"Arts, Faculty of"@en . "Art History, Visual Art and Theory, Department of"@en . "DSpace"@en . "UBCV"@en . "Calyniuk, Darlene Kay"@en . "2010-04-06T18:32:29Z"@en . "2010"@en . "Doctor of Philosophy - PhD"@en . "University of British Columbia"@en . "Botanical spaces and their visual representations fascinated British viewing publics, particularly in the years 1760 to 1810 during the reign of King George III. This broad public interest in natural history\u00E2\u0080\u0099s new knowledge was fueled by the appeal of Carolus Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sexual system of classification, a taxonomy that held the promise of providing universal accessibility and rational order in the exploration of the natural world. The impetus that Linnaean taxonomies gave to botanical enterprise, however, was also unsettling. Natural history\u00E2\u0080\u0099s laws that claimed a taxonomic rationale capable of consistently regulating previous unknowns, in fact, raised ambiguities in relation to the artificiality of the Linnaean system and crucially, the concepts of affinity, hybridity, and variability. As a result, particularly in the last half of the eighteenth century and the beginning of the nineteenth century, these Linnaean tenets threatened to destabilize status quos by mobilizing new anxieties around gender, sexuality, class, and race. In addition, Linnaean notions of oeconomia, that is, botanical resource utility, posed challenges to Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s cultural conventions and beliefs.\n \tAt the broadest level, then, my dissertation explores the interchanges and attendant tensions between natural history\u00E2\u0080\u0099s new knowledge and emerging social anxieties in a period that was especially marked out by Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s significant loss of the American colonies and the threat of the French Revolution. More specifically, through examination of visual imagery, my thesis explores a conflicted \u00E2\u0080\u0098botanoscape\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u0094one that reveals the ways in which visual representations and display of the botanical were central to the mediation and diffusion of anxieties opened up by Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s new systematics and by ongoing transformations within the nation."@en . "https://circle.library.ubc.ca/rest/handle/2429/23315?expand=metadata"@en . " PISTILS AND STAMENS: BOTANOPHILIA, SEX, AND NATIONHOOD IN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY GEORGIAN BRITAIN by DARLENE KAY CALYNIUK B.A., The University of British Columbia, 1973 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIRMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF ! DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Art History) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver) APRIL 2010 \u00C2\u00A9 Darlene Kay Calyniuk, 2010 ! \"\"! ABSTRACT Botanical spaces and their visual representations fascinated British viewing publics, particularly in the years 1760 to 1810 during the reign of King George III. This broad public interest in natural history\u00E2\u0080\u0099s new knowledge was fueled by the appeal of Carolus Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sexual system of classification, a taxonomy that held the promise of providing universal accessibility and rational order in the exploration of the natural world. The impetus that Linnaean taxonomies gave to botanical enterprise, however, was also unsettling. Natural history\u00E2\u0080\u0099s laws that claimed a taxonomic rationale capable of consistently regulating previous unknowns, in fact, raised ambiguities in relation to the artificiality of the Linnaean system and crucially, the concepts of affinity, hybridity, and variability. As a result, particularly in the last half of the eighteenth century and the beginning of the nineteenth century, these Linnaean tenets threatened to destabilize status quos by mobilizing new anxieties around gender, sexuality, class, and race. In addition, Linnaean notions of oeconomia, that is, botanical resource utility, posed challenges to Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s cultural conventions and beliefs. At the broadest level, then, my dissertation explores the interchanges and attendant tensions between natural history\u00E2\u0080\u0099s new knowledge and emerging social anxieties in a period that was especially marked out by Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s significant loss of the American colonies and the threat of the French Revolution. More specifically, through examination of visual imagery, my thesis explores a conflicted \u00E2\u0080\u0098botanoscape\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u0094one that reveals the ways in which visual representations and display of the botanical were central to the mediation and diffusion of anxieties opened up by Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s new systematics and by ongoing transformations within the nation. ! \"\"\"! TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract.................................................................................................................................. ii Table of Contents..................................................................................................................iii List of Figures........................................................................................................................ v Acknowledgements.............................................................................................................viii ! Introduction............................................................................................................................ 1 Chapter One: The Ambivalent Territories of the Naturalist Macaroni................................ 15 Introduction.................................................................................................................... 15 Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Legacy ......................................................................................................... 19 New Worlds Unveiled ............................................................................................. 19 Problems and Tensions ............................................................................................ 24 Caricature and Linnaean Affinities: The Naturalist as \u00E2\u0080\u0098Macaroni\u00E2\u0080\u0099 ............................... 30 Unsettling Associations ........................................................................................... 38 Conclusion ..................................................................................................................... 52 Chapter Two: New Dynamics in Natural History\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Domain............................................... 54 Introduction.................................................................................................................... 54 A Green Slate: New Grounds for Re-visioning the Naturalist Macaroni ...................... 57 Ordering New Terrains .................................................................................................. 65 !!!!!!!!!!!!!!Botany Helps Order New Regimes ......................................................................... 74 Cultivating Botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Popularity .............................................................................. 79 Networks and Flows of Communication ....................................................................... 84 Anxieties Move into Uncharted Domestic Terrains ...................................................... 90 Conclusion ................................................................................................................... 101 Chapter Three: Virtual Paradise, Mutable Kingdom: Troubling Nationhood in the Botanical Illustrations of Dr. Robert John Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Temple of Flora .............. 103 Introduction.................................................................................................................. 103 The Imprint of Botanophilia ........................................................................................ 109 Sex in the Garden and Modeling Nationhood ............................................................. 114 Monarchy Under the Microscope ................................................................................ 118 The Nation Uncovered\u00E2\u0080\u0094Rendering Gender in The Temple of Flora ......................... 127 Fecundity and Generation..................................................................................... 130 Fidelity and Continuity ......................................................................................... 138 The Foreign........................................................................................................... 145 Conclusion ................................................................................................................... 154 ! \"#! Chapter Four: Power Plants\u00E2\u0080\u0094Transforming Terrains...................................................... 156 Introduction................................................................................................................. 156 Oeconomia or the Utility of Plants ............................................................................. 159 Imperial Kew and Acclimatizing the Public............................................................... 163 Domesticating \u00E2\u0080\u009CGreen Gold\u00E2\u0080\u009D...................................................................................... 170 Cinchona\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Cachet ............................................................................................... 171 Cinchona at Home\u00E2\u0080\u0094Negotiating Nationhood..................................................... 174 Cinchona Abroad\u00E2\u0080\u0094Mediating Imperial Spaces .................................................. 177 The Breadfruit Solution ....................................................................................... 180 Plant Power and the Breadfruit Solution ............................................................. 182 Breadfruit and Arcadia\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Underbelly................................................................... 189 The Other Side of Paradise ......................................................................................... 199 Slavery\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Death Knell.......................................................................................... 199 Conclusion .................................................................................................................. 204 Conclusion ......................................................................................................................... 205 Bibliography ..................................................................................................................... 240 !!!!!!!! ! \"! LIST OF FIGURES 1.1 Moses Harris, Plate XIII, The Silk-Worm and Large Tyger, 1766 from The Aurelian: or, natural history of English Insects of 1766 by Moses Harris. Courtesy of the Royal Entomological Society, St. Albans, UK.................................. 208 1.2 Georg Ehret, Methodus plantarum sexualis, 1736. Courtesy of the Natural History Museum, London, UK.................................................................................... 209 1.3 Carolus Linnaeus, Vegetal Kingdom\u00E2\u0080\u0094Clavis Systematis Sexualis, or Key to the Sexual System from Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Systema Naturae, Tenth Edition, 1758. Courtesy of the Missouri Botanical Garden...................................................... 210 1.4 Matthew Darly, The Macaroni Print Shop, 1773. Courtesy of The Trustees of the British Museum................................................................................................. 211 1.5 Matthew Darly, The Aurelian Macaroni, 1773. Courtesy of The Trustees of the British Museum................................................................................................. 212 1.6 Moses Harris, frontispiece to The Aurelia: or, natural history of English Insects of 1766 by Moses Harris. Courtesy of the Royal Entomological Society, St. Albans, UK .............................................................................................. 213 1.7 Moses Harris, Plate XXVII, The Ruby Tyger, The Sweet-Scented Pea, 1766 from The Aurelian: or, natural history of English Insects of 1766 by Moses Harris. Courtesy of the Royal Entomological Society, St. Albans, UK............................................................................................................................... 214 2.1 Matthew Darly, The Fly-Catching Macaroni, July 12, 1772. Courtesy of The Trustees of the British Museum........................................................................... 215 2.2 Benjamin West, Mr. Joseph Banks, 1773. Courtesy of The Web Gallery of Art ............................................................................................................................... 216 2.3 Matthew Darly, A Mungo Macaroni, 1772. Courtesy of The Trustees of the British Museum. .................................................................................................... 217 2.4 Thomas Gainsborough, Ignatius Sancho, 1768. Courtesy of the National Gallery of Canada ....................................................................................................... 218 2.5 Frontispiece from Thomas Burnet\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Sacred Theory of the Earth, 1753. The British Library...................................................................................................... 219 3.1 Abraham Pether, The Snowdrops, 1804 from Robert John Thornton, The Temple of Flora, 1799-1807. Courtesy of the University of Wisconsin Board of Regents......................................................................................................... 220 ! \"#! 3.2 Philip Reinagle, Cupid Inspiring Plants with Love, 1805 from Robert John Thornton, The Temple of Flora, 1799-1807. Courtesy of the Wellcome Library, UK. ................................................................................................................ 221 3.3 Maria Cosway, Flora Dispensing her Favours on the Earth, 1807 from Robert John Thornton, The Temple of Flora, 1799-1807. Courtesy of the University of Wisconsin Board of Regents................................................................. 222 3.4 Peter Henderson, The Queen Flower, 1804 from Robert John Thornton, The Temple of Flora, 1799-1807. Courtesy of the University of Wisconsin Board of Regents......................................................................................................... 223 3.5 Philip Reinagle, Tulips, 1798 from Robert John Thornton, The Temple of Flora, 1799-1807. Courtesy of the University of Wisconsin Board of Regents. ...................................................................................................................... 224 3.6 Robert Thornton, Group of Roses, 1798 from Robert John Thornton, The Temple of Flora, 1799-1807. Courtesy of the University of Wisconsin Board of Regents......................................................................................................... 225 3.7 Kora, A Lady of Scientific Habits, c. 1805. Private Collection. Courtesy of James Secord. .............................................................................................................. 226 3.8 Philip Reinagle, The Superb Lily, 1799 from Robert John Thornton, The Temple of Flora, 1799-1807. Courtesy of the University of Wisconsin Board of Regents......................................................................................................... 227 3.9 Peter Henderson, Stapelias, 1801 from Robert John Thornton, The Temple of Flora, 1799-1807. Courtesy of the University of Wisconsin Board of Regents. ....................................................................................................................... 228 3.10 Peter Henderson, The Dragon Arum, 1801 from Robert John Thornton, The Temple of Flora, 1799-1807. Courtesy of the University of Wisconsin Board of Regents......................................................................................................... 229 3.11 Philip Reinagle, Large Flowering Sensitive Plant, 1799 from Robert John Thornton, The Temple of Flora, 1799-1807. Courtesy of the University of Wisconsin Board of Regents. ...................................................................................... 230 4.1 Aylmer Lambert, Cinchona officinalis, 1797 from A Description of the Genus Cinchona of 1797 by Alymer Lambert. Courtesy of the Linnean Society of London. ...................................................................................................... 231 4.2 Thomas Gosse, Transplanting of the Bread-fruit-trees from Otaheite, 1796. Courtesy of the Captain Cook Memorial Museum. Whitby, UK .................... 232 4.3 James Gillray, The Great South Sea Caterpillar, Transform\u00E2\u0080\u0099d into a Bath Butterfly, 1796. Courtesy of The Trustees of the British Museum ............................. 233 ! \"##! 4.4 J. S. Mason after William Woollett, A View of the Palace from the Hill\u00E2\u0080\u00A6in the Royal Gardens at Kew, c. 1760s. Courtesy of The Trustees of the British Museum........................................................................................................... 234 4.5 Thomas Rowlandson, The Winding up of the Medical Report of the Walcheren Expedition, 1810. Courtesy of The Trustees of the British Museum....................................................................................................................... 235 4.6 Sydney Parkinson, Artocarpus altilis (Breadfruit), 1769. http:/ /en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Breadfruit...................................................................... 236 4.7 James Gillray, Anti-Saccharrites,-or-John Bull and his Family leaving off the use of Sugar, 1792. Courtesy of The Trustees of the British Museum ................. 237 4.8 Thomas Hearne, Parham Hill House and sugar plantation, 1779. Courtesy of The Trustees of the British Museum....................................................................... 238 4.9 James Gillray, Barbarities in the West Indias, 1791. Courtesy of The Trustees of the British Museum .................................................................................. 239 ! ! \"###! ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This dissertation has benefited from the generous support and insights of my supervisory committee, other scholars, and family. I am deeply indebted to my research supervisor, Dr. Maureen Ryan, whose passion for intellectual inquiry and attention to critical engagement have been invaluable in a study of this scope. Dr. Ryan\u00E2\u0080\u0099s scholarly excellence across disciplines and provocative engagement with this project have been crucial to my growth as an academic and instrumental to the complexity of this thesis. Additional thanks goes as well to members of my dissertation committee Dr. Sherry McKay and Dr. John O\u00E2\u0080\u0099Brian for their thoughtful criticism and encouraging support throughout the duration of this project and indeed during my studies at UBC. In addition, I extend my appreciation to the faculty and staff of Department of Art History, Visual Art and Theory at UBC as well as members of the History Department for their perspective and insights. Archivists and librarians have been instrumental to my research process, particularly those professionals in Britain at the Natural History Museum, the British Museum, the National Portrait Gallery and the British Library. To Dr. Sophie Forgan of the Cook Memorial Museum, Lynda Brooks at the Linnean Society, Valerie McAtear of Royal Entomological Society, and Anne Miche De Malleray at the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences, many thanks. I appreciate the generosity of Dr. James Secord, Professor of History and Philosophy of Science at the University of Cambridge for allowing me access to his personal collection of eighteenth-century composite caricatures. I gratefully acknowledge the three-year Canada Graduate Scholarship (Doctoral) from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, and for several years of support from the University of British Columbia (through the Department of Art History, Visual Art and Theory) by way of University Graduate Fellowships, the Gertrude Langridge Graduate Scholarship in Humanities, and Graduate Entrance Scholarships. Not least of all, I am deeply indebted to Michael and our family for their intellectual curiosity, balanced perspectives, and buoyant wit. Their generous understanding and unwavering support have sustained me throughout this academic pursuit. ! \"! INTRODUCTION Botanical spaces and their visual representations fascinated a broad segment of the British public, particularly in the years spanning the reign of King George III from 1760 to 1820. Significantly, the new system of classification developed by the Swedish natural historian Carolus Linnaeus fueled botanophilia, that is, the love of plants.1 As I argue in this thesis, the system captivated in part because the Swedish botanist\u00E2\u0080\u0099s method focused upon the plant\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sexual organs\u00E2\u0080\u0094its pistils and stamens\u00E2\u0080\u0094which in turn allowed for the public practice of looking, handling, and counting these \u00E2\u0080\u0098private\u00E2\u0080\u0099 parts. Furthermore, as botanophilia and a widespread interest in the pursuit of botanic resources flourished, so did the potential of botanical products to satiate commodity tastes, ignite national renewals, and importantly, posit mastery of new worlds. At its broadest level then my thesis explores the complex relations between Linnaean classification and practices of plant pursuit, collection, categorization, and exchange in relation to Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s expanding nationhood. The Georgian period\u00E2\u0080\u0094and specifically between the years 1770 to 1810\u00E2\u0080\u0094was marked by the discovery and exploration of new geographic regions around the globe. These ventures in turn lay the groundwork for Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s transition from island nation to imperial power. As the promises of Enlightenment science, new technologies, and world-wide networks made the distant seem familiar,2 Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s innovative contributions to natural history spearheaded at home keen interest in plants as markers of the foreign and the unknown, and as useful resources that could foster national renewal and international strength. !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!\"!The term \u00E2\u0080\u0098botanophilia\u00E2\u0080\u0099 comes from the title of Roger Williams\u00E2\u0080\u0099s study, Botanophilia in Eighteenth-Century France: The Spirit of Enlightenment (Boston: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 2001). !! 2Making the distant familiar references the formulations of Bruno Latour in Science in Action (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1987), 222-229.! ! \"! Only on the surface, however, did Linnaean taxonomies posit a universal system based on reason and order, that is, a taxonomy that responded to a world fixed by certainty. As I argue in my study, the new Linnaean natural history also raised anxieties. I explore how several aspects of Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s system\u00E2\u0080\u0094specifically the concepts of affinity, hybridity, variation, and oeconomia or resource utility and cultivation\u00E2\u0080\u0094served to undermine Enlightenment claims to rational fixities. Indeed, and as is central to my analysis, these elements tapped into a range of social anxieties in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries in Britain, namely, tensions around gender, sexuality, class, and race that in turn raised the specter of change and transformation within the nation and empire. A number of studies have broadly addressed botanophilia in both the eighteenth and nineteen centuries.3 However, the \u00E2\u0080\u0098botanoscape\u00E2\u0080\u0099 of my inquiry\u00E2\u0080\u0094a phrase I have coined from the terminology of contemporary theorist of global networks, Arjun Appadurai4 \u00E2\u0080\u0094does not fall upon the conventional reading of botanical space as a site of natural harmony and beauty, pleasurable respite, or as display of agricultural progress. I argue for a very different interpretation, namely, one wherein botanic space is now central both to discourses around !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 3 Here I refer to such explorations in the botanic as those of E. C. Spary\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Utopia\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Garden (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000) and Roger Williams\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Botanophilia in Eighteenth-century France (Boston: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 2001), or the studies of Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Richard Drayton in Nature\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Government (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000) or Dr. Stephen Harris\u00E2\u0080\u0099s more recent commentary that accompanies the British Folio Society\u00E2\u0080\u0099s re-edition of the third part of Dr. Robert Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s A New Illustration of the Sexual System of Linnaeus (1799-1807) entitled The Temple of Flora. In addition, widely diverse interests in natural history are evident in the inquiries of such historians of science and literature as David Allen, Gillian Beer, Alan Bewell, Ann Shteir, Sam George, Charlotte Klonk and Londa Schiebinger, all of whom approach natural history as a dynamic discipline. ! 4 I have developed the term \u00E2\u0080\u0098botanoscapes\u00E2\u0080\u0099 from cultural theorist, Arjun Appadurai\u00E2\u0080\u0099s concept of the complexity and layers of global cultural relations and flows. In Appadurai\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Modernity At Large (Minneapolis: University Minnesota, 1996) the dimensions through which these relations flow are ethnoscapes, mediascapes, technoscapes, and ideoscapes (328-340). I have chosen \u00E2\u0080\u0098botanoscape\u00E2\u0080\u0099 to underscore the complex and multi- layered set of relations that exist in eighteenth-century botanic space and the agency of botanical knowledge: \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe infinitely varied mutual contest of sameness and difference on a stage characterized by radical disjunctures between different sorts of global flows and the uncertain landscapes created in and through those disjunctures\u00E2\u0080\u009D (40-41). ! ! \"! the practices, productivity, and agency within new scientific knowledge, and to the resulting social, political, and economic shifts that emerged in Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s terrains. More specifically, my analysis distinguishes itself in that I examine how aspects of Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sexual system of classification were linked to social and political worlds\u00E2\u0080\u0094a relationship that played a role in visual culture of the period. The images I explore in the following chapters not only address the ambivalences and anxieties raised by Linnaean sexual difference and the concepts of affinity, hybridity, variation, and oeconomia but also register natural history\u00E2\u0080\u0099s appeal to diverse publics that themselves ranged widely from middle-class to gentrified palates. These visual representations include caricatures of naturalists such as Matthew Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Fly-Catching Macaroni of 1772 and The Aurelian Macaroni of 1773; lavish botanical illustrations from Robert John Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Temple of Flora produced between 1799 and 1807; academic paintings such as Benjamin West\u00E2\u0080\u0099s portrait of prominent naturalist, Mr. Joseph Banks of 1773 and Thomas Gosse\u00E2\u0080\u0099s rendering of plant pursuit in Transplanting of the Bread-fruit-trees from Otaheite of 1796; and caricatures produced in the last decade of the century that reference both the slave trade and Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s importation and consumption of sugar as a notorious product of slave labour. Importantly, my research has found no extended critical analyses that examine the visual in relation to specific Linnaean botanical tenets. Diana Donald\u00E2\u0080\u0099s study, The Age of Caricature of 1996, assesses eighteenth-century satirical images and gives attention to those of \u00E2\u0080\u0098macaronis\u00E2\u0080\u0099, a term designating fashionable but foppishly dressed elites5 but without focus upon the tensions incited by natural history\u00E2\u0080\u0099s new knowledge. Art historian Shearer !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 5 Diana Donald, The Age of Caricature (London: Yale University Press, 1996). There is a large literature on the phenomenon of the \u00E2\u0080\u0098macaroni\u00E2\u0080\u0099 in the last quarter of the eighteenth century which I discuss in Chapter One. ! ! \"! West and professors of literature Alan Bewell and Deirdre Coleman have addressed some of the caricatures of naturalists as \u00E2\u0080\u0098macaronis\u00E2\u0080\u0099, but in the context of the prominent status of the individuals portrayed and as a form of public mockery of natural history collecting as kind of contemporary fashion in itself.6 Here, Alan Bewell\u00E2\u0080\u0099s assiduous decoding of \u00E2\u0080\u0098macaroni\u00E2\u0080\u0099 affectations through classical and literary associations has modeled how to tease out the complex levels of caricature\u00E2\u0080\u0099s significance through acute observation of representational details. My exploration of Linnaean tenets in relation to new understandings and anxieties around shifting notions of gender and sexuality also moves in a different direction from that of Ann Shteir, Sam George, or Londa Schiebinger whose studies trace the historical development of women\u00E2\u0080\u0099s practice in botany, of botanical analogy in literature, or of the gendering of natural knowledge.7 A similar lacuna in terms of the anxieties opened up by Linnaean formulations has also characterized the study of botanical folios. These have been consistently discussed in descriptive terms or, as in the case of Robert Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Temple of Flora, considered \u00E2\u0080\u009Csumptuous\u00E2\u0080\u009D but of \u00E2\u0080\u009Cno botanical value.\u00E2\u0080\u009D8 While art historian Charlotte Klonk in her 1996 !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 6 See Shearer West, \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Darly Macaroni Prints and the Politics of \u00E2\u0080\u0098Private Man\u00E2\u0080\u0099,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Eighteenth-Century Life 25, no. 2 (Spring 2001): 170-182; Alan Bewell \u00E2\u0080\u009CA Passion that Transforms,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Figuring It Out, eds. Ann B. Shteir and Bernard Lightman (Hanover, New Hampshire: Dartmouth College Press, 2006); Deirdre Coleman \u00E2\u0080\u009CEntertaining Entomology: Insects and Insect Performers in the Eighteenth Century,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Eighteenth-Century Life 30, no. 3 (Summer 2006): 107-134; and, Amelia Rauser, Caricature Unmasked (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 2008).! 7 Ann Shteir, \u00E2\u0080\u009CWomen in the Breakfast Room,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Uneasy Careers and Intimate Lives: Women in Science 1789- 1979, eds. Pnina Abir-am and Dorinda Outram (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987); Samantha George, Botany, Sexuality, and Women\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Writing 1760-1830 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2008); and, Londa Schiebinger, Nature\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Body: Gender in the Making of Modern Science (New Brunswich, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 2004). ! 8 Wilfrid Blunt and William Stearn, The Art of Botanical Illustration (London: Antique Collectors, 1994), 236. Recent commentaries upon Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Temple of Flora are either a descriptive summary of the entire publication (as with the aforementioned Blunt and Stearn) or a specific address of Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s interest in the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cchemical and electrical sources which nourished and animated life itself,\u00E2\u0080\u009D as noted by Martin Kemp in Seen/Unseen (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), Chapter 4. ! ! \"! publication Science and the Perception of Nature stands as a major and valuable analysis of the botanical plates of The Temple of Flora, her important account does not take up the social concerns raised by the Linnaean system and it problematic tenets.9 Similarly in turning to visual culture as a register of oeconomia, the images I examine have not been considered in terms of the unsettling impacts of plant utility. Linnaean scholar Lisbet Koerner in Linnaeus: Nation and Nature of 1999 has argued that Sweden\u00E2\u0080\u0099s cameralist ideology of national economic self-sufficiency influenced Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s views of plant utility as a strategy by which acclimatized botanic resource could serve the nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s political mandate.10 But in Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s case the social effects linked to cultivation and trade of such resource produced public concern and widespread debate. The inquiry of cultural historians such as James Walvin, Roxann Wheeler, and Felicity Nussbaum has given impetus to my exploration of how Linnaean oeconomia was complicated by discourses and economies that addressed slave labour and re-visioned race. Kay Dian Kriz\u00E2\u0080\u0099s provocative and in-depth study of a range of visual forms that took up the issue of slavery and the production of sugar on Jamaican plantations has also been invaluable in this respect.11 The tenets of Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sexual system of classification as presented in Systema Naturae (1735), Philosophia Botanica (1751), and Species Plantarum (1735) which ignited interest in the botanical, are of course seminal to my inquiry. To assess responses to Linnaean formulations, I have turned to contemporaneous commentaries and critiques in print culture\u00E2\u0080\u0099s literary texts, pamphlets, treatises, newspapers, and diaries or journals to understand the !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 9 Charlotte Klonk, Science and the Perception of Nature: British Landscape Art in the Late Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1996), 37-38. ! 10 Lisbet Koerner, Linnaeus: Nature and Nation (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1999). ! 11Kay Dian Kriz, Slavery, Sugar, and the Culture of Refinement (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008). ! ! \"! social and political temperaments that both f\u00C3\u00AAted and denounced natural history\u00E2\u0080\u0099s new knowledge. These documents and their circulation provided access to diverse social, political, and economic discourses that characterized pre-Darwinian theories in the late eighteenth century. I thus consider sources ranging from Johann Siegesbeck\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (1686-1755) outrage at what he argued was the Linnaean system\u00E2\u0080\u0099s overt concern with sex, or \u00E2\u0080\u0098loathesome harlotry,\u00E2\u0080\u0099 to Joseph Bank\u00E2\u0080\u0099s journals of South Pacific exploration of 1775, to Robert Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s translation of the Linnaean sexual system of classification begun in 1797. All register the tensions as well as the promise of the new natural history.12 The \u00E2\u0080\u0098botanoscapes\u00E2\u0080\u0099 of my study, therefore, are not the usual unsullied and passive spaces posited by idyllic garden sites. To the contrary, I argue that these terrains were in fact both dynamic and troubled, belying the perceived order and stability assumed inherent to Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s taxonomic system. The Chapters To address the tensions and anxieties raised by the new Linnaean natural history, this thesis is divided into four chapters. In each chapter I explore particular aspects of Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s taxonomy\u00E2\u0080\u0094affinity, hybridity, variation, and oeconomia\u00E2\u0080\u0094that posed problems for British publics. The first two chapters take up anxieties around masculinity and British nationhood in the decade of the 1770s at the time of the uncertainties around the American colonies; the final two chapters examine concerns in relation to patrimony, monarchy, and empire in the 1790s following the upheavals and challenges posed by the French Revolution. I argue !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 12Johann Siegesbeck in Botanosophiae verioris brevis Sciagraphia (Short Outline of True Botanic Wisdom) (1737) as quoted and cited in Wilfrid Blunt, The Compleat Naturalist: A Life of Linnaeus (London: Collins, 1971), 120 and also Margery Rowell, \u00E2\u0080\u009CLinnaeus and Botanists in Eighteenth-Century Russia,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Taxon 29, no. 1 (February 1980): 15-26. For Joseph Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s journals see Joseph Banks, The Endeavour Journal of Joseph Banks 1768-1771, ed. J. C. Beaglehole, Vol. 1 and 2 (London: Angus & Robertson, Ltd., 1962); and, Robert John Thornton, A New Illustration of the Sexual System of Linnaeus (London: T. Bensley, 1799).! ! \"! through the images foregrounded in each chapter that aspects of Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s system with its emphasis on difference, transformations, and adaptive mobilities, negotiate tensions between public and private spheres, exploration and exploitation, and distant and familiar terrains. These are all domains of sociability where complications within natural history\u00E2\u0080\u0099s new knowledge visibly play out. Each chapter nuances these central strains, addressing Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s modernizing flux through the body, nationhood, and global reach. In Chapter One, I focus upon Linnaean sexual difference, the formative tenet of his taxonomic system. Georg Ehret\u00E2\u0080\u0099s engraving Methodus plantarum sexualis of 1736 (Figure 1.2) provides a diagram of the simple, ordered construct of Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sexual system of classification. The implications of Linnaean taxonomy and its basis in sexual difference play a key role in caricaturist Matthew Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Aurelian Macaroni of 1773 (Figure 1.5) where anxieties associated with natural history\u00E2\u0080\u0099s popularity are taken up in the depiction of well- known entomologist, Moses Harris. Harris\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Aurelian of 1766, a publication on butterflies and botany, opened up for publics new considerations around sexuality and transformation.13 Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s engraving, at the simplest level mocks the aurelian, a butterfly collector, as a foppish effete interested only in natural history as a passing fashion. More importantly, however, the image calls up fears about affinities that underpinned the Linnaean system\u00E2\u0080\u0099s arbitrary framework, and around sexual ambiguity that seemed to threaten the nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s patriarchal stability. Conflicts with the American colonies and uncertainties about political allegiances unsettled those who saw the naturalist \u00E2\u0080\u0098macaroni\u00E2\u0080\u0099 as an obtuse youth !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 13 Moses Harris, The Aurelian: or, natural history of English Insects; namely, moths and butterflies. Together with the plants on which they feed; and their standard names, as given and established by the Society of Aurelians. Drawn, engraved and coloured, from the natural subjects themselves (London: printed for the author, 1766). ! ! \"! susceptible to foreign influence. Here, I show how the body is a significant discursive site where debates around natural history emerge and anxieties around cultural shifts surface. In Chapter Two, I explore botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s global outreach and the resulting anxieties around Linnaean tenet of hybridity, which had the potential to blur conventional boundaries imposed by class and race. Here I return to Matthew Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s prints because of their wide public appeal. Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Fly-Catching Macaroni of 1772 (Figure 2.1), a caricature of Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s chief naturalist-explorer and renowned botanical administrator Joseph Banks, and Benjamin West\u00E2\u0080\u0099s 1773 painted portrait Mr. Joseph Banks (Figure 2.2), both depict cultural shifts that attended botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s global outreach. While these very different representations register the prominence of Joseph Banks who served for forty years as Director of King George III\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Royal Gardens at Kew, and concurrently shaped Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s imperial botanical enterprises, both also evoke Linnaean tenets of hybridity or \u00E2\u0080\u0098mixity\u00E2\u0080\u0099 that complicated botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s legitimacy as a stable scientific discipline. Another satire, A Mungo Macaroni of 1772 (Figure 2.3), an engraving of freed black prot\u00C3\u00A9g\u00C3\u00A9 Julius Soubise, and the 1768 portrait by Thomas Gainsborough of writer and former slave Ignatius Sancho (Figure 2.4), address offshoots of botanical outreach\u00E2\u0080\u0094slave labour and freed slaves\u00E2\u0080\u0094that in fact troubled gentrified publics. As a product of the triangular trade that saw botanical resource exchanged for slaves who were then transported to Europe or North America, Soubise represented the potential to both co-opt and corrupt Britishness. Sancho\u00E2\u0080\u0099s portrait, a representation also within the tradition of academic art, positioned similar \u00E2\u0080\u0098race\u00E2\u0080\u0099 anxieties, particularly in relation to black populations who capably adapted and penetrated elite worlds. In the images, caricature\u00E2\u0080\u0099s bourgeois tastes are held in tension with portraiture\u00E2\u0080\u0099s more sophisticated eye to negotiate cultural discomfort pertaining to emerging social hybridity. ! \"! In Chapter Three, I turn to the Linnaean notion of variation and address both the tenets and the anxieties it raised through a different category of imagery, the popular botanical folio. Several plates from Dr. Robert John Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s folio, The Temple of Flora (1799-1807), the third part of his much larger work The New Illustration of the Sexual System of Carolus von Linnaeus (1797-1807), frame my discussion. From The Temple of Flora, Philip Reinagle\u00E2\u0080\u0099s allegorical plate of 1805 entitled Cupid Inspiring Plants with Love (Figure 3.2) and Peter Henderson\u00E2\u0080\u0099s 1804 florals of The Queen Flower (Figure 3.4) and The Dragon Arum of 1801 (Figure 3.10) negotiate and diffuse, I argue, debates extending from monarchy, governance, and patrimony to erosions around constructs ranging from conventional notions of gender to that of time. Unique to The Temple of Flora are the landscaped backdrops of the various florals\u00E2\u0080\u0094testaments to Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s national trajectories and imperial mandates that were facilitated through botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s global reach. Such depictions, while positing Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s botanoscapes as harmonious and idyllic, are actually striated with uncertainties that surface through the themes of fecundity and generation, fidelity and continuity, and the threat of the foreign. In this chapter, Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s notion of variability within a species is shown to pose unsettling considerations especially in light of looming revolutionary change in France that in itself modeled the potential volatility of political and social variation. Chapter Four\u00E2\u0080\u0099s investigation takes up Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s oeconomia. Here I explore how the power and utility of plants lay not just in their usefulness as a food source, but in their influence upon the nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s economic health and political prowess. Within the productive partnership of oeconomia and imperial geo-botanizing anxieties materialize in relation to resource exploitation and interactions with the native \u00E2\u0080\u0098other.\u00E2\u0080\u0099 I return to and further explore Britain as imperium, that is, botanic space as a depiction of nation. Here, the Royal Garden at Kew is assessed as a botanizing center representative of the nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s botanical expertise, ! \"#! global trade capability, and imperial prowess. Thomas Gosse\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Transplanting of Bread-fruit- trees from Otaheite of 1796 (Figure 4.2) is a pivotal image through which I investigate the promise of economic botany as well as its dark underbelly as a site of slave exploitation. James Gillray\u00E2\u0080\u0099s caricatures, the Anti-Saccharrites,-or-John Bull and his Family leaving off the use of Sugar of 1792 (Figure 4.7) and his Barbarities in the West Indias of 1791 (Figure 4.9), tease out the hypocrisy underpinning Britons\u00E2\u0080\u0099s desires for commodities, such as tea and sugar, that blinded publics to the brutalities and atrocities of the triangular trade in African slaves. Such images, as I develop, responded to topical debates and tensions concerning new social mixities, miscegenation, and shifting notions of what constituted British subjectivity. Theoretical Considerations My investigation of how botanophilia and what was known as a \u00E2\u0080\u0098botany cult\u00E2\u0080\u0099 mobilized yet constricted cultural transformation in Georgian Britain has been informed by several aspects of critical theory. Michel Foucault\u00E2\u0080\u0099s formulations have influenced my tracing of the complex web of power relations belying the discipline of natural history and its practices, whether individual bodies like that of the naturalist as a fashionable \u00E2\u0080\u0098macaroni\u00E2\u0080\u0099 or institutional spaces such as the Royal Gardens at Kew. In resolving the order of things in natural history\u00E2\u0080\u0099s new knowledge, Foucault\u00E2\u0080\u0099s method of anticipating \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe possibility of seeing what one will be able to say,\u00E2\u0080\u009D14 not only validates natural history\u00E2\u0080\u0099s empirical approach as measured and rational, but also allows for the emergence of discourses around imagined possibilities that apparently contributed to the naturalist\u00E2\u0080\u0099s pursuit of botanical knowing. Power and knowledge conflate here to validate botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s productive strategies of examining, !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 14 Michel Foucault, The Order of Things: An Archaeology of the Human Sciences (London: Routledge, 1989), 141. ! ! \"\"! measuring, questioning, and adapting. In as much as visible patterning of an entity\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sexual organs\u00E2\u0080\u0094in Linnaean terms, \u00E2\u0080\u0098number, form, proportion and situation\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u0094formed the basis of a predictable taxonomic language, and by analogy found application to the social, I have found invaluable Foucault\u00E2\u0080\u0099s observation that it is not necessarily in what these patterns \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmake possible to see, but in what they hide and in what, by this process of obliteration, they allow to emerge.\u00E2\u0080\u009D15 It follows then that Foucault\u00E2\u0080\u0099s aforementioned paradox is instrumental to unpacking ambivalences and fluctuations which I argue underpin Georgian botanoscapes and their visual representations. I also draw upon aspects of postcolonial theory, specifically Homi Bhabha\u00E2\u0080\u0099s concept of ambivalence, that is, \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca negotiation of oppositional and antagonistic elements\u00E2\u0080\u009D that emerge as an \u00E2\u0080\u0098in-between\u00E2\u0080\u0099 site of \u00E2\u0080\u009Cproblems of judgment and identification that inform political space.\u00E2\u0080\u009D16 Bhabha\u00E2\u0080\u0099s notion of hybridity as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cneither one nor the other,\u00E2\u0080\u009D but somewhere in- between has import for thinking through Linnaean formulations of the hybrid as \u00E2\u0080\u0098mixed\u00E2\u0080\u0099. This formulation has given shape to my unpacking of the anxieties incited by unknown variations and perceived instabilities seen to surface in Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s system.17 So too have cultural scholars Mary Douglas, Mary Lousie Pratt, and Gayatri Spivak informed my view of subaltern invisibility and social tensions striating Georgian Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s national and imperial terrains, specifically within the spheres of class, sexuality, gender, and race.18 Mary !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 15 Ibid., 150. ! 16 Homi Bhabha, The Location of Culture (London: Routledge, 1994), 22-29. ! 17 Ibid., 22-29. ! 18 Of particular influence have been Mary Douglas\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Purity and Danger: Analysis of Concepts of Pollution and Taboo (New York: Routledge, 2002), Mary Pratt\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation (London: Routledge, 1996) and Gayatri Spivak\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009CCan the Subaltern Speak?\u00E2\u0080\u009D Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, ed. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988). ! ! \"#! Douglas\u00E2\u0080\u0099s observations on \u00E2\u0080\u009Cchasing dirt\u00E2\u0080\u00A6re-ordering our environment, making it conform to an idea,\u00E2\u0080\u009D19 for example, not only mirrors taxonomic strategy but conversely points to the embedded tensions around disease and the \u00E2\u0080\u0098exotic\u00E2\u0080\u0099 within botanic space. In addition, debates stimulated by Edward Said\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Orientalism (1979) have lent texture to my analysis of how natural history\u00E2\u0080\u0099s practices provoked and complicated an imagined exoticism of distant spaces and encoded how Britons gazed upon or exploited those of other cultures. A return to Foucault helps map out tensions concerning race that emerged through Linnaean taxonomic tenets. Foucault\u00E2\u0080\u0099s observation of race as a conflicted site \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbetween a race\u00E2\u0080\u00A6that holds power and defines the norm, and one which constitutes various dangers for the biological patrimony,\u00E2\u0080\u009D20 is fundamental to anxieties surfacing in the botanoscapes of my study, and that in turn I have argued, lent momentum to shifts in Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s cultural terrains. I have also found important Bruno Latour\u00E2\u0080\u0099s formulations in Science in Action (1987) that expand upon the idea of \u00E2\u0080\u0098mobilization of the world\u00E2\u0080\u0099 through science\u00E2\u0080\u0099s empirical practices, a concept valuable to this study\u00E2\u0080\u0099s exploration of natural history\u00E2\u0080\u0099s influence upon Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s imperial mandates of resource and land claim. His concept of \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccenters of calculation,\u00E2\u0080\u009D namely, spaces or \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccenters dominating at a distance many other places\u00E2\u0080\u009D through a means that \u00E2\u0080\u009Crenders them mobile\u00E2\u0080\u00A6stable\u00E2\u0080\u00A6 combinable,\u00E2\u0080\u009D21 has been helpful in framing the construct thought necessary in the negotiation of new knowledge, new geographies, and new botanical resources. I argue that Latour\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u0098centers\u00E2\u0080\u0099 are evident in the botanic space of Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sexual system of classification, voyages of discovery, botanical administrators !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 19 Douglas, Purity and Danger, 2. ! 20 Michel Foucault, Difendere la societa (Florence: Ponte alle Grazie, 1990), 54 as quoted in Ann Laura Stoler, Race and the Education of Desire (Durham: Duke University Press, 1995), 67. ! 21 Latour, Science in Action, 223. ! ! \"#! and their networks, or botanic gardens as transfer depots for vegetal resource. These centers of calculation allowed for fluctuations that characterized a more modern and diverse world, a factor similarly endorsed by spatial theorists. Here, geographer Doreen Massey\u00E2\u0080\u0099s formulations have informed my inquiry, specifically the idea that not only is \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe character of a particular place a product of its position in relation to wider forces, but also that that character in turn stamped its own imprint on those wider processes.\u00E2\u0080\u009D22 My exploration of botanic spaces argues then that visual culture did not just register new knowledge and its anxieties but lent momentum to emerging shifts in social, political, and economic practices. On a similar note, as Edward Soja cogently observes in his response to Henri Lefebvre\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Production of Space of 1991, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe production of space (and the making of history) can thus be described as both the medium and the outcome of social action and relationship.\u00E2\u0080\u009D23 In my inquiry, these ambivalent concepts of \u00E2\u0080\u0098medium\u00E2\u0080\u0099 and \u00E2\u0080\u0098outcome\u00E2\u0080\u0099 come to light through social interactions and relations within the productive spaces of governance, class, gender, and race, giving momentum to new understandings and cultural transformation. My thesis then contributes to art historical studies by demonstrating that visual culture\u00E2\u0080\u0099s discursive space allowed for the mediation, circulation, and dissemination of new knowledge and attendant anxieties around specific aspects of Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sexual system of classification. Formerly the province of privileged tastes and collectors, botanical practices and their visual representations began to appeal to a wider and more diverse viewership. Eighteenth-century publics that ranged from the middle-class to the elite were fascinated with taxonomy\u00E2\u0080\u0099s universal accessibility and standardization, a strategy whose simplified naming !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 22 Doreen Massey, Space, Place, and Gender (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1994), 131. ! 23 Edward Soja, Postmodern Geographies: the reassertion of space in critical social theory (London: Verso, 1989). ! ! \"#! process and gridded order assured containment of a chaotic natural world. Such mastery, through analogy, suggested similar stability when applied to social and political paradigms. But natural history\u00E2\u0080\u0099s promise was ambivalent. Not only did botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s terrain open up (in Foucauldian terms) \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe knowledge to be gained from sex and the right to speak about it,\u00E2\u0080\u009D24 but concurrently made way for the unsettling emergence of \u00E2\u0080\u0098exceptions\u00E2\u0080\u0099 particularly around Linnaean notions of sexual difference, hybridity, variation, and oeconomia. Botanophilia and its practices were not untroubled sites of harmony and respite, but complex spaces where shifted ways of seeing and knowing natural and human worlds registered unsettling mobility and cultural change. !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 24 Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality Volume I: An Introduction (New York: Vintage Books, 1978), 6.! 15 CHAPTER ONE The Ambivalent Territories of the Naturalist Macaroni Introduction In the last quarter of the eighteenth-century in Britain, natural history fed a wide range of public interests from the curiosity of hobbyists to the rigours of scientific inquiry. Botany and botanophilia, the study and collection of plants, played key roles in these developments. The sexual system of classification of Sweden\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Carolus Linnaeus (1707- 1778) was central to public accessibility around both botany and natural history as a whole. First documented in his Systema Naturae of 1735, Linnaeus set out his fundamental tenets of the natural world\u00E2\u0080\u0099s three kingdoms: mineral, vegetal, and animal.1 Historian of science Gunnar Broberg has pointed out that sexuality was the quality \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccommon\u00E2\u0080\u009D to both \u00E2\u0080\u009Cplants and animals,\u00E2\u0080\u009D2 yet the vegetal and thus botanical world was the key vector for Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sexual system of classification. Linnaeus based his botanical taxonomy upon counting and differentiating sexual organs in plants to determine their class and order, a seemingly rational and mathematical process.3 1 Carolus Linnaeus, Systema Naturae, with an introduction and first English translation of the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cobservations,\u00E2\u0080\u009D (1735) First Edition, trans. M.S.J. Engel-Ledeboer and H. Engel (Nieuwkoop: B. de Graaf, 1964), 19. All further references to this text will be truncated to Systema Naturae. In the Linnaean system, within each kingdom were classes, within classes were orders, which in turn had genera (genus), within which were species, and then within species were varieties. There were six classes in the animal kingdom (mammalia, aves, amphibia, pisces, insecta, vermes), twenty-four classes in the plant kingdom as designated by Ehret\u00E2\u0080\u0099s diagram (Figure 1.2) as will be discussed shortly, and three classes in the mineral kingdom (petrae, minerae, fossilia). 2 Gunnar Broberg, \u00E2\u0080\u009CLinn\u00C3\u00A9\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Systematics and the New Natural History Discoveries,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Contemporary Perspectives on Linnaeus, ed. John Weinstock (New York: Lanham, 1985), 153. In William Stearn\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009CAppendix: Linnaean Classification, Nomenclature and Method,\u00E2\u0080\u009D in Wilfrid Blunt\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Compleat Naturalist (London: Collins, 1971) Linnaeus is quoted as simply stating that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe stamens and pistils enticed my mind to inquire what Nature had concealed in them. They commended themselves by the function they perform\u00E2\u0080\u009D (243). 3 In the botanical world, the plant\u00E2\u0080\u0099s class was determined by the position and number of stamens, or male sexual organs in the flower, and the plant\u00E2\u0080\u0099s order was determined by that of pistils or female sexual organs. 16 While Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s taxonomy facilitated the pursuit, collection, and exchange of botanical specimens, the system as a whole brought clear translation and uniform order to former unknowns effectively taming, as one commentator in 1796 noted, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe chaos of intricacy and confusion\u00E2\u0080\u009D4 within the natural world. But the new taxonomy also had implications for human, social, and political relations in the modern world of the eighteenth century. After all, Linnaeus called his system Nuptiae plantarum\u00E2\u0080\u0094the marriage of plants5\u00E2\u0080\u0094 and through metaphor drew parallels between vegetal function and paradigms of human sexual relations, as clearly expressed as well in Philosophica Botanica of 1751, where he described how \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe CALYX is the bedroom, the ANTHERS are the testicles, the POLLEN is the sperm and the STYLE is the vagina.\u00E2\u0080\u009D6 It was also unsettling that in Systema Naturae Linnaeus described botanical features with reference to \u00E2\u0080\u009Chusbands, wives and concubines\u00E2\u0080\u009D or that of polygamy with its \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmany marriages with promiscuous intercourse.\u00E2\u0080\u009D 7 Indeed by the end of the century polymath Erasmus Darwin, who had translated Linnaeus into English in 1783,8 played upon this aspect of the new science in his overtly erotic publication The Loves 4 The Edinburgh Magazine or Literary Miscellany (January, 1796), 426. 5 Linnaeus, Systema Naturae, Introduction and 10. Also Londa Schiebinger, Nature\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Body: Gender in the Making of Modern Science (New Brunswich, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 2004), 23. Upon his ennoblement in 1761, Linnaeus also used and was referred to as Linn\u00C3\u00A9. 6 Carl Linn\u00C3\u00A9, Philosophia Botanica (1751), trans. Stephen Freer (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 105. All future references to this publication will be as Philosophia Botanica. Bronwyn Parry points out in Trading the genome (New York: Columbia University Press, 2004) Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sexual system of classification was not entirely \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnormative, objective, or rational. It was, rather, a regulatory system devised by Linnaeus as he \u00E2\u0080\u009Cread nature through the lens of social relations\u00E2\u0080\u009D such that his \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnew botanical \u00E2\u0080\u0098language\u00E2\u0080\u0099 integrated fundamental aspects of his own social world\u00E2\u0080\u009D (28). Parry also makes reference to Londa Schiebinger\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Nature\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Body (2004). 7 Linnaeus, Systema Naturae, \u00E2\u0080\u009CClavis Systematis Sexualis,\u00E2\u0080\u009D no page (n.p.). Also see, William T. Stearn, \u00E2\u0080\u009CAppendix: Linnaean Classification, Nomenclature and Method,\u00E2\u0080\u009D in Wilfrid Blunt, The Compleat Naturalist: A Life of Linnaeus (London: Collins, 1971), 242-249 and Amy M. King, Bloom: The Botanical Vernacular in the English Novel (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 27-28. 8 Alan Weber in Nineteenth-Century Science: A Selection of Original Texts (Peterborough: Broadview Press, 2000), 26. According to Weber and what is generally known is that Erasmus Darwin translated two of 17 of the Plants (1789), the second part of The Botanic Garden.9 In The Loves of the Plants, Darwin anthropomorphized and eroticized the vegetal kingdom by exploiting various sexual liaisons and impulses that ranged from clandestine marriages to the personification of flowers as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cvamps,\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnymphs,\u00E2\u0080\u009D and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwanton beaut[ies].\u00E2\u0080\u009D 10 These kinds of analogies extended to other realms of natural history. As Deirdre Coleman has noted concerning eighteenth-century entomology, \u00E2\u0080\u009CInsects, especially the social insects\u00E2\u0080\u0094bees, ants, termites, and wasps\u00E2\u0080\u0094[had] long been a source of fascination, rich in allegorical meanings for human life.\u00E2\u0080\u009D11 Thus, in the 1760s and 1770s the fascination with insects in terms of their social organization and productivity encouraged comparison to human social and political constructs. Put another way, just as vegetation was vital for insect nourishment, insect pollination was instrumental to fructification in the vegetal world, and as Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s works, A System of Vegetables of 1783 and The Families of Plants of 1787, writings that served as \u00E2\u0080\u0098inspiration\u00E2\u0080\u0099 for Darwin\u00E2\u0080\u0099s own The Loves of Plants (1789) and The Economy of Vegetation (1791) which are together known as Darwin\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Botanic Garden. See Maureen McNeil, Under the Banner of Science (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1987). 9 The Botanic Garden, finally published in 1791, had two parts, The Economy of Vegetation and The Loves of the Plants. 10 Fredrika J. Teute, \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Loves of the Plants; or, the Cross-Fertilization of Science and Desire at the End of the Eighteenth Century,\u00E2\u0080\u009D The Huntington Library Quarterly 63, no. 3 (2000): 319-345. 11 Deirdre Coleman, \u00E2\u0080\u009CEntertaining Entomology: Insects and Insect Performers in the Eighteenth Century,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Eighteenth-Century Life 30, no. 3 (Summer, 2006): 107-134. One social parallel for example emerges from Linnaeus in Fundamenta entomologiae, or an introduction to the knowledge of insects, trans. W. Curtis (London, 1767) where he wrote of insects that \u00E2\u0080\u009Ceach of them has its proper business assigned to it in the oeconomy and police [my emphasis] of nature\u00E2\u0080\u009D (4), a function that helped ensure Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s view in Oeconomia Naturae (1749) of the cycle of \u00E2\u0080\u009Cperpetuation,\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpreservation,\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdestruction,\u00E2\u0080\u009D and \u00E2\u0080\u009Creiteration\u00E2\u0080\u009D of species in nature. Historian Robert Stauffer in \u00E2\u0080\u009CEcology in the Long Manuscript Version of Darwin\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009Corigin of Species\u00E2\u0080\u009D and Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009COeconomy of nature,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society points out that in Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s dissertation, Politia Naturae of 1760, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpolitia\u00E2\u0080\u009D can mean both \u00E2\u0080\u0098polity\u00E2\u0080\u0099 or \u00E2\u0080\u0098police\u00E2\u0080\u0099. Stauffer quotes Linnaeus from an English translation of Politia Naturae to show how Linnaeus makes a parallel between insect and human worlds: \u00E2\u0080\u009CNature resemble[s] a well regulated state in which every individual has his proper employment and subsistence, and a proper gradation of office and officers is appointed to correct and restrain every detrimental excess\u00E2\u0080\u009D (240). As historian Lisbet Rausing cogently summarizes in \u00E2\u0080\u009CUnderwriting the Oeconomy: Linnaeus on Nature and Mind,\u00E2\u0080\u009D History of Political Economy 35, Annual Supplement (2003): 173- 203, Linnaeus saw nature as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbenign and cyclically self-regulating\u00E2\u0080\u009D by way of \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpolicing\u00E2\u0080\u009D mechanisms one of which was insects which were essential to the succession of plant communities. 18 such a highly effective and cyclical, symbiotic relationship emerged with the core allure of sexual activity. Moses Harris\u00E2\u0080\u0099s plate of The Silk-worm and Large Tyger (Figure 1.1) from his publication The Aurelian: or, natural history of English Insects of 1766 depicts moths mating on a mulberry plant\u00E2\u0080\u0099s upper leaves, insect nests affixed to the underside of a work-table, and the life cycle of Lepidoptera development. Notably, the ripening fruit on the mulberry branch marks out the vital role of insects in plant pollination and fruition just as the \u00E2\u0080\u0098silkworm\u00E2\u0080\u0099 calls up insect utility that underpins Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s thriving silk industry. In this chapter I explore tensions that I argue were generated by the Linnaean system\u00E2\u0080\u0099s explicit sexuality and as well by its numerous inconsistencies. For example, by Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s own admission the taxonomic system was \u00E2\u0080\u0098artificial\u00E2\u0080\u0099.12 In terms of botany, it was constructed arbitrarily upon one key attribute, the reproductive organs, and was meant only as a temporary solution until a more satisfactory \u00E2\u0080\u0098natural\u00E2\u0080\u0099 system could be found.13 Additionally, Linnaeus pointed to inconsistencies or exceptions that were at odds with his clear categorization. As I will argue what had the potential to trouble Britons in the last quarter of the eighteenth century were these exceptions that surfaced in relation to three 12 According to numerous historians, Linnaeus saw his artificial system as merely a \u00E2\u0080\u0098diagnostic tool.\u00E2\u0080\u0099 See Staffan M\u00C3\u00BCller-Wille, \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Love of Plants,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Nature 446 (March 15, 2007): 268 and Tore Fr\u00C3\u00A4ngsmyr, ed. Linnaeus: The Man and His Work (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983). 13 See Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s comments on \u00E2\u0080\u0098artificiality\u00E2\u0080\u0099 in James Edward Smith, A Section of the Correspondence of Linnaeus and other naturalists, from the original manuscripts (London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, and Brown, 1821), 232. From this text, in a letter to Albert Haller on April 3, 1737, Linnaeus explains that he \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnever spoke\u00E2\u0080\u009D of his \u00E2\u0080\u009Charmless sexual system\u00E2\u0080\u009D as being \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca natural method; on the contrary, in my Systema, p. 8 sect. 12, I have said, \u00E2\u0080\u0098No natural botanical system has yet been constructed; not do I contend that this system is by any mean natural...Meanwhile, till that is discovered, artificial systems are indispensable.\u00E2\u0080\u0099 And in the preface to my Genera Plantarum, sect. 9: \u00E2\u0080\u0098I do not deny that a natural method is preferable, not only to my system, but to all that have been invented\u00E2\u0080\u00A6But in the meantime artificial classification must serve as a succedaneum.\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u009D Renowned naturalists, British John Ray (1627-1705) and French Comte de Buffon (1707-1788) had not agreed with Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s arbitrary choice of pistils and stamens (that is, sexual difference as the one definitive trait that determined division into a category) as central classifiers. They argued for a natural system that saw species exhibiting affinity through various shared characteristics, not just reproductive parts. Also see Philip R. Sloan, \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Buffon-Linnaeus Controversy,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Isis 67, no. 3 (September 1976): 356-375 and James Larson, \u00E2\u0080\u009CLinnaeus and the Natural Method,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Isis 58, no. 3 (Autumn 1967): 304-320. 19 Linnaean concepts: \u00E2\u0080\u0098affinities\u00E2\u0080\u0099 or shared traits, hybrids or \u00E2\u0080\u0098mixities\u00E2\u0080\u0099, and \u00E2\u0080\u0098mutabilities\u00E2\u0080\u0099 or variations between categories. These components of Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s taxonomy through \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe lens of social relations\u00E2\u0080\u009D14 posed threats to a world that chastised deviations from the status quo and valued fixity not flux. Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Legacy New Worlds Unveiled Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sexual system of classification promised understanding and mastery of the natural world. This mastery was shown in Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s own practice where he identified 7700 plants through a simplified naming system (binomial nomenclature) that helped standardize botanical knowledge.15 His orderly method, designed to be easily applied and argued to be universally relevant, captivated eighteenth-century publics who viewed such practices as demonstrating enlightened and rational thinking. The forte of botanical knowing was its fixed methodology of observing, counting, and categorizing, one that seemed on the surface at least, to evoke a form of certainty.16 Georg 14 See Parry, Trading the genome, 27-28. Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sexual system of classification was not entirely static, that is, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnormative, objective, or rational\u00E2\u0080\u009D as Parry points out. Rather, as a method by which to classify the natural world, Linnaeus \u00E2\u0080\u009Cread nature through the lens of social relations\u00E2\u0080\u009D and as such that his botanical overview \u00E2\u0080\u009Cintegrated fundamental aspects of his own social world\u00E2\u0080\u009D (28). 15 Lys de Bray, The Art of Botanical Illustration (Bromley: Helm, 1989), 69. Linnaeus worked in Georg Clifford\u00E2\u0080\u0099s gardens at Hartekamp where he cultured his botanical interests. Influential friends such as Herman Boerhaave, a physician to Clifford and professor of Linnaeus, helped finance Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Systema Naturae. Frans Stafleu in Linnaeus and the Linnaeans (Utrecht: Oosthoek, 1971) notes that Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Species plantarum (1753) is known as the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cstarting-point book for the nomenclature of most groups of plants\u00E2\u0080\u009D (102). The two-name system for identifying plants, binomial nomenclature, named the genus (the basic unit or biological type in taxonomy) and then the species within that genus. 16 According to Nils Uddenberg in \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Origin of and the Philosophy Behind Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Sexual System\u00E2\u0080\u009D The Linnean [sic] Special Issue 8, eds. Mary Morris and Leonie Berwick (Oxford: Wiley Blackwell, 2008) this method, like that of Descartes, used traits that could be weighed, counted, and measured. Thus the tangible and visible number of stamens and pistils were keynote (46). 20 Ehret\u00E2\u0080\u0099s diagram Methodus plantarum sexualis of 1736 (Figure 1.2), published a year after Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Systema Naturae, illustrated the orderly logic of the system\u00E2\u0080\u0099s twenty-four classes according to the number and position of its stamens (male reproductive organs). In this representation, Figure 1.2, Ehret identified the various combinations of sexual organs with letters \u00E2\u0080\u0098A-Y\u00E2\u0080\u0099 to visually correspond to Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s first twenty-three classes, that is, the \u00E2\u0080\u0098Nuptiae Publicae\u00E2\u0080\u0099 (Public Marriages). These were seed bearing plants whose sexual organs were visible. The last and twenty-fourth class lettered \u00E2\u0080\u0098Z\u00E2\u0080\u0099 by Ehret was Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u0098Nuptiae Clandestinae\u00E2\u0080\u0099 (Concealed Marriages) because organs were not visible to the naked eye. These classes could then be divided into orders as determined by their female organs, or pistils. 17 For practitioners, Ehret\u00E2\u0080\u0099s drawing was a clear guide for identifying and categorizing plants by the number of their sexual organs. The image focused upon the nexus of classification, what Linnaeus called the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cessence of a plant\u00E2\u0080\u0099s flower,\u00E2\u0080\u009D in other words, the site of fertilization and fructification\u00E2\u0080\u0094the sex organs or where in Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s words \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe male genital organs strew their genital flour (pollen) on the pistil\u00E2\u0080\u0099s stigma.\u00E2\u0080\u009D18 Ehret\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Methodus sanitized and seemingly objectified Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s system into a methodical, mathematical exercise. 19 17 A plant with one stamen (andria) would be Monandria, two stamens were Diandria, three stamens were Triandria and so on. The plant with one pistil (gynia) is Monogynia-one pistil, Digynia has two pistils, Trigynia has three. In Ehret\u00E2\u0080\u0099s image, then, letter \u00E2\u0080\u009CA\u00E2\u0080\u009D denotes a plant whose flower has one stamen and one pistil and thus categorizes in Linnaean terms as Monoandria monogynia. A plant such as the Crocus, for example, is classified as Triandria monogynia, that is, a species that has three (tri) stamens (male-andria) serving one (mono) pistil (female-gynia). Plants that had a similar configuration were classified into this similar category. 18 Linnaeus, Systema Naturae, 23. 19 See Stearn, \u00E2\u0080\u009CAppendix: Linnaean Classification, Nomenclature and Method,\u00E2\u0080\u009D 242-249. 21 A plant, therefore, was classified by determining the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnumber, shape, proportion, and position\u00E2\u0080\u009D20 of the stamens and pistils within its flora. Importantly, the primary feature, the class, was determined by the number, size, and placement of the plant\u00E2\u0080\u0099s male organs, that is, the stamens or andria, from the Greek aner meaning \u00E2\u0080\u0098husband\u00E2\u0080\u0099. The sub-category of order was determined by the female pistils or gynia, whose meaning came from the Greek word, gyne, which meant \u00E2\u0080\u0098wife\u00E2\u0080\u0099.21 The system\u00E2\u0080\u0099s standardization was meant to demystify former confusions by way of a repeatable trace that could be easily followed\u00E2\u0080\u0094in Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s words: \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Ariadne thread in botany is classification, without which there is chaos.\u00E2\u0080\u009D22 At a broader level then, classifying an organism and thus assigning its identity was also dependent upon the practitioner\u00E2\u0080\u0099s ability to observe and identify sexual difference. Problematic, however, was that such categorization was challenged by shifts in understandings of difference that were both shaped and encoded by diverse eighteenth-century beliefs, biases, and conventions. Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s new taxonomy owed much to the critical inquiry of philosophers and earlier scientists. From Aristotle (384-322 BCE) and then natural philosopher Andrea Caesalpino (1519-1603), Linnaeus adopted his notion of hierarchy in the natural world, his scala natura. The concept of genus was expanded upon from the work of Swiss botanist, Gaspard Bauhin\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Pinax Theatri Botanici of 1623. Francis Bacon\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (1526-1627) focus upon observation and experiment gave impetus to Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s John Ray\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (1627-1705) classification 20 Linn\u00C3\u00A9, Philosophia Botanica, 71. 21 Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s classifying system intuitively mirrored social taxonomies, that is, a site wherein primary agency was male and the female was subordinate. Londa Schiebinger gives deeper attention to this issue in Nature\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Body: Gender in the Making of Modern Science (2004). 22 Linn\u00C3\u00A9, Philosophia Botanica, Aphorism No. 156, 113. Ariadne, from Greek myth, is associated with solving problems, that is, ways out of labyrinths, webs, or moral conflicts. Fundamental to her method was keeping a record of the process and path\u00E2\u0080\u0094the thread\u00E2\u0080\u0094which could be followed should one become confused or mired in complexities. For the naturalist, classification was the thread by which to unravel botanical knowledge. Just as Newton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s laws of gravitation established the mechanics of a heliocentric world, Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sexual system of classification simplified generative understanding of the vegetal world. 22 that he based upon affinities and differences, and in turn, influenced Linnaean tenets that focused more specifically upon these aspects to determine a species\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u0098family unit\u00E2\u0080\u0099.23 Ray\u00E2\u0080\u0099s term anthropomorpha, which meant \u00E2\u0080\u0098man-shaped\u00E2\u0080\u0099, was reconfigured by Linnaeus for his own taxonomy.24 The notion that plant and animal kingdoms shared a similar law of generation came from Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009Cgreat teacher\u00E2\u0080\u009D Holland\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Herman Boerhaave (1668- 1738).25 France\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Joseph Pitton de Tournefort (1656-1708) and Sebastian Vaillant (1669- 1722) added to Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s investigations by way of their inquiries on genus, species, and the sexual organs of flowers.26 Stephen Hales in his Vegetable Staticks published in 1727 incited debates on the purpose of pollen that opened up new considerations for Linnaean categorization. And certainly the advent of influential institutions, for example the Royal Society of London founded in 1662 or the French Acad\u00C3\u00A9mie Royale des Sciences established in 1666 which were dedicated to the pursuit and accumulation of knowledge in the natural world, did much to substantiate botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s promise of new reach and discovery.27 23 Frans Stafleu, Linnaeus and the Linnaeans (Utrecht: Oosthoek, 1971), 87 and Michael Salmon, The Aurelian Legacy (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000), 27-28. 24 Ian Tattersall and Jeffrey H. Schwartz, Extinct Humans (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2000), 22-23. Not until Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s tenth edition of Systema Naturae was Anthropomorpha replaced with the term \u00E2\u0080\u0098Primates\u00E2\u0080\u0099. 25 A. G. Morton, History of Botanical Science (London: Academic Press, 1981), 261. Linnaeus outlined his botanical theories in Fundamenta Botanica (1735) and Systema Naturae (1735), manuscripts that met publication through the patronage of botanist J. F. Gronovius and Herman Boerhaave, chair of botany and clinical medicine, both at Leiden. Morton in History of Botanical Science notes Linnaeus joined Boerhaave in the view that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cgeneration by male and female is a law common to animals and plants\u00E2\u0080\u009D (275). 26 Introductory notes from Systema Naturae of 1735 cite Sebastien Vaillant\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Sermo de Structura Florum (1718) (a treatise that established the sexual function of the pistils and stamens) as influential groundwork for Linnaeus and his formulations of a \u00E2\u0080\u0098sexual system\u00E2\u0080\u0099 of classification. 