"Education, Faculty of"@en . "Educational Studies (EDST), Department of"@en . "DSpace"@en . "UBCV"@en . "Mohan, Erica"@en . "2010-04-16T14:50:05Z"@en . "2010"@en . "Doctor of Philosophy - PhD"@en . "University of British Columbia"@en . "This study examined the influence of K-12 schooling on the racial and ethnic identity development of 23 self-identified multiethnic students attending high schools across the San Francisco Bay Area. All of the students participated in a semi-structured interview, nine participated in one of two focus groups, and five completed a writing activity. I approached this study with a postpositivist realist conception of identity (Mohanty, 2000; Moya, 2000a/b) that takes seriously the fluidity and complexity of identities as well as their epistemic and real-world significance. In defining racial and ethnic identity formation, I borrowed Tatum\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (1997) understanding of it as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe process of defining for oneself the personal significance and social meaning of belonging to a particular racial [and/or ethnic] group\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 16). \nThe findings from this study indicate that the formal aspects of schooling (e.g., curriculum and diversity education initiatives) rarely directly influence the racial and ethnic identity development of multiethnic students. They do, however, shape all students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 racial and ethnic understandings and ideologies, which in turn shape the informal aspects of schooling (e.g., interactions with peers and racial and ethnic divisions within the student body) which exert direct influence over multiethnic students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 experiences and identities. Of course, schooling is not alone in shaping the racial and ethnic understandings and ideologies of the general student body; other influences such as family and neighborhood context cannot be discounted. Nevertheless, the findings indicate that schools are sites of negotiation, that these negotiations influence multiethnic students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 identities, and that these negotiations occur in the context of, and are shaped by, both formal and informal aspects of schooling, including, but not limited to, school demographics, curricula, race and ethnicity-based student organizations, and interactions between all members of the school community. Based on the findings, it is recommended that educators infuse the curriculum and classroom discussions with issues of race, ethnicity, multiethnicity, and difference; actively engage in the process of complicating, contesting, and deconstructing racial and ethnic categories and their classificatory power; and end the silence regarding multiethnicity in schools and ensure its authentic inclusion in the curriculum."@en . "https://circle.library.ubc.ca/rest/handle/2429/23708?expand=metadata"@en . " THE INFLUENCE OF K-12 SCHOOLING ON THE IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT OF MULTIETHNIC STUDENTS by Erica Mohan B.A., Carleton College, 2000 M.Ed., The University of British Columbia, 2003 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Educational Studies) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver) April 2010 \u00C2\u00A9 Erica Mohan, 2010 ii ABSTRACT This study examined the influence of K-12 schooling on the racial and ethnic identity development of 23 self-identified multiethnic students attending high schools across the San Francisco Bay Area. All of the students participated in a semi-structured interview, nine participated in one of two focus groups, and five completed a writing activity. I approached this study with a postpositivist realist conception of identity (Mohanty, 2000; Moya, 2000a/b) that takes seriously the fluidity and complexity of identities as well as their epistemic and real-world significance. In defining racial and ethnic identity formation, I borrowed Tatum\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (1997) understanding of it as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe process of defining for oneself the personal significance and social meaning of belonging to a particular racial [and/or ethnic] group\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 16). The findings from this study indicate that the formal aspects of schooling (e.g., curriculum and diversity education initiatives) rarely directly influence the racial and ethnic identity development of multiethnic students. They do, however, shape all students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 racial and ethnic understandings and ideologies, which in turn shape the informal aspects of schooling (e.g., interactions with peers and racial and ethnic divisions within the student body) which exert direct influence over multiethnic students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 experiences and identities. Of course, schooling is not alone in shaping the racial and ethnic understandings and ideologies of the general student body; other influences such as family and neighborhood context cannot be discounted. Nevertheless, the findings indicate that schools are sites of negotiation, that these negotiations influence multiethnic students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 identities, and that these negotiations occur in the context of, and are shaped by, both formal and informal aspects of schooling, including, but not limited to, school demographics, curricula, race and ethnicity-based student organizations, and interactions between all members of the school community. Based on the findings, it is recommended that educators infuse the curriculum and classroom discussions with issues of race, ethnicity, multiethnicity, and difference; actively engage in the process of complicating, contesting, and deconstructing racial and ethnic categories and their classificatory power; and end the silence regarding multiethnicity in schools and ensure its authentic inclusion in the curriculum. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ....................................................................................................................... ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ................................................................................................ iii LIST OF TABLES .......................................................................................................... vii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .......................................................................................... viii CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION ............................................................................. 1 Context ....................................................................................................................................... 2 Problem Statement and Purpose ............................................................................................. 