturated, meaning if and how cultural influences from the host country mix with cultural believes brought into the new society (cf. Castles, Korac, Vasta and Vertovec 2003). If yes, how do the new cultural impressions change immigrantsâ ethnic identity and feeling of belonging? If no, are immigrantsâ actually integrating into the host country (see Goldring and Krishnamurti 2007)? What connections, if any, do they maintain with their home country (see Vertovec 2009)? This chapter discusses the German skilled workerâs adjustments to the new country. Here, I grant voice to the skilled workers as they give personal accounts of their struggles and successes integrating. The research findings suggest, (1) skilled workers are economically integrated via their work, but their wives are left out of meaningful employment in their area of expertise; (2) the BCPNP settlement and integration experience are gendered processes; (3) skilled workers and their wives are unable to connect socially and culturally to the host community, arising in part from inadequate English skills and a poor understanding of Canadian social conventions. Taken together, these facts explain this group of immigrantsâ experiences delayed integration into the Canadian social fabric. The chapter also discusses skilled workersâ and their wivesâ reasoning for staying with the program despite challenges encountered. Herein I argue the program is for them simply a means to an end: their move to Canada. Not all of them âmake it,â some of them are forced 245 to give up on their dreams and return to Germany. This work would not be complete without an account from a skilled worker family in which the husband failed with his quest for nomination. Hence the account from Daniel and his family, whose dream of Canada turned into a nightmare, is followed by a brief discussion why some might consider a return to Germany. 7.1 Adjusting to Life in Canada The immigrant womenâs âlived experience in Canada is [â¦] complicated by gender hierarchiesâ (Papayiannis 2011:69). The outcomes of migration differ for men and women (Iacovetta 2006; Vertovec 2009). In general, skilled workers come for a work position while the women do not have pre-arranged employment. The women get an open work permit, meaning they can seek employment as they see fit. Sadly, research demonstrated they often cannot capitalize on the opportunity that comes with the open work permit because they must take care of the family. In the case of the BCPNP, I argue, it is by design, so women act as a support mechanism for the husband in his role as skilled worker. In fact, skilled workersâ wives are integral to the success of the BCPNP because they âgrease its wheels.â They support their husbandsâ in their work life by setting up and maintaining the household, and in doing so freeing him up to focus entirely on his work. My research indicates immigrant settlement experience differs depending on the skilled workerâs family composition. That is men who migrate on their own âonlyâ need to worry about their own settlement and integration. Their economic integration occurs through employment (Ryan and Mulholland 2014:257), and their social integration also occurs at their place of work by making connections with their co-workers. I learned from my interviews with Jennifer, Daniel, Chris, Andreas, and Alexander that single skilled workers 246 live with other skilled workers. They became friends with other skilled workers by default due to their status as skilled workers labouring in the same workplace. My research shows that workers who come with a spouse are integrated the same way as the lone skilled worker mentioned above. He finds his integration through his work and relationships there. The wife, however, must secure her own employment in the Canadian labour market and forge her own social connections. She does not have an âinstant communityâ like her husband into which she can immerse. Skilled worker Sascha says: âI was gone on average for 12 hours every day, and often on the weekend too. I found social connections with my co-workers at work, but my wife had to make an effort to connect with someone outside the homeâ (interview, February 10, 2015). He leans back, crosses his arms, and discloses that his wife struggled immensely with this. âShe was not able to make meaningful social connections. She also did not find work. She left me and returned to Germanyâ (Sascha, interview, February 10, 2015). The other skilled workersâ wives struggled in this role, too, as will become clear below. Okanagan settlement workers Emma, Maria and Olivia agree that skilled workers coming with families are potentially exposed to more social networks than those who come alone or only with their wives (Emma, interview February 17, 2015; Maria, interview February 17, 2015; Olivia, interview February 17, 2015). Those with children have more opportunities for social connectedness. Opportunities present themselves at their childrenâs school and/or other extracurricular activities. Skilled workersâ wives with young children are a case in point: Jennifer, Rebecca and Kate found social contacts in the early childhood and/or school programs that their children were enrolled in and mothers sat together watching over the children (Jennifer, interview, February 10, 2015). Daniel and Chris, 247 fathers of teenagers, said it took effort to get to know other high school parents because they were less involved in their children's schooling and extra-curricular activities (Daniel, interview July 10, 2015; Chris, interview August 25, 2015). Once they discovered commonalities with other parents and joined other adults in parental activities, they made some social connections (Ryan and Mulholland 2014:258). Unfortunately, this contact was all too often insufficient to develop deeper, lasting relationships for the Okanagan newcomers. Upon arriving in Canada, the wives were to set up the new home. Ryan and Mulholland (2014:225) suggest skilled workers migrating with spouses and dependents might, in the long term, have the best chances of integrating because the wives support the entire family unit in making the effort to integrate. Skilled worker Daniel argues that his wifeâs task is to do the background work to get the family and children settled. Rebecca, Jennifer, Daniel, and Kate agree with that point of view that wives integrate the children too. In this scenario, the immigrant womenâs task is to build social networks and make social connections (Ryan and Mulholland 2014:257). If she fails at building and/or maintaining social networks, the immigrant family remains socially isolated. And since isolation/loneliness is a âsignificant predictor of poor healthâ (Anderson 2010), a non or peripherally integrated individual has, in turn, societal implications: in the long-term, poorly integrated immigrants come at a cost to the public purse due to potential (mental) health problems. Immigrants migrating with family tend to better integrate because they have more opportunities for contact in the host society. Jenniferâs story illustrates the struggles in making contact to integrate the children and herself. She found herself pregnant with her third child shortly after moving to Canada. 248 In Germany, she connected with other adults due to her children's early childhood and elementary school experiences. But she was unable to translate those connections into closer relationships and emotional support, leaving her lonely, isolated and discouraged. Jennifer was doing a lot of emotional work that did not reflect the emotional turmoil inside her, leaving her at âemotive dissonanceâ (Hochschild 1983:90). While her husband was at work, Jennifer had to take care of her children and try to integrate everyone. She chose not to share her challenges and difficulties (emotional and psychological) encountered in her day-to-day life to not burden him during the hours that the family was together. Jennifer was responsible for the emotional care work in her family. During the interview, she recalls the day she decided to make a change: I was pregnant. I was very isolated. And I was feeling alone. I was so done being an immigrant! I wanted to meet people with a new identity. And so I introduced myself as a Canadian, in the hopes of making new friends and integrating myself (Jennifer, interview, February 10, 2015). In constructing a new identity for herself, Jennifer reconciled the tension between her identity left behind in Germany (a successful professional woman and mother), and her assumed identity as an immigrant woman (mother and domestic caretaker) in Canada. These are competing identities (Friedman 2011:188) which she tries to reconcile while also shedding the patriarchal grip. âIdentity takes on a new meaning for the immigrant women who no longer want to be identified merely in terms of their traditional domestic roles in the public spheresâ (thapan 2005:29). By introducing herself as âCanadianâ she resolves her identities to âoccupy multiple spaces and positionsâ (Shohat in Papayiannis 2011:71). Her immigrant woman identity is âconstructed, discursive, fluid, contingent and fragileâ (Moran 2015:2) and is âcontinually transformed by [her immigration] journeyâ (thapan 2005:29). 249 This practice and activities suggest the migration experience forced the traditional gender role of âfamily firstâ onto immigrant women thereby entrenching traditional gender dynamics in the family (Walton-Roberts 2004; Ryan and Mulholland 2014:259).70 The womanâs needs come second to those of all other family members (Jennifer, interview, February 10, 2015). Jennifer remarks that her familyâs migration forced her to relegate her own needs âto the back of the lineâ and to âdisengage and disregard her own personal needsâ (interview, February 10, 2015). She finds this stressful and personally dissatisfying since she abandoned her successful work life in Germany to relocate to Canada. Migrating to Canada forced her to return to full-time mothering and care giving. She says, I was not prepared for that. I did not imagine myself being a mother and housewife only. I miss having my own life. Away from the home. I also want to accomplish other things than cooking and cleaning and taking care of children. This is not why I choose to move to Canada! (interview, February 10, 2015). For Jennifer the emotional costs of being a new mother in a new country were very high. She bore a child in a country with an unfamiliar social support network; and she had been unable to find any support. She was also cut off from her family in the home country who was âjealousâ and unsupportive of the familyâs relocation to Canada (interview, February 10, 2015). Her situation was further complicated by the fact she lived geographically isolated in a rural area without a car and public transportation (interview, February 10, 2015). She missed kinship and her extended family in Germany (interview, February 10, 2015). This familyâs difficult situation was then further compounded by the fact that her husbandâs income was barely enough to cover the familyâs expenses. To make 70 Often migration is a vehicle for women to become more emancipated and leave traditional gender roles behind (Vertovec 2009:65). 250 matters worse, his first nominating employer went bankrupt soon after the family arrived. While this employer arranged for a successful transition to a new employer, the familyâs home situation remained a challenge. Their strategy to facilitate settlement and integration was to have Jennifer stay at home with the children despite her reluctance to do so and her feelings of loneliness (interview, February 10, 2015). They were trapped in their situation. Research on loneliness in adults over 45 years of age by the not-for-profit organization American Association of Retired People, suggests that the long-term implications of social isolation do not only take a personal but also a societal toll (Anderson 2010). At the personal level, the immigrantâs support network is impoverished, and the immigrant has fewer people supporting her/him (Anderson 2010:17). Social networks are crucial to the settlement and integration process for migrants since they find âjobs and accommodation [through these networks], circulat[e] goods and services [in them], as well as [provide] psychological support and continuous social and economic informationâ (Vertovec 2002:2). Access to social networks, Bourdieu (1986) argued, depends on the function of the social ties and the efforts needed trying to set them up. It takes time and effort to meet people and learn about them and their communities. If a personâs efforts to make connections appear to outweigh the perceived benefits, there is little effort made to forge a connection in the first place. It is easier to make social connections when one speaks the same language as the members of the community and the social circle into which one is trying to integrate (Zorlu and Hartog 2018:2). This feat becomes a lot more difficult, however, when one must knit 251 new social connections in a foreign language.71 The âability to understand and communicate messages effectively and appropriately in a particular social situationâ (CIC 2012:12) is key to integration and settlement. While it is also the case that a poor command of the host countryâs official language(s) presents a major hurdle to integration (Esser 2006). As mentioned above, all skilled workers and their wives have some English72 language reading ability. However, upon closer investigation, it became clear there is great variation in the research participantsâ English language capabilities. Only five of the seven skilled workers who had filled in the questionnaire (in Canada) indicated they speak and write English. Ben and his family are one such example. They had zero English language skills since they grew up in the former East Germany where they learned Russian in school instead of English. He recalls: âMy first [day at work] â¦ it was super busy, and there are 15 others [working with me] who are talking at [me]. I made so many mistakes, because I didn't understand what they were saying. I had great difficultyâ (interview, August 15, 2015). He felt ill prepared for the language challenge and found it very difficult to find time outside of his work placement to learn English. It was even worse for his son who âcame home from his first day of school, [stating] that he didn't understand a word, because they all speak so differentâ (interview, August 15, 2015). This example shows how ill-prepared Ben and his family were to speak English. Another example comes from Alexander and Marianne. They are the oldest of the skilled worker couples taking part in this research; they were in their early fifties at time of 71 Not all German skilled workers who participated in this research project speak English. Those that grew up in the former East German Republic learned Russian in school and would have learned English as a third language later in life. 72 None of the skilled workers in my study speak French. 252 arrival (Alexander, interview, January 28, 2015; Marianne, interview, March 12, 2015). They came to Canada as a couple. Surprisingly, neither of them had English language skills. Alexander works for a small company with two other German skilled workers. He learned the words of his trade from his co-workers and learned what he needs to know to do his job. They speak German when they are at the same job site which does not help Alexander learn English. Alexanderâs English-speaking boss makes the contractual arrangements with customers leaving Alexander with little contact with the customer beyond being granted access to the job site. Overall, he manages with a few English words (Alexander, interview, January 28, 2015). Marianne approaches her language challenge in a resourceful and determined way. She resorts to listening to the radio throughout the day and watches television with closed caption on so that the English words display on the screen. When she goes to the store, she brings her English/German dictionary and studies the English names of the goods displayed on the shelves. While looking for work, she attends interviews with her dictionary in hand. She realizes that she can program the machines at her place of work to display the instructions in German, allowing her to understand the technical steps of her job (interview, March 12, 2015). During the interview she leans forward to me and beams: âToday, I feel 95 percent proficient [in English]â (interview, March 12, 2015). The inability to speak one of Canadaâs official languages, my research suggests, was not a hurdle to applying into the BCPNP. Federal research (2011) comparing the language skills of provincial and federal skilled workers demonstrates that individuals who speak neither French nor English are regularly admitted to the BCPNP. The federal data from 2005 to 2009 shows that 13.6 percent of provincial nominees had neither English nor French 253 language skills, while it was 10.4 percent of federal skilled workers with the same challenge (CIC 2011:25), suggesting that provincial nominees are regularly admitted without official language skills. The opportunities for state-sponsored language acquisition are nil for these migrants since neither TFWs nor PNs qualify for immigrant settlement support until they are landed in Canada. Interviews with Okanagan immigrant service providers revealed they understand skilled workers need support for accessing language classes, employment services and making connections with local social groups of the host community. Without these services their transition from temporary to permanent status suffers. Emma, Maria and Olivia from Okanagan settlement services say they âtry to accommodateâ in creative ways with the limited funds available to them, even if at times the support falls outside of the parameters of government contracts (Emma, interview, February 17, 2015; Maria, interview, February 17, 2015; Olivia, interview, February 17, 2015). Settlement services workers find themselves in a catch-22: on the one hand, they are presented with people who ask for and require their help, and on the other, they have no budget to allocate the services these people need (Megan, interview, March 12, 2015). Not surprisingly, in this restrained scenario, the migrant is less able to improve his language ability (Esser 2006:27). Four of the skilled workers interviewed had developed only rudimentary English language skills by the time of their interview even though they had been in the country for close to a decade. The ability to speak the language of the country is also important to connect in developing a sense of belonging and feel the social cohesion of group membership (Bryers, Winstanley and Cooke 2014:21; Esser 2006:1). A good command of English is key to a successful integration into the host society. Language âconstitutes both the medium of 254 everyday interviews and a resource, in particular in the context of education and the labour marketâ (Esser 2006:1). Without the ability to speak the host countryâs language, labour market participation is greatly diminished (Esser 2006:iv; CIC 2011:46), as is the creation of social connections. With fewer language skills migrants are âmore dependent on support from third partiesâ (van den Broek, Harvey and Groutsis 2015:526). The lack of social integration in general and the inability to develop close friendships in particular is a problem for eight of my thirteen research participants. Emily and Felix, for example, repeatedly bemoaned their inability to develop a relationship with their neighbours. Even after living side-by-side for three years, they have no contact, not even a superficial relationship. In Germany, their neighbours were very important to their social life, close by and always willing to get together (Emily interview, March 24, 2015; Felix, interview, March 24, 2015). Kate and Andreas, another skilled worker couple, explained that in the beginning they misunderstood the phrase âletâs get togetherâ as a firm commitment to actually meet. People would say that to Kate and Andreas, and they would wait for a meeting which did not happen. In Germany, they simply dropped by their friendsâ places, as did their friends on them. However, in Canada they did not have anyone to drop in on, and no one ever stops in at their house, leaving them alone and isolated (Kate, interview, June 15, 2015; Andreas, interview, August 16, 2015). Jennifer, Rebecca, Marianne, and Kate confide they are very lonely and do not know how to relate with Canadians. âIt is difficult to make meaningful connections beyond daily platitudesâ (Jennifer, interview, February 10, 2015). And they do not know how to deal with the emotional toll of these psycho-social barriers (Hurtado-de-mendoza, Gonzales, Serrano and Kaltman 2014:7), nor how to overcome them. Emily sums it up: 255 The[re] is no social integration. Canadians are friendly and nice; but after seven years [of being here in Canada], we have no friends. We are utterly alone. I have a little contact, but we have no friends. I meet people, and everyone says, give me a call, but nothing ever comes of it. We are alone (interview, March 24, 2015). The lack of the social integration leaves the skilled workers socially isolated. Kate says âI often thought it could not get any worse. I have never felt so alone in my lifeâ (interview, June 15, 2015). At the time of the interview, Emily and Felix justify their ongoing social isolation with their focus on working and earning money. They work opposite shifts, leaving few hours for time together. This couple rationalizes their feelings of marginalization as prioritizing economic integration over social connections/integration. When asked what they do during their days off, they say they spend those in each otherâs company with no further attempts at making investments in social relations with others. Complicating matters is the fact that many migrants tend to forget that they need to develop new relationships from scratch. Skilled workers assumed they will meet new people in Canada, and somehow have the same kind of relationships with the same level of intimacy as those left behind in Germany. Unfortunately, many discover this not to be the case. This could be, because once in the BCPNP, the skilled worker families are in a highly competitive environment. They find themselves in competition with other skilled worker families vying for their employerâs goodwill, vying for a nomination certificates, and vying (possibly also) for a citizenship certificate. It is difficult to strike a relationship in this cut-throat climate, especially since one skilled worker family can only advance at the expense of another. And, commiserating over the precarity and vulnerability that comes with being a skilled worker under the BCPNP might be a poor foundation for a meaningful bond. That integration into the Okanagan Valley is difficult has already been established by Depner and Teixeira (2012:83-84), researching immigrant settlement services in Oliver and 256 Penticton. Some of the challenges new immigrants face are: (1) mobility problems arising from the poor public transit system in the valley; (2) issues of access to existing immigrant services, including English language classes (3) lack of affordable housing; and (4) few well-paying jobs available. So, in areas where immigrant services are poor or limited, immigrants face harder challenges in adjusting and integrating (Bauder and Biase 2004:10). Overall, the communities of the Okanagan Valley, into which the skilled workers landed, also have only meagre levels of support affecting their ability to provide for themselves (Nolin, McCallum and Zehtab-Martin 2009; Depner and Teixeira 2012:75). In the valley, there are only eight organizations providing immigrant support services: two agencies each in Salmon Arm and Vernon, three in Kelowna, and one in Penticton (CIC 2016 - Immigrant Services BC). This is âtestimony to the [resulting] peripheral character of settlement servicesâ (Kataoka and Magnusson 2011:250) that exists in BC today. This structure remains at the time of writing with approximately 190 community-based agencies in the province providing services âthat fall either completely or partially within the domain of local municipalitiesâ and are âdesigned specifically to reach immigrant communitiesâ (Depner and Teixeira 2012:80). The latter includes general and job-specific language training, employment services and mentoring services (CIC 2016 - Immigrant Services BC) to help navigate the Canadian every day, like filling out forms and applications (Welcome BC 2016a - Find Settlement Services). Okanagan communities lack components necessary for successful immigrant integration, including âquality services in a welcoming community; affordable, suitable and adequate housing; educational opportunities; employment opportunities providing adequate income; and social and cultural integration opportunitiesâ (Teixeira and Li in Depner and Teixeira 2012:74). Unfortunately, this situation only 257 becomes painfully clear to new arrivals after setting foot on Canadian soil and they realize they cannot access any government sponsored immigrant support services because the recipient parameters are carefully constructed, thus limiting access to services. Only permanent residents are eligible for these programs (CIC 2015c:18; Li 2003:44), leaving all those who have not made the transition