27 Peter Dear Revolutionizing the Sciences: European Knowledge and Its Ambitions, 1500-1700 (Hampshire: Palgrave, 2001), 129. An appetite for greater exploration of the natural world took its lead from seventeenth- century natural philosophy, that is, studies in physics and astronomy whose established knowledge, discipline, and inductive method seemed to conflate with the fundaments of natural history and its practices. The acquisition of natural history\u00E2\u0080\u0099s knowledge via the empirical (as suggested by Francis Bacon) was also seen to align in part with philosopher John Locke\u00E2\u0080\u0099s 1690 Essay Concerning Human Understanding, 5th ed. (London: J. Churchill, 1706) wherein evidence through experiment, sensory perception, and self-reflective criticality were encouraged. Locke\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Essay also posited new knowledge as resembling that of a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhite paper, void of all 23 Where Linnaeus differed from his predecessors, however, was in his focus upon the counting of genital organs to assign classification as established in Systema Naturae of 1735 and in his simplified two-name labeling process, binomial nomenclature, as established in Species Plantarum of 1753.28 Eminent botanist and historian William Stearn notes that Linnaeus chose Latin as his botanical language because of its association with classical scholarship, institutional power of the judiciary and church, and its widespread use throughout European countries.29 In addition, the language, considered both systematic and stable, conflated the rationality and order seen to underpin both Linnaean classification and Enlightenment ideals. The Linnaean sexual system of classification, then, promised easy access, ensured ordered stability within cataloguing the natural world, and as science historian Mary Winsor has argued, critically \u00E2\u0080\u009Cjoined naturalists together into a working community\u00E2\u0080\u009D worldwide.30 characters,\u00E2\u0080\u009D that is, a tabula rasa that was naturally equipped with \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmaterials of reason\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Book II, Ch. 1, 51). So it was with Linnaean formulations. Here, natural history emerged as a clean slate of knowledge based upon the rationale of observing, describing, and classifying\u00E2\u0080\u0094a systematic ordering of knowledge that discovered and managed relationships in the natural world. The seemingly shared interest of \u00E2\u0080\u0098science\u00E2\u0080\u0099 with natural philosophers was however, contentious terrain. Natural history\u00E2\u0080\u0099s universal appeal was its standardized method of observing and counting reproductive parts, then assigning a simplified two-name label. This stood in opposition to the \u00E2\u0080\u0098pure science\u00E2\u0080\u0099 of natural philosophy (physics, mathematics, and chemistry) that was fixed through rigorous falsification and proofs. Only later in the eighteenth century through justification by way of mathematical classification, cultural popularity, and economic prowess was botany validated as science. 28See Stafleu, Linnaeus and the Linnaeans (Utrecht: Oosthoek, 1971) and Stearn\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009CAppendix\u00E2\u0080\u009D to Wilfrid Blunt\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Compleat Naturalist (1971). Both explain that binomial nomenclature was merely a simple labeling of a \u00E2\u0080\u0098trivial name\u00E2\u0080\u0099 or nomen triviale that identified the genus (a group possessing sexual organs that were similarly constructed like fruits or flowers) and species of the lifeform. Stearn gives the example, as does Lynn Barber in The Heyday of Natural History 1820-1850 (London: Cape, 1980), of the simplifying process. For example, the milfoil plant was formerly identified as Achillea foliis duplicato-pinnatis glabris, laciniis linearibus acture laciniatis but via binomial nomenclature, it becomes Achillea millefolium. The achillea is the genus and millefolium is the species. Such simplification universalized identification and in turn made easier the global exchange of botanical information an easier process. 29 William T. Stearn, Botanical Latin, 4th ed. (Portland: Timber Press, 1992), 14-16. 30 Mary Winsor, \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Development of Linnaean Insect Classification,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Taxon 25, no. 1 (February 1967): 65. 24 While Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s unveiling of new knowledge of the natural world provoked interest and discussion, there are two aspects of his system that are key to the investigations in this chapter. Firstly, the new discourse that was contingent upon the sexual difference of reproductive organs joined the naturalist\u00E2\u0080\u0099s terrain to a Foucauldian space of \u00E2\u0080\u009Cknowledge to be gained from sex and the right to speak about it.\u00E2\u0080\u009D31 Secondly, and as I have foreshadowed in the Introduction to this chapter, this new knowledge was embedded with tensions that hinted at other relationships within the natural world, namely, one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s useful purpose or function within a system, and the notion of identity through performance and concealment or disguise. Thus, an Enlightenment thinker such as Jean Condorcet would praise the Linnaean system for making \u00E2\u0080\u009C\u00E2\u0080\u0098botany accessible as never before\u00E2\u0080\u0099,\u00E2\u0080\u009D32 but there were still critics. Problems and Tensions Throughout the century, Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s formulations met with opposition from the eminent Georges-Louis Leclerc, Comte de Buffon (1707-1788), France\u00E2\u0080\u0099s director of the Jardin du Roi (Jardin du Plantes) since 1739. Buffon denounced generalized system building, in particular Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u0098traffic in artificiality\u00E2\u0080\u0099 by way of an arbitrary focus upon \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca single characteristic [sexual difference] chosen by the taxonomist as the criterion of the class.\u00E2\u0080\u009D33 The naturalist\u00E2\u0080\u0099s seemingly random choice of reproductive parts appeared contrary to 31 Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality, trans. Robert Hurley (New York: Vintage Books, 1988), 6. 32 Jean Antoine Condorcet, Enlightenment philosopher and mathematician, in eulogizing Linnaeus at the Academie des Science, Paris as quoted in Roger L. Williams, Botanophilia in Eighteenth-Century France: the spirit of the Enlightenment (Boston: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 2001), 24. What Newton had resolved in the mechanical world, Linnaeus was seen to have provided for the material (natural) world\u00E2\u0080\u0094a logical and simplified system of order. 33 Comte de Buffon as quoted in Philip Ritterbush, Overtures to Biology: The Speculations of Eighteenth- Century Naturalists (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1964), 110. 25 scientific objectivity.34 Buffon thus argued that an artificial ordering of the natural world responded \u00E2\u0080\u009Cto a requirement of the human mind rather than a mirror of the truth of Nature.\u00E2\u0080\u009D35 Other ambivalences were raised by way of Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s florid descriptions of his system that played out uncomfortably through his botanical vernacular that clearly suggested affinities with the social world. For example in Systema Naturae, botanical \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnuptials\u00E2\u0080\u009D were celebrated in \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbridal beds\u00E2\u0080\u009D of petals.36 In Philosophia Botanica of 1751, plant parts were alarmingly human: \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe filaments the spermatic vessels; the pollen the male semen; the stigma the extremity of the female organ; the stylus the vagina; the germen the ovarium; the pericarpium the impregnated ovary; and the seeds the eggs.\u00E2\u0080\u009D37 Linnaeus could shock with his graphic detail in the English translation made available for Britons: \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe calyx could also be regarded as the lips of the cunt or the foreskin.\u00E2\u0080\u009D38 Also of note was that in the plant world, sexual relationships ranged from monogamy to polygamy, from homosexual to bisexual, and to incest. And, then there was \u00E2\u0080\u0098mixed\u00E2\u0080\u0099 sexuality, the hermaphrodite.39 Contemporaries of Linnaeus noted the ways in which Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s system transgressed social boundaries. Academician Johann Siegesbeck of St. Petersburg, denounced Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s system as \u00E2\u0080\u009C\u00E2\u0080\u0098lewd... with its loathsome harlotry\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u009D and intolerable to God.40 Anxieties over 34 Georges Louis Leclerc, Comte de Buffon, Natural history, general, and particular, Vol. 1 (Edinburgh: William Creech, 1780), viii-x. 35 Georges Louis Leclerc, Comte de Buffon, Natural history, general, and particular, 3rd ed., Vol. 2 (London: A Strahan and T. Cadell, 1791), 70. Also quoted in Williams, Botanophilia in Eighteenth-Century France, 48. 36 Linnaeus, System Naturae, 11. 37 Linn\u00C3\u00A9, Philosophia Botanica, 105. 38 As quoted in Carl Linn\u00C3\u00A9, Philosophia Botanica (1751), 105. 39Linnaeus, System Naturae, 23. 40 As quoted in Williams, Botanophilia in Eighteenth-Century France, 24. Allegedly, Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u0098revenge\u00E2\u0080\u0099 upon Johann Siegesbeck was to name a useless weed, siegesbeckia, after this critic. 26 botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s moral dissolution were further voiced by such critics as Reverend Richard Polwhele who warned that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cboys and girls botanizing together\u00E2\u0080\u009D heightened \u00E2\u0080\u009Cillicit knowledge\u00E2\u0080\u009D and sexual exploration as did touching and probing a plant\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009Corgans of unhallow\u00E2\u0080\u0099d lust.\u00E2\u0080\u009D 41 He claimed that such practice was a precursor to sexual chaos and social decay. How could a system that was meant to contain, promote as its practice the wanton inspection of genitalia in the open and unregulated outdoors and within mixed company? The Bishop of Carlisle, Reverend Goodenough clashed with botanist and founder of the Linnaean Society James Edward Smith over botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009Cgross prurience\u00E2\u0080\u009D and its questionable suitability for female study.42 Similarly, the German philosopher and naturalist Goethe was concerned that particularly young girls not be subject to the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdogma of sexuality inherent in the new science.\u00E2\u0080\u009D43 English botanist William Withering suggested in 1787 that in practicing the Linnaean system, especially in relation to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe Ladies,\u00E2\u0080\u009D it would be \u00E2\u0080\u009Cproper to drop the sexual distinctions\u00E2\u0080\u009D as the language could be too explicit.44 University of Edinburgh botanist Charles Alston (1683-1760) charged that Linnaeus misread the role of pollen and self- fertilization, asking how could stamens (males) cowering in the shadow of pistils (females) possibly fertilize them?45 In 1790, William Smellie in The Philosophy of Nature had summed 41 Richard Polwhele, The Unsex\u00E2\u0080\u0099d Females: a poem, addressed to the author of The pursuits of literature. By the Rev. Richard Polewhele. To which is added, a sketch of the private and public character of P. Pindar. (Re- printed by Wm. Cobbett, New York, 1800), 10. Polwhele\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (Polewhele) surname is spelled both ways in documents. 42 Reverend Samuel Goodenough to James Smith in January of 1808 as quoted in Stearn\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009CAppendix\u00E2\u0080\u009D to Wilfrid Blunt, The Compleat Naturalist, 245. Also cited and quoted in Brent Elliot, \u00E2\u0080\u009CEngland\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Linnaeus,\u00E2\u0080\u009D The Linnean Special Issue 8, eds. Mary J. Morris and Leonie Berwick (Oxford: Wiley Blackwell, 2008), 125. 43 As quoted by Stearn, \u00E2\u0080\u009CAppendix,\u00E2\u0080\u009D 245. 44 William Withering, A Botanical Arrangement of British Plants, Vol. 1 (Birmingham, 1787), xv. 45 Schiebinger, Nature\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Body, 29. 27 up decades of discontent when he attacked the system as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbeyond all decent limits.\u00E2\u0080\u009D46 Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sexual classification of plants then, provided a forum wherein practitioners could speculate and debate about sexuality\u00E2\u0080\u0094their own, that of others, and of course, even plants\u00E2\u0080\u0094 but it was contentious, discursive terrain. A particular area of concern was that Linnaeus candidly exposed unanticipated affinities or \u00E2\u0080\u0098relatedness\u00E2\u0080\u0099 of species within genera. In Figure 1.3, Clavis Systematis Sexualis or \u00E2\u0080\u009CKey of the Sexual System\u00E2\u0080\u009D from the tenth edition of Systema Naturae, Linnaeus designated some classes as \u00E2\u0080\u009CDIFFINITAS\u00E2\u0080\u009D or without affinity and others as \u00E2\u0080\u009CAFFINITAS\u00E2\u0080\u009D or with affinity. For those species with \u00E2\u0080\u0098affinity\u00E2\u0080\u0099, Linnaeus uses the term \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccoherent inter,\u00E2\u0080\u009D that is, to unite together or cohere and relate as in \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbrotherhoods,\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u009Cconfederate males,\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfeminine males,\u00E2\u0080\u009D and even \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpolygamies\u00E2\u0080\u009D\u00E2\u0080\u0094in other words, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cstamens cohere\u00E2\u0080\u009D with various others.\u00E2\u0080\u009D47 In Philosophia Botanica of 1751 he proposed that \u00E2\u0080\u009Crelated [plants] agree in habit, manner of reproduction, properties, potencies and use.\u00E2\u0080\u009D48 This notion of \u00E2\u0080\u0098relatedness\u00E2\u0080\u0099 was seen to have developed through generations of reproductive processes that seemed to have adapted to various threats such as climate, predators, or pestilence. Clearly, the thought of adaptation and its social parallels would raise anxious responses from Britons where a fixed 46 William Smellie, The philosophy of natural history (Edinburgh: Charles Elliot, 1790), 248. 47 Figure 1.3 is the Latinized form. The English translation comes by way of Erasmus Darwin, \u00E2\u0080\u009CKey of the Sexual System,\u00E2\u0080\u009D The Families of Plants (Lichfield: Botanical Society of Lichfield, 1787), lxxvii. It can also be found in Carl von Linn\u00C3\u00A9, Caroli Linnaeu Systema Naturae; a photographic facsimile of the first volume of the tenth edition (1758) (London: British Museum, 1939). Many contemporary publications have copies, ranging from Linnaean scholar Frans Stafleu\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Linnaeus and the Linnaeans: The spreading of their ideas in systematic botany,1735-1789 (Utrecht: Oosthoek, 1971) to Janet Browne\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009CBotany for Gentlemen: Erasmus Darwin and \u00E2\u0080\u0098The Loves of the Plants\u00E2\u0080\u0099,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Isis 80, no. 4 (December 1989): 592-621. 48 Linn\u00C3\u00A9, Philosophia Botanica, 149. He also recognizes here that \u00E2\u0080\u009Caffinities\u00E2\u0080\u009D could be a problem (149). 28 chain of being was prescribed to by a wide cultural spectrum.49 Relatedness or affinity was developed further in Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Genera plantarum of 1764 when he posited that \u00E2\u0080\u009CNature blended the Genera whence [came] as many species\u00E2\u0080\u00A6 and Chance blended the Species.\u00E2\u0080\u009D50 This dictum endorsed affinity to suggest that Nature, not the Creator, did the \u00E2\u0080\u0098blending\u00E2\u0080\u0099 to produce species. The issue of affinity or relatedness then, also subtly suggested that a species could have possibly arisen not at the moment of creation, but afterwards via hybridization. 51 Hybridization in turn implied that a species had shown the ability to adapt or acclimatize to conditions within the natural world in order ensure further generation. That Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s contemporary, polymath Erasmus Darwin said as much in his various natural history writings throughout the eighteenth century did much to fuel concerns over affinity, notions of adaptability, and evolutionary trace.52 Despite Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s own admission that he was merely \u00E2\u0080\u009CGod\u00E2\u0080\u0099s registrar,\u00E2\u0080\u009D53 his formulations raised a number of tensions and contradictions for contemporaries. At one level his system challenged conventional religious belief, in other words, God\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Omnipotent perfection and purity. For example, Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s system deemed the essence of the plant, its 49 See Daniel J. Boorstin, The Discoverers: A History of Man\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Search to Know his World and Himself (New York: Random House, 1983), 457-459 and Arthur Lovejoy, The Great Chain of Being: s study of the history of an idea (Cambridge: Mass: Harvard University Press, 1964), 189-203. 50 Carolus Linnaeus, Species Plantarum. A. facsim. Of the 1st ed., 1753. With an introduction by W. T. Stearn. trans. William Stearn (London: Ray Society, 1957) as cited in Frans Stafleu, Linnaeus and the Linnaeans, 136. 51 Ibid. According to Stafleu, Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s phrase \u00E2\u0080\u009Cgenericas has miscuit Natura,\u00E2\u0080\u009D the use of \u00E2\u0080\u0098miscere\u00E2\u0080\u0099 is taken as \u00E2\u0080\u0098hybridize\u00E2\u0080\u0099. While Linnaeus at this point cannot be called an evolutionist, the seeming mutability and fluidity of generative processes suggests that ideas of adaptation and natural selection are the \u00E2\u0080\u0098future improvements\u00E2\u0080\u0099 borne out by the knowledge he knew would be refined by discoveries of other naturalists. 52 Erasmus Darwin\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Economy of Vegetation (one part of The Botanic Garden of 1791) and Zoonomia (1794) both refer to issues of \u00E2\u0080\u0098evolution\u00E2\u0080\u0099 that I later address. Furthermore, Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s included man and apes in the same order of Anthropomorpha, and this did much to intensify concerns around the nature of man\u00E2\u0080\u0099s relatedness or \u00E2\u0080\u0098affinity\u00E2\u0080\u0099 to other species. 53Adolf Koelsch, in the title of an article in Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, 1928 as cited in Heinz Goerke, Linnaeus, trans. Denver Lindley (New York: Charles Scribner\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Sons, 1973), 115. 29 fructification, as essential, that is, invariable and constant because, as acknowledged by Linnaeus in Systema Naturae, the plant was determined through God\u00E2\u0080\u0099s divine hand.54 The deference to God\u00E2\u0080\u0099s mastery appealed to some skeptics, but raised concerns for others engaged by the new taxonomy. If Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s system was merely a \u00E2\u0080\u009Claying bare the totality of God\u00E2\u0080\u0099s work,\u00E2\u0080\u009D55 then how could some plants lack the essential organs that were supposed to be Divinely ordained to all? And how were these and other exceptions in God\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Handiwork to be reasoned, for example, where a plant had male and female organs concurrently?56 For that matter, how could Divine workmanship that was based upon a fixed chain of being allow for such formulations as those in Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Fundamenta Botanica of 1736 that logically posited plants and animals (including insects) as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cequal...[in] origin, nutrition, aging, disease, death, movement, internal propulsion of fluids, and general anatomy?\u00E2\u0080\u009D57 If such sweeping equanimity was ordained through God\u00E2\u0080\u0099s perfection and merely recorded by Linnaeus, then how could fault be found or exclusion imposed upon any variations or irregularities? Put another way, exceptions or those inconsistencies to encoded belief and the possible porous borders that could affect classification processes\u00E2\u0080\u0094in particular, in relation to social parallels of modern class or gender divides\u00E2\u0080\u0094unsettled worlds in want of fixed grids. Linnaean categorization then, in terms of sexual difference and in terms of what constituted exceptions and affinities or lack thereof, was complicated in that its definition arose out of a decidedly western European perception of the norm, an interpretation that 54 Linnaeus, Systema Naturae, 18. Also see Williams, Botanophilia in Eighteenth-Century France, 24. In later years Linnaeus was to be less driven by the notion of fixity. 55 James Burke, The Day the Universe Changed (Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1985), 313. 56 See Seth Lindroth, \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Two Faces of Linnaeus,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Linnaeus: The Man and His Work, ed. Tore Fr\u00C3\u00A4ngsmyr (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983), 1-63. 57 Linnaeus, Fundamenta Botanica (1736) as quoted in Philip Ritterbush, Overtures to Biology: The Speculations of Eighteenth-Century Naturalists (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1964), 110. 30 collided with understandings within wider global cultural contexts. Certainly different cultures had varied interpretations or understandings of a range of concepts extending from issues of sexuality and gender to that of family and community, or of notions of value and utility. Indeed in Systema Naturae of 1735, Linnaeus seemed to defy notions of difference by positioning Man and animal in the same family order of Anthropomorpha,58 a troubling concept for those who wanted familiar boundaries that distinguished the human from the bestial. Some comfort was found in Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s own admission in Systema Naturae that the system was not ideal, but that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cas long as a natural system is lacking, artificial systems will definitely be needed.\u00E2\u0080\u009D59 Natural history framed a world of mutable proportion, a world whose difference and variation was held in tension by taxonomy\u00E2\u0080\u0099s thread of logic and precision. Nonetheless, the simplicity and clarity of the system were challenged by troubling exceptions, unusual affinities, hybridities, and fluctuations or mutabilities within the natural world. These shifts and changes could suggest, I argue, that modernity\u00E2\u0080\u0099s own fluctuations and transformations lay at the very heart of the new natural history. Caricature and Linnaean Affinities: The Naturalist as \u00E2\u0080\u0098Macaroni\u00E2\u0080\u0099 In the last quarter of the eighteenth century, anxieties around the Linnaean system surface most obviously in the visual realm of caricature. Caricature appealed to middle and upper class appetites for celebrity\u00E2\u0080\u0094that is, the consuming of fashion and notoriety that fed 58 Linnaeus placed man and orangutan in the same (genus) (Homo sapiens and Homo troglodytes, respectively). See Linnaeus, Systema Naturae, \u00E2\u0080\u009CObservations of the Animal Kingdom.\u00E2\u0080\u009D 59 Linnaeus, Systema Naturae, 23. Tore Fr\u00C3\u00A4ngsmyr in Linnaeus and the Linnaeans (1971) quotes Linnaeus that \u00E2\u0080\u009CNatural orders without a key do not constitute a method. And so an artificial method has only diagnostic value since it is not possible or it is hardly possible to find the key to the natural method\u00E2\u0080\u009D (135). 31 desires to be seen yet distanced from society\u00E2\u0080\u0099s lower orders. Social and political satires were loaded with scathing wit, intemperate mockery, exaggerated physical features, and foibles laid bare. And at their foundation was a censure meant to inform as well as reform. Through hyperbole, the caricature attacked the fa\u00C3\u00A7ade of cosmopolitan savior faire and decried its appetite for sensation and exposure. Albeit often associated with less refined tastes, caricatures had wide appeal for their readability, their affordability,60 and their ability to circulate much like the topics and names in the news that caricatures referenced.61 This thesis will ultimately examine several caricatures produced in the last quarter of the eighteenth century. In particular a subset that satirized the cultural phenomenon of the \u00E2\u0080\u0098macaroni\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u0094fashionable gentlemen and aristocrats associated with both foreign travel and loose sexual morals\u00E2\u0080\u0094provide an arena where public perceptions of Linnaean classification could be conflated with modern concerns around sexuality, masculinity, and the modern British nation. 60 Constance Simon in English Furniture Designers of the Eighteenth Century (London: B. T. Batsford, 1907) points out production and costs in relation to printmaker Matthew Darly, for example, who started his career by publishing the \u00E2\u0080\u009Chumorous sketches\u00E2\u0080\u009D of several artists (namely Henry Bunbury and George Townshend). In 1776 Simon reports, Darly produced a comprehensive series called \u00E2\u0080\u009C\u00E2\u0080\u0098Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s comic prints of Characters, Caricatures and Macaronies\u00E2\u0080\u0099 by Bunbury, Darly, Sandby, Topham and others,\u00E2\u0080\u009D that sold for \u00C2\u00A34 4s a set. Given that these productions were conventionally of at least twenty prints as noted by historian Tim Clayton in The English Print 1688-1802 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997) and that at this time the pound sterling was worth 20 shillings according to Roy Porter in English Society in the Eighteenth Century (London: Penguin, 1982), 317, it would seem that the macaroni caricatures were relatively inexpensive. 61 Aileen Ribeiro, \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Macaronis,\u00E2\u0080\u009D History Today 28, no. 7 (July 1978): 463-468. On caricature see Diana Donald\u00E2\u0080\u0099s publications The Age of Caricature (London: Yale University Press, 1996) and Followers of Fashion (London: Hayward Gallery, 2002). Stella Tillyard in \u00E2\u0080\u009CCelebrity in 18th Century London,\u00E2\u0080\u009D History Today 55, no. 6 (June 2005) points out that caricature, a popular print form that mocked diverse aspects of contemporaneous British culture in the eighteenth century, gained momentum when the Licensing Act lapsed in 1695. What that meant was the controls on the number of printing presses, publications, and practitioners in the printing business eased and as a result an extensive print culture flourished and in turn made for a more informed middle class. Weak laws around personal libel allowed for \u00E2\u0080\u009Calmost anything\u00E2\u0080\u009D to be written about \u00E2\u0080\u009Calmost anyone,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Tillyard notes, and by the 1750s even high-profile public figures were vilified and openly referred to by their actual names, initials, or titles. Private life became a public commodity and celebrity antics and extravagances provided both escape from and defiance to everyday life. 32 In Britain, the name \u00E2\u0080\u0098macaroni\u00E2\u0080\u0099 initially referred to predominately moneyed young aristocrats and social elites returned home from their prescribed Grand Tour.62 The Macaroni Club, which they subsequently established, was named as an in-joke after a cheap pasta dish and in opposition to the aging British patriots who frequented a club called the Sublime Society of Steaks.63 The macaronis were mocked for their continental dress of \u00E2\u0080\u009Chats, feathers, [and] long curls,\u00E2\u0080\u009D64 and these references to continental fashion carried over to notions of feminization that were at odds with constructions of masculinity in the British 62 Wealth financed Grand Tours for these young aristocrats. The purpose of the Tour was promoted as pedagogical, that is, meant to offer up the sophistication and culture of Italy and France. J. H. Plumb in Men and Places (London: Cresset Press, 1963) identifies the Tour as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe most expensive form of education ever devised by European society\u00E2\u0080\u009D (57). Laurence Sterne\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009CSermon on the Prodigal Son\u00E2\u0080\u009D from The Sermons of Mr. Yorick, Vol. 3 (Altenburgh: Bottl. Richter, 1777) suggests that such travel was also meant to release young men from the effeminizing \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctenderness\u00E2\u0080\u009D of their mothers, aunts, and grandmothers and expose them to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwholesome hardship\u00E2\u0080\u009D (60-62). Also quoted in Mich\u00C3\u00A8le Cohen\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Fashioning Masculinity (London: Routledge, 1996), 58. Cohen also credits Richard Lassels in his 1670 publication The Voyage of Italy as the first to call this practice the \u00E2\u0080\u0098Grand Tour\u00E2\u0080\u0099 (54). Deirdre Lynch\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009COverloaded Portraits\u00E2\u0080\u009D in Body and Text in the Eighteenth Century (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1994), identifies that during the 1700s in Britain there was a fashion for portraits and caricatures in Italian settings which Lynch claims \u00E2\u0080\u009Cstarted England\u00E2\u0080\u0099s caricature craze [and] enabled print sellers to profit from the vanity of well-to-do amateur\u00E2\u0080\u009D travelers (119). 63 Giuseppe Marco Antonio Baretti in Easy phraseology, for the use of young ladies, who intend to learn the colloquial part of the Italian language (London: G. Robinson, PaterRow, 1775) noted the macaroni\u00E2\u0080\u0099s pompous and affected dress, in Baretti\u00E2\u0080\u0099s words, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdi vestire pomposamente assettato\u00E2\u0080\u009D and characterized the maccherone as \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca man of gross understanding, a dolt, a fool, a vulgar fellow\u00E2\u0080\u009D (39-40). Baretti, Secretary for Foreign Correspondence to the Royal Academy of Painting, Sculpture, and Architecture, explained that \u00E2\u0080\u0098maccherone\u00E2\u0080\u0099 grew out of a Newmarket club of young men who boasted of their continental travel, shunned the Beefsteak Club, and adopted macaroni, a dish \u00E2\u0080\u0098so cheap [it was] considered a very gross and vulgar food\u00E2\u0080\u0099. Historian Paul Langford in A Polite and Commercial People (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989) notes that the Sublime Society of Steaks club was also called \u00E2\u0080\u0098The Beefsteak Club\u00E2\u0080\u0099: \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe macaronis took their origin from a society of enthusiasts for Italian culture who were determined to display their contempt for the values of an opposing club, the Beefsteak Club\u00E2\u0080\u009D (576). 64 Horace Walpole, Horace Walpole\u00E2\u0080\u0099s correspondence with Henry Seymour Conway, Lady Ailesbury, Lord and Lady Hertford, Mrs. Harris (1764) ed. W. S. Lewis, Vol. 38 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1974), 306. This reference is to be found in a letter of February 6, 1764 from Horace Walpole to the Earl of Hertford. According to Diana Donald in Followers of Fashion (London: Hayward Gallery, 2002), sumptuary laws that once encoded dress codes and meant to control what people wore, protect domestic production, and encode class rank had long dissipated by the mid-eighteenth century. Nonetheless, fashion was thought to be \u00E2\u0080\u009Cintrinsically harmful to society\u00E2\u0080\u00A6treacherously seductive, irrational, and fickle\u00E2\u0080\u009D\u00E2\u0080\u00A6and \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctaste was given a moral tone\u00E2\u0080\u009D (10-15). Such outward fa\u00C3\u00A7ade and preoccupation with fashion was seen as a female preoccupation and thus that association with macaroni excess held uncomfortable overtones for Britain whose involvements in the Seven Years War raised anxieties in relation to these \u00E2\u0080\u009Cunmanly\u00E2\u0080\u009D men and their questionable readiness to defend the nation. Also see Diana Donald, The Age of Caricature (London: Yale University Press, 1996), 75-83 and Miles Ogborn, Spaces of Modernity: London\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Geographies, 1680-1780 (London: The Guilford Press, 1998), 133-143. 33 nation.65 In other words, macaroni fashion excess challenged the discreet black attire that defined self-disciplined and patriotic gentry, and worried a nation whose political and economic security was understood to rely upon manly action and productivity. In question as well was the well-travelled macaroni\u00E2\u0080\u0099s loyalty to the British Crown. This was evoked in Robert Hitchcock\u00E2\u0080\u0099s play, The Macaroni of 1773 when the character, Lord Promise, summed up society\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sentiments in his complaint about a young macaroni named Epicene: \u00E2\u0080\u009CI wanted you to be a man of spirit\u00E2\u0080\u00A6 but I see you\u00E2\u0080\u00A6shew the world what a contemptible creature an Englishman dwindles into, when he adopts the follies and vices of other nations.\u00E2\u0080\u009D66 That the period\u00E2\u0080\u0099s most prominent and outspoken macaroni, Charles Fox, was not only a radical Whig politician but also a critic of the monarchical policies of George III and a supporter of the American and later French revolutions, exacerbated associations between the macaroni and critiques of the nation.67 65 I expand upon these aspects of the macaroni later in this chapter. Much has been written on the phenomenon of the macaroni: Aileen Ribeiro in History Today (July 1978), Miles Ogborn\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Spaces of Modernity (1998), and Philip Carter\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009CMen About Town: Representations of Foppery and Masculinity in Early Eighteenth-Century Urban Society\u00E2\u0080\u009D in Gender in Eighteenth-Century England, eds. Hannah Barker and Elaine Chalus (New York: Addison Wesley Longman Ltd., 1997). For gender ambiguity, masculinity, and the effeminate see Dror Wahrman\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Making of the Modern Self: Identity and Culture in the Eighteenth-Century (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004), Karen Harvey, \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe History of Masculinity, circa 1650-1800,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Journal of British Studies 44 (April 2005), Mich\u00C3\u00A8le Cohen\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Fashioning Masculinity: National Identity and Language in the Eighteenth Century (London: Routledge, 1996) and Philip Carter\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Men and the Emergence of Polite Society: Britain 1660-1800 (London: Longman, 2001). 66 Robert Hitchcock, The Macaroni. A comedy. (York: A. Ward, 1773), 5. The play\u00E2\u0080\u0099s critique of macaroni serves as a resource for many eighteenth-century historians such as Philip Carter in Men and the Emergence of Polite Society: Britain 1660-1800 (2001), Mich\u00C3\u00A8le Cohen in Fashioning Masculinity: National Identity and Language in the Eighteenth Century (1996), and Alan Bewell in \u00E2\u0080\u009CA Passion that Transforms,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Figuring It Out, eds. Ann B. Shteir and Bernard Lightman (Hanover, New Hampshire: Darmouth College Press, 2006). 67Linnaean natural history would also be seen to raise republicanism and revolution that would emerge in the 1790s in caricature. See my discussion in Chapter Four of James Gillray\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The South Sea Caterpillar (1796). Fox\u00E2\u0080\u0099s activities are noted in Norman Pearson in Society Sketches in the Eighteenth Century (London: Edward Arnold, 1911), 245-248, and Dorothy George in Hogarth to Cruikshank: Social Change in Graphic Satire, (New York: Walker and Company, 1967), 59. Fox\u00E2\u0080\u0099s penchant for red shoes was said to be inspired by Charlemagne who reputedly wore scarlet leather shoes when crowned Emperor. Historian Pearson also indicates that Fox was a notorious gambler, and even the \u00C2\u00A3154,000 that Fox\u00E2\u0080\u0099s friend Lord Holland left in his will for the payment of Fox\u00E2\u0080\u0099s debts was only of \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctemporary\u00E2\u0080\u009D assistance (247). These excesses were perceived as irresponsible and morally weak especially a time when Britons were crippled by national taxation and huge 34 Mocked then for lavish hairdos, elaborate tricorn hats, and overdress the macaroni was the butt of jokes, plays, and satirical commentary. By 1771, printmaker Matthew Darly took up the macaroni as a subject in a series of six sets of caricatures.68 Indeed, Darly dubbed his new locale at 39 Strand Street as \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Macaroni Print-Shop\u00E2\u0080\u009D and both this site and a display of his macaroni satires are clearly featured in one of his prints of 1772 (Figure 1.4).69 While Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s series of macaroni caricatures represented a wide gamut of characters\u00E2\u0080\u0094 bakers, lawyers, auctioneers, artisans, gamblers, bankers and politicians\u00E2\u0080\u0094he devoted several to well known naturalists.70 One published in 1773 by Darly, The Aurelian Macaroni (Figure 1.5) depicts a youthful naturalist, an aurelian or butterfly collector replete with clap net and displaying a print of lepidoptera specimens. The naturalist is garbed in a vest with snail shell wartime debt, uncertainties around naval fleets and shipping depots, and urban poverty and disease. For Fox\u00E2\u0080\u0099s politics see Jeremy Black, George III: America\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Last King (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006), 244- 263; Linda Colley, Britons: Forging the Nation 1701-1837 (London: Pimlico, 2003), 208, 244; and, Paul Langford, A Polite and Commercial People: England, 1727-1783 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), 685-687. Matthew Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s caricature, \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Original Macaroni\u00E2\u0080\u009D of 1772 (British Musem Collection # or BMC #5010) is of Charles Fox. 68 On Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s publication of macaroni caricatures see Fredric George Stephens and M. Dorothy George, Catalogue of Political and Personal Satires: Preserved in the Department of Prints and Drawings in the British Museum, Vol. I-XI (London: British Museum Publications Ltd., 1870-1954). Volumes IV-VII in this publication that range from 1761-1800 address over 5800 prints, among them the macaronis. Specific macaroni types are addressed in Amelia Rauser\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Caricature Unmasked (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 2008); Gillian Russell, \u00E2\u0080\u009CEntertainment of Oddities\u00E2\u0080\u009D in A New Imperial History, ed. Kathleen Wilson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004); and, Shearer West, \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Darly Macaroni Prints and the Politics of \u00E2\u0080\u0098Private Man\u00E2\u0080\u0099,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Eighteenth-Century Life 25 (Spring 2001). 69 For detailed reference to the print known as \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Macaroni Print Shop\u00E2\u0080\u009D see the comprehensive catalogue and commentary of Frederic George Stephens, Catalogue of Prints and Drawings in the British Museum Vol. IV (1883), 784-786. 70 Matthew Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s other \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnaturalist\u00E2\u0080\u009D macaronis include: \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Fly-Catching Macaroni\u00E2\u0080\u009D July 12, 1772 (BMC 4695) of Sir Joseph Banks; \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Simpling Macaroni\u00E2\u0080\u009D July 13, 1772 (BMC 4696) of Daniel Solander; \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Botanic Macaroni\u00E2\u0080\u009D November 14, 1772 (BMC 5046) of Sir Joseph Banks; \u00E2\u0080\u009CNo. XXV, Miss B\u00E2\u0080\u0094N and No. XXVI, The Circumnavigator\u00E2\u0080\u009D Oct. 1, 1773 (BMC 5146) of Joseph Banks and his mistress; and, \u00E2\u0080\u009CA Polite Artist on St. Luke\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Day\u00E2\u0080\u009D Oct. 18, 1773 (BMC 5168) of botanist, John Hill. Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s various macaroni representations also include butchers and bakers, the military, artists, libertines, equestrians, lady macaronis, politicians, and kings. For discussion of lawyers and auctioneers see Shearer West and British Museum website on caricature. Mary Dorothy George\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Catalogue of Political and Personal Satires, Vol. 5-11 (1935-1954) is a remarkably diverse and comprehensive documentation of prints and drawings, and the historical context of each and their themes. Volumes 5-11 cover 12,500 prints between 1771 and 1832. 35 buttons and a butterfly-like tricorn hat from which protrude locks of curly hair that are in fact, caterpillars or aureola.71 Caricature in the eighteenth century worked on many levels depending on the viewer\u00E2\u0080\u0099s interest, knowledge base, and proclivities, and The Aurelian Macaroni offered a range of associations for consumers and viewers. At its most obvious level Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s caricature brings into conjunction the current fashion for natural history, in this case, moth and butterfly collecting and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe macaroni\u00E2\u0080\u009D whose association with fashionable excess led to these macaroni prints becoming \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfashionable\u00E2\u0080\u009D in themselves.72 Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Aurelian Macaroni referenced a prominent contributor to the field. As art historian, M. Dorothy George and others have noted, the caricature satirized the well-known Linnaean entomologist Moses Harris73 whose major study, The Aurelian: or, natural history 71 These features of the print have been noted in M. Dorothy George, Catalogue of Political and Personal Satires, Vol. V (1935). Also see Alan Bewell, \u00E2\u0080\u009CA Passion that Transforms,\u00E2\u0080\u009D (2006) and Amelia Rauser, Caricature Unmasked, (2008). To some viewers the locks of curly hair may call up unsettling associations with fashionable actress Dorothy Jordan who was renowned for a similar \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmop of brown curls,\u00E2\u0080\u009D a potent sign of both her female sexual identity and her ability as a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnatural\u00E2\u0080\u009D performer who easily morphed into roles of masculine gender according to historian Gill Perry in \u00E2\u0080\u009CStaging Gender and \u00E2\u0080\u009CHairy Signs\u00E2\u0080\u009D: Representing Dorothy Jordan\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Curls,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Eighteenth-Century Studies 38, no.1 (2004): 145-163. 72 Rauser, Caricature Unmasked, 63. 73 George, Catalogue of Political and Personal Satires, Vol. V, 134. Also see Michael Salmon, The Aurelian Legacy (2000) and Alan Bewell, \u00E2\u0080\u009CA Passion That Transforms,\u00E2\u0080\u009D (2006). George points out that Moses Harris (1730-1788), officer of the Aurelian Society and entomological illustrator, was the subject of Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s satire. Harris\u00E2\u0080\u0099s was not the first publication on insects. Eleazar Albin published the first English book on butterflies and moths, A Natural History of English Insects (1720). Of note in Harris\u00E2\u0080\u0099s preface to The Aurelian is the customary author\u00E2\u0080\u0099s apology for a \u00E2\u0080\u0098humble\u00E2\u0080\u0099 study. As quoted in Harry B. Weiss, \u00E2\u0080\u009CTwo Entomologists of the Eighteenth Century\u00E2\u0080\u0094Eleazar Albin and Moses Harris\u00E2\u0080\u009D, The Scientific Monthly, December, 1926, Harris wondered \u00E2\u0080\u009Cto whom such apology should be made,\u00E2\u0080\u009D since those who object \u00E2\u0080\u009Care generally men of small capacity and low wit, having a mean conception of things in general\u00E2\u0080\u009D(563). While his apology pays homage to the customary practice that prefaced such publications, his acerbic tone would seem to accent an independence that underscored the marginality of aurelians and macaronis. Of further note is that Harris\u00E2\u0080\u0099s aurelian interests led to his formulations around a system of colours and a colour wheel. According to Robert O\u00E2\u0080\u0099Hara in Picturing Knowledge: Historical and Philosophical Problems Concerning the Use of Art in Science (Toronto: Toronto University Press, 1996), Harris\u00E2\u0080\u0099s theoretical model of concentric colour circles earned him the moniker of the \u00E2\u0080\u0098first discoverer of a regular system of colours\u00E2\u0080\u0099. Harris isolated red, yellow and blue as principle colors; the blending of those colours led to the mediate colours were of orange, purple and green. Harris\u00E2\u0080\u0099s theory argued that from principle colors, all other colours originated. More importantly his color observations resulted in a theory of subtraction in colour, that is, by mixing all three principal colours, one gets black. This theory emerged from his observation of the \u00E2\u0080\u0098affinity\u00E2\u0080\u0099 and blending of colours in the scales of butterfly and other insect\u00E2\u0080\u0099s wings. 36 of English Insects; namely, Moths and Butterflies, together with the Plants on which they Feed published in 1766 was considered \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe most splendid of all English entomological books.\u00E2\u0080\u009D74 Harris\u00E2\u0080\u0099s work not only linked the study of butterflies to plants and the botanical world, but demonstrated the interdependence of their respective generative processes.75 And while the engravings he produced for the publication underscored the symbiotic links between botany and entomology, it was the frontispiece to his publication The Aurelian, in fact a self-portrait featuring Harris (Figure1.6) sitting in nature in gentlemanly dress with a butterfly clap-net on his knees and a box of butterflies in his hand, that shares a resonance with Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Aurelian Macaroni.76 In contrast to the self-satisfied pose of the gentleman scholar that characterizes Harris\u00E2\u0080\u0099s frontispiece of 1766, Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s caricature of the aurelian evokes a naturalist who is both pampered and effete. Such languor, perhaps, is designed to mock the \u00E2\u0080\u0098universal\u00E2\u0080\u0099 accessibility of Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s practices to even the most leisured of fashionable moderns. 74 Moses Harris, The Aurelian: or, natural history of English insects; namely, moths and butterflies. Together with the plants on which they feed; and their standard names, as given and established by the Society of Aurelians. Draw, engraved and coloured, from the natural subjects themselves. (London, 1766), 3, 28. Further references to this publication of Moses Harris will be truncated to The Aurelian. According to Sharon Valiant in \u00E2\u0080\u009CMaria Sibylla Merian: Recovering an Eighteenth-Century Legend,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Eighteenth-Century Studies 26, no. 3 (Spring 1993), Harris\u00E2\u0080\u0099s publication originally had forty-one plates drawn, engraved and hand-coloured by Harris and was considered \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe most splendid of all English entomological books\u00E2\u0080\u009D (473). 75 Historian of science Mary Winsor has observed in \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Development of Linnaean Insect Classification,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Taxon 25, no. 1 (February 1976) that Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s classification of insects \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdisplayed as much or more concern with natural relations as with purely logical systematization,\u00E2\u0080\u009D that is, the interconnectedness between Linnaean kingdoms and thus the relationships here between the insect and vegetal worlds (61). Philip Ritterbush in Overtures to Biology (1964) observes the parallels between the vegetal and entomological worlds by noting that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbuds of flowers were held to be analogous to the pupal stages of insects,\u00E2\u0080\u009D thus underscoring fundamental truths around development in the natural world, whether botanical or entomological (116). 76Dorothy George\u00E2\u0080\u0099s in Catalogue of Political and Personal Satires (1935) acknowledged the link between the caricature and the frontispiece. This point has subsequently been made in such works as Alan Bewell\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009CA Passion that Transforms\u00E2\u0080\u009D (2006). The frontispiece is signed by Moses Harris and considered a self-portrait, especially since all the engravings within this publication were \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdrawn, engraved, and coloured by the author\u00E2\u0080\u009D according to historian Harry B. Weiss in \u00E2\u0080\u009CTwo Entomologists of the Eighteenth Century\u00E2\u0080\u0094Eleazar Albin and Moses Harris,\u00E2\u0080\u009D The Scientific Monthly 23, no. 6 (December 1926). Also see Michael A. Salmon, The Aurelian Legacy, 32. In addition, Michael Salmon gives explanation of the use of clap nets and racket nets. 37 Similar to the aureolus, that is, the transformative cocoon stage of the butterfly, this satirical figure invites viewers to contemplate his transitory state. The butterfly collector is mobile, but not quite; his eye engages, but with the vacant interest of being seen rather than catching the butterflies which he apparently seeks. The printed illustration in his hand might point to the specimens that are his goal, but the empty net suggests fruitless efforts. He is in \u00E2\u0080\u0098the field\u00E2\u0080\u0099 so to speak, but out of place in the fashionable attire of the macaroni\u00E2\u0080\u0094ultra-chic snug breeches, fitted stockings, buckle shoes, silk vest over ruffle-cuffed shirt, bagwig, and tricorn hat. We might assume he is involved in butterfly collecting, but could this dandy\u00E2\u0080\u0099s languorous pose and open disheveled shirt point to the macaroni\u00E2\u0080\u0099s association with loose sexual morals, that is, what popular accounts have described as his \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwench[ing] without passion\u00E2\u0080\u009D during Grand Tour exploits? 77 Or does the erotic tension reference critique of both Harris\u00E2\u0080\u0099s and Linnaean concerns with sexual classification and activity as a part of the penetration of and mastery over the natural world? But is fashionable excess the flashpoint for both this pastiche of collecting in the natural world\u00E2\u0080\u0099s three Kingdoms and the macaroni\u00E2\u0080\u0099s social visibility? While literary historian, Alan Bewell has observed that Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Aurelian Macaroni expresses \u00E2\u0080\u009Canxieties about the dangers of the naturalist collector whose relationship to butterflies is linked to exoticism, luxury, and gender-crossing,\u00E2\u0080\u009D78 the significance of these anxieties and how they are raised by the image requires investigation. 77 The Repository: or Treasury of politics and literature, Vol. 1 (London, 1771), 75. 78 Bewell, \u00E2\u0080\u009CA Passion That Transforms,\u00E2\u0080\u009D 41. Also see Diana Donald, Followers of Fashion (London: Hayward Gallery, 2002). 38 Unsettling Associations As a leading aurelian, Moses Harris isolated and demystified the butterfly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s shape- shifting, explaining in The Aurelian of 1766 that a chrysalis and ultimately a butterfly, was produced by \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccopulation [and] purg[ing] themselves from their Dung and Filth.\u00E2\u0080\u009D 79 My argument is that hidden transcripts of both affinities or relatedness and their unsettling underpinnings within the natural world play a role in the caricature of The Aurelian Macaroni.80 Indeed the chrysalis or aureolus for which this macaroni is named brings both transformation and mobility to the fore. 81 The naturalist and the macaroni conflate through their affinities, namely, their similarly marginalized stature, unusual interests, and resistance to encoded social conventions and hierarchies. Mikhail Bakhtin identifies the eighteenth century as a transitional period wherein the stimulus for laughter shifted from universal body functions (scatological, for example) to external markers such as the individual\u00E2\u0080\u0099s physiology or eccentricity.82 Here the macaroni and naturalist share in their odd, and for some, frivolous 79 Moses Harris, The Aurelian, 3, 28. That idea of shape shifting\u00E2\u0080\u0094of transforming and changing\u00E2\u0080\u0094is borne out in camouflage techniques of butterflies and moths. Linnaeus in his Institutions of Entomology trans. Thomas Yeats (London: R. Horsfield, 1773) noted butterfly \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmetamorphosis\u00E2\u0080\u009D and their coloration by which they could camouflage themselves in order to trap prey or elude danger (2-14). Today, a strategy in color shift is called aposematism, a \u00E2\u0080\u0098warning coloration\u00E2\u0080\u0099 that occurs when a predator approaches. The ability of one species to camouflage itself as another, such as the Viceroy butterfly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s mimicry of the Monarch\u00E2\u0080\u0099s color patterns, is nature\u00E2\u0080\u0099s way of optimizing species survival. For a discussion of generatio spontanea see Frans A. Stafleu, Linnaeus and the Linnaean (1971) and Frank N. Egerton \u00E2\u0080\u009CA History of the Ecological Sciences, Part 30: Invertebrate Zoology and Parasitology during the 1700s,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Bulletin of the Ecological Society of American 89, no. 4 (October 2008): 407-433. Throughout the 1700s the belief in the possibility that new generations emerged spontaneously from dead material, in other words, generatio spontanea, was rigorously debated. Even in the 1770s with the explosive advance of the natural sciences, many natural scientists thought that the creationist belief underpinning Linnaean natural history was questionable as was \u00E2\u0080\u0098generatio spontanea\u00E2\u0080\u0099. 80 I borrow the phrase \u00E2\u0080\u0098hidden transcripts\u00E2\u0080\u0099 from James C. Scott in Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990) who defines \u00E2\u0080\u0098hidden transcripts\u00E2\u0080\u0099 as critical discourses and debates around shifting notions of self and nation (xii). 82 From Peter Stallybrass and Allon White\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Politics and Poetics of Transgression (Ithaca: Cornell University, 1996) as cited in Shearer West, \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Darly Macaroni Prints and the Politics of \u00E2\u0080\u0098Private Man\u00E2\u0080\u0099,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Eighteenth-Century Life, 2, no.25 (Spring 2001): 175. 39 daily pursuits of collecting fashions or natural history specimens. The eccentricity of their practices is complicated in the satire by an apparent shared preoccupation with sexual and gender roles. But out of these practices arose mobilities that challenged convention to pose new cultural considerations. Trans-national travel interests and affinity for the different suggest both the naturalist and macaroni as entities in flux with their mobility and interstitial position locating them upon a threshold of change. Continental travel exposed macaronis to what Gerald Newman calls in a different context, \u00E2\u0080\u009Calien cultural influence and the associated moral disease\u00E2\u0080\u00A6dissipation and effeminacy.\u00E2\u0080\u009D83 Those corrosive influences seeped into elite travel in another way. Venture to other lands was often tainted with the idea of national dissatisfaction, that is, in one popular account of macaronis \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctheir isle [Britain] was a sort of prison: and the first use they make of their love of liberty, is to get out of it.\u00E2\u0080\u009D84 The aurelian\u00E2\u0080\u0099s freedom of movement and action problematizes the stability and social loyalities of not just youthful globe-trotting naturalists but indeed of botany itself, a discipline known for its adjustment to standardizing, interdisciplinary demands. Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s aurelian macaroni has an apparent satiation and complacency about him. And even if in a foreign territory, this would-be collector of butterflies seems comfortably protected by what appears to be an oak tree given the customary knotty occlusions along its trunk. The oak was 83 Gerald Newman, The Rise of English Nationalism: a cultural history, 1740-1830 (New York: St. Martin\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Press, 1987), 67-84. 84 Jean Bernard Le Blanc, Letters on the English and French nations: containing curious and useful observations on their constitutions natural and political. Vol. 1 (London, 1747), 37. The political overtones are palpable here. As Jeremy Black has argued in Eighteenth-Century Britain 1688-1783 (2008) affinity to the foreign through emulation of fashion was important in that there was \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca strong sense of inferiority to the cultural life and products of France and Italy\u00E2\u0080\u009D who were leaders in fashion and in particular \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwomen\u00E2\u0080\u0099s clothes and behaviour\u00E2\u0080\u009D (179). Given this association, young \u00E2\u0080\u0098gulls\u00E2\u0080\u0099 such as these seemingly obtuse collectors could be seen as especially susceptible to corruptive foreign influence. 40 used in the building of British trade and naval warships and as such was a long-established metaphor for liberty, stability, and aristocratic agency thought to underpin British nationhood.85 British statesman and philosopher Edmund Burke (1729-1797) described the English aristocracy as \u00E2\u0080\u009C\u00E2\u0080\u0098the great oaks that shade a country\u00E2\u0080\u0099.\u00E2\u0080\u009D86 With considerable irony and some tension then, the naturalist macaroni of Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s satire sits inertly beneath the tree\u00E2\u0080\u0099s branches, ostensibly enjoying the security of his British birthright, the oak, while his lax pose suggests little effort to ensure its continuity. Almost suspended and disconnected from the world around him, the young and effete aurelian would seem ill-equipped if not disinterested in defending British patrician values from which he arose.87 The aurelian, then, was an equivocal species whose unpredictable affinities made him neither wholly naturalist nor macaroni, neither patriot nor traitor. Aligned with macaroni affectations, the naturalist and his practices become uncertain conduits through which Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s patriarchal values, codes, and duties could be compromised. His affinity for the excesses of foreign taste and travel 85 Colin Winborn, The Literary Economy of Jane Austen and George Crabbe (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2004), 97. 86 As quoted in Keith Thomas, Man and the Natural World: Changing Attitudes in England 1500-1800 (London, 1983), 218. In portraiture, the oak was often appropriated by landed families to frame their pedigree and politics (the oak as symbol of British liberty). Such is Johann Zoffany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Earl of Lincoln and his Family (1765). Here, the Earl and his family sit under the oak as they overlook their extensive landscape park, Sheringham Park. 87 Sarah Jordan in The Anxieties of Idleness (Lewisburg Pa.: Bucknell University Press, 2003), 153-155 points out that this apparent rupture between parasitic complacency and industry underpinned feared social decay and the clich\u00C3\u00A9 of idle hands being susceptible to devilish temptation. Although speculation, it is interesting to consider that The Aurelian Macaroni may have further troubled informed viewers who would know that until the 1760s the oak was known as a Jacobite symbol. The young aurelian, positioned at the foot of the oak, already seen as receptive to foreign fashion tastes, could also register possible foreign political sympathies given that key eighteenth-century Jacobite symbolism was \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe oak leaf\u00E2\u0080\u00A6the grub and butterfly\u00E2\u0080\u009D as noted by Murray Pittock in \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Culture of Jacobitism,\u00E2\u0080\u009D in Culture and Society in Britain 1660-1800, ed. Jeremy Black (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1997). Jacobites were the Catholic Stuart rebels in Scotland who rallied throughout the century, often with support of the French, to restore James II and his Stuart successors to the English throne that they had lost to the Hanovers in the Glorious Revolution of 1688. The Aurelian Macaroni was armed with all three of these trigger points. Under the oak tree, with butterfly placards in hand, this young \u00E2\u0080\u0098grub\u00E2\u0080\u0099 that was indeed a butterfly aureolus about to change form, and thus could call up dangerous affinities. Here, the aurelian\u00E2\u0080\u0099s loyalties are manifest as unstable, potentially mutable, but certainly unpredictable. In other words, Linnaean taxonomy and the reign of science could be seen to pose undermining associations (as did Jacobitism) to British hierarchies based on a Protestant King and aristocracy. 41 could be seen to translate as political equivocation, a trait that was troubling to a nation already reeling from colonial resistances, relentless foreign wars, military losses, and soaring taxation. But exceptions\u00E2\u0080\u0094artificiality or affinity\u00E2\u0080\u0094that underpinned anxieties around the macaroni\u00E2\u0080\u0099s questionable loyalties to traditional forms of the status quo play out in the caricature through yet another trajectory: the macaroni and aurelian\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sexuality. Although sexual difference determined botanical classification, how was that difference negotiated if at issue was sexual ambiguity? Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s caricature raises this issue in positing the aurelian as having hybrid affinities, that is, one whose sexuality is neither one nor the other but ambiguous.88 The aurelian\u00E2\u0080\u0099s hat and tunic buttons are signs which provoke mediation of this problematic. Moral discourses of the eighteenth century positioned nature and fashion as polar opposites with Nature being about truth and fashion about deceit.89 With the influx of a new commodity culture, fashion\u00E2\u0080\u0099s alignment with privileged taste flourished, especially in the gendered space of female whims. In women, however, such intemperance was forgivable because weak wills were considered natural to females. The macaroni\u00E2\u0080\u0099s gravitation towards fashion, however, was seen as shamelessly \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdebauch\u00E2\u0080\u0099d with Effeminacy90 and the aurelian 88 This association I address more fully later in this chapter in reference to Susan Shapiro in \u00E2\u0080\u009C\u00E2\u0080\u0098Yon Plumed Dandebrat\u00E2\u0080\u0099,\u00E2\u0080\u009D The Review of English Studies 39, no. 155 (August 1988): 400-412, who quotes from The Treasury: or Impartial Compendium, No. 3259 (London, 1771) that any macaroni was critiqued for being \u00E2\u0080\u009C neither male nor female, a thing of neuter gender.\u00E2\u0080\u009D 89 Diana Donald in Followers of Fashion (2002) notes that in the eighteenth-century\u00E2\u0080\u0099s moral discourses \u00E2\u0080\u009C\u00E2\u0080\u0098nature\u00E2\u0080\u0099 and \u00E2\u0080\u0098fashion\u00E2\u0080\u0099 were antithetical with the former standing for \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctruth, candour, beauty, and constancy of form\u00E2\u0080\u009D and the fashion being about \u00E2\u0080\u009Cartifice, transience, and a corrupt kind of eroticism\u00E2\u0080\u009D (10). That some Linnaean tenets were seen as demonstrating fluctuation from conventional beliefs in relation to nature could have unsettling impact upon those who witnessed such ambiguity within the macaroni and natural history. 90 Kathleen Wilson, \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe good, the bad, and the impotent: Imperialism and the politics of identity in Georgian England,\u00E2\u0080\u009D The Consumption of Culture 1600-1800: Image, Object, Text, eds. Ann Bermingham and John Brewer (London: Routledge, 1994), 243. 42 naturalist as macaroni raised related associations. Significantly the butterfly tricorn in the caricature could evoke the naturalist\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sexual affinity with women, his effeminacy, because the hat itself was in the form of a popular botanical collectible, the winged butterfly pea plant or what Linnaeus named the Clitoria ternatea.91 Moses Harris\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Ruby Tyger, The Sweet- Scented Pea (Figure 1.7) from his 1766 publication The Aurelian depicts the sweet-pea plant (Clitoria), its delicate and colourful wings spread like those of the numerous ruby tygers. Historian of science Francois Delaporte notes that Linnaeus, as with many other florals, recognized the flower\u00E2\u0080\u0099s womanly traits of \u00E2\u0080\u009Csweet fragrances, lively colors, [and] most elegant shape.\u00E2\u0080\u009D 92 Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s possible pun upon the naturalist-macaroni\u00E2\u0080\u0099s head-gear as the Clitoria plant as opposed to the requisite macaroni tricorn, suggests a loaded attack upon discourses in relation to macaroni masculinity, potential affinities with femininity, and the concern with the sexual basis of botanical practice.93 While the tricorn as butterfly plant or 91 Paul Frantz, \u00E2\u0080\u009CNomenclatural Notes on the Genus Clitoria,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Castanea 65, no. 2 (June 2000): 85-92. Although other botanists such as Breyne in 1678 and Petiver in 1704 used the term clitoria ternatae to identify a plant, Paul Frantz points out that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe International Code of Botanical Nomenclature establishes Linnaeus (1753) as the official staring date for correct names.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Ternatea refers to one of the Moluccas Islands in east Indonesia (East Indies) from which the plant originated. Alan Bewell in \u00E2\u0080\u009C\u00E2\u0080\u0098On the Banks of the South Seas\u00E2\u0080\u0099: botany and sexual controversy in the late eighteenth century,\u00E2\u0080\u009D in Visions of Empire, eds. David Miller and Peter Reill (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996) notes that Linnaeus in using sexual terminology for plants, named the butterfly pea plant, clitoria, and while he also suggests elsewhere in \u00E2\u0080\u009CA Passion that Transforms,\u00E2\u0080\u009D (2006) that this aurelian\u00E2\u0080\u0099s hat can be seen as a butterfly, he does to my knowledge make a connection of the hat to the butterfly pea plant. 92 Francois Delaporte, Nature\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Second Kingdom: explorations of vegetality in the eighteenth century (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1982), 140. 93 William Stearn in the Appendix to Wilfrid Blunt\u00E2\u0080\u0099s seminal biography of Linnaeus, The Compleat Naturalist, notes how Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s choice of sexualized and anthropomorphic terms \u00E2\u0080\u009Camused some of his contemporaries but scandalized others\u00E2\u0080\u009D (245). Stearn continues by quoting from a letter written by Reverend Samuel Goodenough to Linnaean scholar J. E. Smith in January of 1808 wherein Goodenough, with apparent irony, states that \u00E2\u0080\u009CIt is possible that many virtuous students might not be able to make out the similitude of \u00E2\u0080\u0098Clitoria\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u009D (245). The use of the term and its possible implications for the naturalist were not obscure to those with botanical interests. Of further note is that Natalie Angier in Woman: An Intimate Geography (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1999) notes that \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca second-century source suggests\u00E2\u0080\u009D that clitoris is a derivation of the Greek verb kleitoriazein meaning \u00E2\u0080\u009Cto titillate lasciviously, to seek pleasure\u00E2\u0080\u009D (61), an association with aurelian in Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s image as possibly interested in sexual pleasure. 43 butterfly could also visually respond to both the sexual underpinnings of Linnaean classification and contemporaneous accounts that warned \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthere are men-butterflies\u00E2\u0080\u00A6things that suffer themselves to be blown about by every wind of folly,\u00E2\u0080\u009D94 the point is that liaisons with foreign influences could not only corrupt but also work to undermine values that constituted the stability of masculine norms of British eighteenth-century society.95 That the aurelian macaroni\u00E2\u0080\u0099s hair or wig are in fact \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwrithing caterpillars,\u00E2\u0080\u009D96 \u00E2\u0080\u0094an interstitial stage of the butterfly\u00E2\u0080\u0094also raises the issue of change or transformation. As an aureolus or cocoon stage of development, the caterpillar curls could also be read as larva or maggots, that is, organisms that feed upon carrion. By analogy the image could suggest that this aurelian is a mere parasite that finds sustenance in the luxuriant excess of his gilded birthright while engaging with others of his \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmaccherone\u00E2\u0080\u009D ilk who were conversely seen in the 1770s and reported a such in popular accounts, as those of \u00E2\u0080\u009Cgross understanding, fool[s], vulgar fellow[s].\u00E2\u0080\u009D97 Similarly in the eighteenth century, butterfly-catching in itself was viewed by some as a frivolous practice of idle minds.98 Called up here is the aurelian\u00E2\u0080\u0099s 94 Eliza Haywood, The Female Spectator, 3rd ed., Vol. 2 (London, 1744), 290. 95 The tricorn or Nivernois was named after the Duc de Nivernois, the French Ambassador to London from 1762-1763, at the end of the Seven Years War. See Hilda Amphlett, Hats (Chalfont St Giles: Sadler, 1974). Perhaps called up here could be a more political commentary, that is, the factious relations between Britain and France during the Seven Years War and the residual undercurrent of strained relations. That the aurelian wears a tricorn could heighten speculation around the mask of his couture and anxiety around his possible allegiances or susceptibility to French foreign influence, especially since his Grand Tour often took him there. 96 George, Catalogue of Political and Personal Satire, Vol. V, 135. Also see Bewell \u00E2\u0080\u009CA Passion that Transforms,\u00E2\u0080\u009D in Figuring It Out (2006) and Rauser, Caricature Unmasked (2008). 97 Baretti, Easy phraseology, 39-40. 98 See for example John Gascoigne Joseph Banks and the English Enlightenment: Useful Knowledge and Polite Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994) and Rauser, Caricature Unmasked (2008). 44 alignment to the organic and aforementioned \u00E2\u0080\u0098dung and filth\u00E2\u0080\u0099, that is, unstable bodies on society\u00E2\u0080\u0099s margins who had the capability of transforming the social in unpredictable ways.99 Hair contributed to that transformative potential as well as the identity and categorization of an entity.100 In his 1758 edition of Systema Naturae Linnaeus categorized Homo Sapiens, and one of their defining characteristics was hair\u00E2\u0080\u0094Europeanus had long blond \u00E2\u0080\u009Cflowing\u00E2\u0080\u009D hair, Americanus had \u00E2\u0080\u009Cblack straight and thick\u00E2\u0080\u009D hair, Asiaticus had \u00E2\u0080\u009Cblack\u00E2\u0080\u009D hair, and the Afer\u00E2\u0080\u0099s hair was black and \u00E2\u0080\u009Ckinked.\u00E2\u0080\u009D101 These defining attributes conflate with issues with reference to sexual identity or ambiguity and the eighteenth-century fashion for wearing wigs.102 While British patricians wore wigs in public, macaroni fashion was characterized by \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmasses of artificial hair,\u00E2\u0080\u009D a factor associated with \u00E2\u0080\u009Csuperficial\u00E2\u0080\u009D tendencies and thus potential masculine ambiguity.103 Art historian Marcia Pointon argues that artificial hair, the wig, was an exemplar of stable patrician power, and the more ornate the wig, the more elevated the status.104 The aurelian\u00E2\u0080\u0099s extraordinary caterpillar curls, an exaggerated hairpiece here, are ironic for they do 99 Harris, The Aurelian (1766). See Footnote 79. 100 Alan Bewell\u00E2\u0080\u009Ds \u00E2\u0080\u009CA Passion that Transforms\u00E2\u0080\u009D (2006) notes that the aurelian\u00E2\u0080\u0099s curls allude to Medusa and as such \u00E2\u0080\u009Craise anxieties\u00E2\u0080\u009D around \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccross-gendering\u00E2\u0080\u009D and the naturalist, but gives no further explanation. I would suggest that in terms of my position on the aurelian\u00E2\u0080\u0099s discomforting \u00E2\u0080\u0098affinity\u00E2\u0080\u0099 that Medusa could refer to the notion of a dialectic status\u00E2\u0080\u0094the collision of beauty and horror, of creativity and destruction\u00E2\u0080\u0094to posit the aurelian as ambivalent, a trait shared with many of Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s formulations and their manifestations in the natural world. 101 As quoted in Luke Lassiter, Invitation to Anthropology (Toronto: Altamira Press, 2006), 24. 102 See for Dror Wahrman, Making of the Modern Self: Identity and Culture in the Eighteenth-Century (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004), Marcia Pointon, Hanging the Head (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993) and Angela Rosenthal \u00E2\u0080\u009CRaising Hair,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Eighteenth-Century Studies 38, no. 1 (2004). 103 A. Turberville, English Men and Manners in the Eighteenth Century (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1926), 95- 98. 104 Pointon, Hanging the Head, 117. The size of the wig also held ambivalent overtones as suggested by Amelia Rauser, \u00E2\u0080\u009CHair, Authenticity and the Self-Made Macaroni\u00E2\u0080\u009D in Eighteenth-Century Studies 38, no. 1 (2004): 101- 117. Here Rauser refers to the familiar \u00E2\u0080\u009Canalogy between large wig and large genitalia,\u00E2\u0080\u009D but qualifies that in some macaroni images this notion can be \u00E2\u0080\u009Cundercut by the suggestion of masculine overcompensation\u00E2\u0080\u009D (107). 45 not guarantee stature but have an undercurrent of ambivalent and reductive force. The macaroni who would ordinarily flaunt his opposition to paternal virtues by wearing \u00E2\u0080\u009C\u00E2\u0080\u0098big hair\u00E2\u0080\u009D105 would seem to hypocritically subscribe to the very values to which he claims indifference. Furthermore, the aurelian\u00E2\u0080\u0099s curls that attract the viewer\u00E2\u0080\u0099s eye could also accentuate the disjuncture between the naturalist\u00E2\u0080\u0099s supposed practice of a focused look into natural phenomena and that of this dazed and ornamented narcissist whose gaze at the viewer might suggest his \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwanton\u00E2\u0080\u009D106 desire is not just for natural history. The snail shells on the aurelian\u00E2\u0080\u0099s jacket further underscore equivocal sexuality. In the same family as Linnaean mollusca, gastropoda (snails) may generally look the same but they are diverse in terms of form, behaviour, and habitat. Those differences are evident in the snail\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sexual performance. Gastropoda engage in elaborate foreplay, parading and entwining their bodies during courtship, displaying their disproportionately large sexual organs, and hurling \u00E2\u0080\u0098love darts\u00E2\u0080\u0099 at one another.107 Eventually they inseminate one another for 105 As quoted in Rosenthal, \u00E2\u0080\u009CRaising Hair,\u00E2\u0080\u009D 10. 106 Gill Perry, \u00E2\u0080\u009CStaging Gender and \u00E2\u0080\u009CHairy Signs\u00E2\u0080\u009D: Representing Dorothy Jordan\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Curls,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Eighteenth-Century Studies 38, no. 1 (2004): 145-163. Perry reaffirms that the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpotential of curl\u00E2\u0080\u009D was to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cevoke desire, and also to possess attributes of wantonness\u00E2\u0080\u009D (150). Such artifice is further complicated in that the kinds of wigs befitting privileged tastes like that of the aurelian macaroni were, as art historian Marcia Pointon notes in Hanging The Head (1993) made of women\u00E2\u0080\u0099s hair, often that of \u00E2\u0080\u009Charlots,\u00E2\u0080\u009D (121) an association that I suggest would imprint the aurelian with sexual improprieties and moral decay. Art historian Gill Perry points out that in the early 1770s actress Dorothy Jordan was renowned for a similar \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmop of brown curls,\u00E2\u0080\u009D a potent sign of both her female sexual identity and her ability as a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnatural\u00E2\u0080\u009D performer who easily morphed into roles of masculine gender (148). Perry also reaffirms the well established belief of the female performer with \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe loose and lowest class\u00E2\u0080\u009D of society, a factor that in my discussion calls up unsettling association of the privileged aurelian with those of the lower orders. Such parallels of the aurelian to borderline bodies\u00E2\u0080\u0094through gender and class\u00E2\u0080\u0094could point to him as dangerously unstable and perhaps even an infectious entity. Surely such associations were borne out in the naturalist-macaroni\u00E2\u0080\u0099s apparent affinity for cross-dressing with floral patterns, ruffles, and wigs\u00E2\u0080\u0094 elements that also registered the \u00E2\u0080\u0098feminine\u00E2\u0080\u0099 as historian Mich\u00C3\u00A8le Cohen has discussed in Fashioning Masculinity: National Identity and Language in the Eighteenth Century (1996). 107 Janet L. Leonard, \u00E2\u0080\u009CSexual Selection: Lessons from Hermaphrodite Mating Systems,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Integrative Comparative Biology 45, no. 2 (2005): 355 and also in John Blatchford, \u00E2\u0080\u009CGarden Snails: Hermaphrodites Who Spear Their Partners During Courtship,\u00E2\u0080\u009D (August 18, 2007): http://other- nvertebrates.suite101.com/article.cfm/garden_snails The dolichophallus (snail) translated means \u00E2\u0080\u0098long penis.\u00E2\u0080\u0099 Given my discussion around the aurelian\u00E2\u0080\u0099s wriggling caterpillar curls, the intertwining of bodies posited by the snails also calls to mind what Gill Perry has noted in his article \u00E2\u0080\u009CStaging Gender and \u00E2\u0080\u009CHairy Signs\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Footnote 46 as hermaphrodites, snails have both male and female reproductive organs and can be reciprocal partners.108 The hermaphroditic snails on the naturalist-macaroni\u00E2\u0080\u0099s tunic from neck to knee serve as strategic satirical signs of his body\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sexual ambiguity, a factor confirmed in contemporaneous text where the macaroni is called \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca creature dull and droney, Of doubtful sex, and called a Macaroni.\u00E2\u0080\u009D109 The macaroni\u00E2\u0080\u0099s ostensible affinity for ambiguous sexuality unsettled the conventional status quo and raised anxieties. In popular accounts, publics wondered would the macaroni \u00E2\u0080\u009Csaunter into the City to show [him]self to the Brutes\u00E2\u0080\u009D110 or \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmake such large advances to the feminine gender that in a little time \u00E2\u0080\u0098twill be difficult to tell to which sex you belong.\u00E2\u0080\u009D111 The macaroni was thus critiqued for his being \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca kind of animal, neither male nor female, a thing of neuter gender.\u00E2\u0080\u009D112 Indeed, as Robert Hitchcock\u00E2\u0080\u0099s popular play noted, this ambiguity around sexuality was manifest in the aberration of the hermaphrodite: 106), that is, that William Hogarth\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Analysis of Beauty (1753) notes contemporary hair fashioning often featured the hair done \u00E2\u0080\u009Clike inter-twisted serpents\u00E2\u0080\u009D (151). 108 Ibid., but specifically Janet Leonard\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009CSexual Selection: Lessons from Hermaphrodite Mating Systems,\u00E2\u0080\u009D 355-356. Leonard\u00E2\u0080\u0099s own studies and those she cites by others have shown that \u00E2\u0080\u009Caerial mating\u00E2\u0080\u009D by twisting and hanging from a tree is evident in land slugs. Amongst giant banana slugs \u00E2\u0080\u009Capophallation\u00E2\u0080\u009D is practiced, that is, \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccopulation is occasionally terminated by amputation of the penis of one or both individuals.\u00E2\u0080\u009D In another hermaphroditic group, that of the leech or sea slug, behaviour called \u00E2\u0080\u009Chypodermic insemination\u00E2\u0080\u009D occurs where individuals in \u00E2\u0080\u009Can attempt to ward off damaging the penis during insertion\u00E2\u0080\u009D injects sperm just under the partner\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009Cskin\u00E2\u0080\u009D (355). 109 Cited in N. Pearson, Society Sketches in the Eighteenth Century (London: Edward Arnold, 1911), 239. Susan Shapiro\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009C\u00E2\u0080\u0098Yon Plumed Dandebrat\u00E2\u0080\u0099: Male \u00E2\u0080\u0098Effeminacy\u00E2\u0080\u0099 in English Satire and Criticism\u00E2\u0080\u009D (1988) argues that the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmost common associations with male \u00E2\u0080\u0098effeminacy\u00E2\u0080\u0099 were uxoriousness, foppery, libertinism, omnisexuality, [and ironically], asexuality, but only very rarely exclusive homosexuality\u00E2\u0080\u009D (401). The possible affinity of the aurelian macaroni to these many sexual types, I argue, underscored his equivocation or exclusion (exception) from the heterosexual norm, and thus embodied a flux and unpredictability that could pose a threat to the traditional male virtues thought to underpin stalwart nationhood. 110 John Cooke, The macaroni jester, and pantheon of wit; containing all that has lately transpired in the regions of politeness, whim and novelty. (London, 1773), 103. 111 Hitchcock, The Macaroni. (1773), 3. 