6 Research Questions and Methods ............................................................................................ 8 Definitions .................................................................................................................................. 8 Schooling vs. Education ........................................................................................................................ 9 Race, Ethnicity, and Multiethnicity ...................................................................................................... 9 Limitations and Delimitations ................................................................................................ 14 Overview of the Dissertation .................................................................................................. 15 Significance of the Study ........................................................................................................ 17 CHAPTER TWO: CONCEPTUAL AND THEORETICAL FRAMING OF IDENTITY ....................................................................................................................... 19 An Essentialist Approach to Identity .................................................................................................. 25 Postmodern and Poststructural Approaches to Identity ...................................................................... 26 A Postpositivist Realist Approach to Identity ..................................................................................... 27 A Theory of Multiplicity ..................................................................................................................... 35 Conclusion................................................................................................................................ 40 CHAPTER THREE: REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE.......................................... 42 Section I: Multiethnic Identity Development........................................................................ 44 Section II: Problem, Equivalent, and Variant Approaches to Multiethnic Identity ......... 51 Problem Approaches to Multiethnic Identity ...................................................................................... 51 Equivalent and Variant Approaches to Multiethnic Identity ............................................................... 53 Section III: Schooling and Student Identity Construction .................................................. 57 Overview of Multicultural and Antiracism Education ........................................................................ 60 Critiques of Multicultural and Antiracism Education ......................................................................... 63 Section IV: The K-12 Schooling Experiences of Multiethnic Students .............................. 67 Section V: Integrating the Literature .................................................................................... 73 CHAPTER FOUR: METHODOLOGY ....................................................................... 78 Participant and Site Selection ........................................................................................ 79 Research Procedures ...................................................................................................... 81 Semi-Structured Interviews ................................................................................................... 82 Focus Groups ........................................................................................................................... 84 iv Writing Activity ....................................................................................................................... 86 Data Analysis and Presentation ..................................................................................... 87 Starting Points ......................................................................................................................... 88 Generating Participant Profiles ............................................................................................. 89 Analysis of the Data Relating to K-12 Schooling Experiences ............................................ 90 The Complexities of Researching Multiethnic Identities ............................................ 93 Self as Research \u00E2\u0080\u009CInstrument\u00E2\u0080\u009D ...................................................................................... 99 Insider/Outsider Research.................................................................................................... 100 Self as Insider/Outsider ........................................................................................................ 103 Additional Methodological Considerations ........................................................................ 109 Conclusion ..................................................................................................................... 112 CHAPTER FIVE: PARTICIPANT PROFILES ....................................................... 114 Jill ........................................................................................................................................... 114 Mialany .................................................................................................................................. 117 Dana ....................................................................................................................................... 119 Andrea .................................................................................................................................... 123 Anthony .................................................................................................................................. 125 Frank ...................................................................................................................................... 127 Jasmine ................................................................................................................................... 128 David ...................................................................................................................................... 131 Cara ........................................................................................................................................ 133 Amaya .................................................................................................................................... 135 Raya ........................................................................................................................................ 138 Barry ...................................................................................................................................... 140 Christina ................................................................................................................................ 142 Kendra ................................................................................................................................... 