from temporary to permanent unable to access these services. Skilled workers could be in Canada working for years on a temporary foreign workerâs work permit, but due to their temporary status are ineligible for any settlement and integration services during that time (Baxter 2010:38) âdespite the fact that they [skilled workers] are actively working to establish a permanent life in Canadaâ (Baxter 2010:39). The restrictive and exclusionary service parameters deny support to many who really need it the most (Tseghay 2016). With these restrictive parameters, the BC provincial government was able to limit those who can access support, forcing immigrants into self-sufficiency (Abu-Laban 2004; Ameeriar 2017:32), or into effectively offloading the responsibility for settlement and integration onto the migrant. In fact, skilled workers who came to the Province of BC under the BCPNP were the first group of immigrants to experience the new austerity measures after the comprehensive federal departmental immigration programâs review. Immigrant settlement became a provincial responsibility after the funding model for settlement and integration was transformed (Vineberg 2010:38; Andrew with Hima 2011:59). This transformation was legislated in the 1998 framework agreement between Ottawa and BC (Kataoka and Magnusson 2011:243). Accompanying this policy change was an increase in federal-provincial funding for immigration and settlement purposes in BC. Funding increased from approximately CAN $40 million in 2005/06 to nearly CAN $110 million in 2012/13 (CIC 258 2006-Settlement funding allocations; CIC 2013-backgrounder-Settlement funding allocations). The province, however, shortly thereafter rid itself of any responsibilities of immigrant settlement. Two things happened: first, the province downloaded the responsibility of immigrant service provisions to the not-for-profit sector. This move signaled that immigrant settlement services were not part of the core business of government any longer (Kataoka and Magnusson 2011). And second, the type of immigrant who is invited to come to Canada is chosen for his/her ability to bring financial (cash and other financial assets) and economic capital (their skills and pre-arranged employment). They are expected to be self-sufficient in their own settlement. Here, those who are not burdening the state but are able to integrate themselves by âtheir own bootstrapsâ are the preferred immigrants. In sum, on the one hand the government relegated its leadership in immigrants service delivery to the not-for profit and private sector, while on the other it also delegated its responsibilities for immigrant settlement to the individual immigrant. This is a classic example of neoliberal offloading of responsibilities (Wolch 1990) previously held by welfare state. The devolution of the immigrant selection process from the federal government to the provinces presents another facet of neoliberal restructuring. In this new federal-provincial-partnership, provincial governments have gained the power to shape the parameters of their provincial nominee programs, including decision-making processes about who can be a participant in its provincial nominee program. In time, a public-private-partnership, a hallmark of neoliberalism, ensues between the province, capital and the public. In this neoliberal scenario, the provincial government administers the program. The private 259 sector decides who is allowed to come to BC as a skilled worker/immigrant and gains access to the skilled immigrant labour force (Whiteside 2016; Harvey 2006:26). The public pays for the program and its administration (Armstong 2014:192). And, the public is left to assume the risk (Boardman, Siemiatycki and Vining 2016:1 and 5; Harvey 2005:77). In other words, the public subsidizes the program and with that also employerâs access to foreign labour. Sadly, the select difficulties recounted here are often the norm, arising from the ârestructuring of the welfare state in favour of the neo-liberal approach that rejects state intervention with regard to immigrant integrationâ (Frideres 2006:7). The province has rid itself of its immigrant integration and settlement responsibilities by offloading them to the private sector (Flynn and Bauder 2013:4). As part of this restructuring, the government has incorporated the provision that employers must, as a nominee program requirement, provide first settlement services to program participants, but there is no stipulated way as to how that must happen (Kataoka and Magnusson 2011:265). The Okanagan employers who participated in this study embraced this in a variety of ways, as was discussed in Chapter 4. Considering the difficulties addressed here, one can ask what skilled workers and their wives retrospectively thought about the program and whether they still experienced satisfaction with their decision to become a skilled worker in the BCPNP. Their answers surprised me. Irrespective of any economic, social, and personal challenges encountered, the hardship and exploitation experienced, all but one skilled worker remain content with their decision to enter the BCPNP. For example, Alexander finds his Canadian work âeasy.â He likens the standard of the Canadian industry to the time of his apprenticeship in Germany when skill was âstill taughtâ and before âinnovationsâ with plastic deskilled him. The building style here is like in the middle ages. The work that [is being done in my trade here] is the work that I was doing when I started my 260 apprenticeship. The materials are a dream; here everyone uses [materials] which are hardly ever used in Germany. The work is challenging, but I am thriving in these challenges (interview, January 28, 2015). He really enjoys the draft of the manual work he is doing. Two other skilled workers, Ben and Andreas, believed it was the âsimplestâ and âquickestâ way for them to migrate to Canada with their families. Retrospectively, they justified the time spent in the BCPNP as relatively short -- just a couple of years (Mark, interview, August 27, 2015; Andreas, interview, August 16, 2015; and Alexander, interview, January 28, 2015) -- because they had the assurance that it was a temporary situation and that they would one day (with their family members) become permanent residents of Canada. On the assumption that they could still realize their dream of moving to Canada for the long term, as measured by their progression through the BCPNP program, they were willing to make it work with their employer and withstand the working conditions. They were willing to endure difficult and exploitative working conditions and poor and inadequate treatment by their employer for the short term because the pay-off was the permission to stay in Canada for the long term. They held on to their belief that there would be better opportunities for them again after becoming permanent residents in Canada (Mark, interview, August 27, 2015; Chris, interview, August 25, 2015; Ben, interview, August 15, 2015; and Sascha, interview, February 10, 2015). Their wivesâ answers, however, were more nuanced. Rebecca: âI am happy with our life. We bought a nice house after our move here. My husband has secure work. He has become a partner in the company which sponsored him. I can stay at home. And I am homeschooling my childâ (interview, August 24, 2015). Rebecca was very content with their decision to move to Canada. Jennifer, on the other hand, was acutely aware of the personal and emotional cost this move had on the family, her well-being and mental health. She explains: 261 I feel alone and am having a hard time making a meaningful connection [to other women]. I feel isolated and lonely. I have no one to share the difficulties of this journey with. There is no contact with the family left behind, and no one here to confide with. I feel so cut-off! (interview, February 10, 2015) But with her next breath, she acknowledged that the move was good for her children and her husbandâs career. There are fewer expectations for the children, in school. They experience less stress. In Germany they had hours of homework to do after school, but here there are less demands from teachers. And my husband wanted to start his own business. This was a dream of his that was impossible back home. Here it was possible (interview, February 10, 2015). She pauses and reflects. But it was a lot of work. A lot of work. He worked two jobs as he tried to get it going. During the week for his boss and one the weekend for himself. He put in very many hours; he was gone all the time. I was left with the home and the children and everything every day. And when he was here, I did not want to burden him with my problems since he did all this for us, too. I had to take care of everything and everyone, but no one took care of me (interview, February 10, 2015). Much of Kateâs interview answers also focus on the benefits of this immigration for her family members. âHere in Canada, there is a lot less stress for my childrenâ and âmy husband enjoys the work he does hereâ (interview, June 15, 2015). But towards the end of her interview, she becomes somber: âI really miss my family. We were so close and would visit one another often. We could stop in at each otherâs houses. Now we cannot do that anymore. We donât spend time together anymore. I miss that very muchâ (interview, June 15, 2015). This familyâs closeness suffers due to the spatial and temporal divide of the geographical distance between BC and Germany. They cannot engage in spontaneous visits to share the trivial matters of their lives any longer. In fact, even return visits to Germany are few because the cost of plane tickets for her family members, and having only a few paid vacation days, make it a (financial) challenge to visit the home country. It is similar for her 262 family members; it is costly and time consuming to fly to Canada. Kateâs solitude is amplified by her discontent with her employment situation: I am stuck in this dead-end job. I would like to go back to school. I want to learn something new. But there is no money for that. And I have to be home for the children, when they come home from school. I have to cook them food. I wish I could do something that gives me meaning, other thanâ¦. [she makes a sweeping motion with her hand]. I am bored with this life (interview, June 15, 2015). Kate has not shared her true feelings with her husband. She, too, puts her own well-being second to that of her family. Emily says she enjoys her beautiful house and spending time with her husband; that is when they are not working opposing shifts. But I also heard her missing her family (Emily, interview, March 24, 2015). Marianne, who found herself in between work at the time of the interview hoped soon to find employment again. She said she has been thinking of returning to Germany but did not want to leave her husband. So, unless he was willing to return, she will stay in Canada with him (interview, March 12, 2015). The differences between the menâs and the womenâs answers are stark; the men had moved on to either become self-employed/employers or found more secure employment. They found meaning in their work, and many shared during the interview they worked 60 to 80 hours every week. When they were not at work, they were enjoying their homeownership and other materialistic pursuits, like boating on Okanagan Lake. The women, on the other hand, seem to be more aware of the personal emotional toll this move has taken, arising from their own attempts of integration and settlement. During the interview they seem to be more reflective and contemplative of their decision, including the possibility of maybe one day leaving Canada again. 263 Nevertheless, the research participantsâ sustained enthusiasm for a life in Canada is simply impressive. Drawing an end to the interview time, their eyes still lit up as they spoke about what they now have in Canada. Each of the people interviewed has been in Canada for a different length of time, but they still are enthusiastic and proud of their decision to move to Canada. The German skilled workers of this research conceptualized their participation in the BCPNP program as a mean to an end. It is kind of like a rite of passage they must master in return for the privilege to live in Canada. And, of course, this kind of thinking is familiar to the German mind, which has long been socialized that things ought to be earned (Bausinger 2000). To round out the possibilities, I asked the research participants if they could imagine a return to Germany. I was curious to learn what could make them abandon their dream of Canada. This discussion is in the last section of this chapter. 7.2 Should I Stay or Should I Go: Possible Reasons for a Return to Germany Historically, Canada has been an immigration destination for Germany. Ironically, it is also Canada from which most of these German migrants return from (Ette and Sauer 2010:141). Exact numbers of returnees are not known because the German state does not require its citizens to register as emigrants before they move abroad (Ette and Sauer 2010:139). The German state is not unique in that it does not have specific numbers on returnees (Koser 2007:21). Some German data can be derived from those who de-register and then later re-register with their local government upon their return to Germany (Ette and Sauer 2010:140). In 1967, for example, the return migration rate for men from Canada was 43 percent, in 2007 it had risen to 67 percent (Ette and Sauer 2010:152). German researchers Andreas Ette and Lenore Sauer (2010:148) argue the return migrant is young at 19 to 45 264 years old; 56 percent of men and 58 percent of women fall into this age range. It is assumed they return to use their newly acquired skills and human/social capital in the home labour market (Sauer and Ette 2010:148). At the same time, Canada is also the country in which emigrants do stay longer than elsewhere. The 2011 federal evaluation of provincial nominee programs established that for the years of 2000 to 2008, the retention rate of provincial nominees was 96.4 percent in BC (CIC 2011:53), giving further credence to my argument that those who do succeed with their nomination and landing, tend to stay in BC. By 2008, Ette and Sauer (2010) established in their research of male German migrants that 41.9 percent of them stayed for the long term (Ette and Sauer 2010:157). But how many years, exactly, constitutes for the long term? The lack of answers to questions like these, no doubt, contribute to return migration (Cessarino 2004:253). Maybe skilled workers and their families leave Canada again because the family cannot take root, or because they find the differences between Germany's and Canada's work and social life irreconcilable. Maybe the skilled worker-employer relationship is not working/has broken down and/or they are not legally allowed to remain in Canada any longer. In the case of the skilled German worker families who participated in this study, none planned a return - they all wanted to stay for the long term. And while they worked hard at realizing their goal, one familyâs dream turned into a nightmare. I discuss this next. 7.3 One Failed Experience Daniel was forced to return to Germany after less than one year in Canada. He had a falling out with his employer over a restructuring of his position and terms of contract. He claimed his employer demanded he work piece rate, which was contrary to his work permit. Being a skilled worker in the BCPNP stipulates that the worker must be paid a set wage for the time 265 he is with the nominating employer, meaning full-time hours at the rate set by the provincial government. Piecemeal work is not allowed for these work contracts (Michelle, interview, September 30, 2015). This skilled worker resisted his employerâs order and refused to do the piece rate work that would jeopardize his nomination and status as skilled worker. He found himself in a catch-22: to either comply with his employer's command and do the piece rate work to avoid jeopardizing his nomination. But to do so could revoke his work permit. He could reject his employerâs request and demand work corresponding to the work permit stipulations. But the risk to jeopardizing his status was significant. He chose the latter for fear of losing his work permit and legal status in Canada. His refusal to comply with his employerâs request effectively lost him his position and his employerâs support for his nomination. Daniel was fired and thus no longer permitted to work legally in Canada, even though he was allowed to remain in Canada until his work permit expired. Danielâs only hope to remain in the BCPNP was to find a new employer who would support his nomination. This meant changing the employerâs name on the work permit. As explained in Chapter 4, BCPNP program parameters allow for a re-submission of a provincial nominee application or a continuation of an application, honouring time already spent in the program (Michelle, interview, September 30, 2015). When Daniel resisted his employer, he hoped to find support at the local level in dealing with the Canadian bureaucracy. He explains he asked the Foreign Skilled Worker Program Liaison Officer from the COEDC to provide assistance and facilitate his transition to another employer. He says he was told it would take more than one year to process his request (Daniel, interview, July 10, 2015). Below is our exchange, which captures Danielâs exasperation with the lack of support he experienced. Daniel: So, when [my prospective new employer] went to see the COEDCâs Foreign Skilled Worker Coordinator about changing the employerâs name on 266 my work permit, he was told that it would take 14 months, and not the 2 months like the government [BCPNP office] suggested. TM: Fourteen months? Daniel: Correct! What was I supposed to do? It seemed that nobody wanted to help me. It seemed that nobody was willing to help me, because I was not willing to be [my previous employerâs] slave (interview, Daniel July 10, 2015). Throughout his ordeal, Daniel tried to find support from three government bodies: the COEDC and its designated BCPNP program support staff, the BCPNP office, and Service Canada, (interview, July 10, 2015). He was informed that the minute he was fired, he legally became a person of no status in Canada, rendering him ineligible for any kind of official governmental help in Canada (Nakache 2010:7). This answer is clearly contrary to the information given by Michelle, the government employee from the BCPNP office, who had informed me that there is a willingness on behalf of the BCPNP office to work with those who have already been nominated (Michelle, interview, September 30, 2015). It also raises the question whether Daniel was actually ever nominated by his employer or if his employer withdrew the nomination after firing Daniel. Daniel said Service Canada was unwilling to get involved, claiming his case falls outside their jurisdiction since being unemployed he was a person without status. Instead, Service Canada suggested he work for cash and off the books (interview, July 10, 2015). This is illegal in Canada. Working in the underground economy does not only put those who do at risk of deportation if discovered and subsequently becoming inadmissible to re-enter Canada, but there are also serious wage discrepancies as to what the skilled worker is guaranteed in the BCPNP. Short on options and with a family to feed and house (his wife works taking care of the children after school), Daniel ended up taking illegal work to make 267 ends meet. He found himself doing general labour for a lot less money than he had earned as the skilled worker with the master tradesman certification. He is convinced the close relations between his employer, the Chair and staff of the COEDC are the reason he found himself in this situation. He further claims he was not the only case, but that there were several other skilled workers working for the same employer who had the same experience. While Daniel had chosen to stand up for himself, other co-workers apparently did not. He claims they resisted his pleas for help, for fear of their employerâs retribution. He shared with me that he knew of three colleagues who were fired. He alleges they were all âblack-listed,â and with that designation became the black-sheep-of-the-skilled-worker-flock, for lack of a better term. When asked what happened to the other co-workers mentioned, he became very dejected. He explained their mental health declined as they became depressed; two of them were forced to leave Canada, while the other ended his life in desperation. (The reader should know here that I was unable to corroborate this information. This is from Danielâs point of view.) Daniel, too, became depressed, when he realized he had exhausted all avenues of help from friends, and had failed to garner support from provincial and local governments. He shares: All of a sudden, we were second-class people. But that is not us. We are qualified people with vocations and education, and skills. And while we were at a friendâs house, with all our things in storage, one of our children already returned to Germany, our other child fell ill. We really felt the desperation of the situation weigh us down. We were all in one room. We were all crying and decided if we not leave, we will break apart. We have to get out of here! (interview, July 10, 2015). The family was deeply ashamed of their failed experience: Had my wife and I not stuck together as we did, we would have gone insane. We were like shunned people with very few friends. There was so little empathy and understanding amongst the people that we knew. We felt so violated and taken advantage of, and all of a sudden, we were second-class people that had to fight for every penny, for every meter, for every little bit of 268 recognition. It was really terrible for us. And that is the reason we do not speak about it. We do not want to speak about our time in Canada ever again (interview, July 10, 2015). This quote explains Danielâs continuing contradictory position: his German cohort had difficulty understanding what happened to Daniel and his family (although some of them, according to Daniel, supposedly find themselves in the same difficult situation). According to Daniel, his Canadian acquaintances have difficulty believing what is happening to this family, in particular since the conditions of what it means to be a provincial nominee are publicly known. The realities of this status are not well understood by the general public. Daniel: âwe tried to get the attention of the media [to expose what was happening to us in this program], but the local reporter was unwilling to go up against [the COEDC]. The story was too big for himâ (interview, July 10, 2015). Daniel is sad as he recalls âif we had not had our friends, who would help us momentarily forget all the worry and trouble, then I donât know how we could have done it. We were so desperate that we did not know what to do anymore!â (interview, July 10, 2015). Without a work permit they were forced to return to Germany âfinancially destitute.â âWe were forced to return [after 10 months] â¦ not even a yearâ¦ not even a year. And our dream of Canada was over!â (interview, July 10, 2015). I also interviewed Danielâs employer to get insight into the employerâs perspective and to corroborate the claims made. At the time of the interview, Jason, the employer, made frequent use of the BCPNP with upwards of twenty skilled workers in the program. When asked about his labour practices and Danielâs allegations, he argued that some workers simply had the âwrongâ skills (interview, September 1, 2015). Jason claimed German skilled workers with three years of trade school had great difficulty to work the Canadian way, and as a result, he was forced to re-train them to Canadian standards. Thus, arising from their 269 âlack of skill,â he wanted to pay those workers the minimum wage ($10.25) instead of the BCPNP required journeymen rates (starting at $25/hr) (interview, September 1, 2015). This is a clear contravention to the BCPNP program requirements since the contract of the work permit is binding and cannot simply be changed by the employer after workers have been recruited (Michelle, interview, September 30, 2015). During the interview Jason revealed that only about 50 percent of the workers at his workplace survived his re-training regimen; and those who didnât were released from his tutelage. Shrugging his shoulders, he remarked that in his opinion German skilled workers are not suitable for this program. Instead, he switched to recruiting diasporic Ethnic Germans (many of whom had recently migrated to Germany from Russia) because they are âvery strong workers, very willing and very adaptable.