112 From The Treasury: or Impartial Compendium, No. 3259 (London, 1771), 75 as quoted in Susan Shapiro, \u00E2\u0080\u009C\u00E2\u0080\u0098Yon Plumed Dandebrat\u00E2\u0080\u0099,\u00E2\u0080\u009D 410. 47 But Macaronis are a sex Which do philosophers perplex; Tho\u00E2\u0080\u0099 all the priests of Venus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s rites Agree they are Hermaphrodites. 113 But in the Darly caricature, to what extent is the naturalist-macaroni a catalyst for new cultural consideration? In other words, do such images as Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s challenge the viewer, in the words of Foucault, to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfind an adjustment\u00E2\u0080\u009D and move beyond \u00E2\u0080\u009Csigns and similitudes [that] were wrapped around one another in an endless spiral?\u00E2\u0080\u009D114 Not to be overlooked is that since the early Renaissance hermaphrodites were categorized as monsters, and thus not human. As prodigies of nature, they call up Linnaean terminology of \u00E2\u0080\u009CParadoxa (Monsters),\u00E2\u0080\u009D115 and an in-between sexuality was still attempted to be resolved through binary belief: they were either messages of God to indicate His displeasure or abstract signs of corruption within a culture.116 Medical treatises of the day challenged encoded beliefs about hermaphroditism. Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Systema Naturae in each of its ten editions consistently acknowledged the frequency of hermaphrodites in the botanic world. And, there was no rule that precluded zoological taxa, particularly Homo sapiens (man) from similar incidence. Linnaeus explained succinctly: entities having different sexual organs concurrently \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwere hermaphrodites...called 113 For full publication of this poem see Henry Bate Dudley, The Vauxhall affray; or, the Macaronis defeated: being a compilation of all the letters, squibs on both sides of that dispute, 3rd ed. (London: J. Williams, 1773). 114 Michel Foucault, The Order of Things: An Archaeology of the Human Sciences (London: Routledge, 2002), 35. 115 Linnaeus, Systema Naturae, 29. 116 That the hermaphrodite lacked the \u00E2\u0080\u0098essential\u00E2\u0080\u0099 sexual parts that were supposed to be divined through God\u00E2\u0080\u0099s creations also marginalized these individuals as unsanctioned entities. 48 hybrids (mixed).\u00E2\u0080\u009D117 The public responded with renewed interest in natural history but also with morbid fascination. In January of 1750, the Gentleman\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Magazine published graphic medical descriptions of the genital configurations of hermaphrodite Michael Anne Drouvert.118 What also lived large in British memory was the case of Marie/Marin le Marcis, a French hermaphrodite who was tried and convicted on charges of sodomy because she/he assumed the male persona in a relationship with Jeane le Febure. Their intention to marry was what triggered public outrage.119 Similarly, the Royal Society\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Philosophical Transactions focused its scientific gaze upon hermaphrodite Anna Wilde of Ringwood, Hamphsire, stating that she/he was only fit \u00E2\u0080\u009C\u00E2\u0080\u0098for the view of the Learned\u00E2\u0080\u0099.\u00E2\u0080\u009D120 Sexual ambiguities such as those evident in the transgendered mobilities of Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Hannah Snell (1723-1792) and her contemporary, the equally enigmatic Chevalier, or Madame d\u00E2\u0080\u0099Eon, marked sexual transformation as a site of both sensational fodder for public consumption and reconsideration of the nature of humanity. Thomas Laqueur argues in Making Sex that during the second half of the eighteenth- century models of sexual difference shifted from a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cone body\u00E2\u0080\u009D to \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctwo body\u00E2\u0080\u009D model.121 No 117 Linnaeus, Systema Naturae, 23. Similar exceptions were evident in categories of his Amphibia and Paradoxa (Monsters). 118 See Gentleman\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Magazine, Vol. 20 (London, January 20, 1750), 20-21. 119 Elizabeth Wahl, Invisible Relations: representations of female intimacy in the Age of Enlightenment (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1999), 25-30. Thomas Lacquer\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Making Sex (1990) extends the narrative of Marie/Marin le Marcis, the French hermaphrodite, and explains that her conviction rested upon her not providing the court with visible proof of an external penis. A Dr. Jacques Duval \u00E2\u0080\u009Cprobed his/her vulva and proved it not a clitoris by rubbing until it ejaculated a thick masculine semen\u00E2\u0080\u009D(137). This intervention saved Marie/Marin from execution, but called into question medical practice and violation of women/men. Marie/Marin eventually was allowed to adopt her new gender but not until age twenty-five. Until then, she was to forgo wearing woman\u00E2\u0080\u0099s clothing or engaging in intercourse with either male or females. Who monitored this and how is not known. 120 As quoted in Ruth Gilbert, Early Modern Hermaphrodites (London: Palgrave, 2002), 145. 121 Thomas Laqueur, Making Sex: Body and Gender From The Greeks to Freud (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1990), 25-62. 49 longer homologues of one another where female genitalia was seen merely as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cinverted\u00E2\u0080\u009D such that she was \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca less perfect man,\u00E2\u0080\u009D categorization shifted to gender distinction where outside or inside genitalia was but a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdiagnostic sign.\u00E2\u0080\u009D122 For hermaphrodites then, as Laqueur argues, what was pivotal is not \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhat sex they really are, but to which gender the architecture of their bodies most readily lent itself [while] maintaining the category.\u00E2\u0080\u009D123 The nature of humanity especially concerning the artificiality of classification challenged conventional thinking. Although society seemed fascinated, certainty was distanced. The porous boundaries that seemed to be surfacing, especially in relation to issues of sex and gender, heightened anxieties as well as provoked new considerations of masculinity. As a discursive space, The Aurelian Macaroni through natural history signaled a shift in society\u00E2\u0080\u0099s consideration of sexual difference or in the notion of Linnaean exceptions. Various public interests were unclear about these new considerations. Boundaries were often blurred as the notion of \u00E2\u0080\u0098exception\u00E2\u0080\u0099 was discussed through a generalized notion of \u00E2\u0080\u0098difference\u00E2\u0080\u0099 as anything that deviated from conventional social norms. For example, in many newspapers of 1772, reports concerning homosexual scandals, and in particular the trial of Captain Robert Jones for sodomy (for which he received a Royal pardon), demonstrated the competing debates about sexual categorization.124 There was no relief in the knowledge that former references to all types of macaronis, especially the term \u00E2\u0080\u0098molly or fop,\u00E2\u0080\u0099 literally meant 122 Ibid., 135. 123 Ibid. 124 See Wayne R. Dynes and Stephen Donaldson, History of Homosexuality in Europe and America (New York: Garland Pub., 1992), Gillian Russell\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Women, sociability and theatre in Georgian London ( Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007) and primary resources of London Evening Post, August 1-20, 1772 and September 15-29, 1772 at http://rictornorton.co.uk/eighteen/jones5.htm. 50 \u00E2\u0080\u009Ceffeminate sodomite.\u00E2\u0080\u009D125 The leap from naturalist macaronis to hermaphrodites was a convenient way to marshal anyone who seemed to defy logic, disrupt conventional order, or threaten the nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s stability and by association, its image of nationhood. The naturalist- macaroni\u00E2\u0080\u0099s alleged indifference to masculine virtues, family values, and paternal instincts thus conflated with speculation concerning sexual slippage. Such ambivalences and ambiguities also surfaced through natural history\u00E2\u0080\u0099s new knowledge that spoke of unusual affinities or relatedness, and of sexual differences and systems that were artificially constructed. Lacquer has noted that the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cweak, womanly male partner\u00E2\u0080\u009D whether \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca pathicus, the one being penetrated; cinaedus, the one who engages in unnatural lust; mollis, the passive, effeminate one,\u00E2\u0080\u009D was considered \u00E2\u0080\u009Cflawed\u00E2\u0080\u009D not because his actions violated \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnatural heterosexuality\u00E2\u0080\u009D but rather for their embodiment of \u00E2\u0080\u009Cradical, culturally unacceptable reversal of power and prestige.\u00E2\u0080\u009D126 Whether aurelian, macaroni, or a subjectivity somewhere in- between, this entity brought into public consciousness unsettling considerations regarding sexuality and its role in sustaining the power and prestige perceived to be keynote to British nationhood. Underpinning these anxieties as well would seem to be ongoing social tensions in relation to who exercised power over whom. Ambiguity around sexuality embedded within The Aurelian Macaroni intensified anxieties with reference to a generation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s capability to fulfill national expectations. Firstly, called into question was the ability to defend British virtues against the foreign insurrection whether that was ongoing friction with continental powers or unrest in the American colonies. Secondly, the naturalist-macaroni\u00E2\u0080\u0099s questionable commitment to fulfilling paternal 125 Cohen, Fashioning Masculinity, Chapter 2, passim. Also see Norton Rictor, Homosexuality in Eighteenth- Century England at http://www.infopt.demon.co.uk/macaroni.htm. 126 Laqueur, Making Sex, 53. 51 and patrician duty was troubled by the knowledge that Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s landed establishment was caught up in a demographic crisis. This crisis, as historian Linda Colley argues, was characterized by families \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnot reproducing themselves,\u00E2\u0080\u009D by losing their estates, and ultimately being replaced by a new British landed establishment.127 Thirdly, anxiety was heightened by writers of the day who in likening dominant male sexuality to \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca wonderful machine\u00E2\u0080\u009D equated vibrant manhood to the momentum behind Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s industrial drive and productivity.128 If popular accounts were accurate in their assessment of the macaroni as being a \u00E2\u0080\u0098thing\u00E2\u0080\u0099 of \u00E2\u0080\u009Cweakness, softness, [and] delicacy,\u00E2\u0080\u009D 129 how could he father a stalwart nation or ensure economic vibrancy and cultural continuities? Uncertainty was also compounded by new medical science that implied \u00E2\u0080\u0098weak blood\u00E2\u0080\u0099 adjusted to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cchanges [that were] inheritable, and thus, in time produce[d] different species.\u00E2\u0080\u009D130 In Linnaean terms, this deduction translated as the aforementioned \u00E2\u0080\u0098blending\u00E2\u0080\u0099, \u00E2\u0080\u0098mixing\u00E2\u0080\u0099 and \u00E2\u0080\u0098future improvements\u00E2\u0080\u0099 that were addressed in Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s publications,131 concepts that through analogy hinted at future slippages that could impact landed gentry\u00E2\u0080\u0099s political grip. Disciplining social behaviour and difference, no matter what class or gender, underpinned tensions around issues of self and nation. Held in tension were the science or biology of sex and the performance of gender. With that in mind, Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s caricature with its mockery of the macaroni-naturalist\u00E2\u0080\u0099s affinity for fashion excess, self-indulgent consumerism, 127 Colley, Britons, 156. Colley says that the failure to produce male heirs was evident in areas such as Yorkshire where \u00E2\u0080\u009Cof the ninety-three baronetcies created between 1611 and 1880, fifty-one were already extinct by the latter date\u00E2\u0080\u009D (157). 128 John Cleland, Memoirs of a woman of pleasure, Vol. 1 (London: Thomas Parker, 1766), 42. 129 Shapiro, \u00E2\u0080\u009C\u00E2\u0080\u0098Yon Plumed Dandebrat\u00E2\u0080\u0099,\u00E2\u0080\u009D 400. 130Jacques Barzun, From Dawn to Decadence: 1500 to the Present (New York: HarperCollins, 2000), 455. Ominous hints at adaptation and evolution over time had not yet gained full momentum. 131 These are the aforementioned Species Plantarum, Systema Naturae, and Philosophia Botanica. 52 questionable political verve, and ambiguous sexuality would seem to be not only an attempt to reign in masculine defiance and reaffirm patriotic virtues, but on a broader level manage and control emerging exceptions, new social shifts, and even public exchanges in Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s transforming cultural terrain. Conclusion I have argued that Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Aurelian Macaroni signals anxieties around cultural shifts in Georgian Britain. As a discursive site, the subject of Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s caricature, that is the aurelian and at a broader level natural history itself, exposed tensions especially in relation to notions of sexual difference and affinities that Linnaean formulations brought to the fore. Certainly Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s caricature opened up the paradox of Linnaean classification, namely, its prescribed grid seemed stable, but inherent exceptions pointed to a knowledge that was in flux. Both the aurelian and the Linnaean formulations for which he stood allowed for the emergence of new selfhoods, that is, the beginning of more porous definitions of sexuality, ones that merged with gender issues to redefine its socially dominant form\u00E2\u0080\u0094masculinity. On the threshold was the beginning of a different way of seeing, a change that in Foucault\u00E2\u0080\u0099s words saw power shifted from the individual to include all \u00E2\u0080\u009C\u00E2\u0080\u0098living things\u00E2\u0080\u009D and were \u00E2\u0080\u009Cruled by processes and biological laws.\u00E2\u0080\u009D132 To this end, The Aurelian Macaroni is not just a caricature that exaggerated the excess of a commodity culture, the insouciance of youth, or the uncertainty wrought by new knowledge, but is a representation that signaled transformation in how one related to a changing world. The Aurelian Macaroni\u00E2\u0080\u0099s negotiation 132 Jeremy Crampton, Space, Knowledge and Power: Foucault and Geography (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2007), 6. 53 of natural history\u00E2\u0080\u0099s knowledge and its entangled terrains of selfhood is the threshold for entry into Chapter Two\u00E2\u0080\u0099s further exploration of botanophilia\u00E2\u0080\u0099s role in cultural transformation within Georgian Britain. 54 CHAPTER TWO New Dynamics in Natural History\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Domain Introduction The transition from fashionable hobby to productive global enterprise helped legitimate botany as a valid scientific pursuit. Botanizing gained popularity too through its conflation with Imperial mandates and the imagined fruition waiting in distant geographies. Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s universally applicable classification system lent momentum to global plant pursuit, that is, botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s outreach. Taxonomic order was seen to have the potential to contain and control the natural and unnatural, especially in these unknown new worlds. However, Linnaean tenets also generated uncertainty, and while exceptions such as affinities (see Chapter One) raised concerns, so did notions of hybridity. As outlined by the \u00E2\u0080\u0098father of botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099 in his Systema Naturae, such entities that had shared traits were \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmixed.\u00E2\u0080\u009D1 Given that Linnaeus chose to explain his system by way of language that asserted human sexual relations, \u00E2\u0080\u0098mixity\u00E2\u0080\u0099, at the simplest of levels, could translate through analogy into social terrains that in turn provoked new considerations around the dynamics of sexuality and race. In this chapter I build upon Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s formulations concerning similarity and difference to demonstrate how his term hybrid or mixed was at issue in relation to botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s move into new social, political, and cultural domains. Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s mixedness brought forth the idea of a combining of traits, a fusion of diverse elements, or a lack of uniformity. Such variation inherent to mixity teased out the concept of movement, that is, combining, circulating or interchanging in some way. As I will argue, those mobilities and their 1 Carolus Linnaeus, Systema Naturae, with an introduction and first English translation of the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cobservations,\u00E2\u0080\u009D (1735) 1st ed., trans. M. S. J. Engel-Ledeboer and H. Engel (Nieuwkoop: B. de Graaf, 1964), 23. 55 affiliation with naturalist practices underpinned public anxieties around botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s outreach. Particular to my argument is that eighteenth-century visual culture that ranged from satirical prints to formal portraiture, themselves also mobile and circulating through middle and upper class viewers, captured this moment by allowing for discourses to emerge around botanical outreach and its relation to sexuality, class, and race. Exposure to wider worlds and its peoples was also impacted by the notion of hybridity that in contemporary terms points to what Homi Bhabha\u00E2\u0080\u0099s terms as \u00E2\u0080\u0098in- betweenness\u00E2\u0080\u0099, that is, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhere difference is neither One nor the Other but something else besides, in-between.\u00E2\u0080\u009D2 This concept surfaces in images of this chapter that range from caricature to formal portraits displayed in the early 1770s by the Royal Academy\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Thomas Gainsborough and Benjamin West.3 As a caricature of renowned British naturalist Sir Joseph Banks, Matthew Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Fly-Catching Macaroni published in 1772 (Figure 2.1) takes up notions of the hybrid within the expanding sites of botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s outward reach. Ostensibly for more polished palettes but still addressing botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s hybrid trajectory, Benjamin West\u00E2\u0080\u0099s portrait Mr. Joseph Banks, (Figure 2.2) commissioned by Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s family and first displayed at the Royal Academy in 1773,4 depicted the well known naturalist Banks amidst his South 2 Homi Bhabha, The Location of Culture (London: Routledge, 2004), 313. 3 Benjamin West (1738-1820) was American born painter of portraits and historical subjects. Upon moving to Britain in the early 1760s, under the patronage of George III he painted the Royal family and later became a court-sponsored painter. His friendship with British painter Sir Joshua Reynolds led to their being two of the founding members of the Royal Academy of Arts in 1768. Succeeding Reynolds, West served as the second President of the Royal Academy from 1792 to 1805 and then 1806-1820. Thomas Gainsborough (1727-1788) was a British landscape and portrait painter and member of the Royal Academy who also enjoyed the patronage of George III. 4 Andrew Potter, Research Librarian, via email message of November 20, 2009 (London: Royal Academy of Arts Library picturelibrary@royalacademy.org.uk). Mr. Potter indicated the painting, commissioned for Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s family, was first shown at the Royal Academy in 1773. It was also shown at the \u00E2\u0080\u009C1862 International Exhibition at South Kensington,\u00E2\u0080\u009D perhaps resonant even ninety years later of Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s profound agency within development of global and international botanical enterprises. Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s biographer Harold Carter in Sir Joseph Banks 1743-1820 (British Museum Publications, 1988), states that while the provenance of the painting is 56 Pacific regalia, markers of global claim. While others have examined this portrait in terms of Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccross-dressing\u00E2\u0080\u009D as an \u00E2\u0080\u009Cappropriation of the power of an alien culture,\u00E2\u0080\u009D5 or as a form of connoisseurship of that culture,6 in my analysis I suggest the portrait, a staple through which empire was produced, helped mediate botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s agency in cultural change and negotiate the naturalist\u00E2\u0080\u0099s unsettling mixity as bourgeois professional, scientific explorer, and cultural anthropologist. I also explore anxieties in relation to race and botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s global enterprises through Matthew Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s caricature published in 1772, A Mungo Macaroni (Figure 2.3). This image of Julian Soubise, a freed black slave known as a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cman about town,\u00E2\u0080\u009D7 opens up considerations of how Linnaean hybridity and eighteenth-century fears in relation to racial difference unsettled status quos. As a product of the triangular slave trade,8 Soubise, a former labourer in and now by-product of botanical outreach, unsettled various Britons I argue, with his potential to transform and as a result co-opt as well as possibly unclear, it was \u00E2\u0080\u009Cvery likely that West was commissioned by Robert Banks Hodgkinson,\u00E2\u0080\u009D the uncle of Banks (99). 5 Beth Fowkes Tobin, Picturing Imperial Power (Durham: Duke University Press, 1999), 87. 6 See Harriet Guest \u00E2\u0080\u009CCuriously Marked,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Painting and the Politics of Culture: New essays on British art, 1700- 1850, ed. John Barrell (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), 101-134. Guest argues that in the West portrait Banks exhibits \u00E2\u0080\u009Cambiguity\u00E2\u0080\u009D by way of \u00E2\u0080\u009Cabsence of defining networks of social relations\u00E2\u0080\u009D (118). The importance of the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfashionable world\u00E2\u0080\u009D underpins Gillian Russell\u00E2\u0080\u0099s discussion of Joseph Banks in \u00E2\u0080\u009CFashionable Sociability and the Pacific,\u00E2\u0080\u009D A New Imperial History, ed. Kathleen Wilson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 48-70. Patricia Fara in \u00E2\u0080\u009CImages of a Man of Science,\u00E2\u0080\u009D History Today 48 (October 1998): 42-49 does call Banks \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca romantic young explorer\u00E2\u0080\u009D (42). 7 M. Dorothy George, Catalogue of Political and Personal Satires: Preserved in the Department of Prints and Drawings in the British Museum, Vol. V (London: British Museum Publications Ltd., 1935), 120. In her commentary on William Austin\u00E2\u0080\u0099s engraving entitled The Eccentric Duchess of Queensbury fencing with her prot\u00C3\u00A9g\u00C3\u00A9 the Creole Soubise (1773) (BMC 5120), George identifies Soubise as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cone of the most conspicuous fops of the town\u00E2\u0080\u009D (120). Felicity Nussbaum in The Limits of the Human (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003) notes that in some versions of this image an alternate title is given, namely \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Duchess of Queensberry playing at folio with her favorite Lap Dog Mungo after expending near \u00C2\u00A310,000 to make him a\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u009D (7). 8As mentioned in this thesis\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Introduction, triangular trade refers to the commercial practice that saw resources shipped from England or North America to the West Indies where sugar was obtained and used to make rum, for example, and in turn was taken to Africa along with guns and tools to be traded for slaves. These slaves were then carried to the West Indies, North America or England to be sold as plantation labourers. 57 corrupt notions of Britishness. A representation within the tradition of academic art, Thomas Gainsborough\u00E2\u0080\u0099s 1768 portrait of former slave and writer Ignatius Sancho (Figure 2.4) exposes similar race anxieties concerning the black man\u00E2\u0080\u0099s capacity to penetrate hegemonic worlds.9 In this chapter, caricature\u00E2\u0080\u0099s earthy appeal is held in tension with portraiture\u00E2\u0080\u0099s more sophisticated eye to negotiate cultural unease around hybridities emerging in Georgian Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s cultural terrains. A Green Slate: New Grounds for Re-visioning the Naturalist-Macaroni Botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s reach beyond domestic borders into new botanoscapes10 gained legitimacy through an association with professional as opposed to amateur interests, with influential patrons and social networks, and with the potential usefulness of botanical resource. Under its banner of national progress and economic recovery, this outreach flourished. The pursuit of vegetal resource in distant geographies was also given momentum through a new form of naturalist, a disciplined yet dynamic scientific explorer. By establishing contact and taking plant resource from global locales to be acclimatized back home, these naturalist-explorers 9 This portrait was later engraved and used as the frontispiece to Sancho\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Letters of the Late Ignatius Sancho, An African (1782). Ignatius Sancho (1729-1780) was a well-known freed black Briton (and former slave) who distinguished himself as a gifted composer, writer, and drama critic. He was active in the abolitionist movement and in mentoring other freed slaves, one of whom was Soubise. In The Letters of the Late Ignatius Sancho, An African published in 1782, over 150 letters by Sancho chronicle his experience as a slave, his family life, his political thoughts and activities in the arts, as well as contemporaneous events such as the Gordon riots of 1780. 10As mentioned in the Introduction to this thesis, I have created the term \u00E2\u0080\u0098botanoscape\u00E2\u0080\u0099 to register the fluidities underpinning botanical sites and global enterprises. Arjun Appadurai in \u00E2\u0080\u009CDisjuncture and Difference in the Global Cultural Economy,\u00E2\u0080\u009D from Colonial Discourse and Postcolonial Theory: A Reader, eds. Patrick Williams and Laura Chrisman (New York: Columbia University Press, 1994) use the term \u00E2\u0080\u0098scape\u00E2\u0080\u0099 in relation to global cultural flow (often from colonial sites). His definition of \u00E2\u0080\u0098scape\u00E2\u0080\u0099 can apply to botanical spaces, that is \u00E2\u0080\u0098scape\u00E2\u0080\u0099 as the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfluid\u00E2\u0080\u009D nature of terrains, one that is contingent upon \u00E2\u0080\u009Cperspectival constructs inflected by\u00E2\u0080\u00A6.the situatedness\u00E2\u0080\u009D of different sorts of subjectivities\u00E2\u0080\u0094social, political, and economic (328-329). 58 facilitated Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s subsequent claim to those geographies.11 Driving botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s engine was Joseph Banks, a Linnaean naturalist whose influence in the development and advancement of natural history in Britain earned him the accolade of \u00E2\u0080\u009C\u00E2\u0080\u0098The Liberal Patron of Science, and the Enlightened Cultivator of Natural Knowledge.\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u009D12 His presence as botanical scientist aboard sailings to Newfoundland and Labrador in 1766 led to Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s most renowned voyage to the South Pacific locales from 1768 to 1772 as resident botanist aboard Captain James Cook\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Endeavour.13 This well published voyage of discovery opened up Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s imperial geo- botanizing and global plant transfers. Indeed, by early 1773 Banks would oversee the Royal Gardens at Kew and manage its botanical specimens.14 As Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s chief engineer of 11 John Gascoigne in Science in the Service of Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998) calls Banks a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cscientific explorer\u00E2\u0080\u009D although not Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s first and notes that promoting naturalists as part of voyages of discovery was a means by which governments could leverage funding in the name of \u00E2\u0080\u009Cstrategic and imperial advantage\u00E2\u0080\u009D (127). 12 As cited John Gascoigne, Joseph Banks and the English Enlightenment: Useful Knowledge and Polite Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 33. Banks served as Director of the Royal Gardens at Kew for over forty-five years, as well as President of the Royal Society (of Science), Vice President of the Linnaean Society, founding member of the Royal Horticultural Society, advisor to the East India Company and member of the Privy Council, all positions registering his importance to botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s enterprises. See also A. R. Ferguson, \u00E2\u0080\u009CSir Joseph Banks and the Transfer of Crop Plants,\u00E2\u0080\u009D New Zealand Journal 11, no. 2 (2008): 9-15. 13 Meant to imprint national pride and prowess, The Endeavour\u00E2\u0080\u0099s voyage was sanctioned at the highest political levels through George III\u00E2\u0080\u0099s personal \u00E2\u0080\u009CPromotion of Natural Knowledge\u00E2\u0080\u009D while being serviced by the Royal Navy at the King\u00E2\u0080\u0099s command according to Harold B. Carter in Sir Joseph Banks 1743-1820 (London: British Museum Publications, 1988). Posited under the mandate of \u00E2\u0080\u009CDiscovery of the Southern Continent\u00E2\u0080\u009D and observation of the transit of Venus in June of 1769, the voyage would also accommodate botanical pursuit, and uniquely so through \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca collaboration of civilian science under royal patronage\u00E2\u0080\u00A6with private enterprise under Admiralty management\u00E2\u0080\u009D (74-75). The \u00E2\u0080\u0098Southern Continent\u00E2\u0080\u0099 was a phrase denoting Polynesia, Australia and ultimately New Zealand. Carter recounts that accompanying Banks were naturalists (Sweden\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Daniel Solander and Herman Sp\u00C3\u00B6ring), botanical illustrators (Sydney Parkinson and Alexander Buchan), servants, horticultural assistants, carpenters, and Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s two greyhounds. Of note is that Cook\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Endeavour was not the first European ship to visit Otahiete. John Hawkesworth, literary scholar and writer of An abridgment of Captain Cook\u00E2\u0080\u0099s first and second voyages first published in 1773, points out that Captain Wallis of the British ship the Dolphin had landed in Tahiti, then known as Georges Island, and returned to England in May 1768. In addition, Emma Spary in Utopia\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Garden (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000) points out that French Captain Bougainville in the mid-1760s voyaged to Tahiti, known then by the French as \u00E2\u0080\u0098La Nouvelle Cyth\u00C3\u00A8re\u00E2\u0080\u0099 or the New Island of Love. Also see Glyndwr Williams, \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Endeavour Voyage,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Science and Exploration in the Pacific, ed. M. Lincoln, (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 1998). 14 Charles Lyte, Sir Joseph Banks: Eighteenth-Century Explorer, Botanist, and Entrepreneur (London: David and Charles, 1980), 172. Also see for example Ray Desmond, Kew: The History of the Royal Botanic Gardens (London: Harvill Press, 1995). Desmond reports that Banks collected and documented over 3600 species of 59 botanical enterprise, namely \u00E2\u0080\u009Cone of the country\u00E2\u0080\u0099s foremost naturalists,\u00E2\u0080\u009D15 it is fitting that Banks should be a target of caricature\u00E2\u0080\u0099s social critique, a form that appealed to diverse interests. In 1772, Matthew Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Fly-Catching Macaroni of the same year (Figure 2.1), a satire of Joseph Banks displayed in the window of Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s popular Strand Street print-shop, The Macaroni Print-Shop (Figure 1.4), captured public attention.16 In dandified attire\u00E2\u0080\u0094 ruffled shirt, hat with a plume, macaroni queue, and sword\u00E2\u0080\u0094this was the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cflycatcher\u00E2\u0080\u009D Joseph Banks as has been identified by numerous scholars.17 In the image he wields round, bag-net rackets in an attempt to catch a butterfly, and all the while standing astride two globes labeled as the \u00E2\u0080\u009CAntartick Circle\u00E2\u0080\u009D and the \u00E2\u0080\u009CArtick Circle.\u00E2\u0080\u009D18 Underscoring the precariousness of his stance, an anxious grimace marks his face and animal ears\u00E2\u0080\u0094those of an ass\u00E2\u0080\u0094protrude plants, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbottles of pickled animals\u00E2\u0080\u009D as well as animal bone specimens such as those of the \u00E2\u0080\u0098kangooroo\u00E2\u0080\u0099 (88). As \u00E2\u0080\u0098Director\u00E2\u0080\u0099 of the Royal Gardens at Kew and President of the Royal Society (of Science), Banks established worldwide networks, his hand shaping Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s global trade initiatives and transfers of botanical product to colonies or back to Kew. As my thesis will discuss, Banks and his connections were instrumental in building Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s botanical empire and fulfilling the nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s and Monarchy\u00E2\u0080\u0099s mandate of progress and \u00E2\u0080\u0098improvement\u00E2\u0080\u0099, and especially so in light of his close friendship with the King that historian Ray Desmond also addresses (88- 9). 15 Gascoigne, Joseph Banks and the English Enlightenment, 9. Still today, historians such as Richard Holmes in his The Age of Wonder (London: Harper Press, 2009) acknowledge Banks as the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cuniversal scientific patron that largely shaped and directed\u00E2\u0080\u009D Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s botanical global empire (57). 16 Notable for being fashionably in the news, Banks was also the subject of another Matthew Darly print published in 1772, The Botanic Macaroni (BMC 5046). Here Banks is shown as scrutinizing a flower specimen but also displaying, as Dorothy George notes in A Catalogue of Political and Personal Satires in the British Museum (1935), his \u00E2\u0080\u009Cgouty leg,\u00E2\u0080\u009D perhaps attesting to his high living. Biographer Harold Carter informs that this gout kept Banks wheelchair bound in his later years. The only other Darly work on Banks is the engraving published in 1773 (see Footnote 70 of Chapter One)\u00E2\u0080\u0094double cameo portraits of Banks and his mistress, \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Circumnavigator\u00E2\u0080\u009D and \u00E2\u0080\u009CMiss B----N\u00E2\u0080\u009D (BMC 5146). 17 Frederic Georg Stephens, Catalogue of Prints and Drawings in the British Museum: Political and Personal Satires, Vol. IV (London: British Museum Publications, 1883), 782. Stephens\u00E2\u0080\u0099s study identifies this image as \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Fly-Catching Macaroni (Sir Joseph Banks).\u00E2\u0080\u009D 18 See Michael Salmon\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Aurelian Legacy (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000) for descriptions of various butterfly nets. Salmon interestingly points out that chasing butterflies has a long history with illustrations by Jehan de Grise from the mid-fourteenth century Flemish manuscript The Romance of Alexander as the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cearliest known depictions of people chasing butterflies\u00E2\u0080\u009D (68). 60 beneath his tricorn. The text \u00E2\u0080\u009CI rove from Pole to Pole, you ask me why/ I tell you Truth, to catch a\u00E2\u0080\u0094Fly,\u00E2\u0080\u009D would seem to mock Banks as master naturalist of Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s global plant pursuit.19 In 1772, Banks was in the public eye for his famed journey on the Endeavour, and his status as collector, scientific explorer, and confidante of George III had been registered in his new role at Kew Gardens.20 The print acknowledges this publicity and at one level attests to Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s dedicated spirit of rigorous inquiry and productive work.21 As the inimitable botanical explorer of the South Seas, Fellow of the Royal Society, and cultural icon at the tender age of twenty-three, Joseph Banks represented the new face of botanical enterprise. But caricature\u00E2\u0080\u0099s purpose of mockery and censure would suggest that this landscape was not as harmonious as it first might seem. Perhaps calling up John Locke\u00E2\u0080\u0099s notion of the tabula rasa from his An Essay Concerning Human Understanding of 1690, the Banksian era posited a clean slate but an unknown one, and as such knowledge, imagination, and botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s reach were about to be written upon new lands that would require deft negotiation of 19 Stephens, Catalogue of Prints and Drawings in the British Museum, 782. Stephens makes clear that this is indeed Banks after he and his colleague and friend, naturalist Daniel Solander returned firstly from the South Pacific (Antartick Circle) in June of 1772 and then from their subsequent short journey to the northwest coast of Scotland and Iceland (Artick Circle) in November of 1772. Richard Drayton in Nature\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Government (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000) indicates that Banks contributed \u00C2\u00A310,000 of his own money to the Endeavour\u00E2\u0080\u0099s expedition (66). 20For Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s role at Kew and friendship with George III see John Gascoigne, Joseph Banks and the English Enlightenment, 1-28 and Ray Desmond, Kew: The History of the Royal Botanic Gardens (London: Harvill Press, 1995), 85-93. 21 The eminent French naturalist Georges Cuvier in his \u00E2\u0080\u009CHistorical Eloge of the late Sir Joseph Banks, Baronet, President of the Royal Society,\u00E2\u0080\u009D read to the Royal Academy of France on April 2, 1821 but also published in The Edinburgh New Philosophical Journal, Vol. 2 (Edinburgh: October-December, 1827), spoke eloquently and admiringly of Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s momentous contribution to science, his tireless \u00E2\u0080\u009Cenergy,\u00E2\u0080\u009D and his being at the vanguard of botanical advances (1-21). On another note, although Banks was a man of some financial means having inherited land from his \u00E2\u0080\u0098squire\u00E2\u0080\u0099 father, he was not of the surfeit, aristocratic set. Ray Desmond notes in Kew: The History of the Royal Botanic Gardens that when Banks entered the college of Christ Church at Oxford he did so as a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cgentleman-commoner\u00E2\u0080\u009D (85). Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall in Men and Women of the English middle class, 1780-1850 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987) argue that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe single greatest distinction between the aristocracy and the middle class was the imperative for members of the latter to actively seek an income rather than expect to live from rents and emoluments of office while spending their time in honour-enhancing activities such as politics, hunting or social appearances\u00E2\u0080\u009D (20). Banks liked the physical work of natural history and that separated him from elite types. 61 challenges ranging from national skepticism to other cultures and their influences. These tensions within botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s expansion are positioned, I suggest, through the ambivalences embedded within the caricature\u00E2\u0080\u0099s unmarked backdrop. Firstly, in The Fly-Catching Macaroni while the fly-catcher\u00E2\u0080\u0099s stance astride two globes might be masterful to some, to others the pose could translate to \u00E2\u0080\u0098out of balance\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u0094 that is, connoting a critique of the eighteenth century\u00E2\u0080\u0099s insatiable appetite for celebrity and addiction to passing fads. Certainly state funding given to the Endeavour is here trivialized as serving only to swat or catch \u00E2\u0080\u0098flies\u00E2\u0080\u0099.22 Perhaps this explorer\u00E2\u0080\u0099s straddling of two globes could remind viewers of Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s reputed sexual conquests in Otaheite, of discomfort over monies wasted on planet gazing, and of looking to plants as salvation for Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s crumbling economy.23 Similarly called up could also have been allusions to polarized cultures, that is, troubling differences between British codes and practices in \u00E2\u0080\u0098primitive\u00E2\u0080\u0099 new worlds. As one example that was reported in London papers, Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s journal of January 16, 1770 told of encounters in New Zealand where \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe Indians have the custom of eating their enemies,\u00E2\u0080\u009D proof of which was offered to Banks by way of human bones \u00E2\u0080\u009Cgnawed but not intirely pickd off.\u00E2\u0080\u009D24 Or perhaps at another level as noted by historian Noah Heringman, Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Fly- Catching Macaroni could parallel other representations such as Thomas Burnett\u00E2\u0080\u0099s 22 For funding of Endeavour see Harold Carter, Sir Joseph Banks 1743-1820 (London: British Museum, 1988), 58-65. On another note, \u00E2\u0080\u0098flies\u00E2\u0080\u0099 was an insider term for butterfly. However, while that might be the reference here, butterfly collecting was considered by many to be an idle pursuit. (See Chapter One of this thesis.) 23 Gascoigne, Joseph Banks and the English Enlightenment, 9. According to Gascoigne, the Navy Board was skeptical of civilian involvement in the voyages of discovery and complaints were forward to the First Lord of the Admiralty of Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s attitude of self-entitlement, and that every effort should be made to accommodate him (9). 24 Joseph Banks, The Endeavour Journal of Joseph Banks 1768-1771. Vol. I., ed. J. C. Beaglehole (London: Angus and Roberston, 1962), 455. For a discussion of the clash of European and Maori culture see A. Salmond, Two Worlds: First Meetings between Maori and European 1642-1772 (Auckland: Viking, 1991). 62 frontispiece to his geologic treatise The Sacred Theory of the Earth of 1681 (Figure 2.5),25 that in turn could point to deeper social slippages. In Burnett\u00E2\u0080\u0099s frontispiece, Christ stands at the apex of two globes, reaching outward, His body is turned in forward momentum\u00E2\u0080\u0094a position that seems evident in Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s caricature where Banks similarly twists with arms raised in open invitation or sweeping benediction. Is society abandoning religious belief to be indoctrinated by botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s celebrity and its promised redemption from economic woes? Was the caricature pointing to awareness of the on-going tension between science and religion that saw new taxonomies challenge established beliefs at a time when how worlds evolved was still at the apex of public consideration? Secondly, the tabula rasa in this caricature marks out another shift, namely, that botanical collecting was slowly shifting from the fanciful pastime of the idle rich to that of serious entrepreneurs and their individual efforts. That cultural repositioning was in part mobilized by Banks and his rejection of aristocratic travel tours to France and Italy: \u00E2\u0080\u009C\u00E2\u0080\u0098Every blockhead does that; my Grand Tour shall be one round the whole globe.\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u009D26 In the spirit of Linnaean apostles who traveled the world in pursuit of plants and in Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s own description of Linnaeus as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthat God of my adoration,\u00E2\u0080\u009D27 Banks balanced botanical discovery with the 25 The comparison was drawn to my attention through Noah Heringman\u00E2\u0080\u0099s article, \u00E2\u0080\u009C\u00E2\u0080\u0098Peter Pindar,\u00E2\u0080\u0099 Joseph Banks, and the Case Against Natural History\u00E2\u0080\u0099,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Wordsworth Circle 35:1 (Winter, 2004): 21-30. In this short article, Heringman suggests that the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cstance invites comparison with Burnet\u00E2\u0080\u0099s frontispiece,\u00E2\u0080\u009D but does no comparison himself. Fundamentally, Burnet\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Sacred Theory of the Earth explains the Earth\u00E2\u0080\u0099s development with reference to Noah\u00E2\u0080\u0099s flood. Burnet was something of a radical in that he proposed a theory that saw \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe flood\u00E2\u0080\u009D as waters that were buried deep beneath the earth\u00E2\u0080\u0099s crust, an explanation that didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t align with religious belief. He also showed the earth\u00E2\u0080\u0099s development in \u00E2\u0080\u0098circles\u00E2\u0080\u0099 of the earth, perhaps an allusion to his belief in the cyclical nature of time (that contradicts Biblical time) and that as quoted by Burnet in Stephen Gould\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Time\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Arrow, Time\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Cycle (London: Harvard University Press, 1987), \u00E2\u0080\u009CIf space is infinite, we may be at any point in space. If time is infinite, we may be at any point in time\u00E2\u0080\u009D (49). These revolutionary formulations that turned worlds upside down could be a parallel to Joseph Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s radical new approach to unveiling new worlds through botanical outreach. 26 Quoted in Edward Smith, The Life of Sir Joseph Banks: President of the Royal Society with some notices of his friends and contemporaries (London: J. Lane, The Bodley Head, 1911), 16. 27 Joseph Banks to Jean Florimond Boudon de Saint-Amans (alias Amand), February 27, 1792 in Neil 63 economic utility of various resources. Here, the unmarked backdrop accentuated what we come to know: Joseph Banks made botanical claims in the untapped geographies of the South Seas, namely Otaheite (Tahiti), Australia, and New Zealand through his travels with Captain James Cook\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Endeavour (1768-1771).28 As key naturalist, Banks became pivotal to the movement of natural history\u00E2\u0080\u0099s resources, the negotiation of differences in other cultures, the ambivalences of transnational agendas, and shifting national mandates.29 Significantly then, this \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfly-catching\u00E2\u0080\u009D macaroni demonstrates a kind of hybridity or mixity that lent itself to actively engaging in a web of inter-relationships. Put another way, Banks came to master global outreach by way of a Linnaean tenet found in Philosophica Botanica of 1751 that saw \u00E2\u0080\u009CAll the taxa show relationships on all sides, like the countries on a map of the world.\u00E2\u0080\u009D30 Negotiating botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s global grid seemed Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s forte. Yet if so, should \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca fly-catching macaroni\u00E2\u0080\u009D be the mediator of a new global interface that saw unexplored regions waiting to be stamped with Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s imprint? To be remembered is that ventures abroad, such as the recent and relentless Seven Years War (1755-1763), may have resulted in Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s gain of new territory but at a monumental human and financial cost.31 Chambers, ed., The Letters of Sir Joseph Banks: A Selection, 1768-1820, (London: Imperial College, 2000), 143. 28 Disciplined scientific inquiry marked out the naturalist\u00E2\u0080\u0099s purpose aboard, as evidenced in the technologies and books carried in the Endeavour\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Library of Natural History\u00E2\u0080\u0099: Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Species Plantarum, Systema Naturae, and Regnum Animale and Buffon\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Histoire Naturelle. 29 Spary, Utopia\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Garden, 76. 30 Carl Linn\u00C3\u00A9, Philosophia Botanica, trans., Stephen Freer (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 40. Also see Gunnar Eriksson, \u00E2\u0080\u009CLinnaeus the Botanist,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Linnaeus: The Man and His Work, ed. Tore Fr\u00C3\u00A4ngsmyr (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983), 98. 31 Nancy Koehn in The Power of Commerce (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1994) indicates that Britain spent \u00C2\u00A3160 million in simultaneous maritime and continental strategies, a figure that was double of what Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s gross national product was in 1760, and in twentieth century terms would be analogous to the United States, for example, having a $10 trillion cost for fighting a war (5). John Brewer notes in The Sinews of Power (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1989) that the huge cost of the Seven Years War was felt through rising taxes and 64 Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s mediation of the two globes thus not only notes and plays with the renowned naturalist\u00E2\u0080\u0099s control of new botanical ventures but depicts a pivotal moment wherein diverse worlds\u00E2\u0080\u0094national and global, scientific and aesthetic, mechanical, and material\u00E2\u0080\u0094united to manage changes mobilized by botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s outreach. This skillful mediation of the old with the new appears to be subtly referenced in The Fly-Catching Macaroni through the carving of Minerva\u00E2\u0080\u0099s owl on the hilt of Bank\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sword. The owl, a well-known sign of Minerva the Roman goddess of wisdom, sits atop the sword as if guardian of the naturalist and representative of the learning embedded within botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s new enterprises. Associations with Minerva and the stability of classical traditions could go far in easing public anxiety around natural history\u00E2\u0080\u0099s associated mobilities such as penetrating paradise, defiling Edenic worlds, rupturing \u00E2\u0080\u0098natural\u00E2\u0080\u0099 order, and posing challenges to a fixed Chain of Being.32 In Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Fly-Catching Macaroni, the naturalist as a dynamic mediator of the old and new, is also shown within a precarious state, potentially unbalanced as global outreach is reduced to swatting at \u00E2\u0080\u0098flies\u00E2\u0080\u0099. Within this frame, the naturalist emerges then as a \u00E2\u0080\u0098mixed\u00E2\u0080\u0099 or hybrid subjectivity, that is, one who is not fixed in one world or the other but somewhere in between. prices, particularly for example, \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca twenty-six per cent increase in the wholesale price of a barrel of beer\u00E2\u0080\u009D (158), a cost that would impact a cross-section of Britons. 32 Linnaean taxonomies and practitioners followed what is referred to today as a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnested hierarchy,\u00E2\u0080\u009D that is, at the simplest of levels, group relationships (species, genera, orders, classes and kingdoms) that were nested one within the other, each level of equal rank, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnone was higher than any other,\u00E2\u0080\u009D as noted by Jonathan Marks, Human Biodiversity: Genes, Race, and History (New York: Aldine de Gruyter, 1995), 7. This view contravened conventional chains of being that ranged from the highest orders (social, political, economic, or religious) at the top down to the lowest orders at the bottom. Through social analogy, such potential upturning of encoded class hierarchies could raise anxieties for publics who wanted the certainty of maintaining their status quo. 65 Ordering New Terrains The new terrains were also ambivalent. Distant geographies intrigued the British for their apparent unsullied abundance, curious cultural practices, and as potential for botanical resource and enterprises. Conversely however, these sites with their seemingly transgressive rituals or new mixities posed a risk to the imperial nation. In The Fly-Catching Macaroni, the butterfly for which Banks reaches could metaphorically reference the beginning of a pivotal cultural shift that saw Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s commitment to harvesting global resource. Banks recounted in his journal and later retold to those in London salons of how, in May of 1770 in Otahiete, he came upon \u00E2\u0080\u009C4 acres crowded with them [butterflies]: the eye could not be turnd in any direction without seeing millions\u00E2\u0080\u00A6a velvet black to blue\u00E2\u0080\u00A6with many brimstone colourd spots.\u00E2\u0080\u009D33 Such a proliferation signaled broader resource potentials within distant locales, for example Otaheite\u00E2\u0080\u0099s breadfruit, the hemp of New Zealand, or trade exchanges emerging from any of the \u00E2\u0080\u009C3000 plants, 110 new genera and 1300 new species collected\u00E2\u0080\u009D during the Endeavour\u00E2\u0080\u0099s voyage.34 As historian John Gascoigne has established, Banks viewed imperial botanical sites as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cemporium[s] of raw materials\u00E2\u0080\u009D that would benefit \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnational self-sufficiency and autonomy.\u00E2\u0080\u009D35 Here, it would seem, Banks as part virtuosi botanist and part bourgeois merchant tapped into Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s notion of oeconomia, that is, the 33 Banks, The Endeavour Journal, Vol. 2, 1-2. The beautiful and prolific butterflies speak to Otaheite\u00E2\u0080\u0099s exotic allure\u00E2\u0080\u0094its geographic body feminized and penetrated for botanical riches. The diaries of Lady Mary Coke\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (1727-1811), an eighteenth-century writer and socially connected aristocrat, reference the attendance of Banks and Solander at fashionable London salons upon their return from the Endeavour, and how they narrated stories such as these of their travels. 34 William Stearn, \u00E2\u0080\u009CA Royal Society Appointment with Venus in 1769: The Voyage of Cook and Banks in the \u00E2\u0080\u0098Endeavour\u00E2\u0080\u0099 1768-1771,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 24, no. 1 (June 1969): 85. According to Richard Holmes in The Age of Wonder (2009) this journey also realized the collection of over 500 animal skins and skeletons as well as many native artifacts (43). 35 Gascoigne, Science in the Service of Empire, 106. 66 utility of plants for human use.36 But such impressive botanizing, as I will argue, was not without a darker underbelly, namely, uncertainties around marshalling new mobilities and knowledge in distant and domestic terrains, as well as controlling emerging mixities that seemed to contest British norms. As a \u00E2\u0080\u0098fly-catcher\u00E2\u0080\u0099, a hybrid entity not quite in new worlds or old, Banks by 1772 would seem to have effected a workable middle ground. He negotiated interchanges at the highest of levels, specifically with King George III, yet navigated successful exchanges with other naturalists, botanical illustrators, and horticulturists. Nonetheless, such successes were not without criticism. Contemporaneous critic Peter Pindar condemned Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s botanizing as opportunistic. In one of his satirical poems \u00E2\u0080\u009CSir Joseph Banks and the Emperor of Morocco\u00E2\u0080\u009D Pindar attacks the naturalist\u00E2\u0080\u0099s celebrity as ludicrous, suggesting that praises of Banks are sung only by toadies and \u00E2\u0080\u009CInsectmongers.\u00E2\u0080\u009D37 Pindar mocks Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s botanical intentions and puns upon the pursuit of a Monarch as perhaps this naturalist\u00E2\u0080\u0099s effort to secure Monarchical patronage: \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwith tears\u00E2\u0080\u009D Banks \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccry\u00E2\u0080\u0099d\u00E2\u0080\u00A6To unknown fields behold the Monarch fly!/ Zounds! 36 Tony Aspromougos in The Science of Wealth (London: Routledge, 2008) reaffirms that Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s definition of oeconomia as formulated in Oeconomia Naturae of 1749 meant \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe science of natural products and their \u00E2\u0080\u0098use\u00E2\u0080\u0099 for human life\u00E2\u0080\u009D (29). Linnaeus promoted the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cutility\u00E2\u0080\u009D of plants as a way to help secure his nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s self- sufficiency and autonomy as acknowledged in Lisbet Koerner\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Linnaeus: Nature and Nation (1999). Also see Staffan Muller-Wille in \u00E2\u0080\u009CNature as Marketplace,\u00E2\u0080\u009D History of Political Economy 35 (2003): 154-172 and Margaret Schabas, The Natural Origins of Economics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006). 37 Peter Pindar, \u00E2\u0080\u009CSir Joseph Banks and the Emperor of Morocco,\u00E2\u0080\u009D in The Works of Peter Pindar, Vol. 2 (London: Reprinted for J. Walker, 1794), 511. Noah Heringman in \u00E2\u0080\u009C\u00E2\u0080\u0098Peter Pindar,\u00E2\u0080\u0099 Joseph Banks, and the Case Against Natural History\u00E2\u0080\u0099,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Wordsworth Circle 35, no. 1 (Winter 2004) notes that Peter Pindar (John Wolcot) between 1772 and 1797 published at least fifteen lampoons of Joseph Banks (22). According to Edward Smith in The Life of Sir Joseph Banks (1911), Peter Pindar (1738-1819), was a pen name for John Wolcot, M.D., an unsuccessful London physician who made his mark by writing entertaining satires upon various subjects. This particular poem appeared formally in a folio published in 1788 but was thought to be in circulation well before that date. \u00E2\u0080\u009CSir Joseph Banks and the Emperor of Morocco\u00E2\u0080\u009D in some publications is accompanied by an engraving which is unsigned and without a caption. The image evokes Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Fly-Catching Macaroni in that Banks similarly holds butterfly bat-rackets in his hands while he reaches and seemingly flails at a butterfly just beyond his reach. In this engraving however, Banks appears to be in a small botanic garden upon whose plants and attending gardener he tromps in his rabid pursuit. An image can be seen through a link at International League of Antiquarian Booksellers: http://www.ilab.org/db/book17_708_292.html. 67 Not to catch him, what an ass was I!\u00E2\u0080\u009D38 Pindar maintains his critique of the naturalist in another satire entitled \u00E2\u0080\u009CAdvice to the Future Laureat\u00E2\u0080\u009D where he advises young elites in search of \u00E2\u0080\u0098success\u00E2\u0080\u0099 to \u00E2\u0080\u009CGo to the fields, and gain a nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Thanks/Catch grasshoppers and butterflies for Banks.\u00E2\u0080\u009D39 Notably, Banksian biographer Edward Smith argues that Pindar\u00E2\u0080\u0099s metaphorical allusions to \u00E2\u0080\u0098the Monarch\u00E2\u0080\u0099 and \u00E2\u0080\u0098a Nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s thanks\u00E2\u0080\u0099 refers to George III\u00E2\u0080\u0099s patronage.40 Perhaps also unsettling to a nation still struggling under taxation from war involvement was the puzzling generosity of the notoriously thrifty George III and his eagerness to enable financing for \u00E2\u0080\u0098scientific\u00E2\u0080\u0099 venture like that of the Endeavour\u00E2\u0080\u0099s voyage. That drive toward botanical discovery and enterprise was seen to underpin George III\u00E2\u0080\u0099s appointment in 1773 of Banks as Director and Chief Supervisor of the Royal Gardens at Kew.41 Pindar\u00E2\u0080\u0099s apparent mockery and skepticism over Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s meteoric rise to prominence would seem to echo public speculations concerning this \u00E2\u0080\u009Cde facto director\u00E2\u0080\u0099s\u00E2\u0080\u009D opportune friendship and subsequent business dealings with the King.42 Clearly, new world botanizing 38 Pindar, \u00E2\u0080\u009CSir Joseph Banks and the Emperor of Morocco,\u00E2\u0080\u009D 206. 39 Ibid., \u00E2\u0080\u009CAdvice to the Future Laureat,\u00E2\u0080\u009D 452. 40Smith, The Life of Sir Joseph Banks, 178. Pindar\u00E2\u0080\u0099s use of the phrase \u00E2\u0080\u009Cgo to the fields\u00E2\u0080\u009D is not transparent. For example, literary historian Noah Heringman in \u00E2\u0080\u009C\u00E2\u0080\u0098Peter Pindar,\u00E2\u0080\u0099 Joseph Banks, and the Case Against Natural History,\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u009D argues that for Wolcot (Pindar), Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s specimen-hunting \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmark[ed] him as a country squire masquerading as a philosopher,\u00E2\u0080\u009D and that Pindar\u00E2\u0080\u0099s lampoons in general signal objection to Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009Camateurism\u00E2\u0080\u009D and his \u00E2\u0080\u009Cinfluence\u00E2\u0080\u009D with the King (25-26). 41 According to Edward Smith in The Life of Sir Joseph Banks, Banks \u00E2\u0080\u009Cconceived the notion of making Kew the depository of every known plant\u00E2\u0080\u009D useful to people of Europe and under his guidance Kew became known as the \u00E2\u0080\u009CMecca of Botanists\u00E2\u0080\u009D (94-95). Also see Richard Drayton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Nature\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Government (2000), Ray Desmond\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Kew: The History of the Royal Botanic Gardens (1995), and John Gascoigne\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Joseph Banks and the English Enlightenment (1994). As cited in historian Richard Holmes\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Age of Wonder (2009) Banks established more than 50,000 trees and shrubs at Kew many of which were \u00E2\u0080\u0098naturalized\u00E2\u0080\u0099, for example, monkey-puzzle trees, magnolias, and sequoia evergreens (56). 42 In Joseph Banks and the English Enlightenment (1994) historian John Gascoigne calls Banks the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cde facto Director\u00E2\u0080\u009D (1). Ray Desmond in Kew (1995) points out that Banks was able to use \u00E2\u0080\u009CBritish merchants in Lisbon to organize the smuggling of Merino sheep into Portugal\u00E2\u0080\u009D and from there bring to Britain for the King (90). This procedure was taken because according to Richard Drayton in Nature\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Government (2000) King George \u00E2\u0080\u009Cimported merino sheep, the object of a Spanish royal monopoly, through Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s secret help\u00E2\u0080\u009D (87). 68 did not elide old world politicking and patronage. At a time when war, political rupture, and urban decay seemed relentless, anxious viewers might side with both Darly as caricaturist and Pindar as literary satirist in seeing the madness in Royal sponsorship of fly-catching missions and in patronage of a naturalist with rather vacuous scientific qualifications. Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s hybrid character was further highlighted through other details within The Fly-Catching Macaroni. His discreet queue aligned him with elite sensibilities\u00E2\u0080\u0094judges, aristocrats, and kings wore wigs. Edward Beetham noted in his contemporaneous Moral Lectures on Heads that without a wig, the head was a \u00E2\u0080\u009Csimple, naked, unembellished appearance,\u00E2\u0080\u009D and the man was thus an object of ridicule and distaste.43 Yet, for this flycatcher, the wig held contradictions. On one hand, it was associated with polite taste, but conversely the wig incited anxiety as a known carrier of disease such as infestations of lice, blight from the potato powder used on it, or smallpox.44 These associations, notes art historian Marcia Pointon, were seen to be a result of wigs being made from the hair of society\u00E2\u0080\u0099s moral \u00E2\u0080\u0098dirt\u00E2\u0080\u0099 such as prostitutes, rural girls, or dead bodies.45 Ironically, in an effort to separate oneself from the lower ranks and appear as elite patriarchs, the male wig-wearer cross-dressed with hair of socially inferior females, a practice that emasculated them through the very economies of that lower class.46 Such ambivalences spoke of masculinity as a site of ambiguity and mixity. High art representations of imperial enterprise offered more assured depictions of the naturalist. In the portrait of Mr. Joseph Banks (Figure 2.2) displayed in 1773 at the British 43 Edward Beetham, Moral Lectures on Heads (Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 1780), 3. 44 Marcia Pointon, Hanging the Head, (London: Yale University Press, 1993), 120-124. 45 Ibid. 46 Ibid. 69 Royal Academy,47 Benjamin West, history and portrait painter, represented that transitional moment when botany moved into the territory of valued enterprise and largely so at the hands of Banks as a productive man of science.48 West\u00E2\u0080\u0099s portrait, as numerous commentators have noted, depicted Banks as a young naturalist-explorer surrounded by the markers of his South Pacific discovery and claim.49 On the surface, the portrait seems to securely contain new worlds within British ideals through reference to Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s military attire, and the staples of elite portraiture\u00E2\u0080\u0094neoclassical pillars and drapery that provide the backdrop for his figure.50 Safely framed by these British traditions, Banks is wearing and pointing to his cloak made of 47 As confirmed by Andrew Potter, Research Librarian at The Royal Academy of Arts, 2009. See Footnote 4 of Chapter Two of this thesis. 48 Joanna Woodall in Portraiture: Facing the Subject (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1997) argues that portraiture\u00E2\u0080\u0099s reference to classical or \u00E2\u0080\u009Cantique authority\u00E2\u0080\u009D contributed to depicting \u00E2\u0080\u009Cprogressive intellectual endeavour\u00E2\u0080\u009D and that portraits of the individual often demonstrated \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnotions of exemplary virtue\u00E2\u0080\u009D (4, 15). Jeremy Black in Eighteenth-Century Britain 1688-1783, 2nd ed. (London: Palgrave, 2008) argues that \u00E2\u0080\u009Csocial stability\u00E2\u0080\u009D was linked with \u00E2\u0080\u009Cportraiture\u00E2\u0080\u009D by \u00E2\u0080\u009Cemphasizing the power and immutability of the elite leadership of society\u00E2\u0080\u009D (163). 49 Aspects of West\u00E2\u0080\u0099s portrait as various registers of Joseph Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s global travels have been discussed in Patricia Fara, \u00E2\u0080\u009CImages of a Man of Science,\u00E2\u0080\u009D History Today 48 (October 1998); Gillian Russell\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009CFashionable Sociability and the Pacific,\u00E2\u0080\u009D A New Imperial History, ed. Kathleen Wilson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004); Harriet Guest, \u00E2\u0080\u009CCuriously Marked,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Painting and the Politics of Culture, ed. John Barrell, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992); and, Jeremy Coote and Sophie Forgan in Curiosities from the Endeavour, Exhibition at Captain Cook Memorial Museum Whitby, 2004. My exploration follows a different path to those historians mentioned above. I point to Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s interest in the \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctechnologies\u00E2\u0080\u009D of the South Pacific cultures as markers of that \u00E2\u0080\u0098exotic\u00E2\u0080\u0099 culture\u00E2\u0080\u0099s remarkable sophistication in terms of their innovative strategies and use of tools by which to manufacture products out of botanical resource. Coote and Forgan\u00E2\u0080\u0099s article does mention \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctools\u00E2\u0080\u009D in general, but does not address specifics other than noting that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbamboo nose flutes and a wooden-handled bone chisels\u00E2\u0080\u009D are not apparent in this portrait of Joseph Banks but were characteristic of South Pacific culture. Also see Neil Chambers, ed., The Letters of Sir Joseph Banks: a selection, 1768-1820 (London: Imperial College Press, 2000). 50 Jeremy Black in The British and the Grand Tour (London: Dover, N.H.: Croom Helm, 1985) posits that many grand tourists had \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctheir portraits painted, often in elevating poses in classical surroundings,\u00E2\u0080\u009D a representation that was sent home as marker of their exposure to a classical education abroad (214). Patricia Fara in \u00E2\u0080\u009CBenjamin West\u00E2\u0080\u0099s portrait of Joseph Banks,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Endeavour 24, no. 1 (March 2000) has subsequently noted that \u00E2\u0080\u009CGrand Tourists often brought home portraits as souvenirs of those returning from their Grand Tour showing them in heroic poses against classical ruins\u00E2\u0080\u009D (1). Banks is similarly positioned as such in this portrait of him as an \u00E2\u0080\u009Cimperial scientific explorer\u00E2\u0080\u009D(1). 70 flax,51 a resource that Banks was instrumental in having transplanted to Britain from New Zealand.52 Notably, at his feet is a book opened to an illustration of Phormium tenax, or New Zealand flax.53 Perhaps his pointing gesture purposefully aligns Banks with those poses and noble ideals embedded within the classical tradition while conversely negotiating the dynamics that validated the naturalist\u00E2\u0080\u0099s botanical explorations.54 As hybrid here, Banks bridges old and new worlds\u00E2\u0080\u0094aesthetic and terrestrial. Possession, however, was not just vegetal but cultural. In West\u00E2\u0080\u0099s portrait, Banks stands and slightly bows to the viewer as if presenting both flax cape and the variety of objects with which he is surrounded to his British patrons and the King. These objects speak of distant and exotic customs and the remarkable industry and technologies to be subsumed and transformed. West has depicted the Tahitian adze, a Maori long club (taiaha), a paddle, baskets, ceremonial white dog-hair neck ornament, a Maori amulet (hei tiki), and a bark cloth beater.55 These objects point to 51 As noted in a description of portrait at British Museum website http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search. 52 See Chambers, The Letters of Sir Joseph Banks, 83-85 and Gascoigne, Science in the Service of Empire, 119- 121. 53 Banksian biographer, historian Harold Carter in Sir Joseph Banks (1988) notes that in this portrait at Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s feet is an open folio that shows the drawing of the planta utilissima, that is, the New Zealand flax plant (99). A. R. Ferguson also identifies the image as New Zealand flax in \u00E2\u0080\u009CSir Joseph Banks and the Transfer of Crop Plants,\u00E2\u0080\u009D New Zealand Journal 11, no. 2 (2008): 9. 54 For a discussion of gesture and in particular the \u00E2\u0080\u0098Hand-in-Waistcoat\u00E2\u0080\u0099, see Arline Meyer, \u00E2\u0080\u009CRe-dressing Classical Statuary: The Eighteenth-Century \u00E2\u0080\u009CHand-in-Waistcoat\u00E2\u0080\u009D Portrait,\u00E2\u0080\u009D The Art Bulletin 77:1 (1995): 45-64. 55 See Footnote 49 of Chapter Two of this thesis. As mentioned, my exploration of Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s hybridity here is through a perspective that recognizes his ability to shed beliefs about Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s assumed technological superiority and see the intuitive, co-operative, and productive capabilities of the Otahietians. In his journal of the Endeavour voyage edited by J. C. Beaglehole, in June of 1769 Banks says that their technological ability \u00E2\u0080\u009Cexceeds belief\u00E2\u0080\u009D and is similar to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe best workman in Europe\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Vol. 1, 303-304). These comments are in particular reference to Otahietian funeral monuments, the marai which were pyramid-like structures that were \u00E2\u0080\u009C118 by 110 paces,\u00E2\u0080\u009D the cornerstone of which was \u00E2\u0080\u009C4 feet 7 inches by 2 feet 4 inches\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Vol. 1, 303). The marai\u00E2\u0080\u0099s stone steps were inlaid with coral. With no \u00E2\u0080\u009Cquarry\u00E2\u0080\u009D within distance, Banks marveled that the Otahietians found and \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccould raise so large a structure without the assistance of iron tools to shape their stones or mortar to join them\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Vol. 1, 304). These monuments also had elaborate altars upon which offerings, namely dogs, pigs, fruits, and flowers were made to their gods. 71 indigenous know-how: tool making, house construction, transportation and navigation, religious rituals, aesthetic sensibilities in carving skill and creating ornamentation for costumes, and converting plants into useable cloth for clothes or containers. Such innovation seemed to elude some British viewers who continued to see Otaheitians as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnoble savages\u00E2\u0080\u009D or infantilized the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnatives\u00E2\u0080\u009D as quaint curiosities.56 These perspectives would seem to reflect what Michael Adas has emphasized in Machines as the Measure of Men: Science, Technology and Ideologies of Western Dominance (1989), that in the eighteenth century images of a culture\u00E2\u0080\u0099s technology were used to assert western superiority at a time of imperial expansion.57 West\u00E2\u0080\u0099s portrait seemingly bespoke empire propaganda by positing Banks, the naturalist, as taxonomizing the world, marketing bio-power, mastering colonial industry, and subsuming indigenous knowledge.58 Here, the center of botanical enterprise was not an effete macaroni, but a multivalent hybrid, that is, a new kind of naturalist with an interdisciplinary mix\u00E2\u0080\u0094part geographic surveyor, botanical prospector, political negotiator, network administrator, and cultural ethnographer. 56 Such beliefs may have been in part prompted by the writings of eminent eighteenth-century philosopher Jean- Jacques Rousseau who not only published an explanation of the Linnaean systems, Letters on the Elements of Botany (written in the early 1770s but translated by naturalist Thomas Martyn in 1787) but is credited for being instrumental in the circulation of the phrase \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnoble savage,\u00E2\u0080\u009D a concept of the unsullied \u00E2\u0080\u0098natural\u00E2\u0080\u0099 man in such sites as the Caribbean islands. In an ambivalent way, however, there may be here in this image a subtle allusion that calls up the kind of \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctransmutations\u00E2\u0080\u009D that Rousseau spoke of in his Second Discourse of 1755 as quoted in Nicholas Dent\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Rousseau (New York: Routledge, 2005) where in explaining the notion of \u00E2\u0080\u0098noble savage\u00E2\u0080\u0099 Rousseau challenges the reader to consider \u00E2\u0080\u009Chow shall man hope to see himself as nature made him across all the changes which the succession of place and time must have produced in his original constitution\u00E2\u0080\u009D (58-59). Roxann Wheeler in The Complexion of Race (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 2000) argues that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe primary form that eighteenth-century racism took was the conviction that people in remote parts of Europe and Asia, most of all Africa, all of American and the Pacific were inferior because they had not become commercial people as quickly or as easily as Europeans\u00E2\u0080\u009D (301). In the eighteenth-century print culture, Africans were cast generically as the \u00E2\u0080\u0098noble savage\u00E2\u0080\u0099 as evident in Aphra Behn\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Oroonoko, a narrative that was staged in London and played popularly to audiences well into the 1760s. 57 See Michael Adas, Machines as the Measure of Men: Science, Technology and Ideologies of Western Dominance (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1989). 58 For discussion of the mobilizing agency underpinning plants, see Fran\u00C3\u00A7ois Delaporte, Nature\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Second Kingdom: Explorations of Vegetality in the Eighteenth Century, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1982), 136-174. 72 Although wrapped in registers of \u00E2\u0080\u0098exotic\u00E2\u0080\u0099 difference, for informed viewers the West portrait might also call to mind new tenets around humankind\u00E2\u0080\u0099s productivity, in particular, Adam Smith\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Theory of Moral Sentiments of 1759 that suggested those whose interest might seem to be motivated by \u00E2\u0080\u009Cselfish interest\u00E2\u0080\u009D (one of many types of \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdifferent passions\u00E2\u0080\u009D) were indeed \u00E2\u0080\u009Cled by an invisible hand\u00E2\u0080\u009D through which these individuals would share with \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe poor the produce of all their improvements.\u00E2\u0080\u009D59 West\u00E2\u0080\u0099s portrait opened up these productive new understandings around botany, that is to say, the shift of its terrain from that of virtuosi hobby to rigorous scientific inquiry and new \u00E2\u0080\u0098science\u00E2\u0080\u0099s\u00E2\u0080\u0099 elevation to productive enterprise that in turn anticipated \u00E2\u0080\u009Cimprovements\u00E2\u0080\u009D60 which would bring national fruition. But as this chapter has argued, mixities unsettled. For example, while flax was much needed to refurbish canvas sails of crippled British war ships, the indigenous dress, tools, and ephemera in West\u00E2\u0080\u0099s portrait suggested sophisticated indigenous technologies that conflicted with Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s assumed superiority over remote locales.61 In addition, exposure to exotic worlds could also posit dangerous temptation and moral mixity. For example, in June of 1773, the same year that West\u00E2\u0080\u0099s portrait was exhibited, The London Magazine featured an article on the inhabitants of Otaheite and reported that during the gifting of plants and cloth to Banks, an Otaheitian woman took up \u00E2\u0080\u009Cher garments all round her to the waist\u00E2\u0080\u00A6with an air of perfect innocence and simplicity.\u00E2\u0080\u009D62 The article also detailed the Polynesian \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpleasures of the Arreoy\u00E2\u0080\u009D, that is, a tribal custom where \u00E2\u0080\u009Cevery woman is common to every man\u00E2\u0080\u009D and 59 Adam Smith, The Theory of Moral Sentiments, 2nd edition (London: A. Millar, 1759), 283-284. 60 Drayton, Nature\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Government, Chapter Four. 61 See Footnote 55 of this chapter for Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s acknowledgement of Otaheitian technological expertise. 62 London Magazine. Or Gentleman\u00E2\u0080\u0099s monthly intelligencer. Vol. 43 (London, June 1773), 265-267. 73 where unwanted offspring at birth are \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmurdered.\u00E2\u0080\u009D63 Exposing such cultural difference to the ship\u00E2\u0080\u0099s crew or even publics in England raised fears that this seemingly moral mixity might co-opt and corrupt stalwart British values.64 Proof of this potential decay emerged already at home through an increase of \u00E2\u0080\u009Cerotic\u00E2\u0080\u009D publications whose sexual analogies materialized through botanical, nautical, and utopian landscapes,65 as well as through moral erosions in marriages to which George III responded with his Royal Marriages Act (1772), or ultimately by way of radical, educated female voices\u00E2\u0080\u0094bluestockings\u00E2\u0080\u0094who allegedly unsexed themselves through demands for new freedoms and mobilities.66 West\u00E2\u0080\u0099s portrait of Mr. Joseph Banks, where the naturalist \u00E2\u0080\u0098brings home\u00E2\u0080\u0099 Otaheitian objects and bows deferentially to patron and viewing public, safely contains such associations. 63 Ibid. 64 Carolus Linnaeus, Reflections on the study of nature; and a Dissertation of the Sexes of Plants, trans. J. E. Smith (Dublin: L. White, 1786), 55-56. Linnaeus suggested that plant hybridity was the result \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca genus [or type] was nothing else than a number of plants sprung from the same mother by different fathers,\u00E2\u0080\u009D what some of society saw as the promiscuous sexual mixing of males and females. Importantly he goes on to question whether these \u00E2\u0080\u009Cspecies are the offspring of time,\u00E2\u0080\u009D thus planting the idea of development of a species over time, a concept that had shifted from his very early formulations that had been couched in the notion of \u00E2\u0080\u0098fixity\u00E2\u0080\u0099 by God. Linnaeus stresses the point of hybrid potential by saying that in terms of inheritance, the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmule offspring is the exact image of its mother in its medullary substance, internal nature, or fructification, but resembles its father in leaves\u00E2\u0080\u009D (54-55). Positing the female as determinant of new generations was unsettling to those who did not want to consider alternatives to a male hegemonic system. 65 See Julie Peakman Mighty Lewd Books: The Development of Pornography in the Eighteenth Century (London: Palgrave, 2003); Karen Harvey, Reading Sex in the Eighteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004); and, Amy M. King, Bloom: The Botanical Vernacular in the English Novel (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003). 