143 Renee ...................................................................................................................................... 145 Jen ........................................................................................................................................... 146 Hip Hapa ................................................................................................................................ 147 Kelley ...................................................................................................................................... 150 Josh ......................................................................................................................................... 153 Jordan .................................................................................................................................... 155 Anne ....................................................................................................................................... 157 Hannah ................................................................................................................................... 159 v Marie ...................................................................................................................................... 161 Discussion ............................................................................................................................... 163 CHAPTER SIX: PARTICIPANTS\u00E2\u0080\u0099 EXPERIENCES AND PERCEPTIONS OF THE FORMAL ASPECTS OF K-12 SCHOOLING ................................................. 169 Documentation of Racial and Ethnic Identities .................................................................. 170 Race and Ethnicity-Based Student Organizations ............................................................. 173 Relationships and Interactions with Teachers and Administrators ................................. 179 Specific Lessons, Projects, and Classroom Activities ......................................................... 183 (Not) Learning about Multiethnicity ................................................................................... 185 (Not) Learning about Race and Ethnicity ........................................................................... 188 Diversity Education Initiatives............................................................................................. 194 Integrating the Data .............................................................................................................. 205 CHAPTER SEVEN: PARTICIPANTS\u00E2\u0080\u0099 EXPERIENCES AND PERCEPTIONS OF THE INFORMAL ASPECTS OF K-12 SCHOOLING ............................................ 213 School Diversity ..................................................................................................................... 213 Friendships ............................................................................................................................ 220 Diverse Friendship Networks and Boundary Crossing ..................................................... 220 Friends with Similar Identities and Heritages .................................................................... 224 Stereotypes ............................................................................................................................. 226 Challenged Identities ............................................................................................................ 232 Racial Tension at School ....................................................................................................... 237 Integrating the Data .............................................................................................................. 239 CHAPTER EIGHT: PARTICIPANTS\u00E2\u0080\u0099 BROADER REFLECTIONS ON SCHOOLING AND RECOMMENDATIONS FOR EDUCATORS ....................... 244 Participant Perspectives ....................................................................................................... 245 Integrating the Data .............................................................................................................. 266 Correcting a \u00E2\u0080\u009CBlindness\u00E2\u0080\u009D Towards Multiethnic Students ..................................................................267 Talking About Race (and Ethnicity and Multiethnicity) ....................................................................268 Specifically Addressing Multiethnicity ..............................................................................................269 Getting an Early Start .........................................................................................................................270 We All Have Similar \u00E2\u0080\u009CNeeds\u00E2\u0080\u009D ...........................................................................................................271 A Desire for Awareness and Understanding ......................................................................................273 CHAPTER NINE: CONCLUSION............................................................................. 277 Research Questions and Findings ........................................................................................ 277 Implications and Recommendations for Educators ........................................................... 283 Future Research Directions .................................................................................................. 288 Reflections on the Research Methodology .......................................................................... 290 vi Reflections on a Postpositivist Realist Framing of Identity ............................................... 294 Concluding Thoughts ............................................................................................................ 298 REFERENCES .............................................................................................................. 300 APPENDICES ............................................................................................................... 314 Appendix I \u00E2\u0080\u0093 Semi-Structured Interview Protocol ............................................................ 314 Appendix II \u00E2\u0080\u0093 Writing Activity Prompt .............................................................................. 316 Appendix III - Maria Root's 50 Experiences of Racially Mixed People ........................... 317 Appendix IV \u00E2\u0080\u0093 Behavioral Research Ethics Board Certificate of Approval ................... 321 vii LIST OF TABLES Table 1\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A6...