â He leans closer and smiles at me, âthey fared much better in my re-trainingâ (interview, September 1, 2015). This employer clearly had no qualms about changing his demands and the workerâs monetary compensation as he saw fit. Most telling, he was allowed to abuse the skilled workers at his place of work with government consent. The matter of skilled workers complaining about illegal labour practices does not seem to be acknowledged or taken seriously. Even Harold from the COEDC disclosed that âsome skilled workers were hired to work as fast as possible, and not to engage with their artisan abilitiesâ (Harold, interview, June 1, 2015), even though this contravenes the BCPNP rules, which per Michelleâs description, does not permit piecework since the worker must be guaranteed fulltime work. In fact, during the entire interview, the local government official did not seem to care that local employers were asking workers to work illegally. Harold showed no concern that this jeopardized the skilled workersâ participation in the BCPNP and their right to work legally in Canada. This situation increased the workerâs insecurity in his 270 temporary status (Baxter 2010). Their inaction demonstrates the lack of enforcement of the BCPNP as a program while it simultaneously illustrates that the state is a facilitator to neoliberalism (Harvey 2005). The official was not only aware of the practice but also knew of the employerâs compensation scheme of paying less than the program required. With a shrug of the shoulders Harold declares it permissible, because âthey [the skilled worker] received bonuses illegally per square footageâ (interview, June 1, 2015). Being completely aware of the programâs non-compliance by at least one Okanagan employer -- and of the injustice forced upon skilled workers -- when questioned why he was still siding with the offending employer instead of helping the skilled workers, Harold informed that the employer had told him the workers had âpoor work attitudesâ and âwere lousy bad workersâ (interview, June 1, 2015). It became clear to me that Harold (and Walter from the COEDC) must have both known what was happening to Daniel and others at Jasonâs company, but neither gave indication during the interview that they saw a need to intervene on the workerâs behalf or had done so in the past. Instead, with their silent consent and stonewalling to Danielâs requests, Jason could simply âgetâ more workers, because, as the statistics show in Chapter Four, there is a glut of skilled workers willing to enter into the BCPNP labour pool. Neither Harold nor Walter saw a need to help Daniel and others like him. They are solely focused on helping employers satisfy their need for workers. Helping struggling workers is simply not part of their job description. Instead, the BCPNP is structured in such a way that no one holds the responsibility to intervene on workersâ behalf. Recall that the program is administrative in nature, and there are neither mechanisms nor budget for enforcement. And, without it being part of anyoneâs job description, no one even sees a need 271 to intervene on any workerâs behalf. This research documents that here is no one who advocates for these workers, not even unions. The position of the Foreign Skilled Worker Program Liaison Officer was established to support employers. In the Okanagan, skilled workers, like other TFWs go without government support in times of crisis (Aguiar, Tomic and Trumper 2011). It appears the culture of silence and non-intervention is official; I could not find any complaints filed with Service Canada about Okanagan employers for the period of this research 2000 to 2015. Unofficially, however, I heard from more than one source that there has been employer abuse within this program. Julia, an Okanagan labour recruiter, and Anna, an Okanagan employer, both mentioned independently during their interviews that they are aware of at least one Okanagan employer who is forcing his workers to work piece rate and in contravention of the skilled workersâ work permit (Julia, interview, August 10, 2015; Anna, interview, June 1, 2015). But, without enforcement mechanisms within the BCPNP and without a willingness of local program supporters to ensure employer compliance, the latter can do as they see fit. 7.4 Skilled Workers Have Little Recourse Workersâ ârights are complaints-driven,â and as a result âdo not transfer well into practiceâ (Nakache 2010:10). That is, a worker must complain about his employer if a concern arises. However, a complaint against an employer can jeopardize the skilled workerâs position and nomination. As explained earlier, the worker needs his employerâs endorsement; this practice leads to âself-censorshipâ by the worker (Nakache 2010:13). Of the skilled workers interviewed, only one brought forth a complaint to his employer, which resulted in a drastic response and dire consequence. Daniel refused the conditions of his work permit being 272 changed. His employer, even though he himself was breaking the contractual agreements of the BCPNP, fired Daniel for insubordination. All other skilled worker participants reported to have, as Alexander puts it, âmade it workâ (interview, January 28, 2015), reminding themselves that the program participation was a means to an end (Daniel, interview, July 10, 2015), and they would not have to keep their head down forever. Furthermore, even if workers have the courage to complain, the federal government has little to no ability to enforce rights and protections for TFWs (Nakache 2010:12), since the office of Economic and Skills Development Canada has neither power of oversight nor teeth to deal with program infractions (Nakache 2010:11). My research found the same at the provincial level: within BCPNP program parameters there is no funded mechanism to investigate skilled worker complaints against their employers (Michelle, interview, September 30, 2015). What I understood from this research is the prevailing lack of political will to change this situation: there have been no budget allocations made for enforcement to date, and there will not be any for the upcoming budget cycle either (Michelle, interview, September 30, 2015). Equally telling, there is no position with the responsibility to provide oversight/support at the BCPNP Office. Like the lawyer Jamie Baxter states, âit is striking that policy makers have done nothing [yet] to address these realities in designing their respective PNPsâ (2010:28). Return migration is often conceptualized as a defeat, âthe outcome of a failed migration experience, which did not yield the expected benefitsâ (Cassarino 2004:255). This position is typical for labour migrants who return to their home country because they miscalculated the cost of migration and/or did not have their capital investments rewarded (Cassarino 2004:255). Ben and Daniel make this clear when they speak about their personal 273 belief of a possible return to Germany, expecting how going back is fraught with difficult mixed feelings. Ben knows he is welcome to return home: âMy family is behind me, and they told me I could return to them any time, if I wish.â But for him a return home equals defeat. âI do not want to experience this shame and nakednessâ but instead âIâd rather fight here in Canadaâ (interview, August 15, 2015). Daniel did return to Germany, where family and friends greeted him and his family with the words âwe knew you would be back!â (interview, July 10, 2015). These words were not meant as a welcoming statement, but as a code for you failed. He confided during the interview that he felt extremely guilty about his inability to âmake it a goâ for his family in Canada (interview, July 10, 2015). His familyâs reception upon the return arrival in Germany amplified Danielâs shame and inadequacy. His attempt to migrate to Canada failed and by extension he became a major failure, too. 7.5 Reasons for Staying for the Long Term The skilled workers of this research mentioned four reasons which strengthened their resolve to stay in Canada: one, since immigration to Canada is difficult, costly, and time-consuming, many consider the possibility of a return to Germany with great care. There is a correlation between the challenges encountered when trying to migrate, German researchers Ette and Sauer (2010) argue, and the commitment to remain in the country. The more difficult it is to enter a country, integrate and settle there, the less willing immigrants are to leave again (Ette and Sauer 2010:152). And, after five years away from the home country, the possibility of a return generally diminishes drastically (Ette and Sauer 2010:145). Skilled worker Andreas explains this inverse relationship: it took â6 years of hard core fightingâ in Canada, and if he and his family left for Germany to return to Canada again later, they are worried it might then be impossible to do so (interview, August 16, 2015). 274 Two, once these skilled workers have been in Canada for decades, they are too old to return to the German labour force. Ageism in the German labour market disadvantages older workers with fewer options and the mobility demands of a the labour market (Heywood and Jirjahn 2016). In general, older migrating workers have fewer options to employ their newly gained human capital in the home labour market (Ette and Sauer 2010:148). Three, Germans who moved to Canada can, from the German legal perspective, always return to their country of birth.73 There is no legal requirement that Germans must be physically present in their home country to uphold their German citizenship, irrespective of how long they have been away. This led to a paradoxical situation: Many Germans, unwilling to surrender their citizenship as EU citizens, lived for many decades as permanent residents in Canada. This changed in 2008, however, when it became possible for Germans to become dual citizens. Previously forbidden from belonging to more than one nation-state (Joppke 2003:441), it is now possible for Germans to hold more than one citizenship. Germans abroad can apply for a permission to keep oneâs German citizenship while applying for another. They can apply a so-called Beibehaltigungsgenehmigung (BBG). Possibly previously eschewed because dual citizenship held by âlarge numbers of citizens [could lead to] shallow civic and national attachmentsâ (Renshon as mentioned in Stoffman 2002:44), the recent change signals the embrace of a more transnational stance by the German state (Bauböck 1995). However, in practice, few permits to become dual citizens are granted to German citizens living in Canada. Statistics released by the German Federal Office of Administration account only for applications made by Germans who are currently living in 73 The German laws on citizenship and nationality derive from sui sanguinis (the law of the blood), meaning âin order to become a citizen one needs to be descended from a national of the country in questionâ (Koser 2007:22). 275 Canada: 100 permits were granted in 2000. From then onward, permits increased reaching more than 500 in 2011 (Bundesverwaltungsamt 2014). It is not clear how many applications were rejected from the time the legislation was changed, just as it is not clear how many BBG application were made in total. The German ambassador to Canada, situated at the German Embassy in Vancouver where the BBG application is processed, vets the applications. The decision to award this privilege is made on a case-by-case basis, according to German-Canadian lawyer Kerstin Hewel74 (Personal email, March 10, 2007). She suggests the Ambassador works with a great degree of discretion when he decides who is a worthy candidate for this privilege. But, according to Hewel, it is possible to re-apply if the first BBG application fails, and at the time of writing there is no limit as to how often someone may apply. Four, and last, Germany and Canada struck an agreement on social security on November 14, 1985. This agreement came into effect on April 1,1988 (Deutsche Rentenversicherung 2015:4) and allowed Germans to receive social security payments from their work in both countries (Deutscher Bundestag 2003). While it is not possible to transfer the actual payments, it is possible to have the time worked in one country accounted for in the other (Sylvia, interview, July 2, 2015). This makes for a continuous old age security contribution system. Since Germans are in general very security oriented (Jack, interview, July 1, 2015), it is a concern that old age security contributions already made in Germany are not âlostâ upon migrating to Canada (Sylvia, interview, July 2, 2015; Marianne, interview, March 12, 2015). The possibility of an uninterrupted old age security system is of great 74 I learned this piece of information as I prepared to submit my own application for dual citizenship and hired lawyer Kerstin Hewel for legal support. 276 comfort, especially to those who are not the âyoungest anymoreâ and who have already invested for decades into their pensions in Germany (Emily, interview, March 24, 2015; Felix, interview, March 24, 2015). 7.6 Concluding Thoughts In conclusion, it is important to understand the skilled workers who took part in this study wanted to turn their experience as temporary skilled workers in the BCPNP into permanent residents in BC. They left Germany for economic, social, and lifestyle reasons, to fulfill their dream of living permanently in Canada. They also sought success in their trades and in owning a home, and in two cases mounting a bed and breakfast business. Their adaptation and integration were influenced by the lack of access to settlement services for skilled workers in the BCPNP, but also arising from their own (in)abilities to make connections with social networks. Unrealistic expectations about the efforts needed to connect with people in the host country coupled with an inadequate understanding of Canadian social conventions and poor English language skills left some bewildered and isolated and with superficial social contacts and acquaintances, but no close relations and friends. Those with children in school had an easier time making connections with other parents in the same school their kids attended. Irrespective, however, this had not developed into deep friendships. The data also reveal a difference as to how families integrate, especially in relation to the skilled workerâs family status. The skilled worker experienced benefit from an instant community of sorts at this place of employment, while his unemployed wife had to make greater effort to meet people. Again, here those with young children had more opportunities 277 for social contact, arising from their childrenâs school participation. Some remarked the social isolation is difficult to endure. The settlement and integration experience is gendered with the man taking on the role of the breadwinner while the woman is the nurturer, providing emotional support to her children and husband. She steps into the role of the caretaker, taking care of the children and the home. She works to integrate the children. She frees the man from domestic responsibilities so he can focus solely on his paid work. Her own labour and support done in the home are not paid (Duffy and Pupo 2018:17). The skilled workers endured a bonded sort of relationship with their employers to succeed in the BCPNP. They endured working conditions that were contrary to their work permits, inadequate living conditions, and questionable financial arrangements with their employers to become and stay nominated, so that they and their families could become permanent residents. Skilled workers as well as their spouses saw it as a temporary measure during which they needed to sacrifice to make it to the end. Skilled worker Daniel was fired from his position because he stood up for his labour rights, suggesting employers wanted a captive and docile labour force. Daniel lost his job and nomination, and with that the right to remain in Canada. He and his family were forced to leave Canada, ashamed and financially destitute. This research demonstrates that German skilled workers in the Okanagan are also vulnerable and/or potentially disposable, even though they are privileged vis-Ã -vis other temporary foreign workers who come to work in the valley. The skilled German workers are advantaged because they can enter the provinceâs PNP with its promise of expedited residency. At the same time, these skilled workers are also vulnerable because this labour 278 migrationâs program structure is created to benefit employers, devoid of enforceable labour protection mechanisms for the skilled workers within. The research results make it clear that there is no political will to change this culture of vulnerability and exploitation. Instead, the sentiment is that workers âgetâ a nomination with a potential for becoming permanent residents, and that somehow justifies their exploitation. But the German skilled workers are also advantaged by the political agreements that exist between Germany and Canada. For example, the agreement on social security, which allows them to continuously work towards a pension, and the possibility to return to Germany any time they so desire. The skilled workers in this research are still overwhelmingly content with their decision to migrate and cannot foresee leaving Canada again unless there are strenuous circumstances such as a chronic illness or a partnerâs death. Only under peculiar circumstances do they imagine returning to Germany. They are steadfast in their goal: to live in Canada for the long term. In the next chapter, I summarize the main points of this dissertation and make suggestions for further research. 279 CHAPTER 8: CONCLUSIONS 8.0 Restating the Aim of this Research The aim of this research was to describe the origins and functioning of the BCPNP in order to empirically demonstrate the human dimension of what it means to be a provincial nominee, I conducted research with male German skilled workers who participated in this program and came to the Okanagan Valley, British Columbia, during the years 2000 to 2015. Here I offer the conclusion that its functioning conforms to our understanding of neoliberalism and aspects thereof. The project began with my reading of the newspaper editorial of Mrs. Zimmermann, and her criticism of the BCPNP. Understanding that personal and intellectual life are fused (Mills 2000:201), my sociological imagination stirred to life: I began to think about what it might be like to be a skilled worker in the BCPNP and to migrate to the Okanagan Valley. I pondered what the emotional and social (human) costs of participating in this program might be. Conducting an empirical investigation into the BCPNP as a labour migration program in the Okanagan context, was the task. I chose German skilled workers because I belong to this ethnic group, and I too migrated from German. I am fluent in language and culture which facilitated recruitment and interviews. I also chose German skilled workers because to date the research focus was mostly on low wage workers, and the BCPNP in general. I wanted to find out how the programs operation differs when skilled workers are involved. Still, sociological methodologies and intellectual rigour supersede shared ethnicity in this study of German skilled workers. Beyond this I aimed to map the migration trajectory of this program and those who have a connection to it in its Okanagan context, including, government officials and/or 280 representatives, labour recruiters and employers, migration consultants, settlement workers and skilled workers and their wives. The role of the state under neoliberalism changed as deregulating, contracting out and co-optation of the state by economic elites leads me to conclude on the basis of the research herein, that laissez-faire is predominant employersâ quasi-free initiative to do as they like. In other words, the stateâs willingness to consent to the pressures and interests of the economic elite for greater flexibility results in a response to their needs including informal discretion operating within the BCPNP in the Okanagan. Employers and their representatives dictated how the program works and what features of it are called upon or pushed to the background to satisfy employers. This working conforms to Satzewichâs finds in his book Points of Entry (2015). This working also impacts the skilled workers of this study in their roles as skilled workers in the BCPNP, in the nomination process and their attempt at becoming provincial nominees, as is illustrated by their stories. In the following pages, each research question is restated, followed by the major findings and contributions to the field. This section is then followed by limitations to this project. This chapter concludes with suggestions for future research. 8.1 The Research Questions Revisited In order to investigate the experience of German skilled workers in the BCPNP in the Okanagan, this projectâs analysis occurred at three levels: the macro or structural level of the BCPNP; the meso level, focusing on those who are program intermediaries and facilitators; and the micro level, the realm of the skilled worker. Four questions guided this research project, as revisited below. 281 8.1.1 German Advantage The first research question focused on the âGerman advantage,â querying what makes German skilled workers desirable to Okanagan employers since there are three different labour migration programs operating in the Okanagan Valley. In other words, why are German skilled workers recruited from Germany as TFWs with a promise of permanent residency and citizenship, when Mexican and Jamaican workers are recruited as sojourners, with the promise to return to their families left home? I suggest the German skilled worker is a social construction of an ideal neoliberal worker. Within this context, German skilled workers are âidealâ because they bring their trade skills. They are also âidealâ because they do not need to be educated at the expense of Canadian employers or the state. They are further considered âidealâ because they bring their wives, which allows them to devote themselves to their work. In addition, their Canada-thusiasm makes them âidealâ because they are willing and motivated to make their participation in the BCPNP successful. And, they are also seen as âidealâ by local elites and migration intermediaries because of their ethnicity and skin colour.75 Taken together, these conditions make them flexible and malleable to the demands of their employers. For the German skilled workers, the program itself is a means to an end. They endure the conditions within in return for permanent resident status in Canada. In this context, skilled workers are captive due to the BCPNPâs program design -- the work permit ties them to a specific employer for a set duration of several years -- and their willingness to make âitâ work. They invested everything for this move to Canada (liquidated their assets and dissolved their lives in Germany ahead of the 75 It it is my hope that future research can investigate the role of German skilled workers in the settlement and re-population of the Okanagan Valley with white migrants. 282 move). This personal investment on behalf of the skilled worker and his dependants makes him a very motivated candidate for the BCPNP. This research further shows the skilled workers hold an unrealistic imagination of Canada in their minds. I name this condition âCanada-thusiasmâ and argue it contributed to their willingness to move to Canada as TFWs and then subsequently enter into the BCPNP. In reality, their unbridled enthusiasm of all things Canadian actually left them ill-prepared for the sacrifices they would have to make in their years in Canada. They tried to prepare for their move to Canada and Canadian culture by focusing on the upcoming transition in the economic realm: gathering information about Canada; meeting their employer face-to-face prior to moving to Canada; translating and notarizing their documents; liquidating their assets held in Germany; and last, sending the husband as scout. Irrespective, their preparations failed to prepare them for social integration. Research participants voiced social isolation as a major concern of their migration experience. I suggest these three factors - the German skills training, putting everything on the line to make this work and coupled with their unbridled enthusiasm for Canada - make Germans ideal candidates for participation in the BCPNP. 8.1.2 The BCPNP as a Neoliberal Immigration Program The second research question focused on the BCPNP as an immigration program, asking how its existence changed the immigration landscape. In short, neoliberal tenets of flexibility and competition have been introduced into immigration policy with the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (2002), and immigration responsibilities previously held by the federal government were shifted to the provincial level. The BCPNP is simply one manifestation of these changes. While the government claims this positions Canada 283 advantageously in the global economy, it injects elements of vulnerability and precarity into the domestic (Canadian) labour market and those who work within. The following neoliberal changes are highlighted: First, there has been a devolution of previously held federal government decision-making powers to the provinces and the private sector. Arising from this change is the privatization of the immigrant selection process, meaning employers are, under the parameters of the BCPNP, allowed to attract migrants as TFWs and then nominate them into the BCPNP. The private sector has been granted the power to make decisions on who can come to Canada as a temporary migrant and who can be nominated for permanent residency status. All BCPNP related matters are in the provincial governmentâs jurisdiction while the federal government only retains the final decision-making authority on immigrants becoming permanent residents. Second, the element of competition is infused into the immigration and employment landscapes. I argue the implementation of the BCPNP increases competition amongst domestic and migrant workers. Contrary to government claims, domestic workers are at risk of being displaced by this new foreign labour force. In this research, skilled workers were given full-time employment while domestic workers were laid off. In addition, there is also competition amongst skilled workers, who are competing with fellow skilled workers at their place of work for a positive nomination from their employer. Then, once nominated, they compete again, this time against fellow nominated skilled workers, who are also vying for a coveted positive nomination certificate from the BCPNP office. Thereafter, the nominated skilled worker remains in competition with his employersâ other nominees, whilst trying to maintain âgood status.