66 Elizabeth Montague founded the Blue Stockings Society midcentury in response to elite women and their advocacy for education, exposure to learned texts, political awareness and expanded knowledge, such as botany. Later in the century such influential voices as Mary Wollstonecraft in A Vindication of Rights of Woman (London: J. Johnson, 1792) through botanical analogy encouraged women to free themselves from society\u00E2\u0080\u0099s gendered conventions. Also see Nicole Pohl and B. Schellenberg, eds., Reconsidering the Bluestockings (San Marino: Huntington Library, 2003). 74 Botany Helps Order New Regimes Theorist of science Bruno Latour has noted that \u00E2\u0080\u009Chow to be familiar with things, people and events which are distant,\u00E2\u0080\u009D is to make them \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmobile, stable, and combinable.\u00E2\u0080\u009D67 Certainly Banks demystified botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s enterprise by making Captain Cook\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Endeavour, during their voyage of discovery from 1768 to 1771, into a floating laboratory, a site that provided a stable and secure place to document, preserve, and store plant specimens, that is, to amass herbariums.68 The ship had been well equipped with botanical reference books, diaries, and illustrations for ready reference to established knowledge and methods that could help familiarize naturalist with ways to process foreign plants or environments.69 Routines underpinning the work of classifying modeled order and control of new knowledge. In a world where a profusion of new botanicals or foreign geographies could provoke uncertainty, botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s systematics provided a stabilizing paradigm. Innovative use of botanical resource moved in tandem with Linnaean oeconomia, that is, the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cscience of natural products and their use for humans.\u00E2\u0080\u009D70 This is evident when Banks 67 Bruno Latour, Science in Action: How to Follow Scientist and Engineers through Society (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1987), 220- 223. Also see David Philip Miller, \u00E2\u0080\u009CJoseph Banks, empire, and \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccenters of calculation\u00E2\u0080\u009D in late Hanoverian London,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Visions of Empire: Voyages, Botany and Representations of Nature, eds. David Philip Miller and Peter Hanns Reill (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996). 68 To preserve shape, form and color of the plants that are collected in the field, the specimens (or seeds) are mounted between sheets of paper and pressed and dried. The specimens are labeled according to date, physical attributes, location found, and habitat (earth quality, altitude, humidity). The sheets of specimens are then filed into a protective case to minimize deterioration. David Philip Miller\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009CJoseph Banks, empire, and \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccenters of calculation\u00E2\u0080\u009D in late Hanoverian London,\u00E2\u0080\u009D from Visions of Empire (1996) explores how Joseph Banks managed to make himself a \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccenter of calculation\u00E2\u0080\u009D through his widespread involvement in diverse botanical activities. 69 Richard White in Inventing Australia (Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 1981) quotes English naturalist, John Ellis\u00E2\u0080\u0099s letter to Linnaeus on their day of departure on the Endeavour. In that letter, Ellis mentions that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cno people ever went to sea better fitted out for the purpose of Natural History,\u00E2\u0080\u009D by way of the \u00E2\u0080\u009Clibrary, machines for catching and preserving insects\u00E2\u0080\u009D and numerous other tools, casks, and telescopes (5-6). Also see Patrick O\u00E2\u0080\u0099Brian, Joseph Banks: A Life (London: William Collins Sons Co. Ltd., 1987). 70 Staffan M\u00C3\u00BCller-Wille, \u00E2\u0080\u009CNature as marketplace: The Political Economy of Linnaean Botany,\u00E2\u0080\u009D History of Political Economy, Volume 35 (2003): 154. 75 encouraged lemon juice as a solution to the Endeavour\u00E2\u0080\u0099s scurvy problem. He described in his journals how he \u00E2\u0080\u009Cflew to the lemon juice\u00E2\u0080\u009D as a means \u00E2\u0080\u009Cto prevent the scurvy,\u00E2\u0080\u009D a tactic that cured \u00E2\u0080\u009Cswelld gums and some pimples inside my [Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s] mouth.\u00E2\u0080\u009D71 As a result, lemons, cabbage for sauerkraut, and wort juice were deemed as vital to health and survival of naval crews.72 Good health, after all, ensured a productive crew and continued transport of goods for the nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s coffers. As historian David Mackay has established, since naval prowess was seen to directly correlate with Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s naval and military prowess and thus the nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s political stability, the naturalist\u00E2\u0080\u0099s solution to scurvy received high praise by way of the Admiralty\u00E2\u0080\u0099s adoption of this dietary regime for all its future voyages.73 A regulated ship was a healthy ship, and as a microcosm for Britain itself, capable leadership was key to establishing social harmony.74 Natural history\u00E2\u0080\u0099s discipline and curatives, therefore, seemed to promise some stability when moving from one world geography to another. Yet, worries persisted in relation to controlling pollutions such as disease, foreign penetrations, or cultural slippages thought to underly social decay. For example, from London coffeehouses to private salons, one public fear was the exposure to what Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s observed in Otaheite as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe dreadfull Contagion\u00E2\u0080\u0093 71 Banks, The Endeavour Journal of Joseph Banks 1768-1771, Vol.1, 251. While in Brazil in December of 1768, Banks writes extensively about the \u00E2\u0080\u0098Limes, Sweet Lemons, citrons, Plantanes, Mangos, Mamme apples, and casshou\u00E2\u0080\u0099, all of which are prolific. 72David Mackay, \u00E2\u0080\u009CBanks, Bligh and Breadfruit,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Science, Empire, and the European Exploration of the Pacific, ed. Tony Ballantyne (London: Ashgate, 2004), 150-153. Health reform was also for naval war ships, not just commercial vessels. 73 David Mackay, In the Wake of Cook: Exploration, Science, and Empire, 1780-1801 (London: Croom Helm, 1985), 40-44. 74 Christopher Lawrence in \u00E2\u0080\u009CDisciplining Disease\u00E2\u0080\u009D from Visions of Empire, eds. David Miller and Peter Reill (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996) states that \u00E2\u0080\u009Csmall-scale means of ordering the world were the norm in many eighteenth-century contexts: estates, ships, and small manufactories.\u00E2\u0080\u009D As such, he goes on to say that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe paternalistic world of Cook\u00E2\u0080\u0099s ships was seen as a model of how order and health should be maintained\u00E2\u0080\u009D not just on board, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbut in society at large\u00E2\u0080\u009D (82). 76 venereal disease.\u00E2\u0080\u009D75 Underpinning such worries was an implied failure of leadership, in general, to maintain control over its citizens. These fears around sexual temptation and moral slippages surfaced during Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Endeavour\u00E2\u0080\u0099s voyage. According to Banks, Tahitians allegedly had a fondness for iron \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnails above every other thing,\u00E2\u0080\u009D and as a result the Endeavour crew solicited sexual favours from native women in trade for nails.76 Ultimately, with some ship parts actually collapsing because of pilfered nails, sanctions were put in place: taking \u00E2\u0080\u009Cspike nails was punished with two dozen lashes.\u00E2\u0080\u009D77 Preserving moral order, at least on the outside, was key to civil order. Noteworthy, however, was that the British seemed only concerned for their own welfare, health, or commodities and not for what was being done to the Tahitians. Here, The Fly-Catching Macaroni could seem to point to a rather disturbing aspect of outreach, namely, the mutability of moral virtue in the pursuit of commodity desire. Whether lemons or libertine sex, an unsettling acquiescence to foreign influence was implied as well as the feared impact of prescription to it. As social anthropologist Mary Douglas has noted elsewhere, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe processes of ingestion portray political absorption,\u00E2\u0080\u009D78 and here, the explorer\u00E2\u0080\u0099s susceptibility to disease or moral temptation stood as signs of potential disorder and possible betrayal of British ideals. Botany had the potential to quell economic and social ills back home, but concurrently securing those resources posed temptations that contradicted the perceived stability of British values. 75 Banks, The Endeavour Journal of Joseph Banks 1768-1771, Vol. 1, 375. 76 John Hawkesworth, An abridgment of Captain Cook\u00E2\u0080\u0099s first and second voyages, 7th ed. (London: G. Kearsley, 1793), 207. In his An account of the voyages undertaken by the order of His present Majesty for making discoveries in the Southern Hemisphere, 2nd ed. (1773), Hawkesworth reported that on Captain Wallis\u00E2\u0080\u0099s 1766 voyage of the Dolphin \u00E2\u0080\u009CChastity [was] not considered a virtue\u00E2\u0080\u00A6and the size of the nail that was demanded for the enjoyment of the lady, was always in proportion to her charms.\u00E2\u0080\u009D 77 Ibid., 30. 78 Mary Douglas, In Purity and Danger: An Analysis of Concepts of Pollution and Taboo (London: Ark Paperbacks, 1984), 4. 77 While Banks seemed himself a mixed strain who could negotiate the ambivalent worlds of scientific discovery and exotic fruition or of economic botany and anthropological study, for publics at home what really intrigued were tales from the peripheries that spoke of moral mixity and hinted at sexual adventure. Sexuality, natural history, and Joseph Banks fueled public interest following his return from the Endeavour voyage in 1772. Especially in regard to Otaheite, Banks regaled publics with accounts of what seemed morally ambiguous practices. He spoke of \u00E2\u0080\u009Cstripping off my European clothes\u00E2\u0080\u009D to merely a \u00E2\u0080\u009Csmall cloth round the waist\u00E2\u0080\u009D and being unashamed of his \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnakedness\u00E2\u0080\u009D for the two Otaheitian women with him \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwere no more covered\u00E2\u0080\u009D than he.79 Whether imagined as rakish adventure or moral decay, these accounts fueled public discourse around sexuality and moral virtue in relation to botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s outreach. Exotic practices, however, continued to intrigue as well as disturb.80 A case in point reported by John Hawkesworth\u00E2\u0080\u0099s account in the early 1770s of Captain Cook\u00E2\u0080\u0099s First and Second Voyages that was based upon Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099 journal, referred to a kind of free love, that is, the aforementioned \u00E2\u0080\u0098arreoy\u00E2\u0080\u0099 of Otaheite.81 Bank\u00E2\u0080\u0099s journal stated that the practice embraced \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfree liberty in love, without a possibility of being troubled or disturbd by its consequences.\u00E2\u0080\u009D 82 In other words, any progeny would be dispensed with, or as Banks 79 Banks, The Endeavour Journal of Joseph Banks 1768-1771, Vol. 1, 289. 80 According to contemporary historian Richard Holmes in The Age of Wonder (2009), numerous popular accounts of Banks appeared in the Westminster Journal and Gentleman\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Magazine that lionized his activities along with those of fellow naturalist, the Swede Daniel Solander. In addition, Dr. John Hawkesworth\u00E2\u0080\u0099s 1773 Account of the Voyages Undertaken to the Southern Hemisphere (1773) capitalized upon Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s journal entries that spoke of Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s fascination with a particular native woman named Otheothea, with the practice of tattooing, and with rituals of dance. 81 John Hawkesworth, An abridgment of Captain Cook\u00E2\u0080\u0099s first and second voyages, 7th ed. (London, 1793) states that the during the \u00E2\u0080\u009CArreoy\u00E2\u0080\u009D women dance to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cexcite the desire of the male sex, and which are often gratified upon the spot. In case any of the women prove with child [they] may destroy the helpless infant as soon as it is brought into the world\u00E2\u0080\u009D (46). 82 Banks, The Endeavour Journal of Joseph Banks 1768-1771, Vol. 1, 351. 78 put it \u00E2\u0080\u009Csmotherd at the moment of their birth.\u00E2\u0080\u009D83 These alleged native practices titillated yet also registered as morally dissolute. Polygamy and infanticide were un-British and complicity in the form of participation tainted values that could shatter stability. Or were they? Transcripts from trials at the Old Bailey in London, for example, attested that infanticide practiced by women who were labeled as \u00E2\u0080\u009C\u00E2\u0080\u0098butcher[s] of their own bowels\u00E2\u0080\u0099,\u00E2\u0080\u009D84 was not uncommon across classes and in urban and rural sites.85 Perhaps what emerged as disturbing was that the cultural divide thought to distant Britons from \u00E2\u0080\u0098primitive\u00E2\u0080\u0099 worlds had resonance in Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s homeland. Otaheite\u00E2\u0080\u0099s apparent moral flux could also be seen to materialize in the private transgressions amongst the nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s elite women: the elderly Duchess of Queensbury\u00E2\u0080\u0099s dalliance with former slave, Julius Soubise,86 Lady Grosvenor\u00E2\u0080\u0099s much publicized affair with the Duke of Cumberland, and the adulteries of gentry\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Mrs. Arabin and Lady Anne Foley whose infidelities played out \u00E2\u0080\u009Cin shrubberies.\u00E2\u0080\u009D87 83 Ibid. 84 As quoted in Lawrence Stone, The Family, Sex and Marriage in England 1500-1800 (New York: Harper & Row, 1979), 297. 85 Allyson May, \u00E2\u0080\u009CInfanticide Trials at the Old Bailey,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Women and History ed. Valerie Frith (Toronto: Coach House Press, 1995), 19-49. 86 See Felicity Nussbaum, The Limits of the Human (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003). 87 Sarah Lloyd, \u00E2\u0080\u009CArmour in the Shrubbery: Reading the Detail of English Adultery Trial Publications of the 1780s,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Eighteenth-Century Studies 39, no.4 (2006): 421-442. Julie Peakman in Mighty Lewd Books (2003) argues that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe flowering shrub or shrubberies\u00E2\u0080\u009D was \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca metaphor for the female sex organs.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Peakman cites as evidence Philogynes Clitorides\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (thought to be Thomas Stretzer) Natural History of the Frutex Vulvaria, or Flowering Shrub (London: 1732). This publication is a graphic, thirty-five page expos\u00C3\u00A9 of the \u00E2\u0080\u0098superior\u00E2\u0080\u0099 attributes of the English female\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sexual organs, particularly that of a small vagina as being preferable to that of other European women. Continuing through metaphor, mentioned here too are debates between \u00E2\u0080\u009CNaturalists and Botanists\u00E2\u0080\u009D pertaining to the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdegeneracy of our Trees of Life; how much then, beauteous Ladies, must the whole Nation be obliged to your indefatigable Endeavours to restore their Vigour by inoculating none but the finest Plants upon your flowering Shrubs\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Preface). George III responded to moral mixity not only through his own marital fidelity, but in his reforms around the Royal Marriages Act of 1772. These statutes criminalized illegal royal marriages and focused a panoptic eye upon moral equivocation nationwide. The focus upon moral decay and reform led by George III had political implications especially in colonial botanical sites such India and in the corruptions within the East India Company, a troubling enterprise that I do not attempt to reconcile here. New ventures in botanical enterprises in Otaheite, for example, would certainly ease the ongoing concerns around the complicated and exploitative relations with India and the negotiations of the East India Act that 79 Cultivating Botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Popularity Concerns regarding issues of sexuality, Joseph Banks, and the mixity of virtue and vice were given published form in the year following Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s caricature of the fly-catcher.88 The Town and Country Magazine in 1773, for example, warned about botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sexual tenor and Banks as the dangerous conduit: That curiosity which leads a voyager to such remote parts of the globe as Mr B\u00E2\u0080\u0094will stimulate him when at home to penetrate into the most secret recesses of nature\u00E2\u0080\u00A6it cannot be supposed that the most engaging part of it [nature], the fair sex, has escaped his notice; and if we may\u00E2\u0080\u00A6conclude from his amorous descriptions, females of most countries that he has visited, have undergone every critical inspection by him.89 In other words, exploration of nature and sexuality abroad drew parallels to similar exploration at home. But this observation would seem to be double-edged. As much as publics worried about botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s threat to sexual mores, casting Banks as heroic adventurer began in the early 1770s but was not passed until 1784. Historian Arthur Burns in Rethinking the Age of Reform: Britain, 1780-1850 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003) states that disillusionment with England\u00E2\u0080\u0099s moral dearth, as observed in politician Henry Grattan\u00E2\u0080\u0099s words in 1770 that the age was \u00E2\u0080\u009Cso luxurious, so venal and so unproductive,\u00E2\u0080\u009D found vent in the early 1770s \u00E2\u0080\u009Cin a campaign against venality, corruption, and abuse in the East India Company, seen to be embodied in the person of Robert Clive who committed suicide in 1774\u00E2\u0080\u009D (82). 88 According to Banksian scholar John Gascoigne in Joseph Banks and the English Enlightenment (1994), Banks \u00E2\u0080\u009Camours in Tahiti\u00E2\u0080\u009D were widely exploited by Grub Street satirists (50). Alan Bewell, Noah Heringman and more recently historian Sam George has noted in Botany, Sexuality and Women\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Writing (2008), the 1779 poem attributed to James Perry entitled Mimosa or, the sensitive plant dedicated to Mr. Banks clearly evokes Banks sexual intrigues by likening his search for new \u00E2\u0080\u009Csensitive plants\u00E2\u0080\u009D to that of seeking out females \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthat is, the vagina,\u00E2\u0080\u009D and the females he encounters worldwide are \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfascinated by the amazing qualities of the English mimosa, his \u00E2\u0080\u0098sensitive plant\u00E2\u0080\u0099 (the penis)\u00E2\u0080\u009D (109). The mimosa plant was known for its sentience, not unlike the prized Venus flytrap plant (Dionaea muscipula) which had caused sensation for its visible response to touch, that is, as reported in the Annual Register of 1775, 2nd ed. (London, 1777) their ability to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cclose their leaves, and bend their joints upon the least touch: and this has astonished us\u00E2\u0080\u009D (93). Erasmus Darwin in Phytologia (London: J. Johnson, 1800) wrote of how the \u00E2\u0080\u009CVenus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s fly-trap closes its leaves\u00E2\u0080\u00A6and pierces them [insects] with prickles\u00E2\u0080\u009D and that their \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmuscles must be endued with nerves of sense as well as motion\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Section 8, p. 133). The Venus flytrap also held sexual overtones\u00E2\u0080\u0094its nickname being that of \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctipitiwitchet, or twitching fur stole\u00E2\u0080\u009D with its \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctouch-sensitive, flesh-colored leaves\u00E2\u0080\u009D drawing \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpredictable analogies to predatory female sexuality\u00E2\u0080\u009D according to Thomas Hallock in \u00E2\u0080\u009CMale Pleasure and the Genders of Eighteenth-Century Botanic Exchange,\u00E2\u0080\u009D The William and Mary Quarterly 62, no. 4 (October 2005): 697-718. 89 Town and Country Magazine; or Universal Repository of Knowledge, Instruction, and Entertainment, (September 1773), 457-458. 80 and rake did much to increase interest in the botanical. Here, through the caricature of Banks as a macaroni, printmaker Darly leveraged the notion that \u00E2\u0080\u0098sex sells\u00E2\u0080\u0099, an old adage that when united with the opportunities of botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s outreach could be seen to reshape \u00E2\u0080\u009Cprivate vice into public virtue.\u00E2\u0080\u009D90 Rakishness as defined in eighteenth-century popular accounts, was likened to \u00E2\u0080\u009Clascivious, obscene\u00E2\u0080\u009D behaviour, that unbecoming of a civilized man.91 Such portrayal calls to attention the Linnaean taxonomy of Systema Naturae that posited a familial relationship between man and animal in their classification as Anthropomorpha and later as Primates.92 In respect to Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s macaroni caricature, the fly-catcher\u00E2\u0080\u0099s animal hybridity visually plays out through the \u00E2\u0080\u0098ass\u00E2\u0080\u0099 or mule ears that prick out of his tricorn, a notion given further texture by way of Edward Beetham\u00E2\u0080\u0099s various editions in the 1770s and 1780s of Moral Lectures on Heads that noted \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmacaroni\u00E2\u0080\u009D derived from \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe Greek Onos which signifies an ass.\u00E2\u0080\u009D93 While this allusion calls up Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s example of the hybrid as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmule offspring,\u00E2\u0080\u009D94 at this point I 90 J\u00C3\u00BCrgen Habermas, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere, 117. 91 The Attic Miscellany; and characteristic mirror of men and things. 3rd ed., Vol. 1 (London: Bentley and Co., 1791), 80. In The Fly-Catching Macaroni, Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s amorous adventures and \u00E2\u0080\u0098animal\u00E2\u0080\u0099 associations are called up through his \u00E2\u0080\u0098ass\u00E2\u0080\u0099 ears. It is notable that The Repository: or Treasury of Politics and literature of 1771 also described the \u00E2\u0080\u0098animal\u00E2\u0080\u0099 tendencies of macaronis by reporting that they were described as \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca kind of animal [that] wenched without passion.\u00E2\u0080\u009D 92 Linnaeus, Systema Naturae, n.p. and Systema Naturae, Tenth Edition, 18. Interestingly, this formulation would seem to anticipate the man/animal evolutionary link. French naturalist, Georges-Louis Leclerc, Comte de Buffon, (Director of the Jardin du Roi in Paris) authored the 36-volume Histoire Naturelle (1753). In Histoire Naturelle Vol. 5 (London: J. S. Barr, 1792) Buffon argued an evolutionary hypothesis of a \u00E2\u0080\u0098single-family\u00E2\u0080\u0099 model that linked horses and asses. Therein he posited that these families \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccan only have been formed by crossing, successive variation\u00E2\u0080\u00A6that the monkey belongs to the family of man, and he is a man degenerated; that man and the monkey had but one common origin, like the horse and the ass; that each family, as well in animals as in vegetables, come from the same origin\u00E2\u0080\u00A6one species\u00E2\u0080\u00A6has produced all the races of animals which now exist\u00E2\u0080\u009D (184-185). 93 Beetham, Moral Lectures on Heads, 29-31. 94 See above Footnote 92. Linnaeus in his early treatise on Sexes of Plants that establishes foundational thoughts on hybridity, makes reference to the offspring of mixed parentage as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmule offspring.\u00E2\u0080\u009D See Linnaeus, Reflections on the study of nature, 54. 81 focus upon the association of ass, mule, or donkey ears to sexual conquest and moral equivocation. Antiquity underscored the sexual voracity of the equus asinus or donkey. Vase paintings of sixth-century Dionysiac scenes clearly depicted the donkey as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cinvariably in a state of sexual arousal\u00E2\u0080\u0094a beast with a bacchanalian appetite.\u00E2\u0080\u009D 95 According to historian of sexuality Patricia Crawford, language of sexual encounter in Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s eighteenth century \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwas of evacuation\u00E2\u0080\u00A6and satisfaction,\u00E2\u0080\u009D96 and a man\u00E2\u0080\u0099s activity in the sexual act was crudely described as leaving \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnothing standing but his ears.\u00E2\u0080\u009D97 In addition, young men who showed no sexual restraint were likened to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwild asses.\u00E2\u0080\u009D98 Were the fly-catcher\u00E2\u0080\u0099s erect ass ears a visual pun upon his dangerous sexuality\u00E2\u0080\u0094an unbridled animal lust masked by privileged sensibilities? Like other macaronis who were \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca kind of animal [that] wenched without passion,\u00E2\u0080\u009D99 Banks was reputed to have left women with \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmore shock waves in their hearts than in his.\u00E2\u0080\u009D100 The very public break of his alleged betrothal to Harriet Blosset in the 1770s was a case in point. According to Banksian biographer Harold Carter, Miss Blosset, perhaps in \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctargeting of Banks\u00E2\u0080\u009D with \u00E2\u0080\u009Cher amorous darts,\u00E2\u0080\u009D misinterpreted the naturalist\u00E2\u0080\u0099s 95 Guy Michael Hedreen, Sirens in Attic-Black-figure Vase-painting: Myth and Performance (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1992), 17. Matthew Darly would have known about vase decoration and design. He was an \u00E2\u0080\u009COrnamental Architect\u00E2\u0080\u009D himself and had published a book in 1767 entitled Sixty Vases by English, French and Italian Masters that was followed by an exhibition of works according to Constance Simon in English Furniture Designers of the Eighteenth Century (1907). 96 Patricia Crawford, \u00E2\u0080\u009CSexual Knowledge in England 1500-1750,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Sexual Knowledge, Sexual Science, eds. Roy Porter and M. Teich (London: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 99. 97 John Addy, Sin and Society in the Seventeenth Century (New York: Routledge, 1989), 133. 98 George Fox, A Journal, or Historical Account of the Life, Travels, Sufferings, Christian Experiences and Labour in the Work of the Ministry\u00E2\u0080\u00A6George Fox (London: J. Sowle, 1709), 254. 99 The Repository: or Treasury of Politics and literature. Vol. 1 (London: J. Murray, 1771), 75. 100 Carter, Sir Joseph Banks, 67. 82 \u00E2\u0080\u009Cembarrassed\u00E2\u0080\u009D courtesy as an \u00E2\u0080\u009Cunderstanding\u00E2\u0080\u009D between them.101 Contemporaneous botanical writer and publisher Dr. Robert Thornton, author of The Temple of Flora (and subject of Chapter Three), wrote that the break was a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmortifying disappointment\u00E2\u0080\u009D to Miss Blosset and her mother, and chastised Banks for favouring \u00E2\u0080\u009Cuncultivated climates...a flower, or even a butterfly\u00E2\u0080\u009D over this lady.102 Given sociologist Richard Sennett\u00E2\u0080\u0099s observation that the deviation from social norms is \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca field for the disclosure of personality,\u00E2\u0080\u009D it follows then that even if Banks were not wholly culpable, polite society would see his manners as uncultivated.103 Nonetheless, the incident is significant for its indication of a principle shift in the larger field of masculine politesse. With less tolerance for violence, wrongful acts were no longer righted through duels but now moved to more litigious resolution.104 Thus, this \u00E2\u0080\u0098misunderstanding\u00E2\u0080\u0099 was resolved by a \u00C2\u00A35000 award to Miss Blosset\u00E2\u0080\u0099s for the cost of \u00E2\u0080\u009Cworked waistcoats for her absent beau.\u00E2\u0080\u009D105 And with that Banks, having claimed that botany was his mistress, went on to father an illegitimate child with his other mistress, a \u00E2\u0080\u009CMiss B\u00E2\u0080\u0094n.\u00E2\u0080\u009D106 101 Ibid., 67-69 and 150-152. 102 From James Lee, An Introduction to Botany, 4th Edition, (London: J. F. and C. Rivington, 1788) as cited in Charles Lyte, Sir Joseph Banks, 147. According to Lyte, this excerpt is from a brief biographical sketch written by Robert Thornton to James Lee, who was \u00E2\u0080\u0098guardian to the young lady.\u00E2\u0080\u0099 His attack extended to Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s eventual wife, Dorothea Hugessen, a \u00E2\u0080\u0098weighty lady\u00E2\u0080\u0099 who without a dowry of \u00E2\u0080\u0098sixty thousand pounds, double the sum might not have procured her any other husband.\u00E2\u0080\u0099 Here too Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s motivation is cast as mercenary in the service of pursuit of his botanical interests. 103 Richard Sennett, The Fall of the Public Man (New York: Alfred Knof, 1977), 190. 104 Rosemary Sweet, \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Ordering of Family and Gender in the Age of the Enlightenment,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Ordering the World in the Eighteenth Century, eds. Diana Donald and Frank O\u00E2\u0080\u0099Gorman (London: Palgrave, 2006), 131. 105 As quoted from Lady Mary Coke\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Journals, 1771 in Charles Lyte, Sir Joseph Banks, 147. That the betrayed Miss Blosset eventually married \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca virtuous clergyman,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Dr. Dessalis according to Lady Coke\u00E2\u0080\u0099s journals, seemed to accentuate Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s offensive behaviour. 106 Carter, Sir Joseph Banks, 151. Carter submits that in a letter of November 10, 1773, Johann Fabricius, a naturalist-colleague organizing Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s entomological collection, wrote Banks to send his \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccompliments and wishes,\u00E2\u0080\u009D suggesting \u00E2\u0080\u009Cif the child was a boy he\u00E2\u0080\u0099d be clever and strong like his father [Banks], and if a girl, she will be pretty and genteel like her mother.\u00E2\u0080\u009D According to Carter, from 1775-1778 Banks had an \u00E2\u0080\u0098acknowledged mistress\u00E2\u0080\u0099, Mrs. Sarah Wells, who was well-known and accepted amongst Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s friends and who often hosted salons at Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s home in Soho. Carter hints that Sarah Wells quite likely was the mother of this child. In 1779 83 While this rakish naturalist may have distanced himself from effeminacy, his retraction spoke of the common touch, a trait for which hybridity and botany were scapegoats. Underpinning this anecdote of apparent rakishness were deeper anxieties concerning social slippages. The ass ears of the naturalist in The Fly-Catching Macaroni could call up wider erosions of sexual virtue seen amongst polite sensibilities: philandering fops, bluestocking activists, excessive consumer avarice, and political betrayals.107 Such insidious decay was no less threatening to a wider public who witnessed corrosion in aspects of their everyday life. As urban centers and London grew, so did attendant poverty, hunger, disease, and crime.108 Venereal disease remained an ongoing register of such change, an especially worrisome issue in light of its widespread seepage throughout the nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s defenders, Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s military and naval service,109 and Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s mounting confrontations with the American colonies as evident in the Boston Tea Party and Massacre of the early 1770s. Social slippages whether in the mixedness of new sensibilities or the diversity of emerging at age thirty-six, however, Banks married Dorothea Hugessen, a twenty-year-old heiress. They and his sister, Sarah, shared a permanent household. Of note as well, Matthew Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s print, \u00E2\u0080\u009CNo. XXV Miss B\u00E2\u0080\u0094n and No. XXVI The Circumnavigator, Oct. 1, 1773\u00E2\u0080\u009D (BMC 5146) depicts two bust portraits in cameo frames of \u00E2\u0080\u009CJoseph Banks and the mysterious Miss B---N, allegedly \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe daughter of a gentleman of fortune who\u00E2\u0080\u00A6lives with great decorum as Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s mistress\u00E2\u0080\u009D as documented by Dorothy George in Catalogue of Political and Personal Satires, 132. 107 In addition, papers such as the London Courant cited by Valerie Frith in Women and History (1995) noted changes that had begun in 1770s where women\u00E2\u0080\u0099s debating societies openly condemned the Salique (Salic) Law. The Salic Law \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwas the rule that certain aristocratic and dynastic families barred women and descendants of the female line from succeeding to titles and offices\u00E2\u0080\u009D (170). This law, if changed, could begin to rupture the prescribed right of all property and inheritances to go to males. 108 Richard Brown in Society and Economy in Modern Britain 1700-1850 (London: Routledge, 1991) recounts that internal migration grew rapidly after 1750. In particular, London and its environs grew from \u00E2\u0080\u009C575,000 to a population of 900,000 by 1801\u00E2\u0080\u009D with the influx largely fueled by industrial change or failed crops. Some 14,000 mainly Irish Catholics populated this area in the 1780s (420). 109 Linda Evi Merians, The Secret Malady (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1996), 154. George III encouraged the supposed reforms on brothels and prostitution by way of his continued support for the Disorderly Houses Act of 1752, and enactment that according to Michael Braddick in Negotiating Power in Early Modern Society offered substantial money to those who would give evidence against neighbouring bawdy houses. 84 colonial powers spoke of fluctuation and change and began to redefine Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s cultural terrain. Networks and Flows of Communication Despite Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s apparent rakishness, botany flourished in part through his very public role in mobilizing what political and colonial commentator of the 1770s Abb\u00C3\u00A9 Raynal called a \u00E2\u0080\u009Crevolution in commerce\u00E2\u0080\u009D where continents or \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctwo hemispheres\u00E2\u0080\u009D were joined via \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccommunication of flying bridges.\u00E2\u0080\u009D110 While those \u00E2\u0080\u0098flying bridges of communication\u00E2\u0080\u0099 that optimized botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s outreach are evoked by the two globes that Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s botanist straddles, the conduits of communication had three major forms: the written in the form of Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s letters and library, the oral such as salons, and the technological in terms of botany and Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s skilled workers. These discursive flows served as antecedents to modern \u00E2\u0080\u0098virtual spaces\u00E2\u0080\u0099 of shared information and networking, and thus merit further consideration. Firstly, an inter-network of communications that bridged naturalists from around the world was evident in the sheer volume of Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s written correspondence. Surviving correspondence amounts to well over 20,000 letters, 14,000 of which were to Banks, an indication of how central he was to botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s outreach. 111 Here text in the form of his letters took on strategic agency as an information site through which Banks exerted and maintained control of botanic place, product, and process, and by which his reach became worldwide.112 110 See Raynal, Abb\u00C3\u00A9, A philosophical and political history of the settlements and trade of the Europeans in the East and West Indies, Vol. 4., trans. J. Justamond (London: T. Cadell, 1776), 473. Also quoted in Emma Rothschild, \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Politics of Globalisation Circa 1773,\u00E2\u0080\u009D OECD Observer, Sept. 1, 2001. 111 Chambers, The Letters of Sir Joseph Banks, xvii. 112 Banks had wide international network of naturalist interests ranging from academic to commercial worlds: kings, aristocrats, socialites, scientists, sea captains and horticulturalists. His letters and diaries show the diversity and of his contacts: King George III (friend, confidante, patron, and business partner), Sir Hans Sloane 85 Exchanges of seeds and plants involved over 120 plant collectors and specifically the commission of twenty-one plant hunters whom he sent global at the annual salary of \u00C2\u00A3150.113 Seeds or plant samples arrived via letters from distant practitioners such as Upper Canada\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Catharine Parr Traill or Mungo Park in Senegal. These botanical specimens were part of a remarkable private herbarium and botanical library at Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Soho residence that held 22,000 books, 30,000 dried specimens of some 3600 species, 1400 of which were new to British botanists.114 As such, Soho was a nexus for the interchange of botanical knowledge and product among international naturalists, horticulturalists, artists, collectors, and students of natural history.115 Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s letters and library as \u00E2\u0080\u0098bridges of communication\u00E2\u0080\u0099 were key to a shift in how botanical information was shared and disseminated. Despite his apparent hybridity that located him between scholarly inquiry and practical application, Banks could not be overlooked as pivotal to mobilizing and valorizing botanical inter-networking. Secondly, salons or au courant \u00E2\u0080\u0098chat rooms\u00E2\u0080\u0099 in private homes, country estates, and clubs were also spaces of sociability through which botanical knowledge was disseminated and circulated. Salons and celebrity went hand in hand. For example, upon returning in 1772 (British Museum founder), William and Caroline Herschel (astronomers), Dr. Joseph Priestly (discoverer of oxygen), Erasmus Darwin and the Lunar Society, Carl Linnaeus Jr., Daniel Solander (Linnaean \u00E2\u0080\u0098apostle\u00E2\u0080\u0099), Georg Ehret (botanical artist), Mary Delaney (artist and confidante of Queen Charlotte), Dr. Jonas Dryander and Josiah Wedgewood (commercial giants), the Duchess of Portland (collector), William Curtis (Curtis\u00E2\u0080\u0099 Botanical Magazine), Fanny Burney (writer), Antoine Jussieu and Buffon (French classifier/botanists), Francis Masson (explorer/collector). Global partners and collectors for Kew were men such as Mungo Park (West Africa), Allan Cunningham (South America), Archibald Menzies (North America) and Anton Hove (India). 113 Andrea Wulf, The Brother Gardeners: Botany, Empire and the Birth of an Obsession (London: William Heinemann, 2008), 220. 114 Ibid., 195 and also Natural History Museum, London at http://www.nhm.ac.uk/nature-online/science-of- natural-history/biographies/joseph-banks/index.html. Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sister, Sophia transcribed, documented, and organized his 30,000 herbarium at Soho. 115 Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s home at 32 Soho Square became known by many of his contemporaries, including Carl Thunberg the former Linnaean apostle but by the 1770s known as the \u00E2\u0080\u0098father of South African botany, as the \u00E2\u0080\u009CAcademy of Natural History\u00E2\u0080\u009D as cited in Phillip Ritterbush, Overtures to Biology (1964) and John Gascoigne, Joseph Banks and the English Enlightenment (1994). 86 from their Endeavour, Banks and fellow naturalist David Solander were feted in a wide range of celebrated homes\u00E2\u0080\u0094from that of politician Lord Sandwich to writer Dr. Samuel Johnson. The hook of sun, sex, and imagined sin did not harm the cachet of seeing the returning heroes and hearing first-hand their tales of exploration. Thus, Lady Mary Coke, salon hostess and well-connected observer of the eighteenth-century social scene, recorded in her journal of August 9, 1771 that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe people who are most talked of at present are Mr. Banks, and Doctor Solander\u00E2\u0080\u00A6their voyage round the world\u00E2\u0080\u00A6 is very amusing.\u00E2\u0080\u009D116 Paradoxically, the naturalist seemed as much a commodity as the botanicals he amassed and equally ironic was that his promotion and that of botany was furthered through female \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfashionable sociability.\u00E2\u0080\u009D117 Indeed, tales of exotic exploits and discoveries were shared face-to-face through salons hosted by influential women such as pre-eminent natural history collector, the Duchess of Portland Margaret Cavendish or renowned botanical artist Mary Delany.118 As conduits of information, the salon\u00E2\u0080\u0099s mobility, its discursive nature, and the visibility of being seen mixing with the elite helped showcase botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s web of political agency. Polite sociability and networking obscured underpinning anxieties that still associated botany with the 116 As quoted in Charles Lyte, Sir Joseph Banks, 146. 117 This term is used in Peter Clark, British Clubs and Societies 1580-1800: The Origins of an Associational World (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 39, 192. This is not to discount, however, Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s connections with a diverse male fraternity through such clubs as Dr. Samuel Johnson\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Literary Club. As noted by John Brewer in The Pleasures of the Imagination (London: HarperCollins, 1997) this club was for well-read and informed members (economist Adam Smith, historian Edward Gibbon, orientalist William Jones) of which Banks was one, and was concerned with expanded worlds through narratives and knowledge of its members. It was politically neutral (44-45). For female influence also see Gillian Russell\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009CAn Entertainment of Oddities: Fashionable sociability and the Pacific in the 1770s,\u00E2\u0080\u009D A New Imperial History, ed. Kathleen Wilson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004). 118 Ann B. Shteir, \u00E2\u0080\u009CWomen in Botany,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Women and History: Voices of Early Modern England, ed. Valerie Firth (Toronto: Coach House Press, 1995), 167. Women were pivotal in the exchange of natural history\u00E2\u0080\u0099s knowledge through their all-female debating societies. The names of these societies were La Belle Assemblee, the Female Parliament, the Female Congress and Carlisle House Debates for Women. To some, however, that women played such a pivotal role in the dissemination of botanical knowing, still hinted at botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s reputation as a feminine sphere. 87 feminine119\u00E2\u0080\u0094ruptures that spoke of a shift in narrow Euro-centric definitions of manly activity as called up by Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s bridging of domains. The third area that demonstrated botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s outreach through networks was within the practice itself. The Fly-Catcher Macaroni could remind the viewer that behind the naturalist\u00E2\u0080\u0099s allegedly autonomous practice was a succession of skilled practitioners. For example, Peter Collinson and John Fothergill were deft merchants of botanical goods.120 In the British North American colonies, Collinson was a valuable contact for flax, hemp, and wine while Fothergill established crops of coffee and breadfruit in the West Indies. Illustrators of natural history were equally invaluable. Sydney Parkinson, family friend of Fothergill, was hired by Banks to serve as a botanical illustrator aboard the Endeavour voyage. His 674 drawings and 269 paintings of plants documented important discoveries.121 Whether aboard voyages of discovery or within the Royal Gardens at Kew, men with \u00E2\u0080\u0098practical\u00E2\u0080\u0099 skills such as artists, travel guides in foreign geographies, horticulturists for plant preservation, draftsmen and carpenters for new technologies contributed largely to the momentum of botanical enterprise. Aboard voyages of discovery, \u00E2\u0080\u0098in-house\u00E2\u0080\u0099 skilled workers crafted skylights, irrigation systems, and in some cases designed stoves to ensure the survival of fragile species. Noteworthy is that botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s demand for innovative technologies hooked public interest back home. Elite as well as bourgeois Britons were fascinated by exotic plants and hothouses. As noted in popular accounts: \u00E2\u0080\u009CStoves of great men, and those in publick (sic) 119 See Sam George, Botany, Sexuality, and Women\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Writing 1760-1830 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2008) and Ann Shteir, Cultivating Women, Cultivating Science (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996). 120 Gascoigne, Joseph Banks and the English Enlightenment, 75-80. 121Natural History Museum, UK at http://www.nhm.ac.uk/jdsml/nature-online/endeavour-botanical/about2.dsml 88 life, present the astonished spectator with the chief produce of the whole globe.\u00E2\u0080\u009D122 Here, elite upper class and middle class interests joined ranks as both pursued skilled knowledge of greenhouse workability, crop irrigation, and vegetal disease control. As well, botanical interests saw polite taste join force with manual labour in searching for, digging, hauling, and preserving specimens. To many, this shared interest in botanical technologies and goals of productivity spoke of natural history\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u0098bridging communication\u00E2\u0080\u0099 and stabilizing nationhood. While the practical hands-on work of plant discovery and its skilled helpers did much to curry botanical enterprise as a site of harmony, such activities opened up a space of potential slippages.123 Contemporaneous accounts recognized Banks as \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Liberal Patron of Science and the Enlightened Cultivator of Natural Knowledge,\u00E2\u0080\u009D but botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s association with labour-oriented middling ranks had nagging anxieties.124 Botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s more inclusive domain of \u00E2\u0080\u0098mixed\u00E2\u0080\u0099 interests, aptitudes, and skills echoed Linnaean tenets that posited underpinnings of hybrid variations and change. For a wider public, the possibility of having to negotiate such shifts was discomforting. But change was at hand, especially given that George III set the uncertain national tone in the early 1770s by endlessly mixing and botanizing amongst the \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccountry folk\u00E2\u0080\u009D and making gestures of solidarity with \u00E2\u0080\u009Cagrarian patriots\u00E2\u0080\u009D rather than attending to the ruptures in the American colonies.125 122 William Hanbury, A complete body of planting and gardening. Containing the natural history, culture and management of deciduous and evergreen forest-trees, Vol. 2 (London, 1770-1771), 496. 123 Stephen Copley in \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Fine Arts in Eighteenth-Century Polite Culture,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Painting and the Politics of Culture: New Essays on British Art 1700-1850, ed. John Barrell (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1992), cites the Earl of Egremont, George Wyndham as an example in 1780s of a \u00E2\u0080\u0098working\u00E2\u0080\u0099 landowner\u00E2\u0080\u0099 (Petworth) revered for his projects outside Petworth estate\u00E2\u0080\u0094community schools, estate housing, and running water, all of which were seen as social responsible because they helped ensure families were not separated (240-249). 124 Quote by A. Watt [1786] as cited in Gascoigne, Joseph Banks and The English Enlightenment, 33. 125 Drayton, Nature\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Government, 88-89. 89 This anxiety around the mixing and mobility of classes via botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s outreach gives Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Fly-Catching Macaroni some of its resonance. Not only might bourgeois and upper-class viewers be reminded of the nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s economic dependence upon skilled labour, but also of the emerging shifts in the attitudes of agri-workers whose demands for new knowledge defied their relegation to invisible status. What follows is such a voice in 1771 in the pages of the Town and Country Magazine of Knowledge, Instruction and Entertainment, a publication usually meant for an elite readership. Not only does the author of the published letter demonstrate the appeal and widespread accessibility of Linnaean taxonomies and botany but this labourer\u00E2\u0080\u0099s voice, in this publication, would seem to register a worrisome shift in class relations. Sex, sustenance, and posterity that are common ground here and shared between the privileged and the labourer, gives a discomforting edge: I Has the misfortune not to be larned, and so I takes the liberty of riting to you to know what is meant by the Sexes of Plants\u00E2\u0080\u00A6A gentleman has made book about it, but I does not comprehend it. He says as how they makes love to one another\u00E2\u0080\u00A6young turnips, and young cawliflowers\u00E2\u0080\u00A6I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m no skollard, that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s for cartin, but I sometimes thinks as how these gentle-men, who are much more larneder, hardly knows what they be talking\u00E2\u0080\u00A6 if you will clear this matter up to my satisfaction, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll send you a good fat turkey. I takes in your Town and Country Magazine, and am main pleased with it.126 Could this letter be fiction\u00E2\u0080\u0094a planted satire merely meant to mock the new botany cult and its apparent move to a more mixed public sphere? Literacy separated the polite world from the uncultured, but here interest in Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u0098Sexes of Plants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 seemed to dissolve that divide and pose a shared interest in botanical knowing. Of note is that by the 1750s, with the rise of the middle class, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe male literacy rate was around sixty percent and female literacy was about forty percent,\u00E2\u0080\u009D a trajectory that saw the new class of reader as being \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe middling 126 Thomas Meadowcroft, \u00E2\u0080\u009COn The Sexes of Plants,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Town and Country Magazine of Knowledge, Instruction, and Entertainment (London: January 14, 1771), 73. This appears in Meadowcroft\u00E2\u0080\u0099s letter to the Editor. 90 sort, somewhat below the traditional reader that was the gentry and professional.\u00E2\u0080\u009D127 And while this letter may not be from a typical middling type, importantly it points to concerns around botany as a legitimate site for discourses around sexual knowing.128 This interest had wide appeal, but not without anxieties. The writer\u00E2\u0080\u0099s defiant edge\u00E2\u0080\u0094whether part of a satirical joke or not\u00E2\u0080\u0094is borne out in his demand that an explanation be to his satisfaction. Perhaps the tone of righteous entitlement runs more deeply and raises anxieties around labour unrest that had begun to emerge in response to failed domestic harvests, hunger, and family separations that occurred as a result of land reforms such as the Enclosure Acts (1760-1820).129 Out of jobs, land divided, families displaced, and for some gleaning rights revoked, food would be a central issue over which labourers were willing to rally and riot.130 This letter would seem to point to a growing awareness that expanding knowledge, especially botanical knowing, while having the potential to solve issues around hunger and poverty also opened up the visibility of \u00E2\u0080\u0098other\u00E2\u0080\u0099 classes, in turn signaling potential shifts in power relations. Anxieties Move into Uncharted Domestic Terrains The anxieties discussed above in relation to disease and absorption, new knowledge, and class mixing surfaced further in the nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s domestic terrains. Concerns over the impact 127Jan Fergus, Provincial Readers in Eighteenth-Century England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 66- 68. 128 As noted earlier in this thesis, Michel Foucault in The History of Sexuality (1988) has established these discursive sites as spaces of \u00E2\u0080\u009Cknowledge to be gained from sex and the right to speak about it\u00E2\u0080\u009D (6). 129 Black, Eighteenth-Century Britain 1688-1783, 34-37. Black gives as example several uprisings against Enclosures\u00E2\u0080\u0094those in Scotland on the Cromartie estates in 1766, in Ireland\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Cork, Kilkenny, and Limerick counties in 1769-76, and in Northamptonshire in England during the same years where there was widespread resistance that materialized through \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpetitions, threats, attacks on gates, posts, rails, and other crimes\u00E2\u0080\u009D (36). 130 Ibid. Black confirms, as have other historians, that wood-gathering and gleaning were now defined as crimes and as such convictions for these now illegal activities were becoming commonplace as evident during the 1770s and 1780s in Berkshire. 91 of botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s outreach in Britain would emerge again in caricature in these years through Matthew Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s A Mungo Macaroni published September 10, 1772 (Figure 2.3). The label \u00E2\u0080\u0098mungo\u00E2\u0080\u0099 was a loaded term that had appeared in reference to a character in Isacc Bickerstaffe\u00E2\u0080\u0099s 1768 comic opera, The Padlock, a popular play that appealed to mixed bourgeois and upper class audiences.131 \u00E2\u0080\u0098Mungo\u00E2\u0080\u0099 was a deprecating name for a black slave stereotype\u00E2\u0080\u0094a passive but much exploited servant who was always at the whim of the owner\u00E2\u0080\u0099s beck and call, or in playwright Bickerstaffe\u00E2\u0080\u0099s words, a \u00E2\u0080\u009CMungo here, a Mungo dere, Mungo everywhere.\u00E2\u0080\u009D132 A Mungo Macaroni, published and displayed in the same year as the fly-catching satire of Banks, referenced a fashionable newsworthy, the former black slave Julius Soubise (1754-1798). Soubise was known as the pampered prot\u00C3\u00A9g\u00C3\u00A9 and rumored paramour of Catherine Hyde, Duchess of Queensbury (1701-1777).133 Identified only as A 131 Bickerstaffe\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Padlock was an extremely popular production\u00E2\u0080\u009454 productions in the 1768-1769 season alone. The lead role of Mungo, a black servant played in blackface by the white Charles Dibdin, provided comic relief as a foil to the witless Don Diego, Mungo\u00E2\u0080\u0099s acerbic old master. The Padlock traced the storyline of Cervantes\u00E2\u0080\u0099s El Celoso Extremeno, \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Jealous Estrmaduran.\u00E2\u0080\u009D The play tells of an aged Don Diego who \u00E2\u0080\u0098adopted\u00E2\u0080\u0099 the young Leonora in hope to make her his bride. Diego padlocks Leonora in his house (that already has grills on the windows), takes the key, and leaves instructions for his \u00E2\u0080\u0098Mungo\u00E2\u0080\u0099 to keep watch while he makes goes to make arrangments with Leonora\u00E2\u0080\u0099s parents. In Don Diego\u00E2\u0080\u0099s absence, Leonora takes up with a passing young man, Leander, a situation enabled by Mungo. Don Diego was duped by Mungo. Whether a metaphor for sexual betrayal or around the politics of racial relations, the opera would seem to present Mungo as rising above popular stereotypes to be characterized as smart, compassionate and virtuous, a certain contrast to the plotting Don Diego. The Padlock exposes social tensions around the nature of captivity and liberty, submission and rebellion, and betrayal and trust to depict shifts from a binary divided to a more textured worldview. 132 Issac Bickerstaffe, The Padlock: A Comic Opera (London, W. Griffin, 1768), 12. Also see Patricia Bradley\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Slavery, Propaganda, and the American Revolution (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1999) for a perspective upon the \u00E2\u0080\u0098mungo\u00E2\u0080\u0099 and macaroni in discourses around the American Revolution. 133 George, Catalogue of Political and Personal Satires, Vol. 5, 82 and 120. According to Felicity Nussbaum in The Limits of the Human (2003), Soubise was named by his patroness, the Duchess of Queensbury, after \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca hero of the Seven Years\u00E2\u0080\u0099 War\u00E2\u0080\u009D, Charles de Rohan, Prince de Soubise (1715-1787), who \u00E2\u0080\u009Cserved in the court of Louis XV and Madame de Pompadour,\u00E2\u0080\u009D (7) an association I speculate was also unsettling for its French \u00E2\u0080\u0098sympathies.\u00E2\u0080\u0099 The Duchess \u00E2\u0080\u0098adopted\u00E2\u0080\u0099 Soubise in 1764 from her cousin, Captain Stair-Douglas, who owned a slave ship upon which he was transporting the boy whom he had originally called \u00E2\u0080\u0098Othello\u00E2\u0080\u0099 and known by that name for a time. The aristocrat\u00E2\u0080\u0099s practice of taking or \u00E2\u0080\u0098adopting\u00E2\u0080\u0099 young black children as projects was not uncommon. Dorothy George also documents caricaturist William Austin\u00E2\u0080\u0099s published drawing in 1773 The Duchess of Queensbury and Soubise of the teenaged Soubise and his patroness, the Duchess of Queensbury, (by this time in her late 60s) in a public fencing match, a parody of Angelo\u00E2\u0080\u0099s famous L\u00E2\u0080\u0099Ecole des Armes of 1772. With his epee touching her heart, the balloon\u00E2\u0080\u0099s text reads \u00E2\u0080\u009CMungo here, Mungo there, and Mungo everywhere,\u00E2\u0080\u009D a reference 92 Mungo Macaroni, Soubise can be seen as representational of an emerging new hybrid, an in- between racial subjectivity that was becoming more visible in Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s landscape, but not seen or acknowledged by many. Not only were such former mungos caught between their black heritage and their eventual status as \u00E2\u0080\u0098freed\u00E2\u0080\u0099 individuals but still imprinted by enslavement, their mobility was contingent upon the limitations meted out by Britain upon their humanity. In Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s caricature, the mungo wears the macaroni fashion of dapper white breeches and topcoat. A tiny tricorn, sword, and walking cane complement his elegant but unsettling presence, for in 1772, a black macaroni was relatively rare.134 The blank backdrop, like that reminiscent of natural history illustrations, seems to accent that he was merely a typical specimen as does the generic and non-descript \u00E2\u0080\u0098a\u00E2\u0080\u0099 in the image\u00E2\u0080\u0099s title. The anonymity of this mungo macaroni would seem a deliberate slight however, for this was indeed Julius Soubise, an accomplished fencing master and equestrian, renowned Don Juan, and recognized devotee to opera, the theatre, and music.135 Soubise\u00E2\u0080\u0099s hybridity was evident through his being a mulatto, the son of a white father and an enslaved Jamaican mother. Additionally, although a here could call up, through my reading of Felicity Nussbaum\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Limits of the Human, an allusion to their rumoured sexual intimacy, that is, his symbolic \u00E2\u0080\u0098sword\u00E2\u0080\u0099 piercing her heart. 134 There are relatively few drawings evident in Dorothy George and Frederick Stephens\u00E2\u0080\u0099s eleven volume compilation of Catalogue of Prints and Drawings in the British Museum that have \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnegroe\u00E2\u0080\u009D images, but if so, often young men such as pages, or groomsmen, or servants appear. The only other reference to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmungo\u00E2\u0080\u009D is in relation to Jeremiah Dyson (1722-1776) in, for example, The State Jugglers of 1773 (BMC 5109). Dyson is not black nor has African heritage, rather he was the Clerk to the House of Commons whose mediation of debates within the House earned him a comparison to a \u00E2\u0080\u009CMungo,\u00E2\u0080\u009D a reference made by an opposition MP. Perhaps also called up is an allusion here to Dyson\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sexuality as established by George Rousseau in Perilous Enlightenment (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1991). Although sexual promiscuity is sometimes associated with the \u00E2\u0080\u0098mungo\u00E2\u0080\u0099 stereotype, as Rousseau documents Dyson\u00E2\u0080\u0099s was known rather for his homosexuality. Dyson belonged to a \u00E2\u0080\u009Chomosocial university club\u00E2\u0080\u009D where he met his \u00E2\u0080\u009Clover\u00E2\u0080\u009D poet, Mark Akenside and where they developed a very \u00E2\u0080\u009Cclose friendship\u00E2\u0080\u009D with the \u00E2\u0080\u009CHandsome and well made Jamaican, Mr. Freeman\u00E2\u0080\u009D (109-137). 135 Edward Scobie, Black Britannia: A History of Blacks in Britain (Chicago: Johnson Publishing, 1972), 93. Soubise was educated in music (violin), fencing, and equestrian skills. He was an instructor at the academy of the celebrated Italian riding and fencing master, Domenico Angelo. 93 man, he was still treated as a blackamoor child, that is, in historian Edward Scobie\u00E2\u0080\u0099s words, a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cspoilt\u00E2\u0080\u00A6black darling\u00E2\u0080\u009D\u00E2\u0080\u0094a pet acclimatization project of sorts kept by aristocrats in eighteenth-century London.136 Freedom provided by his benefactress, the Duchess, could not completely erase this mungo\u00E2\u0080\u0099s other hybridity, that is, his position as a by-product or offshoot of botanical outreach. In other words, Soubise, once a child-slave from Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s West Indian sugar plantations was recycled as human resource in slavery\u00E2\u0080\u0099s triangular trade, only to be recast as a freed mungo. Here emerges the \u00E2\u0080\u0098other\u00E2\u0080\u0099 face of botanical prowess, that is, black human resources that were spin-offs of botanical claim. Even in 1770, Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s increased economic wealth was said to be largely the result of the African slave trade.137 But the movement of slaves opened up disturbing new considerations. On one hand, The Mungo Macaroni hinted at the black man\u00E2\u0080\u0099s stimulus to economic growth, but concurrently alluded to his presence as a threat to the status quo especially through his ability\u00E2\u0080\u0094here in terms of macaroni fashion and sexual dalliance\u00E2\u0080\u0094to penetrate aristocratic circles, defy moral parameters, and activate abolitionist empathies.138 A Mungo Macaroni unveiled debates and anxieties around this uncharted path. 136 Ibid., 89-91. Scobie explains that \u00E2\u0080\u0098Black darlings\u00E2\u0080\u0099 were \u00E2\u0080\u0098blackamoors\u00E2\u0080\u0099 or black children who were \u00E2\u0080\u0098adopted\u00E2\u0080\u0099 (bought, given, traded) to Georgian aristocratic families. If they showed promise, they were educated and tutored in music, riding, and fencing. Scobie also reports that because of Soubise\u00E2\u0080\u0099s physical attractiveness, he was painted and sculpted by artists such as Thomas Gainsborough as was Ignatius Sancho, and by Johann Zoffany. 137 Wheeler, The Complexion of Race, 14. 138Felicity Nussbaum in The Limits of the Human (2003) quotes elite socialite Lady Mary Coke\u00E2\u0080\u0099s diaries and observations that Soubise\u00E2\u0080\u0099s had countless \u00E2\u0080\u009Csexual conquests,\u00E2\u0080\u009D frequent visitations to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnunneries\u00E2\u0080\u009D (the slang term for brothels), and it was rumoured he had impressive \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmanly parts and abilities.\u00E2\u0080\u009D(8, 208). According to Nussbaum, Soubise\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sexual antics eventually caught up with him. He was accused of raping a woman and was sent to Calcutta, India by the Duchess. The Duchess allegedly died two days later. Soubise spent 21 years in India and died at the age of 44 on August 25, 1798 in a riding accident. 94 Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s caricature also opens up debates and anxieties concerning race mobility. For viewers, Soubise\u00E2\u0080\u0099s stark white attire that was so easily assimilated into the white background of the print left only his black face as a reminder of Jamaican roots and hybrid threats. Perhaps the blank backdrop whitewashed a central fear, that is to say, the burgeoning black populations in Britain, products of triangular trade for the most part, that had reached approximately 20,000 by the late 1760s.139 In addition, Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s informed viewership would connect a mungo macaroni with Bickerstaffe\u00E2\u0080\u0099s popular comedy The Padlock of four years earlier in 1768 and its rather clever protagonist, the black Mungo, who outwitted his white master.140 This characterization perhaps hinted at a deeper public concern around the issue of loyalty that the play addressed, that is, that the passivity, assumed by various Britons, as stereotypical of the \u00E2\u0080\u0098Negroe\u00E2\u0080\u0099 was indeed a disguise that posed uncertain implications. After all, public memory recalled the violent uprisings of Jamaican plantation slaves in the 1760s that saw owners and managers attacked and sugar production crippled. The mandate of the rebel leader, Tacky, had been \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe entire extirpation of the white inhabitants,\u00E2\u0080\u009D a tactic borne out in reports of widespread human carnage and razed estate houses and cane fields.141 A Mungo Macaroni\u00E2\u0080\u0099s seemingly smooth integration of a dapper black man-about-town could therefore image new anxieties in domestic terrains. 139 Scobie, Black Britannia, 63. Scobie also notes that by the late eighteenth century 45,000-50,000 blacks lived throughout Britain (63). Important recent studies of an awareness of the triangular trade in slavery and its links to the British economy include Geoff Quilley and Kay Dian Kriz\u00E2\u0080\u0099s An Economy of Colour (2003) and the more recent study by Kay Dian Kriz, Slavery, Sugar, and the Culture of Refinement (2008) which exams print culture, satire, and high art to demonstrate the anxious awareness of slavery and its impact on Britain. 140For a full discussion of the plot see John R. Oldfield, Popular politics and British anti-slavery, (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1995), 30-32. 141 James Walvin, Black Ivory: A History of British Slavery (London: HarperCollins, 1992), 269. See also Kay Dian Kriz, Slavery, Sugar, and the Culture of Refinement (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008). 95 Such fears around race and class were further teased out through specific aspects of the mungo macaroni\u00E2\u0080\u0099s attire. In A Mungo Macaroni, the lack of a wig for Soubise could be telling. As noted in Chapter One, fashion defined the macaroni\u00E2\u0080\u0099s identity and his excesses allowed for membership into this group of anti-establishment outsiders. The macaroni\u00E2\u0080\u0099s wig was significant in signaling gilded taste and brotherhood. Thus, a macaroni without a fashionable wig was indeed no macaroni at all\u00E2\u0080\u0094a pariah. On the surface, A Mungo Macaroni would seem to suggest that the hybrid Soubise belongs to the macaroni fraternity, but alternatively what surfaces is that as a black man he was an outsider even amongst outsiders. Importantly, the wig was also a marker of patrician authority, dignity, and autonomy.142 Soubise himself wore no wig, and in popular accounts was identified as having \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwoolly hair\u00E2\u0080\u009D typical of \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe Woolly and the Long-hair\u00E2\u0080\u0099d Blacks\u00E2\u0080\u009D with author Lady Montague adding as a racist comparison, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe same general Kind as Mastiffs, Spaniels, Bull-dogs.\u00E2\u0080\u009D143 Again, Soubise is in that interstitial space of belonging, but not belonging. On one hand, as a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpet- project blackamoor\u00E2\u0080\u009D he enjoyed a certain status and protection that could avail mobility in parts of society.144 On the other hand, that same label registered a degradation that appeared in popular print, namely, \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca fashionable woman hath two Implements about her, a Blackamoor, and a little Dog,\u00E2\u0080\u009D a taut allusion to ownership and subjectivity.145 Such parallels 142 Pointon, Hanging the Head, 120-124. 143 From Lady Mary Worley Montague\u00E2\u0080\u0099s travel writings in Theresa Braunschneider, \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Lady and the Lapdog,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Humans and Other Animals in Eighteenth-Century British Culture: Representation, Hybridity, Ethics, ed. Frank Palmeri (London: Ashgate, 2006), 46. 144 See Edward Scobie, Black Britannia (1972) and Felicity Nussbaum, The Limits of the Human (2003). Nussbaum recounts that despite his being the alleged lover of his 60 year-old benefactress the Duchess of Queensbury, Soubise was the known paramour of the renowned writer and abolitionist Charlotte Smith. 145 From The Character of a Town Miss (1675) as quoted in Srinivas Aravamudan, Tropicopolitans: Colonialism and Agency, 1688-1804 (Durham: Duke University Press, 1999), 34. These dialectic positions perhaps emerged in A Mungo Macaroni through Soubise\u00E2\u0080\u0099s subaltern status as possibly inscribed by the detail of the chained dog\u00E2\u0080\u0099s head affixed to his macaroni sword. Historian Keith Thomas notes in Man and The Natural 96 of Soubise to woolly-hair\u00E2\u0080\u0099d dogs can evoke what historian Richard Sennett\u00E2\u0080\u0099s observes as a central problem for the outsider in the city, that is, \u00E2\u0080\u009Chow to arouse belief among those who do not know you.\u00E2\u0080\u009D146 Both hair and absent wig would seem to suggest hybrids who were neither one nor the other, had restricted mobilities, and in terms of the macaroni satires and London\u00E2\u0080\u0099s fashionable elites, were registered as marginalized entities. Hybridity\u00E2\u0080\u0099s threat to the stability of established class hierarchies played out one other way in the details of the caricature of A Mungo Macaroni. It was not uncommon for print culture to accentuate the physical features of black subjects. The exaggeration of Soubise\u00E2\u0080\u0099s facial features and the representation of a potbelly would seem to underscore what Frances Reynolds later claimed in 1785 about those of African descent: \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdefect of form and complexion [was] a strong obstacle to their acquiring true taste\u00E2\u0080\u009D and signaled a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdefect they may have in their intellectual faculties.\u00E2\u0080\u009D147 The caricature of Soubise with his fine fashions, polished manners, floral scents, and reputation for relentless skin bleaching, 148 in fact relied World (1984) that chains and \u00E2\u0080\u009Csilver padlocks for blacks or dog\u00E2\u0080\u009D were commonplace in the eighteenth century (44). As a vicious pun it would seem, Darly positions the sword\u00E2\u0080\u0099s head such that Soubise\u00E2\u0080\u0099s firm grip and the shape of the canine\u00E2\u0080\u0099s head raise phallic associations that in turn tease out beliefs around this black man\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sexual prowess and his prescribed role in the Duchess\u00E2\u0080\u0099s household. 146 Sennett, The Fall of the Public Man, 49. Sennett explains that generating believability is key, that is, the outsider \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpenetrating barriers familiar to and used by insiders.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Given that Soubise enjoyed freedom of movement and activity, it may be that his \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwoolly hair\u00E2\u0080\u009D can call up what Shane White and Graham J. White argue in \u00E2\u0080\u009CSlave Hair and African-American Culture in the Eighteenth-and Nineteenth-Centuries,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Journal of Southern History 61 (1995), that is, that amongst slaves in eighteenth-century America, woolly hair signaled a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cflaunt\u00E2\u0080\u009D or affirmation of distinction \u00E2\u0080\u009Cand difference even defiance [in] an attempt to revalorize a biological characteristic that white racism had sought to devalue\u00E2\u0080\u009D(58). 147 Frances Reynolds, An Enquiry Concerning the Principles of Taste, and of the Origin of our Ideas of Beauty (London, 1785), 26. 148The effort to redefine cultural terrains is also brought to the fore by The Mungo Macaroni whose pains to camouflage his birthright speaks of a new kind mixity in a different light. Julian Soubise, the subject of A Mungo Macaroni, was known to use the caustic oil of the Jamaican cashew-nut \u00E2\u0080\u009Cto skin [his] face\u00E2\u0080\u009D and acquire a lighter tone as reported in Patrick Browne, The civil and annual history of Jamaica. Containing I. An Accurate description of that island. II. An history of the natural productions. Vol. 1 (1789), 226-227. In addition, Monk of the Order of St. Francis, Nocturnal revels: or, the history of King\u00E2\u0080\u0099s-Place, and other modern nunneries\u00E2\u0080\u00A6with the portraits of the most celebrated demireps\u00E2\u0080\u00A6of this period (1779) notes that Soubise\u00E2\u0080\u0099s effort to shift colours as pointed out in a publication of 1779 was literally enacted through his use of \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwashes, cosmetics, and other 97 on debates that had begun to question views about the nature of humanity and that in turn threatened traditional racial divides around the notoriety associated with Soubise in the early 1770s. The caricature\u00E2\u0080\u0099s physical deformation had a problematic currency given contemporaneous debates on the relation of the human races to apes, which was topical at this time.149 Linneaus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s taxonomy argued differently. Linnaeus posited that Homo Sapiens, a species inclusive of all mankind, had four distinct types with none \u00E2\u0080\u0098above\u00E2\u0080\u0099 the other, but rather were based upon place of origin, not colour.150 This belief was to be further supported by formulations of anatomist, Johann Blumenbach (1752-1840) who having coined the term beautifying medicines, to wash a Blackamoor white\u00E2\u0080\u009D (221). Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s satire of Julian Soubise as A Mungo Macaroni had additional power in that lightening one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s skin troubled because of its link to bourgeois white female vanities. Parallels to female practices also could imply emasculation of the black male, and perhaps for good reason. Soubise was a notorious philanderer and thus a challenge and threat to white male sexual prowess. Attempts to erase his colour and camouflage his Jamaican mien by way of the botanical perhaps spoke of Soubise\u00E2\u0080\u0099s effort to transcend a widespread eighteenth-century belief that literary historian Michelle Cliff in The Land of Look Behind: Prose and Poetry (Ithaca: Firebrand Books, 1985) has termed a \u00E2\u0080\u009Chierarchy of shades\u00E2\u0080\u009D (59). This hierarchy is a classification that equated \u00E2\u0080\u0098white\u00E2\u0080\u0099 with hegemonic privilege and a subaltern\u00E2\u0080\u0099s colour with no power and no culture. Writer Oliver Goldsmith\u00E2\u0080\u0099s History of the Earth and Animated Nature, Vol. 2 (London: J. Nourse, 1774) would seem to corroborate these public sentiments in his observation that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe chief differences in man are rather taken from the tincture of his skin than the variety of his figure\u00E2\u0080\u009D (212). Apparently, British ideals around race were focused more upon similarity than equality, and despite mixities that had begun to populate new terrains, blacks were still marginalized as different, subordinate, or even dangerous. To \u00E2\u0080\u0098wash a Blackamoor white\u00E2\u0080\u0099 could also underscore eighteenth-century tensions around Linnaean formulations, in particular his theory that an entity\u00E2\u0080\u0099s development was merely an adaptation to \u00E2\u0080\u009Clocation or climate,\u00E2\u0080\u009D and that organisms do not differ much according to Linnaeus in Philosophia Botanica (1751) \u00E2\u0080\u009Cunless compelled by dire necessity\u00E2\u0080\u009D (235). To suggest that difference was only a surface problem\u00E2\u0080\u0094in the skin\u00E2\u0080\u0094and shaped by climate rather than anatomical conditions, complicated popular belief that wanted fixed racial divisions. In addition, also unsettling was Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s aforementioned \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnested hierarchy\u00E2\u0080\u009D as explained by historian Jonathan Marks in Human Biodiversity as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cseveral classes, none \u00E2\u0080\u0098higher\u00E2\u0080\u0099 than any other\u00E2\u0080\u00A6but of the same level,\u00E2\u0080\u009D(7) a construct that could be seen as obscuring presumed black inferiority. 149 By midcentury, debates intensified between monogenists (those believing that the human family had a single origin) and the opposing polygenists (who believed in multiple species origins). In conjunction with Linnaean tenets that classified man (Homo) and ape (Simia) in the same family order of Anthropomorpha and later as Primates, such images fueled concerns around the porous borders between man and ape. See Footnote 148 of this Chapter. Lisbet Koerner in Linnaeus: Nature and Nation (1999) cites and quotes Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s famous letter of February 14, 1747 to Johann Georg Gmelin, a German explorer, that asks whether he (Linnaeus) should \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccall man ape or vice versa\u00E2\u0080\u009D (87). In 1754 Linnaeus endeavoured to reconcile this issue by stating that other scientists also grappled with finding \u00E2\u0080\u009Cany distinguishing mark by which the Apes can be separated from humans\u00E2\u0080\u009D (87). Physician and anthropologist Johann Blumenbach\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (1752-1840) craniometrical research resulted in his division of humans into five varieties. These varieties over-lapped. Ultimately, Blumenbach found no bodily difference between Caucasian and Negro\u00E2\u0080\u0094they shared a unity, a common humanity. 150 According to Linnaeus there were four types of Man from four continents\u00E2\u0080\u0094Americanus, Asiaticus, Africanus, Europeanus. 98 caucasian saw similarities between Africans and Caucasians in \u00E2\u0080\u009C\u00E2\u0080\u0098understanding, natural talents, and mental capacities\u00E2\u0080\u0099.\u00E2\u0080\u009D151 Such claims were disturbing for their contravention to the traditional racial divides of white and non-white populations.152 Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s shifting demographics also played a role in the topicality of the mungo macaroni. For example, Edward Long, a former Jamaican planter in his Candid Reflections of 1772 warned that the British nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s terrains were too \u00E2\u0080\u009Cembronzed with the African tint,\u00E2\u0080\u009D153 while anti-abolitionist Samuel Estwick\u00E2\u0080\u0099s tract of 1772 outlined a law to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpreserve the race of Britons from stain and contamination\u00E2\u0080\u009D of blacks.154 Further evidence of shifts in the cultural landscape seemed to surface through the politically charged case of 1772 involving black slave James Somerset. Here, rights of black slaves were recognized and ownership of slaves was somewhat regulated through a legal ruling that stated \u00E2\u0080\u009C\u00E2\u0080\u0098no master\u00E2\u0080\u009D in England \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwas allowed\u00E2\u0080\u00A6to take a slave by force to be sold abroad because he deserted his service.\u00E2\u0080\u009D155 151 As cited in Bruce David Baum, The Rise and Fall of the Caucasian Race: a political history of racial identity, (New York: New York University Press, 2006), 76. 152 See also Nicholas Hudson, \u00E2\u0080\u009C\u00E2\u0080\u0098Nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099 to \u00E2\u0080\u0098Race\u00E2\u0080\u0099: The Origin of Racial Classification in Eighteenth-Century Thought,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Eighteenth-Century Studies 29, no. 3 (1996): 247-264. 153Edward Long, Candid reflections upon the judgment lately awarded by the Court of King\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Bench, in Westminster-Hall, on what is commonly called the negroe-cause, by a planter (London: Lowdnes, 1772), 55. Not to be forgotten is that by the mid-1760s Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s black population in major ports such as Bristol, Liverpool and London had frighteningly reached 20,000 according to J. R. Oldfield in \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe \u00E2\u0080\u0098Ties of soft Humanity\u00E2\u0080\u0099,\u00E2\u0080\u009D The Huntington Library Quarterly 56, no.1 (Winter 1993): 1-14. 