\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u00A684 viii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am tremendously grateful to all of the students who took time from their busy schedules to share their thoughts, stories, and experiences with me. I truly appreciate their thoughtful engagement with the research questions and I hope that I have done justice to the richness of their interviews, focus groups, and writing activities. I am also grateful to iPride for its assistance in contacting research participants and to Corissa Stobing, Lori MacDonald, and Gavin Kermode for their invaluable support of this project. This research, of course, would not have been possible without the guidance and encouragement provided by my supervisory committee: Carolyn Shields, Kogila Adam- Moodley, and Jennifer Chan. I am particularly grateful to Carolyn for her constant support and thoughtful mentorship through all stages of my doctoral studies. I also thank Lisa Loutzenheiser for supervising one of my qualifying exams and Daniel Vokey and Jean Barman for their generosity of time and guidance. Within a month of beginning my graduate studies at UBC, I met and became good friends with (now Dr.) Mark Edwards. During weekly conversations en route to a research site, Mark offered much invaluable advice for the rookie graduate student and often reminded me that the pursuit of a graduate degree is a journey and not simply a race to the finish line. During this journey, I have had the immense fortune of being surrounded by supportive friends, family, and colleagues who have constantly motivated me, helped me to keep things in perspective, never (to my knowledge) lost confidence in me, suffered through endless conversations about my research, and provided much needed study breaks. I am immensely grateful to each one of you for your friendship and support. I am especially grateful to the Mumicks for providing a home, Indian food, and ix great company when I needed them most during my studies in Vancouver; to Uncle Johnny for the regular study breaks and stimulating conversations during the lonely days spent at my computer; to my comrades in the academy, AJ, Jess, Kristina, Nada, and Jude, for their willingness to commiserate and inspire as needed; and to Martha and Katie who, in their own unique ways, made sure I never lost sight of life beyond the university. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve always found public displays of emotion (and particularly my own) somewhat embarrassing and uncomfortable, so it is perhaps not surprising that I have found writing these acknowledgements so difficult. (Who would have thought that the \u00E2\u0080\u009CAcknowledgements\u00E2\u0080\u009D would be one of the more challenging sections of the dissertation to write!). The truth is, as I reflect on the people who have encouraged and supported me on this journey, and without whose assistance this dissertation would not have been possible, I am overwhelmed by feelings of gratitude and love. This is particularly true as I reflect on the love and support of my family. Mommy, you are the consummate feminist (the lipstick, the three-inch heels, they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not fooling anyone); thank you for teaching me the value of an education and instilling in me the drive and enthusiasm to pursue a PhD. You cheered me on when my energy wilted and I doubted myself, and your ongoing support and encouragement kept me optimistic, determined, and excited about this enormous undertaking. Daddy, thank you for your 24 hour, round the clock availability. Likewise, thank you for somehow being exactly what I needed, when I needed it: tech support when the printer failed (right, check paper), sounding board as I developed my ideas aloud, friend when I simply needed to talk. Mommy is right, she found us the perfect dad. And Nina, there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s a reason you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re doing creative writing. Good luck with the degree. Only you could convince me that soliloquy has a place in academic writing and x that \u00E2\u0080\u009CDude, Where\u00E2\u0080\u0099s My Theory?\u00E2\u0080\u009D is a timely and completely acceptable title for a Master\u00E2\u0080\u0099s level paper. And no, I won\u00E2\u0080\u0099t forget that I owe you lots and lots of proofreading when you write your thesis! Adrian, for you I am grateful everyday and I dedicate this dissertation to you. 1 CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION I have been told that I am exotic, interesting, and lucky to have been exposed to two different cultures (\u00E2\u0080\u009CYou get the best of both worlds, Erica\u00E2\u0080\u009D). Yet, I have also been told that I have \u00E2\u0080\u009Cconfused genes\u00E2\u0080\u009D and that I will live a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cconflicted life.\u00E2\u0080\u009D I have been asked more times than I can count if I am adopted, others often \u00E2\u0080\u009Cremind\u00E2\u0080\u009D me how lucky I am that I can \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpass\u00E2\u0080\u009D as White, and my knowledge and experiences of Indian culture have been tested, evaluated, and measured continuously by friends, strangers, and even a few teachers. Questions I am often presented with include: \u00E2\u0080\u009CDo you eat Indian food at home?\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u009CDo you speak Hindi?\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u009CIs your family Hindu?\u00E2\u0080\u009D and \u00E2\u0080\u009CHave you been to India?\u00E2\u0080\u009D Each time I am presented with such questions, I wonder if visibly [insert racial or ethnic group here] individuals get asked similar questions in such a challenging way. I also remember how I felt when an(other) Indian student in my high school said, \u00E2\u0080\u009CYou aren\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really Indian, Erica.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Throughout my life, it seems that many of my friends, classmates, teachers, and even some family members and strangers have had trouble deciding where I \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbelong,\u00E2\u0080\u009D could not reconcile the differences between their perceptions of me and my identity, and have felt the need to impose their racial and ethnic understandings on me. Given the interactive nature of identity development, comments and experiences such as these were not without consequence for my sense of self and belonging. It wasn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t until I arrived at graduate school and started studying multicultural and antiracist education that I began to seriously interrogate some of these experiences from an educational perspective. From this, numerous questions emerged. Would my experiences have been different if people had known more about multiethnicity or if it had been included in the curriculum? How might my experiences have been different if 2 schools developed different approaches to studying racial and ethnic diversity? What can schools do to be more inclusive of their multiethnic students and support their identity development? What new understandings of race, ethnicity, multiethnicity, and identity are required to more accurately reflect the experiences of students in today\u00E2\u0080\u0099s schools? Have other multiethnic