â Lastly, the skilled worker is in competition with all other skilled workers who apply to the CIC for permanent residency. The worker remains in this 284 competitive state of precarity/limbo until he either runs out of time because his work permit ends, or he emerges as the victor with permanent residency status papers. Third, user charges are yet another hallmark of neoliberal partnerships; making those who wish to use a service pay for it (Hearne 2014:158). The downloading of program-related costs to the skilled worker would link application fees to the desired processing speed of their application. It would also push for greater immigrant self-sufficiency while effectively tiering applicants into those who can pay extra fees and move their application forward, and those who cannot. At the time of writing this has not been realized yet. 8.1.3 The Integration of Skilled Workers and their Wives The third question focuses on the integration of the skilled workerâs spouse and/or dependents (if they came with them). In the community, since the BCPNP participants are predominantly men, and tend to be integrated economically via their places of work, I wanted to chronicle by what other means than the marketplace other family members are integrated. The research demonstrates that migration to Canada in the BCPNP is gendered, forcing traditional gender roles on the programâs participants (Baxter 2010:48; CIC 2011; Dobrowolsky 2013). The program set-up establishes the man as the bread winner who works away from the home for many hours every day/week. In the meantime, the women are relegated to the role of support person to her husband so he can work fulltime. She supports her husband in his role as worker by freeing his time to focus solely on working and conformity in the workplace. She is also the caretaker to the family and home. The wife does immigration work (Salaff 1997) and is the social integrator for the family and its members (Berger 2004:180). As such, she is tasked with making social connections for the family 285 (Salaff 1997), the integration of the dependents, including taking them to and from school, and being at home when the children return from school. The research findings suggest those who come with children are more resilient and make more opportunities to meet community members and develop social networks, and sometimes friendship too (Berger 2004:186). Here those with young children who attended elementary school had more opportunities to meet other parents than those who came with teenagers attending high school. The research further shows the man/husband is economically and socially integrated via his place of work. His wife, meanwhile, must attempt to find a way to self-integrate economically. Though she has an âopenâ work permit, the women in this study cannot secure employment in the profession they held in Germany. Their employment situation in the new community does not commensurate with their skills and/or experience because their credentials are not recognized in Canada (Houle and Yssaad 2010:22; International Organization for Migration 2013:15). The move from Germany to Canada effectively de-skilled these women. Even worse, if they cannot make use of their skills for a period of time, then they experience an erosion of their skills altogether (Balakrishnan 1997 in International Organization for Migration 2013:18). The women of this study were making serious career sacrifices since they were not able to translate their economic capital to Canada. Zaman (2008) suggests womenâs lack of participation in the labour market of the host country arises from her entry status as dependent to the skilled worker (Zaman in International Organization for Migration 2013:18). This leaves them with few opportunities. I argue this gender stratification is not coincidental but another component of the program design of the BCPNP. In the case of the Okanagan women, I suggest, their lack of economic integration 286 leaves them to support their husbands, who in turn can be more engaged in the labour market and ârelentlessâ in his pursuit of work. To foster a speedy economic integration, the BCPNP suggests employers provide settlement support, but the program does not stipulate what kind of supports, or how they ought to be implemented. That is up to the employer to decide. This research finds that Okanagan employers provided interim housing and some also temporary access to a vehicle. One employer hired an International Liaison Worker. The effects of these supports, however, as the research reveals, depend on the perspective one takes. From the employerâs perspective, they were to facilitate a smooth and speedy transition into the workplace. Employers felt generous when they provided supports. For skilled workers, however, these supports became ties; they created feelings of captivity. The worker worried that answering in the negative for supports offered could jeopardize their employersâ support. Workers felt they had to agree to what was offered, even when it potentially exploited them. Socially, the newcomers are not integrated. Unable to access government settlement supports, they are left to their own devices. They are impacted by a vexing combination of a lack of English language skills, a poor understanding of Canadian social conventions and the fact that new friendships have to be created from scratch again. In sum, they are alone and socially isolated. 8.1.4 German-Canadian Skilled Worker Migration within the BCPNP The fourth research question focused on select transnational structural relations between Canada and Germany, which facilitate Canadian access to the German labour force. These structural forms include the political and economic relationships between the Canadian and German state, as manifest in the collaboration between the various governmental institutions 287 and the legislation that facilitates this worker exchange against the backdrop of the Emigrant Protection Act. This research documents the ease with which Canadian and German officials connected and with which Okanagan employers were able to recruit German skilled labour. I expose the intermediaries in the Okanagan-German recruitment chain and record the way they conduct and justify their work. This research demonstrates that it was relatively easy for Okanagan employers to travel to Germany. Once there, they attended well-organized recruitment fairs where they met interested workers, which had already been pre-screened and briefed by German government intermediaries on what to (not) say to Canadian employers/recruiters. Fortuitous for Okanagan employers/recruiters the demand was strong; they left Germany with more résumés of interested workers than they could hire. The research also demonstrates that the BCPNP, as a program, clearly works in favour of employers. The program design creates a surplus of workers trying to access the program. But there are also internal dependencies built into the program. For example, workers within the confines of the program are tied to âtheirâ employers until their applications are favourably processed and nomination certificates have been issued. This can happen at any time during the workers sojourn since there is no clear set timeframe for when nomination has to occur during the TFWâs work stint in Canada. The research suggests employers take full advantage of this situation; some employers did not even make it clear to their workers whether they made the nomination or not. Further dependency arises from the fact that the worker must apply jointly with the employer and maintain his good standing with his employer until the application has been processed. In short, the BCPNP program design creates dependency and uncertainty for the worker. This renders the program as a disciplinary measure for employers; to make workers captive and compliant. Those who 288 resist, my research suggests, are swiftly fired from their job and expelled from Canada. The program has no budgeted/legal mechanisms of recourse for skilled workers. If the worker-employer relationship sours, skilled workers are on their own, as the Zimmermann case shows! The research also demonstrates that interactions between employers, skilled workers and the BCPNP office are complex and lack transparency. The BCPNP application process grants employers bona fide standing and with that also discretionary power to shape the nomination process. Employers can influence the BCPNP application process with their personal nomination letter and the timing of when the application is made. There is no standardized guideline as to what the letter of nomination has to include. The BCPNP program does not have a firm timeline as to when the application for nomination has to be made. Skilled workers are at the mercy of their employersâ goodwill. And, without standardized responses there are inconsistencies occurring during the immigration officerâs application processing (Immigration, Refugee and Citizenship Canada 2017:16). And last, this research suggests domestic workers have been displaced by TFWs/provincial nomineeâs in the Okanagan. Better recording of such incidences and systematic monitoring for employer compliance are required. This information has to be made public. In addition, it is also time to develop retributive mechanisms to protect domestic labour. The aforementioned highlights research results but at the same time also gives impetus for further research inquiries, and recommendations for change. But before I turn my attention to suggestions for further research and I introduce suggestions for change, a few brief comments on select limitations of this research. 289 8.2 Limitations There are a few limitations I wish to mention here, all arise out of this studyâs design. This study is a case study - exploratory in nature. Hence the results presented here are not representative. The reader should exercise caution to not generalize the results. That said, the results of this investigation nevertheless inform us, allow for comparison and raise questions for further inquiry. Second, the number of research participants was limited. Even though 40 interviews were conducted in total, only one of those interviewed was a returnee to Germany. As this research documents, there is a lot of shame and guilt for the skilled worker who could not succeed and remain in Canada. The research participant was reluctant to speak to me, and I had to travel to Germany to meet with him. The fact that (sociological) research on skilled worker returnees is scant makes this kind of research somewhat urgent (Erlinghagen and Stegman 2009:2; Ette and Sauer 2010). It would be very timely to locate more skilled workers who lost their nomination and/or returned to Germany, and capture and analyze their stories. Third, the actual interview time went too quickly, and, in hindsight, there are areas/comments which would have benefitted from further probing. 1-1.5 hours interview was not enough time to capture all the information. It might have been better to have either asked for longer interviews (2-2.5 hours), or to have conducted the interviews in two sittings. In retrospect, I regret I did not have the chance during the interviews to delve deeper into matters of whiteness and belonging. Likewise, a more detailed probing about skilled workersâ- including their wivesâ - transnational behaviours and the forms of their 290 transnational connections would have been interesting. The take-away for future research is to consider the structure of interviews and design of the research questions more carefully. Fourth, I did reach out to the local German Club in Kelowna, but I failed to secure research support from the existing Germany community in the Okanagan Valley and Vancouver. In the hope of finding research participants, I asked to place posters on their bulletin boards and asked them to send an email invite to their club members to partake in the interviews to their membership. I was unable to pique their interest. The only way I can explain this possible disinterest in this project is that I did a poor job explaining to the clubâs gatekeepers what my intent was. Or, there is little interest in the newly arriving German immigrant, because of a generational disconnect between German immigrant groups (Lieb 2008b:313). Maybe - because older and younger generations of German immigrants arrived in Canada at different times and under very different conditions - they experienced different economic and social advantages (Radermacher 1991; Freund 1994) in Canada. Simply put, their realities differ. I suspect the more recent immigrants (the skilled workers) are a lot more technology-oriented than those who came during earlier times. To advertise future research and connect with potential research candidates, I would possibly employ the internet more strategically. For example, posting to German immigrant social media groups might result in greater number of research participants to select from. And, maybe even create a website for a future research project. And last, conducting bi-local research is challenging due to the geographical divide and the cost of repeated travel. There is a danger that data collection cannot be completed in the studyâs time frame/field trips. One must be very organized to remain within the budget and minimize extra costs and delays. I found it most helpful to strategize as much as possible 291 ahead of time. Nevertheless, I still found myself wishing I had more time for research in Germany, for example, to return to the Canadian Embassy for additional visits, and to locate additional skilled workers/families for whom matters did not work out and who were forced to leave Canada again. With additional accounts from skilled-workers-failed-in-their-bids-for-permanent-residency, I could have strengthened the voice of those who were forced to return to Germany due to being unable to secure residency in Canada. Considering this, I also want to take the opportunity to make suggestions for future research, as described in the paragraphs that follow. 8.3 Suggestions for Future Research Research usually creates other questions worthy of investigation. Here are a few suggestions for future research. First, the German presence of these workers in the Okanagan Valley -- just like other Germans in the Okanagan Valley -- raises questions about the whiteness of Germans as an ethnic group. Does their whiteness play a role in their preferred treatment when compared to other TFWs sojourning in the Okanagan, as witnessed in their participation in the BCPNP along with its expedited path to residency? While this question fell outside the parameters of this study, an in-depth investigation into this âGerman advantageâ in Okanagan labour recruitment is outstanding. Second, there is a need for more research which focuses on the BCPNP application process. For instance, there are a lot more applications for nomination than actual nomination certificates that can be granted. It is known that applications are evaluated based on the provincial nomineesâ ability to establish economically in the province of nomination and their intent to remain in the same. What is not well understood yet are the discretionary mechanisms of exclusion being employed by government workers as they select from the 292 surplus of applicants. What forms and/or characteristics does discretion take in the case of the BCPNP application criteria/process? What measures/codes are hidden behind the discretion that BCPNP officers are afforded? This requires further inquiry, possibly through an ethnographic study of a BCPNP office. Third, the group of immigrants from this cohort of in-demand workers, who require further in-depth research scrutiny are those who âdo not make it.â Considering the disparate ratio of those who apply for a nomination certificate and those who are awarded one, what is the (involuntary) return migration rate of skilled TFWs? And, what happens to those skilled workers and their dependants who fail in their bid to become provincial nominees -- they are either never nominated by their employers or fail to win a nomination certificate -- and who must subsequently return to Germany. The Canadian government, if they actually track these migrants, do not make this information available to the public. This prevents closer scrutiny of immigrantsâ reasons of departure from the BCPNP. What are the characteristics or patterns of their experiences? What are their stories? What role does their temporary76 labour market participation play in Canadian labour markets, and how is their temporariness conceptualized and justified by the state and capital? Fourth, since these research participants had been in Canada for only a decade or maybe even less, what is their long-term social and political integration? From an economic perspective, 2011 research from the federal government suggests that provincial nominees 76 The word temporary is a bit of a misnomer in this context because, as the reader will hopefully recall, skilled workers who are hoping to become permanent residents could potentially be working in Canada for 5 to 7 years, or maybe even longer, before they learn that they failed in their bid for permanent residence. See also p. 264 for more information on this. 293 are more likely to stay in their province of nomination if they: 1) are settling in the province of BC. In fact, BC has the highest provincial nominee retention rate in Canada with 96.4 percent economically established and earning an income, especially when compared to the Maritime Provinces of Newfoundland and Prince Edward Island, where the retention rate was only 22.9 percent (CIC 2011:54); 2) Provincial nominees with employment earnings were 50 percent less likely to leave while those with self-employment were 45 percent less likely to move (CIC 2011:55); 3) speak one of the official languages (CIC 2011:56); and 4) hold a bachelorâs degree. Those with masters and doctoral degrees, the study suggests, were more likely to move again (CIC 2011:56). But, what is their social integration in the long term? Are they able to negotiate their social isolation and make connections into the social fabric of their communities? Or, do they become completely disenchanted with their idea(l) of living in Canada and return to Germany? Or, do they go elsewhere - maybe another province, or another country - in search of yet another âbetterâ place? To understand the challenges surrounding skilled worker/provincial nominee integration, it would be useful to embark on a longitudinal study with a set group of provincial nominees who are followed for decades (see for example the German longitudinal study on emigrants that just started in Germany Erlinghagen and Stegman 2009). This study should measure not only economic but also social integration and community connectedness in relation to provincial nominee mobility. Fifth, arising from the aforementioned topic, what are the general social transnational practices of this group? If âtransnational practices [are] found to increase with time since immigration, a result that leads to the expectation that they would continue to expand in the futureâ (Portes and DeWind 2007:10), will a more visible German diaspora/ethnic business 294 community develop in the Okanagan Valley? If yes, why, how and where? If no, why not? This question seems particularly timely since Germans have been a part of the Okanaganâs social, economic and political fabric since the late 18th century, yet there is no empirical research to date documenting their presence and/or impact. Sixth, focusing on migration intermediaries, their work still occurs away from the publicâs understanding. They are gatekeepers of sort (Satzewich 2008), influencing or even determining who chooses to settle or work in an area. It is important to empirically document their work, to not only bring into the public realm the way labour agreements that compel people to migrate are made, but also for rigorous public debate to occur. And further, so that policy can be made and/or changed as needed to protect migrants from exploitation. The prevailing policy gap, coupled with the lack of budget allocations for enforcement, are indicative of the prevalent lack of political will to stop the exploitation of the TFWs in their precarious work situations. Seventh, there is a need for more comparative studies focussing on skilled workers in the BCPNP who are located in small and mid-sized cities, and also rural areas as compared to those in metropolitan areas. Just as there is a need for comparative studies between skilled workers of different ethnic groups and their experiences within the confines of BCPNP (i.e. white groups and/or visible minorities). And, there is a need to conduct research that compares these recent groups of immigrants to those who came approximately longer than a decade ago: what similarities and differences exist between the recent immigrants and those who are already established spent more time in Canada? In closing, then, the last remaining part of this research work are my recommendations. 295 8.4 Recommendations I offer four recommendations. The first pertains to the BCPNP as a program. I recommend that accountability must be increased for decisions being made under the umbrella of the BCPNP. For example, it should be possible to learn how many people are applying for nomination to the BCPNP, how many applications are approved/denied, and on what grounds decisions were made. It would also be useful to have more detailed information on those who are working with the program to gain access to labour. We need annual information specifically on employers, workers and the program itself. This can be done, by for example regularly collecting and making publicly available specific information on: 1) Employers: who is recruiting via the BCPNP?; in which geographical area?; for what occupation/skill level?; what is the resulting percentage of TFWs vis-Ã -vis the domestic workforce work at each employerâs workplace?; and, date/time of nomination application made for each skilled worker? 2) Workers: workersâ demographic information, including but not limited to ethnicity, country of origin, gender, level of education, duration of work permit, NOC category, etc.; and, date/time when application for BCPNP was made during workerâs sojourn and how long it took for the application to be processed. In other words, how long was the workerâs sojourn until either his work permit expired, or he left Canada or gained residency? What was the outcome of the workers application? 3) the BCPNP itself: how many nomination certificates are awarded to individual employers?; which industries are recruiting workers and how many workers are being recruited?; how many individuals are entering the program as TFWs become skilled workers and provincial nominees?; how many apply and how many are 296 awarded a nomination certificate?; how many are denied the same and the reasons for denial?; what are timelines for applications processed?; what are the decision-making guidelines for BCPNP workers? The second recommendation, arising from the detailed data collection suggested above, is to publish the information publicly on the governmentâs website in an easily accessible manner. The information posted shall be updated at regular intervals. This kind of data will make it possible to discern how many employers are (not) in compliance, because they are for example possibly favouring TFWs over the domestic workforce, or they are not nominating âtheirâ skilled workers in a timely fashion, and as a result forcing the workers into precarious and exploitative work situations. Likewise, it will be possible to gauge workersâ precarity and level of exploitation. But most important, to address the structural deficiencies of the BCPNP, it will be possible to develop mechanisms of oversight for the program, including: (1) enforcement mechanisms to protect workers and hold employers responsible and accountable for when they breach workersâ rights and program rules; (2) accountability over the decisions that are being made by the programâs officers; and (3) develop accountability measures for employers; and (4) set ratios for TFWs to domestic workers in local/national labour markets. The third recommendation is to set a budget for the aforementioned at the provincial level, for oversight of the BCPNP office, and at the federal level, for oversight of the program by the federal government. Without funding allocation for oversight and enforcement there cannot be any enforcement action or staffing. To create mechanisms of accountability, oversight and enforcement, funding is needed as is staff within the BCPNPâs program parameters. 