154 As quoted in James Walvin, Questioning Slavery (London: Routledge, 1996), 85. 155 Ibid., Chapter 5, and National Archives of Britain, James Walvin, \u00E2\u0080\u009CBlack Presence: Asian and Black History in Britain, 1500-1850,\u00E2\u0080\u009D at http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/pathways/blackhistory/rights/slave_free.htm. The status of blacks as property underpinned the Somerset ruling of 1772. James Somerset, a black slave and property of Charles Stewart, had been transported to England. He ran away but was recaptured on Nov. 26, 1771 and Stewart forced Somerset\u00E2\u0080\u0099s transport back to Jamaica. Granville Sharpe, a British abolitionist, said this was unlawful and helped secure a writ of habeas corpus that ordered Somerset\u00E2\u0080\u0099s return to appear before a British court. Lord Chief Justice Mansfield ruled that James Somerset was unjustly treated and was to be \u00E2\u0080\u0098discharged\u00E2\u0080\u0099. 99 While slaves were not freed as some Britons had believed,156 some recognition of black rights seemed to have begun. Increased evidence of mixity and the potential of a black population to negotiate and indeed excel in Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s cultural landscape were particularly evident in the accomplishments of Ignatius Sancho (1729-1780), an ex-slave from Africa. In the eighteenth century, literacy was \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca sign of European eminence,\u00E2\u0080\u009D157 a category that Sancho justifiably joined through his articulate production of letters, diaries, narratives, and plays. Similarly, he distinguished himself as a respected theatre critic and music composer, and was viewed by his white contemporaneous literati as \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca rarity\u00E2\u0080\u0094a man of utter integrity and strength of character.\u00E2\u0080\u009D158 Further recognition of Sancho as erudite was sealed by the posthumous publication of The Letters of the Late Ignatius Sancho, an African in 1782. Thomas Gainsborough\u00E2\u0080\u0099s portrait of Ignatius Sancho (Figure 2.4) painted at Bath on November 29, 1768 when Sancho was in the employ of the Duke of Montague, 159 and which was later to become the frontispiece engraved by Francesco Bartolozzi for Sancho\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Letters, depicts a poised, bourgeois gentleman\u00E2\u0080\u0094a polished and socially sanctioned individual, albeit one whose gaze does not directly engage with the viewer.160 In this representation, Sancho seems the distinguished patriot\u00E2\u0080\u0094composed and clear-eyed, a tidy coif, and a classically cut black jacket with gold buttons, red vest, and white shirt. His clothing denotes the transformation from African slave 156 As quoted in Adam Hoschschild, Bury The Chains (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 2006), 50. 157 Wheeler, The Complexion of Race, 238. 158 As cited in Scobie, Black Britannia,100. 159 Vincent Carretta and P. Gould, eds. Genius in Bondage (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2001), 136. 160 In Portraiture: facing the subject (1997), Joanna Woodall suggests that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cgaze polities\u00E2\u0080\u009D were along gendered lines and a direct look was a breach of propriety, especially for subordinate subjects such as women, or interestingly here, perhaps black men whose status, like that of women, was below that of white males. 100 to mobile and sophisticated Briton. That Sancho\u00E2\u0080\u0099s right hand is positioned inside his vest conveys, as historian Arlene Meyers has argued in a different context, that the sitter can be aligned with \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmen of breeding.\u00E2\u0080\u009D161 Sancho thus appears as a model of British refinement: patriarchal, learned, enlightened and industrious.162 But Sancho\u00E2\u0080\u0099s activities could also have ambivalent overtones. That he embodied British virtues and mentored other blacks in transforming their African roots, for example, Julius Soubise discussed earlier in this chapter. Notably, Sancho admitted that despite his achievements he was still a hybrid, that is, \u00E2\u0080\u009Chis complexion\u00E2\u0080\u009D made him \u00E2\u0080\u009Cutterly unqualified\u00E2\u0080\u009D to serve in public office.163 He also referred to himself as a \u00E2\u0080\u0098Blackamoor\u00E2\u0080\u0099, but expressed his fury for \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe unchristian and most diabolical usage of my brother Negroes\u00E2\u0080\u0094the illegality\u00E2\u0080\u0094 the horrid wickedness of the [slave] traffic.\u00E2\u0080\u009D164 As contemporary historian Markman Ellis has noted, for those who were equivocal about abolition, Sancho\u00E2\u0080\u0099s influential voice could be seen as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cculturally combative\u00E2\u0080\u00A6 transgressive and radical.\u00E2\u0080\u009D165 That potential for radical dissent was heightened through white supporters who saw themselves as similarly oppressed. Such were the Irish who were stigmatized with blackness because of their \u00E2\u0080\u009CCeltish origins\u00E2\u0080\u009D and the labouring poor, that is, the blackened coalminers and chimney sweeps.166 As a result, fears 161 Meyer, \u00E2\u0080\u009CRe-dressing Classical Statuary: The Eighteenth Century \u00E2\u0080\u009CHand-in-Waistcoat\u00E2\u0080\u009D Portrait,\u00E2\u0080\u009D 45-64. 162 Sancho had been taken in by the Duchess of Montague and upon her death in 1751 was left an annual allowance of \u00C2\u00A330. He managed his money well and in 1774 set up a grocer\u00E2\u0080\u0099s shop in fashionable Mayfair, an establishment patronized by his friends such as the famous actor David Garrick and writer Samuel Johnson. 163 Ignatius Sancho as quoted and cited in Gretchen H. Gerzina, \u00E2\u0080\u009CIgnatius Sancho: A Renaissance Black Man in Eighteenth-Century England,\u00E2\u0080\u009D The Journal of Blacks in Higher Education 21 (Autumn 1998): 107. 164 Ibid. Sancho\u00E2\u0080\u0099s interest in abolition was borne out in Thomas Cooper\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (1759-1839) Letters on the Slave Trade (1787) where Cooper noted \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe Letters of Ignatius Sancho\u00E2\u0080\u009D had many passages on abolition. 165 Markman Ellis, \u00E2\u0080\u009CIgnatius Sancho\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Letters: Sentimental Libertinism and the Politics of Form,\u00E2\u0080\u009D in Genius in Bondage: Literature of the Early Black Atlantic, eds. Vincent Carretta and Philip Gould (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 2001), 212. 166 Nussbaum, The Limits of the Human, 151. 101 around hybridity and its various mixities played out through xenophobic reactions to Scottish and Catholic Irish immigrations to England that had risen to about 40,000 by 1780.167 Resistance by any group\u00E2\u0080\u0094voices angry about race, class, or religious persecution\u00E2\u0080\u0094unsettled British ruling authority especially in the 1770s during the uprisings in the American Colonies.168 Conclusion Resources from botanical outreach may have been seen as anodynes for social problems, but they cultured discontents as well. Britain grappled with a changing cultural terrain that featured a more \u00E2\u0080\u0098mixed\u00E2\u0080\u0099 version of nationhood. Mobilities emerged and new levels of visibility surfaced to unveil tension between the desire for botanic product and anxieties around difference. Linnaean notions of hybridity or mixity gave momentum to new understandings that helped negotiate difference and diversity in wider worlds. For eighteenth-century viewers, both caricature and academic high art such as the portraits of Gainsborough and West, embed tensions with reference to this aspect of global outreach. While Darly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s caricatures discussed in this chapter mocked their respective subjects, reciprocal seeing put the viewer under similar scrutiny so that he or she might self-consciously examine his or her own fears and limits. While these images and the portraits by West and Gainsborough\u00E2\u0080\u0099s attest to fascination with exotic product and geographies, such representations also stand as indices of anxiety 167 Linda Colley, Britons: Foreign the Nation 1707-1837 (London: Pimlico, 2003), 329. The Catholics were feared for their long-established Jacobin affiliations already mentioned in Chapter One. 168 Historian Patricia Bradley in Slavery, Propaganda, and the American Revolution (1999) notes that Bickerstaffe\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Padlock had over 40 performances in the colonies by the mid-1770s and the term \u00E2\u0080\u0098mungo\u00E2\u0080\u0099 and \u00E2\u0080\u0098macaroni\u00E2\u0080\u0099 emerged within American revolutionary discourses to call up issues around political loyalities. 102 around emerging porous boundaries in terms of gender, race, and class that had the potential to change the complexion of nationhood. Such discourses play out in new ways within the botanical terrains explored in Chapter Three.! 103 CHAPTER THREE Virtual Paradise, Mutable Kingdom: Troubling Nationhood in the Botanical Illustrations of Dr. Robert John Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Temple of Flora. Introduction In late eighteenth and early nineteenth-century Britain, Carolus Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s classificatory system continued to fascinate Britons, in particular, his formulations based upon sexual difference and their exceptions as well as promised \u00E2\u0080\u0098fruition\u00E2\u0080\u0099 that underpinned botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s utility and displays of vibrant nationhood. A grasp of that knowledge was evoked through botanical illustration but so too were attendant anxieties specifically in relation to aspects of Linnaean knowledge that pointed to exceptions, that is, possible variations that were not fixed, but variable or changeable, and could impact the national landscape. My exploration of these tensions is framed through a unique botanical publication, Dr. Robert John Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (1768-1837) A New Illustration of the Sexual System of Carlos von Linnaeus (1797-1807).1 This work was published in three separate parts. In his 1797 Prospectus, Thornton indicated that in tracing the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cphilosophic principles of Botany,\u00E2\u0080\u009D the first part of his publication would address the plant\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009Canatomy\u00E2\u0080\u009D and functions of its parts including \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe Sexual relationship.\u00E2\u0080\u009D2 Part two would address food of plants and principles of 1 Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s publication was entitled as \u00E2\u0080\u0098new\u00E2\u0080\u0099 so that it would be distinguished from John Miller\u00E2\u0080\u0099s An Illustration of the Sexual System of Linnaeus published in 1777. According to historian Ray Desmond in Great Natural History Books and Their Creators (London: British Library and Oak Knoll Press, 2003), Chapter 10, while Thornton had conceived A New Illustration of the Sexual System of Carlos von Linnaeus as early as 1791, published the first two parts of this work by 1797, and commissioned botanical plates for the third part in 1798, not until January 1, 1799 did Thornton issue a title page for The Temple of Flora, the third part of the entire publication. 2 Robert John Thornton, Prospectus of The New Illustration of the Sexual System of Linnaeus (London, 1797), 1. 104 agriculture. In the third part, The Temple of Flora: Or, Garden of Nature, allegorical scenes and \u00E2\u0080\u009Celegant, picturesque\u00E2\u0080\u009D botanical plates would illustrate twelve classes of the Linnaean sexual system and \u00E2\u0080\u009Crender [botany] to every one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s comprehension.\u00E2\u0080\u009D3 My discussion focuses upon select images from this third part often simply called The Temple of Flora.4 Accompanied by verses of renowned poets and identified by Dr. Thornton as a \u00E2\u0080\u009CNational Botanical Work,\u00E2\u0080\u009D5 I argue that various plates from The Temple of Flora folio can be seen as sites that evoke troubling transformations within the monarchical state, issues in relation to governance, patrimony, sexuality and gender, and shifts in the fabric of both the empire and nation. As with the range of images explored in previous chapters, botanical illustrations in Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Temple of Flora responded to British botanophiles who were eager to botanize by using Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sexual system of classification. And while these botanical illustrations were also mobile and circulating and offered immediate \u00E2\u0080\u009Cspecimens\u00E2\u0080\u009D through which to play out scientific discovery, potential subscribers to the publication would also be 3 Ibid. 4 Robert John Thornton, The Temple of Flora, or, Garden of Nature. Part 3 (London, 1799-1807). The plates were hand-coloured (aquatint, stipple and line, mezzotint), expensive processes that spoke of aesthetic and technological expertise. Future references to this third part will be truncated to The Temple of Flora. I have used this publication, also catalogued under the title The Temple of Flora: garden of the botanist, poet, painter and philosopher, at the Natural History Museum in London. I have also worked from The Temple of Flora, \u00E2\u0080\u0098with plates faithfully reproduced from original engravings and the work described by Geoffrey Grigson with bibliographic notes by Handasyde Buchanan,\u00E2\u0080\u0099 ed. G. Grigson (London: Collins, 1951). The illustrated plates I use in this thesis are from a digitalized format of Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Temple of Flora at the University of Wisconsin website: http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/DLDecArts/DLDecArts- idx?id=DLDecArts.ThornTempFlo, as are references to Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s text that accompany the plates. 5 Robert John Thornton, Dr. Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s national botanical work (London: C. Whittingham, c.1800), 2. The poets involved in Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Temple of Flora were members of elite circles: Poet Laureate Henry James Pye, Anna Seward, (\u00E2\u0080\u0098Swan of Lichfield\u00E2\u0080\u0099), Bernard Shaw (playwright), George Dyer (sympathizer to French resistances) and Erasmus Darwin (polymath and grandfather of Charles Darwin). 105 attracted by the possibility of viewing images that Thornton had advertised as produced by \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe finest Artists of this Country.\u00E2\u0080\u009D6 In this chapter, I nuance Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s focus upon sexual difference or exceptions through the concept of variation, that is, what Linnaeus became aware of as the potential of variability within a species.7 Because of commonalities that were seen as shared between aspects of the natural world and that of human society, I argue that the idea of change that underpinned notions of Linnaean variability was able to call up uncertainty\u00E2\u0080\u0094a lack of stability, control, or predictability\u00E2\u0080\u0094that by association could threaten social codes or order. Put another way, the Linnaean system had the potential to unseat the familiar by posing uncertain change to conventional status quos. By taking up themes of nation, governance, sexuality, and gender, this chapter explores how various illustrations within The Temple of Flora, emphasized by Thornton in his Prospectus as a \u00E2\u0080\u009CNATIONAL HOMAGE (sic) to Linnaeus,\u00E2\u0080\u009D 8 address troubling shifts around the Linnaean concept of variety that in turn seemed to materialize as potential mutability in social realms. 6 Robert John Thornton, M.D., March 1, 1799 will be published The New Illustration of the Sexual System of Linnaeus (London, 1799), ii. Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s key artists were Philip Reinagle (1749-1833), landscape painter who painted eleven images, portraitist Peter Henderson (fourteen images) and \u00E2\u0080\u0098moon-scape\u00E2\u0080\u0099 painter, Abraham Pether (1756-1812) (two images). As stated in his aforementioned Prospectus of The New Illustration of the Sexual System of Linnaeus (London, 1797), Thornton had 597 subscribers to the folio, 583 among which he claimed were \u00E2\u0080\u009CKings and Potentates, English and Foreign Nobility, Gentry, Medical Gentlemen\u00E2\u0080\u009D (1). 7 Tod Stuessy, Plant taxonomy: the systematic evaluation of comparative data (New York: Columbia University Press, 2009), 139. Stuessy notes that through Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s botanical investigations and his horticultural experience in the tulip trade, he became aware of the differences that could result or occur in a species by way of human efforts (139). As is evident in the \u00E2\u0080\u009CMethodus\u00E2\u0080\u009D a broadside included in Systema Naturae, these \u00E2\u0080\u0098deviant\u00E2\u0080\u0099 forms Linnaeus saw did not deserve the rank of \u00E2\u0080\u0098species\u00E2\u0080\u0099 but instead were given that of \u00E2\u0080\u0098variety\u00E2\u0080\u0099 or \u00E2\u0080\u0098variations\u00E2\u0080\u0099. Stuessy also points this out. Early in his investigations Linnaeus posited a more fixed notion of species divined through the hand of God. However, in the writing of what he calls his dissertation on \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Sexes of Plants\u00E2\u0080\u009D in 1729 he did acknowledge the potential for variability in species by way of plant sexuality by stating that, \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca genus [or type] was nothing else than a number of plants sprung from the same mother by different fathers\u00E2\u0080\u009D (55-56). 8 Thornton, Prospectus, 1. 106 Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Temple of Flora consisted of a lavish title page, a portrait of Linnaeus, a portrait of well-known botanist Erasmus Darwin, three portraits of Thornton, four hand-painted allegorical scenes, and twenty-eight colored engravings of botanical plants.9 Thornton explained that in an effort to \u00E2\u0080\u009Crender the Science of Botany as simple as possible,\u00E2\u0080\u009D only twelve of Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s twenty-four classes would be illustrated.10 Significantly, Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s floral plates differed radically from botanical images found, for example in studies from Moses Harris\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Aurelian: or, natural history of English Insects of 1766 (Figure 1.1) where plants and insects in were rendered on a blank white ground enabling the morphology and symbiotic relation of plants, flowers, and insects to be the focus of attention. Instead, as the author himself pointed out, The Temple of Flora initiated a new strategy of placing botanical specimens within a landscape setting.11 This innovation had been announced in Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s earlier Prospectus of 1797, when Fellow of the Royal Society and President of the Edinburgh College of Physicians, Dr. Rutherford was quoted to the effect 9 Initially, Thornton had envisioned more botanical illustrations. In Great Natural History Books and Their Creators (2003), Ray Desmond notes that Thornton had a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cconfused concept of the folio\u00E2\u0080\u0099s structure,\u00E2\u0080\u009D but in total there seemed to be a goal of ninety-one botanical plates and twenty-six portraits (115). Costs were prohibitive, however, and the folio was downsized considerably. 10 Thornton, Prospectus, 1. 11 Robert John Thornton, M.D. Advertisement to the New Illustration, 6. Art historian Charlotte Klonk in Chapter 2 of Science and The Perception of Nature: British Landscape Art in the Late Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries (London: Yale University Press, 1996) and William W. Blunt and William Stearn in Chapter 18 of The Art of Botanical Illustration (London: Antique Collectors, 1994) have commented on the innovative use of Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s landscape backdrops which were unique in eighteenth-century botanical illustration. In the seventeenth century, floral illustration was diagrammatic\u00E2\u0080\u0094a specimen on a blank backdrop\u00E2\u0080\u0094 flat, fixed, isolated, and unnatural. While stem, flower, and leaves were usually visible, there was no evidence of roots, terrain, or natural life, that is, no context for its subjectivity. Blunt and Stearn give mention of one publication, Crispjin van de Passe\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Hortus Floridus (1614), as anticipating Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s strategy. Passe\u00E2\u0080\u0099s drawing of the Saffron crocus, for example, had the plant surrounded sparingly with foliage, butterflies, and field mice. 107 that the folio surpassed \u00E2\u0080\u009Cin Elegance and Splendour\u00E2\u0080\u009D any prior works offered in memory of Linnaeus.12 Charlotte Klonk has noted in her discussion of Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s plates that the specimens pictured in the folio had all been introduced to Britain over the course of the eighteenth century.13 A key feature of Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s publication, however, was that landscape backdrops made reference to a characteristic climate, topography, and season of bloom associated with each specimen. The Snowdrops and the Crocus (Figure 3.1), that opened the series of florals for example, was pictured in a frozen rural countryside. And as Klonk points out, Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s plates of the Hyacinths and Tulips depict both within landscape settings that alluded to Holland as the country that played a key role in the cultivation of these bulbs.14 Significantly several of the plates emphasized more exotic specimens, that is, both plants and regions accessed through imperial expansion and exploration.15 Indeed, the publication played to current patriotic and national interests in the 1790s and first years of the 1800s with the texts accompanying several of the plates referencing Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s recent conflicts with France in both the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars and evoking continuing imperial interests.16 12 Thornton, Prospectus, 1. Rutherford was also cited for praising Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s work as being accessible to \u00E2\u0080\u009Ceveryone.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Everyone, of course, meant a more sophisticated bourgeois or refined upper-class subscriber who had money, time, interest, and ability to import exotic seeds and bulbs, and pursue the leisurely delight of botanical exploration. 13 Charlotte Klonk in Science and The Perception of Nature: British Landscape Art in the Late Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries (London: Yale University Press, 1996) states that \u00E2\u0080\u009Call plants shown had been introduced into England by the end of the eighteenth century\u00E2\u0080\u009D (49). 14 Ibid., 57. 15 Such plates from Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s folio as the Curious American Bog Plants, The Sacred Egyptian Bean, The Chinese Limodoron, Indian Reed Cowslip, South American Winged Passion-Flower or the South African Artichoke Silver-Tree all point to Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s plant pursuit and acquisition from foreign climes. 16 As I will discuss more fully such plates as Tulips (Figure 3.5) and The Blue Egyptian Water-Lily are touch points for this exploration. 108 The Temple of Flora has been a frequent touch-point for scholars.17 Klonk for example has devoted a long and invaluable chapter to the work in her study Science and the Perception of Nature.18 However, while Klonk\u00E2\u0080\u0099s account discusses Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s career and that of the artists who illustrated the plates, her analysis of the illustrations focuses primarily on their incorporation of the reigning aesthetic categories of the period\u00E2\u0080\u0094the beautiful, the sublime, or the picturesque.19 In contrast my own exploration takes a different approach by examining how the value of Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s folio was not only as a template of floral classification.20 I argue that the folio\u00E2\u0080\u0099s floral depictions, unique landscaped backdrops, and accompanying text and poems stand as valuable registers of what was in fact a shifting national landscape. Indeed, as I pursue in this chapter, both images and texts served as conduits through which political and social mutability and variation were acknowledged and diffused. Several decades ago, historian Clive Bush\u00E2\u0080\u0099s commentary on both Linnaeus and Robert Thornton pointed out that Linnaean \u00E2\u0080\u009Claws of botany\u00E2\u0080\u009D in giving definition to the natural world, by analogy could be seen to point to social paradigms, what Bush calls \u00E2\u0080\u009Claws 17 Discussions range from descriptive accounts of picturing plants, the folio\u00E2\u0080\u0099s content, and Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s struggle to see it to publication as in Ray Desmond\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Great Natural History Books and their Creator of 2003, Wilfrid Blunt and William Stearn\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Art of Botanical Illustration of 1994, and Lys De Bray\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Art of Botanical Illustration (Bromley: Helm, 1989), to more critical exploration of Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s various scientific interests as in Martin Kemp\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Seen/Unseen (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006. There are also a wide variety of texts that have used The Temple of Flora\u00E2\u0080\u0099s plate, Cupid Inspiring Plants with Love of 1805 by Philip Reinagle, as an iconic register of the interest Britons have for plants and gardens. 18 Klonk, Science and The Perception of Nature, Chapter Two. 19 Ibid., Chapter Two, passim and 37. 20 See for example W. Blunt and W. Stearn, The Art of Botanical Illustration (London: Antique Collectors, 1994). Blunt\u00E2\u0080\u0099s evaluation of the work as an historian of botanical illustration acknowledges that The Temple of Flora was \u00E2\u0080\u009Cprobably the most famous of florilegia,\u00E2\u0080\u009D but he argues that the work had \u00E2\u0080\u009Clittle botanical value\u00E2\u0080\u009D (236). 109 of society,\u00E2\u0080\u009D a parallel that has been taken up as well by other historians of science.21 With this in mind, my inquiry investigates how the illustrations and texts of Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s folio registered the botanical in relation to social and political tensions in the last years of the eighteenth century. The Imprint of Botanophilia Natural history books had enjoyed popularity throughout the century: John Ray\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Historia Plantarum (1704), Elizabeth Blackwell\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Curious Herbal (1739), William Curtis\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Flora Londinensis (1777), William Aiton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Hortus Kewensis (1789) and James Smith\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Introduction to English Botany (1790-1813) are but a few works that attest to the love of plants. These records of vegetal life were chronicles of national pride, in other words, evidence that Britain as a prolific garden was a leader in scientific knowledge, global resource acquisition, and agricultural innovation and expertise.22 Robert Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Temple of Flora also celebrated and capitalized on botanophilia serving at once as endorsement for plantsmen and nurseries involved in botanical enterprise, as vicarious travel to \u00E2\u0080\u0098exotic\u00E2\u0080\u0099 climes and the intimacies of botanizing, or as ready, portable specimens for practitioners of Linnaean classification.23 Noteworthy too is that with botanophilia\u00E2\u0080\u0099s 21 Clive Bush, \u00E2\u0080\u009CErasmus Darwin, Robert John Thornton, and Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 Sexual System,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Eighteenth-Century Studies 7, no. 3 (Spring 1974): 297. See also Janet Browne, \u00E2\u0080\u009CBotany for Gentlemen: Erasmus Darwin and \u00E2\u0080\u0098The Loves of the Plants\u00E2\u0080\u0099,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Isis 80, no. 4 (December 1989): 592-621; Alan Bewell, '\"Jacobin Plants\": Botany as Social Theory in the 1790s', The Wordsworth Circle 20:3 (Summer 1989): 132-39; and Londa Schiebinger, Nature\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Body: Gender in the Making of Modern Science (New Brunswich, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 2004). 22 See for example Richard Drayton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Nature\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Government: Science, Imperial Britain and the \u00E2\u0080\u0098Improvement\u00E2\u0080\u0099 of the World (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000). 23Thornton references several plantsmen and growers in his publication. In particular reference to The Temple of Flora\u00E2\u0080\u0099s plates The Aloe and the Tulips, see Klonk, Science and The Perception of Nature, 49. It would seem that Thornton fully prescribed to Linnaean aphorisms from Carl Linn\u00C3\u00A9, Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 Philosophia Botanica, trans., Stephen Freer (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003). That is to say, Aphorism 332 from Philosophia 110 increased popularity botanical illustration acquired a more refined association as a leisure activity, that is, as \u00E2\u0080\u009Can elegant pursuit\u00E2\u0080\u009D of virtuosi collectors.24 Such association with more elite tastes was curried through two connections formative to Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s folio, first that of landscaped backgrounds and second an association with the eminent natural historian Erasmus Darwin.25 As noted above, Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Temple of Flora was the first publication of its kind to use background scenery for the floral image. In Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s words, the resulting \u00E2\u0080\u009Celegant, picturesque\u00E2\u0080\u009D plates would not only express the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdifferent gradations of the flowers, but will generally have, what has not been before attempted. Back-Grounds expressive of the situation to which each naturally belongs.\u00E2\u0080\u009D26 The picturesque alluded to by Thornton in the quote above was defined by the Reverend William Gilpin in his 1794 essay as a \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccomposition [that] consist[ed] in uniting in one whole a variety of parts.\u00E2\u0080\u009D27 As commentators on the picturesque have noted, the Botanica (1751) states that \u00E2\u0080\u009CPictures should be drawn in the natural size and position\u00E2\u0080\u009D (283), a tactic evident in The Temple of Flora where, for example, Reinagle\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Night-Blowing Cereus is of lifelike size. Secondly, in Aphorism 333, Linnaeus states that \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe best pictures should show all the parts of the plants, even the smallest parts of the fruit-body\u00E2\u0080\u009D (284). This technique is certainly evident in such spectacular exposure of pistils and stamens as in Peter Henderson\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The White Lily (1800) or The Quadrangular Passion-Flower (1802) and Philip Reinagle\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Superb Lily (1799) and The Blue Passion Flower (1800). 24 Thornton, The Temple of Flora, no page. Also see John Gascoigne, Joseph Banks and the English Enlightenment: Useful Knowledge and Polite Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 57-118. 25 Erasmus Darwin was a physician, natural historian, philosopher, inventor, abolitionist, prolific poet and pioneer of evolutionary ideas that were advanced by his grandson, Charles. He was the founding member of the influential Derby Philosophical Society and Lunar Society of Birmingham to which leading literary, scientific and industrial leaders belonged and met \u00E2\u0080\u0098on the full moon\u00E2\u0080\u0099 to share ideas. Biographer Hesketh Pearson, in Doctor Darwin (New York: Walker, 1964), notes Darwin\u00E2\u0080\u0099s diverse innovations: \u00E2\u0080\u009Csketches for lamps, telescope stands, knitting-looms, surveying machines, water-closets...inventions from an organ to electricity to wooden chessmen, from a double-furrow plough, to an artificial bird\u00E2\u0080\u009D (30). 26 Thornton, Advertisement to the New Illustration, 6. 27 William Gilpin, Three essays: on picturesque beauty; on picturesque travel; and on sketching landscape: to which is added a poem, on landscape painting, 2nd ed. (London: R. Blamire, 1794), 19-20. The picturesque\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u0098smooth, rich\u00E2\u0080\u0099 variety was harmonious and pleasing, a juxtaposition to the aesthetic construction of the sublime 111 aestheticization of social and economic contrasts and variations which characterized the recommendations of architects of the picturesque such as Uvedale Price and Richard Payne Knight, were given form in a range of landscape imagery in both high art and print culture forms.28 The picturesque in fact would appeal to polite tastes anxious to avoid recognition of visible rural poverty or the effects of enclosures and emparking, practices that saw small villages razed and common land enclosed to make way for large private estates.29 But the landscape settings in Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Temple of Flora served additional purposes for the viewers and consumers of the prints, Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s emphasis that the folio\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpicturesque\u00E2\u0080\u009D plates situated plants where they \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnaturally belonged,\u00E2\u0080\u009D and his claim that \u00E2\u0080\u009CEach scenery is appropriated to the subject,\u00E2\u0080\u009D30 underscore the way in which plants\u00E2\u0080\u0094and among them exotics\u00E2\u0080\u0094were collected in Britain, their survival resting on the hothouses or special environments provided by collectors among the gentry and aristocracy. Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s use of both landscapes and architecture in the backdrops of his folio would change over different editions.31 Still, the innovative settings of the publication pandered to his moneyed clientele\u00E2\u0080\u0099s curiosity and desire to peruse a range of locales including remote and exotic regions while acknowledging their political agency within the machinery of Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s national with its rugged chasms and darkness that inspired awe, terror, and horror. Edmund Burke formulated these definitions in A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of Our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful (1757). 28 See Charles Harrison, Paul Wood, and Jason Gaiger, Art in Theory 1648-1815: A Changing Anthology of Ideas (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, Ltd., 2000) and Stephen Copley and P. Garside, ed., The Politics of the Picturesque (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994). 29 For a discussion of property and landscape management see Stephen Copley and P. Garside, ed., The Politics of the Picturesque (1994), passim, and Tom Williamson, Polite Landscapes: Gardens and Society in Eighteenth-Century England (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995), Chapter 5. 30 Thornton, Explanation of the Picturesque plates as cited in Wilfrid Blunt and William Stearn, The Art of Botanical Illustration, 237. 31 New backgrounds would be needed as the engraved plates wore down and were refurbished. See Klonk, The Perception of Nature, Chapter 2, passim. 112 and foreign land claims. Picturesque and appropriated backdrops could thus mask tensions yet frame the relations between Linnaean taxonomies and aesthetic sensibilities. The Temple of Flora thus offered subscribers the prospect of being seen as cultured collectors at the same time as allowing them to explore both foreign locales as well as each floral\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sexual organs, its pistils and stamens, in the privacy of their own parlours.32 Appeal to elite consumers was also served through the publication\u00E2\u0080\u0099s references to the work of celebrated eighteenth-century polymath, Erasmus Darwin (1731-1802). Darwin\u00E2\u0080\u0099s epic poems, The Botanic Garden (1791) of which The Loves of the Plants (1789) and his later Temple of Nature (1803) were parts, served as models for Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s own folio33 and were quoted in some of the page-long texts accompanying the illustrations. And no wonder. In his publications, Darwin anthropomorphized vegetal sexuality, sexual relations, and diverse sexual unions emphasizing for readers Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s nuptiae plantarum, that is, the marriage of plants that saw pistil-wives and stamen-husbands sharing a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmarriage bed\u00E2\u0080\u009D where \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe male semen\u00E2\u0080\u009D (pollen) united with \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe vagina\u00E2\u0080\u009D (stylus).34 Darwin\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Loves of the Plants in The Botanic Garden of 1791 with its mock epic tone was both titillating and shocking: the naughty Collinsonia for example, engages in a m\u00C3\u00A9nage \u00C3\u00A0 trois where she 32 Anne Secord in her article \u00E2\u0080\u009CBotany on a Plate,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Isis 93, no. 11 (March 2002): 28-57 argues that the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpleasure\u00E2\u0080\u009D of looking at botanical \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpictures\u00E2\u0080\u009D expanded \u00E2\u0080\u009Caesthetic appreciation\u00E2\u0080\u009D and lent momentum to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe love of plants\u00E2\u0080\u009D which in turn fed into developments in botanical science. 33 Having translated Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s works, Darwin was very familiar with the Linnaean system. Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s title, The Temple of Flora, puns upon Erasmus Darwin\u00E2\u0080\u0099s epic poem The Temple of Nature (1802), giving a public perception of a similar titillating rendition of sexuality, and thus a good seller. Specifically, Darwin\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Loves of the Plants addressed Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sexual system by personifying plants in human terms\u00E2\u0080\u0094vegetal \u00E2\u0080\u0098defloration,\u00E2\u0080\u0099 graphic references to genital parts, and vegetal sexual activity versified as libertine, polygamous, and aberrant. Yet, this approach had widespread appeal that narrowed the gap between aristocratic and bourgeois tastes. Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s illustrations that translated the Linnaean system capitalized upon similar provocative associations. Darwin\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Botanic Garden is almost 4300 lines of rhyming couplets and 100,000 words of scientific footnotes as noted by D. G. King-Hele, \u00E2\u0080\u009CErasmus Darwin, Man of Ideas and Inventor of Words,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 42, no. 2 (July 1988): 163. 34 Linn\u00C3\u00A9, Philosophia Botanica, 105. Also in William Smellie, The philosophy of natural history (Dublin: William Porter, 1790), 248. 113 \u00E2\u0080\u009Csooths (sic) with smiles the jealous pair [of males] by turns.\u00E2\u0080\u009D In other words, as Darwin footnoted, the female first \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbends herself\u00E2\u0080\u00A6with one of them and then applies herself to the other.\u00E2\u0080\u009D35 The \u00E2\u0080\u009CProud Gloriosa,\u00E2\u0080\u009D a female of mature age, first makes three \u00E2\u0080\u009Cchosen swains\u00E2\u0080\u009D the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cblushing captives\u00E2\u0080\u009D of her sexual delights, then \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthree other youths her riper years engage, /The flatter\u00E2\u0080\u0099d victims of her wily age.\u00E2\u0080\u009D36 Such sexual activity with this older woman held the taboo of incestuous overtones as Darwin continued in verse by warning with \u00E2\u0080\u009C\u00E2\u0080\u00A6she own\u00E2\u0080\u0099d a mother\u00E2\u0080\u0099s name/ Desist, rash youth! Refrain your impious flame, /First on that bed your infant form was prefs\u00E2\u0080\u0099d.\u00E2\u0080\u009D37 While the overt eroticism of The Loves of the Plants infused a risqu\u00C3\u00A9 and even pornographic tenor into Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Temple of Flora, an alliance with the scientist and writer was not without tensions. A disquieting aspect of Darwin\u00E2\u0080\u0099s theories was his belief that generational change via sexual reproduction underpinned evolution\u00E2\u0080\u0094an idea evoked sixty years before that of Erasmus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s famous grandson, Charles Darwin. In Zoonomia of 1794- 1796, Erasmus Darwin posited that a species could adapt and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cimprove by its own inherent activity...down generations to its posterity,\u00E2\u0080\u009D 38 and in The Temple of Nature published in 1803 35 Erasmus Darwin, \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Loves of the Plants,\u00E2\u0080\u009D The Botanic Garden. Part II Containing the loves of the plants. A poem. With philosophical notes. (Dudlin (sic): J. Moore, 1796), 3-4, lines 51-55. The Meadia plant, what Darwin calls \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca laughing belle\u00E2\u0080\u009D with a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwanton air,\u00E2\u0080\u009D (5, lines 62-63), is the same plant as The American Cowslip from Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s folio, and like the Collinsonia has one pistil and two or more stamens. 36 Ibid., 11-12, lines 118-130. The arum, what Darwin describes as a warrior woman who stands \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpoised with her long lance\u00E2\u0080\u009D (line 195) is like The Dragon Arum illustrated in Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s folio and similar to the Gloriosa with its several stamens and one pistil. 37 Ibid. Darwin\u00E2\u0080\u0099s poetic venture proved to be a success for in a letter of October 25, 1792 to his friend Richard Dixon, the author wrote that he had just \u00E2\u0080\u009Csold a work called \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Botanic Garden\u00E2\u0080\u009D for \u00C2\u00A3900 to Johnson the bookseller near St. Paul\u00E2\u0080\u0099s.\u00E2\u0080\u009D For Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Temple of Flora making references to this celebrity, as well as Darwin\u00E2\u0080\u0099s daring intellect and influential connections, would have been both politically and economically opportune. 38 Erasmus Darwin, Zoonomia, or the laws of organic life, Vol.1 (London: J. Johnson, 1794-96), 505. 114 he noted: \u00E2\u0080\u009Csuccessive generations bloom, /New powers acquire, and larger limbs assume.\u00E2\u0080\u009D39 In addition, Erasmus Darwin\u00E2\u0080\u0099s reputation as atheist, political agitator, sympathizer with revolutionary ideals and target of the Birmingham riots of 1791 was well known.40 At a time when radical dissent was rife in France, such associations were dangerous. Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Temple of Flora with its vivid ambivalences\u00E2\u0080\u0094visual versus text, picturesque settings versus appropriated, and the erotic versus the scientific\u00E2\u0080\u0094spoke to both the fascination and the tensions around the dissemination of botanical knowledge. As I explore in the following sections, the exotic florals with landscaped backdrops that were unique to Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Temple of Flora speak of a productive new space wherein vegetality illustrated both the promise of new knowledge as well as disquieting variabilities in terms of nation, governance, sexuality, and gender. Sex in the Garden and Modeling Nationhood genial SPRING!... Wide through the world my shafts are sent\u00E2\u0080\u00A6 And fields with blooming life o\u00E2\u0080\u0099erspread.41 \u00E2\u0080\u0094George Dyer (poem accompanying Cupid Inspiring Plants with Love in Robert Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Temple of Flora) 39 Erasmus Darwin, The Temple of Nature, Canto I (London, 1804), 36, lines 299-300. 40 See Jenny Uglow, The Lunar Men (London: Gaber and Faber, 2003). Perhaps such factors contributed to Darwin and members of his Lunar Society, namely Dr. Joseph Priestley, being targeted during the Birmingham Riots of 1791 for their supposed empathy to religious dissenters. Religious practice was, at the simplest of levels, in two camps: the Church of England (Anglicans) and others. In Birmingham, it seemed those of privilege were the Unitarians, or \u00E2\u0080\u0098others; those of the labouring class were Church of England. So, possibly Darwin\u00E2\u0080\u0099s associations with the \u00E2\u0080\u0098elite\u00E2\u0080\u0099 could incite class and political overtones. 41 George Dyer, \u00E2\u0080\u009CCupid Inspiring Plants with Love,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Robert John Thornton, The Temple of Flora, n.p., at http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/DLDecArts/DLDecArts-idx?type=turn&entity=DLDecArts. 115 The concept of the nation as a protected, idyllic garden was called up within the dedication to The Temple of Flora that depicted Britain as under the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cunbounded protection\u00E2\u0080\u009D of \u00E2\u0080\u009Can August King and the best of Queens.\u00E2\u0080\u009D42 The King was, of course, George III (1738- 1820) who had ascended to the throne in 1760, and a year later married Duchess Sophia Charlotte (1744-1818) of Mecklenburg-Strelitz in northern Germany. George III reigned for fifty-nine years. During that time, the apparent marital fidelity and harmony of the Royals was viewed as remarkable, and their fifteen children modeled national productivity, stability, and all round \u00E2\u0080\u009Claudatory behaviour.\u00E2\u0080\u009D43 Under this Monarchy, Britain could be viewed as an ideal and fruitful garden space. As I will show, however, the garden was also troubled. Dense vegetality\u00E2\u0080\u0094entwined and wet succulents, violent flush of petal and plumage, humid and erotic\u00E2\u0080\u0094Philip Reinagle\u00E2\u0080\u0099s allegorical Cupid Inspiring Plants with Love (1805) (Figure 3.2), placed at the beginning of Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Temple of Flora, opens the narrative of national fruition under Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s George III. Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s accompanying text stresses the links between Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sexual system of classification, Reinagle\u00E2\u0080\u0099s colourful image, and \u00E2\u0080\u0098love\u00E2\u0080\u0099 in both the social and botanical worlds. Thornton opens his commentary noting that while already suggested by earlier natural historians, \u00E2\u0080\u0098the sexes of Plants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 had required Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s studies and theories as confirmation. Six stanzas of verse by English poet George 42 Thornton, The Temple of Flora (1799-1807), ed. G. Grigson (London: Collins, 1951), 3. Thornton in dedicating the publication to Queen Charlotte points out that the Queen is a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cgracious Majesty, bright example of conjugal fidelity and maternal tenderness, patroness of Botany and the Fine Arts.\u00E2\u0080\u009D 43 Jeremy Black, George III, America\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Last King (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006), 148-149. Black does acknowledge during George\u00E2\u0080\u0099s period of madness, particularly in 1789-1799 George had \u00E2\u0080\u009Cconfused\u00E2\u0080\u009D feelings for Elizabeth, Countess of Pembroke one of Queen Charlotte\u00E2\u0080\u0099s ladies of the bedchamber, having imagined he was married to her. There were also rumour of an \u00E2\u0080\u009Cintimacy\u00E2\u0080\u009D with a housemaid called Sally, but Black concludes that there \u00E2\u0080\u009Cseems no basis for the report\u00E2\u0080\u009D (148-149). 116 Dyer that follow Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s comments describe how \u00E2\u0080\u009Clove\u00E2\u0080\u009D subjects both men and women as well as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe Garden\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Sweet Domain.\u00E2\u0080\u009D44 In Reinagle\u00E2\u0080\u0099s image, Cupid, as harbinger of love, ventures along the path of a verdant garden, enclosed by lush growth and sunlit equatorial-like mountains. Turned to the right, his arrow is aimed at a prominent floral specimen in the foreground. With a plume-like flare of iridescent orange petals and beak-like sheath held on a tall and bent stalk, the plant stands out against the green and foliated surroundings. The common name for the specimen, the Bird of Paradise, acknowledges the unusual flower\u00E2\u0080\u0099s resemblance to a long-necked, tropical bird. Important to my analysis is that the unusual floral was also called the Queen Flower or Queen Plant. Its Linnaean name, Strelitzia reginae, was chosen by the prominent naturalist Joseph Banks to honour Queen Charlotte and her place of birth: Mecklenberg-Strelitzia in Germany.45 In Reinagle\u00E2\u0080\u0099s image, the bright orange of the Queen plant is echoed by the plumage of what resembles a Regal sunbird (Cinnyris regius) perched in a tree in the upper left. The bird not only was a colorful species that could call up the exotics kept in George III\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Royal menagerie, but was also renown as being the chief pollinator of the Strelitzia plant.46 At the simplest of levels then, armed with Love\u00E2\u0080\u0099s weaponry\u00E2\u0080\u0094full quiver, taut bow, 44 Thornton, The Temple of Flora at http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/DLDecArts/DLDecArts- idx?id=DLDecArts.ThornTempFlo. In text accompanying the single plate entitled Cupid Inspiring Plants with Love, n.p. 45 Ibid. In text accompanying a single plate entitled The Queen Flower, n.p. Stephen Harris in his introductory commentary that accompanies the 2008 limited edition of Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Temple of Flora published by Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Folio Society states that the strelitzia was discovered by Carl Thunberg (one of Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s pupils and later known as the father of South African botany for his extensive travels there), in the coastal woods of Easter Cape (South Africa) in 1773, and passed it to Francis Masson, a British plant hunter who introduced the plant to Britain (78). 46Judith Pascoe, The Hummingbird Cabinet (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2006), 56-57. Exotic birds were often made as gifts. Pascoe cites a diary entry of the Queen on September 8, 1789 that acknowledges Barbadoes Governor Perry\u00E2\u0080\u0099s gift to George III for his aviary\u00E2\u0080\u0094a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmost beautiful Peroquet the Plumage of which is Orange blue & Green tipped with red\u00E2\u0080\u009D (57). For birds as chief pollinators see Michael Simpson, Plant Systematics (Amsterdam: Elsevier, 2005). 117 golden arrow\u00E2\u0080\u0094Cupid could be both mediator and herald of the dynasty of George III and his Consort, Queen Charlotte. How fitting that the nationscape of Cupid Inspiring Plants with Love resonated as a botanic site where, in Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s words, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cindividuals multiply by generation.\u00E2\u0080\u009D47 Not just Linnaean sexual fruition is addressed, however. In Cupid Inspiring Plants with Love, Cupid\u00E2\u0080\u0099s presence calls up scientific knowledge in another way. In the eighteenth century, images of putti were commonplace in spaces of scientific activity as a way to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdomesticate science, often in the literal sense of bringing it home.\u00E2\u0080\u009D48 Cupid\u00E2\u0080\u0099s mobility in this garden then could also speak to the nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s increased interest in botany and particularly through the Linnaean system whose taxonomy of the \u00E2\u0080\u0098Vegetal Kingdom\u00E2\u0080\u0099 encouraged the love of plants. In addition, Cupid\u00E2\u0080\u0099s presence here could allude to the Royal couple whose nicknames, \u00E2\u0080\u009CFarmer George\u00E2\u0080\u009D and the \u00E2\u0080\u009CQueen of Botany,\u00E2\u0080\u009D49 suggested their passion for and patronage of botanophilia. Surely it is no coincidence that Reinagle\u00E2\u0080\u0099s composition showcases 47 Carolus Linnaeus, Systema Naturae (1735). With an introduction and first English translation of the \u00E2\u0080\u009CObservations.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Facsimile of the First Edition. trans. M.S.J. Engel-Ledeboer and H. Engel (Nieuwkoop, Netherlands: B. de Graaf, 1964), 18. This observation of Linnaeus conflates with the reference to Linnaeus in the text written at the bottom of the Reinagle\u00E2\u0080\u0099s plate. Four lines of verse by poet Charlotte Lennox reads:\u00E2\u0080\u009D And thou, divine Linnaeus! Trac\u00E2\u0080\u0099d my Reign/O\u00E2\u0080\u0099er Trees and Plants, and Flora\u00E2\u0080\u0099s beauteous Train /Prov\u00E2\u0080\u0099d them obedient to my soft Control, /And gaily breathe the aromatic soul.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Clearly, Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s imprint is upon this plate. 48 J. L. Heilbron, \u00E2\u0080\u009CDomesticating Science in the Eighteenth Century,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Science and the Visual Image in the Enlightenment, ed. William Shea (Canton, MA: Watson Publishing, 2000), 1. Heilborn\u00E2\u0080\u0099s article includes images of putti involved in \u00E2\u0080\u0098scientific\u00E2\u0080\u0099 activity: a putto helping a dialler in Maignan\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Perspectiva (1640); assisting in a Galilean experiment in Manfredi\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Gnomone (1736); Putti helping in natural philosophy in Fontenelle\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Oeuvres diverses (1729). Interestingly, Part One of Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s New Illustration (also dedicated to Queen Charlotte) has a portrait of Queen Charlotte, \u00E2\u0080\u0098Queen of Botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099 around whom are numerous putti with festoons of flowers and her Royal crown. The idea of \u00E2\u0080\u0098helping hands\u00E2\u0080\u0099 behind the successes of scientific inquiry is also borne out in depictions of disembodied hands (sometimes from clouds) aiding in experimentations. 49 These were nicknames of the Royal couple as quoted and cited in numerous texts one of which is Ray Desmond\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Kew: The History of the Royal Botanic Gardens (London: Harvill Press, 1995), 90. Possibly George III\u00E2\u0080\u0099s interest in botany had been cultivated by his mother, Augusta, who upon her husband Fredrick\u00E2\u0080\u0099s death expanded and developed Richmond and Kew gardens. On a different note, George III had widespread scientific interests from astronomy (and support of British astronomer William Herschel) to animal husbandry. Queen Charlotte studied botany and botanical illustration and taught both to her daughters. 118 the breadfruit trees in the left middle-ground that Banks had collected in Otaheite, and what appears to be banana and sugar cane on the right\u00E2\u0080\u0094all specimens that register botanical ventures endorsed by George III as part of the global pursuit of botanical resources50 However, botanophilia\u00E2\u0080\u0099s bloom was overshadowed by uncertainties embodied within Linnaean variety\u00E2\u0080\u0094notions that translated into Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s domestic and imperial landscapes. At this point the garden seems a Foucauldian heterotopic space, that is, \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca kind of effectively enacted utopia in which the real sites\u00E2\u0080\u00A6are simultaneously represented, contested and inverted\u00E2\u0080\u009D to allow for oppositional debates to emerge. 51 The poem by George Dyer which accompanied Cupid Inspiring the Plants with Love and which I quote at the outset of this section, refers to this \u00E2\u0080\u0098genial garden\u00E2\u0080\u0099 as harmonious. That vision, however, was contested as both desire and discovery partner to reveal the troubled terrain of natural history, sex, and the nation. Monarchy Under The Microscope The protection of the nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s profuse bounty and steady progress was promoted through its earthly defender and chief cultivator, \u00E2\u0080\u0098Farmer George\u00E2\u0080\u0099, George III.52 50 For discussion of George III\u00E2\u0080\u0099s involvement in national \u00E2\u0080\u009Cimprovement\u00E2\u0080\u009D through resource pursuits in imperial theatres see Richard Drayton, Nature\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Government: Science, Imperial Britain and the \u00E2\u0080\u0098Improvement\u00E2\u0080\u0099 of the World (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000), Chapter 4. 51Michel Foucault, \u00E2\u0080\u009COf Other Spaces,\u00E2\u0080\u009D The Visual Culture Reader, ed. N. Mirzoeff (London: Routledge, 1998), 239-242. 52 In Systema Naturae of 1735, Linnaeus established that his ordering of the natural world was \u00E2\u0080\u009Cattributed to some Omniscient Being, namely God\u00E2\u0080\u009D (18). Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s mindful negotiation of science and religion typified what historian John Gascoigne in Cambridge in the Age of the Enlightenment (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 2002) observes as a \u00E2\u0080\u009Choly alliance\u00E2\u0080\u009D between the two disciplines that was said to characterize their relationship in the eighteenth century (300). The unity of science and the sacred would seem to be conflated in Philip Reinagle\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Cupid Inspiring Plants with Love (1805) through his depiction of an enclosed garden as metaphor for a unified nation Divinely protected. George III\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Coronation Oath conflated wise governance with a sworn duty to preserve doctrines and practices of the Church of England. Landscape historian Achva Stein\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009CThoughts Occasioned by the Old Testament\u00E2\u0080\u009D in The Meaning of Gardens, ed. Mark Francis (London: MIT 119 Concurrently however, disturbing aspects of Linnaean knowledge, particularly in relation to variability or in the social realm, mutability, penetrated the nation and specifically so through the King. Importantly the Monarch was the nation, and any slippages in monarchical authority risked signaling the nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s instability and potential vulnerability. In Philosophia Botanica of 1751, Linnaeus noted that within \u00E2\u0080\u009Cgenera\u00E2\u0080\u009D or groups there are \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdifferent natural species,\u00E2\u0080\u009D and within a species there are a number of different strains or \u00E2\u0080\u009Cvarieties.\u00E2\u0080\u009D53 Built upon a foundation of taxonomic fixity, the concept of mutable boundaries suggested that different strains or confusing varieties could emerge. Linnaean scholar Frans Stafleu observes that Linnaeus throughout many of his works echoed botanist Andrea Cesalpino\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (1519-1603) observation that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cif the genera are confused, everything is confused by necessity.\u00E2\u0080\u009D54 Here the suggestion that possible confusion or instability can occur in \u00E2\u0080\u009Ceverything\u00E2\u0080\u009D points to the uncertainty embedded within notions of variation. The fixity and certainty that Linnaean tenets were presumed to offer, left out the management of exception or differences and in fact called up disquieting notions of changeability within systems, even systems within the nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s social and political terrains.55 Press, 1990) notes the garden as protected space is rooted in the Old Testament\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Hebrew word for garden, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cgan, meaning \u00E2\u0080\u0098to defend\u00E2\u0080\u0099,\u00E2\u0080\u009D a concept underpinning \u00E2\u0080\u0098kingship\u00E2\u0080\u0099 (38). 53 Linn\u00C3\u00A9, Philosophia Botanica, 113-114. In Aphorism 155 Linnaeus established that \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca system separates the classes by five appropriate divisions: classes, orders, genera, species, and varieties,\u00E2\u0080\u009D and then in Aphorism 158, he contends that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe number of varieties is the number of differing plants that are produced from the seed of the same species.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Finally in Aphorism 159 he says \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthere are as many Genera as there are similarly constructed fruit-bodies produced by different natural species.\u00E2\u0080\u009D The point is, that despite the perception of \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfixity\u00E2\u0080\u009D within his system, it was full of exceptions or slight aberrations. 54 Frans Stafleu, Linnaeus and the Linnaean (Utrecht: Oosthoek, 1971), 63-64. 55 Linn\u00C3\u00A9, Philosophia Botanica, 258. Aphorism 310. That is, aberrations occurred, but Linnaeus goes onto say in Philosophia Botanica that the botanist \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdoes not care [about] small variations.\u00E2\u0080\u009D In other words, that is, that variations were permissible in nature. 120 Reinagle\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Cupid Inspiring Plants with Love, with its profuse greenery and shimmering pools images both the nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s abundance as well as the momentum of change. George III\u00E2\u0080\u0099s ascension in 1760 began with reforms to factions within political parties, with moral censures concerning luxury excess, and with support to the arts and sciences through The Royal Academy of Art and science\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Royal Society.56 One initiative telling of a shift in political temperament under his rule was George III\u00E2\u0080\u0099s effort to fortify his \u00E2\u0080\u009Cintent[ion] to be a \u00E2\u0080\u0098Patriot King\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u009D and he did this by allowing men to hold office who demonstrated ability over political party loyalty.57 Such re-ordering was contentious and especially where his botanical interests were concerned. George III\u00E2\u0080\u0099s promotion of science and particularly men who showed specialized ability saw Captain James Cook and Joseph Banks, along with the latter\u00E2\u0080\u0099s contingent of plant hunters, join ranks in the Endeavour\u00E2\u0080\u0099s 1769 voyage of discovery to the Southern Continent. Although advertised as a voyage to chart the transit of Venus, a marked objective of the journey as noted in Chapter Two, involved geo-botanizing and its economic opportunities. Importantly, this voyage was also unique for its conflation of naval expertise and service, private scientific enterprise, and the actualization of monarchical patronage.58 56 Linda Colley, Britons: Forging the Nation 1701-1837 (London: Pimlico, 2003), 206-207. Political issues that were grappled with concerned the responsibility of the Cabinet and to what extent George III would need to choose ministers from amongst those who might have the ear of Parliament. The Whigs had been the dominant party between 1714-1760. According to Colley, the Tory associations with Jacobites contributed to their downfall. George III wanted to be free of Whig influences (who wanted constitutional monarchy where the powers of the monarch are restricted by the nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s constitution and laws) and effectively did that through the initial appointment of Lord Bute to Prime Minister. This was short-lived, however. Also see O'Gorman, Frank, and Diana Donald. Ordering the World in the Eighteenth Century (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006). 57 Jeremy Black, The Long Eighteenth Century: British Political and Social History 1688-1832 (London: Arnold, 1997), 202. A crisis early on in George III\u00E2\u0080\u0099s reign would seem to have taken exception to his \u00E2\u0080\u0098Patriot King\u00E2\u0080\u0099 image, namely, when John Wilkes through his newspaper, the North Briton, denounced the Peace of Paris of 1763, and as Black explains, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwith the implication that George had lied in his speech from the throne,\u00E2\u0080\u009D by having forfeited too much to foreign powers, particularly France (247). Wilkes was charged with sedition. 58 Harold B. Carter, Sir Joseph Banks 1743-1820 (London: British Museum Publications, 1988), 74. Banks financed this journey with \u00C2\u00A310,000 of his own money 121 Such ventures that united national prowess with botanical enterprise forged a shift that saw an increase in projects that linked botany to science and technology and which in turn gave impetus not only to a new class of professional entrepreneurs, but also helped set the nation on a productive new course.59 George III\u00E2\u0080\u0099s\u00E2\u0080\u0099 dedication to botanical interests and practices and his agri-improvements were widely known60 and particularly evident in the monarch\u00E2\u0080\u0099s development of the Royal Gardens at Kew, a site considered as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmetaphor for the stability and bliss of the state\u00E2\u0080\u009D61 and in the appointment of Joseph Banks as the Director of the Royal Gardens in 1773, under whose management Kew\u00E2\u0080\u0099s acquisitions grew from 3,000 to 11,000 species.62 As a scientific center and chief transfer depot for global product, Kew served as a nexus of botanical knowledge and global claim. By the early 1800s, Britain had become \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe most important centre for comparative biological thinking, and in particular for phytogeography,\u00E2\u0080\u009D or the geographic distribution of plants, a status to which both Kew Gardens and the King\u00E2\u0080\u0099s support were central.63 59 See Drayton, Nature\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Government (2000) and also Alan Q. Morton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Science in the Eighteenth Century: The King George III Collection (London: Science Museum Publications, 1993). Not necessarily seen, but underpinning Britain as idyllic gardenscape were diverse industries that hinged upon botanical enterprise: horticulturists and illustrators for voyages of discovery, ship-building to accommodate resource freight, navigational technologies, botanical tools and preservation techniques, and commercial enterprises ranging from fashion to food. 60 Desmond, Kew, 90. 61 Ibid., 72. 62 Tim Fulford, D. Lee, and P. Kitson, Literature, Science and Exploration in the Romantic Era: Bodies of Knowledge (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 41. Shaping colonial capitalism, building botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s global information network, and promoting Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s international profile came under Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s management. 63 As cited in Drayton, Nature\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Government, 127. Kew was transfer depot and research center for exotic botanicals. In 1853 Kew was first opened on Sunday afternoons to the public. Not until the 1890s was the public allowed access to Kew each weekday morning. Also see Ray Desmond, \u00E2\u0080\u009CTransformation of the Royal Gardens at Kew,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Sir Joseph Banks: A Global Perspective, ed. R. Banks (London: Royal Botanic Gardens Pub., 1994), 112. 122 Philip Reinagle\u00E2\u0080\u0099s botanoscape of Cupid Inspiring Plants with Love I suggest references this notion of the Royal Gardens at Kew as acclimatization center and site of Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s imperial reach by imaging several of the important plants that had been brought back to Kew. These include the Otaheitian breadfruit tree on the left, the West Indies banana trees on the right, and in the right foreground the prominent South African Bird of Paradise specimen and the indigenous South Pacific taro plant with its heart shaped leaves. Yet, while a floral plate evoking the global enterprise of George III might attest to the \u00E2\u0080\u0098improvement\u00E2\u0080\u0099 mandate of the ruler, not all was well within the nation. Abroad, foreign wars remained a threat in the 1790s, and certainly at home botany and its agricultural application as endorsed by the Monarch was complicated by land reforms in Britain. Between 1760 and 1820, Parliament passed the Enclosure Acts where common land used by rural interests was incorporated into larger estates. Ostensibly, the purpose was to efficiently produce more on less land, realize greater profits, and keep rural discontent contained in vice-like grids. For agrarian workers, these tracts provided a mean livelihood when crops were good and no sustenance in years when crops failed. Poverty, disease, and crime were also rife. Urban centers witnessed an influx of the migrating poor and governance saw the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cannual expenditure in the total poor rates top \u00C2\u00A34 million.\u00E2\u0080\u009D64 As the shifting nationscape was challenged by these new ruptures that reconfigured familiar social and economic status quos\u00E2\u0080\u0094a mutation from former fixed grids of social 64 Stephen Brumwell and W. A. Speck, Eighteenth-Century Britain (London: Cassell & Co., 2001), 300. Dorothy George in London Life in the Eighteenth Century (New York: Capricorn Books, 1965) cites the records kept between 1774 and 1781 from the Westminster Dispensary by a Dr. Bland who investigated the proportion of native Londoners to \u00E2\u0080\u0098immigrants.\u00E2\u0080\u0099 His records showed that only 25% of the 3236 people interviewed were born in London, 50% were from counties in England and Wales, 18% were from Scotland and Ireland and 7% were other \u00E2\u0080\u0098foreigners\u00E2\u0080\u0099 (111). What these early figures suggest is that populations were highly mobile, thus shifting urban and rural demographics. Richard Brown in Society and Economy in Modern Britain 1700-1850 (London: Routledge, 1991) states that the Irish were always a significant factor in immigration\u00E2\u0080\u0094between \u00E2\u0080\u009C1780 and 1840, for example, 1.8 million left Ireland for mainland Britain, North America, or Australia\u00E2\u0080\u009D (26). 123 separation\u00E2\u0080\u0094other forms of political strife and dissension emerged in the last two decades of the century. One major area where mutability surfaced was in relation to the health and stability of George III. The King\u00E2\u0080\u0099s health was the nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s prowess, and that was under threat when in 1788 the monarch\u00E2\u0080\u0099s episodes of \u00E2\u0080\u0098madness\u00E2\u0080\u0099 or mental instability peaked and sent shock waves through the nation. Fitness to govern was thought to be demonstrated through public sensibilities and actions that articulated the integrity of one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u0098natural\u00E2\u0080\u0099 feelings and inner self.65 Troubling then was that George III\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u0098natural self\u00E2\u0080\u0099 and personal character seemed to transform during his affliction into a strange animal-human mixity, an apparent hybridity or mutability that Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Genera Morborum (1763) and even Systema Naturae (1735) had addressed.66 Fundamentally, Linnaeus said \u00E2\u0080\u009Csymptoms or external signs\u00E2\u0080\u009D are significant classifiers.67 The King\u00E2\u0080\u0099s outward symptoms\u00E2\u0080\u0094described as animal-like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnoises [like] the howling of a dog,\u00E2\u0080\u009D left the nation \u00E2\u0080\u009Cin a state of agitation,\u00E2\u0080\u009D68 as did his bizarre ramblings that 65 E. C. Spary, \u00E2\u0080\u009CPolitical, natural and bodily economies,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Cultures of Natural History, ed. N. Jardine, J. A. Secord and E. C. Spary (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 193. 66 Richard Pulteney in A general view of the writing of Linnaeus (London: T. Payne and B. White, 1781), 169- 179 summarizes Linneaus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s series of lectures on the classifying of diseases entitled Genera Morborum and published in 1763 where he identifies \u00E2\u0080\u009Csymptoms\u00E2\u0080\u009D as significant registers and should be observed closely (169- 179). Genera Morborum establishes that the causes, effects, and signs of disease are important and gives eleven classes of disease. \u00E2\u0080\u009CClass V is Mentales\u00E2\u0080\u009D or mental disturbances of which there are several varieties ranging from \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdelirium to idiotic insanity to madness,\u00E2\u0080\u009D to name a few. Of further concern here around the King\u00E2\u0080\u0099s animal-like \u00E2\u0080\u009Csymptoms\u00E2\u0080\u009D are tenets recalled in Systema Naturae that posited Anthropomorpha as a category shared between man (Homo) and animals, namely, apes (Simia). In Systema Naturae, Linnaeus also observed the tenuous border between man and animal in stating that all \u00E2\u0080\u009CAnimals grow, live and feel\u00E2\u0080\u009D (19). Some thinkers like Rousseau and Bentham supported the idea of sentience in animals. Even plants such as the much sought after \u00E2\u0080\u009CVenus flytrap\u00E2\u0080\u009D and the mimosa or large flowering sensitive plant (of which Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s folio has a plate) fascinated for their human-like response to touch. 67 Historian Mary Ann Cutter in Reframing Disease Contextually (Boston: Kulwer Academic Publishers, 2003) notes that Linnaeus isolated three criteria by which diseases can be distinguished: \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccause, effect, and sign.\u00E2\u0080\u009D However, since the interactions within the body (the cause and effect) were difficult to know for certain, Linnaeus said diseases should be classified by \u00E2\u0080\u009Csymptoms or external signs\u00E2\u0080\u009D (34). 68 As observed and recorded in 1788 private letters of Richard Brinsley Sheridan (1751-1816) and cited in Thomas Moore\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Memoirs of the Life of the Right Honorable Richard Brinsley Sheridan, Chapter 3 (London: Longman, 1825) at http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/etext05/8rbs210.txt. As John Barrell has noted, these aspects of George III\u00E2\u0080\u0099s affliction led to comparisons at the end of the eighteenth century with the Old Testament King Nebuchadnezzar who God turned into an animal for his materialism. Nebuchadnezzar who ruled Babylon for 124 confused war threats with \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdisease among horned cattle.\u00E2\u0080\u009D69 There seemed to be little reason or sensibility here, traits that philosophers had argued separated Man from animal.70 George III was quickly removed to Kew where the quiet and reclusive precincts of the Royal Gardens were to provide a regenerative space for nursing the King back to health. 71 Dr. William Pargeter (1760-1810), a physician who worked in the field of mental disorders, observed that \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca fellow creature destitute of the governing principle, reason\u00E2\u0080\u009D was indiscernible from \u00E2\u0080\u009Cinferior animals around us.\u00E2\u0080\u009D72 As such, Pargeter\u00E2\u0080\u0099s argument that reason was the key in returning to homo rationalis was a taxonomic approach of sorts that turned to the management of the symptoms through observation and classification of the patient\u00E2\u0080\u0099s behaviour.73 Similarly, Alexander Crichton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s An inquiry into the nature and origin of mental derangement (1798) urged that practitioners \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbe acquainted with the human mind in its sane over forty years (c. 605-562 BC) was known to have suffered from mental illness for seven years, which was also thought to be porphyria, a rare blood disorder that had afflicted George III. For further discussion of the animalized George III who by the 1790s would be likened to the bestial Old Testament King see John Barrell, Imagining the King\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Death: figurative treason, fantasies of regicide, 1793-1796 (Oxford Oxfordshire: Oxford University Press, 2000). Peter Otto in \u00E2\u0080\u009CNebuchadnezzar\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Sublime Torments: William Blake, Arthur Boyd and the East,\u00E2\u0080\u009D The Reception of Blake in the Orient, eds. Steven H. Clark et. al., (London: Continuum, 2006) notes that the Biblical and modern Kings shared \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdespotism and idleness\u00E2\u0080\u009D and points to interpretations of Biblical prophecy that enabled a parallel to be drawn between the decay of Babylon and London (260). 69 Thomas Wright, Caricature History of the Georges (London: J.C. Hotten, 1868), 321. 70 Jonathan Bennett, Learning from six philosophers (Oxford: Claredon Press, 2001), 307. 71 Ida Macalpine and Richard Hunter, George III and the Mad-Business (London: Pimlico, 1991), 50-51 and 173-175. Through a contemporary analysis of authentic medical records and eyewitness accounts of George III\u00E2\u0080\u0099s symptoms and medical records, Doctors Macalpine and Hunter in their 1968 study concluded George III\u00E2\u0080\u0099s madness was a rare inherited metabolic disorder known as porphyria. The automatic nervous system is impacted, some symptoms of which are manifest through \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpain, racing pulse, sweating, giddiness, visual and auditory disturbances, rambling, sleeplessness, delirium rapid eye movement, and blood urine and faeces\u00E2\u0080\u009D (172- 173). 72 William Pargeter (1792) as cited in Roy Porter, Flesh in the Age of Reason (London: Penguin, 2004), 305. 73 William Pargeter (1792) as cited in Leonard D. Smith, Cure, Comfort and Safe Custody: Public Lunatic Asylums in Nineteenth-Century England (London: Continuum, 1999), 191. Also see Allan Ingram\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Patterns of Madness in the Eighteenth Century: A Reader (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1998). 125 state\u00E2\u0080\u009D through \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe impartiality of the natural historian.\u00E2\u0080\u009D74 The same methods of observation, order and management that Linnaean formulations used to define natural and \u00E2\u0080\u0098mad\u00E2\u0080\u0099 worlds were seen as potential strategies to dispel chaos in the psychological world.75 In other words, looking into invisible worlds and seeing inward worlds mobilized new ways of understanding social variation. George III\u00E2\u0080\u0099s curious loss of reason called up other anxieties exacerbated by Linnaean observations, namely that \u00E2\u0080\u009CNature blended the Genera whence [came] as many species\u00E2\u0080\u00A6and Chance blended the Species.\u00E2\u0080\u009D76 In other words, chance fluctuations or mutabilities impacted traits of a species to produce random variation. Inheritable social characteristics such as rightful authority of the aristocracy, were seen to pass down or \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccome through the blood.\u00E2\u0080\u009D77 How could purity of family birthright be secured if an element of Chance, for example the seepage of madness, could be established \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthrough blood,\u00E2\u0080\u009D that is, through ancestry, its health, its sex, and progeny?78 A fractured King whose sound judgment and body was subject to insidious attack and variation, at various levels, called into question the nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s fortitude. In the well-circulated knowledge of George III\u00E2\u0080\u0099s madness, Britons risked seeing their own vulnerability, an uneasy consideration in light of contemporaneous threats that ranged 74 Sir Alexander Crichton, An inquiry into the nature and origin of mental derangement. Comprehending a concise system of the physiology and pathology of the human mind (London: T. Cadell, 1798), x. 75 See Footnote 72. 76 Carolus Linnaeus, Species Plantarum. A. facsim. Of the 1st ed. 1753. Dictums 3 & 4. With an introduction by W. T. Stearn. trans. William Stearn (London: Ray Society, 1957) as cited in Frans Stafleu, Linnaeus and the Linnaeans: The spreading of their ideas in systematic botany, 1735-1789 (Utrecht: Oosthoek, 1971), 136. 77 Ivan Hannaford, Race: The History of an Idea in the West (London: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1996), 149. 78 Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality, Volume I: An Introduction, trans. Robert Hurley (New York: Vintage Books, 1988), 147. 126 from smallpox to French wars.79 At a crisis point on November 13, 1788 in response to \u00E2\u0080\u009Chis Majesty\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Indisposition,\u00E2\u0080\u009D all churches and chapels in England and Scotland were ordered to deliver a \u00E2\u0080\u009CPrayer for the King\u00E2\u0080\u0099s\u00E2\u0080\u009D recovery and restoration to his former health.80 While some Britons may have been reassured by prayers, others sought solace in the knowledge that the King could \u00E2\u0080\u009Cexercise authority only through ministerial structures\u00E2\u0080\u009D\u00E2\u0080\u0094ironically a policy that was said to have triggered His Majesty\u00E2\u0080\u0099s poor health.81 The effectiveness of ministerial authority was similarly tenuous given that there were no less than five governments between 1782 and 1784, and that included a paralytic six weeks in 1783 when Britain had no government at all\u00E2\u0080\u0094political chaos that left the King and country in a troubled psychological state.82 Reinagle\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Cupid Inspiring Plants with Love may have attempted to depict idyllic nationhood and productive colonial empire in keeping with The Temple of Flora\u00E2\u0080\u0099s references to both King and country, but such representation was set against concurrent anxieties over both the nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s and the Monarch\u00E2\u0080\u0099s vulnerability.83 79Roy Porter in English Society in the Eighteenth Century (London: Penguin Books, 1990) notes that throughout the 1700s smallpox, typhus, dysentery, measles and influenza repeatedly attacked populations, and despite this, the issue of \u00E2\u0080\u0098vaccination\u00E2\u0080\u0099 and Edward Jenner\u00E2\u0080\u0099s efforts to inoculate against smallpox remained a controversial issue. Also see Rod Broglio, \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Romantic Cow: Animals as Technology,\u00E2\u0080\u009D The Wordsworth Circle 36, no. 2 (Spring 2005): 48-52. For a cogent discussion of the French threat during these years see Linda Colley, Britons (London: Pimlico, 2003), passim. 