297 The last recommendation is to create an independent position of a Federal Labour Ombudsperson. This position would be independent and report to annually to the House of Parliament on the state of labour in Canada, and those who toil within this system. The position would function as a labour watchdog, so to speak. Included in this portfolio, this person would provide independent and critical oversight about the BCPNP office and the ministries responsible in the labour recruitment process. The person would also evaluate the programâs effectiveness towards goals set, and in doing so provide measures of accountability that have never before existed in Canada. I am continually appalled by the lack of protection that workers are subjected to in Canada. Heralded as a great opportunity, the BCPNP has serious design flaws, which create a precarious workforce and place workers at risk of exploitation. It is my hope that documenting the programâs processes and practices, as they play out on the ground in BCâs Okanagan Valley, and in their impact on workers like those who partook in this research, will open the door for discussion and provide leverage to force change. 298 WORKS CITED Ackah, Evelyn, David Thomas and Ryan Rosenberg. April 18, 2009. âCracks in the Foundation: Top Issues Facing Western Canadian Provincial Nominee Programsâ:1-17. Aguiar, Luis L. M., Ann McKinnon and Dixon Sookraj. 2010. âRepertoires of Racism: Reactions to Jamaicans in the Okanagan Valley.â BC Studies 12(168):65-79. Aguiar, Luis L. and Tina I. Marten. 2011. âShimmering White Kelowna and the Examination of Painless White Privilege in the Hinterland of British Columbia.â Pp. 127-146 in Rethinking the Great White North: Race, Nature, and the Historical Geographies of Whiteness in Canada. Edited by Cameron, Laura, Andrew Baldwin and Audrey Kobayashi. Vancouver: UBC Press. Aguiar, Luis L. M., Patricia Tomic and Ricardo Trumper. 2011. Mexican Migrant Agricultural Workers and Accommodations on Farms in the Okanagan Valley, British Columbia. Metropolis British Columbia. http://legacy.aaisa.ca/wp-content/uploads/2013/02/Mexican-Migrant-Agrocultural-Workers-and-Accommodations-on-Farms-in-Okanagan-Valley-BC2.pdf. Aguiar, Luis L.M., Patricia Tomic and Ricard Trumper. 2005. âThe Letter: Racism, Hate and Monoculturalism in a Canadian Hinterland.â Possibilities and Limitations: Multicultural Policies and Programs in Canada:163-74. Alberta Federation of Labour. 2009. âKenney Defends Foreign Workers Policies.â Retrieved August 22, 2017. http://www.afl.org/kenney_defends_foreign_worker_policies. Alboim, Naomi. 2011. âPlanning for the Future: Immigration and Labour Market Trends.â ALLIES Mentoring Conference, Calgary. May 13. Retrieved June 20, 2015. https://www.slideshare.net/Maytree/naomi-alboim-what-does-the-future-hold-recent-changes-in-canadian-immigration. Ali, Lotf Ali Jan. 2014. Welcome to Canada? A Critical Review and Assessment of Canadaâs Fast-Changing Immigration Policies. www.ryerson.ca: Ryerson Centre for Immigration & Settlement. Ameeriar, Lalaie. 2017. Downwardly Global: Women, Work, and Citizenship in the Pakistani Diaspora. Durham: Duke University Press. Anderson, Benedict R. O. 1991. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London, [Eng.]; New York: Verso. Anderson, Christopher J. and Jerome H. Black. 2008. âThe Political Integration of Newcomers, Minorities, and the Canadian-Born Perspectives on Naturalization, Participation, and Representation.â Pp. 45-76. In Immigration and Integration in Canada in the Twenty-first Century. Edited by J. Biles, M. Burstein and J. Frideres. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press. Anderson, G. O. 2010. Loneliness Among Older Adults: A National Survey of Adults 45. AARP Knowledge Management. Anderson, Stuart. 2012. âAmerica's Incoherent Immigration System.â CATO Journal 32(1):71-84. 299 Annaud Jean-Jacques [Producer]. 1988. Der Bär. Arat-Koc, Sedef. 1999. âNeo-Liberalism, State Restructuring and Immigration: Changes in Canadian Policies in the 1990s.â Journal of Canadian Studies 34(2):31-56. Armstrong, Pat. 2010. âNeoliberalism in Action. Canadian Perspectives.â Pp. 184-201 in Neoliberalism and Everyday Life. Edited by M. Luxton and S. Braedley. Montreal; Ithaca: McGill-Queen's University Press. Astheimer, Sven. 2014. âKein Job fürs ganze Leben.â Retrieved January 6, 2018. http://www.faz.net/aktuell/beruf-chance/beruf/kein-job-fuers-ganze-leben-juengere-wechseln-ihren-arbeitgeber-rasch-12810272.html. Atkinson, John. 1984. âManpower Strategies for Flexible Organisations.â Personnel Management 16(8):28 https://search.proquest.com/docview/1311592732. Atkinson, Rowland and John Flint. 2001. âAccessing Hidden and Hard-to-Reach Populations: Snowball Research Strategies.â Social Research Update Summer (33):1-4 http://sru.soc.surrey.ac.uk/SRU33.PDF. Avery, Donald. 1995. Reluctant Host: Canada's Response to Immigrant Workers, 1896-1994. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart. Bacon, David. 2008. Illegal People: How Globalization Creates Migration and Criminalizes Immigrants. Boston: Beacon Press. Baglay, Sasha. 2011. âProvincial Nominee Programs: A Note on Policy Implications and Future Research Needs.â Journal of International Migration and Integration 13(1):121-141. Bakewell, O. 2014. âRelaunching Migration Systems.â Migration Studies 2(3):300-318. Barron, Robert. 2007. âFeds Will Fund Local Society; Immigrant Resource Centre Has Seen a Boost in Clients with No Money to Match it.â Retrieved June 14, 2018. http://ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/login?url=https://search.proquest.com/docview/361594246?accountid=14656. Basok, Tanya. 2002. Tortillas and Tomatoes: Transmigrant Mexican Harvesters in Canada. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press. Bath, Alistair J. and Jody W. Enck. 2003. âWildlife-Human Interactions in National Parks in Canada and the USAâ Social Science Research Review 1(4):1-32 https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1423&context=govdocs. Bauböck, Rainer. 1994. Transnational Citizenship: Membership and Rights in International Migration. Aldershot, Hants, England: E. Elgar. Bauder, Harald. 2003. ââBrain Abuseâ, Or the Devaluation of Immigrant Labour in Canada.â Antipode 35(4):699-717. Bauer, Thomas, Barbara Dietz, Klaus F. Zimmermann and Eric Zwintz. 2005. âGerman Migration: Development, Assimilation and Labour Market Effects.â Pp. 197-262 in European Migration: What Do We Know? Edited by K. Zimmermann. New York; Oxford: Oxford University Press. 300 Bauman, Zygmunt. 2004. Wasted Lives: Modernity and its Outcasts. Cambridge; Malden, MA: Polity. Bausinger, Hermann. 2000. Typisch Deutsch. München: Beck. Baxter, Jamie. 2010. Precarious Pathways: Evaluating the Provincial Nominee Programs in Canada. Law Commission of Ontario. BC Federation of Labour. 2014. âBC Fed Backgrounder: Temporary Foreign Workers.â Retrieved August 22, 2017. http://bcfed.ca/issues/temporary-foreign-workers. BC Home Educators Association. No date. âHome Learner Distributed Learning Taking Courses in British Columbia, 2008-2013.â Retrieved February 15, 2017. http://bchea.ca/wp-content/uploads/2014/10/HL-DL-charts.pdf. BC Housing. 2015. Housing Foundations and Geotechnical Challenges. Best Practices for Residential Builders in British Columbia. Housing-Foundations-Geotechnical-Challenges.pdf. BC Statistics. 2006. â2001 Census Profile of British Columbia's Health Regions: Health Service Delivery Area HS13 Okanagan HSDAâ: BC Stats, Retrieved April 5, 2019. Census 2001 - Health Area Profiles - Compared To HA - Okanagan, HSDA 13.pdf. BC Statistics Fact Sheet Germany 2013:1 ------. 2018. âSub-Provincial Population Projections - P.E.O.P.L.E. 2018 (September 2018).â Retrieved April 1, 2018. https://www.bcstats.gov.bc.ca/apps/PopulationProjections.aspx. Beam, Burton T. and John J. McFadden. 2001. Employee Benefits. Chicago: Dearborn Trade Publishing. Bauman, Zygmunt. 2004. Wasted Lives: Modernity and its Outcasts. Cambridge; Malden, MA: Polity. Becerril, Ofelia. 2007. âTransnational Work and the Gendered Politics of Labour: A Study of Male and Female Mexican Migrant Farm Workers in Canada.â Pp. 168-183 in Organizing the Transnational: Labour, Politics, and Social Change. Edited by L. Goldring and S. Krishnamurti. Vancouver: UBC Press. Beck, Ulrich. 1992. Risk Society: Towards a New Modernity. London: Sage Publications. Beisenkamp, Anja, Kathrin Müthing and Sylke Hallmann. 2012. GroÃe Ohren kleine Leute: Die Elefanten-Kinderstudie 2011/2012 zur Situation der Kindergesundheit in Deutschland. Essen, Germany: Elefanten Kinderschuhe - Ulrich Effing. Benson, Michaela and Karen O'Reilly. 2009. Lifestyle Migration: Expectations, Aspirations and Experiences. Farnham, England; Burlington, VT: Ashgate. Beppler-Spahl, Sabine. 2010. âThe Intolerant Legacy of Multiculturalism.â Retrieved November 23, 2017. http://www.spiked-online.com/newsite/article/9815. Berger, Roni. 2004. Immigrant Women Tell their Stories. New York: Haworth Press. âBewerbung-Lebenslauf.de.â 2010. Retrieved November 24, 2017. http://www.bewerbung-lebenslauf.de/patchwork-lebenslauf.html. 301 âBewerbung-Lebenslauf-Am Liebsten Lückenlos.â 2011.Süddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung. February 21. http://www.sueddeutsche.de/karriere/bewerbung-worauf-personaler-achten-lebenslauf-am-liebsten-lueckenlos-1.1052487-4. Retrieved November 24, 2017. Biles, John, Meyer Burstein, James S. Frideres. 2008. Immigration and Integration in Canada in the Twenty-First Century. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press. Birbili, Maria. 2000. Translating from one Language to Another. Social Research Update 31: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/279440020_Birbili_M_2000_Translating_from_one_language_to_another_Social_Research_Update_issue_31_httpwwwsocsurreyacuksruSRU31html. Bleiker, Carla. 2015. âThe Pressure of Being a Fourth Grader.â Deutsche Welle. May 1. Retrieved June 10, 2018. https://p.dw.com/p/1FIpM. Bloemraad, Irene. 2006. Becoming a Citizen: Incorporating Immigrants and Refugees in the United States and Canada. Berkeley: University of California Press. Boardman, Anthony E., Matti Siemiatycki, and Aidan R. Vining. 2016. The Theory and Evidence Concerning Public-Private Partnerships in Canada and Elsewhere. School of Public Policy, University of Calgary. Boeschenstein, Hermann. 1967. âIs there a Canadian Image in German Literature?â Seminar: A Journal of Germanic Studies 3(1):1-20. Bourdieu, Pierre. 1986. âThe Forms of Capital.â Pp. 241-258 in Handbook of Theory and Research for the Sociology of Education. Edited by J.G. Richardson. Brach, Bal. 2016. âFederally-Funded English Language Programs Facing Cuts in B.C.â Retrieved June 14, 2018. http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/british-columbia/bc-language-programs-facing-cuts-1.3475492. Brown, Lawrence A. and Eric G. Moore. 1970. âThe Intra-Urban Migration Process: A Perspective.â Geografiska Annaler. Series B, Human Geography 52(1):1-13. Brown, Heather Catherine. 2013. âAging Gracefully: A Case Study of Seniors in Kelowna's Housing Market.â University of British Columbia. http://tinyurl.com/sb7uya7. Bryan, Jay. 2010. âA Skills Squeeze is Around the Corner, and We Must Prepare and Adapt.â The Vancouver Sun, July 13. Retrieved June 6, 2018. Bryers, Dermot, Becky Winstanley and Melanie Cooke. 2014. âWhose Integration?â Pp. 19-34 in Language Issues in Migration and Integration: Perspectives from Teachers and Learners. Edited by D. Mallows. London: British Council. Bundesagentur für Arbeit. 2019. Situation von Ãlteren. Retrieved December 30, 2019. https://statistik.arbeitsagentur.de/Statischer-Content/Arbeitsmarktberichte/Personengruppen/generische-Publikationen/Aeltere-amArbeitsmarkt.pdf.. 302 Bundesministerium für Justiz und Verbraucherschutz. 1975. âGesetz zum Schutze der Auswanderer und Auswanderinnen.â Retrieved January 17, 2016. https://www.gesetze-im-internet.de/auswsg/BJNR007740975.html. Bundesverwaltungsamt. 2014. âBeibehaltung der deutschen Staatsangehörigkeit nach § 25 StAG. â Retrieved March 7, 2017. www.nz2go.de/wp-content/.../11/BBH-2000-2013-Ãberblick. Burawoy, Michael. 2005. âFor Public Sociology.â American Sociological Review 70(1):4-28. Burgard, Sarah A. and Katherine Y. Lin. 2013. âBad Jobs, Bad Health? How Work and Working Conditions Contribute to Health Disparities.â American Behavioral Scientist 57(8):1105-1127 http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/0002764213487347. Butler, Judith. 1999. âPerformativity's Social Magic.â In Bourdieu: A Critical Reader, pp. 113-128. Edited by R. Shusterman. Oxford; Malden, Mass: Blackwell Publishers. Caliendo, Marco and Jens Hogenacker. 2012. The German Labor Market after the Great Recession: Successful Reforms and Future Challenges. http://anon-ftp.iza.org/dp6810.pdf. Canada Immigration Newsletter. 2016. âBritish Columbia Launches new Registration System for Immigration to Canada Through BC PNP.â February 4. Retrieved October 3, 2017. https://www.cicnews.com/2016/02/british-columbia-launches-registration-system-immigration-canada-bc-pnp-027101.html#gs.9dxyNj4. Canadian Mortgage and Housing Corporation. 2008a. Housing Market Outlook: Kelowna CMA.limk Canadian Mortgage and Housing Corporation. 2008b. âRental Market Report: British Columbia Highlights.â:1-39 http://publications.gc.ca/collections/collection_2009/schl-cmhc/nh12-209/NH12-209-2008-2E.pdf. Canada. Citizenship and Immigration. 2006. âCIC - Backgrounder - Settlement Funding Allocations 2006.â Retrieved September 8, 2016. http://www.cic.gc.ca/english/department/media/backgrounders/2006/2006-11-10.asp. Canadavisa.com. No date. âFederal Skilled Worker Processing Times.â Retrieved June 15, 2016. https://www.canadavisa.com/federal-skilled-workers-professionals-processing-times.html. Castles, Stephen, Korac, Maja, Vasta, Ellie and Steven Vertovec. 2003. âIntegration: Mapping the Field.â Report of a Project carried out by the University of Oxford Centre for Migration and Policy Research and Refugee Studies Centre. Retrieved June 10, 2009. http://webarchive.nationalarchives.gov.uk/20110218135832/http://rds.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs2/rdsolr2803.doc. Citizenship and Immigration Canada. 2011. Annual Report to Parliament on Immigration 2011. Ottawa: Citizenship and Immigration Canada. Retrieved June 10, 2009. 303 http://ubc.summon.serialssolutions.com/2.0.0/link/0/eLvHCXMwY2AwNtIz0EUrEwxMks0MU5KBdXmKcbJRskFSioWJsUVSqoW5ebJJMnhCH_9SHfStdlhnZ4C1KbAvb8bMwAzsdEBuM0DZTQ8qEd0EGYQR19gqAIvyUhBDiIEpNU-EQR9yqr0CZMBeoSRfISCxCDTsAVKbn6eQmZubmQ6JGgVQ1SnKIOXmGuLsoQu0JB464BIPdYaRGAMLsAufKgFaP5RiYJFmYJGYlgysMY3SEpOB2cjUFDQAaQ6spUwlGYSxGCDJIIMsCvNwvJmlEejOYCmsmqQZuCDDniAkw8CaBkzFqbLgUAAAlF9zVw. ------. 2012. Annual Report to Parliament on Immigration 2012. Ottawa: Citizenship and Immigration Canada. Retrieved June 10, 2009. http://ubc.summon.serialssolutions.com/2.0.0/link/0/eLvHCXMwY2AwNtIz0EUrEwxMks0MU5KBdXmKcbJRskFSioWJsUVSqoW5ebJJMnhCH_9SHfStdlhnZ8yNQbOAlswMzMBOB-Q2A5Td9KAqw02QQRhxja0CsCgvBTGEGJhS80QY9CGn2itABuwVSvIVAhKLQMMeILX5eQqZubmZ6ZCoUQBWnUaiDFJuriHOHrpAS-KhAy7xUGcYiTGwALvwqRKg9UMpBhZpBhaJacnAGtMoLTEZmI1MTUEDkObAWspUkkEYiwGSDDLIojAPx5ubWYIOuZHCqkmagQvkMMgogQwDaxowFafKgkMBAKb9c30. Canadian Labour Congress. 2016. Submission by the Canadian Labour Congress to the Standing Committee on Human Resources, Skills and Social Development and the Status of Persons with Disabilities (HUMA). Review of the Temporary Foreign Worker Program. Canadian Union of Public Employees. 2013. âFact Sheet: Temporary Foreign Workers Programâ Retrieved August 1, 2017. https://cupe.ca/fact-sheet-temporary-foreign-workers-program. Carlson, Julie A. 2010. âAvoiding Traps in Member Checking.â The Qualitative Report 15(5):1102. Carman, Tamara and Peter O'Neil. 2012. âB.C. Hopeful Ottawa Will Increase Immigrant Quota, Despite Saying no to Alberta.â The Vancouver Sun, February 8. Retrieved September 10, 2015 http://www.vancouversun.com/news/hopeful+Ottawa+will+increase+immigrant+quota+despite+saying+Alberta/6129845/story.html. Carroll, Marilyn, Mick Marchington, Jill Earnshaw and Stephen Taylor. 1999. âRecruitment in Small Firms: Processes, Methods and Problems.â Employee Relations 21(3):236-250. Carter, Nancy M. and Christine Silva. 2011. The Myth of the Ideal Worker: Does Doing all the Right Things Really Get Women Ahead? New York: Catalyst. Carter, Tom, Margot Morrish and Benjamin Amoyaw. 2008. âAttracting Immigrants to Smaller Urban and Rural Communities: Lessons Learned from the Manitoba Provincial Nominee Program.â Journal of International Migration and Integration 9(2):161-183. Cassarino, Jean-Pierre. 2004. âTheorising Return Migration: The Conceptual Approach to Return Migrants Revisited.â International Journal on Multicultural Societies 6(2):253-279. 304 Castles, Stephen, Maja Korac, Ellie Vasta and Steven Vertovec. 2003. Integration: Mapping the Field. London: Home Office. Castles, Stephen and Mark J. Miller. 2003. The Age of Migration: International Population Movements in the Modern World. New York: The Guilford Press. Chau, Shirley, Carlos Teixeira, David Lai and Judy Hughes. 2016. âBuilding Knowledge on the Determinants of Health of Immigrants in Smaller Cities: A Photovoice Study.â Cheadle, Bruce. 1998. âCommons Committee Rejects Key Proposals for Immigration Reform.â Canadian Press, June 11. Retrieved November 10, 2019. http://ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/login?url=https://search.proquest.com/docview/359506897?accountid=14656. Chomsky, Noam. 1999. Profit Over People: Neoliberalism and Global Order. New York: Seven Stories Press. CIC. 2015. Annual Report to Parliament on Immigration 2015. Ottawa. ------. 2016. âTemporary Foreign Worker Program: Cumulative Duration (Four-Year Maximum Eliminated).â Retrieved Jan 2, 2017. (https://www.canada.ca/en/immigration-refugees-citizenship/corporate/publications-manuals/operational-bulletins-manuals/temporary-residents/foreign-workers/cumulative-duration-four-year-maximum-eliminated.html). CIC Evaluation Division. 2011. Evaluation of the Provincial Nominee Program. Ottawa. Citizenship and Immigration Canada. 2015. âCanada - British Columbia Immigration Agreement. Annex A.â Retrieved December 2, 2015. http://www.cic.gc.ca/english/department/laws-policy/agreements/bc/bc-2015-annex-a.asp. Connell, Braewyn. 2010. âUnderstanding Neoliberalism.â Pp. 22-36 in Neoliberalism and Everyday Life. Edited by M. Luxton and S. Braedley. Montreal; Ithaca: McGill-Queen's University Press. Cornwall, Andrea, Jasmine Gideon and Kalpana Wilson. 2008. âIntroduction: Reclaiming Feminism: Gender and Neoliberalism.â IDS Bulletin 39(6):1-9. Creese, Gillian, Isabel Dyck and Arlene T. McLaren. 2008. âThe âFlexibleâ Immigrant? Human Capital Discourse, the Family Household and Labour Market Strategies.â Journal of International Migration and Integration 9(3):269-288. Retrieved November 28, 2017 https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s12134-008-0061-0. Creese, Gillian and Brandy Wiebe. 2012. "âSurvival Employmentâ: Gender and Deskilling among African Immigrants in Canada: Survival Employment." International Migration 50 (5): 56-76. Curry, Bill. 2014. Everything You Need to Know About Temporary Foreign Workers. CBC News. Retrieved Sept. 14, 2018. https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/temporary-foreign-workers-everything-you-need-to-know/article18363279/. 305 Dacre, Colin. 2019. âRaise Will Hit Farmers.â Retrieved March 2, 2019. https://okanaganedge.net/2019/01/14/raise-will-hit-farmers/. Davison, Sally and George Shire. 2015. âRace, Migration and Neoliberalism.â Soundings 59(59):81-95 https://search.proquest.com/docview/1683507878. DeCloet, Derek. 1999. âOnly the Good Go South.â Canadian Business 15-16. Retrieved September 20, 2019 from http://ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/login?url=https://search-proquest-com.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/docview/221399346?accountid=14656. DeLyser, Dydia. 2001. ââDo You Really Live Here?â Thoughts on Insider Research.â Geographical Review 91(1/2):441â453. Depner, Wolfgang P. and Carlos Teixeira. 2012. âWelcoming Communities? An Assessment of Community Services in Attracting and Retaining Immigrants in the South Okanagan Valley (British Columbia, Canada), with Policy Recommendations.â Journal of Rural and Community Development 7(2):71-97. Retrieved July 18, 2017 http://journals.brandonu.ca/jrcd/article/view/623. Der Bär. 1988. Film. Producer Jean-Jacques Annaud. âDestination BC - Our Brand.â Retrieved February 7, 2017. https://www.destinationbc.ca/Resources/british-columbia-tourism-brand.aspx. Deutsche Rentenversicherung 2015. âAuszug aus dem Abkommen zwischen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland und Kanada über soziale Sicherheit.â Retrieved June 10, 2015. https://www.dvka.de/media/dokumente/rechtsquellen/svabkommen/Kanada_SVA.pdf. Deutscher Bundestag. 2003. âAuszug aus dem Abkommen zwischen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland und Kanada über Soziale Sicherheit.â https://www.dvka.de/media/dokumente/rechtsquellen/svabkommen/Kanada_SVA.pdf. Deutschlander, Siegrid and Leslie J. Miller. 2003. âPoliticizing Aboriginal Cultural Tourism: The Discourse of Primitivism in the Tourist Encounter.â Canadian Review of Sociology 40(1):27-44. DeVoretz, Don. 2008. âProfessor Don DeVoretz (Professor of Economics, Co-Director and Principal Investigator of the Centre of Excellence on Immigration and Integration, Simon Fraser University, Canadian Immigration Policy Council) at the Citizenship and Immigration Committee.â (Meeting # 18). Di Biase, Sonia and Harald Bauder. 2004. Immigrants in Ontario: Linking Spatial Settlement Patterns and Labour Force Characteristics. Immigrant Labour Project, University of Guelph. Diaz-Barrero, Patricia. 2007. âDancing Here, âLivingâ There: Transnational Lives and Working Conditions of Latina Migrant Exotic Dancers.â Pp. 156-167 in Organizing the Transnational: Labour, Politics, and Social Change. Edited by L. Goldring and S. Krishnamurti. Vancouver: UBC Press. 306 âDie Botschaft mit dem Fluà auf dem Dachâ. 2005. Berliner Morgenpost. March 22. https://www.morgenpost.de/printarchiv/berlin/article104210273/Die-Botschaft-mit-dem-Fluss-auf-dem-Dach.html. Retrieved July 10, 2010. Dickson, Heather, Evert Lindquist, Ben Pollard and Miu C. Yan. 2013. Devolving Settlement Funding from the Government of Canada: The British Columbia Experience, 1998-2013. Doyle, Alison. 2017. âHow to Explain an Employment Gap on Your Resume.â Retrieved November 24, 2017. https://www.thebalance.com/how-to-explain-a-gap-on-your-resume-2063188. Drysdale, Margaret M. 2005. âThree Times Betrayed: The Sudeten Germans of Tomslake, British Columbia.â Masterâs Thesis. Department of History. University of Victoria. DuBois, W.E.B. 1995. The Souls of Black Folk. Signet Classics. Duffy, Ann and Norene Pupo. âUnpaid Work, Coercion and the Fear Economy.â http://www.alternateroutes.ca/index.php/ar/article/view/22445. Dyck, Darryl. 2013. âA Plan to Hire 600 Irish Skilled Tradespeople in B.C. has Canadian Union Officials Crying Foul.â The National Post, October 15. Retrieved August 22, 2017 http://nationalpost.com/news/canada/a-plan-to-hire-600-irish-skilled-tradespeople-in-b-c-has-canadian-union-officials-crying-foul/wcm/ea286305-3f4b-416a-b93d-1942ad6ec537. DziÄglewski, Mariusz. 2016. âThe Economic, Social and Ontological Security of Polish Post-Accession Migrants in Popular Media Narratives.â Media, Culture & Society 38(6):827-843. Elgersma, Sandra. 2014. Temporary Foreign Workers [2014]. Ellis, Carolyn, Tony E. Adams and Arthur P. Bochner. 2011. âAutoethnography: An Overview.â Historical Social Research/Historische Sozialforschung 36(4(138)):273-290. âEmployee Shortage Continues to Plague Central Okanagan.â 2007. Kelowna Capital News, February 18. Retrieved June 28, 2018. http://ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/login?url=https://search.proquest.com/docview/376039747?accountid=14656. Erlinghagen, Marcel and Tim Stegman. 2009. Goodbye Germany - und dann? Erste Ergebnisse einer Pilotstudie zur Befragung von Auswanderern aus Deutschland. German Institute for Economic Research, DIW Berlin: SOEP Papers on Multidisciplinary Panel Data Research. Esser, Hartmut. 2006. Migration, Language and Integration. Berlin: WZB. Esterberg, Kristin G. 2002. Qualitative Methods in Social Research. New York, Ny: McGraw-Hill. Ette, Andreas and Lenore Sauer. 2010. Auswanderung aus Deutschland: Daten und Analysen zur Internationalen Migration deutscher Staatsbürger. Berlin, Germany: Springer Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. 307 Faini, Ricardo. 2007. âRemittances and the Brain Drain: Do Skilled Migrants Remit More?â The World Bank Economic Review. 21:177-191. https://doiorg.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/10.1093/wber/lhm006. Fairey, David. 2005. Eroding Worker Protections: British Columbiaâs New âFlexibleâ Employment Standards. Vancouver: Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives. Faist, Thomas. 1997. âCrucial Meso Level.â Pp. 187-222 in International Migration, Immobility and Development: Multidisciplinary Perspectives. Edited by T. Hammar. New York; Oxford: Berg. ------. 2010. âThe Crucial Meso-Level.â Pp. 59-90 in Selected Studies in International Migration and Immigrant Incorporation. Edited by T. Hammar, G. Brochmann and Kristof, Tamas and Faist, Thomas. Oxford: Berg. Ferrer, Ana M., Garnett Picot and William C. Riddell. 