80 The Annual Register, or view of the history, politics, and literature for the year 1788 (London, 1790), 251. 81 Black, George III: American\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Last King, 338. 82 Frank O'Gorman and Diana Donald, Ordering the World in the Eighteenth Century (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), 97. 83 The Regency Bill of 1789 that would have given authority to George III\u00E2\u0080\u0099s son the Prince of Wales to act as Regent, was averted by George III\u00E2\u0080\u0099s recovery. There was a recurrence of the King\u00E2\u0080\u0099s mental instabilities, however, in May 1804 but seemly not to the extent of those agitations in 1788 and 1789. According to Ida Macalpine and Richard Hunter in George III and the Mad-Business (1991) this time George III suffered from \u00E2\u0080\u009Csevere headaches\u00E2\u0080\u009D and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cirritability\u00E2\u0080\u009D but did manage to carry out some duties (137-138). By early 1805 the King had again recovered but now suffered from \u00E2\u0080\u009Can uncommon deficiency of sight,\u00E2\u0080\u009D a result of cataracts (139). Macalpine notes that the King\u00E2\u0080\u0099s loyal friend, Sir Joseph Banks, had reported to the Speaker of the House of Commons that the King\u00E2\u0080\u0099s right eye was completely blind and his left so weak that he could read for only a short 127 The Nation Uncovered\u00E2\u0080\u0094Rendering Gender in The Temple of Flora Just as the King had been relegated to the peripheries of governance through the late 1780s, new relations of proximity also began to shift and emerge especially around the issue of gendered roles. Botanical knowledge and practices gave momentum to changing perceptions of gender and femininity and opened up the exchange of new ideas and activities that countermanded the ostensibly fixed sphere associated with women. Thornton described his folio, The Temple of Flora, as unveiling the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cadvantages\u00E2\u0080\u009D of botanical study and as \u00E2\u0080\u009Can elegant pursuit for ladies.\u00E2\u0080\u009D84 Tacit endorsement to the work being appropriate for \u00E2\u0080\u0098ladies\u00E2\u0080\u0099 came by way of Erasmus Darwin\u00E2\u0080\u0099s popular The Loves of the Plants. The two publications posited botany, as science historian Janet Browne has observed, as a key site of exchange around femininity and gender.85 The Temple of Flora also capitalized upon a female interest in botany that had already been established through earlier publications. William Withering\u00E2\u0080\u0099s renowned Botanical Arrangement of All the Vegetables Growing Naturally in Great Britain (1774) acknowledged that it was directed towards \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe ladies, many of whom are very considerable proficient.\u00E2\u0080\u009D86 Botany professor Thomas Martyn\u00E2\u0080\u0099s 1785 translation of Rousseau\u00E2\u0080\u0099s very popular Lettres \u00C3\u00A9l\u00C3\u00A9mentaires sur la botanique period of time. The Regency Act of 1811 vested authority in the Prince of Wales to act a Regent, and he did since by this time George III was unable to fulfill the demands of his Royal duties. 84 Thornton, The Temple of Flora, text accompanying the plate entitled Aesculapius, Ceres, Flora, and Cupid Honouring the Bust of Linnaeus, n.p. 85 Janet Browne, \u00E2\u0080\u009CBotany for Gentlemen: Erasmus Darwin and \u00E2\u0080\u0098The Loves of the Plants\u00E2\u0080\u0099,\u00E2\u0080\u009D 594. 86 William Withering, A Botanical Arrangement of All the Vegetables naturally Growing in Great Britain (London: M. Swinney, 1776), v. Withering (1741-1799) experimented with herbal remedies, namely foxglove, a plant from which digoxin was extracted. He is credited with the founding of digitalis which is used in treatment of heart conditions. 128 (1771-1773) was addressed to \u00E2\u0080\u009CTHE LADIES of GREAT BRITAIN.\u00E2\u0080\u009D87 And of course Priscilla Wakefield\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Introduction to Botany, in a Series of Familiar Letters of 1796, comprised an epistolary exchange between sisters along with illustrations that were designed to give women \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca clear and simple exposition of Linnaean classes, orders, and genera.\u00E2\u0080\u009D88 Where Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s folio seemed to differ was in a strategy that did not dictate what \u00E2\u0080\u009Cladies\u00E2\u0080\u009D should see and know, but invited its female viewer to participate in botanical discovery alongside her male counterparts. Sexual difference underpinning Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s system was not erased, but gender divides had begun to blur.89 Attentiveness to women seemed evident in Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s conception of The Temple of Flora. The temple was, after all, the shrine for Flora, Goddess of flowers. Importantly, the first image within the folio was that of Flora Dispensing her Favours on the Earth (1807) by Royal Academy member, Maria Cosway (1759-1838) (Figure 3.3). Here, Cosway depicted a conventional imaging of Flora dressed in white and flying over England\u00E2\u0080\u0099s green fields upon which she scatters blooms and their inherent fecundity. Just as botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s fruition enabled Flora\u00E2\u0080\u0099s movement throughout terrains, Cosway\u00E2\u0080\u0099s representation here at the folio\u00E2\u0080\u0099s outset perhaps hints at a similar mobility made possible to women by way of botanical exploration. Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s engagement of several women writers to provide accompanying text for plates 87 Thomas Martyn, Letters on the Elements of Botany: Addressed to a Lady/by the celebrated J. J. Rousseau; translated into English, with notes fully explaining the system of Linnaeus (London: B and J. White, 1796), v. Rousseau, through a series of letters, taught the elements of botany and social sphere to a young lady. 88 Ann B. Shteir, Cultivating Women, Cultivating Science (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996), 85. 89 Carole Fabricant, \u00E2\u0080\u009CBinding and Dressing Nature\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Loose Tresses: The Ideology of Augustan Landscape Design,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Studies in Eighteenth-Century Culture 8, (1979), 121. Here Fabricant establishes the conventional parallels between the natural world and the feminine in her description of Nature as a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdiscreet, modest maiden\u00E2\u0080\u009D (121). 129 within The Temple of Flora seems also designed to appeal to a female viewership.90 Indeed, by commissioning what Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s calls \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe finest Artists of this Country,\u00E2\u0080\u009D91 and including Maria Cosway in that mix, perhaps the interest of \u00E2\u0080\u0098ladies\u00E2\u0080\u0099 was also tapped, given that many not unlike the Queen, occupied their minds with botanical knowing and painting.92 That The Temple of Flora could appeal to female interests was not unproblematic, however. Scottish botanist, Charles Alston, warned that botany could corrupt by way of the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cgross prurience of Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s mind.\u00E2\u0080\u009D93 William Smellie, editor of the first Encyclopaedia Britannica, advised that Linnaean tenets were \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfar beyond all decent limits\u00E2\u0080\u009D and thus dangerous for female sensibilities. 94 In spite of, or maybe because of, such damnation The Temple of Flora was published although not with much financial success.95 The folio\u00E2\u0080\u0099s value, however, may have lain elsewhere, that is, in what Foucault observes as a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnew way of connecting things both to the eye and to discourse.\u00E2\u0080\u009D96 That new way I argue emerged through 90 Social historian, Roy Porter in Enlightenment (London: Penguin, 2000) notes the extraordinary surge of women\u00E2\u0080\u0099s participation in writing and the arts. For example he notes that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cat least 339 women poets published under their own names between 1760 and 1830 and a further eighty-two anonymous ones have been identified\u00E2\u0080\u009D (327). In Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s folio some well-known writers were Anna Seward, educator Frances Arabella Rowden, and published poet and novelist Charlotte Lennox. Anna Seward, the \u00E2\u0080\u0098Swan of Lichfield\u00E2\u0080\u0099 (1747-1804), who was celebrated for her Elegy on Captain Cook (London: J. Dodsley, 1780) and critique of George Washington in Monody on Major Andr\u00C3\u00A9 (Lichfield: J. Jackson, 1781). In Memoirs of the Life of Dr. Darwin (London: Johnson, 1804), Anna Seward states that Darwin used her botanic verses and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmade them the exordium to the first part of his poem, The Botanic Garden\u00E2\u0080\u009D (132). 91 Thornton, March 1, 1799, ii. 92 Porter, Enlightenment, 327-338. 93 Charles Alston (1683-1760) and Samuel Goodenough (1743-1827) as quoted in Patricia Fara, Pandora\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Breeches: Women, Science and Power in the Enlightenment (London: Pimlico, 2004), 201. 94 Smellie, The philosophy of natural history, 393. 95 Desmond, Great Natural History Books and their Creators, 118-119. In May of 1811, Parliament passed an Act approving a lottery meant to buoy the sinking costs of Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s folio. Through the issue of 20,000 tickets or less, money raised could not exceed \u00C2\u00A342,000. The lottery failed. Thornton blamed onerous wartime taxes as causing the folio\u00E2\u0080\u0099s financial demise. 96 Michel Foucault, The Order of Things (London: Routledge, 2002), 143. 130 the conjunction of images and texts in the folio in ways that mobilized three overlapping themes underpinning nationhood and patrimonial lineage: fecundity and generation, fidelity and continuity, and the threat of the foreign. Fecundity and Generation Fecundity can translate as productive ability. Tied to that potential is the notion of the dynamic and of industry, that is, the possibility of creating and generating that which is new. The potential for anxiety emerges, however, when such generation threatens to digress or mutate from conventional cultural norms. Such considerations, I have argued, played a role in relation to Reinagle\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Cupid Inspiring Plants with Love and the many references to the monarchy and George III. Anxieties surface as well in Peter Henderson\u00E2\u0080\u0099s depiction of a single specimen of The Queen Flower (1804) (Figure 3.4)97 in The Temple of Flora, an image that is especially telling in light of Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s claim that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cevery flower, however mean in the vulgar eye, is a sermon for the learned.\u00E2\u0080\u009D98 The Strelizia Reginae or The Queen Flower (Figure 3.4) was not only named after Queen Charlotte as noted earlier in this chapter but was given to her as a gift by Joseph Banks.99 Significantly, court whisperings held that the plant\u00E2\u0080\u0099s ungainly neck, odd birdlike head, and shocking asymmetry were in keeping with the Queen\u00E2\u0080\u0099s unusual looks and foreign, 97 In other versions of Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s folio, this plate is titled The Queen Plant. The images I use in this thesis are, as already noted, are from the digital format from one of Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s numerous renderings and in this digitalized publication the title is The Queen Flower. 98Robert John Thornton, The British Flora: Or, Genera and Species of British Plants: Arranged after the Reformed Sexual System, Volume 5 (London: J. Whiting, 1812) 49. Also quoted in Martin Kemp, Seen/Unseen: art, science, and intuition (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 116. 99 Historian Richard Drayton in Nature\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Government (2000) politicizes Joseph Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s gift of the South African exotic to the Queen in observing it as \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca way of securing assistance from the King who, in any event, was attracted to the sciences\u00E2\u0080\u009D (47). 131 even Moorish heritage.100 The link between Consort who produced some fifteen children and the Queen plant was further evoked in what botanophiles would know as the Strelitzia\u00E2\u0080\u0099s most salient feature, its tenacious fertility. The plant\u00E2\u0080\u0099s pollen was not cloudlike but matted together, a unique trait that ensured hardy reproductive potential.101 For Queen Charlotte, associations to both this plant and its fecundity aligned her comfortably with the procreative expectations of her Royal role as a guarantor of royal lineage.102 As historian Nancy Gelbart has argued, in the eighteenth century \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwomen\u00E2\u0080\u0099s bodies came to be thought of as a kind of national property\u00E2\u0080\u00A6[with] married women morally obligated and patriotically bound to perform the public function of producing citizens.\u00E2\u0080\u009D103 But fecundity itself could also raise anxieties. Linnaean formulations ostensibly touted female agency by positing that the medulla, the pistil\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmotherly marrow provided for the continuity of the particular species from generation to generation\u00E2\u0080\u009D by being \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe bearer of the primary or essential character.\u00E2\u0080\u009D104 100 Olwen Hedley, Queen Charlotte (London: John Murray, 1995), 292. Queen Charlotte\u00E2\u0080\u0099s descent was traced through Margarita de Castro y Sousa, a Moorish branch of the Portuguese Royal House. Also see J. A. Rogers, \u00E2\u0080\u009CBritain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Black Background,\u00E2\u0080\u009D The Crisis 47, no. 2 (February 1940): 40. 101 See Michael Simpson, Plant Systematics (Amsterdam: Elsevier, 2005), 260. The Strelitzia is one such plant that has \u00E2\u0080\u009Cviscin threads,\u00E2\u0080\u009D that is, entangled thread-like structures whose function is \u00E2\u0080\u009Cto stick pollen grains in masses\u00E2\u0080\u009D and thus better enable animal pollinators to contact and transfer pollen. The matting of the pollen prevents cloudlike bursts where pollen floats aimlessly. The Strelitzia\u00E2\u0080\u0099s hard beak-like spathe that holds its brilliant orange and purple flower serves as a perch for birds who are the chief pollinators for this plant. Pollen on the bird\u00E2\u0080\u0099s feet is transported when the bird alights on another plant.. 102 Michael Tyler-Whittle, Curtis\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Flower Garden Displayed: 120 Plates from the Years 1787-1807 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981), 70. 103 Nancy Gelbart, The King\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Midwife (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998), 91 and 262. 104 This theory was first proposed by Linnaeus in 1749 but occurs in one of the eleven aphorisms in the sixth edition of General Plantarum of 1764 as cited in Roger Williams, Botanophilia in Eighteenth-Century France (London: Kluwer Academic, 2001), 27. 132 Importantly, Linnaeus also proclaimed to his student \u00E2\u0080\u0098apostles\u00E2\u0080\u0099 that in the pith or marrow \u00E2\u0080\u009Cresided will, that is to say, the ability to expand and contract.\u00E2\u0080\u009D105 Primacy of the female to determine and ensure generational continuity posed challenges to conventional views of patrimony in both the familial and national senses of the word. Indeed the nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s maternal model, Queen Charlotte, was a flashpoint for such concern.106 Some politicians and advisors were troubled by the Consort\u00E2\u0080\u0099s visibility and mobility within Court governance and proceedings. The Earl of Egremont voiced this concern in his 1789 letter to Edmund Burke during the period when George III\u00E2\u0080\u0099s madness was at issue: \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Queen\u00E2\u0080\u00A6in fact conducts herself as a Candidate for every thing, and\u00E2\u0080\u00A6her Majesty fills the Eye of all the world.\u00E2\u0080\u009D107 He went on to complain about her \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccoming more forward \u00E2\u0080\u009D with the result of \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe King disappear[ing] in proportion,\u00E2\u0080\u009D108 a factor that unsettled given that the Queen had legal power through the Minority of Heir to the Crown Act of 1765 to serve as Regent should the King be debilitated. Of further note is that according to historian Percy Fitzgerald, the year before her marriage to George III, Princess Charlotte at age sixteen wrote a letter to the King of Prussia \u00E2\u0080\u009Clament[ing] the horrors of war\u00E2\u0080\u009D and making a plea to \u00E2\u0080\u009Creturn to peace,\u00E2\u0080\u009D and help \u00E2\u0080\u009Chusbandman and shepherds\u00E2\u0080\u009D now forced \u00E2\u0080\u009Cto ravage the 105 Seth Lindroth in \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Two Faces of Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u009D from editor Tore Fr\u00C3\u00A4ngsmyr\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Linnaeus: The Man and His Work (1983) explains that this theory initially came by way of Italian botanist Caesalpinus (1519-1603) who spoke of plant \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmarrow\u00E2\u0080\u009D(or medulla) and that Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s formulation was a sweeping simplification. The interjection of the notion of will was justified by Linnaeus through the example of the amoeba. 106 Robert Thornton at the beginning of The Temple of Flora dedicates the folio to the Royal couple and of the Queen he says, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbright example of conjugal fidelity and maternal tenderness\u00E2\u0080\u009D in the dedication (n.p.). 107 Earl of Egremont, May 26, 1789. The Correspondence of Edmund Burke, Vol. 5., ed. T. Copeland, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1958), 476. Known as the Regency Crisis, George\u00E2\u0080\u0099s madness spanned from November 1788 to February 26, 1789 when a bulletin was issued to the effect that \u00E2\u0080\u009CThere appears this morning to be an entire cessation of His Majesty\u00E2\u0080\u0099s illness.\u00E2\u0080\u009D On March 9th the Privy Council session was held in the King\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Palace at Kew\u00E2\u0080\u0099s and on March 14th the King returned to Windsor. See Ida Macalpine and Richard Hunter, George III and the Mad-Business (London: Pimlico, 1991). 108 Ibid. 133 soil they formerly cultivated.\u00E2\u0080\u009D109 Such concern could be viewed ambivalently, that is, her empathy for rural labourers was at one level laudable but such political interference at the same time countered her gender and Royal role. Fecundity and generation in relation to patrimony in the period are addressed very differently within The Temple of Flora through the image and text accompanying another botanical by Philip Reinagle: Tulips (1798) (Figure 3.5). Noting that \u00E2\u0080\u0098variety\u00E2\u0080\u0099 marked the variegated tulips that are pictured\u00E2\u0080\u0094specimens which were in the eighteenth century both expensive and the result of careful breeding\u00E2\u0080\u0094Thornton claimed that the names given tulips by florists could be studied to discover \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdistinctions in the habits, attitudes and lineament\u00E2\u0080\u009D among them.110 Elaborating, Thornton added that the tallest variegated tulip dominating the centre of the composition had been named in honour of Louis XVI\u00E2\u0080\u0094who, as readers would know, was the monarch executed in the French Revolution in 1792 in the interests of French republicanism. Not insignificantly, the threats to monarchical rule posed by republicanism were a major reason that Britain and allied powers waged war against France beginning in the early 1790s. Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s description of the variegated tulip insists that though the petal edges are \u00E2\u0080\u009Cstained with black, the true emblem of sorrow,\u00E2\u0080\u009D the flower still \u00E2\u0080\u009Crises above the rest with princely majesty.\u00E2\u0080\u009D111 While other tulips designated as \u00E2\u0080\u009CLa Majestieuse\u00E2\u0080\u009D and \u00E2\u0080\u009CLa Triomphe Royale\u00E2\u0080\u009D assert monarchical glory, the initial evocation of revolution and its threat to monarchical lineage is further circumscribed by two tulips that Thornton notes have been 109 Percy Fitzgerald, The Good Queen Charlotte (London: Downey & Co., 1899), 16-17. As cited and quoted in \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Temple of Flora, Robert Thornton,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Natura-Cultura, ed. Leo S. Olschki (2000): 15-28, historian Martin Kemp claims this letter was included in text accompanying Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Roses plate. I have found the letter in no versions of Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s folio from which I have worked. 110Thornton, The Temple of Flora, text accompanying the plate entitled Tulips, n.p. Thornton emphasized the cost of variegated tulips noting that the King Louis XVI tulip pictured in the plate sold for some forty guineas. 111 Ibid. 134 bred by plantsmen Davey and Mason and named by Thornton himself. These honour the patrons of his publication, the Earl of Spencer, Lord Admiral of the Royal Navy during Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s conflicts with France in the latter years of the French Revolution and the Napoleonic Wars,112 and his sister Georgiana, Duchess of Devonshire. While the Duchess of Devonshire was in fact a colourful and controversial hostess and social activist known for her campaigning for the Whig Charles Fox, a notorious rake, gambler, macaroni, and outspoken critic of the monarchy,113 such \u00E2\u0080\u0098variation\u00E2\u0080\u0099 in terms of gendered norms is contained by a framing through floral references to both monarchy and the Lord Admiral of the Navy. The latter\u00E2\u0080\u0099s achievement, Thornton notes, rests on \u00E2\u0080\u009Chis memorable conduct of our navy, which has eclipsed under his administration, even the glory of our ancestors.\u00E2\u0080\u009D 114 112 From 1794-1801 as First Lord of the Admiralty, Earl Spencer would exercise overall command of the Royal Navy whose role was crucial in the continued conflicts with France. 113 The Duchess\u00E2\u0080\u0099s activities on the political front were unusual. As historian Linda Colley has noted in Britons (2003) women were only allowed to politically campaign for relatives, which Fox was not. In addition, that her support for Fox was regarding his advocacy of \u00E2\u0080\u009Csuffrage,\u00E2\u0080\u009D would also similarly suggest her departure from social norms, a move that ultimately earned her the sobriquet, \u00E2\u0080\u009Caristocratic supertramp\u00E2\u0080\u009D (241-246). 114 Thornton, The Temple of Flora, text accompanying the plate entitled Tulips, n. p. From 1794-1801 as First Lord of the Admiralty, Earl Spencer commanded the Royal Navy. At a time when Britain was locked in major naval warfare with France over the French Revolutionary Wars between 1792 and 1802 (in foreign sites such as island in the Caribbean, Minorca in the Mediterranean, Wolfe Tone\u00E2\u0080\u0099s alliance with French troops to effect a French invasion of Ireland, the Egyptian campaign from 1798-1799, particularly the battle at Aboukir), Earl Spencer\u00E2\u0080\u0099s naval administration was lauded. The glory of Britain and its naval prowess during the Napoleonic Wars is particularly referenced in another botanical plate, Peter Henderson\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Blue Egyptian Water-Lily (1804). As Thornton explains in the accompanying text, the exquisite blue lotus-like flower floats upon tranquil waters while in the backdrop there is \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca distant view of Aboukir \u00E2\u0080\u00A6the waters of the Nile\u00E2\u0080\u009D and palm trees, all made sacred by the mosque on the water\u00E2\u0080\u0099s edge. In terms of botanical enterprise, the Egyptian water-lily and its backdrop call up British Admiral Nelson\u00E2\u0080\u0099s defeat of Napoleon at Aboukir\u00E2\u0080\u0094a victory that secured the protection Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s lucrative trade in Egyptian cotton and Egypt\u00E2\u0080\u0099s strategic geography as gateway to India, Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s central resource for plant acclimatization and for silks, spices, teas, and dyes. In his footnotes, Thornton includes an excerpt from Admiral Nelson\u00E2\u0080\u0099s journal account of the Battle at the Bay of Shoals and subsequently his engagement at Aboukir from August 1-3, 1798. The entry relates those involved and those killed in the battle. This botanical plate would seem to applaud Britain military and imperial prowess as demonstrated in Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s comments in the accompanying text that: \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe thunder of the British Arms, which Providence had destined to annihilate his [Napoleon\u00E2\u0080\u0099s] proud army, and take from it its famed standard, Impiously called \u00E2\u0080\u0098Invincible\u00E2\u0080\u0099.\u00E2\u0080\u009D According to historian Maya Jasanoff in Edge of Empire: Lives, Culture and Conquest in the East, 1750-1850 (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2005), Nelson\u00E2\u0080\u0099s victory contributed to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbuilding morale and public confidence in the British army, long considered inferior to the French\u00E2\u0080\u009D (202). 135 Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s own illustration to The Temple of Flora, his Group of Roses (1798) (Figure 3.6) offers a less elite and more domestic image of the nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s interests. The plate depicts a pair of nightingales nestled within the bloom of a collection of garden roses. Different editions of the plate set the scene within a manicured landscape featuring either a middle-eastern garden folly or a Palladian country house in the distance.115 In each, Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s text references the seasonal migration of the nightingale from Egypt to Britain, and includes verses on themes of revitalized fecundity that emerges \u00E2\u0080\u009Cas Spring advances.\u00E2\u0080\u009D116 While the text makes allusion to the ongoing presence of British forces in Egypt, the domesticated roses that harbour nesting nightingales emerge as a metaphor for the nation itself, that is, a place for reuniting with family and renewing Britain through the birth of a new generation of patriot sons. The themes of fecundity and generation addressed in The Temple of Flora\u00E2\u0080\u0099s plates were not surprising given the current demographic crisis. As Linda Colley has noted, the landed establishment of England \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwere not reproducing themselves\u00E2\u0080\u009D117 and the country\u00E2\u0080\u0099s elite were threatened by shifts that saw land ownership slipping from the usual patrician lines. Approximately \u00E2\u0080\u009Cone-third of all landed estates\u00E2\u0080\u009D changed into the hands of distant relatives, even females.118 Authority of patriarchs was the bedrock of the nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s political system, yet their diminishing numbers or the exchange of their landed power into the hands of female inheritors posed threats to the very core of governance. 115 For the image of the Group of Roses with a palladian country house elevated on a hill see The Temple of Flora, \u00E2\u0080\u0098with plates faithfully reproduced from original engravings and the work described by Geoffrey Grigson with bibliographic notes by Handasyde Buchanan, ed. G. Grigson (London: Collins, 1951), n.p. and Klonk, The Perception of Nature, 51. 116 Thornton, The Temple of Flora, text accompanying the plate entitled Roses, n. p. 117 Colley, Britons, 156. While reasons are \u00E2\u0080\u0098still unclear,\u00E2\u0080\u0099 men were not marrying or producing male heirs. 118 Ibid., 157. 136 The theme would also resonate in a different way with literate women who saw the power afforded to other women through botanical knowledge. Writers such as Priscilla Wakefield in her Introduction to Botany (1796), demonstrated for female readers a mastery of knowledge, financial independence, and articulate botanical pedagogy. In her later Reflections on the Present Condition of the Female Sex (1798), Wakefield argued that women could employ their talents to benefit \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthemselves and their community,\u00E2\u0080\u009D and use botanical study as an \u00E2\u0080\u009Cantidote to the aristocratic maladies of levity and idleness.\u00E2\u0080\u009D119 These observations conflated with the challenge put before women in botanical plates of Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Temple of Flora, namely, that Linnaean methodology had wider application, that is, botanical inquiry demonstrated a different kind of female fecundity\u00E2\u0080\u0094 women logically observing and accessing new structures, identifying imbalances while maintaining integrity to principles and processes, and mastering new intellectual or geographic domains that were usually reserved for a male status quo. These abilities, in Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s words, would \u00E2\u0080\u009Cadd no less to the glory of a nation.\u00E2\u0080\u009D120 In response to the power of female authorship and botanical knowing,121 circulating in fashionable print shops were unflattering satirical lithographs such as A Lady of Scientific 119 Priscilla Wakefield, Reflections on the Present Condition of the Female Sex (London: J. Johnson, 1798), 6-7. For Wakefield \u00E2\u0080\u0098community\u00E2\u0080\u0099 referred to bourgeois connections: financiers, fellow botanophiles, writers, naturalists, and fellow workers (men and women) in her chosen charities that she founded, namely a maternity hospital and the Penny Bank for children which became England\u00E2\u0080\u0099s first saving bank. 120 Thornton, Prospectus, 2. National interests were demonstrated through \u00E2\u0080\u0098scientific\u00E2\u0080\u0099 women such as Anna Blackburn (1726-93), Margaret Stovin (1756-1846) and Charlotte Murray (1754-1808). They opened up new networks of material (plants, seeds) and intellectual exchange. Blackburn corresponded with Linnaeus and sent him seeds. Murray wrote The British Garden in 1799 which organized British plants into a Linnaean system. Pleasance Smith (1773-1877 worked in the field collecting and documenting with her husband Sir James Smith who had brought Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 collection to England and established the Linnaean Society in 1788. Upon his death, she professionally edited all nineteen volumes of his scientific research which would seem a monumental task for any scholar. See Ann B. Shteir, Cultivating Women, Cultivating Science (1996). 121 Maria Jacson\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Botanical Dialogues (1797) and Charlotte Smith\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Young Philosopher (1798) similarly decoded the Linnaean system. Maria Jacson\u00E2\u0080\u0099s other two texts are entitled Botanical Lectures (1804) about taxonomy and Sketches of the Physiology of Vegetable Life (1811) about plant structure and function. Charlotte 137 Habits (c.1805) (Figure 3.7)122 that attacked the female botanophile as piecemeal yet pedestrian. In the drawing, a small inkwell sits atop the Craniology text that is her head. Her geometric body is composed of the French Encyclop\u00C3\u00A9die and her arms, under which are stuffed quills and scrolls, were imprinted with contemporaneous treatistes\u00E2\u0080\u0094Handle\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Army Notes on one arm and Armstrong\u00E2\u0080\u0099s On Slavery on the other. Her dress is stamped with the title \u00E2\u0080\u009CPantologia,\u00E2\u0080\u009D perhaps a reference to John Good\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Pantologia of 1803, a \u00E2\u0080\u0098cyclopedia\u00E2\u0080\u0099 of natural history knowledge, or as historian James Second has noted an alternative reference to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpantologia\u00E2\u0080\u009D as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe visionary schemes of a utopian pantisocracy\u00E2\u0080\u009D where all ruled equally.123 Such satire could be mocking her scattered interests, critiquing how a little learning dangerously un-sexed females, or positing how women who produced books instead of sons posed possible social chaos in her ostensible move beyond a domestic sphere.124 That confusion had already begun to surface according to cultural historian Thomas Laqueur, who argues that during the late eighteenth century a shift occurred from former understandings of Smith\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Conversations Introducing Poetry (1804) was a version of Darwin\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Botanic Garden. Albeit not in botany, other women writers at the turn of the century were involved in expanding female knowledge, namely, Margaret Bryan\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Compendious System of Astronomy (1797) and Jane Marcet\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Conversations on Chemistry (1806). Caroline Herschel (1750-1848), astronomer, helped construct forty-foot telescopes, discovered several comets, and documented over 2500 nebulae for which her brother received recognition. See Ann B. Shteir, Cultivating Women, Cultivating Science (1996) and Patricia Fara, Pandora\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Breeches (2004). 122 James A. Secord, Victorian Sensation (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000), 44-45. Pantologia is an encyclopedia of natural history knowledge. This lithograph is in the private collection of James. A. Secord. The name \u00E2\u0080\u0098Kora\u00E2\u0080\u0099 is near the subject\u00E2\u0080\u0099s right foot. No other authorship is known. Dr. Secord notes that the \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctradition of constructing scholars from their books dates to Giuseppe Arimboldo, painter to the court of Rudolf II at Prague in the sixteenth-century\u00E2\u0080\u009D (44). Historian of science, Patricia Fara uses this image for the front cover of Pandora\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Breeches (2004), a study on the contributions women made to science through partnerships with men of science. 123 Ibid., 44. James Secord identifies Pantologia (1808-1813) as referencing \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe visionary schemes of utopian pantisocracy\u00E2\u0080\u009D (pantisocracy means \u00E2\u0080\u009Cgovernment by all\u00E2\u0080\u009D) and perhaps alludes to the woman\u00E2\u0080\u0099s effort to achieve some kind of equanimity with men. However, Secord goes on to explain that this \u00E2\u0080\u0098lady\u00E2\u0080\u0099s\u00E2\u0080\u0099 garb here in this image \u00E2\u0080\u009Crenders her deeply unfashionable\u00E2\u0080\u009D as knowledge here is associated with the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmasculine and the foreign\u00E2\u0080\u009D (45-46). 124 Ibid., 186. 138 the body that now saw \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca two-sex model\u00E2\u0080\u009D where females were distinctly \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdifferent\u00E2\u0080\u009D and no longer merely a variant of a single model of the ideal male.125 By way of botanical knowledge, then, debates about women and fecundity had begun to emerge in new public domains.126 Not unlike the variability Linnaeus had noted in classes of species, slippages in social boundaries and bloodlines and blurring in relation to defined gender roles emerged to concern publics in want of stability. Fidelity and Continuity Various images from Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Temple of Flora also appear to address a cultural ideal of fidelity\u00E2\u0080\u0094steadfast faithfulness\u00E2\u0080\u0094as a virtue that ensured the nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s 125 Thomas Laqueur, Making Sex: Body and Gender From The Greeks to Freud (London: Harvard University Press, 1990), 8 and Chapter 5. Aristotelian models\u00E2\u0080\u0094one sex models\u00E2\u0080\u0094were based upon levels or degrees of perfection, upon categories such as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cactive/passive, hot/cold, formed /unformed and females\u00E2\u0080\u009D as Laqueur notes, and upon a system where the male or patriarchal is privileged in that the male body is seem as the most perfect form and the female a mere \u00E2\u0080\u0098homologue\u00E2\u0080\u0099, a less perfect derivation. 126 Veering from a conventional maternal path was seen as threatening to the stability of gender and class roles. For example, as pointed out by Dror Wahrman in Chapter Two of Making of the Modern Self (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004) Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s bourgeois \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfashionable mammas\u00E2\u0080\u009D who chose French fashion and soir\u00C3\u00A9es over their \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnatural\u00E2\u0080\u009D duty of breastfeeding were openly criticized. James Gillray\u00E2\u0080\u0099s satirical print, The Fashionable Mamma, or The Convenience of Modern Dress of 1796 aptly depicts a fashionably-dressed lady whose concept of nurturing is suckling a child through openings in her dress while the babe is gingerly held at arm\u00E2\u0080\u0099s length by a nursemaid. A carriage awaits outside to sweep away the lady to the next \u00E2\u0080\u0098soiree\u00E2\u0080\u0099. With Linnaeus having sanctioned breastfeeding as a key to \u00E2\u0080\u009Chigher-order\u00E2\u0080\u009D entities, critics such as Dr. William Buchan (1729-1805) condemned these women by noting that not even animals or savages were so \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmonstrous\u00E2\u0080\u009D as to withhold \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnutritive fluid\u00E2\u0080\u009D as quoted in Sally Shuttleworth\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009CIdeologies of Bourgeois Motherhood,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Rewriting the Victorians, ed. L. Shires, (London: Routledge, 1992), 31-51. Linda Colley in Britons (2003) quotes university divine James Fordyce who joined the fray by aligning these women to the radical upheaval in France where \u00E2\u0080\u009C\u00E2\u0080\u0098the women are supreme: [and] govern all from the court down to the cottage\u00E2\u0080\u009D (240-241). Such apparent defiance to one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s motherly duty to produce and nurture patriotic sons of Britain called up notions of free will (as alluded to in Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s medulla theory and in Fordyce\u00E2\u0080\u0099s warnings). Further discomfort around \u00E2\u0080\u0098willful\u00E2\u0080\u0099 women was manifest in the flush of infanticide trials in the last decades of the century and noted at an earlier point in this thesis. (See Allyson N. May, \u00E2\u0080\u009CInfanticide Trials at the Old Bailey,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Women and History, ed. Valerie Frith (Toronto: Coach House, 1995). Compounding fears was the troubling problem of the old maid. Her lack of fecundity threatened a stalwart Britain where producing sons was synonymous to patriotic duty. In the London Magazine of 1777, gender roles were already reported as encoded through censures that saw \u00E2\u0080\u009Cold maids\u00E2\u0080\u009D at the age of 28 years taxed \u00E2\u0080\u009C6d in the pound\u00E2\u0080\u009D for their non-productivity, while after age 35, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cno old maid\u00E2\u0080\u009D was allowed to marry since they were \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdeemed incapable of performing any necessary functions.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Biology both enabled and contained female mobility. For further discussion of \u00E2\u0080\u0098old maids\u00E2\u0080\u0099 see Cindy McCreery, The Satirical Gaze (Oxford, Oxfordshire: Oxford University Press, 2004). ! 139 continuity. Here both fecundity and gender are mobilized as a space of transformation. In the nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s gardenscape, which already fascinated by way of botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sexual overtures, fidelity could translate as steadfast, sexual loyalty. The King and Queen referenced in the opening pages of the folio set the tone. I return briefly to Reinagle\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Cupid Inspiring Plants with Love (Figure 3.2) to note that in this nationscape Cupid carried a golden arrow. For Shakespeare, who drew upon classical tradition, the arrow\u00E2\u0080\u0099s golden head did \u00E2\u0080\u009Cknitteth souls and prosper love,\u00E2\u0080\u009D in other words, ensured solid fidelity between this Royal couple.127 In contrast to the moral slippage of former Monarchs, George III\u00E2\u0080\u0099s conjugal fidelity translated as national stability. In Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s dedication to The Temple of Flora, the Queen too was praised as a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbright example of conjugal fidelity and Maternal tenderness.\u00E2\u0080\u009D128 To a degree the Royal union embodied a change as noted by historian Lawrence Stone who has observed that in the eighteenth century marriage took a new direction by shifting from the terrain of mutual utility to that of romance and affection.129 George III\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Royal Marriages Act of 1772 politicized fidelity as a national goal.130 Where Lord Hardwicke\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Marriage Act of 1753 had attempted to curtail unsanctioned or clandestine marriages for most Britons, George III targeted other Royals such as his own 127 William Shakespeare, Midsummer Night\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Dream (1600), I, i, 169-172. According to Sarah Carr-Gomm in Dictionary of Symbols of Art (London: Duncan Baird Publishers, 1995), the golden arrow is associated with the transformative power of love by way of the alchemist\u00E2\u0080\u0099s attempt to convert base metals into gold through the \u00E2\u0080\u0098philosopher\u00E2\u0080\u0099s stone,\u00E2\u0080\u0099 which held the secret of immortality. The leaden arrow is associated with sensual passion (72). 128 Thornton, Temple of Flora, Dedication, n.p. Also, cited in Thornton, The Temple of Flora ed. G. Grigson, 3. 129 Lawrence Stone, The Family, Sex and Marriage in England, 1500-1800 (London: Weidenfeld, 1977), 273. 130 The Royal Marriages Act of 1772 ruled that any member of the Royal family under the age of 25 could not marry without the consent of the King, and barring that, the Privy Council\u00E2\u0080\u0094an effort to control moral detritus. According to Tanya Evans in \u00E2\u0080\u009CWomen, Marriage and the Family\u00E2\u0080\u009D from Women\u00E2\u0080\u0099s History: Britain 1700-1850, ed. Hannah Barker and Elaine Chalus (London: Routledge, 2005), marriages formerly involved boys aged fourteen and girls aged twelve. Marriage banns, license, an Anglican Church ceremony, and parental consent were now required for marriages of those under the age of twenty-one (61). 140 siblings to cease their flagrant moral indiscretions. Sexual intercourse with another man\u00E2\u0080\u0099s wife was known as Criminal Conversation, or Crim Con, an offence that arose out of the civil law of \u00E2\u0080\u009C\u00E2\u0080\u0098trespass[ing] upon another man\u00E2\u0080\u0099s property\u00E2\u0080\u0099.\u00E2\u0080\u009D131 The wife was considered property. An explosive example of Crim Con was the King\u00E2\u0080\u0099s brother, the Duke of Cumberland, and his salacious antics with Lady Grosvenor who was married at the time. Public opinion began to demand accountability for its publicly funded Royals and held that the affair was a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbad example to the subordinate classes of society.\u00E2\u0080\u009D132 Further moral reform and regulation such as George III\u00E2\u0080\u0099s proclamation against profanity and vice in 1787 exemplified a sustained effort to categorize and encode virtues seen as faithful to stalwart nationhood.133 As much as images from Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s folio might seem to trumpet the conventional within the nation, the undercurrent of resistance to encoded norms and even a lack of adherence to these norms were evident in the texts accompanying various plates. For example, in the text to Philip Reinagle\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Superb Lily (Figure 3.8), the \u00E2\u0080\u0098floral\u00E2\u0080\u0099 complains that her \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdazzling bloom\u00E2\u0080\u009D is being kept hidden away in \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe shade,\u00E2\u0080\u009D while in Peter Henderson\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Stapelias (Figure 3.9), female terror rises out of \u00E2\u0080\u009Cher Gorgon shape\u00E2\u0080\u009D with a poisonous corolla and eggs that convert to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmaggots writhing among the purple hairs.\u00E2\u0080\u009D134 All personified as females, the subjects of these plates perhaps allude to the emergence of 131 Hallie Rubenhold, \u00E2\u0080\u009CA Criminal Conversation,\u00E2\u0080\u009D History Magazine 10, no. 3 (March, 2009), 60. 132 According to The London Magazine. Or, Gentleman\u00E2\u0080\u0099s monthly intelligencer, Vol. 40 (London: July, 1770), 343. The cuckolded Lord Grosvenor demanded an unprecedented \u00C2\u00A3100,000 as damages for his wife\u00E2\u0080\u0099s defiance. Along with details of the trial, for public appetite The London Magazine published the fatuous love letters of the Duke to his \u00E2\u0080\u009Clittle Angel,\u00E2\u0080\u009D rife with abysmal spelling and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdearest\u00E2\u0080\u009D redundancies. This \u00E2\u0080\u0098bad example\u00E2\u0080\u0099 would be borne out by George III\u00E2\u0080\u0099s son, the Prince Regent (another George) whose marriage was short-lived but his lascivious and gluttonous lifestyle was legendary. 133 See Alan Hunt, Governing morals: A social history of moral regulation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 66-68. The Royal Proclamation was called \u00E2\u0080\u009CFor the Encouragement of Piety and Virtue, and for Preventing and Punishing of Vice, Profaneness and Immorality.\u00E2\u0080\u009D 134 Thornton, The Temple of Flora, text accompanying plates entitled The Superb Lily and Stapelias, n.p. 141 resistant voices outside traditional contexts who seem to mutate from a passive prescription to conventional codes. Women in fact were crossing conventional lines to demonstrate fidelity to their own choices and abilities. For example, the Duchess of Portland\u00E2\u0080\u0099s vast natural history collection was acknowledged for its intellectual acumen. Naturalist Anna Blackburne (1726-1793) corresponded with Linnaeus and bartered with Russian naturalists in amassing specimens. In recognition of her expertise she was honored through the naming of the Blackburnian warbler, beetle, and Blackburnia pinnata plant.135 And, in the late eighteenth century, Mary Delany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s seminal paper \u00E2\u0080\u0098mosaicks\u00E2\u0080\u0099 that are now at the British Museum, demonstrated skill and fidelity to botanical veracity. Sir Joseph Banks praised Delany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmosaicks\u00E2\u0080\u009D as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe only imitations of nature he had ever seen\u00E2\u0080\u009D that were so accurate he could use them as references with no \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfear of committing an error.\u00E2\u0080\u009D136 And, in the eighteenth century\u00E2\u0080\u0099s later decades, the celebrated and picturesque garden of the Ladies of Llangollen, Eleanor Butler and Sarah Ponsonby, served as a very popular \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnatural\u00E2\u0080\u009D salon for botanical exchange and for conversation amongst a wide circle of botanophiles despite rumours about the ladies\u00E2\u0080\u0099s alleged lesbianism.137 Botany allowed gender new mobility, but not without inciting uncertainties. Fears with respect to aspects of Linnaean knowledge and sexuality surfaced in popular accounts, namely Richard Polwhele\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Unsex\u00E2\u0080\u0099d Females (1798). Polwhele fired up debates around 135 Margaret Alic, Hypatia\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Heritage (London: The Women\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Press, 1986), 110. 136 Augusta Llanover, ed., The Autobiography and Correspondence of\u00E2\u0080\u00A6 Mrs. Delany, Series 1 (London: R. Bentley, 1861), 3: 95. 137 The Ladies, 39-year-old Eleanor Butler and 23-year-old Sarah Ponsonby, were known to have shared a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cromantic friendship,\u00E2\u0080\u009D one that was confirmed by their \u00E2\u0080\u009Celopement\u00E2\u0080\u009D in 1778 to Wales where they lived for fifty years according to Alison Oram and Annmarie Turnbull, The Lesbian History Sourcebook: love and sex between women in Britain from 1780-1970 (London: Routledge, 2001), 55-60. Also see Elizabeth Mavor\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Ladies of Llangollen (Middlesex: Penguin Books, 1976), 79-82. 142 shifting views of gender by questioning \u00E2\u0080\u009Chow the study of the sexual system [could] accord with female modesty.\u00E2\u0080\u009D138 He condemned males and females botanizing together because of their exposure to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cillicit knowledge,\u00E2\u0080\u009D and their probing of the plants\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009Corgans of unhallow\u00E2\u0080\u0099d lust.\u00E2\u0080\u009D139 Such activity, he warned, promoted moral mutability by way of sexual promiscuity. Polwhele pointed out that botanizing embodied \u00E2\u0080\u009Csavage excesses,\u00E2\u0080\u009D not unlike those daring and \u00E2\u0080\u009Catrocious acts\u00E2\u0080\u009D of French female revolutionaries, who in \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctheir abhorrence of Royalty\u00E2\u0080\u00A6threw away the character of their sex and bit the amputated limbs of their murdered countrymen.\u00E2\u0080\u009D140 To justify his vitriolic attacks, Polwhele targeted women who had moved beyond the domestic sphere to write and secure a trusted readership, namely Mary Wollstonecraft (1759-1797) whom he dubbed the \u00E2\u0080\u009CArch-priestess of female Libertinism\u00E2\u0080\u009D and her contemporary, the abolitionist writer Anna Letitia Barbauld.141 In contrast to Polwhele and through botanical metaphor both women encouraged their male and female readerships to seek wider knowledge across domains; both women voiced that ignorance was a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfrail base for virtue!\u00E2\u0080\u009D142 Reason and order underpinning Linnaean taxonomy enfranchised women in new 138 Richard Polwhele, The Unsex\u00E2\u0080\u0099d Females: a poem, addressed to the author of The pursuits of literature. By the Rev. Richard Polewhele (sic). To which is added, a sketch of the private and public character of P. Pindar (New York: Re-printed by Wm. Cobbett, 1800), 8. Richard Polwhele (1760-1838), a British writer, spent much of his writing sermons, treatises and poems or a \u00E2\u0080\u0098moral\u00E2\u0080\u0099 nature. The Unsex\u00E2\u0080\u0099d Females is perhaps his best known work. 139 Ibid., 10-11. 140 Ibid., 10-12. This quote found in Polwhele\u00E2\u0080\u0099s footnotes, page 11. 141 Ibid., 25. Anna Letitia Barbauld in her Epistle to William Wilberforce (London: J. Johnson, 1791) exposed Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s complicity in the slave trade: \u00E2\u0080\u009CAfric bleeds, Uncheck\u00E2\u0080\u0099d, the human traffic still proceeds,\u00E2\u0080\u009D and disgracefully, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cby foreign wealth are British morals chang\u00E2\u0080\u0099d\u00E2\u0080\u009D (6-13). These charges against Britain were seen as dangerously unpatriotic. 142 Mary Wollstonecraft, Vindication of the Rights of Woman (London: J. Johnson , 1792), 134. 143 ways, but primarily as tools for \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe simple power of improvement\u00E2\u0080\u00A6of discerning truth.\u00E2\u0080\u009D143 This tenet within Mary Wollstonecroft\u00E2\u0080\u0099s A Vindication of Rights of Woman of 1792 posited that women were not fragile \u00E2\u0080\u009Cflowers\u00E2\u0080\u00A6 [whose] usefulness is sacrificed\u00E2\u0080\u00A6 when the short- lived bloom of beauty is over.\u00E2\u0080\u009D 144 Instead, through botanical analogy she encouraged knowledge as the power to improvement for women by \u00E2\u0080\u009Caffording them subjects to think of\u00E2\u0080\u009D and to help them \u00E2\u0080\u009Cexercise their understanding.\u00E2\u0080\u009D145 In other words, gender activism here was about fidelity to self\u00E2\u0080\u0094about having the will to move into wider worlds by way of informed knowing. It would seem that Polwhele and his fellow naysayers were ill-prepared to negotiate Wollstonecraft\u00E2\u0080\u0099s key lesson: \u00E2\u0080\u009CI do not wish them [women] to have power over men; but over themselves.\u00E2\u0080\u009D146 And not just elite women exercised fidelity to independent thought and choice.147 Historian Ruth Wiesner notes a cultural shift in the late eighteenth century that saw a growth in paid female labour, a shift that distanced women somewhat from reliance upon a husband or \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfather\u00E2\u0080\u0099s occupation or wealth to determine [her] value.\u00E2\u0080\u009D 148 In London, women owned and 143 Ibid., 111. 144 Ibid., 2-6. 145 Ibid., 125. It is worth noting that reading and popularity of novels opened up new worlds to diverse publics. As noted by Jeremy Black in Eighteenth Century Britain 1688-1783 (2008), by the end of the century there were about 1000 circulating libraries throughout Britain and about \u00E2\u0080\u009C150 novels , 90 of them new, were being published annually\u00E2\u0080\u009D (174). Novels, non-fiction books, magazines, newspapers and dictionaries many of which were \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccomprehensible to the expanding literate populations\u00E2\u0080\u009D helped circulate new ideas (174). 146 Ibid., 134. 147Interestingly, women of different classes could unite and support one another. For example, as recounted by Linda Colley in Britons (2003), in 1820 when Queen Caroline (consort of George IV) wanted to claim her rightful place as Queen, George IV insisted she be put on trial for adultery. This never occurred. One element that played a role was the nationwide campaign against this hypocrisy. What was extraordinary was that middle- class and working women came to the fore: 75,000 women in England, 3700 \u00E2\u0080\u0098ladies\u00E2\u0080\u0099 from Halifax, and \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctens of thousands more signed addresses\u00E2\u0080\u009D that supported the queen (265). 148 Mary Wiesner, Women and Gender in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 92. 144 ran businesses ranging from fashion to making and marketing technologies such as barometers, sextants, and hydrometers.149 These businesses \u00E2\u0080\u009Cconstituted some ten percent of all business\u00E2\u0080\u009D in London.150 Also in the 1780s and 1790s Quaker women \u00E2\u0080\u009Cran shops and schools, roamed the countryside as lay ministers\u00E2\u0080\u009D or herbal healers, and pushed for abolitionist action.151 When the aforementioned Enclosure Acts of 1780 saw men lose their land and jobs, wives joined the job market to support their families. Despite this, women working in factories and mines were still criticized for a seeming infidelity to family and gender responsibilities: \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwomen\u00E2\u0080\u0099s free agency in the economic realm...contradicted and threatened the deeply entrenched view that women belonged in the \u00E2\u0080\u0098natural\u00E2\u0080\u0099 realm of the family.\u00E2\u0080\u009D152 Women continued to be marginalized through the assumption that if unregulated and outside the confines of family order, whether botanizing, working, or lobbying for social reforms, they would be tainted by the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpromiscuous mingling of the sexes\u00E2\u0080\u00A6a metaphor for social disorder.\u00E2\u0080\u009D153 To viewers, images from Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s folio could call up women\u00E2\u0080\u0099s dynamic actions and shifting attitudes that came through the vernacular of botany, as a vanguard of women were penetrating hegemonic social codes and as conventional gender boundaries were beginning to erode. In the backdrop, Linnaean science echoed the ability of 149 A.D. Morrison-Low notes in \u00E2\u0080\u009CWomen in the Nineteenth-Century Scientific Instrument Trade\u00E2\u0080\u009D Science and Sensibility, ed. Marina Benjamin (Cambridge: Basil Blackwell, 1991) that Penelope Steel ran a navigation and chart selling business from 1803-1805; Mary Wellington manufactured mathematical instruments; and Mary Dicas was a hydrometer mater from 1797-1806. Women were dynamic and productive entrepreneurs (95-99). 150 Hannah Barker, \u00E2\u0080\u009CWomen and Work,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Women\u00E2\u0080\u0099s History: Britain 1700-1850, eds. Hannah Barker and Elaine Chalus (London: Routledge, 2005), 137. 151 Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the English Middle Class (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), 313. According to Davidoff, Quakers were seen as especially egalitarian, and so, involved in issues of social reformation. 152 Colley, Britons, 240. 153 Ibid., 200. 145 all individuals including women to transform and adapt to new \u00E2\u0080\u0098habitats\u00E2\u0080\u0099, and with that the presumptions in relation to difference took a new turn. The Foreign The idea of sexual difference and its relationship to mutation or variability in the social order also emerged through aspects of the foreign or unfamiliar. In The Temple of Flora several images of exotic florals register a range of concerns around sexuality and difference in terms of \u00E2\u0080\u0098otherness\u00E2\u0080\u0099 and race. Keeping in mind Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s view noted earlier that every flower was a \u00E2\u0080\u0098sermon for the learned\u00E2\u0080\u0099, I address Reinagle\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Cupid Inspiring Plants with Love and Henderson\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Queen Flower then move to others images. In Reinagle\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Cupid Inspiring Plants with Love, the exotic and distant are juxtaposed with domestic British botanicals, that is, the banana and breadfruit trees coexist amongst hardy English ivy. This vision might provoke pride in Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s imperial mandates but also securely positions the uncertainties of cultural mixing and indigenous resistances within Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s imperial framework. What were, for example, the threats of mixing or the impacts of hidden mutabilities? In Genera Plantarum (1764) Linnaeus seemingly normalized variations or fluctuations within a species by stating: \u00E2\u0080\u009CNature blended the Species whence [came] as many Varieties as occur here and there.\u00E2\u0080\u009D154 In other words \u00E2\u0080\u0098variations\u00E2\u0080\u0099 were permissible and it would seem inevitable in nature. This tenet, however, posed an unsettling paradox, that is to say, Linnaeus claimed that the natural world was a fixed vision of an \u00E2\u0080\u009COmniscient Being, 154 Quoted from Linnaeus, Genera Plantarum in Stafleu, Linnaeus and the Linnaeans, 135-136. 146 namely God.\u00E2\u0080\u009D155 Concurrently, he endorsed that the natural world randomly embodied variations. If variation was God-Given, then how could the concepts of \u00E2\u0080\u0098foreign\u00E2\u0080\u0099 or \u00E2\u0080\u0098different\u00E2\u0080\u0099 be resolved and from whose perspective might new visions be seen? Uncertainties around the foreign and gender in Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s nationscape are called up through the representation of the Bird of Paradise plant\u00E2\u0080\u0094that is, the Strelizia reginae or The Queen Flower (Figure 3.4), an image as I have indicated that was central to Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s folio. The plant, native to South Africa was cast by Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s text as \u00E2\u0080\u009CNature aim[ed] at deception\u00E2\u0080\u009D because of the plant\u00E2\u0080\u0099s ability to mimic the appearance of a tropical bird.156 As a trope for Queen Charlotte, however, the African strelizia, could also have called up British discomfort with regard to the consort\u00E2\u0080\u0099s foreignness\u00E2\u0080\u0094that is, her German descent but also the clandestine rumours around the Consort\u00E2\u0080\u0099s African roots and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmulatto\u00E2\u0080\u009D features.157 Biographer Dr. Olwen Hedley in addressing Queen Charlotte\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u0098negroid\u00E2\u0080\u0099 features quotes Baron Stockmar, the Queen\u00E2\u0080\u0099s personal physician, as the most salient observer of what he called the Consort\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctrue mulatto face.\u00E2\u0080\u009D158 Of further interest, however, was that poet 155 Linnaeus, Systema Naturae (1735), 18. Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s clever negotiation of \u00E2\u0080\u0098science\u00E2\u0080\u0099 and \u00E2\u0080\u0098religion\u00E2\u0080\u0099 typifies the \u00E2\u0080\u0098holy alliance\u00E2\u0080\u0099 between the two disciplines that was said to characterize the nature of its exchange within the eighteenth century. 156 Thornton, Temple of Flora, text accompanying the plate entitled The Queen Flower, n.p. 157 Olwen Hedley, Queen Charlotte (London: J. Murray, 1975), 293. The Consort\u00E2\u0080\u0099s ethnicity was alleged through her descent from Margarita de Castro y Sousa and a Moorish branch of the Portuguese Royal House. Through this, British-ness seemed susceptible to variation or mutability by way of \u00E2\u0080\u0098racial\u00E2\u0080\u0099 mixity. The Queen\u00E2\u0080\u0099s alleged \u00E2\u0080\u0098negroid\u00E2\u0080\u0099 connection was just the surface of other \u00E2\u0080\u0098black\u00E2\u0080\u0099 connections in society. Sir Allan Ramsay mentor to Philip Reinagle and painter of Queen Charlotte\u00E2\u0080\u0099s portraits that were deemed as \u00E2\u0080\u0098decidedly African\u00E2\u0080\u0099, was an abolitionist and by marriage uncle to Dido Elizabeth Lindsay, the black grand-niece of Lord Mansfield, the very same judge who ruled in slave James Somerset\u00E2\u0080\u0099s famous case of 1770s. On a more contemporary note, from www.pbx.org./wgbh/pates/frontline/shows/royalfamily, the Royal Household\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u0098apologia\u00E2\u0080\u0099 given upon Queen Elizabeth II\u00E2\u0080\u0099s coronation as Commonwealth head notably made reference to her Asian and African bloodlines. 158 Ibid., 293. 147 laureate James Henry Pye in his poem that accompanied the image of The Queen Flower used metaphor to mask his comments on Queen Charlotte\u00E2\u0080\u0099s alleged \u00E2\u0080\u0098Afric\u00E2\u0080\u0099 origins: \u00E2\u0080\u00A6this imperial flower Wafted from burning Afric\u00E2\u0080\u0099s rugged scene, \u00E2\u0080\u0098Neath Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s better skies, in happier hour, Enjoys the patronage of Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s QUEEN!159 Whether or not the Queen\u00E2\u0080\u0099s alleged African roots represented her actual lineage, of value here was that Charlotte as foreigner and devotee of botany brought into view questions around variation from the British norm and attendant dangers to the nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s encoded hierarchy based upon biological patrimony. Indeed, as representative of foreign integration into everyday British life, Queen Charlotte could be seen to depict a wider cultural shift wherein those marginalized on the peripheries\u00E2\u0080\u0094whether other races, different classes, or gender activists\u00E2\u0080\u0094began to bring variation to traditional understandings of British nationhood. Linnaean notions of variation in relation to the foreign surface in other illustrations from The Temple of Flora. Artist Peter Henderson\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Dragon Arum (1801) (Figure 3.10) in the folio is a case in point. The plant is a foreign specimen indigenous to Mediterranean and Middle Eastern areas. Visually the floral plate is dramatically configured to underscore the plant\u00E2\u0080\u0099s difference as it presses up against the picture plane startling the viewer with what historian Clive Bush has evoked in terms of overtly sexualized forms\u00E2\u0080\u0094that is, the \u00E2\u0080\u009Clabia-like folds\u00E2\u0080\u009D of a purple hood enveloping a protruding \u00E2\u0080\u009Cblack phallus.\u00E2\u0080\u009D160 Thornton himself in his characteristically dramatic language had commented upon the ominous sexuality that both the illustration and the plant suggested. Here however \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca horrid spear of darkest jet, which 159 Henry James Pye, \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Group of Roses\u00E2\u0080\u009D in Robert Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Temple of Flora,(1799-1806), n.p. 160 Bush, \u00E2\u0080\u009CErasmus Darwin, Robert John Thornton, and Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 Sexual System,\u00E2\u0080\u009D 318. 148 she brandishes aloft\u00E2\u0080\u009D centralizes both a feminine protagonist and a poisonous and aberrant mingling of male and female sexuality.161 \"This extremely foetid poisonous plant will not admit of sober description. Let us therefore personify it. SHE comes peeping from her purple crest with mischief fraught: from her green covert projects a horrid spear of darkest jet, which she brandishes aloft: issuing from her nostrils flies a noisome vapour, infecting the ambient air: her hundred arms are interspersed with white, as in the garments of the inquisition; and on her swollen trunk are observed the speckles of a mighty dragon; her sex is strangely intermingled with the opposite! Confusion dire! All framed for horror; or kind to warn the traveler that her fruits are poison-berries, grateful to the sight but fatal to the taste; such is the plan of PROVIDENCE, and such HER wise resolves.\"162 While the Dragon Arum is identifiable by way of her mutable sexuality, that is, a hermaphrodite or in Linnaean terms \u00E2\u0080\u0098mixed,\u00E2\u0080\u0099 the plant is also like The Queen Flower, foreign and deceptive. Significantly, the accompanying poem warned: \u00E2\u0080\u009CTrust not this specious veil; beneath its guise /In honey\u00E2\u0080\u0099d streams a fatal poison lies.\u00E2\u0080\u009D163 Certainly exposure to considerations of widespread cultural variability would resonate on the social front through Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s march into foreign lands by way of global trade and botanical resource extraction. On one hand, an exotic floral like the dragon arum presented foreign resource as accessible and its extraction as uncontested. On the other hand, such plants referenced an \u00E2\u0080\u0098otherness\u00E2\u0080\u0099 that was increasingly unpredictable, resistant, and transformative. 161 Thornton, The Temple of Flora, text accompanying the plate entitled The Queen Flower, n. p. 162 Ibid. 163 Thornton, The Temple of Flora, text accompanying the plate entitled The Dragon Arum, n.p. 149 It is worth noting that to compound public anxiety in relation to The Dragon Arum, in the image\u00E2\u0080\u0099s backdrop a different aspect of the mutable is pictured, namely, an erupting volcano.164 Indeed, with Mt. Etna in Sicily having just erupted in 1796 and within memory of the earthquake that decimated Lisbon in 1755, massive eruptions were topical.165 Volcanoes were on the public mind in relation to geologist James Hutton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Theory of the Earth with Proofs and Illustrations of 1795, a treatise that also ruptured conventional notions of time. Hutton claimed that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cunconformities,\u00E2\u0080\u009D that is, erosion surfaces (often embedded with fossils) that had been buried by subsequent layers of rock, were \u00E2\u0080\u009C\u00E2\u0080\u0098direct evidence that the history of our earth include several cycles of deposition and uplift\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u009D accumulated over years. 166 This evidence of a continuous cycle of time seemed evident in mountains and their eruptions. Hutton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s theories pointed to time as a vast cycle, not a fixed, narrow, and linear line. For viewers of Henderson\u00E2\u0080\u0099s image The Dragon Arum and especially botanophiles, these geographic features could call to mind Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s observation that \u00E2\u0080\u009Crocks and mountains \u00E2\u0080\u00A6are created in underlying places through broken down vegetal and animal 164 An image of an exploding volcano is in only one other of Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s botanical plates, that of Peter Henderson\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Stapelias (1801) (Figure 3.9). 165 See Peter Gould, \u00E2\u0080\u009CLisbon 1755: Enlightenment, Catastrophe, and Communication,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Geography and Enlightenment, eds. David Livingstone and Charles Withers (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999), 339- 404. These eruptions were documented in numerous contemporaneous accounts in newspapers such as The Weekly Entertainer, Vol. 35 and 59 (Sherborne, England: R. Goadby and Co., 1783-1819) had various articles in its archives, examples of which follow. In January, 1801 for example, see \u00E2\u0080\u009CDescription of Volcanic Island recently formed in Iceland,\u00E2\u0080\u009D or November, 1819 Stephano Moricand\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009CAn Account of a Recent Eruption of Mount Etna.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Diana Donald in The Age of Caricature (London: Yale University Press, 1996) reminds us that bishops of the Church of England commonly explained away earthquakes as \u00E2\u0080\u009CGod\u00E2\u0080\u0099s judgment on the wicked\u00E2\u0080\u009D (78). For poetry and political tracts that likened volcanic eruptions to political upheaval, see Noah Heringham\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Romantic Rocks, Aesthetic Geology (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2004) and his Romantic Science: The Literary Forms of Natural History (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2003), as well as Tim Fulford, Debbie Lee, and Peter Kitson\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Literature, Science and Exploration in the Romantic Era (2004). Noteworthy as well is that Darwin\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Loves of the Plants in the late eighteenth century also makes reference to volcanoes. See Canto 4 where \u00E2\u0080\u009Csulphurous flame steams in spiral columns/\u00E2\u0080\u00A6bubbling lavas blow\u00E2\u0080\u009D (lines 178-179). This acknowledgement is understandable given that in Edinburgh part of a rigorous landscape in the center of the city is that of an extinct volcano known \u00E2\u0080\u009CArthur\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Seat.\u00E2\u0080\u009D This site was the area where geologist James Hutton made many of his formative observations on rock stratifications and \u00E2\u0080\u0098unconformities\u00E2\u0080\u0099. 166 As cited in Stephen Jay Gould, Time\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Arrow, Time\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Cycle (London: Harvard University Press,1987), 62. 150 matter over the long ages.\u00E2\u0080\u009D167 Indeed, for many Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s reference to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cover long ages\u00E2\u0080\u009D conflated with Hutton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s famous adage of time now having \u00E2\u0080\u009Cno vestige of a beginning\u00E2\u0080\u0094no prospect of an end.\u00E2\u0080\u009D168 To British viewers then, the volcanic eruptions had the potential to evoke this changed vision of time, that is, not a fixed and certain Biblical timeline but time\u00E2\u0080\u0099s vast cycle, its movement over eons perhaps.169 Such possibilities were troubling for those who saw and perhaps feared the potential for ongoing variability as formulated by Erasmus Darwin and Buffon.170 In terms of its social impact, this knowledge about time and variation, once foreign but now being naturalized, shook confidence in the fixity thought inherent to cultural and political institutions as ecclesiastical beliefs, political governance, distinct class and gender divisions, and the family became sites of uncertainty.171 Boundaries and traditions once thought immutable were subject to uncertainty and change. 167 Linnaeus, Systema Naturae (1735) as cited in Stafleu, Linnaeus and the Linnaeans, 56. Such considerations could be borne out further in Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Plantae Hybridae (1751) wherein he listed plants that he thought developed through a process of new forms developing from old forms that had been subject to cross-breeding or cross-pollination with one another\u00E2\u0080\u0094a concept that had unsettling human application. 168 James Hutton, Theory of the Earth, Vol. 1 (Edinburgh, 1795), 200. 169Ibid. These ideas were to be developed further by Charles Lyell\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Principles of Geology of 1830. 170 Here I am referring to discussions earlier in this chapter, namely, in Zoonomia (1794-96), where Erasmus Darwin posited that a species could adapt and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cimprove by its own inherent activity...down generations to its posterity,\u00E2\u0080\u009D and in The Temple of Nature (1803) he noted \u00E2\u0080\u009Csuccessive generations bloom, /New powers acquire, and larger limbs assume.\u00E2\u0080\u009D In Chapter Two (see Footnote 130) I refer to Buffon\u00E2\u0080\u0099s formulations in Histoire Naturelle (1753) that spoke of \u00E2\u0080\u0098single-family\u00E2\u0080\u0099 model whose variations could only have been possible over time and of a species ability to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cimprove\u00E2\u0080\u009D or degenerate. There were many early evolutionists who grappled with the idea of transformation within a species: John Ray (1627-1705), Johan Goethe (1748-1832), and Jean Baptiste Lamarck (1744-1829). See Thomas Crump, A Brief History of Science, (London: Robinson, 2001) and Adam Hart-Davis, Chain Reactions (London: National Portrait Gallery Publications, 2000). 171 Volcanoes were also popular metaphors for political upheaval. For example, publics were anxious yet again over Anglo-French relations that had been inflamed in 1796 by way of 14,000 French troops reaching Bantry Bay, Ireland to support the Irish rebellion against Britain as noted by Frank O'Gorman and Diana Donald in Ordering the World in the Eighteenth Century (2006). While the rebellion may have failed, what became clear was that Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s political machinery was myopic in their underestimation of \u00E2\u0080\u0098peasant\u00E2\u0080\u0099 power and disjointed in their naval preparation. 151 The Large Flowering Sensitive Plant (or Mimosa grandiflora) painted by Philip Reinagle in 1799 (Figure 3.11), also had the potential to raise contemporary concerns. The plate depicts the exotic red specimen with its threadlike fronds against a mountainous terrain. In the middle ground is a lone brown-skinned native man with walking-stick in hand and clothed only in a sarong-type garment. Thornton describes the Large Flowering Sensitive Plant as a tall shrub indigenous to the East Indies\u00E2\u0080\u0094a region that was the focus of ongoing British and French naval conflicts from the 1780s through the Napoleonic wars. And while noted for providing nectar to hummingbirds, Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s text emphasized the motion of the flower\u00E2\u0080\u0099s red tendril-like filaments that are set in play at the \u00E2\u0080\u009Crude approach of an invader.\u00E2\u0080\u009D172 Drawing on a long eighteenth-century tradition that linked the plant to sexual activity, the Mimosa is anthropomorphized and indeed highly sexualized 173 and especially so in Erasmus Darwin\u00E2\u0080\u0099s poem that is included as part of the text to The Temple of Flora\u00E2\u0080\u0099s image of the Large Flowering Sensitive Plant. Darwin\u00E2\u0080\u0099s verse not only casts the plant as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cchaste\u00E2\u0080\u009D and \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctender\u00E2\u0080\u009D and desirable to suitors, but both sexuality and race are brought together as the verses link the resulting seduction and denouement to Desdemona wooed by the black Othello: 172 Thornton, The Temple of Flora, text accompanying plate entitled The Large Flowering Sensitive Plant, n.p. 173A history of poems and novels in the eighteenth century featured exotic plants as metaphors for sexuality. Julie Peakman in Mighty Lewd Books: The Development of Pornography in Eighteenth-Century England (London: Palgrave, 2003) notes that botanical metaphors in erotica saw the male and the female \u00E2\u0080\u009Cloosely termed as trees and shrubs,\u00E2\u0080\u009D respectively (74). In John Cleland\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Fanny Hill, or Memoirs of a Woman of Pleasure (London: Thomas Parker, 1749) the protagonist Fanny likens the penis to a \u00E2\u0080\u009Csensitive plant,\u00E2\u0080\u009D (187) a factor also noted in Londa Schiebinger\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Nature\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Body (2004), 33.The Mimosa or large flowering sensitive plant was the subject of contemporaneous poems such as James Perry\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Mimosa: Or, the Sensitive Plant. A Poem . Dedicated to Mr. Banks of 1779 that likened the plant to the sexual activity of the man who would \u00E2\u0080\u009Craise it to a very vigorous extent; feed it with the most vegetative juices; and promote its articulations\u00E2\u0080\u009D (v). 152 At last, she melts, and sighs, in verdant bow\u00E2\u0080\u0099rs, And yields to Cupid\u00E2\u0080\u0099s all-triumphant pow\u00E2\u0080\u0099rs So hapless Desdemona, fair and young, Won by Othello\u00E2\u0080\u0099s captivating tongue, Hung o\u00E2\u0080\u0099er each strange and piteous table, distrest, Then sunk enamour\u00E2\u0080\u0099d on his sooty breast. 174 In short, the flush of botanic desire simulates sexual climax and concurrently releases cultural taboo. However, in referencing Othello\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009Csooty breast\u00E2\u0080\u009D and likening the \u00E2\u0080\u0098blushing\u00E2\u0080\u0099 mimosa to a \u00E2\u0080\u009Chapless Desdemona, fair and young, /Won by Othello\u00E2\u0080\u0099s captivating tongue,\u00E2\u0080\u009D175 the not- so-subtle pun upon sexual activity raises both interracial contact and miscegenation as well as eighteenth-century apprehensions and myths of black hypersexuality and the threat of invasive \u00E2\u0080\u0098otherness\u00E2\u0080\u0099. Developments in Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s overseas holdings made these subjects topical. Increasing non-white populations in Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s terrains resulted in new generations of mixed race progeny and, as in Jamaica, a calibrated terminology to indicate the degree of mixed blood or racial purity.176 Concurrently, uprisings of enslaved agricultural and 174 Darwin, The Loves of the Plants, 9 (lines 80-84) as used in the text accompanying the Large Flowering Sensitive Plant plate from Robert Thornton, The Temple of Flora, n.p. Here, the mimosa paired with the \u00E2\u0080\u0098sensitive plant\u00E2\u0080\u0099 called up established sexual parallels, and perhaps in particular to what historian James Walvin has noted in Black Ivory: A History or Black Slavery (London: HarperCollins, 1992) as the stereotyping of \u00E2\u0080\u009CAfrican\u00E2\u0080\u0099s member\u00E2\u0080\u009D being known for its \u00E2\u0080\u009Cextraordinary greatness\u00E2\u0080\u009D as a \u00E2\u0080\u009Clarge Propagator\u00E2\u0080\u009D (216), an allusion perhaps that subtly threatens encoded British patriarchy. Sexual speculation aside, what resonates tangibly, is the fear around the coloured man\u00E2\u0080\u0099s productivity\u00E2\u0080\u0094miscegenation (mixed unions) and the resulting hybrid progeny. 175 Ibid. Darwin\u00E2\u0080\u0099s pun upon \u00E2\u0080\u0098captivating tongue\u00E2\u0080\u0099 is graphically sexual, and its reference to Shakespeare\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Othello heightens the anxiety around sex and miscegenation\u00E2\u0080\u0094of \u00E2\u0080\u009Can old black ram tupping your white ewe\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Othello, I, I, 89-90)\u00E2\u0080\u0094called up by reference to Desdemona and Othello\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sexual pairing. Othello holds a prestigious position as a General in the Venetian army, and despite his humble self-dismissal that he is \u00E2\u0080\u009CLittle bless\u00E2\u0080\u0099d with the soft phrase\u00E2\u0080\u009D and \u00E2\u0080\u009Crude in speech\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Othello, I, iii, 81-2 and 98), he is an accomplished war strategist and eloquent speaker. His words not only inspire his troops but his soliloquies of captivating adventures win Desdemona as well as speak of a black man\u00E2\u0080\u0099s capability to transgress stereotyping\u00E2\u0080\u0094a realization that can be seen to have threatening overtones to established status quos. Iago does not hesitate to voice his own disgust with this or any such union, and perhaps echoes contemporaneous views upon social codes in reminding us that how we see is driven by how we know: \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctis ourselves that we are thus or thus. Our bodies are our gardens, to which our wills are gardeners; so that if we will plant\u00E2\u0080\u00A6why, the power and corrigible authority of this lies in our wills\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Othello, I, iii, 320-326). For Othello, references are to act, scene, and lines. 