2014. âNew Directions in Immigration Policy: Canada's Evolving Approach to the Selection of Economic Immigrants.â International Migration Review 48(3):846-867. Fleras, Augie. 2015. Immigration Canada: Evolving Realities and Emerging Challenges in a Postnational World. Vancouver: UBC Press. Flynn, Emma and Harald Bauder. 2015. âThe Private Sector, Institutions of Higher Education, and Immigrant Settlement in Canada.â Journal of International Migration and Integration 16(3):539-556. Fontana, Joe and Canada. Parliament. House of Commons. Standing Committee on Citizenship and Immigration. 2003. The Provincial Nominee Program: a Partnership to Attract Immigrants to all Parts of Canada: Report of the Standing Committee on Citizenship and Immigration. Ottawa: Standing Committee on Citizenship and Immigration. Foster, Jason. 2014. âFrom âCanadians Firstâ to âWorkers Uniteâ: Evolving Union Narratives of Migrant Workers.â Industrial Relations 69(2):241-265 https://www.erudit.org/en/journals/ri/2014-v69-n2-ri01405/1025028ar.pdf. Foster, Jason and Bob Barnetson. 2012. âJustice for Janitors in Alberta: The Impact of Temporary Foreign Workers on an Organizing Campaign, 2011-2012.â Journal of Workplace Rights 16(1):3-29 https://www.researchgate.net/publication/271729207_Justice_for_Janitors_in_Alberta_The_Impact_of_Temporary_Foreign_Workers_on_an_Organizing_Campaign. Freund, Alexander. 1994. âIdentity in Immigration: Self-Conceptualization and Myth in the Narratives of German Immigrant Women in Vancouver, BC, 1950-1960.â Masterâs Thesis. Department of History. Simon Fraser University. b14873333.pdf. ------. 2004. âAufbrüche nach dem Zusammenbruch: Die deutsche Nordamerika-Auswanderung nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg.â Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht. Frey, Henry. 2006. Auswandern nach Kanada: Traum oder Alptraum? Berlin: Gentlemen's Digest. 308 Frey, Mattias. 2010. âGoodbye Germany: Emigration, Reality TV and Schadenfreude.â Jump Cut. https://www.ejumpcut.org/archive/jc52.2010/freyEmigrationTV/index.html. Frideres, James. 2006. âCities and Immigrant Integration: The Future of Second-and Third-Tier Centres.â Pp. 3-8 in Diverse City: 2 Edition. Edited by J. Bennetts. Christchurch, New Zealand: Fairfax Media: Fairfax New Zealand Limited. Friedman, May. 2011. âThe Personal, the Political, and the Complexity of Identity: Some Thoughts on Mothering.â Pp. 181-189 in Growing up Transnational: Identity and Kinship in a Global Era. Edited by M. Friedman and S. Schultermandl. Toronto; Buffalo: University of Toronto Press. Friesen, Joe. 2012. âWhy Canada Needs a Flood of Immigrants.â The Globe and Mail, May 4. Retrieved February 20, 2013. https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/time-to-lead/why-canada-needs-a-flood-of-immigrants/article4105032/. ------. 2014. âNumbers of Low-Skilled Temporary Foreign Workers Rose Despite Push to Curtail Program.â Globe and Mail, October 27. Retrieved Jun 5, 2018. https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/temporary-foreign-workers-numbers-rose-despite-push-to-curtail-program/article21311277/. Fudge, Judy and Fiona MacPhail. 2009. âThe Temporary Foreign Worker Program in Canada: Low-Skilled Workers as an Extreme Form of Flexible Labor.â Comparative Labor Law & Policy Journal 31(1):5-45. GeiÃler, Reinhard. 2003. âMultikulturalismus in Kanada - Modell für Deutschland?â Retrieved June 26, 2018. http://www.bpb.de/apuz/27564/multikulturalismus-in-kanada-modell-fuer-deutschland?p=all. Gilbert, Richard. 2008. âBritish Columbia Industry Training Authority Explores Red Seal Training for Jamaican Construction Workers.â Retrieved July 15, 2017. http://journalofcommerce.com/Labour/News/2008/1/British-Columbia-Industry-Training-Authority-explores-Red-Seal-training-for-Jamaican-construction-workers-JOC025955W/. ------. 2013. âNearly 500 Job Offers Made at Ireland Job Fairs.â Journal of Commerce Nov 18. https://search.proquest.com/docview/1462995740. âGood-Bye Deutschland - Die Auswanderer.â No date. Retrieved January 29, 2017. http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0844551/releaseinfo?ref_=tt_dt_dt. Gogia, Nupur and Bonnie Slade. 2011. Immigration. Halifax, NS: Fernwood Pub. Goldring, Luin and Sailaja Krishnamurti. 2007. Organizing the Transnational: Labour, Politics, and Social Change. Vancouver: UBC Press. Gollom, Mark. 2014a. âTemporary Foreign Workers Being Approved Too Easily, Expert Warns.â Retrieved May 28, 2018. http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/temporary-foreign-workers-being-approved-too-easily-expert-warns-1.2609653. 309 ------. 2014b. âTemporary Foreign Workers have Better Work Ethic, Some Employers Believe.â https://www.cbc.ca/news/temporary-foreign-workers-have-better-work-ethic-some-employers-believe-1.2600864. Government of Canada. 2009. âGovernment of Canada Response to the Report of the Standing Committee on Citizenship and Immigration: Temporary Foreign Workers and Non-Status Workers.â Retrieved January 6, 2018. https://www.ourcommons.ca/DocumentViewer/en/40-2/CIMM/report-7/response-8512-402-61. ------. 2011. âCIC - Backgrounder - Government of Canada 2012-13 Settlement Funding Allocations.â (https://www.canada.ca/en/immigration-refugees-citizenship/news/archives/backgrounders-2011/government-canada-2012-13-settlement-funding-allocations.html). ------. 2012. âCanadaâs State of Trade: Trade and Investment Update 2012.â Retrieved August 28, 2016. https://www.international.gc.ca/economist-economiste/assets/pdfs/performance/SoT_2012/SoT_2012_Eng.pdf ------. 2013. âCanada - Germany relations.â August. Retrieved February 6, 2014. https://www.international.gc.ca/country-pays/germany-allemagne/index.aspx?lang=eng. ------. 2016a. âEmployers Who Have Been Non-Compliant.â Retrieved September 13, 2016. (https://www.canada.ca/en/immigration-refugees-citizenship/services/work-canada/employers-non-compliant.html). ------. 2016b. âHire a Temporary Worker Through the Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program - Overview.â Retrieved July 15, 2017. (https://www.canada.ca/en/employment-social-development/services/foreign-workers/agricultural/seasonal-agricultural.html). ------. 2017a. âGet your Credentials Assessed in Canada.â Retrieved December 13, 2017. https://www.canada.ca/en/immigration-refugees-citizenship/services/new-immigrants/prepare-life-canada/prepare-work/credential-assessment.html. ------. 2017b. âSkilled Trades and Apprenticeship (Red Seal Program).â Retrieved July 15, 2017. https://www.canada.ca/en/employment-social-development/programs/skilled-trades-apprenticeships.html. ------. 2017c. âCanada - Germany Relations.â Retrieved August 3, 2017. https://www.international.gc.ca/country-pays/germany-allemagne/relations.aspx?lang=eng. Gowans, Dylan. 2016. Trade and Investment Canada - Germany. Parliament of Canada. Grams, Grant W. 2008. ââThis Terrible Karl Mayâ in the Wild West, Kanada im Faltboot.â Alberta History 56(1):10. Gray, George A. and Neil Guppy. 1999. Successful Surveys: Research Methods and Practice. Canada: Harcourt Brace and Company. Green, Alison. 2015. âHow much do resume gaps matter?â Retrieved November 24, 2017. http://www.askamanager.org/2015/11/how-much-do-resume-gaps-matter.html. 310 Green, A. G. 2003. âWhat is the Role of Immigration in Canadaâs Future?â In Canadian Immigration Policy for the 21st Century. Pp. 33-45. Edited by C.M. Beach, A.G. Green and J.G. Reitz. Montreal: McGill-Queenâs University Press. Gross, Dominique M. and Nicolas Schmitt. 2012. âTemporary Foreign Workers and Regional Labour Market Disparities in Canada.â Canadian Public Policy 38(2):233-263. Gross, Dominique M. 2014. Temporary Foreign Workers in Canada: Are they Really Filling Labour Shortages? C.D. Howe Institute. https://ideas.repec.org/a/cdh/commen/407.html. Groutsis, Dimitria, Di van den Broek and Will S. Harvey. 2015. âTransformations in Network Governance: The Case of Migration Intermediaries.â Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 41(10):1558-1576. Hall, Colin M. and Allan M. Williams. 2002. âTourism, Migration, Circulation and Mobility: The Contingencies of Time and Place.â Pp. 1-52 in Tourism and Migration: New Relationships Between Production and Consumption. Vol. 65. Edited by C.M. Hall and A.M. Williams. London; Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic. Hallo Kanada. 2008. âAuswanderung nach Kanada: Kanada Jobmessen 2008.â Retrieved June 12, 2015. http://www.hallokanada.de/auswanderung-nach-kanada/auswanderungsnews-kanada/23-kanada-jobmessen-2008.html. Hannerz, Ulf. 1996. Transnational Connections: Culture, People, Places. Routledge: London. Harkness, Janet. 2011. âLanguage Translations.â Pp. 414-417 in Encyclopedia of Survey Research Methods. Edited by P. Lavrakas. Thousand Oaks, California: Sage Publications, Inc. Harris, Cole. 2004. âHow did Colonialism Dispossess? Comments from an Edge of Empire.â Annals- Association of American Geographers 94(1):165-182. Harris, Peter. 2014. âHow Many Jobs do Canadians Hold in a Lifetime?â Retrieved July 10, 2016. https://careers.workopolis.com/advice/how-many-jobs-do-canadians-hold-in-a-lifetime/. Harvey, David. 1992. The Condition of Postmodernity : An Enquiry into the Origins of Cultural Change. Cambridge, Massachusetts: B. Blackwell. ------. 2005. A Brief History of Neoliberalism. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press. ------. 2006. Spaces of Global Capitalism. London; New York, NY: Verso. ------. 2007. âNeoliberalism as Creative Destruction.â The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 610(1):22-44. Harzig, C., Hoerder, D. and Gabaccia, D. 2009. What is Migration History? Cambridge and Malden, Polity Press, 2009. Hawerk, Winfried. 1995. âGrundbuch and Cadastral Systems in Germany, Austria and Switzerland.â International Federation of Surveyors. 311 Hearne, Rory. 2014. âActually Existing Neoliberalism: Public-Private Partnerships in Public Service and Infrastructure Provision in Ireland.â Pp. 157-173 in Neoliberal Urban Policy and the Transformation of the City. Edited by A. MacLaran and S. Kelly. London: Palgrave Macmillan. Heckel, Hans and Hermann Avenarius. 2009. Schulrechtskunde: Ein Handbuch Für Praxis, Rechtsprechung Und Wissenschaft. Neuwied: Luchterhand. âHelp Wanted...Desperately...Everywhere.â 2006. Kelowna Capital News, December 31. https://search.proquest.com/docview/375971545. Henne, Kathryn. 2017. âMulti-sited Fieldwork in Regulatory Studies.â Pp. 97-114 in Regulatory Theory: Foundation and Applications. Edited by P. Drahos. Canberra: ANU Press. Hennebry, Jenna. 2012. Permanently Temporary? Agricultural Migrant Workers and Their Integration in Canada. Institute for Research on Public Policy 26:1-44. https://irpp.org/wp-content/uploads/assets/research/diversity-immigration-and-integration/permanently-temporary/IRPP-Study-no26.pdf. Hernandez-Leon, Ruben. 2013. âConceptualizing the Migration Industry.â Pp. 24-44 in The Migration Industry and the Commercialization of International Migration. Edited by Thomas Gammeltoft-Hansen and Ninna Nyberg Sorensen. Routledge. Heywood, John and Uwe Jirjahn. 2016. âThe Hiring and Employment of Older Workers in Germany: A Comparative Perspective.â Journal for Labour Market Research 49(4): 349-366 http://www.econis.eu/PPNSET?PPN=884649237. Hiebert, Daniel and David Ley. 2006. âIntroduction: The Political Economy of Immigration.â Tijdschrift Voor Economische En Sociale Geografie 97(1):3-6. Hjalmarson, Kirsten Elise. 2016. âRace, Labour, and the Postmodern Plantation: Jamaican Migrant Farmworkers in Canada's Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program.â Masterâs Thesis. Department of Political Science and Sociology. University of British Columbia. https://open.library.ubc.ca/cIRcle/collections/ubctheses/24/items/1.0305647. Hochschild, Arlie Russell. 1983. The Managed Heart: Commercialization of Human Feeling. Berkeley: University of California Press. Hoey, Brian. 2009. âPursuing the Good Life: American Narratives of Travel and a Search for Refuge.â Pp. 31-50 in Lifestyle Migration: Expectations, Aspirations and Experiences. Edited by Michaela Benson and Karen O'Reilly. Farnham, England: Ashgate Holst, Elke, Andrea Schäfer, and Mechthild Schrooten. 2012. âBringing Home the Money: Xenophonia and Remittances - The Case of Germany.â DIW Discussion Paper No. 774. Homeowner Protection Office. 2015. âHousing Foundations and Geotechnical Challenges: Best Practices for Residential Builders in British Columbia.â Retrieved September 22, 2017. 312 https://webcache.googleusercontent.com/search?q=cache:vRXcy38C90AJ:https://www.bchousing.org/publications/Housing-Foundations-Geotechnical-Challenges.pdf+&cd=6&hl=en&ct=clnk&gl=ca. Horrell, Sara, Jill Rubery and Brendan Burchell. 1990. âGender and Skills.â Work, Employment & Society 4(2):189-216. Houle, René and Lahouaria Yssaad. 2010. âRecognition of Newcomers' Foreign Credentials and Work Experience.â Perspectives on Labour and Income. 11(9):1-16. Statistics Canada Catalogue no. 75-001-XIE. https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/en/pub/75-001-x/2010109/pdf/11342-eng.pdf?st=YlYkfg-b. Hunter, Justine and Dawn Walton. 2012. âDesperate for Workers, West Seeks Immigration Powers.â The Globe and Mail, March 11. Retrieved August 22, 2017. https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/desperate-for-workers-west-seeks-immigration-powers/article553012/. Hurrelmann, Klaus, Engel, Uwe, and John C. Weidman. (1992). Impacts of school pressure, conflict with parents, and career uncertainty on adolescent stress in the Federal Republic of Germany. International Journal of Adolescence and Youth, 4(1):33â50. Hurtado-de-Mendoza, Alejandra, Felisa A. Gonzales, Adriana Serrano and Stacey Kaltman. 2014. âSocial Isolation and Perceived Barriers to Establishing Social Networks among Latina Immigrants.â American Journal of Community Psychology 53(1):73-82. Iacovetta, Franca. 2006. Gatekeepers: Reshaping Immigrant Lives in Cold War Canada. Toronto: Between the Lines. Ilves, Erik. 2008. Temporary Foreign Worker Trends in BC. Association of Multicultural Societies and Service Associations of BC. Immigration and Refugee Protections Regulations. OSSR/2002-227.2002. Retrieved on January 12, 2020.. http://canlii.ca/t/543bm. Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada. 2017. Evaluation of the Provincial Nominee Program. November. Retrieved December 20, 2017. https://www.canada.ca/content/dam/ircc/documents/pdf/english/evaluation/e1-2015-pnp-en.pdf. International Organization for Migration. 2013. Crushed Hopes. Underemployment and Deskilling Among Skilled Migrant Women. Retrieved December 20, 2017. https://publications.iom.int/system/files/pdf/crushed_hopes_3jan2013.pdf. InvestOkanagan.com. 2018. 2018 Central Okanagan Economic Profile. Retrieved December 20, 2017. https://www.investkelowna.com/application/files/7715/3815/6564/2018_Central_Okanagan_Economic_Profile_-_RSPDF.pdf. Jackson, Andrew. 2010. Work and Labour in Canada: Critical Issues. Toronto: Canadian Scholar's Press Inc. Jacob, Katerina. 2015. Oh (Weia) Kanada: Mein Abenteuer vom Auswandern. München: mvg. 313 Jacoby, Tamar. 2014. âWhy Germany is so Much Better at Training its Workers.â Retrieved January 6, 2018. https://www.theatlantic.com/business/archive/2014/10/why-germany-is-so-much-better-at-training-its-workers/381550/. Janesick Valerie, J. 2000. âChoreography of Qualitative Research Design: Minuets, Improvisations and Crystallization.â Pp. 379-399 in Handbook of Qualitative Research. Edited by N.K. Denzin and Y.S. Lincoln. Thousand Oaks, Calif: Sage Publications. Janesick, Valerie J. 2001. âIntuition and Creativity: A Pas De Deux for Qualitative Researchers.â Qualitative Inquiry 7(5):531-540. http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/107780040100700501. Jenson, J. 1991. âThe Talents of Women, the Skills of Men: Flexible Specialization and Women.â Pp. 37-48 in Skills Formation and Gender Relations: The Politics of Who Knows What. Edited by N. Jackson. Jenson, J. and S. D. Phillips. 2010. âRe-designing the Canadian Citizenship Regime: Remaking the Institutions of Representation.â Pp. 69-89 in Citizenship, Markets, and the State. Edited by C. Crouch, K. Eder and D. Tambini. Don Mills; La Vergne: Oxford University Press. Johnson, G.E. and W. E. Whitelaw. 1974. âUrban-Rural Income Transfers in Kenya: An Estimated-Remittances Function.â Economic Development and Cultural Change 22(3):473-479. https://doi-org.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/10.1086/450731 Joppke, Christian. 2003. Citizenship between De- and Re- Ethnicization. European Journal of Sociology/Archives Européennes De Sociologie/Europäisches Archiv Für Soziologie. 44(3):429-458. Justicia/Justice for Migrant Workers. N.d. The Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program. Retrieved March 15, 2017. https://www.justicia4migrantworkers.org/bc/pdf/sawp.pdf. Kanada - Der Westen. 2010. Documentary Film. Producer: Eberhard Weckerle. Kaplan, Stephen. 1995. âThe Restorative Benefits of Nature: Toward an Integrative Framework.â Journal of Environmental Psychology 15(3):169-182. Karl, Francisca. 2013. ââSorry, Already Rentedâ: A Case Study of the Housing Experiences of Immigrant Women in the Mid-Size City of Kelowna.â University of British Columbia. http://tinyurl.com/srdmhor. Kataoka, Serena and Warren Magnusson. 2011. âImmigrant Settlement Policy in British Columbia.â Pp. 241-294 in Immigrant Settlement Policy in Canadian Municipalities. Edited by E. Tolley and R. Young. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press. Katz, Cindy. 1994. âPlaying the Field: Questions of Fieldwork in Geography.â The Professional Geographer (46):67-72. Kelley, Ninette and M.J. Trebilcock. 2010. The Making of the Mosaic: A History of Canadian Immigration Policy. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. 314 Kelly, Philip F. and T. Lusis. 2006. âMigration and the Transnational Habitus: Evidence from Canada and the Philippines.â Environment and Planning A, 385:831-47. ------. 2007. âPathways to Politics: Integration and Activism among Filipinos in Canada.â In Organizing the Transnational: The Experience of Asian, Caribbean and Latin American Migrants in Canada. Pp. 215-31. Editors Luin Goldring and Sailaja Krishnamurti. Vancouver: UBC Press. ------. 2009. âTransnationalism and Labour Geographyâ. In International Encyclopedia of Human Geography, Pp. 394-99. Editors Rob Kitchin and Nigel Thrift. London: Elsevier. ------. 2014. Understanding Intergenerational Social Mobility: Filipino Youth in Canada. IRPP Study 45. Montreal: Institute for Research on Public Policy. http://www.irpp.org/en/research/diversity-immigration-and-integration/filipino-youth/ Keniger, L. E., K. J. Gaston, K. N. Irvine and R. A. Fuller. 2013. âWhat are the Benefits of Interacting with Nature?â International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 10(3):913-935. Kidd, Steve. 2010. âSchools Embrace Cultural Diversity.â April 15. Penticton Western News. Retrieved September 20, 2019 from http://ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/login?url=https://search-proquest-com.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/docview/375849914?accountid=14656. Klaus, Elizabeth and Stephanie Lücke. 2003. âReality TV - Definition und Merkmale einer erfolgreichen Genrefamilie am Beispiel von Reality Soap und Docu Soap.â Medien & Kommunikationswissenschaft 2(51):195-212. https://www.nomos-elibrary.de/10.5771/1615-634x-2003-2-195/reality-tv-definition-und-merkmale-einer-erfolgreichen-genrefamilie-am-beispiel-von-reality-soap-und-docu-soap-jahrgang-51-2003-heft-2. Koopmans, Robert. 2007. âWorldwide Search: Provincial Nominee Program Provides Tool to Help Attract Workers from other Countries.â Retrieved June 14, 2018. http://ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/login?url=https://search.proquest.com/docview/358587223?accountid=14656. Koser, Khalid. 2007. International Migration: A Very Short Introduction. New York; Oxford: Oxford University Press. Kritz, Mary M. and Hania Zlotnik. 1992. âGlobal Interactions: Migration Systems, Processes and Policies.â International Migration Systems: A Global Approach:1-16. Kroeller, Eva-Marie. 2003. âThe New Canadian Embassy in Berlin.â Pp. 342-363 in Refractions of Germany in Canadian Literature and Culture. Edited by H. Antor, S. Brown, J. Considine and K. Stierstorfer. De Gruyter: Germany. Kukushkin, Vadim and Douglas Watt. 2009. Immigrant-Friendly Businesses-Effective Practices for Attracting, Integrating, and Retaining Immigrants in Canadian Workplaces. Ottawa: The Conference Board of Canada. 315 Labonté, Ronald, Elizabeth Cobbett, Michael Orsini, Denise Spitzer, Ted Schrecker and Arne Ruckert. 2015. âGlobalization and the Health of Canadians: âHaving a Job is the Most Important Thingâ.â Globalization and Health 11(1):19. Lanthier, Mario. 1984. The Pattern: A History of Social Discrimination against Farm-Workers in the Okanagan-Similkameen 1890-1983. Lanthier, Mario and Lloyd L. Wong. 1996. âEthnic Agricultural Labour in the Okanagan Valley:1880s to 1960s.â Retrieved July 31, 2017. https://royalbcmuseum.bc.ca/exhibits/living-landscapes/thomp-ok/ethnic-agri/british.html. LaRochelle-Côté, Sébastien and Jason Gilmore. 2009. âCanada's Employment downturn.â Retrieved June 15, 2018. https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/en/pub/75-001-x/2009112/pdf/11048-eng.pdf?st=GppoK1XP. Laux, Ulrich. 2010. âAbenteuer Kanada - Kanada ist anders! Reisen und Auswandern - Land - Leute - Leben.â Norderstedt: Books on Demand. Leggett, Taban U. 2014. Needs and Assets Pertaining to Newcomers in the Central Okanagan. Kelowna Community Resources and Citizenship and Immigration Canada. Lehmann, Heinz, and Gerhard P. Bassler. 1986. The German Canadians, 1750-1937: Immigration, Settlement & Culture. St. John's, Nfld: Jesperson Press. Leibel, Geody C. 2007. âThe Changing Face of Farm Labour in British Columbia: Exploring the Experiences of Migrant Quebecois and Mexican Agricultural Workers in the Okanagan Valley.â Masterâs Thesis. Department of Anthropology. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/975. Lenard, Patti T. and Christine Straehle. 2012. Legislated Inequality: Temporary Labour Migration in Canada. Montreal [Que.]: McGill-Queen's University Press. Lendaro, Annalisa and Christian Imdorf. 2012. âThe Use of Ethnicity in Recruiting Domestic Labour: A Case Study of French Placement Agencies in the Care Sector.â Employee Relations 34(6):613-627. Leung, Wendy. 2008. âLabour Shortage? Bring in the Jamaicans.â The Globe and Mail, September 8. Retrieved Jul 23, 2017 https://www.theglobeandmail.com/life/labour-shortage-bring-in-the-jamaicans/article1060884/. Lewis, Nathaniel M. 2010. âA Decade Later: Assessing Successes and Challenges in Manitoba's Provincial Immigrant Nominee Program.â Canadian Public Policy 36(2):241-264. Lewis, Sheila Elaine. 2010. âWhite Picket Fences: Whiteness, Urban Aboriginal Women and Housing Market Discrimination in Kelowna, British Columbia.â University of British Columbia. http://tinyurl.com/w7n4q2x. Li, Peter S. 2000. Destination Canada: Immigration Debates and Issues. Don Mills, Ont: Oxford University Press. 316 ------. 2003. Deconstructing Canada's Discourse of Immigrant Integration. Prairie Metropolis Centre. Lieb, Christian. 2008b. âGerman Diaspora Experiences in British Columbia after 1945.â Pp. 305-316 in German Diasporic Experiences: Identity, Migration and Loss. Edited by Mathias Schulze, James M. Skidmore, David G. John, Grit Liebscher, and Sebastian Siebel-Achenbach. Waterloo: Canada: University of Waterloo. ------. 2008a. âMoving West: German-Speaking Immigration to British Columbia, 1945-1961.â PhD Dissertation. Department of History. University of Victoria (Canada), Ann Arbor. http://ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/login?url=https://search-proquest-com.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/docview/304445824?accountid=14656. Livi Bacci, Massimo and Carl Ipsen. 2012. A Short History of Migration. Cambridge, UK; Malden, MA: Polity Press. Lo, Lucia and Carlos Teixeira (2015). âImmigrants Doing Business in a Mid-sized Canadian City: Challenges, Opportunities, and Local Strategies in Kelowna, British Columbia.â Growth and Change 46(4): 631-653. Lowell, B. L. and Allan M. Findlay. 2001. Migration of Highly Skilled Persons from Developing Countries: Impact and Policy Responses Draft Synthesis Report. International Labour Office, Geneva. Loxley, John and Salim Loxley. 2010. Public Service, Private Profits: The Political Economy of Public-Private Partnerships in Canada. Black Point, N.S: Fernwood Pub. Mabogunje, Akin L. 1970. âSystems Approach to a Theory of Rural-Urban Migration.â Geographical Analysis 2(1):1-18. MacNaull Stephen. 2015. âReal Estate Best in Seven Years.â The Daily Courier, January 21. Retrieved June 28, 2018. http://www.kelownadailycourier.ca/business_news/article_d02a8a92-a1c4-11e4-bca9-4f06bbfaae5e.html. MacNaull, Steve. 2010. âKelowna Market Comments by Paul Fabri.â The Daily Courier, January 13. Retrieved June 27, 2018 http://www.davebeeson.ca/blogs/david_beeson/archive/2010/1/14/kelowna-market-comments-by-paul-fabri.aspx. MacNaull, S. 2006. âImmigration Seen as a Solution to Labour Crunch.â Kelowna Capital News, October 12. Mah, Bill. 1998. âLanguage No Barrier to Immigration, Minister Told.