176 See for example Miles Ogborn, Global Lives: Britain and the World 1550-1800 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 230-259. 153 plantation labourers177 and public debate on both the slave trade and the abolition movement kept issues around racial difference within the Empire at the fore.178 The case of Olaudah Equiano (1745-1797), also called Gustavus Vassa, is useful here. Equiano was a former slave from Africa and the Americas and prominent abolitionist in Britain who became a successful trader, abolitionist, and published writer of The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa the African. The work, a two-volume, 530-page tome which graphically chronicled the horrors of slavery, was published in 1789.179 That Equiano, along 177 Rebellions in British colonial sites such as Tacky\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Revolt of 1760 in Jamaica against the British or the rebellion against the French in St. Domingue (Haiti) in 1791 signaled that the presumed passivity of the foreign could shift and that labour\u00E2\u0080\u0099s distemper could not be easily quelled. According to Kenneth Morgan in Slavery and the British Empire (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007) in 1775 the annual number of slaves shipped by British vessels was approximately 44,000, many of whom stayed in ports such as Bristol (67-68). James Walvin in Slaves and Slavery (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1992) states that by 1780 in Virginia in the Americas the slave population numbered 220,000, that is, 41% of the total population (29). The issue of slavery and dissensions are also referenced in Linda Colley\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Captives: Britain, Empire and the World 1600- 1850 (London: Pimlico, 2002) where she recounts, for example, that as many as \u00E2\u0080\u009C25,000 slaves in South Carolina\u00E2\u0080\u009D fled their owners to seek refuge with British armies during the revolutionary war as well as at least \u00E2\u0080\u009C30,000 in Virginia\u00E2\u0080\u009D, and that was just the American colonies (232). On debates around Jamaica and slavery, see Kay Dian Kriz, Sugar, Slavery, and the Culture of Refinement (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008). 178 Most immediate to viewers might be the evidence of shifting attitudes towards slavery as initially mobilized by the James Somerset ruling of 1772 that limited ownership rights over slaves and made way for visible transformation of former slaves to \u00E2\u0080\u0098free\u00E2\u0080\u0099 Britons as documented in Adam Hochschild, Bury the Chains (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 2006). To some Britons what was worrisome was the increased visibility of black populations throughout Britain (See Footnote 174) yet two hundred abolitionist societies were mobilized and over 100 petitions were delivered to Parliament during the 1780s alone as noted by Ashton Nichols in \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Anxiety of Species: Toward a Romantic Natural History,\u00E2\u0080\u009D The Wordsworth Circle 28, no. 3 (1997): 130-136. Also of note is that indigenous populations and imported African slaves were often viewed as \u00E2\u0080\u0098similar\u00E2\u0080\u0099 as noted by Roxann Wheeler in \u00E2\u0080\u009CColonial Exchanges: visualizing racial ideology and labour in Britain and the West Indies,\u00E2\u0080\u009D An Economy of Colour, eds. G. Quilley and D. Kriz (New York: Manchester U Press, 2003) who points out that eighteenth-century beliefs about human variety \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdid not always sharply distinguish Indians from black Africans\u00E2\u0080\u00A6an exchangeability evident in performances\u00E2\u0080\u00A6texts, and illustrations\u00E2\u0080\u009D (36). 179 Hochschild, Bury the Chains, Chapter 12 and Chapter 20, passim. Equiano\u00E2\u0080\u0099s first edition sold out 700 copies immediately. He issued a further eight editions in his lifetime and in three languages. In an eight-month tour of England, he sold almost 2000 books (170-174). Olaudah Equiano in The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa, the African. Vol. 1 and 2 (London: printed for and sold by the author, 1789) speaks throughout of his \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfear I should be put to death\u00E2\u0080\u00A6in a savage manner\u00E2\u0080\u009D and of the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbrutal cruelty\u00E2\u0080\u009D that he witnessed such as a man \u00E2\u0080\u009Cflogged so unmercifully with a large rope\u00E2\u0080\u00A6that he died in consequence of it; and they tossed him over the side as they would have done a brute\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Vol. 1, 75-6). Equiano\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Interesting Narrative was widely circulated and read as indicated in various historical studies, and his speeches and writings not only documented slave atrocities but tacitly supported the abolition movement. By the 1790s there were growing concerns about such interactions. See James Walvin, An African's Life: The Life And Times Of Olaudah Equiano, 1745-1797 (London: Cassell, 1998), passim, and Miles Ogborn, Global Lives (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 276-280. 154 with his abolitionist activities would also marry and have children with a white British wife, was a measure of social transformation in Britain in the last decades of the century.180 Darwin\u00E2\u0080\u0099s and Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s play upon Shakespeare\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Desdemona and Othello and the plate of The Large Flowering Sensitive Plant was thus set in circulation within a context of new territories and ongoing anxieties around race and overseas labour that were transforming the British Empire. Conclusion Visual representations within The Temple of Flora (1799-1807) both raise and are situated within complex discourses around ruptures and transformations in Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s cultural terrains. Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s publication with its over-determined illustrations and prose and poem commentaries merged references of Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s engagements with France in the revolutionary and Napoleonic wars with the erotic poems of Erasmus Darwin. As such the text and lavish images might initially seem distanced from the order of Linnaean taxonomies. Notably however, the folio becomes what cultural historian Lawrence Klein calls in another context, a kind of \u00E2\u0080\u009Cassociative public sphere\u00E2\u0080\u00A6of social, discursive and cultural production,\u00E2\u0080\u009D a site that allowed for the circulation of diverse and interconnected variations to surface.181 Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s classificatory system, then, precisely because of its permissible \u00E2\u0080\u0098variations\u00E2\u0080\u0099 provided a framework by which to grid and order changing social terrains. Thornton would ultimately blame the financial failure of his publication on heavy taxes to support \u00E2\u0080\u009Carmed men to diffuse 180 Ogborn, Global Lives, 276-280. 181 Lawrence Klein, \u00E2\u0080\u009CGender and the Public/Private Distinction in the Eighteenth Century,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Eighteenth-Century Studies 29, no. 1 (Fall 1995): 104. 155 rapine, fire, and murder over civilized Europe.\u00E2\u0080\u009D182 Ironically it was the very changes wrought by such foreign conflicts and ongoing global outreach that The Temple of Flora both opened up and attempted to contain. 182 Geoffrey Grigson and Handasyde Buchanan, Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Temple of Flora with Plates Faithfully Reproduced from the Original Engravings (London: Collins, 1951), 5. 156 CHAPTER FOUR Power Plants\u00E2\u0080\u0094Transforming Terrains Introduction Botanist Richard Pulteney in his Historical and Biographical Sketches of Botany in England of 1790 noted plant power and Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sustained interest in its outreach: the Linnaean system in Britain [and its] dominion over the vegetable kingdom had not, in the rapidity of its extension, the strength of its influence\u00E2\u0080\u00A6been paralleled in the annals of science.1 In the above quote, Pulteney\u00E2\u0080\u0099s reference to the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cstrength\u00E2\u0080\u009D and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cinfluence\u00E2\u0080\u009D of the vegetable kingdom can extend to its other trajectory, namely, oeconomia or the utility of plants and their integration into Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s imperial geo-botanizing. In the introduction of Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Oeconomia Naturae (Oeconomy of Nature) of 1749 and translated into English by Benjamin Stillingfleet in 1775, the economy of nature is arranged by the \u00E2\u0080\u009Call-wise disposition of the Creator\u00E2\u0080\u009D such that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnatural things\u00E2\u0080\u009D are \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfitted to produce general ends, and reciprocal uses.\u00E2\u0080\u009D2 Linnaeus had already formulated parts of his view by qualifying that efficient and benevolent management of \u00E2\u0080\u009Cespecially useful\u00E2\u0080\u009D resources meant that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe task of economics [was] to collect from other places [countries] and cultivate such things at home.\u00E2\u0080\u009D3 Contemporary 1 Richard Pulteney, Historical and Biographical Sketches of Botany in England, Vol. 2 (London: T. Cadell, 1790), 352. 2 Carl Linn\u00C3\u00A9, praeses, \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Oeconomy of Nature\u00E2\u0080\u009D Miscellaneous tracts relating to natural history, husbandry and physick, trans. from Latin by Benjamin Stillingfleet (London: R .and J. Dodsley, 1759), 31. In addition, this cycle of utility, in Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s words \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe course of nature in a continued series,\u00E2\u0080\u009D was manifest in \u00E2\u0080\u009Cproducing individuals,\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpreserving every species\u00E2\u0080\u009D through a \u00E2\u0080\u009Chelping hand,\u00E2\u0080\u009D and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdeath of one thing\u00E2\u0080\u009D that led to \u00E2\u0080\u009Crestitution of another\u00E2\u0080\u009D (32). Thus, the cycle of propagation, preservation, death, and restitution was at oeconomia\u00E2\u0080\u0099s core. 3 Linnaeus to the Academy of Science, Uppsala, January 10, 1746. Cited and quoted in Linnaean scholar, Lisbet Koerner\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009CLinnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099 Floral Transplants,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Representations 47 (Summer, 1994): 147. As Koerner points out in her cogent publication Linnaeus: Nature and Nation (London: Harvard University Press, 1999), for Linnaeus, \u00E2\u0080\u009Ceconomics\u00E2\u0080\u009D meant the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cscience of people\u00E2\u0080\u009D co-operating with rather than battling nature. Koerner adds that 157 historians have truncated Linnaean formulations of oeconomia to mean the worldwide \u00E2\u0080\u009Cscience of natural resources and their use for human life.\u00E2\u0080\u009D4 Such reason and order that seemed to underpin the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cutility of plants\u00E2\u0080\u009D conflated with other aspects of eighteenth-century thought. Adam Smith, for example claimed that resource utility could unite \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdistant parts of the world\u00E2\u0080\u009D in order \u00E2\u0080\u009Cto relieve one another's wants, to increase one another's enjoyments, and to encourage one another's industry.\u00E2\u0080\u009D5 Resource acquisition, transfers, and acclimatization then were to enhance Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s productivity. But embedded within the momentum of plant utility were new problematics, particularly in relation to issues and shifts in governance and nationhood.6 \u00E2\u0080\u009Conly by adapting ourselves to our environment, he believed, could humankind make use of nature, since in it everything is so complexly interdependent\u00E2\u0080\u009D (83). As a cameralist, Linnaeus advocated an economically self- sufficient Sweden through obtaining and cultivating desirable resources such as tea, bananas, and cocoa in domestic greenhouses. 4 Tony Aspromougos, The Science of Wealth (London: Routledge, 2008), 59. Also see Lisbet Koerner\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Linnaeus: Nature and Nation (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999) and Margaret Schabas, The Natural Origins of Economics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006). 5 Adam Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nation, In three volumes, 8th ed., Vol. 2 (London: A. Strahan, 1796), 458. 6 Under the moniker of economic botany, there has been a great deal of comment on the history of breadfruit, Joseph Banks, and William Bligh. Richard Drayton in Nature\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Government (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000) speaks of the project in terms of \u00E2\u0080\u009Cimprovement of the world\u00E2\u0080\u009D and in particular through colonial gardens in Jamaica and St.Vincent that were sites where supplemental crops such as plantain and cassava were cultivated for the replacement of flour that American independence had curtailed, and in terms of outdistancing French dominance in colonial spaces. David Mackay\u00E2\u0080\u0099s historical chronology in \u00E2\u0080\u009CBanks, Bligh, and Breadfruit\u00E2\u0080\u009D from Science, Empire and the European Exploration of the Pacific, ed. Tony Ballantyne (London: Ashgate, 2004) also notes the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cidyllic\u00E2\u0080\u009D nature of botanical gardens in the West Indies as sites for culturing resource and mediating the impact of the American revolution upon British trade as well as the competitive threat of the French. His discussion focuses largely upon the role Joseph Banks played in establishing breadfruit in the British West Indies. John Gascoigne investigation of \u00E2\u0080\u009CJoseph Banks and the Expansion of Empire,\u00E2\u0080\u009D in Science and Exploration in the Pacific, ed. Margarette Lincoln (Woodbridge, UK: Boydell Press, 1998) addresses Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s key role in the African Association and the impetus he gave to exploration and conquest along the African coast from Auguin to Sierra Leone. While acknowledging the economic constraints that provoked Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s plant pursuit in distant locales, my argument differs. I focus upon how the momentum of the \u00E2\u0080\u0098botany cult\u00E2\u0080\u0099 and particularly Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s notion of oeconomia, or utility of \u00E2\u0080\u0098 botanical\u00E2\u0080\u0099 resources not only validated pursuit of such resources, but importantly had similar flux and flow that I have discussed in other aspects of his systematics. I plan to show how those fluctuations gave rise to anxieties inherent to social change and particularly in relation new knowledge and practices underpinning the pursuit of botanical resource or \u00E2\u0080\u009Cgreen gold\u00E2\u0080\u009D and how those shifts were manifest in shifts in the nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s cultural landscape. 158 My inquiry in this chapter examines the visual in relation to tensions concerning oeconomia to argue that acquisition, exchange, and acclimatization of resources to new locales7 raised anxieties concerning social change. I begin by turning to the Royal Gardens at Kew as an \u00E2\u0080\u009CImperial\u00E2\u0080\u009D showcase of plant power, a space under the Directorship of Sir Joseph Banks that helped naturalize into national consciousness the global pursuit and lucrative trade in useful plants. From there, I focus upon two resources crucial to shaping policies of botanical enterprise, namely, cinchona and breadfruit. Cinchona is depicted in Fellow of the Royal Society Aylmer Lambert\u00E2\u0080\u0099s drawing of Cinchona officinalis (Figure 4.1), a drawing from his publication entitled A Description of the Genus Cinchona of 1797. Transplanting of the Bread-Fruit-Trees from Otaheite (Figure 4.2), a mezzotint by artist Thomas Gosse was published on September 1, 1796, and while the context of its original display is ambiguous the image was undertaken to celebrate Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s successful transfer of breadfruit by Captain William Bligh\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Providence.8 These two images are set within concurrent discourses around what historian of science Londa Schiebinger has called \u00E2\u0080\u009Cgreen gold\u00E2\u0080\u009D9 in addition to the entanglement of plant resources with concerns related to governance, disease, hunger, and human exploitation. I conclude with an examination of critical responses to resource 7 In Carl Linn\u00C3\u00A9\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Philosophia Botanica (1751), trans. Stephen Freer (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 284. Linnaean notions of acclimatization involved how to familiarize plants to new habitats or \u00E2\u0080\u009Clocations\u00E2\u0080\u009D so they could adjust and be successfully cultivated. 8 Thomas Gosse (1765-1844), a British artist, engraved and painted this work. He was also known for similar processes in his mezzotint of Founding of the settlement of Port-Jackson at Botany Bay of 1799. Depicting the successful transfer of breadfruit would have seem to have opportunely legitimized global enterprise, trumped the efforts of Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s competitor, France, and promoted settlement in Australia by way of the completion of Botany Bay\u00E2\u0080\u0099s penal colony\u00E2\u0080\u0094an institution that answered the crime problem in England, provided jobs for Britons, and whose \u00E2\u0080\u0098criminal\u00E2\u0080\u0099 population was used to build housing and transportation routes in New South Wales. 9 The term \u00E2\u0080\u009Cgreen gold\u00E2\u0080\u009D is used by Londa Schiebinger in Plants and Empire: Colonial Bio-prospecting in the Atlantic World (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004) and refers to the natural resources most desired by various European powers. 159 exploitation\u00E2\u0080\u0094vegetal and human\u00E2\u0080\u0094through two satirical prints by James Gillray, Barbarities in the West Indias of 1791 and Anti-Saccharrites,-or-John Bull and his Family leaving off the use of Sugar of 1792. Oeconomia or the Utility of Plants Following the Aristotelian tenet of oeconomia as a type of \u00E2\u0080\u009Chousehold management\u00E2\u0080\u009D that saw the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnature provide food for whatever is bought to birth,\u00E2\u0080\u009D10 Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Oeconomia Naturae of 1749 and Politia naturae published in 1760 pointed to the interconnectedness and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cself-regulating\u00E2\u0080\u009D management within the natural world.11 Linnaeus stated that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cin a well- appointed household, nothing [was] superfluous [with] all food and everything else to be turned to some purpose\u00E2\u0080\u009D for the nation.12 For Linnaeus then, simply put, oeconomia was the gainful use of plants from one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s own country, and the collection and cultivation of useful botanicals from other nations.13 This Linnaean concept can be further conflated with \u00E2\u0080\u0098economy\u00E2\u0080\u0099 from the Greek oikonomos meaning \u00E2\u0080\u009Csteward of the household,\u00E2\u0080\u009D14 to suggest that astute management of the nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009Chousehold\u00E2\u0080\u009D might include careful oversight of resource extraction, exchange, and productivity and potential for consumption. These understandings along with Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s concept of the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cadaptability of life forms to new regions\u00E2\u0080\u009D15 unite in 10 As quoted in Aristotle, The Politics, trans. T. A. Sinclair (London: Penguin, 1982), 84-87. 11 Koerner, Linnaeus: Nature and Nation, 82-83. 12 As quoted in Koerner, Linnaeus: Nature and Nation, 82. Koerner further explains that Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s notion of \u00E2\u0080\u009Ceconomics\u00E2\u0080\u009D highlighted \u00E2\u0080\u009Chow people can cooperate with, not battle nature\u00E2\u0080\u009D and how \u00E2\u0080\u009Cadapting\u00E2\u0080\u009D to one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s environment could facilitate \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmankind\u00E2\u0080\u0099s use of nature, since in it everything is so completely interdependent.\u00E2\u0080\u009D 13 Ibid., 82-84. 14 Dr. Kathy Rooney, ed. Encarta World English Dictionary (New York: St. Martin\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Press, 1999), 567. 15 As cited in Schabas, The Natural Origins of Economics, 30. 160 Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s practices of economic botany that co-opted the idea of managed extraction and acclimatization of useful resources. Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s oeconomia offered a cure for Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s national ills, that is to say, his basic tenets allowed for Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s economic stewards to address commodity desire, stimulate commerce, and encode imperial prowess in distant locales. This advent was timely. In the late eighteenth century, a wide spectrum of Britons sought relief from destabilizing fractures within the nation: relentless war and taxation, land enclosure conflicts, emparking and failed harvests, and migrating populations.16 In particular, food shortages and inflationary pricing caused basic products such as bread to double in price from seven to fifteen pennies for a single loaf.17 This increase was burdensome for the majority of Britons whose mean annual wage amounted to \u00C2\u00A330.18 For many, food shortages and exorbitant costs magnified hunger, disease, and separated families. And, what registered soundly with social and financial elites was a formidable national debt that had risen to !257 million by 1783, a direct result it was argued of trade restrictions upon and subsequent loss of the American colonies.19 Threats from within the nation, that is, scarce food of mean quality 16 I discuss these issues in Chapter 2. See also Drayton Nature\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Government, 51-52 and Tom Williamson, Polite Landscapes (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995), passim. 17 Roy Porter, English Society in the Eighteenth Century (London: Penguin, 1982), 317. At this time, the pound sterling was worth 20 shillings, and there were 240 pennies in a pound. 18 Joel Mokyr, ed., The Economics of the Industrial Revolution (New Jersey: Rowman & Littlefield, 1989), 178. According to Mokyr, the average annual wage ranged from \u00C2\u00A325 for a male farm labourer to \u00C2\u00A351 for a male working in the ship-building trade. The countryside seemed to be the locale for riots as opposed to London, although in 1795 King George III was mobbed by rioters whose cries were for \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbread.\u00E2\u0080\u009D 19 Ibid., 100-1. Of note is that Robert Thornton, subject of Chapter Three, alluded to the cause of his folio\u00E2\u0080\u0099s less than spectacular reception as being the result of his clientele being burdened with economic issues. Thornton says in his Apologia to the folio as quoted in William Blunt and William Stearn\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Art of Botanical Illustration (London: Antique Collectors, 1994) that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe once moderately rich very justly now complain they are exhausted through taxes laid on them to pay armed men to diffuse rapine, fire, and murder over civilized Europe\u00E2\u0080\u009D (241). 161 and frequent food riots,20 transients in search of work, or chronic diseases were intensified by threats from outside, namely, revolutionary upheaval in France, dissident slave labour in overseas colonies, and tropical ague (malaria) affecting military personnel and colonists. As historian Linda Otis has noted, these kinds of challenges made British publics increasingly \u00E2\u0080\u009Canxious about penetration and about any connection with outside people, the same anxieties inspired by imperialism.\u00E2\u0080\u009D21 It is important to note that the notion of plant utility that mobilized botanical interests was not just about acquiring resource, but mastering the cultural currency associated with the product. Loosely translated here as a form of what today we might call \u00E2\u0080\u0098intellectual property\u00E2\u0080\u0099, dried plant specimens and seeds embodied prestige and power for the owners. An example of this formative agency materialized through British naturalist Sir James Edward Smith who managed to purchase Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s vast collection of \u00E2\u0080\u009Cspecimens, cabinets, books, letters, and manuscripts\u00E2\u0080\u009D for Britain.22 It was rumoured that King Gustav III of Sweden was so upset with the sale that he dispatched a warship \u00E2\u0080\u009Cto intercept the brig\u00E2\u0080\u009D23 carrying the Linnaean legacy. Whether fact or fiction, underpinning the episode was the fissured relationship between George III and King Gustav III over the rebellious American 20 John Archer, Social Unrest and Popular Protest in England, 1780-1840 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 28-31. Archer states that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfood riots were the most common and widespread forms of popular collective action during the eighteenth century,\u00E2\u0080\u009D with outbreaks in every decade (28). 21 Laura Otis, Membranes: Metaphors of Invasion in Nineteenth-Century Literature, Science, and Politics (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1999), 7. 22 Drayton, Nature\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Government, 141. The collection was sold in 1783 to the highest bidder for just over \u00C2\u00A31000, a price considered abysmally low. 23Stephen Jay Gould, Dinosaur in a Haystack (New York: Harmony Books, 1995), 425. While Linnaean scholar Brent Elliot refutes this incident, he does acknowledge that James Smith circulated the story and his widow recorded it in her husband\u00E2\u0080\u0099s memoir that was published in 1832. In Robert John Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Botanical Extracts (1800) the story is told in the text that accompanies a plate-portrait of James Smith (which also shows the chase of the ships). 162 Colonies.24 At the time of Smith\u00E2\u0080\u0099s purchase, Gustav III and Benjamin Franklin, the American Colonies\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Ambassador to Sweden, were signing the April 3, 1783 Treaty of Amity and Commerce. Britain was livid that this agreement should have occurred a clear five months before the American colonies officially received their stamp of independence through the Treaty of Paris\u00E2\u0080\u0099s official end to hostilities with Britain in September of 1783.25 The Amity Treaty not only cemented a Swedish/American ideological partnership, but was also pragmatic in that it lay the ground for huge financial gain for Sweden\u00E2\u0080\u0099s exports of tar, timber, and iron to the American colonies to the detriment of Britain. The finessing of Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s legacy and with it symbolic mastery of botanical knowledge was said to dull the sting of the Amity Treaty and resurrect some national confidence for Britain \u00E2\u0080\u009Cby cultivating a connection to science, progress, and \u00E2\u0080\u0098improvement\u00E2\u0080\u0099.\u00E2\u0080\u009D26 In taking ownership of natural history\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u0098originating\u00E2\u0080\u0099 knowledge\u00E2\u0080\u0094 botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s intellectual property\u00E2\u0080\u0094Britain lay claim to both the cultural capital of Linnaeus and to an economic vision that saw the acquisition of useful plants as foundational to national stabilities. In the meantime, the British government had learned a valuable lesson for future global exchanges, namely, that an intransigent and autocratic approach to colonial politics as George III had taken in North America was unproductive. Instead, armed with the pragmatics of oeconomia, Britain gained ground by turning away from America to resources in the 24 Ibid., 425-30. King Gustav\u00E2\u0080\u0099s alignment with the American colonies added speculation as to George III\u00E2\u0080\u0099s political competence, to destabilized British/Swedish relations, and to mounting anxiety within Britain because of His Majesty\u00E2\u0080\u0099s clash with the newly formed Coalition ministry of Lord North. 25 Sweden (like France and the Netherlands) supported the America\u00E2\u0080\u0099s war of independence against England. King Gustav provided \u00E2\u0080\u009Cseveral hundred Swedish officers\u00E2\u0080\u009D to the colonies; their \u00E2\u0080\u009Cefforts were decorated by George Washington\u00E2\u0080\u009D at http://www.swedishbulletin.se/sb/articles/0307.shtml. 26 Drayton, Nature\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Government,148. 163 Pacific and the East whose less formal entrep\u00C3\u00B4ts could readily supply product for British markets.27 Imperial Kew and Acclimatizing The Public So sits enthron\u00E2\u0080\u0099d in vegetable pride Imperial Kew by Thames\u00E2\u0080\u0099s glittering side; Obedient sails from realms unfurrow\u00E2\u0080\u0099d bring For her the unnam\u00E2\u0080\u0099d progeny of spring. \u00E2\u0080\u0094Erasmus Darwin, The Botanic Garden (1791)28 The Royal Botanic Garden or \u00E2\u0080\u009CImperial Kew,\u00E2\u0080\u009D calls up the notion of Linnaean oeconomia through Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s claim of useful resource in distant geographies\u00E2\u0080\u0094or to use Darwin\u00E2\u0080\u0099s terms in the verse quoted above, a system that relied on \u00E2\u0080\u0098obedient\u00E2\u0080\u0099 ships returning home from \u00E2\u0080\u0098realms unfurrow\u00E2\u0080\u0099d\u00E2\u0080\u0099 with vegetable riches.29 Distant geographies promised an abundance of resources ranging from West Indies sugar to African slaves, and these products were seen as potential curatives for social and economic ills. Kew\u00E2\u0080\u0099s botanic space then, which foregrounded plant utility and productivity, was central to strong nationhood and imperial claim. Uncertainties belying botanizing persisted however. There is no mention in Darwin\u00E2\u0080\u0099s poem that celebrates \u00E2\u0080\u009CImperial Kew\u00E2\u0080\u009D of rumours about plundered foreign ships, exposure to feared colonial primitivism, or importantly to what constituted a \u00E2\u0080\u0098resource\u00E2\u0080\u0099. 27 David Mackay, In the Wake of Cook: Exploration, Science and Empire, 1780-1801 (London: Croom Helm, 1985), 192. 28 Erasmus Darwin, The Botanic Garden, a Poem. In Two Parts. Part I Containing the Economy of Vegetation. Part II. The Loves of the Plants (London, 1791). Part I, Canto IV, Lines 591-594. 29 Erasmus Darwin translated Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s classification system into English in two works, A System of Vegetables of 1783 and The Family of Plants of 1787. As quoted by Jim Endersby in \u00E2\u0080\u009CLinnaeus at the service of England,\u00E2\u0080\u009D in The Times Literary of August 12, 2009, Darwin\u00E2\u0080\u0099s preface to A System of Vegetables proclaimed botany as primarily of \u00E2\u0080\u009Ceconomic importance,\u00E2\u0080\u009D that is, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe future improvements in Agriculture, in Medicine, and\u00E2\u0080\u00A6many more important Manufactures, as paper, linen, cordage; must principally arise from the knowledge of BOTANY.\u00E2\u0080\u009D The islands of St. Vincent, Dominica, and Grenada were ceded to Britain in The Peace of Paris Treaty of 1763. 164 Orderly administration and deft management of relations between botany and governance were strategies fundamental to the success of economic botany and to the diffusion of apprehensions concerning its practices. Joseph Banks appointed to manage Kew in 1773 was central to that success.30 Pursuing useful plants, shaping colonial capitalism, building botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s global information network, and promoting Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s international profile came under Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s management\u00E2\u0080\u0094what he called \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca kind of superintendence.\u00E2\u0080\u009D31 Importantly, his leadership transformed Kew into a site for global plant transfer and acclimatization. Acquisitions increased from 3,000 to 11,000 species during his tenure,32 a factor that contributed to Kew\u00E2\u0080\u0099s reputation by the early 1800s as being \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe most important centre for comparative biological thinking\u00E2\u0080\u009D and knowledge of the geographic distribution of plants.33 These plant acquisitions evoked Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s global gardens and colonial plantations whose roles historian Donald McCracken identifies as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cprimarily economic depots.\u00E2\u0080\u009D34 Such achievements outshone those of their chief competitor in plant pursuit, France. Success was underpinned by Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s insistence that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cas many of the new plants as possible should make their first appearance at the Royal Gardens [Kew].\u00E2\u0080\u009D35 Diplomats, navy 30 See Chapter Two, Footnote 41. 31 Ray Desmond, Kew: The History of the Royal Botanic Gardens (London: Harvill Press, 1995), 90. 32 T. Fulford, D. Lee and P. Kitson, Literature, Science and Exploration in the Romantic Era: Bodies of Knowledge (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 2004), 41. 33 As cited in Drayton, Nature\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Government, 127. Limited access to Kew\u00E2\u0080\u0099s botanic gardens occurred in the early 1850s. In 1890s, the public was allowed access to Kew each weekday morning. Also discussed in Ray Desmond, \u00E2\u0080\u009CTransformation of the Royal Gardens at Kew,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Sir Joseph Banks: A Global Perspective, eds. R. Banks, B. Elliott, J. Hawkes (London: Royal Botanic Gardens Pub., 1994), 112. 34 Donald McCracken, Gardens of Empire (London: Leicester Press, 1997), 3. 35 Banks to Clarke Abel, February 10, 1816. As quoted in Ray Desmond, Kew, 91. The following botanizers indicate the breadth of Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s global network: Francis Masson, Kew\u00E2\u0080\u0099s first plant hunter, sailed with Cook as far as South Africa (1772); William Brass botanized in West Africa (1780); David Nelson in Tasmania and Timor (1789); Archibald Menzies in the Pacific Northwest and then Chile obtaining there the monkey puzzle tree (1791); Mungo Park in Africa (1795); Robert Brown in Australia (1801); William Kerr in China (1804); 165 personnel, missionaries, and merchants were reminded that their patriotic duty during travels was to pursue botanical interests on behalf of the nation. Naturalists in Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s employ were warned against any unauthorized dispersal of seeds or plants. As a result, these plant hunters obtained mangosteens and nutmeg from Java, hemps seeds and citrus from the South Pacific, and decorative rhododendrons from China.36 Such evidence of international connections and expanding global presence helped highlight Kew and thus Britain as imperium, a site that outdistanced those gardens of old foes and competitors such as Spain and France. In addition, Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s strategy of re-naming Kew\u00E2\u0080\u0099s acquisitions according to Linnaean binomial nomenclature would also seem to hold political agency. On one hand, for example, categorizing in Linnaean terms would seem to objectify the resource, its locale, and its indigenous cultivators and reduce the exotic to merely a scientific reference overwritten, in this case, by an enlightened British science. On the other hand, its reductive logic could be seen to mirror a rational and orderly nationhood that presented Britain as progressive and stable. These strategies marked out the utility of plants in Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s imperial march: \u00E2\u0080\u009Cturning plants into medicines, food or shelter,\u00E2\u0080\u009D37 outdistancing competitors, and flexing bio-power to master populations at home and in global geographies. and, Allan Cunningham in Brazil (1815). What followed then was a national ideology that sanctioned the continued extraction from colonial resources: wood from North America for sailing and war ships; the poaching of merino sheep from Spain; flax from the New Zealand for British naval products; strip-mined gold and silver from Mexico and Portugal; African labour transported to British-Caribbean sugar plantations; coffee, rubber, sisal from Latin American sites; and from Asia, technologies related to guns and gunpowder and products such as tea, silk, and opium. 36 McCracken, Gardens of Empire, Introduction and James Walvin, Fruits of Empire: Exotic Produce and British Taste, 1660-1800 (London: Macmillan Press, 1997), Introduction. 37As cited in Patricia Fara, Sex, Botany, and Empire (London: Icon Books, 2003), 29. 166 Through these strategies, Kew Gardens known as the \u00E2\u0080\u009CMecca of Botanists,\u00E2\u0080\u009D38 also subtly promoted botanical knowing as well as expansion into distant geographies. Under Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s stewardship, Kew developed into one of those aforementioned \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccenters of calculation,\u00E2\u0080\u009D that helped demystify and naturalize distant plants, practices, and even cultures through its \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccycle of accumulation,\u00E2\u0080\u009D cultivation, experimentation, and acclimatization.39 In Kew\u00E2\u0080\u0099s scientific center, species were stabilized, tested, and prepared for transfer and future productivity. Such resources as the banana and breadfruit plants clearly depicted in Reinagle\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Cupid Inspiring Plants with Love (Figure 3.2) could call up the acclimatization of exotics at Kew and their eventual transfer to colonial gardens in the West Indies, India, or Ceylon for cultivation. Kew\u00E2\u0080\u0099s central role and Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s agency in the progress of botanical enterprise were not without critics. Such caricatures as Thomas Rowlandson\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Sir Joseph Banks about to Eat an Alligator of 1788 would seem to attack botany and its enterprises.40 Ensconced at a dining table, Banks and fellow naturalists feast upon natural history specimens that ranged from the vegetal to the reptilian. Their shared interest, a feeding frenzy of sorts upon natural history resources, for some viewers might acknowledge virtuosi tastes belying natural history while for others the satire enables mockery of this elite fraternity as undiscerning, their exploitation of new worlds as gluttonous, and natural history knowledge as food for the stomach, not the 38 Edward Smith, The Life of Sir Joseph Banks (London: John Lane, 1911), 99. 39 Bruno Latour, Science in Action: How to Follow Scientist and Engineers through Society (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1987), 220- 223. Also see David Philip Miller, \u00E2\u0080\u009CJoseph Banks, empire, and \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccenters of calculation\u00E2\u0080\u009D in late Hanoverian London,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Visions of Empire: Voyages, Botany and Representations of Nature. eds. David Philip Miller and Peter Hanns Reill (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996). 40 This image is the frontispiece to Peter Pindar (Dr. John Wolcot\u00E2\u0080\u0099s) Peter\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Prophecy, Or\u00E2\u0080\u00A6A Very Important Epistle to Sir Joseph Banks (1788), a 650-line poem mentioned in Chapter Three that satirizes Banks and his sexual and natural history conquests. 167 mind.41 Caricaturist James Gillray\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Great South Sea Caterpillar, transform\u00E2\u0080\u0099d into a Bath Butterfly of 1796 (Figure 4.3) further lampooned Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s meteoric rise and transformation from plant collector to botanical guru.42 In the image, Banks, depicted as a giant caterpillar with butterfly wings, rises out of the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdung and filth\u00E2\u0080\u009D43 to become a resplendent specimen and recipient of the prestigious medal of the Order of the Bath. A bright sun imprinted with the Royal crown bathes Banks in light, perhaps an obvious allusion to George III\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sustaining patronage of Banks through Royal appointment to Directorships and through securing finances for Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s enterprises.44 With the Phrygian cap, a symbol of 41 I also find interesting that the centerpiece of the feast is a reptile\u00E2\u0080\u0094a lizard of some sort. According to Banksian scholar John Gascoigne, Joseph Banks had \u00E2\u0080\u009Cadopted the figure of a lizard as part of his crest,\u00E2\u0080\u009D\u00E2\u0080\u0094in Banks words, \u00E2\u0080\u009CI have taken the Lizard, an Animal said to be Endowed with an instinctive Love of Mankind \u00E2\u0080\u00A6to be Engraved as my Seal as a Perpetual Remembrance that man is never so employd (sic) as when he is Laboring for the advantage of the Public.\u00E2\u0080\u009D I suggest this has ambivalent overtones especially in light of the lizard\u00E2\u0080\u0099s centrality in this caricature, that is to say, Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s centrality to botanical enterprise yet his known reputation for being an \u00E2\u0080\u009Cautocratic ruler\u00E2\u0080\u009D in terms of botanical enterprises in Britain as Gascoigne points out. See John Gascoigne, Joseph Banks and the English Enlightenment: Useful Knowledge and Polite Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 17-20. 42 Dorothy George in Catalogue of Political and Personal Satires: Preserved in the Department of Prints and Drawings in the British Museum, Vol. VII (London: British Museum Publications Ltd., 1935-1954) (and subsequent to her, historians Bewell and Fara) has noted in her description of Gillray\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Great South Sea Caterpillar (BMC 8718) that beneath the title on the plate is the inscription: \u00E2\u0080\u009C'Description of the New Bath Butterfly - taken from the \"Philosophical Transactions for 1795\" - \"This Insect first crawl'd into notice from among the Weeds & Mud on the Banks of the South Sea; & being afterwards placed in a Warm Situation by the Royal Society, was changed by the heat of the Sun into its present form\u00E2\u0080\u0094it is notic'd & Valued Solely on account of the beautiful Red which encircles its Body, & the Shining Spot on its Breast; a Distinction which never fails to render Caterpillars valuable. 4 July, 1795\u00E2\u0080\u009D (218). James Gillray also displayed his work in the windows of a print shop in the fashionable district of Strand and Old Bond Streets in London according to Jennifer Lovell in \u00E2\u0080\u009CA Bath Butterfly Botany and Eighteenth-Century Sexual Politics,\u00E2\u0080\u009D National Library of Australia News 15, no. 7 (2005). 43 As mentioned in Chapter One, Moses Harris in his The Aurelian: or, natural history of English Insects of 1766 explained the transformation and shape-shifting of insects, namely butterflies, as occurring by way of \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccopulation [and] purg[ing] themselves from their Dung and Filth\u00E2\u0080\u009D to eventually become a beautiful butterfly. Perhaps in a round about way, this transformation pictured in Gillray\u00E2\u0080\u0099s caricature also critiques Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s renowned sexual escapades\u00E2\u0080\u0094his rumoured \u00E2\u0080\u0098copulations\u00E2\u0080\u0099 whilst in Otaheite\u00E2\u0080\u0094that both shocked yet titillated polite society. 44 See Gascoigne, Joseph Banks and the English Enlightenment (1994) and Charles Lyte, Sir Joseph Banks: 18th Century Explorer, Botanist and entrepreneur (London: David and Charles,1980). 168 French revolutionaries on the butterfly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s wings,45 the satire may have made a disquieting allusion as well to the concerns over Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s botanical empire-building in the wake of what historian Alan Bewell observes of science in the 1790s, namely, botany had become associated with \u00E2\u0080\u009Cscientific free-thinking\u00E2\u0080\u00A6in the vanguard of those seeking liberty in sexual as well as political terms.\u00E2\u0080\u009D46 Banks, known for his sexual freedom practiced in Otahiete and the \u00E2\u0080\u0098liberties\u00E2\u0080\u0099 he enjoyed through his alliance with the King, also seems to have called up notions of political liberalism that were unsettling in Britain in the 1790s. Other discomforting notions were embedded within \u00E2\u0080\u009CImperial Kew.\u00E2\u0080\u009D For example, the Seven Years War alone had incurred a national debt of \u00C2\u00A3133 million.47 And, throughout George III\u00E2\u0080\u0099s reign, publics railed against relentless wars that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cintervened\u00E2\u0080\u009D and crippled the economy. Even Robert Thornton author of The Temple of Flora discussed in Chapter Three noted that Britons were \u00E2\u0080\u009Cexhausted through taxes laid on them\u00E2\u0080\u009D48 a factor evident in a national debt that was close to \u00C2\u00A3800 million by the first decade of the nineteenth century.49 Several generic and harmonious images of Kew drawn by William Woollett throughout the 1760s, such as A View of the Palace from the Hill in the middle of the Lawn\u00E2\u0080\u00A6the Royal 45 Alan Bewell in \u00E2\u0080\u009C\u00E2\u0080\u0098On the Banks of the South Seas\u00E2\u0080\u0099: botany and sexual controversy in the late eighteenth century,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Visions of Empire, eds. David Miller and Peter Reill (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996) has noted that there appears to be the image of a Phrygian cap on the butterfly wing of the Banksian caterpillar. I suggest that Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s continued affable interchanges with some French naturalists and his vow not to get embroiled with politicking (for example he welcomed all to his home to use his scientific resources but \u00E2\u0080\u009Cif [they are] to be in any Shape political, I shall hesitate\u00E2\u0080\u009D) may have disconcerted some who saw his rising above usual political protocol as being dangerously unconventional if not unsettlingly resistant. See Sir Joseph Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s letter to Samuel Purkis, March 2, 1794 in Neil Chambers, The Scientific Correspondence of Sir Joseph Banks, 1765- 1820 (London: Imperial College Press, 2007), 276. 46 Bewell, \u00E2\u0080\u009C\u00E2\u0080\u0098On the Banks of the South Seas\u00E2\u0080\u0099: botany and sexual controversy in the late eighteenth century,\u00E2\u0080\u009D 190-191. 47 Juliet Gardiner and Neil Wenborn, eds., Companion to British History (London: Collins & Brown, 1995), 687. 48 As cited in Geoffrey Grigson and H. Buchanan, Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Temple of Flora (London: Collins, 1951), 5. 49 James MacDonald, A Free Nation Deep in Debt (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2003), 338. 169 Gardens at Kew (c. 1760s) (Figure 4.4) printed by J. S. Mason after William Woollett, simply depicts the King\u00E2\u0080\u0099s residence known as the Palace at Kew or the Dutch House, overlooking tranquil waterways, grassy expanses, and various follies while a shepherd in the foreground oversees plump, grazing sheep. Trees and monuments here can register as Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s technological expertise and imperial reach.50 Images such as these masked the moral dearth or deficiency in the nation. Firstly, domestic harvests that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfailed miserably in 1800 alarmed the government\u00E2\u0080\u009D and made Britons anxious.51 Secondly, Kew, as repository of Kew\u00E2\u0080\u0099s vast botanical acquisitions, dispelled known conflicted relations with China over tea trade52 and resistances from sites such as New Zealand or Ceylon where Banks states in his diaries that natives had \u00E2\u0080\u009Cstrenuously oppos\u00E2\u0080\u0099d\u00E2\u0080\u009D British landings.53 Thirdly, absent from this view of Kew\u00E2\u0080\u0099s terrains was the triangular slave trade embedded within botanical enterprise. 50 In the image\u00E2\u0080\u0099s backdrop, the palace oversees testaments to Britain technology and imperial reach\u00E2\u0080\u0094the Temples of Bellona, of Pan, of Aeolus, the House of Confucius\u00E2\u0080\u0094structures mentioned in the full title of this drawing. Evidence of global botanic acquisitions are planted around the Palace in 1762, namely ginkgo bilboa (the Maidenhair tree from Eastern China), sophora japonica (the Chinese pagoda tree), the platanus orientalis (Oriental Tree from middle eastern areas such as the former Persia) and the Corsican pine in the foreground and quite possibly the massive round shaped tree in the center left of the image could be either the Lucombe Oak or the Sweet Chestnut tree, both of which were known to have been planted near the Palace area in the eighteenth century. See Professor Angela McFarlane, Director of Content and Learning at Royal Gardens of Kew, \u00E2\u0080\u009CKew, History, and Heritage\u00E2\u0080\u009D at http://www.kew.org/heritage/. 51 Frank O\u00E2\u0080\u0099Gorman and Diana Donald, Ordering the World in the Eighteenth Century (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), 99. 52 Historian D. V. Field in \u00E2\u0080\u009CIn the wake of the Endeavour: Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s botanical legacy,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Endeavour 17:3 (1993): 141-146, recounts that Banks was instrumental in outlining a plan for the cultivation of tea in areas of India, a resource that was under a Chinese monopoly. During the first half of the eighteenth- century, the English East India Company had developed direct a trade of silk between China and London; this was gradually overtaken by the export of tea. British wool, cloth, and metals were brought to Canton to sell or trade for tea, but the cost price of the amount of tea shipped out \u00E2\u0080\u009Cexceeded British imports by about 200 per cent in the 1760s,\u00E2\u0080\u009D so silver made up the balance owing according to historian Peter Marshall in \u00E2\u0080\u009CBritain and China in the Late Eighteenth Century,\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u0098A Free though Conquering People\u00E2\u0080\u0099: Eighteenth-Century Britain and Its Empire (Aldershot, Hampshire: Ashgate Publishing, 2000). Also see Walvin, Fruits of Empire, Chapter 2 and Julie Fromer, \u00E2\u0080\u009CA Typically English Brew,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Nineteenth-Century Geographies, ed. Helena Michie (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 2003). 53 Joseph Banks, December 1771 in a letter to Comte Lauraguais in The Endeavour Journal of Joseph Banks 1768-1771, Vol. 2, ed. J. C. Beaglehole (London: Angus & Roberston, 1962), 326. In 1769, encounters with New Zealand\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Maoris included gunfire upon the Europeans and evidence of cannibalism. 170 Here, hundreds of African slaves that were being transported to colonies in trade for resource died in transit. If these slaves happen to survive the cramped conditions, but instead fell victim to disease, while at sea, they were jettisoned from ships such as Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Zong in 1781.54 \u00E2\u0080\u009CImperial Kew\u00E2\u0080\u009D chronicled and reinforced a national policy by mediating botanical pursuits with imperial claim such that, as Banks recounts, Kew \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdoes honour to the science of the country, promotes\u00E2\u0080\u00A6its commerce, aids its population.\u00E2\u0080\u009D55 In the words of Adam Smith, botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s economic industry was seen to have \u00E2\u0080\u009Cgradually introduced order and good government, and\u00E2\u0080\u00A6the liberty and security of individuals among the inhabitants of the country.\u00E2\u0080\u009D56 As a space of modernity, Kew naturalized mandates that coupled economic botany with imperial claim to give momentum to Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s shift from an insular ethos to global interchange. Domesticating \u00E2\u0080\u009CGreen Gold\u00E2\u0080\u009D Oeconomia striated political terrain and shifting cultural landscape. Cinchona and breadfruit were considered valuable botanical resources because of their imagined power to cure national problems. However, both botanicals called up uneven relations at home and 54 Christopher L. Miller, The French Atlantic Triangle (Durham: Duke University Press, 2008), 172. 55Joseph Banks in Dawson Turner Collection of Joseph Banks Letters, Vol. 19 (London: Museum of Natural History, September 1, 1814), 56-63. Letter to Sir George Harrison, Assistant Secretary to the Treasury. Kew\u00E2\u0080\u0099s plant power also spoke of the mobilities of technology: ships, wagons, irrigation systems, and stoves. Aboard ship, bee\u00E2\u0080\u0099s wax, resin or sand preserved seeds; glass containers preserved plants; green boughs and poisonous plants destroyed preying rats. What historian Daniel Headrick calls \u00E2\u0080\u0098tools of empire,\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u0094barometers, sextants, sundials, telescopes and orrerys\u00E2\u0080\u0094also furthered plant pursuit and mapping of new worlds. See Daniel Headrick, Tools of Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981). 56 Adam Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, Vol. 1 (London: W. Strahan and T. Cadell, 1776), 495. 171 abroad. For example, cinchona (Cinchona officinalis)57 also known as Peruvian fever tree or Jesuits\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Bark, was valued as a source of quinine that was successful in controlling deadly diseases such as malaria or \u00E2\u0080\u0098ague\u00E2\u0080\u0099, \u00E2\u0080\u0098marsh fever\u00E2\u0080\u0099, or \u00E2\u0080\u0098intermittent fever\u00E2\u0080\u0099, but was compromised by limited availability and misgivings about use.58 The breadfruit tree (Artocarpus altilis) offered a miracle solution to hunger in colonies and at home, but was rife with tensions concerning labour and race. Cinchona and breadfruit exemplify how trans- world plant exchange realized lucrative profits in addition to masterful control of domestic and global populations\u00E2\u0080\u0094strategies vital to negotiating imperial prowess and cultural change. Cinchona\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Cachet Cinchona\u00E2\u0080\u0099s cachet was its utility. The quinine alkaloid extracted from its bark made cinchona into \u00E2\u0080\u0098green gold\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u0094a curative for agues that universally afflicted populations.59 Britons believed that healthy populations translated directly as healthy nationhood, both politically and socially. British botanist, Aylmer Lambert\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (1761-1842) A Description of the 57 Toby and William Musgrave, An Empire of Plants (London: Cassell & Co., 2000), 145. The familiar name, \u00E2\u0080\u0098cinchona\u00E2\u0080\u0099 is said to have originated when the Countess of Chinchon, wife of the Viceroy of Spain stationed in Peru, suffered ague. Quinquina, made from the powdered grounds of indigenous cinchona bark and mixed with wine, \u00E2\u0080\u0098cured\u00E2\u0080\u0099 the Countess. Musgrave states Linnaeus named the quinine genus, Cinchona, after Countess Chinchona, a misspelling the International Botanical Congress (1866) elected not to change. 58 Ibid., 146. As explained by Musgrave in An Empire of Plants, the name \u00E2\u0080\u0098Jesuits\u00E2\u0080\u0099s powder\u00E2\u0080\u0099 arose out of its connection with the St. Augustine Order of Jesuits, in particular, Antonio de Clancha who observed that the powder of fever tree bark cured agues and produced \u00E2\u0080\u0098miraculous\u00E2\u0080\u0099 results. Backed by the Vatican, the Jesuits monopolized production and trade distribution of cinchona. Their huge profits worried Protestant sects who, already anxious about powers of the Jesuit popery, were not persuaded of cinchona\u00E2\u0080\u0099s medicinal power over malaria. 59 According to Bouda Etemad in Possessing the World, trans. Andrene Everson (New York: Berghahn Books, 2007) the term malaria arose from the Italian mal\u00E2\u0080\u0099aria, or \u00E2\u0080\u0098bad air\u00E2\u0080\u0099. The bite of the Anopheles mosquito, an active breeder in stagnant waters, however, caused malaria. Plasmodium (parasitic protozoa) spends part of its life cycle in the mosquito. The quinine alkaloids disrupted or blocked the reproduction of plasmodium within malaria. Not until 1880 did Alphonse Laveran, a French scientist discover Plasmodium\u00E2\u0080\u0099s invasion of the bloodstream, and in 1897, British physician Ronald Ross and Italian scientists Giovanni Grassi and Amico Bignami discovered the Anopheles mosquito was the carrier. 172 Genus Cinchona of 1797 that included drawings of twelve species of cinchona and Copenhagen professor Martin Vahl\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (1744-1804) Dissertation on the Genus Cinchona, indirectly touted the plant\u00E2\u0080\u0099s usefulness by depicting cinchona as a solution for combating malaria. His image of the Cinchona officinalis of 1797 (Figure 4.1), modeled on specimens from Sir Joseph Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s herbarium, familiarized the viewer with the cinchona\u00E2\u0080\u0099s seeds, flowers, leaves, and a cross-section of a branch from which quinine was extracted.60 Popular accounts and images such as these validated cinchona\u00E2\u0080\u0099s curative powers.61 Uncertainties around British vulnerability to malaria mobilized Kew\u00E2\u0080\u0099s pursuit of cinchona. Agricultural areas in Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s eastern Fenlands, particularly the mosquito-infested marshlands of Cambridgeshire and Lincolnshire (where coincidentally Kew\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Director Joseph Banks owned an estate) suffered severe malarial invasion. By the mid-eighteenth century, malaria was responsible for seventeen out of a thousand deaths per year, a rate considered \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfrightful.\u00E2\u0080\u009D62 At the other end of the spectrum, those involved in imperial plant pursuit and exploration into tropical locales were in dire need of protection as well. For example, Banks had used \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca decoction of bark\u00E2\u0080\u0094quinine; the bark\u00E2\u0080\u00A6of the Cinchona tree\u00E2\u0080\u009D to ward off fevers brought on by \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmosquetos\u00E2\u0080\u009D during his travels in Labrador in 1766 and in 60 Aylmer Lambert, A Description of the Genus Cinchona (London: B & J. White, 1797), viii. Notably, Lambert was the Vice-President of the Linnaean Society and his portrait was included in the first part of Robert Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s A New Illustration of the Sexual System of Classification Linnaeus of 1799. 61 Other accounts that addressed knowledge of cinchona as a valuable resource are in the Royal Society\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society 67 (London: W. Bulmer and Co., 1777) to Volume 87 in 1797, or George Fordyce\u00E2\u0080\u0099s A Third Dissertation on Fever, Part II (London: J. Johnson, 1799) that notes that cinchona has \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe power of preventing paroxysm\u00E2\u0080\u00A6so the patient shall continue in perfect health\u00E2\u0080\u009D (145), or in such pedagogical narratives as educator Joachim Heinrich Campe\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Pizarro: or, the Conquest of Peru (Birmingham: J. Belcher, 1800) wherein cinchona\u00E2\u0080\u0099s bark is said to be \u00E2\u0080\u009Cextremely valuable\u00E2\u0080\u009D such that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthere has been a time when a pound of it cost twenty guineas\u00E2\u0080\u009D (128). 62 Peter Reiter, Center for Disease Control at http://www.cdc.gov/ncidod/EID/vol6no1/reiter.htm. 173 Batavia in 1769.63 Key botanical illustrator upon the Endeavour, Sydney Parkinson, died of malaria during the 1771 voyage. The urgency for a cure would seem to be evoked in Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s direct appeal to Carl von Linn\u00C3\u00A9 the Younger to \u00E2\u0080\u009CSupply me with as good a Collection of Mutis\u00E2\u0080\u0099s plants [cinchona] as you can Spare\u00E2\u0080\u00A6and I shall\u00E2\u0080\u00A6make returns in things which you cannot easily Obtain Elsewhere.\u00E2\u0080\u009D64 Despite efforts, the acquisition and cultivation of cinchona at Kew had limited success.65 Joseph Banks, however, still convinced of cinchona\u00E2\u0080\u0099s utility to healthy nationhood and appalled by the annual destruction of 25,000 cinchona trees in Peruvian forests, prioritized efforts to establish the cultivation of cinchona in colonial sites such as Jamaica, Ceylon, and India\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Nilgiri Hills.66 A shift had begun where cultivation and preservation of botanic product, especially that seen as useful to healthy nationhood, was also keynote to botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s oeconomia. 63 Banks, The Endeavour Journal of Joseph Banks 1768-1771, Vol. 2, 194. Banks was knighted in 1781. According to Bouda Etemad in Possessing the World (2007) \u00E2\u0080\u009Cuntil the nineteenth century, Batavia (Jakarta) was known as the \u00E2\u0080\u0098Dutch cemetery\u00E2\u0080\u0099 because of malaria related disease\u00E2\u0080\u009D (11). 64 Joseph Banks, The Letters of Sir Joseph Banks: A Selection, 1768-1820, ed. Neil Chambers (London: Imperial College Press, 2000), 51. In this letter of December 5, 1778, \u00E2\u0080\u009CMutis\u00E2\u0080\u009D here is in reference to Jose Celestino Mutis (1732-1808), the Chief botanist at the Botanical Institute in New Granada (Columbia) who had access to Peruvian cinchona and had sent seeds to Linnaeus according to M. L. Duran-Reynals in The Fever Bark Tree: the Pageant of Quinine (New York: Doubleday, 1946), 110-120. 87 65Desmond, \u00E2\u0080\u009CTransformation of the Royal Gardens at Kew,\u00E2\u0080\u009D 70. David Mackay notes In the Wake of Cook (1985) that access to cinchona was often through unusual conduits. Under the Pitt Ministry in 1783, for example, there was a shift in governance strategy that saw increased interest in professional expertise from outside government ranks. For Joseph Banks then, many of his collectors ranged from plant hunters to military and medical personnel. Thus British physicians such as George Davidson and Donald Monro, as reported in the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London 74 of 1784, found Jesuits\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Bark (cinchona) on the island of St. Lucia for Britain. Bouda Etemad in Possessing the World (2007) points out however, that only after 1850 did Kew Gardens manage to secure ready access to cinchona which was then taken to India to naturalize and cultivate in plantations. 66 See D. V. Field in \u00E2\u0080\u009CIn the wake of the Endeavour: Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s botanical legacy,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Endeavour 17, no. 3 (1993): 141-146. Also Toby and William Musgrove, An Empire of Plants, 148. Ray Desmond in Kew (1995) notes that Banks actively supported existing colonial gardens such as St. Vincent\u00E2\u0080\u0099s that was seen as critical to the breadfruit transfer, as well as the gardens established in Calcutta (1786) and Ceylon (1810) with the view to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cincrease resources\u00E2\u0080\u009D as well as the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cimprovement of the science of botany in Europe\u00E2\u0080\u009D (125). 174 Cinchona at Home\u00E2\u0080\u0094Negotiating Nationhood The struggle to obtain cinchona seeds or plants from monopolies in South America has been well documented.67 But despite its promise as miracle cure for agues, the use of cinchona or fever bark was also tied to changes within the nation. In the southeast of England, for example, life expectancy was \u00E2\u0080\u009Clittle more than twenty to thirty years\u00E2\u0080\u009D with \u00E2\u0080\u009Cone in every three or four of all babies\u00E2\u0080\u009D dying before \u00E2\u0080\u009Cits first birthday.\u00E2\u0080\u009D68 Diseased populations threatened the nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s industrial, military, and social stability, and regrettably, conventional methods of curing ills like malaria, such as bloodletting, did not work.69 If available, quinine had the potential to quell malaria\u00E2\u0080\u0099s threat, however fever bark\u00E2\u0080\u0099s use and its preservation of populations had an unusual twist. During the eighteenth century, women\u00E2\u0080\u0099s use of quinine was controversial. Charles White in Treatise on the Management of Pregnant and Lying-in Women of 1773 outlined quinine\u00E2\u0080\u0099s curative powers against puerperal fever and against high fevers \u00E2\u0080\u009Cincident to the pregnant state.\u00E2\u0080\u009D70 Dr. Robert Thornton (of the Temple of Flora fame) expounded upon this theme in The Philosophy of Medicine (1799-1800) where he addressed fevers, dysentery, and catarrhs. One part of his treatise speaks of the \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccessation of menstruation when pregnant,\u00E2\u0080\u009D 67 See such works as Mark Honigsbaum\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Fever Trail: the hunt for the cure for malaria (London: Macmillan, 2001); Martin Howard\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009CWalcheren 1809: a medical catastrophe,\u00E2\u0080\u009D British Medical Journal (December 18, 1999); Fiammetta Rocco\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Miraculous Fever-Tree (London: HarperCollins, 2003); and, James Webb\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Humanity's Burden: a Global History of Malaria (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008). 68 Mary J. Dobson, Contours of Death and Disease in Early Modern England (Cambridge: University of Cambridge Press, 1997), 2. This refers primarily to Southeast England. 69 See Roy Porter, Blood and Guts: A Short History of Medicine (London: Allen Lane, 2002). James Gillray\u00E2\u0080\u0099s satirical drawing of 1804, Breathing A Vein\u00E2\u0080\u0094as bloodletting was called\u00E2\u0080\u0094depicts the drawing blood from a vein in the arm of a patient. Blood gushes into a pan held by the attending doctor. This process was meant to cure the patient\u00E2\u0080\u0099s ills. 70 As cited in Michael O\u00E2\u0080\u0099Dowd, The History of Medications for Women: Materia Medica Woman (New York: Parthenon Pub., 2001), 234. Linnaeus addressed this issue in Materia Medica of 1749. 175 and he warned that during the period when \u00E2\u0080\u009Cquickening and strength of pulse is evident in the foetus\u00E2\u0080\u009D the use of cinchona \u00E2\u0080\u009Cis a pernicious medicine, and I have always found it to be so\u00E2\u0080\u00A6hurtful.\u00E2\u0080\u009D71 Such medical commentary, would seem to point to what cinchona was not; that is to say, it was not safe to use whilst pregnant especially since \u00E2\u0080\u009Cheavy purges\u00E2\u0080\u009D of medicines were considered a \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctraditional method of inducing abortion.\u00E2\u0080\u009D72 However, as abortifacient, cinchona seemed a natural cure.73 Still the fever bark\u00E2\u0080\u0099s utility as a natural abortive was problematic on practical and moral grounds. Firstly, impure production and underground economies made the bark\u00E2\u0080\u0099s quality suspect.74 Secondly, quinine was known to be of a limited supply and very 71 Robert John Thornton, The Philosophy of Medicine, 4th ed., Vol. 3 (London: 1799-1800), 554. 72 Lawrence Stone, The Family, Sex, and Marriage (London: Harper Colophon Books, 1979), 266. Notably, during the eighteenth century, expulsion of the foetus was legal but only prior to quickening, that is, movement of the foetus felt by the mother. 73 What I have found White and Thornton observing as quinquina\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (cinchona\u00E2\u0080\u0099s) facility as abortifacient in the context of eighteenth-century Britain, Londa Schiebinger has explored in a different context around the \u00E2\u0080\u0098peacock flower\u00E2\u0080\u0099 in Plants and Empire (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004). Schiebinger argues that West Indies women used the flower as abortifacient to protest against producing \u00E2\u0080\u0098slave sons\u00E2\u0080\u0099 to replenish plantation labour needs. According to Schiebinger\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009CExotic Abortifacients\u00E2\u0080\u009D in Endeavour 24:3 (2000), Maria Sibylla Merian (1647-1717), a German naturalist and botanical illustrator who travelled and lived in Surinam, in her publication Metamorphosis insectorum Suriinamensium of 1705, had identified that the peacock flower was commonly used as an abortifacient byWest Indian women. See also Caroline A Jones, ed., Picturing science, Producing art (New York: Routledge, 1998) for Schiebinger\u00E2\u0080\u0099s discussion of abortifacients. In addition, Dr. Schiebinger points out that when working in Surinam in 1689, Sir Hans Sloane, whose natural history collection became the foundation of the British Museum, recounted the use of a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cflour fence,\u00E2\u0080\u009D which he compared to savin or Juniperus Sabina, as well as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpenny-royal, sage, thyme, and rosemary\u00E2\u0080\u009D as abortifacients\u00E2\u0080\u0094 they \u00E2\u0080\u009Cprovoke the Menstrua extremely, cause Abortion, etc and does whatever Savin or powerful Emmenagogues will do,\u00E2\u0080\u009D as reported in his publication Voyage to the Island Mader, Barbadoes, Nieves, St. Christophers, and Jamaica; with the Natural History, Vol. 2 (London: printed by B. M., 1707), 49-50. Importantly what this suggests is that women\u00E2\u0080\u0099s efforts to control their bodies was topical, especially given the aforementioned demographic crisis discussed in Chapter Three of this thesis, and that the utility of curative plants could have an ironic social impact. 74 Apothecary John Chandler in Frauds detects: or, considerations offered to the public (London: G. Woodfall, 1748) noted that by midcentury quinine extracted from the bark was a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnotorious Cheat upon the Public\u00E2\u0080\u009D for \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhen powdered, may deceive pretty good Judges, much more those less conversant with them\u00E2\u0080\u009D (23). He went on to explain that customarily drugs were mixed with \u00E2\u0080\u0098Syrups\u00E2\u0080\u0099, \u00E2\u0080\u0098Sal-Armoniac\u00E2\u0080\u0099, \u00E2\u0080\u0098Chymical Oils\u00E2\u0080\u0099, \u00E2\u0080\u0098Crab Claws\u00E2\u0080\u0099 or \u00E2\u0080\u0098Alum\u00E2\u0080\u0099. The drug trade, it would seem, is never immune to unscrupulous opportunists\u00E2\u0080\u0094producers or dealers. Sham and deceit were also not uncharacteristic in medical advisories and especially so in sexual territory. For example, Dr. James Graham (1745-1794), a sexual therapist of sorts, offered advice that ranged from vegetarianism to genital hygiene. According to Lydia Syson in \u00E2\u0080\u009CTaking the Sex Cure,\u00E2\u0080\u009D BBC History Magazine 176 expensive75 suggesting that its use as an abortifacient was affordable for only a wealthy clientele, a practice that brings to light the rather checkered moral tenor of the privileged classes in terms of their production of patriot sons. Adam Smith in An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations pondered discrepancies in progeny among different classes: \u00E2\u0080\u009CA half\u00E2\u0080\u0093starved Highland women frequently bears more than twenty children [while] a pampered fine lady is generally exhausted by two or three. Barrenness, so frequent among women of fashion, is very rare among those of inferior station.\u00E2\u0080\u009D76 Money and quinine clearly leveraged certain freedoms for the privileged. Perhaps as disturbing was the consideration that national growth was largely due to expanding populations of those considered of inferior station. Bio-power, whether disciplining malaria or regulating population then, positioned the body as politicized terrain where, as Michel Foucault has noted, it could \u00E2\u0080\u009Cturn back against the system that was bent on controlling it.\u00E2\u0080\u009D77 As oeconomia moved beyond mere vegetal utility into the territory of cultural transformation, ambivalences embedded within \u00E2\u0080\u0098green gold\u00E2\u0080\u0099 pointed to the necessity of attentive negotiation of the complicated relations between botany, bodies, and gender. 9, no.5 (May 2008) capitalizing upon the eighteenth-century allure of electricity and magnetism, Graham invented his infamous Celestial Bed. Promoted as a cure for sterility, for a considerable fee per night the bed promised fecundity to its users. The contraption, 12 x 9 feet, canopied and domed, festooned with flowers, equipped with mechanized musicians, mounted with ceiling mirrors for optimal view and magnets for \u00E2\u0080\u009C\u00E2\u0080\u0098marrow-melting motion\u00E2\u0080\u0099,\u00E2\u0080\u009D played upon the public fascination with science, spectacle, and sex (58-59). 75 Mark Honigsbaum in The Fever Trail: the hunt for the cure for malaria (2001) reports that cinchona was over \u00C2\u00A31 per pound for the wood alone and even then, the quality and amount of quinine to be extracted from that was uncertain (64). Joachim Heinrich Campe in Pizarro: or, the Conquest of Peru (1800) states that cinchona\u00E2\u0080\u0099s bark was considered \u00E2\u0080\u009Cextremely valuable\u00E2\u0080\u009D such that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthere had been a time when a pound of it cost twenty guineas\u00E2\u0080\u009D (128). 76 Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, Vol. 1, 116. 77 Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality, Volume 1: An Introduction, trans. Robert Hurley (New York: Vintage, 1990), 145. 177 Cinchona Abroad\u00E2\u0080\u0094Mediating Imperial Spaces The cinchona\u00E2\u0080\u0099s utility similarly played out in global spaces. Cinchona\u00E2\u0080\u0099s use allowed for healthy naval and military forces to engage in worldwide trade or claim and defend Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s dominance in global theatres. A case in point is an incident in the early 1740s at the strategic trade gateway of Cartagena in Colombia, where British naval ranks of 18,000 were depleted by malaria before the actual Battle of Cartagena de Indias in 1741. Leadership miscalculated the impact of a wet climate that had led to an infestation of Anopheles (malaria carrying) and Aedes aegypti (yellow fever carrying) mosquitoes. British contingents suffering from \u00E2\u0080\u009Cgeneral sickness\u00E2\u0080\u009D were reduced to 3500 fighting men, and according to Naval Surgeon Smollett the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cgroans and lamentations\u00E2\u0080\u009D of 6500 men \u00E2\u0080\u009Cinvoking death to deliver [them] from their miseries\u00E2\u0080\u009D was marginally outdone by a bay strewn with diseased corpses.78 Public anxiety back home over such losses forced British governance to recognize that controlling disease through quinine was the first line of defense for naval personnel in imperial spaces. The second line of defense was ensuring that leadership would take a vested interest in the health of their troops.79 But, government\u00E2\u0080\u0099s complacency and internal deceptions made this incident a short- lived lesson as demonstrated in the 1809 disaster at Walcheren, an island on the Dutch coast. Anxious to stop Napoleon\u00E2\u0080\u0099s continental grip, for example his recent victory at Antwerp, the British fleet, under the bungling Lord Chatham and equally inept Rear-Admiral Richard Strachan, readied themselves to overtake Walcheren Island. The British fleet anchored in the Scheldt Estuary. By mid-August floods from breached dykes and aggressive drainage left 78 Honigsbaum, The Fever Trail, 52. 79 John Lynch, \u00E2\u0080\u009CLessons of Walcheren Fever, 1809,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Military Medicine (March 2009): 24-25. 178 British ships and their 40,000 personnel sitting on a plain surrounded by stagnant pools and mosquitoes.80 With that, the \u00E2\u0080\u0098Walcheren fever\u00E2\u0080\u0099 set in. Monies squandered on various useless stores resulted in an inadequate supply of quinine to counteract the fever\u00E2\u0080\u0099s infestation and by February of 1810, when the expedition ended, 16,000 British casualties resulted, 4000 of which were fatal and only 100 of those from actual combat.81 Thomas Rowlandson\u00E2\u0080\u0099s caricature, The Winding up of the Medical Report of the Walcheren Expedition of 1810 (Figure 4.5), condemned the catastrophic human waste at Walcheren by blaming a corrupt British Army Medical Board and inept naval leadership. In this image, naval physician Lucas Pepys and Surgeon-General Thomas Keate, central figures in the fiasco, are confined in a double pillory as they stand on a beam entitled \u00E2\u0080\u0098Medical Board\u00E2\u0080\u0099. Their colleague, \u00E2\u0080\u0098A Jack-son\u00E2\u0080\u0099 (Robert Jackson, M. D.) is fittingly tethered to a \u00E2\u0080\u0098braying ass\u00E2\u0080\u0099.82 Strewn amongst dead troops are unopened and labeled casks of tinctures and luxuries inappropriate to the situation\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u0098powder of rotten post\u00E2\u0080\u0099, oak bark, arsenic, bottles of gin and port, and a dish of opium. In other words, the funds meant to secure supplies of cinchona bark (quinine) and other curatives were found misappropriated by Keate and wasted on personal luxuries. Allegedly Peruvian bark, the only curative with \u00E2\u0080\u009Creal efficacy, had to be commandeered from a passing American vessel.\u00E2\u0080\u009D83 Interestingly, Rowlandson\u00E2\u0080\u0099s satire exposed the paradox of military service in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries: in war theatres between 1793 and 1815, the total British losses were approximately \u00E2\u0080\u009C240,000 80 Martin R. Howard, \u00E2\u0080\u009CWalcheren 1809: a medical catastrophe,\u00E2\u0080\u009D 319.7225 (December 18, 1999): 1643-1644. 81 Ibid.,1643. 82 The term \u00E2\u0080\u0098braying ass\u00E2\u0080\u0099 is by M. Dorothy George in Catalogue of Political and Personal Satires, Vol. VIII, 917-918. Martin R. Howard in \u00E2\u0080\u009CWalcheren 1809: a medical catastrophe,\u00E2\u0080\u009D (BMJ, 1999) states that these individuals were considered obtuse for pleading that all the death at Walcheren were not \u00E2\u0080\u009Centirely a medical matter\u00E2\u0080\u009D (1633-4). 83 Howard, \u00E2\u0080\u009CWalcheren 1809: a medical catastrophe,\u00E2\u0080\u009D 1645. 179 men with less than 30,000 deaths being caused by wounds.\u00E2\u0080\u009D84 Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s war machine, supposedly a fine example of tactical precision and orderly execution, was crippled through an underestimation of \u00E2\u0080\u0098natural\u00E2\u0080\u0099 hazards and an inattention to the valuable utility of botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s cinchona tree. Public outrage in Britain forced the House of Commons to conduct an unprecedented investigation into the event,85 the result of which were reforms to military procedures, sweeping dismissals of the medical board, and the appointment of a new director-general.86 It would seem one lesson for governance was that small changes in conditions within what today we might term \u00E2\u0080\u0098an ecosystem,\u00E2\u0080\u0099 could have wide-ranging impact. Efforts to obtain and acclimatize cinchona had significance in relation to non-military ventures as well. For example, in the 1760s when 30,000 African slaves had been transported to British rice plantations in Southern Carolina, quinine was indispensable to minimizing alarms over the incidence of malaria.87 A weakened labour force would undoubtedly impact the cultivation and marketing of rice. Further afield in Africa, pursuit of resources from gold 84 W. B. Hodge, \u00E2\u0080\u009COn the mortality arising from military operations,\u00E2\u0080\u009D QJ Statistical Society 19 (1856): 219-271, as cited in Ibid., 1645. 85 John Acton, The Cambridge Modern History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969), 356-359. Perhaps what resonated in memory were the mutinies of 1797 at Spithead (Portsmouth) and Nore (Thames estuary) that exposed myopic leadership and abysmal working and living conditions aboard ships that resulted in blockades of London\u00E2\u0080\u0099s ports and threats by workers of sailing to France. For fuller discussion, see Jeremy Black, Eighteenth-Century Britain 1688-1783, 2nd ed. (London: Palgrave, 2008). In 1797 there was also the mutiny aboard the Hermione in the West Indies, a massacre of sorts that saw Captain Hugh Pigot and approximately twelve of his officers killed by the mutineers disgruntled by inadequate supplies and conditions for the crew. See Richard Woodman, A Brief History of Mutiny (New York: Carroll & Graf, 2005), 124-137. 86 See London Gazette of February 27, 1810 and Kate Crowe, \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Walcheren Expedition and the New Army Medical Board,\u00E2\u0080\u009D The English Historical Review 88, no. 349 (October 1973): 770. See also George, Catalogue of Political and Personal Satires, Vol. VIII, 917-918. (BMC 11364) 87 Randall Packard, The Making of a Tropical Disease: A short history of malaria (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2007), 59. An outcome of the malarial threat was also seen in rice production where new cultivating technologies on plantations were undertaken, that is, a switch from marsh to tidal irrigation gave greater control of the wet land and was seen to minimize conditions for mosquito breeding. 