â Edmonton Journal, March 2. Marten, Tina I.L. 2009. âThe Reconfiguration of Downtown Kelowna, British Columbia, Canada, 1980-2006: A Case Study of Kelowna's Neoliberal Downtown Transformation.â University of British Columbia. https://open.library.ubc.ca/cIRcle/collections/ubctheses/24/items/1.0067490. Martinez, Elizabeth and Arnoldo Garcia. 1997. âWhat is Neoliberalism?â Retrieved May 2, 2018. https://corpwatch.org/article/what-neoliberalism. 317 Matthews, Kim and Satzewich, Vic. 2006. âThe Invisible Transnationals? Americans in Canada.â Pp. 164-179. In Transnational Identities and Practices in Canada. Edited by Satzewich, Vic and Lloyd Wong. UBC Press: Vancouver. McClintock-Comeaux, Marta. 2013. âIdeal Worker.â Sociology of Work: An Encyclopedia 1:403-406. McEwan, Jamie Gordon. 2010. âIn Tuition: A Case Study of UBCO Student Youth Rental Housing Experiences in the City of Kelowna.â University of British Columbia. http://tinyurl.com/tr82u9l. McIntosh, Ian. 1997. Classical Sociological Theory: A Reader. Washington Square, N.Y: New York University Press. meenaksi, thapan. 2005. âIdentity, Women and the State.â Pp. 23-62 in Transnational Migration and the Politics of Identity. Vol. 1(1). Edited by t. meenakshi. Thousand Oaks; New Delhi: SAGE Publications. Menjivar, Cecilia, Julie DaVanzo, Lisa Greenwell and R. Burciaga Valdez. 1998. âRemittance Behavior among Salvadoran and Filipino Immigrants in Los Angeles.â The International Migration Review 32(1):97-126. Merton, Robert K. 1972. âInsiders and Outsiders: A Chapter in the Sociology of Knowledge.â American Journal of Sociology 78(1):9-47. Michaels, Kathy. 2008. âKelowna's Demographic Winter Predicted to Stay Awhile.â Kelowna Capital News, March 18. Mills, C. W. 2000. The Sociological Imagination. New York; Oxford [England]: Oxford University Press. Mills, C. W. 1980. âOn Intellectual Craftsmanship (1952).â Society 17(2):63-70. Ministry of Finance. 2010. â2010 British Columbia Financial and Economic Review.â Canadian Research Index:1-132. http://www.fin.gov.bc.ca/tbs/F&Ereview10.pdf. Ministry of Jobs, Tourism and Innovation. 2012a. British Columbia Immigration Task Force. ------. 2012b. âImmigration Task Force Gets to Work.â Retrieved August 20, 017. (https://news.gov.bc.ca/stories/immigration-task-force-gets-to-work). Ministry of Jobs, Tourism and Skills Training. âB.C. Community Profiles 2011 Focus on Immigration and Diversity: Central Okanagan.â Retrieved July 31, 2017. (https://www.welcomebc.ca/getmedia/1361451f-72d8-48bb-9a9e-90afa376b0d8/Central-Okanagan_RD.pdf.aspx). Moore, Alfred and Joe Stilgoe. 2009. âThe Role of âAnecdotal Evidenceâ in Public Scientific Controversies.â Science, Technology, & Human Values 34(5):654-677. Moran, Marie. 2015. Identity and Capitalism. London: Sage. Morse, Janice M., Michael Barrett, Maria Mayan, Karin Olson and Jude Spiers. 2002. âVerification Strategies for Establishing Reliability and Validity in Qualitative Research.â International Journal of Qualitative Methods. 2002(2):13-22. 318 Moscardo, G. M. 2010. âThe Shaping of the Tourist Experience. The Importance of Stories and Themesâ Pp. 43-58 in The Tourism and Leisure Experience: Consumer and Managerial Perspectives. Edited by M. Morgan, P. Lugosi and R.B. Ritchie. Bristol; Buffalo: Channel View Publications. âMulti-Cultural Facility Discussedâ 2013. Vernon Morning Star:17. Retrieved May 9, 2018. https://www.vernonmorningstar.com/news/multi-cultural-facility-discussed/. Nakache, Daphne. 2013. âThe Canadian Temporary Foreign Worker Program: Regulations, Practices and Protection Gapsâ in Producing and Negotiating Non-Citizenship: Precarious Legal Status in Canada. Edited by L. Goldring and P. Landolt. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Nakache, Daphne and Sarah D'Aoust. 2012. âProvincial/Territorial Nominee Programs: An Avenue to Permanent Residency for Low-Skilled Temporary Foreign Workers?â Pp. 158-77 in Legislated Inequality: Temporary Labour Migration in Canada. Edited by P.T. Lenard. Montreal; Ithaca: McGill-Queen's University Press. Nakache, Delphine and Paula J. Kinoshita. 2010. âThe Canadian Temporary Foreign Worker Program Do Short-Term Economic Needs Prevail over Human Rights Concerns?â IRPP Study No.5:1-52. https://irpp.org/wp-content/uploads/assets/research/diversity-immigration-and-integration/new-research-article-3/IRPP-Study-no5.pdf. Neely, Ryan S. 2009. Loss of Employment and the Effect on Pending Permanent Residence Applications. Continuing Legal Education Society of British Columbia: 1-10. http://www.farris.com/images/uploads/Ryan_Neely_Paper_Loss_of_Employment.pdf. Nicholl, Shelley. 2006. âHelp Wanted...Desperately...Everywhere.â Kelowna Capital News, December 31. http://ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/login?url=https://search.proquest.com/docview/375971545?accountid=14656. Nieoczym, Adrian. 2007. âHannes Poster Boy.â Kelowna Capital News, June 6. A 18 and 21. Nolin, Catherine, Katie Mccallum, and Anisa Zehtab-Martin. 2009. Regionalization BC 2008 Regionalization and Rural Immigration in British Columbia. Centre of Excellence for Research on Immigration and Diversity. Nunn, Heather and Anita Biressi. 2015. âClass, Gender and the Docusoap: The Only Way is Essex.â Pp. 269-279 in The Routledge Companion to Media and Gender. Edited by C. Carter, L. Steiner and L. McLaughlin. New York: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group. Okanagan First Peoples. 2008. âOkanagan First Peoples ~ Communities.â Retrieved Jul 23, 2017. http://www.okanaganfirstpeoples.ca/syilx.cfm. Okanagan Nation Alliance. 2017a. Syilxs, the Indigenous Peoples of this Land. Retrieved July 23, 2017. https://syilx.org/images/pdf/ONA_tourism_guide.pdf. ------. 2017b. âOkanagan Nation Alliance - Timeline.â Retrieved July 23, 2017. https://www.syilx.org/about-us/syilx-nation/timeline/. 319 O'Neil, Peter and Tara Carman. 2013. âTemporary Foreign Workers: Filling Labour Gap or Depressing Wages?â Retrieved April 25, 2019. http://www.vancouversun.com/Temporary+foreign+workers+Filling+labour+depressing+wages/7564651/story.html. Orellana, Marjorie F., Barrie Thorne, Anna Chee and Wan Shun Eva Lam. 2001. âTransnational Childhoods: The Participation of Children in Processes of Family Migration.â Social Problems 48(4):572-591. Ostenrath, Krischan. 2008. âArbeiten im Ausland - Kanadaâ. Retrieved January 2, 2010. (https://www.wilabonn.de/images/PDFs/Internationales/arbeiten%20in%20kanada%202008.pdf. âOttawa must Start Letting in More Skilled Tradespeople.â 2006. The Province, December 11. Retrieved June 6, 2018. (http://www.pressreader.com/canada/the-province/20061211). Pang, Melissa. 2013. Temporary Foreign Workers. Social Affairs Division. Papyiannis, Noula. 2011. âIdentity and Belonging among Second-Generation Greek and Italian Canadian Women.â Pp. 69-83 in Growing up Transnational: Identity and Kinship in a Global Era. Edited by M. Friedman and S. Schultermandl. Toronto; Buffalo: University of Toronto Press. Pavel, January 2014. Crown Corporations and Government Divestment. https://fcpp.org. Peck, Jamie. 2007. âNeoliberalism on the Loose.â UBC Okanagan. Pendakur, Krishna and Ravi Pendakur. 2005. Ethnic Identity and the Labour Market. Vancouver: Vancouver Centre of Excellence. Perry, J. Adam. 2012. âBarely Legal: Racism and Migrant Farm Labour in the Context of Canadian Multiculturalism.â Citizenship Studies 16(2):189-201 http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13621025.2012.667611. Phillips, Matt. 2014. Most Germans Donât Buy Their Homes, They Rent. Hereâs Why. Quartz. Retrieved September 10, 2016. https://qz.com/167887/germany-has-one-of-the-worlds-lowest-homeownership-rates/. Poggenpoel, Marie and Chris Myburgh. 2003. âThe Researcher as Research Instrument in Educational Research: A Possible Threat to Trustworthiness?â Education 124(2):418-320. Portes, Alejandro and Josh DeWind. 2007. Rethinking Migration: New Theoretical and Emperical Perspectives. New York: Berghahn Books. Portes, Alejandro and John Walton. 1981. Labor, Class, and the International System.US: Academic Press. Pouska, Maxim. 2006. Arbeiten Im Traumland Kanada [Der Traum Von Kanada hört dann auf, wenn man in Kanada morgens aufsteht und zur Arbeit geht - Zur Arbeit gehen will]. Norderstedt: Books on Demand GmbH. ------. 2007. Kanada - Auswanderer erzählen aus Ihrem Leben [Von Damals Bis Heute]. Norderstedt: Books on Demand GmbH. 320 ------. 2014. Canada Calling! Kanada ruft an: Der Weg vom Working Holiday zum Temporary Worker zum Permanent Resident zum Kanadier. Berlin: epubli GmbH. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:101:1-2014071814874. Preibisch, Kerry and Gerardo Otero. 2014. âDoes Citizenship Status Matter in Canadian Agriculture? Workplace Health and Safety for Migrant and Immigrant Laborers.â Rural Sociology 79(2):174-199. Preibisch, Kerry and Hermoso Santamaría, L. M. (2006). âEngendering Labour Migration: The Case of Foreign Workers in Canadian Agriculture.â Pp. 107-130. In Women, Migration and Citizenship: Making Local, National and Transnational Connections. Edited by Evangelia Tastsoglou and Alexandra Dobrowolsky. Aldershot: Ashgate. Province of British Columbia. 2019. âTemporary Foreign Workers.â Retrieved April 1, 2019. https://www.workbc.ca/Employer-Resources/Your-Workforce/Temporary-Foreign-Workers.aspx. Radermacher, Ulrike. 1991. âContainerdeutsche: Contemporary German Immigration to Australia and Canada.â Ottawa. Reinharz, Shulamit and Lynn Davidman. 1992. Feminist Methods in Social Research. New York: Oxford University Press. Rivers & Associates. 2003. âBC Provincial Nomination Program: Strategic Occupations. Evaluation Report. Draft: August.â RKW Rationalisierungs- und Innovationszentrum der Deutschen Wirtschaft e.V. 2013. âFachkräfte aus dem Ausland. Chancen und Risiken der Auslandsrekrutierung.â Retrieved January 16, 2016. https://static54.rkw-kompetenzzentrum.de/fileadmin/media/publications/2013/Fachkraefte/Leitfaden/20131101-leitfaden-auslandsrekrutierung.pdf. Roberts, Barbara A. 1988. Whence They Came: Deportation from Canada, 1900-1935. Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press. Rokne, Olav. âCanada-European Free Trade Agreement Undermines Canadian Workers.â Retrieved April 30, 2019. https://www.afl.org/canada_european_free_trade_agreement_undermines_canadian_workers. Ryan, Louise, Amanda Klekowski von Koppenfels and Jon Mulholland. 2015. ââThe Distance between Usâ: A Comparative Examination of the Technical, Spatial and Temporal Dimensions of the Transnational Social Relationships of Highly Skilled Migrants.â Global Networks 15(2):198-216 http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/glob.12054/abstract. Ryan, Louise and Jon Mulholland. 2014. ââWives are the Route to Social Lifeâ: An Analysis of Family Life and Networking Amongst Highly Skilled Migrants in London.â Sociology 48(2):251-267. Salaff, Janet W. 1997. âThe Gendered Social Organization of Migration as Work.â Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 6(3-4):295-316. 321 Salaff, Janet and Arent Greve. 2003. âGendered Structural Barriers to Job Attainment for Skilled Chinese Emigrants in Canada.â International Journal of Population Geography 9(6): 443-456. Saldaña, Johnny. 2013. The Coding Manual for Qualitative Researchers. London; Thousand Oaks, Calif: SAGE. Salloum, Jayce [Producer]. 2005. Untitled Part 4 Terra Incognita. Retrieved Jul 18, 2017. Satzewich, Vic. 1991. Racism and the Incorporation of Foreign Labour: Farm Labour Migration to Canada since 1945. London; New York: Routledge. -------. 2015. Points of Entry: How Canada's Immigration Officers Decide Who Gets In. Vancouver: UBC Press. Satzewich, Vic and Lloyd Wong. 2006. Transnational Identities and Practices in Canada. Vancouver: UBC Press. Saunders, Doug. 2018. âFor this Generation of Filipino-Canadians, Broken Policies have Left a Scar.â The Globe and Mail. June 15. Retrieved October 12, 2019. https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/article-for-this-generation-of-filipino-canadians-broken-policies-have-left-a/. Schiller, Nina G., Linda Basch and Cristina S. Blanc. 1995. âFrom Immigrant to Transmigrant: Theorizing Transnational Migration.â Anthropological Quarterly 68(1):48-63. Schiopu, Ioana and Nikolaus Siegfried.2006. âDeterminants of Workers' Remittances: Evidence from the European Neighbouring Region.â European Central Bank. Working Paper Series No. 688. https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/6956473.pdf. Schneider, Jens. 2001. Deutsch Sein: Das Eigene, das Fremde und die Vergangenheit im Selbstbild des Vereinten Deutschland. Frankfurt am Main: Campus. Seale, Clive, Jonathan Charteris-Black, Aidan MacFarlane and Ann McPherson. 2010. âInterviews and Internet Forums: A Comparison of Two Sources of Qualitative Data.â Pp. 595-606 in Vol. 20 Interviews and Internet Forums: A Comparison of Two Sources of Qualitative Data. London: SAGE Publications Ltd. Seidle, F. L. 2013. Canada's Provincial Nominee Immigration Programs Securing Greater Policy Alignment. Institute for Research on Public Policy. Sennett, Richard. 2008. The Craftsman. New Haven: Yale University Press. Siemiatycki, Matti, Anthony E. Boardman and Aidan R. Vining. 2016. The Theory and Evidence Concerning Public-Private Partnerships in Canada and Elsewhere. School of Public Policy, University of Calgary. Sigrist, Gisela. âKanada - Wunschraum, Kanada - Wunschtraum: Zur Wahrnehmung Kanadas in Deutschen Reisebeschreibungen.â 45(1):208-218. http://sowiport.gesis.org/search/id/gesis-solis-00193773. Siemiatycki, Matti, Anthony E. Boardman and Aidan R. Vining. 2016. The Theory and Evidence Concerning Public-Private Partnerships in Canada and Elsewhere. School of Public Policy, University of Calgary. 322 Simmel, Georg and Kurt H. Wolff. 1950. The Sociology of Georg Simmel. Glencoe, Ill: The Free Press. Simmons, Alan. 2010. Immigration and Canada: Global and Transnational Perspectives. Toronto: Canadian Scholars' Press. Simpson, Sharron J. 2011. The Kelowna Story and Okanagan History. Madeira Park, BC: Harbour Publishing. Jason D. Smith. 2016. âFacts about Germany: German Bureaucracy.â The Flensburger Files Blogs. Retrieved July 10, 2018. https://flensburgerfiles.wordpress.com/2016/04/28/facts-about-germany-german-bureaucracy/. Smith, Dorothy E. 1998. Writing the Social Critique, Theory and Investigations. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Sommer, Fabian. 2015. âDer Publikumswirksame Traum vom Auswandern.â Berner Zeitung. April 4. Retrieved November 16, 2016 https://www.bernerzeitung.ch/kultur/fernsehen/Der-publikumswirksame-Traum-vom-Auswandern/story/30824693. Standing, Guy. 2009. âWork and Occupation in a Tertiary Society.â Labour and Industry 19(3):49-72. ------. 2013. Defining the Precariat: A Class in the Making. Eurozine. Retrieved September 20, 2017. https://www.eurozine.com/defining-the-precariat/. -------. 2018. âThe Precariat: Todayâs Transformative Class?â Retrieved December 28, 2019. https://greattransition.org/images/Standing-The-Precariat.pdf. Stanford, Jim. 2014. âTFWs Threatened the Conservative Coalition.â The Globe and Mail, April 30. Retrieved January 12, 2016. https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/temporary-foreign-workers-threatened-conservative-coalition/article18330726/. Statista. 2017. âArbeitslosenquote in Deutschland im Jahresdurchschnitt von 1995 bis 2017.â Retrieved November 26, 2017. https://de.statista.com/statistik/daten/studie/1224/umfrage/arbeitslosenquote-in-deutschland-seit-1995/. Statistics Canada. 2017. âOkanagan Health Service Delivery Area [Health region, December 2017], British Columbia and British Columbia [Province] (table). Census Profile. 2016 Census. Statistics Canada Catalogue no. 98-316-X2016001. Ottawa.â Retrieved April 5, 2019. https://www12.statcan.gc.ca/census-recensement/2016/dp-pd/prof/index.cfm?Lang=E. Strathern, M. 2000). Audit Cultures. London: Routledge. Steinberg, Stephen. 2009. âNeoliberal Immigration Policy and its Impact on African Americans.â Notre Dame Journal of Law, Ethics & Public Policy 23(1):209-221. Stodalka, William. 2015. âNeed Workers? Call Us, Labour Unions Says.â Alaska Highway News, August 27. Retrieved August 22, 2017. 323 http://www.alaskahighwaynews.ca/fort-st-john/need-workers-call-us-labour-union-says-1.2042398. Stoffman, Daniel. 2002. âToo Much of a Good Thing: Immigration Built Canada. it can Take it Apart Too [Who Gets in: What's Wrong with Canada's Immigration Program: And how to Fix it].â Report on Business Magazine 19(4). Stueck, Wendy. 2007. âB.C. Looks East for Workers.â The Globe and Mail, December 24. Retrieved August 22, 2017. https://www.theglobeandmail.com/report-on-business/bc-looks-east-for-workers/article18151930/. Surtees, Ursula. 1989. Kelowna, the Orchard City: An Illustrated History. Burlington, Ont.: Windsor Publications. Sweetman, Arthur. 2012. âHigh-skilled Temporary Foreign Workers and International Students.â Institute for Research and Public Policy, Ottawa. Sweetman, Arthur and Kareem El-Assal. 2016. A Primer on Canadaâs Foreign Worker. The Conference Board of Canada. Teixeira, Carlos. 2009. âNew Immigrant Settlement in a Mid-Sized City: A Case Study of Housing Barriers and Coping Strategies in Kelowna, British Columbia.â Canadian Geographer 53(3):323-339. Retrieved July 18, 2017. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1541-0064.2009.00266.x/abstract. ------. 2010. âHousing New Canadians in the Central Okanagan, British Columbia.â BC Studies Winter 2010/2011(168):45-63. Retrieved July 1, 2015. Teixeira, Carlos and Julie Drolet. 2016. Settlement and Housing Experiences of Recent Immigrants in Small- and Mid-Sized Cities in the Interior of British Columbia Pathways to Prosperity. Teixeira, Carlos, Li, Wei and Audrey Kobayashi. 2012. Immigrant Geographies of North American Cities. Don Mills, Ont: Oxford University Press. The World Bank. 2017. âEconomy Rankings. Doing Business: Measuring Business Regulations.â www.doingbusiness.org/rankings. Retrieved July 2, 2018. Thomson, Duane Duncan. 1985. A History of the Okanagan: Indians and Whites in the Settlement Era, 1860-1920. PhD Dissertation. Department of History. University of British Columbia. https://dx.doi.org/10.14288/1.0107160. ------.1994. âThe Response of Okanagan Indians to European Settlement.â BC Studies (101):96-117. Thompson, Mark. 2016. âOpinion: Employers Exploit Temporary Foreign Workers as Cheap Labour for Tough Jobs.â Retrieved November 10, 2019. https://vancouversun.com/opinion/opinion-employers-use-temporary-foreign-workers-as-cheap-labour. Thornton, G. 2011. BC Provincial Nominee Program Evaluation Report. Commissioned for the Ministry of Jobs, Tourism and Innovation 324 Tilson, David. 2009. Temporary Foreign Workers and Non-Status Workers. Report of the Standing Committee on Citizenship and Immigration. Parliament of Canada: Government of Canada. Tomic, Patricia and Ricardo Trumper. 2017. âLabouring in the âFour-Season Paradiseâ: Workers and Agriculture in the Okanagan Valley.â Pp. 187-205 in Farm Workers in Western Canada: Injustices and Activism. Edited by B. Barnetson and S.A. McDonald. Edmonton: The University of Alberta Press. Tomic, Patricia and Ricardo Trumper. 2012. âMobilities and Immobilities: Globalization, Farming, and Temporary Work in the Okanagan Valley.â Pp. 73-94 in Mobilities and Immobilities: Globalization, Farming, and Temporary Work in the Okanagan Valley. MQUP. Tomic, Patricia, Ricardo Trumper and Luis L. Aguiar. 2010. âHousing Regulations and Living Conditions of Mexican Migrant Workers in the Okanagan Valley, B.C.â Canadian Issues 4(12):78-82. Retrieved November 13, 2017. https://search.proquest.com/docview/610779863/abstract/23361DA7E25546CCPQ/1. Tomlinson, Kathy. 2014. âMcDonald's Accused of Favouring Foreign Workers.â Retrieved April 25, 2019. https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/british-columbia/mcdonald-s-accused-of-favouring-foreign-workers-1.2598684c. Trading Economics. 2018. âCanada.â Retrieved September 9, 2018. https://tradingeconomics.com/canada/indicators. Trading Economics. 2018. âGermany.â Retrieved September 9, 2018. https://tradingeconomics.com/germany/indicators. Trautsch, Jasper. 2009. âA History of the Canadian Presence in Germany.â https://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=1&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=2ahUKEwj_jsWCiOfoAhWBrJ4KHZWRAoQQFjAAegQIARAB&url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.yumpu.com%2Fen%2Fdocument%2Fview%2F2616834%2Fa-history-of-the-canadian-presence-in-germany-canada&usg=AOvVaw37QGUPV9IeuQkVmJ25Ux5G. Retrieved June 5, 2012. ------. 2013. âThe History of the Canadian Governmental Representation in Germany.â Zeitschrift für Kanada Studien 33(1):143-168. Tseghay, Daniel. 2016. âThe Hierarchy of Settlement Services.â Retrieved August 3, 2016. http://rankandfile.ca/2016/04/19/the-hierarchy-of-settlement-services-migrant-workers-denied-services-granted-to-immigrants/. Tung, Vincent W. S., Pearl Lin, Hanqin Qiu Zhang and Aimin Zhao. 2017. âA Framework of Memory Management and Tourism Experiences.â Journal of Travel & Tourism Marketing 34(7):853-866. United Food and Commercial Workers. 2007. The Status of Migrant Farm Workers in Canada, 2006-2007. United Food and Commercial Workers Canada. 2011. The Status of Migrant Farm Workers in Canada: 2010-2011. 325 Urban Development Institute. 2005. âUDI Helps Government with Skilled Worker Shortage through Immigration.â Retrieved February 18, 2010. http://udi.bc.ca/sites/default/files/press_releases/UDIMedia_SkilledWorkersImmigration_Feb2005.pdf. Urciuoli, Bonnie. 2008. âSkills and Selves in the New Workplace.â American Ethnologist 35(2):211-228. Di van den Broek, William Harvey, and Dimitria Groutsis. 2016. "Commercial Migration Intermediaries and the Segmentation of Skilled Migrant Employment." Work, Employment & Society 30(3): 523-534. Van den Hoonaard, Deborah K. 2018. 3rd Edition. Qualitative Research in Action: A Canadian Primer. Don Mills, Ont: Oxford University Press. -----. 2012. Qualitative Research in Action: A Canadian Primer. Don Mills, Ont: Oxford University Press. Van den Hoonaard, Will C. 2008. âTheoretical Sampling.â Pp. 874-875. In The SAGE Encyclopedia of Qualitative Research Methods, edited by L. M. Given. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications. Retrieved November 21, 2019. https://link-gale-com.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/apps/doc/CX3073600458/GVRL?u=ubcolumbia&sid=GVRL&xid=4c9842f2. Van Note Chism, Nancy. 2006. âTeaching Awards: What do they Award?â The Journal of Higher Education 77(4):589-617. Vanwey, Leah K. 2004. âAltruistic and Contractual Remittances between Male and Female Migrants and Households in Rural Thailand.â Demography 41(4):739-756. Vertovec, Steven. 2009. Transnationalism. London: Routledge. Vineberg, Robert. 2010. âTemporary Migration and Labour Market Responsiveness in the Prairie Provinces.â Canadian Issues:37-41. Vining, Aidan R. and Anthony E. Boardman. 2008. âPublic Private Partnerships in Canada: Theory and Evidence.â Canadian Public Administration 51(1):9-44. Volkmann, Laurenz. 2005. ââOne Sees Only What One Knowsâ: German Popular Literature and its Images of Canada.â Pp. 237-262 in Refractions of Canada in European Literature and Culture. Edited by A. Heinz, G. Bölling, Kern-Stähler Annette and K. Stierstorfer. Walter de Gruyter. Wacquant, Loîc J. D. 2004. Body & Soul: Notebooks of an Apprentice Boxer. New York; Oxford: Oxford University Press. Wagner, Jonathan F. 2006. A History of Migration from Germany to Canada: 1850-1939.Vancouver: UBC Press. Waldinger, Roger D. and Michael I. Lichter. 2003. How the Other Half Works: Immigration and the Social Organization of Labor. Berkeley, Calif: University of California Press. 326 Waldren, Jacqueline. 2009. âLifestyle Afterthoughts.â Pp. 153-165 in Lifestyle Migration: Expectations, Aspirations and Experiences. Edited by M. Benson and K. O'Reilly. Farnham, England; Burlington, VT: Ashgate. Walton-Roberts, Margaret. 2004. Regional Immigration and Dispersal: Lessons from Small- and Medium-Sized Urban Centres in British Columbia. Vancouver: Vancouver Centre of Excellence. Warren, Carol A. B. and Tracy X. Karner. 2015. Discovering Qualitative Methods: Ethnography, Interviews, Documents, and Images. New York: Oxford University Press. Wattie, Chris. 2013. âImmigration Backlog Down 40 Percent, Says Jason Kenney.â The Globe and Mail, March 26. Retrieved January 7, 2018 https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/immigration-backlog-down-40-per-cent-says-jason-kenney/article10394080/. Webber, Jean. 1999. A Rich and Fruitful Land. The History of the Valleys of the Okanagan, Similkameen and Shuswap. Madeira Park, BC: Harbour Publishing. Welcome B.C. 2016a. âFind Settlement Services.â Retrieved August 5, 2016. https://www.welcomebc.ca/Start-Your-Life-in-B-C/First-Few-Days/Find-Settlement-Services. ------. 2016b. âSettlement Information in your Language.â Retrieved August 5, 2016. https://www.welcomebc.ca/Resources-For/In-Your-Language. ------. âWelcome B.C. 2016. Am I eligible?â Retrieved June 15, 2016. https://www.welcomebc.ca/Immigrate-to-B-C/BC-PNP-Skills-Immigration/Skilled-Worker. West Coast Domestic Workers Association. 2014. Labour Trafficking and Migrant Workers in British Columbia. Retrieved March 5, 2017. https://mwcbc.ca/downloads/LabourTraffickingandMigrantWorkers.pdf. Whiteside, Heather. 2016. Public-Private Partnerships. Black Point, Nova Scotia: Fernwood Publishing. Wilson, Carla. 2004. âShortage of Workers Looms Series: Tourism Economy.