180 to palm oil was also challenged by malaria. Mungo Park, Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s botanical attach\u00C3\u00A9, saw his last exploration of the Gambia River in 1805 end through malarial related afflictions. In this expedition twenty-nine out of forty of Park\u00E2\u0080\u0099s group died from \u00E2\u0080\u0098the fever\u00E2\u0080\u0099, not surprising perhaps considering that in the early 1800s the death rate per annum for Europeans in Gambia was 150.88 According to historian R. S. Bray, malarial related disease was the key threat to the penetration of West Africa by European interests, that is to say, upwards of fifty- six percent of all Britons traveling to the West Coast of Africa died from \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe fever and dysentery\u00E2\u0080\u009D within their first few years there.89 Clearly, leadership was increasingly aware that failure to manage this disease through adequate resource would leave Britain vulnerable to lost economic opportunity and imperial claim in distant geographies. This lesson was remembered in pursuing in breadfruit. The Breadfruit Solution The group, having alighted from the ship, ventured into the vegetation for 4 or 5 miles under groves of Cocoa nut and bread fruit trees loaded with a profusion of fruit and giving the most gratefull shade\u00E2\u0080\u00A6the truest picture of an arcadia of which we were going to be kings that the imagination can form.90 \u00E2\u0080\u0094Joseph Banks, April 13, 1769 The above excerpt from Joseph Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s diary seduced readers of his journals and followers of his exploits with a description of Otaheite\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (Tahiti\u00E2\u0080\u0099s) idyllic landscape and its imagined abundance.91 Thomas Gosse\u00E2\u0080\u0099s mezzotint, Transplanting of the Bread-Fruit-Trees 88 R. S. Bray, Armies of Pestilence (Cambridge: James Clarke, 2004), 104. 89 Ibid. 90 Banks, The Endeavour Journal of Joseph Banks 1768-1771, Vol. 1, 252. 91 According to Banksian biographer Harold Carter in Sir Joseph Banks, 1743-1820 (London: British Museum Publications, 1988), while writer Thomas Becket published a small anonymous edition of Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s diaries in 181 from Otaheite of 1796 (Figure 4.2), depicted the breadfruit\u00E2\u0080\u0099s extraction and transfer from Otaheite by way of Captain William Bligh\u00E2\u0080\u0099s second and more successful voyage of the Providence in 1791. This was a voyage that was key according to Bligh \u00E2\u0080\u009Cto derive benefit from those distant discoveries.\u00E2\u0080\u009D92 The painting shows Bligh\u00E2\u0080\u0099s crew and Otaheitians together loading plants onto a launch\u00E2\u0080\u0094a smooth transition unfettered by memories of breadfruit cargo and mutineers on Bligh\u00E2\u0080\u0099s previous sailing of the Bounty.93 The Providence awaits offshore to eventually transport the trees to Kew and the West Indies plantations for acclimatization and cultivation.94 Here I suggest, oeconomia\u00E2\u0080\u0099s fruition and mobility were seen as the solution to disquieting concerns about hunger in British domains and the hinge through which to sustain imperial claim. And, Otaheite seemed a compliant partner. Literary historian Alan Bewell has discussed Gosse\u00E2\u0080\u0099s mezzotint as a \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctranslation of an insular plant\u00E2\u0080\u009D that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmemorializes that moment when \u00E2\u0080\u00A6Tahitian nature picked up its roots\u00E2\u0080\u00A6crossed the beach, embarking on a new September 1771, shortly after the Endeavour\u00E2\u0080\u0099s return, Dr. John Hawkesworth (1715-1773) was engaged in 1771 by the British Admiralty to officially transform the first volume of Banks and Cook\u00E2\u0080\u0099s journals into a coherent narrative in late 1772 (120-121). Robert Foulke in The Sea Voyage Narrative (London: Prentice Hall, 1997) notes that while Hawkesworth\u00E2\u0080\u0099s transcription was seen as \u00E2\u0080\u0098liberal\u00E2\u0080\u0099 in its interpretation, the publication offered wide public exposure to the adventures and accomplishments of the voyages of discovery (99-100). J. C . Beaglehole restored the authentic style of Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s journals in his \u00E2\u0080\u0098scholarly\u00E2\u0080\u0099 editions published in 1962. These Beaglehole volumes are referred to in my thesis work. Reports of Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s exploits and of Otaheite\u00E2\u0080\u0099s rituals were topical in publications such as The Annual Register of 1773 or The Whimsical Repository of 1774. 92 Captain William Bligh in A Voyage to the South Sea (London: George Nicol, 1792), writes \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe object of all the former voyages to the South Seas, undertaken by the command of his present majesty, has been the advancement of science, and the increase of knowledge. This voyage may be reckoned the first, the intention of which has been to derive benefit from those distant discoveries\u00E2\u0080\u009D (5). 93 The narrative of the mutiny on Bligh\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Bounty in 1789-90 is renowned and doesn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t bear recapitulation here. However, the evidence of breadfruit as part of that ship\u00E2\u0080\u0099s mandate can be seen in the print made by Robert Dodd entitled The Mutineers turning Lieut. Bligh adrift from HMS Bounty of 1790 (British Museum # AN338525001). Here Bligh and eighteen of his crew and officers were cast from the ship. Notably, the breadfruit trees visible on the ship\u00E2\u0080\u0099s deck were thrown overboard. For further exploration of Bligh, see Caroline Alexander, The Bounty: The True Story of the Mutiny on the Bounty (New York: Viking, 2003) and Greg Dening, Mr. Bligh's Bad Language (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993). 94 According to A. R. Ferguson in \u00E2\u0080\u009CSir Joseph Banks and the Transfer of Crop Plants,\u00E2\u0080\u009D New Zealand Journal 11:2 (2008), 544 plants successfully landed at the St. Vincent Garden in Kingston, 633 in various other places in Jamaica, and 700 plants brought back to London. 182 journey to new parts of the globe.\u00E2\u0080\u009D95 Here, the beach configures centrally as a \u00E2\u0080\u009Csite of cultural contact,\u00E2\u0080\u009D that is, where \u00E2\u0080\u009Clocal natures\u00E2\u0080\u009D become \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctravelling natures.\u00E2\u0080\u009D96 My trajectory in contrast seeks to emphasize breadfruit\u00E2\u0080\u0099s relation to failed acclimatization, resistant populations, human exploitation, and miscegenation. Plant Power and the Breadfruit Solution The oeconomia of breadfruit generated interest primarily as a solution to Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s food shortages at home and abroad. Unlike the complicated and clandestine exchanges with foreign monopolies over cinchona, in comparison the pursuit of breadfruit was viewed as less problematic. An image of breadfruit such as Sydney Parkinson\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Artocarpus altilis of 1769 (Figure 4.6), published in tandem with the first volume of Joseph Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Endeavour journal of 1771, was an attempt at a botanically accurate illustration of a fruit-laden branch from the tree. Parkinson\u00E2\u0080\u0099s drawing would seem to be a visual synecdoche, however. In other words, only part of the tree, its fruit-laden branch, represents a much larger whole, that is, the passive and fertile Otaheite that Banks had described as an \u00E2\u0080\u009Carcadia\u00E2\u0080\u009D whose riches held the promise to make all Britons into \u00E2\u0080\u009Ckings.\u00E2\u0080\u009D97 On the socio-economic front, breadfruit was proposed as a miracle solution, readily available and peacefully harvested or so Banks implied in his account of the Tahitian plant: 95 Alan Bewell, \u00E2\u0080\u009CTraveling Natures,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Nineteenth-Century Contexts 29, no. 2 and 3 (June 2007): 91-93. Bewell\u00E2\u0080\u0099s article goes on to discuss the organization and challenges of Bligh\u00E2\u0080\u0099s various voyages. 96 Ibid. 97 Banks, The Endeavour Journal of Joseph Banks 1768-1771, Vol. 1, 252. For further discussion of breadfruit enterprise see Margarette Lincoln, ed., Science and Exploration in the Pacific (1998); Tony Ballantayne, ed. Science, Empire and the European Exploration of the Pacific (2004); Tim Fulford, Debbie Lee and Peter J. Kitson, Literature, Science, and Exploration in the Romantic Era (2004); David Philip Miller and Peter Hanns Reill, eds. Visions of Empire (1996); John Gascoigne, Joseph Banks and the English Enlightenment (1994); and, Ray Desmond, Kew (1995). 183 \u00E2\u0080\u009Cscarcely can it be said that they [Otaheitians] earn their bread with the sweat of their brow when their chiefest (sic) sustenance Bread fruit is procurd (sic) with no more trouble than climbing a tree and pulling it down.\u00E2\u0080\u009D98 This vision of effortless abundance contrasted with a British reality that saw its citizens at home \u00E2\u0080\u009CPlow, Sow, Harrow, reap, Thrash, Grind, Knead and bake our daily bread.\u00E2\u0080\u009D99 How fitting then that Thomas Gosse\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Transplanting of the Bread-Fruit-Trees from Otaheite would romanticize Otaheite as utopian. In the image, Tahitian King Tu (or Otoo) in pointing to the breadfruit would seem to amicably endorse the commerce with Captain Bligh and his men.100 No furtive monopoly here that withheld product as with control of cinchona by Spanish interests. In Gosse\u00E2\u0080\u0099s image the availability of breadfruit, which incidentally would seem to be conveniently growing right on the island\u00E2\u0080\u0099s shoreline, heightens the apparent co-operative exchange between the Otaheitians and Bligh\u00E2\u0080\u0099s crew. In the backdrop\u00E2\u0080\u0099s tranquil bay, Captain Bligh\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Providence awaited its cargo.101 Such compliances would seem to endorse and reinforce political motivations behind the pursuit of breadfruit: the ease of harvest, the passivity of Otaheitians, the mastery of South Seas locales.102 But the socio-economic stability sought by Britain was contingent upon complicated mobilities\u00E2\u0080\u0094global exchange, cultural interchange, and commodity transfers\u00E2\u0080\u0094 98 Banks, The Endeavour Journal of Joseph Banks 1768-1771, Vol. 1, 341. 99 Ibid., 330. 100 Dr. Sophie Forgan, Chairman of the Captain Cook Memorial Museum, Whitby, UK. E-mail of July 29, 2009. In a email to me dated July 29, 2009, Dr. Forgan also indicated that King Tu\u00E2\u0080\u0099s composition \u00E2\u0080\u009Cappears to be loosely based on Joshua Reynolds\u00E2\u0080\u0099s portrait of Omai, known as \u00E2\u0080\u0098Noble Savage\u00E2\u0080\u0099 and first Polynesian to visit London in 1774\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Email: from Dr. Sophie Forgan, July 20, 2009). Omai became an immediate celebrity. His adaptable ease with London\u00E2\u0080\u0099s elite was seen as a sign of the potential for civilizing Tahiti. 101 The voyage of the Providence was from 1791-1793. 102 Perhaps Gosse\u00E2\u0080\u0099s representation here holds other political overtones in depicting the apparent reformed and transformed leadership approach of Bligh who seemingly has a more co-operative and harmonious relationship with his crew on the Providence than on the Bounty in 1789. 184 relations that could shift and change unexpectedly. For example, called up is historian Mary Pratt\u00E2\u0080\u0099s observation that what emerges in idyllic colonial sites is a \u00E2\u0080\u009Crepresentation whereby European bourgeois subjects seek to secure their innocence in the same moment as they assert European hegemony.\u00E2\u0080\u009D103 This fundamental paradox is embedded within the oeconomia of breadfruit. Solutions for hunger at home and in colonies collided with the impetus to secure imperial claim. Importantly, breadfruit was deemed a timely panacea for social problems, namely, hungry populations especially in Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s plantations in the West Indies where starvation alone caused the death of 15,000 slaves in the early 1780s.104 Hunger weakened productivity and that translated as a threat to Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s progressive march. John Ellis of Jamaica, botanist, Linnaean correspondent and West India merchant had already established in his Description of Mangostan and Breadfruit of 1775 that remarkably breadfruit was \u00E2\u0080\u009Cin season eight months of the year,\u00E2\u0080\u009D and when baked was \u00E2\u0080\u009Csoft and white, like the inside of new baked bread.\u00E2\u0080\u009D 105 The breadfruit solution seemed to surpass Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s grain industry where productivity, quality, and availability were subject to pestilence and weather. Experienced British planters, such as Hinton East of Jamaica endorsed the breadfruit solution: \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe acquisition of Breadfruit wou\u00E2\u0080\u0099d be of infinite Importance to the West India islands in affording\u00E2\u0080\u00A6wholesome and pleasant Food to our Negroes.\u00E2\u0080\u009D106 Inexpensive food for sugar- 103 Mary Pratt, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing And Transculturation (London: Routledge, 1992), 7. 104 Simon Schaffer, \u00E2\u0080\u009CVisions of Empire,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Visions of Empire, ed. David Miller (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 339. 105 John Ellis, A description of the mangostan and the bread-fruit: The first, esteemed one of the most delicious; the other, the most useful of all the fruits (London: Charles Dilly, 1775), 11. Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s break with the American Colonies resulted in navigation laws blocking supplies of fish and wheat that America once supplied for slave populations. 106 Hinton East to Joseph Banks, July 12, 1784. As cited in Mackay, In The Wake of Cook, 126. Hinton East was the Receiver-General of Jamaica and a planter. He preferred breadfruit over plantains, and let Banks know that. 185 slave workers could stabilize productivity and give British sugar plantations a competitive edge. Of note too was the perceived moral fiber underpinning the breadfruit enterprise. If Britain and its colonies were considered paradises as Banks had suggested then any evidence of hunger would soon sully that claim. Conveniently, the breadfruit solution seemed to evoke for Britain the social virtues of compassion for the hungry and progressive vegetal industry while allowing for imperial claim. Breadfruit enterprise as depicted in Gosse\u00E2\u0080\u0099s image held political currency as well and particularly in three areas: naval expertise, land claim, and in rivalry with France. Firstly, key botanical networker Sir Joseph Banks was instrumental in ensuring that Bligh would command this breadfruit transfer.107 Following Banks, George III intervened directly and \u00E2\u0080\u009Corder\u00E2\u0080\u0099d a ship to be prepar\u00E2\u0080\u0099d to visit the South Seas Islands a second time\u00E2\u0080\u009D and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbring the breadfruit to the West Indies.\u00E2\u0080\u009D108 Better equipped than the troubled Bounty of 1789, the larger Providence in the backdrop of Thomas Gosse\u00E2\u0080\u0099s mezzotint had more officers and crew, improved food provisions, and gardeners to assist in plant care. On the Providence, a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cgreat cabin\u00E2\u0080\u009D had been constructed and equipped with 800 plant pots, skylights, warming stove, and irrigation system.109 Preservation of plants was ensured by boxes with grates and wells that allowed light and airflow along with larger reservoirs of water to feed and clean plants of salt. Other technologies such as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cplant cabins\u00E2\u0080\u009D or terrariums simulated humid climates and 107David Mackay, \u00E2\u0080\u009CBanks, Bligh and Breadfruit,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Science, Empire and the European Exploration of the Pacific, ed. Tony Ballantyne (London: Ashgate, 2004), 70-71. 108 Banks to Lord Auckland, December 17, 1790 as cited in Mackay, In The Wake of Cook, 137. 109 Desmond, Kew, 97. 186 protected root-balls110 while barometers, microscopes, and telescopes\u00E2\u0080\u0094what historian Dan Headrick calls \u00E2\u0080\u0098tools of empire\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u0094ensured successful plant pursuit.111 There is little evidence of these technologies in Gosse\u00E2\u0080\u0099s mezzotint nor of the resentment amongst the crew over attention given to plants. Matthew Flinders, a Providence midshipman, echoed crew dissatisfaction in noting that he and others \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwould lie on the steps and lick the drops from buckets as they were conveyed by the gardener to the plants.\u00E2\u0080\u009D112 And while there were supplies of lemons and oranges aboard to stave off scurvy, the crew suffered from attacks of malaria because of no quinine. Erased too from Grosse\u00E2\u0080\u0099s depiction were other significant resources with which Bligh was entrusted: \u00C2\u00A3500, iron, beads, British clothing, and tools by which to secure plants and ensure future trade. 113 Secondly, political currency emerged through the conflation of the breadfruit enterprise with another national ill\u00E2\u0080\u0094crime and Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s felons. Ships that were used to transplant British convicts to Botany Bay in the Australian area of New South Wales proceeded to New Zealand for flax resources and then onto Otaheite for breadfruit plants. Importantly then, Thomas Gosse\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Transplanting of the Bread-Fruit-Trees from Otaheite not only reminded viewers of successful delivery of the 1283 breadfruit to Kew for 110 John Ellis\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Directions for Bringing over Seeds and Plants from the East-Indies and Other Distant Countries of 1770 had illustrations of these preservation technologies. 111 Daniel Headrick, Tools of Empire: Technology and European Imperialism in the Nineteenth-Century (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981), passim. 112 As quoted in George Mackaness, The Life of Vice-Admiral William Bligh (New York: Farrar & Rinehart, 1936), 316. Matthew Flinders, under Joseph Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s support, was later to lead a circumnavigation of Australia to chart coastlines and scout the potential of new resources. According to D. V. Field \u00E2\u0080\u009CIn the wake of the Endeavour: Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s botanical legacy,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Endeavour 17:3 (1993) Flinders was accompanied by Robert Brown, later Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s librarian and Ferdinand Bauer, the renowned botanical artist. 113 Mackay, In the Wake of Cook, 138. 187 redistribution114 but was produced at a time when Botany Bay was being promoted for the settlement of British felons in the South Pacific. Joseph Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s endorsement of this plan saw Captain Arthur Phillip as first Governor of the Botany Bay settlement, given authority to implement the plan.115 With the American colonies no longer a site to send British convicts,116 the penal colony at Botany Bay secured British rights to land claims, transplanted criminality to elsewhere, and provided a compliant, cheap labour force to develop settlements and transport systems in Australia. Botanical enterprise in new sites such as the South Pacific allowed for what social historian Mary Louise Pratt observes as \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca way of taking possession without subjugation and violence.\u00E2\u0080\u009D117 Clearly, resource pursuit in distant locales could allow for land claim through less politically volatile strategies. Thirdly, Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s breadfruit harvest called up popular accounts that likened the transfers of botanical resources to military victories: that is, in the words of Robert Thornton of The Temple of Flora, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cin triumphs, the trees of the conquered countries produc[ed] a remembrance of their victories more useful and durable than columns of brass or marble.\u00E2\u0080\u009D118 Breadfruit trees could dull political embarrassment suffered with the loss of the resources from the American Colonies along with markets and trade networks. 119 But more 114 Desmond, Kew, 97. 115 Field, \u00E2\u0080\u009CIn the wake of the Endeavour: Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s botanical legacy,\u00E2\u0080\u009D 143. 116 According to A. Roger Ekirch in \u00E2\u0080\u009C Bound for America: A Profile of British Convicts Transported to the Colonies, 1718-1775,\u00E2\u0080\u009D The William and Mary Quarterly 42, no. 1 (January 1985) during the period of 1718 to 1775, 800 Scots, as many as 16,000 Irish, and approximately 35,000 convicts from England and Wales were sent to the American colonies ( 184-200). 117 Pratt, Imperial Eyes, 57. Thomas Gosse\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Founding the Settlement at Port Jackson at Botany Bay of 1799 represents British claim in this area. 118 Thornton, The Temple of Flora, n.p. In the footnotes of the accompanying James Henry Pye poem to the botanical plate entitled The Queen Flower, that is, the Strelitzia reginae. 119 Ferguson in \u00E2\u0080\u009CSir Joseph Banks and the Transfer of Crop Plants\u00E2\u0080\u009D notes that the split with the American colonies and ongoing tension resulting in fractured trade exchanges. Former supplies of rice, corn, tobacco and 188 importantly, breadfruit was valuable in Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s nationalistic rivalry with France. A West Indian planter, Matthew Wallen recounted an incident in 1784 where French ships in the Caribbean, when threatened with capture by the British, destroyed all breadfruit trees that were aboard thus ending Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s plan to reap resource benefit.120 Through the nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s pre- eminent botanist Joseph Banks, Britain countered such actions with a denunciation of French botanical knowledge, dismissing their breadfruit trees as an inferior type from a climatic zone \u00E2\u0080\u009C\u00E2\u0080\u0098where the good sort is not found\u00E2\u0080\u0099.\u00E2\u0080\u009D121 Nonetheless, fearing French ingenuity, Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s planters urged quick action in securing breadfruit. Compounding this pressure was what historian of science Emma Spary has noted, namely, that as both Britain and France aspired to secure and naturalize breadfruit, the idyllic \u00E2\u0080\u009CTahiti and all things Tahitian\u00E2\u0080\u009D became \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca potent symbol for the French elite\u00E2\u0080\u009D who in viewing breadfruit as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe perfect food for mankind,\u00E2\u0080\u009D saw that the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfruit itself must contribute to that utopian social state.\u00E2\u0080\u009D 122 Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s oeconomia, that is, possession, monopoly, acclimatization, and naturalization of breadfruit, would seem to be a powerful tool by which to subsume French botanical power. Fueling British confidence was knowledge that in the early 1790s when Kew was amassing and acclimatizing breadfruit, in an effort to dispel a growing crisis over subsistence during the revolutionary years, the luxuriant gardens of Luxembourg and Les Tuileries were slated for digging up to be replaced with potato crops.123 Here, Anglo-French political relations would cotton, for example, were restricted. Indeed, Britain had to look for other supply of cheap food for slaves or their lucrative sugar industry would be jeopardized by dysfunctional slave labour. 120 As cited in Mackay, \u00E2\u0080\u009CBanks, Bligh and Breadfruit,\u00E2\u0080\u009D 143. 121 As quoted by Banks in Tim Fulford, Debbie Lee and Peter Kitson, Literature Science and Exploration in the Romantic Era, 116. 122 E. C. Spary, Utopia\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Garden: French Natural History from Old Regime to Revolution (Chicago: University of Chicago, 2000), 127-131. 123 Ibid., 131. 189 seem to have had another dimension\u00E2\u0080\u0094flexing power through a race to naturalize botanic resource, a move that juxtaposed Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s orderly imperial management with France\u00E2\u0080\u0099s revolutionary chaos in the 1790s. Breadfruit and Arcadia\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Underbelly Breadfruit may have been touted as a stable resource, easily extracted, acclimatized, and cultivated, but response from various public sectors was not united on the benefit of botanical enterprise in foreign locales. Britons were skeptical about geographies beyond their borders, having been barraged with taxes or huge military losses in foreign lands. Horace Walpole, long-time Member of Parliament, had taken exception to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthat wild man Banks [for] poaching in every ocean for the fry of little islands.\u00E2\u0080\u009D124 Caricaturist, James Gillray\u00E2\u0080\u0099s aforementioned The Great South Sea Caterpillar, transform\u00E2\u0080\u0099d into a Bath Butterfly (Figure 4.3) joined the fray in lampooning Sir Joseph Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s botanical premiership that allegedly had been achieved through muddled monarchical patronage and global pillage of plants. Attacks like these pointed towards cautionary concerns in relation to botanical enterprise, distant locales, and unwarranted political patronages. For eighteenth-century viewers, the lush vegetality within Thomas Gosse\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Transplanting of the Bread-Fruit-Trees from Otaheite could call to mind Edenic gardens and their association with potential moral violation. As noted in Chapter Two, already exposed in popular accounts were the libertine exploits of Banks, that is, the sexual freedom of Otaheite\u00E2\u0080\u0099s arreoy practices and the notion of Otaheitian females as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cartless nymphs\u00E2\u0080\u009D whose 124 Horace Walpole to Lady Mary Coke, August 22, 1771 as quoted in Andrea Wulf, The Brother Gardeners (London: William Hienneman, 2008), 195. 190 ripe sexuality was flaunted shamelessly.125 That Otaheite bore the blight of European \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdebauchery,\u00E2\u0080\u009D that is, \u00E2\u0080\u0098Vernerial distemper,\u00E2\u0080\u0099 seemed proof enough of temptation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s victory.126 Bligh had observed that these \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpowerful inducements\u00E2\u0080\u009D along with \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe allurements of dissipation, where they need not labour,\u00E2\u0080\u009D presented other unforeseen challenges to his commission.127 Moral equivocation and idleness did not align with British virtues. In this other Eden, struggles emerged between labour and idleness, commander and crew, virtue and unbridled sexuality. But this hint at a decadent underbelly was secondary to the ruptures rising out of breadfruit\u00E2\u0080\u0099s central utility: food supply for slaves. Although this food was seen to be suitable for \u00E2\u0080\u009Call ranks of individuals,\u00E2\u0080\u009D the plant was aimed at slave populations, and that was problematic.128 British citizenry anxious to distance themselves from any affinity with black populations were uninterested in breadfruit as a food source. In addition, superintendent of the Royal Botanic Garden in St. Vincent in the 1790s, Alexander Anderson, also reported native disinterest in breadfruit: \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthey prefer a plantain or yam: but however, these are only some self-conceited & prejudiced Creoles.\u00E2\u0080\u009D129 Anderson\u00E2\u0080\u0099s comment was telling on a number of levels. Apparently, finely tuned British sensibilities did not anticipate a similar hierarchy 125 George Forster, A Voyage round the world, in His Britannic Majesty\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sloop, Resolution, commanded by Capt. James Cook, during the years 1772-1775, Vol. 1 (London: B. White, 1777), 290. 126 Ibid., 213. Andrea Wulf in The Brother Gardeners (2008) notes naval vessels from Europe (French explorer Bougainville and Captain James Cook\u00E2\u0080\u0099s circumnavigations) brought syphilis and other diseases to Otaheite resulting in a population drop \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfrom 40,000 in 1769 to 9,000 by 1829\u00E2\u0080\u009D (185). 127 William Bligh, A Narrative of the Mutiny On Board Her Majesty\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Ship Bounty and the Subsequent Voyage of Part of the Crew (London: George Nicol, 1790), 10. 128 Ellis, A description of the mangostan and the bread-fruit, 11. 129 Plantain or yam were staples to West African regions. Alexander Anderson letter to Joseph Banks, March 30, 1796 Dawson Turner Collection of Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Correspondence, Vol. 10 (London: Natural History Museum), 25- 26. In 1783 Alexander Anderson became Superintendant of Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s botanic gardens at St. Vincent in the Antilles chain. 191 of taste in \u00E2\u0080\u0098native\u00E2\u0080\u0099 cultures. Anderson after all had dismissed Creole workers as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cprejudiced\u00E2\u0080\u009D because they refused to eat breadfruit meant for those whom they considered inferiors, that is, slave labour. The irony is palpable. Entrepreneurs showed limited understanding of local culture, a lack that Banks seemingly attempted to mitigate by having his collectors make anthropological in addition to botanical observations.130 Insight into a culture\u00E2\u0080\u0099s beliefs could possibly facilitate more harmonious management and thus greater productivity in colonial sites.131 Yet, violent resistances by Jamaican slaves in Tacky\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Revolt of 1760, the Second Maroon War of 1795-96, and Fedor\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Rebellion in Grenada in 1795-97 served as warnings that fissures between British and indigenous interchanges needed bridging in order to secure economic stability.132 The uneven terrains of the breadfruit-food solution hinted that relations underpinning the practices of Linnaean utility were neither stable nor certain. Food\u00E2\u0080\u0099s utility did indeed fuel breadfruit enterprise, but the real driving force was another resource industry: sugar. In Thomas Gosse\u00E2\u0080\u0099s representation, idyllic space masked tensions, injustices, and conflicts set within the consumption of sugar and its slave producers. In addition, sugar harvested by black slaves on British plantations in Jamaica, for example, was shipped to the foremost British factory sites in London, Bristol, and Liverpool for refinement and sale to British consumers. Of concern was that \u00E2\u0080\u009Csugar\u00E2\u0080\u009D was now not just for gilded appetites but had shifted to widespread public use as an indispensable additive to tea.133 Mid-century moralist John Wesley noted \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe very chambermaids have lost their 130 Gascoigne, Joseph Banks and the English Enlightenment, 159-154. 131 Drayton, Nature\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Government, 115. 132 Called up as well were ruptures around sugar production in Saint Dominique\u00E2\u0080\u0094a site of British and French tensions in the 1790s and slave rebellion that established Haitian independence by 1804. 133 S. Mintz, Sweetness and Power: The Place of Sugar in Modern History (New York: Viking, 1985), 83. 192 bloom by drinking tea\u00E2\u0080\u009D laced with sugar,134 while in a similar vein Charles Deering had noted in his history of Nottingham in the 1750s that he \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccould not forbear looking earnestly and with some Degree of Indignation at a ragged and greasy Creature, who came into the Shop with two Children\u00E2\u0080\u00A6asking for a Pennyworth of Tea and a Half pennyworth of Sugar.\u00E2\u0080\u009D135 By the late 1780s sugar consumption amongst all levels of English society surpassed an astounding twenty pounds annually per person.136 Sir Frederick Morton Eden charted the earnings and expenses of English \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpoor\u00E2\u0080\u009D families in his survey of the 1790s\u00E2\u0080\u0094a decade of the visibly impoverished\u00E2\u0080\u0094and found that amongst those of even the lowest of yearly incomes (\u00C2\u00A330), tea and sugar was a priority that claimed fifteen percent of their annual expenses.137 For many, sugared tea dulled the travails of everyday life, while to others it was a chimeric potion that threatened the mutation of class boundaries and the corrosion of cultural distinctions. James Gillray\u00E2\u0080\u0099s caricature, Anti-Saccharrites,-or-John Bull and his Family leaving off the use of Sugar of 1792 (Figure 4.7) exposed Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s dangerous addiction to botanic commodities such as tea and sugar and the exploitation of enslaved black labour that underpinned the latter in particular. Gillray\u00E2\u0080\u0099s image would seem to vilify the nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s moral indifference through its Royal models, George III and his family. In the drawing, George III, Queen Charlotte, and their daughters were seated at a table drinking sugarless tea, an apparent allusion to the nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s fixation with tea and its effort in the early 1790s to boycott 134 As quoted in Denys Forrest, Tea for the British (London: Chatto and Windus, 1973), 55-58. 135 Charles Deering, Nottinghamia vetus et nova: or An historical account of the ancient and present state of the town of Nottingham (Nottingham: printed by George Ayscough, 1751), 72. 136 Walvin, Fruits of Empire, 119. 137 Sir Frederick Morton Eden, The State of the Poor, or, an history of the labouring classes in England, Vol. 3 (London, 1797), 770. 193 slave-grown sugar. The Queen\u00E2\u0080\u0099s toothless grin and the grimacing, bloated faces of the princesses\u00E2\u0080\u0094perhaps outward markers of gluttony yet a subtle reference to inward, moral degeneracy\u00E2\u0080\u0094juxtapose the known starvation and brutality suffered by sugar slaves in colonial plantations. Such eminent writers as Anna Letitia Barbauld, for example, in her Epistle to William Wilberforce of 1791 exposed Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s complicity in the slave trade: \u00E2\u0080\u009CAfric bleeds, Uncheck\u00E2\u0080\u0099d, the human traffic still proceeds,\u00E2\u0080\u009D and disgracefully, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cby foreign wealth are British morals chang\u00E2\u0080\u0099d.\u00E2\u0080\u009D138 Further tension and alternate meaning could be seen to emerge through the words Gillray has Queen Charlotte speak, that is, her words on the print that say \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctaking leave of sugar\u00E2\u0080\u009D was really about \u00E2\u0080\u009Chow much expense it will save your poor Papa.\u00E2\u0080\u009D139 Perhaps this comment is not so much about George III\u00E2\u0080\u0099s notorious parsimony or his reticence to abolition, but points more so to the tensions slavery and the abolition movement had inflamed in the nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s landscape. Here too Linnaean oeconomia would seem to take a blow, that is to say, natural resource was not just about plant use and greed for commodity, but about profitable economic and political connections within plant utility. The utility of botanic resources was too lucrative to entertain reform. The taxes on tea \u00E2\u0080\u009Cprovided fifty percent of the costs of the Royal Navy at a time when Britannia\u00E2\u0080\u009D ruled the waves according to historian A. R. Ferguson.140 And sugar needed for that tea was provided 138 Anna Letitia Barbauld, Epistle to William Wilberforce, Esq. on the rejection of the bill for Abolishing the slave trade (London: J. Johnson, 1791), 6-13. Barbauld was friend of another abolitionist, Mary Wollstonecraft, renown author of Vindication of the Rights of Woman. 139 Text appearing in James Gillray\u00E2\u0080\u0099s caricature, Anti-Saccharrites,-or-John Bull and his Family leaving off the use of Sugar of 1792. Tim Clayton in The English Print 1688-1802 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997) notes that the use of \u00E2\u0080\u0098speech bubbles\u00E2\u0080\u0099, like those in this image, was unique to satirical prints and that the allusions therein were \u00E2\u0080\u009Cused to create multiple layers of meaning\u00E2\u0080\u009D or \u00E2\u0080\u009Cexpand, qualify\u00E2\u0080\u009D the most obvious reading of the design (248). 140 Ferguson, \u00E2\u0080\u009CSir Joseph Banks and the Transfer of Crop Plants,\u00E2\u0080\u009D 13. Underpinning the tea trade was Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s East India Company\u00E2\u0080\u0099s monopoly of product that saw their cultivation of opium in India for trade with China. By 1830, according to Ferguson, approximately two million pounds of opium were exported from India to China. Oeconomia had multiple interconnections. 194 by sugar plantations such as those in Jamaica that were the wealthiest in the empire with the annual per capita of free white settlers at \u00C2\u00A31,042.141 Adam Smith confirmed the economic vibrancy of sugar plantations in recognizing that their profits were \u00E2\u0080\u009Cgenerally much greater than those of any other cultivation known either in Europe or America.\u00E2\u0080\u009D142 This profitable industry was contingent upon a plantation system that controlled local land and product, and managed slave labour.143 In Jamaica, where the sugar industry produced twenty-two percent of the world\u00E2\u0080\u0099s supply, managing labour needs meant importing black slaves from Africa, a population of which had climbed in excess of 200,000 by 1790.144 Part of that management also consisted of \u00E2\u0080\u0098drivers\u00E2\u0080\u0099 overseeing gang slave labour. Under the driver\u00E2\u0080\u0099s watchful eye, each slave would dig cane holes that amounted to moving about 1500 cubic feet of earth a day, as well as cut, clear, and load cane for at least six twelve-hours days a week.145 But, more bodies had certainly not guaranteed more efficient productivity, especially when starvation alone had caused annual death rates of 15,000 slaves in Jamaica.146 Subhuman living conditions and little food contributed to slave problems such as resistance, escapes, disease, starvation, and death.147 141 Kenneth Morgan, Slavery and the British Empire (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 36. 142 Adam Smith, An Inquiry into the nature and causes of the wealth of nations, 8th ed., Vol. 2 (London: A. Strahan, 1796), 89. 143 According to James Walvin in Fruits of Empire the British had developed a similar system of plantations to manage colonization in Ireland. Critical to the strategy was a form of discipline couched in scientific language\u00E2\u0080\u0094that is, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cto provide laboratory conditions for the chemistry of the civilizing process\u00E2\u0080\u009D (121-124). 144 Walvin, Fruits of Empire, 123. 145 Morgan, Slavery, 109-110. 146 Schaffer, \u00E2\u0080\u009CVisions of Empire,\u00E2\u0080\u009D 339. 147 See Adam Hochschild, Bury the Chains (New York: Houghton Mifflin Co., 2005), passim. 195 These appalling conditions are conveniently absent from such images as Thomas Hearne\u00E2\u0080\u0099s colored drawing, A Scene in the West Indies of 1779 (Figure 4.8), commissioned by Governor-in-Chief of the Leeward Islands Sir Richard Payne to mark British presence in the former Dutch colony.148 The sunny, pastoral Antiguan landscape seems absent of any conflict\u00E2\u0080\u0094enslaved workers placidly engage in sugar harvest while in the backdrop clouds of steam rise effortlessly from the boiler house, the site of transformation of cane juice to sugar.149 Near the cane fields a driver on horseback, stick in hand and arm raised, ensures productivity. In the foreground, a black couple and a naked child walk a path that is distanced from the field. The adults may look content within the containment of their British labourer\u00E2\u0080\u0099s attire, but the child could be the telling signifier. Here his black nakedness plays on eighteenth-century stereotypes of \u00E2\u0080\u0098less civilized\u00E2\u0080\u0099 cultures. But even more, that he seems to be urinating on Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s colonial presence here might remind viewers of cultural and racial divides in the region,150 and perhaps specifically of the ever-present fear of black resistance 148British Museum, www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database. In the British Museum Collection this image is identified as \u00E2\u0080\u009CParham House Hill and Plantation.\u00E2\u0080\u009D The image shows a windmill in the distance, perhaps a sign of former Dutch rule but now under the imperial rule of Britain, as well as the use of wind to power the sugar mills as noted in David Morris\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Catalogue of Thomas Hearne 1744-1817: Watercolours and Drawings Catalogue (Bolton, UK: Bolton Museum and Art Gallery, 1985). See also Geoff Quilley and Kay Dian Kriz, An Economy of Colour (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003) for a further discussion of Thomas Hearne\u00E2\u0080\u0099s A Scene in the West Indies of 1779. 149 David Morris, Thomas Hearne 1744-1817: Watercolours and Drawings Catalogue (Bolton, UK: Bolton Museum and Art Gallery, 1985), 40. This transformation of botanical resource into useful product calls to mind Andrew O\u00E2\u0080\u0099Shaughnessy study, An Empire Divided (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2000), where he notes that rum consumption in Britain had risen to \u00E2\u0080\u009Can annual average of two millions gallons from 1771 to 1775\u00E2\u0080\u009D with rum imports largely from the Caribbean areas as well as rum that was distilled in England by way of British West Indian molasses (72-3). Rum derivatives were also used in sugar for tea, medicines, and food items. Perhaps Hearne\u00E2\u0080\u0099s painting would also call up this lucrative industry in the production of alcohol, a product with which British appetites would not be unfamiliar. 150 Roxann Wheeler in The Complexion of Race (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 2000) observes in a different context that \u00E2\u0080\u009CAfrican savagery\u00E2\u0080\u009D was encoded through \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca lack of clothing\u00E2\u0080\u009D (117). Geoff Quilley\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009CPastoral Plantations\u00E2\u0080\u009D in The Economy of Colour of 2003 has also pointed out what seems evident in the painting, that is, that the child urinates. 196 as that witnessed more recently in the Tacky\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Revolt in Jamaica in 1760 or indeed in America in 1776.151 To return to Transplanting of the Bread-Fruit-Trees from Otaheite then, the image could be seen to mask the \u00E2\u0080\u0098other\u00E2\u0080\u0099 resource and practices that drove the hunt for breadfruit\u00E2\u0080\u0094 slave labour. Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s effort to obtain cheap food for slaves was indeed steeped with a darker side. In the latter decades of the eighteenth century, the British were responsible for the annual transfer of 45,000 black African slaves to North American and the West Indian tobacco, rice, and sugar plantations.152 What this meant was that by 1780 \u00E2\u0080\u009CBritish ships had transported 2,141,900 slaves from African ports, and colonial ships took another 124,000.\u00E2\u0080\u009D153 Known as triangular trade, British ships sailed for Africa filled with goods such as cotton, salt, firearms, and iron to be exchanged for slaves. Mostly African men, but some women and children too, were carried to British West Indies or North America to sell or trade for sugar, tobacco, and rice wanted by Britain.154 Other than labour for plantations, the slave trade realized substantial profits for Britain with slaves often surpassing the \u00C2\u00A330 value at which 151 According to Richard D. E. Burton in Afro-Creole: power, opposition and play in the Caribbean (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997), in 1736 there was a Coromantee uprising that planned to overthrow white rule on the island. It failed, but the leader, an African born man named \u00E2\u0080\u009CCourt\u00E2\u0080\u009D and 88 of his fellow rebels were executed\u00E2\u0080\u0094five on the breaking wheel, six hanged and seventy seven \u00E2\u0080\u009Cburned to death\u00E2\u0080\u009D (231). Benjamin Quarles in The Negro in the American Revolution (1996) reports that \u00E2\u0080\u009C5000 Negro soldiers served in the American patriot forces\u00E2\u0080\u009D (xxix). Also see Richard B. Sheridan, Sugar and Slavery (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1974). 152 Linda Colley, Britons: Forging the Nation 1701-1837 (London: Pimlico, 2003), 352. 153 As cited in Black, Eighteenth-Century Britain 1688-1783, 79. 154James Walvin in his essay \u00E2\u0080\u009CAbolishing the Slave Trade\u00E2\u0080\u009D History in Focus 12 (Spring 2007) notes that before the 1820s, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cabout two and a half million Europeans crossed the Atlantic to settle in the Americas; in the same period almost eight and half Africans had been transported from Africa on the slave ships\u00E2\u0080\u009D (2). Interestingly pointed out by Diana Paton in her essay entitled \u00E2\u0080\u009CEnslaved Women and Slavery before and after 1807,\u00E2\u0080\u009D History in Focus 12 (Spring 2007) indicates that the ratio of African men to women in the Atlantic slave trade was 2:1, largely because men could be sold for more in the Americas (1). Enslaved women in the Caribbean Paton reports had an \u00E2\u0080\u009Cunusually small number of children,\u00E2\u0080\u009D a vast number of whom died young (2). The strenuous work regime and inadequate nutrition was blamed for the high rates of miscarriage and infant death. 197 they were insured.155 This was a new twist on oeconomia. William Pitt, Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Prime Minister (1759-1806), acknowledged that in the latter decades of the eighteenth century, the triangular trade \u00E2\u0080\u009Cproduced a quarter of the profits of all overseas English trade.\u00E2\u0080\u009D156 Triangular trade went far in staving off fears of further financial crashes that had occurred in the mid-1770s and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cspread terror to every commercial city on the continent.\u00E2\u0080\u009D157 So successful was this Atlantic enterprise that it surpassed East Indian trade with depot centers such as Bristol and Liverpool realizing ten to twenty percent return on their investments.158 Bristol, for example, was a pivotal transfer point with over 1.5 million slaves filtering through it in the late eighteenth century.159 The city also had developed into a major sugar-refining site that turned the crude brown muscavado (sugar) into a product for consumption and distribution. No wonder then that cities such as these, earned the dubious reputation that \u00E2\u0080\u009C\u00E2\u0080\u0098every brick in the city had been cemented with a slave\u00E2\u0080\u0099s blood\u00E2\u0080\u0099.\u00E2\u0080\u009D160 The breadfruit solution was clearly marked by similar ambivalence\u00E2\u0080\u0094the euphoria of economic recovery through global prowess was tied to human exploitation. 155Hochschild, Bury the Chains, 79. 156 As quoted in Michael Craton, Sinews of Empire (Garden City, NY: Anchor Press, 1974), 145. \u00E2\u0080\u009CSix million Africans transported to the Americas,\u00E2\u0080\u009D almost half of them in British or British North American ships and of which approximately twenty to twenty-five percent hailed from Liverpool as noted by historian James Walvin in \u00E2\u0080\u009CAbolishing the Slave Trade\u00E2\u0080\u009D History in Focus 12 (Spring 2007) registers slavery\u00E2\u0080\u0099s utility to Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s economy. 157 As cited by Emma Rothschild, \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe politics of globalisation circa 1773,\u00E2\u0080\u009D OECD Observer 228 (September 2001): 13. This credit crisis began with failure of London banks which led to Dutch banks, whose connections to the East India Company resulted in declaration of bankruptcy by its chairman. 158 Musgrave, An Empire of Plants, 55. Kenneth Morgan in Slavery and the British Empire of 2007 notes that the annual sum invested in Liverpool\u00E2\u0080\u0099s slave trade alone reached more than \u00C2\u00A31 million by 1800, and that was on the understanding that merchants could still \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmake a substantial profit from slave trading\u00E2\u0080\u009D (79). 159 Walvin, Fruits of Empire, 137. 160 Attributed to Reverend Williams Bagshaw Stevens of Liverpool in 1797 as quoted in Fulford, Literature Science and Exploration in the Romantic Era, 109. 198 My point here is to demonstrate the overlapping utilities seen within economic botany, and to show how masking the unsettling ruptures within resource extraction made \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdomination at a distance feasible.\u00E2\u0080\u009D161 Thomas Gosse\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Transplanting of the Bread-Fruit- Trees from Otaheite takes up the late eighteenth-century focus on the botanic resource and its economic value, here mobilized by the promise of breadfruit\u00E2\u0080\u0099s apparent abundance, utility, and acclimatization potential. That mobility would seem to have given rise to new understandings of imperial botanizing to suggest that the distant could be made familiar by \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbringing home\u00E2\u0080\u009D those un-familiarities.162 Transporting breadfruit through the stability of British naval expertise and cultivating its growth at scientific Kew, the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cgreat botanical exchange house for the empire,\u00E2\u0080\u009D163 validated for viewers the utility of breadfruit pursuit and imperial claims. Somewhat prophetically the Gosse mezzotint can be seen to allude to the \u00E2\u0080\u0098social hieroglyphic\u00E2\u0080\u0099 that underpinned strains of an encroaching modern capitalism later evoked in Marx\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Das Capital (1867): \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe inequities in the relations of owner and worker producing the product could be disguised.\u00E2\u0080\u009D164 Uneven power relations and inequalities embedded within resource extraction were beginning to visibly scar arcadian landscapes at home and abroad. Worker discontent in the cotton and timber industries in Britain joined with mobilized efforts to enact abolition of slavery. Calls were made by contemporaneous voices such as Robert Thornton to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbreak the bonds of so many victims\u00E2\u0080\u00A6discard a commerce which 161Latour, Science in Action, 223. 162 Ibid., 223-224. 163 Joseph Banks in a letter to Henry Dundas on June 15, 1787 as quoted in Ray Desmond, Kew, 126. 164 Karl Marx, Capital, Vol. 1 (82-85) as quoted in Richard Sennett, The Fall of the Public Man (New York: Alfred Knof, 1977), 145. 199 is founded only on injustice, and whose object is luxury\u00E2\u0080\u009D and recognize that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cslavery is the enemy of the whole human race.\u00E2\u0080\u009D165 The ambivalent terrains of imperial botanizing depicted rumblings of change. The Other Side of Paradise Change within Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s cultural landscape surfaces within diverse images of botanic spaces, a theme I have argued throughout my chapters. In the latter decades of the eighteenth century, those shifts in British cultural terrains were also unearthed through increased visibility and mobility of black populations. Movement of slaves brought sizable profits to Britain, as already noted, but also gave momentum to re-envisioning botany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s human resource, the slave. Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s push for abolition saw more widespread social support through the 1790s.166 Slave Trade\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Death Knell Captain Collingwood of the Liverpool trader the Zong, to avoid losing profit for ill slaves, cast overboard 133 of the ship\u00E2\u0080\u0099s 470 human cargo.167 In court, he claimed that the slaves had succumbed to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cperils of the sea,\u00E2\u0080\u009D a criteria covered by marine insurance.168 165 Robert John Thornton, The politician\u00E2\u0080\u0099s creed; or, political extracts, Vol. 2 (London: Robinsons, 1799), 508- 513. 166 James Walvin in \u00E2\u0080\u009CAbolishing the Slave Trade\u00E2\u0080\u009D has shown that print culture\u00E2\u0080\u0099s exposure of atrocities upon the enslaved, the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cvernacular of equality\u00E2\u0080\u009D underpinning a break with the American colonies, the founding of the influential Abolition Committee of 1787, and Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s efforts to undermine Napoleon\u00E2\u0080\u0099s attempt to reinstitute slavery in the Caribbean all demonstrated that for Britain abolition was both \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmoral and strategic\u00E2\u0080\u009D (4-8). 167 Hochschild, Bury the Chains, 80. 168 As quoted in Ibid., 79-80. Olaudah Equiano, freed slave and writer of 500-page autobiography, and Granville Sharp, an influential abolitionist, protested being ruled an insurance dispute rather than a homicide. The ship\u00E2\u0080\u0099s 200 Collingwood won his case, but in 1788 George III, not wholeheartedly a supporter of abolition, did endorse Sir William Dolben\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Bill to ease crowding on slavers\u00E2\u0080\u0094a notable change.169 The efforts of high profile abolitionists Granville Sharp, William Wilberforce, and Thomas Clarkson also met with measured reward when The Abolition of the Slave Trade Act of 1807 made it \u00E2\u0080\u009Cillegal for British ships to trade in slaves,\u00E2\u0080\u009D although slavery itself continued.170 The rumblings of social change mobilized by the Zong massacre attest to the cultural turmoil around issues of enslavement and also call to mind the kind of injustices and fears interwoven within practices of botanical oeconomia. Indeed, the empire\u00E2\u0080\u0099s progressive mandates were complicated by shifts that had begun to expose botanical enterprises as tainted with practices of human exploitation. By the 1790s, a wide sector of Britons, ranging from labourers to bourgeois industrialists, had begun to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cvalue the idea of liberty\u00E2\u0080\u009D and with that found the fundamental concept of enslavement and its atrocities as repugnant.171 Public response to these atrocities ranged from freed black slave and eminent writer Olaudah Equiano\u00E2\u0080\u0099s biography The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa the African of 1789 becoming an international bestseller to Granville Sharp\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (1735-1813) amassing bishops lawyers argued, that any other way of seeing \u00E2\u0080\u009C\u00E2\u0080\u0098would be madness: the Blacks were property\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u009D(81). Slaves mere merely merchandise, a product that often fetched up to \u00C2\u00A350 each according to historian Hochschild. 169 Jeremy Black, George III: America\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Last King (London: Yale University Press, 2007), 333. 170 James Walvin, Black Ivory: Slavery in the British Empire (London: HarperCollins, 1992), 262. This act however did not totally eradicate slavery or even slave trade. Ships were fined if caught transp orting slaves. Not until the Slavery Abolition Act of 1833 was slavery made illegal. Of course this was a complicated process that saw conditions imposed upon former slaves (for example \u00E2\u0080\u0098apprentice\u00E2\u0080\u0099 designations) and monetary compensations awarded to former owners. 171Ibid., 261-263. Also see Olaudah Equiano, The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa, the African, Vol. 1 and 2 (London: printed for and sold by the author, 1789). 201 nationwide for the support of the abolitionist cause.172 The 1789 resolutions submitted to the House of Commons by William Wilberforce, an Evangelical and a Member of Parliament, argued that the inhumanity of slavery was incompatible with a reasonable society.173 Joining the movement was also the working class, specifically the 769 Sheffield metalworkers who in 1789 petitioned Parliament against a pro-slavery lobby because their \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccutlery wares\u00E2\u0080\u009D were being traded in Africa for \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe price of Slaves\u00E2\u0080\u009D and as a result they felt \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe greatest aversion to foreign Slavery,\u00E2\u0080\u009D claiming to see \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe case of the nations of Africa as their own.\u00E2\u0080\u009D174 Leading voices in last quarter of the eighteenth century, such as economist Adam Smith had already criticized slavery\u00E2\u0080\u0099s moral and economic rationale: \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwork\u00E2\u0080\u00A6can be squeezed out of him [slave] by violence only, [and] it appears that from the experience of all ages and nations, work done by freemen comes cheaper in the end than that performed by slaves.\u00E2\u0080\u009D175 What had been opened up by the century\u00E2\u0080\u0099s end was a cultural moment when opposition to the oeconomia of slavery gained serious traction. Debates were fueled by testimonials to Parliament such as that of Sir Philip Francis in 1791 who claimed to have witnessed during his travels a plantation overseer throwing a \u00E2\u0080\u0098Negro slave\u00E2\u0080\u0099 into a tank of boiling cane-juice.176 James Gillray\u00E2\u0080\u0099s satirical print, Barbarities in the West Indias of 1791 (Figure 4.9) foregrounds this incident and in doing so questions the nature of humanity and the viability of enslavement. Numerous scholars have discussed Gillray\u00E2\u0080\u0099s 1791 print and 172 Hochschild, Bury the Chains, 172-174. 173 For detailed discussion of Wilberforce, his initiatives, private papers and accounts in popular print see Stephen Tomkins, William Wilberforce: a biography (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Pub., 2007). 174 As quoted in Peter Linebaugh and Marcus Rediker, The Many-Headed Hydra: sailors, slaves, commoners, and the hidden history of the revolutionary Atlantic (Boston: Beacon Press, 2000), 273. 175 Adam Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, 9th ed., Vol. 2 (London: A. Strahan, 1799), 88. 176 George, Catalogue of Political and Personal Satires, Vol. VI, 781-782. 202 most recently Kay Dian Kriz in her analysis of sugar, the slave trade, and the West Indies at the end of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.177 Gillray\u00E2\u0080\u0099s print challenged viewers to reconsider who indeed was the barbarian\u00E2\u0080\u0094the African slave held under in a vat of boiling sugar cane or the \u00E2\u0080\u0098English driver\u00E2\u0080\u0099 holding him there with a stick? Four flailing limbs were the only visible fragments of the slave\u00E2\u0080\u0094those limbs the only register of plantation productivity and his eviscerated humanity. On the back wall, trophies of black body pieces, an arm and severed ears are nailed side by side with carcasses of rats aligning the slave with vermin. This link with animals is furthered by the words Gillray has coming from the driver\u00E2\u0080\u0099s mouth that promise that after \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe bath\u00E2\u0080\u009D would come \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca curry-combing\u00E2\u0080\u009D as one might do for a workhorse. The title of the print, Barbarities in the West Indias, not only questions who was the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cuncivilized\u00E2\u0080\u009D in this image but indeed challenges how the viewer might be culpable in the atrocities known to be inflicted upon the enslaved. In 1789, Oladuah Equiano had attested in his biography that these horrors ranged from dismemberment and \u00E2\u0080\u009Csexual licence of the most grotesque kind\u00E2\u0080\u009D to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cslaves staked to the ground and mutilated, slaves hanged, burned,\u00E2\u0080\u009D and tortured.178 Art historian Linda Nochlin in The Body in Pieces: The Fragment as a Metaphor of Modernity of 1995 argues that detached human body parts are metaphors of modernity, that is, they often have a fractured, fluctuating, and uncertain resonance that characterize shifts in a changing world.179 Gillray\u00E2\u0080\u0099s image here was no doubt responding to concerns around the threats Britain feared at home and in colonies, especially in response to 177 Kay Dian Kriz, Slavery, Sugar, and the Culture of Refinement (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008), 113-115. 178 Olaudah Equiano, The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, 206-213. See also James Walvin in An African\u00E2\u0080\u0099s life: the life and times of Olaudah Equiano, 1745-1797 (London: Cassell, 1998), 58-60. 179 Linda Nochlin, The Body in Pieces (London: Thames and Hudson, 1995). 203 emancipation of slaves in France in 1794. It also can be argued that the visual violence and destruction of the African slave was an attempt to resolve growing concerns about interracial marriage and miscegenation that for many were tainting the purity of the British race.180 While for Linnaeus distinctions between the human races had manifested primarily in physical difference,181 in Gillray\u00E2\u0080\u0099s print the racialized brutalities attendant on Linnaean oeconomia are brought to the fore. The cost of West Indian sugar is pictured as an atrocity while giving tangible form to abolitionist accusations that consumption of sugar was tainted by human flesh.182 180 On these fears see Edward Long, Candid reflections by a planter (London: T. Lowdnes, 1772), 55-57 and The History of Jamaica, Vol. 2 (London: T. Lowdnes, 1774), 327-30. Also see Kriz, Slavery, Sugar, and the Culture of Refinement, 108-110 as well as Walvin, Black Ivory: A History of British Slavery, 225-227. In Britain, black male populations looking to marry turned to white females who were more plentiful than black females and often agreeable to such a union. As pointed out by Felicity Nussbaum in Limits of the Human (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), interracial marriage, while not illegal in Britain as in America, was deemed \u00E2\u0080\u009Cgnawlingly unnatural\u00E2\u0080\u009D with its threat to established parameters that contained gender, class, and race (187). In late eighteenth-century Britain, a woman\u00E2\u0080\u0099s choice of a black husband hinted of the same kind of radical female action that was witnessed in working women and their \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbitterly\u00E2\u0080\u009D defiant political actions as evident, for example, in their involvement in food riots such as those in Manchester and Nottingham in 1795. See John Bohstedt, \u00E2\u0080\u009CGender, Household, and Community Politics: Women in English Riots, 1790-1810,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Past and Present 120:1 (1988). Such \u00E2\u0080\u009Cstrange partialities\u00E2\u0080\u009D for black men, moralist James Tobin warned in his 1785 Cursory remarks upon the Reverend Mr. Ramsay\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Essay, were by the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmisguided, often lower orders of women\u00E2\u0080\u009D (118). Ironically, women from diverse classes shared a common struggle to balance social duty and personal desire. This observation provoked further anxiety in relation to the already burgeoning lower classes, women\u00E2\u0080\u0099s opposition to the social norms, and what seemed an increasing affinity to black populations and their plight. Miscegenation not only incited angst for its association with defiance in relation to class and gender, but also for social erosions penetrating the very foundation of nationhood, the family. For further discussion of black sexuality and anxieties raised see Sander Gilman Difference and pathology: stereotypes of sexuality, race, and madness (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1985), 83-101 and Chapter 4. 181Linnaeus saw hair and sometimes temperament, for example, as a qualifiers that denoted difference between Europeans, Asians and Africans. And while the colour of skin may have been different, Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s taxonomy saw all mankind, regardless of colour or variety, classify into one family, that is, homo sapiens. As Winthrop Jordan has shown in White over Black (New York: Norton, 1977) in all editions of Systema Naturae Linnaeus \u00E2\u0080\u009Cduly catalogued the various kinds of men, yet never in a hierarchic manner\u00E2\u0080\u009D (222-3). In addition, Linnaeus had logically advanced that all \u00E2\u0080\u009Cspecies are natural entities that God placed on earth at the Creation. They are His, not ours\u00E2\u0080\u0094they exist\u00E2\u0080\u00A6independent of our whims.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Perhaps such distinction as that based upon colour, was also shaped by subjective judgment\u00E2\u0080\u0094by mere \u00E2\u0080\u0098whims\u00E2\u0080\u0099. For a discussion of debates around black physiognomy see Kay Dian Kriz, Slavery, Sugar, and the Culture of Refinement, Chapter Three. 182 See Deirdre Coleman, \u00E2\u0080\u009CConspicuous Consumption: White Abolitionism and English Women\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Protest Writing in the 1790s,\u00E2\u0080\u009D English Literary History 61, no. 2 (Summer 1994): 341-362 and Kay Dian Kriz, Slavery, Sugar, and the Culture of Refinement, 112-113. 204 Conclusion For Britain, botanical enterprise was seen as a conduit to economic fruition and global imperium. But, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cstrength\u00E2\u0080\u009D and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cinfluence\u00E2\u0080\u009D of plants mentioned at this chapter\u00E2\u0080\u0099s outset, called up tensions embedded within Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s imperial impulse. While plant power promised to satiate consumer cravings, cure disease, and stabilize if not fortify the nation\u00E2\u0080\u0099s economy, the idea of resource utility became troubled with unanticipated human and financial costs\u00E2\u0080\u0094 relentless wars, failed acclimatizations, new industrial demands, ambivalences around enslavement issues, and shifted dynamics in populations back home. Oeconomia\u00E2\u0080\u0099s promise became complicated by these fluctuations within modernity\u00E2\u0080\u0099s thrust. From Imperial Kew to trade in slaves, visual culture registered the paradox of imperial botanizing. Put another way, the promise of plant power or \u00E2\u0080\u009Cutility\u00E2\u0080\u009D was held in tension by the promised freedoms of worldwide commercial enterprise on one hand and the acknowledgment of fundamental and universal rights of the individual on the other\u00E2\u0080\u0094an issue that historian Emma Rothchild notes is today still central to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cglobal market democracy.\u00E2\u0080\u009D183 The diverse images presented here tease out those challenges by tapping into oeconomia\u00E2\u0080\u0099s role in mobilizing transformation in Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s cultural terrain. ! 183 Rothschild, \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Politics of Globalisation circa 1773,\u00E2\u0080\u009D 13-15. ! \"#$! CONCLUSION During the last half of the eighteenth century and into the nineteenth century in Britain, the imprint of Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s system of classification, its agency, and implications clearly surfaced in visual culture. Yet, as the diverse visual imagery examined in the preceding chapters reveals, caricatures, portraiture in the academic tradition, luxuriant folios of botanical illustrations, and prints that referenced Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s imperial geo-botanizing were also registers of contemporaneous social concerns ranging from monarchy and governance to issues around gender, sexuality, and race. As a result, botanical space in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries emerges as troubled terrain. In focusing upon a key period during George III\u00E2\u0080\u0099s reign, specifically from 1760 to 1812, my study has argued that the fascination with new taxonomies and their ability to order natural worlds was extended into social and political realms. Importantly then, tensions during the 1770s which were marked by Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s loss of the American colonies and the 1790s when the French Revolution challenged Britain\u00E2\u0080\u0099s social and political order both internally and abroad, figure noticeably in this study. Within these contexts, the four chapters of the thesis explore how interest in botany, its taxonomies, outreach, and attendant anxieties, interconnected in a period of fluctuating political allegiances and shifting constructions of femininity and masculinity. Each chapter has taken up a specific aspect of Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s new knowledge and its complex interrelationship in social terrains: namely, affinities and shifting notions of masculinity in Chapter One, hybridity and the flux within social hierarchies in Chapter Two, aspects of variation seen to trouble paradigms of governance and gender in Chapter Three, and in Chapter Four, oeconomia\u00E2\u0080\u0099s ambivalent promise and uneven ! \"#$! manifestation in relation to practices in imperial botanizing. In these chapters I have argued that ambivalences around botany and botanical space call up as well as mediate anxieties in relation to notions of similarity or difference and fluctuation or change\u00E2\u0080\u0094elements at the very heart of Linnaeus\u00E2\u0080\u0099s system. Notably, the Linnaean system\u00E2\u0080\u0099s fundamental focus upon pistils and stamens and their sexual difference allowed for discourse amongst diverse publics and mobilized the integration of new understandings of the natural world into everyday life. As I have argued, concepts of affinity, hybridity, variability, and resource adaptability found traction in political terrains, giving momentum to re-evaluating effective strategies and relations with overseas colonies and their peoples while also opening up fears around new penetrations that ranged from disease to interracial mixity. And while such new ways of knowing were seen to both challenge and threaten the core of British nationhood, the momentum that underscored categorization systems would play forward into the nineteenth century. By midcentury Charles Darwin\u00E2\u0080\u0099s had leveraged tenets around organic mutability that had been posited already by his grandfather Erasmus Darwin in Zoonomia of 1794 and by Jean Baptiste Lamarck in his Flor\u00C3\u00A9al lecture in 1800.1 In Origin of the Species of 1859, Charles Darwin explained \u00E2\u0080\u0098natural selection\u00E2\u0080\u0099 and the ongoing \u00E2\u0080\u0098struggle for existence\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u0094how the strong and weak of a species struggled in environments, the survivors of which passed on their traits to a new generation. The term \u00E2\u0080\u009Csurvival of the fittest\u00E2\u0080\u009D was not explicitly used until !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 1 In Zoonomia, or the laws of organic life, Vol. 1 (London, 1794-96) Erasmus Darwin posited that a species could adapt and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cimprove by its own inherent activity...down generations to its posterity\u00E2\u0080\u009D (505). For comments on Lamarck\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Flor\u00C3\u00A9al lecture see Alpheus Packard, Lamarck, the Founder of Evolution (New York: Arno Press, 1980), 232. As quoted in Stella Pelengaris and Mike Khan, \u00E2\u0080\u009CCancer is More Than a Genetic Condition,\u00E2\u0080\u009D The Molecular Biology of Cancer, ed. Jonathan Waxman (Oxford: Blackwell Scientific, 1989), Jean Baptiste Lamarck (1744-1829), an eminent French evolutionist, was acknowledged by both Charles Lyell and Charles Darwin as being the first to advance (in Darwin\u00E2\u0080\u0099s words) \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe probability of all changes in the organic [and] inorganic world, being the result of law, and not of miraculous interposition\u00E2\u0080\u009D (328). Also see Grant Allen, Charles Darwin, Vol. 6 (New York: Humbolt, 1886), 576. Charles Darwin\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Origin of the Species (1859) and Descent of Man (1871) expand upon these ideas. ! ! \"#$! his later 1872 edition of The Origin of the Species.2 Importantly, Darwin who based his thesis upon the kind of observation and experimentation customary to natural history methodology, made clear that man, similar to other organic entities, was not exempt from the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cperpetual process of change which affected all animate nature.\u00E2\u0080\u009D3 In The Origin of the Species Darwin posited his most provocative taxonomic notion that revolutionized how humanity would be understood, that is, while over vast time the earth has \u00E2\u0080\u009Cgone cycling on\u00E2\u0080\u00A6from so simple a beginning endless forms most beautiful and most wonderful have been and are being evolved.\u00E2\u0080\u009D4 Drawings such as the renowned A Venerable Orang-outang from The Hornet magazine of March 22, 1871 that depicted the balding and bearded Darwin with the body of an orang-outang, mocked evolutionary theories while exposing anxieties around humankind\u00E2\u0080\u0099s origins and potential change in the future. Man was posited as merely a highly developed form of animal life, constantly adapting and evolving over time\u00E2\u0080\u0094a concept alluded to a hundred and fifteen years earlier by Linnaeus. And although Darwin\u00E2\u0080\u0099s evolutionary postulations were not entirely new or original, his discussion of origins and descents\u00E2\u0080\u0094of evolutionary trace\u00E2\u0080\u0094would frame cultural thinking and preoccupations with progress in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and indeed find similar resonance in today\u00E2\u0080\u0099s contemporary contexts. Cultural transformation, then and now, would seem to share ambivalences and anxieties associated with shifts from familiar territory to unknown terrains. In turn, visual culture and new knowledge continue to register those developments and slippages. !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 2 Richard D. Altick, Victorian People and Ideas (New York: W.W. Norton, & Co., 1973), 226. ! 3 Ibid., 227. ! 4 Charles Darwin, Origin of the Species by means of natural selection, or the preservation of favoured races in the struggle for life (London: John Murray, 1859), 429. Also available at Gutenburg EBook: https://rsvpn.ubc.ca/http/www.gutenberg.org/files/1228/1228-h/1228-h.htm#2H_4_0022. Also see Charles Darwin, The Origin of the Species (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), 396. ! ! \"#$! !! !! Figure 1.1 Moses Harris, Plate XIII, The Silk-Worm and Large Tyger, 1766 from The Aurelian: or, natural history of English Insects of 1766 by Moses Harris. Hand-coloured etching, approximately 29 cm x 23 cm. (Courtesy of the Royal Entomological Society, St. Albans.) \u00C2\u00A9 Royal Entomological Society, UK. ! \"#$! Figure 1.2 Georg Ehret, Methodus plantarum sexualis, 1736. (Courtesy of the Natural History Museum, London.) \u00C2\u00A9 Natural History Museum ! ! \"#$! ! Figure 1.3 Vegetal Kingdom\u00E2\u0080\u0094Clavis Systematis Sexualis, or Key of the Sexual System from Carolus Linnaeus, Systema Naturae, Tenth Edition, 1758. (Courtesy of the Missouri Botanical Garden.) \u00C2\u00A9 1998-2009 Missouri Botanical Garden www.botanicus.org. ! \"##! !!!!! ! Figure 1.4 Matthew Darly, The Macaroni Print Shop, 1773. Hand-coloured etching, 17.7 cm x 24.9 cm. (BMC 4701) (Courtesy of the British Museum.) \u00C2\u00A9 The Trustees of the British Museum. !!!!! ! \"#\"! Figure 1.5 Matthew Darly, The Aurelian Macaroni, 1773. Etching, 17.6 cm x 12.5 cm. (BMC 5156) (Courtesy of the British Museum.) \u00C2\u00A9 The Trustees of the British Museum. ! \"#$! ! !! Figure 1.6 Moses Harris, Frontispiece to Moses Harris\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Aurelian: or, natural history of English Insects of 1766 by Moses Harris. Etching, approximately 29 cm x 23 cm. (Courtesy of the Royal Entomological Society, St. Albans.) \u00C2\u00A9 Royal Entomological Society, UK. ! \"#$! !! Figure 1.7 Moses Harris, Plate XXVII, The Ruby Tyger, The Sweet-Scented Pea, 1766 from The Aurelian: or, natural history of English Insects of 1766 by Moses Harris. Hand-coloured engraving, approximately 29 cm x 23 cm. (Courtesy of the Royal Entomological Society, St. Albans.) \u00C2\u00A9 Royal Entomological Society, UK. ! ! \"#$! ! Figure 2.1 Matthew Darly, The Fly Catching Macaroni, 1772. Etching, 17.7 cm x 12.2 cm. (BMC 4695) (Courtesy of the British Museum.) ! \u00C2\u00A9 The Trustees of the British Museum. ! \"#$! ! Figure 2.2 Benjamin West, Mr. Joseph Banks, 1773. Oil on canvas, 234 x 160 cm (Courtesy of the Web Gallery of Art at http://www.wga.hu/) \u00C2\u00A9 The Web Gallery of Art ! \"#$! ! Figure 2.3 Matthew Darly, A Mungo Macaroni, 1772. Etching, 17.6 cm x 12.5 cm. (BMC 5030) (Courtesy of the British Museum.) \u00C2\u00A9 The Trustees of the British Museum. ! \"#$! ! ! Figure 2.4 Thomas Gainsborough, Ignatius Sancho, 1768. Oil on canvas, 73.7 cm x 62.2 cm. (Courtesy of the National Gallery of Canada) \u00C2\u00A9 2009 National Gallery of Canada. http://gallery.ca/! ! \"#$! ! Figure 2.5 Frontispiece from Thomas Burnet\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Sacred Theory of the Earth of 1773. (Courtesy of the British Library.) \u00C2\u00A9 2009 Gale. ! \"\"#! ! Figure 3. 1 Abraham Pether, The Snowdrops, 1804 in Robert John Thornton, The Temple of Flora, 1799-1807. Mezzotint by W. Ward, plate mark 48.5 cm x 34.7 cm. (Courtesy of the University of Wisconsin Digital Collections Center.) \u00C2\u00A9 2006 University of Wisconsin Board of Regents. ! \"\"#! !! Figure 3.2 Philip Reinagle, Cupid Inspiring Plants with Love, 1805 in Robert John Thornton, The Temple of Flora, 1799-1807. Coloured stipple engraving by T. Burke, plate mark 43.4 cm x 34.8 cm. (Courtesy the Wellcome Library.) \u00C2\u00A9 Wellcome Library, UK.! ! \"\"\"! ! Figure 3.3 Maria Cosway, Flora Dispensing her Favours on the Earth, 1807 in Robert John Thornton, The Temple of Flora, 1799-1807. Aquatint and stipple engraving by T. Woolnoth, plate mark 48.3 cm x 38.2 cm. (Courtesy of the University of Wisconsin Digital Collections Center.) \u00C2\u00A9 2006 University of Wisconsin Board of Regents.! ! \"\"#! ! Figure 3.4 Peter Henderson, The Queen Flower, 1804 in Robert John Thornton, The Temple of Flora, 1799-1807. Stipple and line engraving, R. Cooper engraver, plate mark 55.6 cm x 43.5 cm. (Courtesy of the University of Wisconsin Digital Collections Center.) \u00C2\u00A9 2006 University of Wisconsin Board of Regents. ! \"\"#! ! Figure 3.5 Philip Reinagle, Tulips, 1798 in Robert John Thornton, The Temple of Flora, 1799-1807. Mezzotint by R. Earlom, printed in colour, plate mark 47.6 cm x 35.3 cm. (Courtesy of the University of Wisconsin Digital Collections Center.) ! \u00C2\u00A9 2006 University of Wisconsin Board of Regents. ! \"\"#! ! Figure 3.6 Robert John Thornton, Group of Roses, 1798 in Robert John Thornton\u00E2\u0080\u0099s The Temple of Flora, 1799-1807. Mezzotint, line engraving by R. Earlom, hand-coloured, plate mark 48.3 cm x 37.2 cm. (Courtesy of the University of Wisconsin Digital Collections Center.) \u00C2\u00A9 2006 University of Wisconsin Board of Regents. ! \"\"#! ! Figure 3.7 A Lady of Scientific Habits c. 1805. Lithograph signed as Kora. (Courtesy of James Secord.) \u00C2\u00A9 James Secord Private Collection.! ! \"\"#! ! Figure 3.8 Philip Reinagle, The Superb Lily, 1799 in Robert John Thornton, The Temple of Flora, 1799-1807. Mezzotint, W. Ward sculptor, plate mark 47.5 cm x 35.2 cm. (Courtesy of the University of Wisconsin Digital Collections Center.) \u00C2\u00A9 2006 University of Wisconsin Board of Regents. ! \"\"#! ! Figure 3.9 Peter Henderson, Stapelias, 1801 in Robert John Thornton, The Temple of Flora, 1799-1807. Stipple and line engraving, J. C. Stadler sculptor, plate mark 52.3 cm x 40.2 cm. (Courtesy of the University of Wisconsin Digital Collections Center.) ! \u00C2\u00A9 2006 University of Wisconsin Board of Regents. ! \"\"#! ! Figure 3.10 Peter Henderson, The Dragon Arum, 1801 in Robert John Thornton, The Temple of Flora, 1799-1807. Mezzotint by W. Ward, printed in colour, plate mark 47.6 cm x 35.2 cm. (Courtesy of the University of Wisconsin Digital Collections Center.) \u00C2\u00A9 2006 University of Wisconsin Board of Regents. ! \"#$! ! Figure 3.11 Philip Reinagle, Large Flowering Sensitive Plant, 1799 in Robert John Thornton, The Temple of Flora, 1799-1807. Aquatint, stipple and line engraving by J. C. Stadler, printed in colour, plate mark 47.3 cm x 35.7 cm. (Courtesy of the University of Wisconsin Digital Collections Center.) \u00C2\u00A9 2006 University of Wisconsin Board of Regents. ! \"#$! !!!!!! ! Figure 4.1 Aylmer Lambert, Cinchona officinalis, 1797 from Aylmer Lambert, A Description of the Genus Cinchona, 1797. (Courtesy of the Linnean Society of London.) \u00C2\u00A9 Linnean Society of London. !!!!!! ! \"#\"! !! !! !! ! Figure 4.2. Thomas Gosse, Transplanting of the Bread-fruit-trees from Otaheite, 1796. Hand-coloured mezzotint, 52.4 cm x 60.6 cm. (Courtesy of the Captain Cook Memorial Museum, Whitby.) \u00C2\u00A9 Captain Cook Memorial Museum, Whitby. !!!! ! \"##! ! Figure 4.3 James Gillray, The great South Sea Caterpillar, transform\u00E2\u0080\u0099d into a Bath Butterfly, 1796. Hand-coloured etching, 35 cm x 24.7 cm. (BMC 8718) (Courtesy of the British Museum.) \u00C2\u00A9 The Trustees of the British Museum. ! \"#$! !!!!! ! Figure 4. 4 J. S. Mason after William Woollett, A View of the Palace from the Hill in the middle of the Lawn\u00E2\u0080\u00A6in the Royal Gardens at Kew, c. 1760s. Etching. (AN 596046001) (Courtesy of the British Museum.) \u00C2\u00A9 The Trustees of the British Museum. ! \"#$! ! ! ! Figure 4.5 Thomas Rowlandson, The Winding up of the Medical Report of the Walcheren Expedition, 1810. Hand-coloured etching, 25 cm x 34.8 cm. (BMC 11536) (Courtesy of the British Museum.) \u00C2\u00A9 The Trustees of the British Museum. !!!!!!! ! \"#$! !!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !! Figure 4.6 Sydney Parkinson, Breadfruit (Artocarpus altilis), c. 1769.! http:/!/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Breadfruit. !!!!!! ! \"#$! !!!!! ! Figure 4.7 James Gillray, Anti-Saccharrites,-or-John Bull and his Family leaving off the use of Sugar, 1792. Hand-coloured etching, 31.3 cm x 39.7 cm. (BMC 8074) (Courtesy of the British Museum.) \u00C2\u00A9 The Trustees of the British Museum. !!! ! \"#$! !!!!!!!! ! Figure 4.8 Thomas Hearne, A Scene in the West Indies, 1779. Water-coloured drawing, 37.2 cm x 58.8 cm. (AN212891001) (Courtesy of the British Museum.) \u00C2\u00A9 The Trustees of the British Museum. !!!!!!! ! \"#$! !!!!! !! Figure 4.9 James Gillray, Barbarities in the West Indias, 1791. 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"http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/"@en . "Graduate"@en . "Pistils and stamens : botanophilia, sex, and nationhood in eighteenth-century Georgian Britain"@en . "Text"@en . "http://hdl.handle.net/2429/23315"@en .