â Times, February 24. Retrieved November 13, 2017 (Shortage of workers looms Series: Tourism Economy). Wolch, Jennifer. 1990. The Shadow State: Government and Voluntary Sector in Transition. New York: Foundation Center. Wolf, Diane. 2002. âThere is no Place like âHomeâ: Emotional Transnationalism and the Struggles of Second-Generation Filipinos.â Pp. 255-294 in The Changing Face of Home: The Transnational Lives of the Second Generation. Edited by P. Levitt and M.C. Waters. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Wong, Lloyd L. 1988. âMigrant Seasonal Agricultural Labour: Race and Ethnic Relations in the Okanagan Valley.â National Library of Canada, Ottawa. 327 -------. 2003. âChinese Business Migration to Australia, Canada and the United States: State Policy and the Global Immigration Marketplace.â Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 12(3):301-336. Wong, Lloyd and Connie Ho. 2006. âChinese Transnationalism: Class and Capital Flows.â Pp. 241-260 in Transnational Identities and Practices in Canada. Edited by V. Satzewich and L. Wong. Vancouver: UBC Press. Wong, Lloyd and Ricardo Trumper. 2007. âCanada's Guestworkers: Racialized, Gendered and Flexible.â Pp. 151-170 in Race and Racism in 21st Century Canada: Continuity, Complexity, and Change. Edited by S. Heir and S. Bolaria. Toronto: University of Toronto. Yaffe, Barbara. 1998. âNewcomers Require Language Proficiency: And the Canadian Taxpayer Shouldn't have to Foot the Bill for Introducing Immigrants to our Two Official Languages.â The Vancouver Sun, March 4. Retrieved November 10, 2019. Zick, Andreas, Beate Küppner and Andreas Hövermann. 2011. Intolerance, Prejudice and Discrimination: a European Report. Retrieved March 5, 2016. https://library.fes.de/pdf-files/do/07908-20110311.pdf. Zimmermann, Doris. 2008. âImmigrant Family's Experience Very Negative.â Kelowna Capital News, February 17. Zudeiki, Peter. 2012. âGermans and Bureaucracy.â Deutsche Welle. December 14. https://p.dw.com/p/170Yl. Retrieved June 13, 2016. Zorlu, Aslan and Joop Hartog. 2018. The Impact of Language on Socioeconomic Integration of Immigrants. Discussion Paper. IZA Institute of Labor Economics. http://ftp.iza.org/dp11485.pdf. 328 APPENDICES APPENDIX A: List of Interviews # Pseudonym Group Date 1 Susan Employer's settlement worker Monday, July 13, 2015 2 Michael Employer Monday, June 8, 2015 3 Colin Employer Friday, August 21, 2015 4 Phillip Employer Sunday, June 21, 2015 5 Amanda Employer Thursday, June 11, 2015 6 Jason Employer Tuesday, September 1, 2015 7 Vanessa Employer Thursday, June 11, 2015 8 Sarah Employer Wednesday, August 12, 2015 9 Julia Employer Monday, August 10, 2015 10 Anna Employer Monday, June 1, 2015 11 Michelle Government representative Wednesday, September 30, 2015 12 Greg Government official Tuesday, July 14, 2015 13 Jack Government official Wednesday, July 1, 2015 14 Christian Government representative Friday, July 3, 2015 15 Sylvia Government representative Thursday, July 2, 2015 16 Harold Government official Monday, June 1, 2015 17 Walter Government official Thursday, May 28, 2015 18 Judith Settlement worker Friday, February 20, 2015 19 Amy Settlement worker Monday, March 30, 2015 20 Megan Settlement worker Thursday, March 12, 2015 21 Emma Settlement worker Tuesday, February 17, 2015 22 Maria Settlement worker Tuesday, February 17, 2015 23 Olivia Settlement worker Tuesday, February 17, 2015 24 Rebecca Skilled worker wife Monday, August 24, 2015 25 Mark Skilled worker Thursday, August 27, 2015 26 Jennifer Skilled worker wife Tuesday, February 10, 2015 27 Daniel Skilled worker Friday, July 10, 2015 28 Emily Skilled worker wife Tuesday, March 24, 2015 29 Chris Skilled worker Tuesday, August 25, 2015 30 Marianne Skilled worker wife Thursday, March 12, 2015 31 Ben Skilled worker Saturday, August 15, 2015 32 Kate Skilled worker wife Monday, June 15, 2015 33 Felix Skilled worker Tuesday, March 24, 2015 34 Andreas Skilled worker Sunday, August 16, 2015 329 # Pseudonym Group Date 35 Alexander Skilled worker Wednesday, January 28, 2015 36 Sascha Skilled worker Tuesday, February 10, 2015 37 Stefan Settlement specialist Tuesday, June 16, 2015 38 Thomas Migration consultant Tuesday, March 3, 2015 39 James Migration consultant Friday, February 13, 2015 40 Georg Migration consultant Tuesday, May 26, 2015 Compiled by Tina Marten, 2017. 330 APPENDIX B: Letter of Introduction Date Contact Letter to Participants Title: âGermans on demand: The migration of highly-skilled German workers to the Okanagan Valley, British Columbia, under the British Columbia Provincial Nominee Program, 2001-2014â Dear Research Participant: I am an interdisciplinary PhD student (in sociology and geography) in the Interdisciplinary Graduate Studies program at the University of British Columbia Okanagan, Kelowna, British Columbia. I am conducting research into the migration experience under the British Columbia Provincial Nominee Program. My focus is to investigate the migration experience of skilled German workers, who migrated with the help of this program to the Okanagan Valley during the period from 2001-2014. To understand this migration program and the experiences of those who partook in it, I will be conducting semi-structured interviews with skilled German migrants, government employees, immigration experts and settlement workers in Canada and Germany. This research satisfies part of my PhD requirements. Results from this project will be used in my doctoral thesis, published in the academic community and general public. I wish to request your participation in this research project. Your knowledge and expertise in this area are very valuable to my research project. If you agree to participate, I will interview you regarding your experience and knowledge about the topic identified above. The interview will take no more than one hour and may be conducted at your convenience. Should you choose to participate, please be advised that I will take the appropriate steps to ensure your confidentiality at all times. I would like to audiotape the interview with your consent. If you prefer, I may just take written notes of the interview. You may also refuse to participate, and you may withdraw at any time from the study with no consequences. Thank you for considering your participation in this research project. If you have any further questions, please do not hesitate to contact my co-supervisors Dr. Luis Aguiar or Dr. Martin Blum, or me, at the following address: Contact information 331 APPENDIX C: Consent Forms for Skilled Workers Who is conducting the study? The Principal Investigator for this study is Dr. Luis LM Aguiar (PhD), from the Sociology Department of the Irving K Barber School of Arts & Sciences, University of British Columbia. He can be reached at xxx (office). This study has two Co-Investigators: Dr. Martin Blum (PhD), from the English and Germanic Studies Program of the Critical Studies Department of the University of British Columbia. He can be reached at xxx (office). The other co-investigator is Tina IL Marten, a PhD Candidate in sociology and geography at the Interdisciplinary Graduate Studies Program at the University of British Columbia. She can be reached at xxx (cell). Both, Dr. Aguiar and Dr. Blum, are Ms Martenâs PhD co-supervisors. This research is for Tina Martenâs doctoral degree. The report, and subsequent doctoral dissertation, which develops from the interview and research, is shared with Ms Martenâs PhD Research Committee. This doctoral dissertation, upon defense, becomes a public document. Why should you take part in this study? Why are we doing this study? You are being invited to take part in this research study because you have knowledge of being a migrant under the British Columbia Provincial Nominee Program. We are inviting people like you who have immigrated to Canada as a participant in the BCPNP to help us. We are doing this study to learn more about the actual migration experience of skilled migrant workers, their settlement and integration experiences. What happens if you say âYes, I want to be in the studyâ? What happens to you in the study? How is the study done? If you say 'Yesâ, here is how we will do the study: We will ask you interview questions about the British Columbia Provincial Nominee Program and your experiences with it. The interviews can be conducted in German or English, since Ms. Marten is fluent in both languages. The interview will take no more than 60 minutes and may be conducted at your convenience, at a time and location of your choosing. With your consent, we would like to audiotape the interview. The audio recording will be made with a hand-held digital voice recorder. After the interview, your recording is coded and transferred to a password protected laptop. Only Ms. Marten and her co-supervisors Dr. Aguiar and Dr. Blum will have access to the interview files. Once transferred, the interview file will be deleted from the hand-held recorder. If you prefer, we may just take written notes of the interview. The interview, or parts thereof, will be transcribed into text files for analysis. This information will be stored in secure storage in the principal investigatorâs office for five years, thereafter all digital files will be permanently deleted, and all paper copies shredded. None of this information will be used in any other research in the future. 332 Study results The results of this study will be reported in Ms. Martenâs doctoral thesis and may also be published in journal articles and books. It is also possible that the results of this study are shared with government officials, policy makers and the public. You may request a copy or executive summary of the completed project. Is there any way being in this study could be bad for you? We do not think there is anything in this study that could harm you or be bad for you. Some of the questions we ask may seem sensitive or personal. You do not have to answer any question if you do not want to. Will being in this study help you in any way? What are the benefits of participating? You may be helped in this study by sharing your migration story. The information that you share with us may also benefit other skilled migrants in the future. It is possible that the research findings may be used to change the policies of the British Columbia Provincial Nominee Program and in turn better the experience of those who migrate with its help. How will your identity be protected? How will your privacy be maintained? Measures to maintain confidentiality Your confidentiality will be respected. Information that discloses your identity will not be released without your consent unless required by law. Your identity will be protected by coding the interviews. Your name will not be mentioned in the data transcription, or any other written work. The data will be stored in password protected files on a password protected computer, and this computer will be kept in a locked secure storage. The data will also be backed up on an external password protected hard drive, which will also be stored in a locked secure storage. Will you be paid for your time/ taking part in this research study?) We will not pay you for the time you take to be in this study. Who can you contact if you have questions about the study?) If you have any questions or concerns about what we are asking of you, please contact the study leader or one of the study staff. The names and telephone numbers are listed at the top of the first page of this form. Who can you contact if you have complaints or concerns about the study? If you have any concerns or complaints about your rights as a research participant and/or your experiences while participating in this study, contact the Research Participant Complaint Line in the UBC Office of Research Ethics toll free at 1-877-822-8598 or the UBC Okanagan Research Services Office at 250-807-8832. It is also possible to contact the Research Complaint Line by email (RSIL@ors.ubc.ca ). Taking part in this study is entirely up to you. You have the right to refuse to participate in this study. If you decide to take part, you may choose to pull out of the study at any time to the point of data analysis without giving a reason and without any negative impact on you. 333 All recordings and transcriptions will be destroyed or returned to the participant upon withdrawal from the study. Your signature below indicates that you have received a copy of this consent form and the Introductory Letter for your own records. â¡ You agree to being recorded. Your signature indicates that you consent to participate in this study. ___________________________________ _____________________________ Participant Signature Date Printed Name of the Participant 334 APPENDIX D: Interview Questions for Skilled Workers, Employers and Government Interview questions for Skilled Workers 4) Please tell me about your decision to leave Germany. What were your aspirations, expectations, and dreams? What did you expect to find in Canada? Have you been to Canada prior to coming here? Please describe your links to Canada. 5) Please tell me about your decision to participate in the BCPNP. How did you hear about this program? When was this? How long did it take to get your papers? Please walk me through the process of becoming a PNPer. 6) Participation in the BCPNP requires one to find a Canadian employer. How did you find your employer? When and where did you meet your future employer for the first time? Please tell me about your relationship with your employer. Are you employed by the same employer? Are there other (German) skilled workers working at your place of employment? 4) Participation in the BCPNP also requires one to have a particular skill set. Please tell me about your qualifications. Have you been able to capitalize on all these skills in your new Canadian employment? 5) How long have you been in Canada by now? 6) Are you (still) a Provincial Nominee? Please tell me about your experience as a PN. How has being a provincial nominee affected your relationship with your employer? 7) Do you want to apply for permanent residency? Please tell me about your process of becoming a Permanent Resident. How long did it take for you to land? And how about for your family members? 8) Do you plan to become a Canadian citizen? Please elaborate. 9) Please tell me about your moving experience. How did you find a place to live in the Okanagan? Are you still living in the same place? Do you rent/own? How did you figure out where in town to look for a place to live? Please describe if you benefitted from any relocation and settlement support, e.g. from your employer or a community agency. If, what kind of support did you receive (for example, flights, housing, language classes). If yes, what kind of support has been the most/the least helpful? If employer support, where other families being offered the same deal? What were the conditions of these agreements? 10) Are you working full time? What do you do in your spare time? Do you feel integrated into the local community? Do you belong to any local organizations? 11) Does your spouse benefit from SPOUSAL GUARANTEED EMPLOYMENT? What is your spouseâs employment history since coming to Canada? 12) Would you recommend migrating to Canada via the BCPNP? 13) What challenges have you encountered? What concerns, if any, do you have when you look to the future? 335 14) In closing, is there something you would like to share with me? Is there something that I missed to ask you? Would you like to tell me anything else? THANK YOU FOR Cooperation and YOUR TIME! 336 Interview questions for Employers: 1) When did you begin to recruit employees under the BCPNP? How many employees have you recruited in this way? 2) How has your âpartnershipâ with the government of BC to recruit German skilled workers come into existence? Who has facilitated in this process? 3) Since you began recruiting from Germany, has your relationship with the Canadian government changed? If yes, how? 4) How is compliance in the system monitored? 5) Do you find the program easy of difficult to administer? 6) Please tell me what the process is to hire a skilled worker from Germany. Have you ever attended a workfare in Germany? Have you ever been to Germany with the Economic Development Commission? Can you please explain to me how the recruitment process works? Who are the other players involved in the BCPNP process? 7) Who has facilitated your access to the skilled German labour pool? 8) Since you began to partake as an approved employer, how many German skilled workers have you recruited? How many have left your place of employment once they landed? How many have successfully gone through the program? 9) What are some of the challenges in employing German skilled workers? 10) Are you able to realize economic benefits from the BCPNP? Do you consider the program a valuable tool to generate profits? 11) Please describe where and how you learn about prospective employees? What are your recruiting priorities? 12) Please describe your recruiting strategies. 13) Do you expect there to be a knowledge and skills transfer between your PN employee and other staff? 14) How many PNâs have you hired? Fired? 15) In closing, is there something you would like to share with me? Is there something that I missed to ask you? Would you like to tell me anything else? THANK YOU FOR Cooperation and YOUR TIME! 337 Interview Questions for Government Officials: 1) Please tell me about the BCPNP: How long has the program been in existence? How did it come to be? What are its goals? What constitutes a successful settlement/ideal case scenario for a German skilled worker moving to the Okanagan, from your perspective? Why is the Canadian government recruiting German skilled labour? How are âtarget marketsâ of immigrants determined? 2) What is your involvement with this program? What is your role? 3) Can we please speak about the immigrant selection process? What are the criteria for German skilled workers to apply (and to be accepted) into the BCPNP? What are approximate timelines for BCPNP participants, from the time they have first contact with the Canadian government to the time of immigrant arrival? 4) Can we please turn our attention to the partnership between the government and employers in this program? How are employers selected to participate in the BCPNP? What are the criteria for employers to participate? To what sectors do employers belong that partake in the BCPNP? How are these employers monitored for compliance? Do you have any stats that you could share with me regarding this topic? 5) See the reasons for refusal. What protections exist for employers that have invested in employees but are refused to nominate them? 6) Do you have any stats that you could share with me? 7) In closing, is there something you would like to share with me? Is there something that I missed to ask you? Would you like to tell me anything else? THANK YOU FOR YOUR TIME!!! 338 APPENDIX E: Questionnaire for German Skilled Workers Title: âGermans on demand: The migration of highly-skilled German workers to the Okanagan Valley, British Columbia, under the British Columbia Provincial Nominee Program, 2001-2014â Gender: You are male female Language skills (other than German): English Speak read write French Speak read write Other __________________ Speak read write Age: 20-25 26-30 31-35 36-40 41-45 46-50 51-55 56 and older Your education: High School Vocational/technical School Master School College University Other __________________________ Your trade ___________________________________________________________________ Your Qualification _____________________________________________________________ Left from which town in Germany _________________________________________________ Is this your first attempt to come to Canada? Yes No In Canada since 20 _____ [Year] First moved to ________________________________________________________________ Still live there? Yes No â now live in _________________________________ town province 339 Marital Status: Single Married Engaged Divorced Partner still in Germany Ã Date expected ____________________ in Canada Living arrangements: You rent own Ã Since 20________ (Basement) Suite duplex apartment/ condo townhouse house Who else lives in your home? [Please check all that apply] Husband/wife Children Ã 1 2 3 more Other________________________________ Household income: < than $30,000 $30,000 - $40,000 $40,000 - $50,000 $50,000 - $60,000 $60,000 - $70,000 $70,000 - $80,000 $80,000-$90,000 more than $90, 0000 Status: BCPNP participant Yes No Nominated [Date] 20_____/Month ____________ Permanent Resident Yes Since 20_____ [Year] No â¦ but applied [Date] 20_____/Month _________ Canadian Citizen Yes Since 20_____ [Year] No â¦but applied [Date] 20_____/Month _________ THANK YOU! 340 APPENDIX F: Timeline of Events Linked to the BCPNP, 1973 to 2016 1973: Temporary Foreign Worker program begins in Canada as the Non-Immigrant Employment Authorization Program (NIEAP). It is administered by the federal government, to support employers in the hire of foreign workers. 1978: Immigration Act 1976, a federal act of legislation comes into power, granting provinces some power over their immigration decisions. 1996: The first provincial nominee program is signed in Canada (in Manitoba). 2001, March: The BCPNP is introduced, "to attract skilled workers to the province." NOC classifications included are NOC 0, A and B skill levels (managers, professionals, technologists and skilled trades). Until May 2010: this program operates as employer-driven program only, meaning applicant needs indeterminate employment from an employer. 2002: The Immigration and Refugee Protection Act replaces the Immigration Act and gives the Minister of Immigration the power to negotiate immigration agreements with provinces/territories. 2002: The BCPNP is expanded to include a foreign entrepreneur's class. 2002, June: Immigration and Refugee Protection Act comes into power. The Skilled Worker Class is created. 2002, December: The program is expanded to include an international graduatesâ stream, to keep degree graduates in select disciplines from BC's public universities, who had an employment offers from a BC employer in BC. This category was later expanded to include graduates from diploma programs, which were longer in duration than 1 year, from BC's postsecondary public institutions. 2006 Spring: Job fairs in Germany: Essen, Leipzig and Munich. 2007: Job fairs in Germany. 2008, February: A pilot program for semi-skilled workers and entry-level positions was started, to fill lower occupations, particularly in the tourism and hospitality sector, and long-haul trucking. Applicants needed at least 9 months of Canadian work experience in BC, needed to be nominated by their original employer, and needed to stay with this same employer until the application was fully processed and nomination granted. 2008, October: The pilot program for semi-skilled workers and entry-level positions is extended to include select occupations in food processing. 2009, October: Changes to the Immigrant and Refugee Protection Regulations which force a TFW to leave the country after four years of employment within for a period of six years prior to being able to return as a TFW again. 2010, May: The international graduates' stream is expanded to include graduates from any Canadian post-secondary institution, who had a Canadian employment offer from a BC employer. Launch of the international post-graduatesâ pilot project for Master's and Doctoral post-graduates in the natural, applied and health sciences from BC institutions, which allows qualifying candidates to be nominated prior to securing a permanent job offer. 2011, August: The pilot program for semi-skilled workers and entry-level positions in select occupations in food processing is. 2011, mid: The federal level entrepreneursâ program is suspended. 2012, mid: Other provinces had their provincial nominee program intake quotas curtailed. This resulted in more applications for the BCPNP, in the business and skills stream. 341 2014, June 19: Bill C-31 terminated 65,000 files waiting processing for the federal level entrepreneurs and investors program. 2014: Fees are introduced for LMIA's; $1000 for each skilled worker application. 2014, June 19: Bill C-31 terminated 65,000 files waiting processing for the federal level entrepreneurs and investors program. 2014: Fees are introduced for LMIA's; $1000 for each skilled worker application. 2015, March 31: Application intake for the BCPNP is suspended for 90 days. April 2015: The BCPNP was paused from April to July of 2015 for most of its streams, including the skilled worker program streams, and applications were not accepted during the 90-day suspension. Afterward, the program was re-launched with new application criteria and an improved application process. 2015, July 2: BCPNP reopens with online application system to streamline applications. 2015, July 3: BCPNP suspended again until 2016, when new nomination allocation will be granted. 2016, January 1: Intake for BCPNP reopens with revamped intake system, the Skills Immigration Registration System
Thesis/Dissertation
eng
Interdisciplinary Studies
Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library
Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International
Graduate
Germans on demand : the migration of highly-skilled German workers to the Okanagan Valley, British Columbia, Canada, under the British Columbia Provincial Nominee Program, 2000 to 2015
Text