students had experiences similar to mine? These questions, among others, are what brought me to this study, which seeks to understand the perceived influence of K-12 schooling experiences on the identity construction of self-identified multiethnic students. Context This study may not have been possible, and quite certainly would have yielded significantly different findings, had it been conducted at any other time in American history. Just over 40 years ago, prior to the United States Supreme Court\u00E2\u0080\u0099s 1967 ruling in Loving v. Virginia, anti-miscegenation laws prevented mixed race couples (particularly Black-White couples) from marrying. Prior to that, until the Supreme Court\u00E2\u0080\u0099s 1954 ruling in Brown v. Board of Education, racial segregation in American public schools was legally permissible. Even after Brown, Jim Crow laws and official racial segregation remained in place for another decade while the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cone drop rule\u00E2\u0080\u009D meant that anyone with Black ancestry was considered Black. Other attacks on racial integration in the history of the United States include, but certainly are not limited to, the internment of approximately 110,000 Japanese individuals during WWII, California\u00E2\u0080\u0099s 1905 prohibition on marriages between Caucasians and \u00E2\u0080\u009CMongolians,\u00E2\u0080\u009D and the westward relocation of Native Americans to isolated lands. 3 Although certainly the United States has not yet achieved racial equality, race relations have changed dramatically in the past 50 years and such egregious attacks on fundamental freedoms (at least within our national borders) have greatly diminished. Fifty years ago, multicultural education had not yet emerged as an approach to better serve minoritized students in schools; many of today\u00E2\u0080\u0099s technological advances facilitating and encouraging the movement of information, consumer goods, cultural artifacts, and people around the globe had not yet been achieved; and the biological underpinnings of race remained largely intact. Just over a decade ago, individuals were not yet allowed to select more than one racial category on the US Census and official school forms, Tiger Woods was not yet publically asserting a multiethnic identity, and the US had not yet elected a multiethnic president. Indeed, this study is situated in a specific moment in history marked by much higher levels of recognition, support, and acceptance of multiethnic individuals than in the past. Moreover, this context is changing rapidly, so much so that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cresearch findings from 15 to 20 years ago may not be replicable or as relevant to persons who are of mixed race in their early twenties\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Root, 2003b, p. 121). Today, celebrities, professional athletes, and politicians like Tiger Woods, Halle Berry, Paula Abdul, Vanessa Hudgens, and Barack Obama have increased the prominence of multiethnicity in both the media and the public consciousness. Tiger Woods, for example, discussed his multiethnic identity on the Oprah Winfrey Show, calling himself Cablinasian (to represent his Caucasian, Black, American Indian, Thai, and Chinese heritage) (see Hollinger, 2004). Scholars and authors such as Arboleda (1998), Basu (2007), Camper (1994), Ifekwunigwe (2004), Krebs (1999), Kwan & Speirs (2004), Renn (2008), Rockquemore and Brunsma (2002), Rockquemore and Laszloffy 4 (2005), Root (1992b, 1996b), Schwartz (1998), Wallace (2004), Wardle (1996, 1998, 2004), Wilson (1987), Winters and DeBose (2003), and Zack (1993, 1995), to name but a few, have contributed to a substantial increase in the research and literature related to multiethnicity. With the help of organizations like iPride and the Interracial Family Circle, multiethnic families can, in at least some parts of North America, connect in a supportive community. Resources and information related to multiethnicity are now readily available via websites such as those hosted by MAVIN, the Mixed Heritage Center, and the Association of MultiEthnic Americans. And, thanks to programs like iPride\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Multiethnic Education Program, educators can benefit from resources, training, and support as they strive to be responsive to, and supportive of, the educational experiences of their multiethnic students. It is fair to say, then, that in manifold ways and myriad settings, multiethnicity is receiving long overdue attention and acceptance, so much so that we now often hear of the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmultiracial/multiethnic movement.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Largely in response to the campaigning of multiethnic individuals, the 2000 U.S. Census was the first to allow individuals to indicate identification with more than one racial group. U.S. Census Bureau estimates from July 2007 indicate that nearly 2.5% of the California population is, in the Bureau\u00E2\u0080\u0099s terms, multiracial. Similar estimates were reported for Nevada, Oregon, and Washington, and much higher percentages were reported for Oklahoma (4%), Alaska (4.7%), and Hawaii (18.6%) (Stuckey, 2008). Given that the Census counts only those who identify with more than one racial group, these numbers do not include those who identify with multiple ethnicities; the fractions identifying as multiethnic would likely be considerably greater. Although already significant, these statistics should be even more compelling for educators when we 5 consider the distribution of multiethnic individuals by age. According to a report based on findings from the 2000 Census, \u00E2\u0080\u009CPeople who reported more than one race were more likely to be under age 18 than those reporting only one race .\u00E2\u0080\u00A6Of the 6.8 million people in the Two [sic] or more races population [category], 42 percent were under 18\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Jones & Smith, 2001, p. 9). Based on these numbers, we can assert confidently that a large percentage of the students in our schools are multiethnic, and logic dictates that their numbers will increase with time. Clearly, then, this research emerges from a changing context marked by increasing recognition of and interest in multiethnicity and the experiences of multiethnic individuals. Moreover, we cannot deny that multiethnic individuals and couples do not face the same legal and social impediments they once did, that attacks on racial and ethnic integration are not as overt or pervasive as they once were, and that some progress has been made towards racial and ethnic equality in the United States. Given these changes, it may perhaps be tempting to sit back and celebrate the achievements and progress realized to date, yet they should not be allowed to obscure the fact that much remains to be done. In fact, these achievements are, I would argue, best viewed as evidence that additional progress is possible. We must also bear in mind that increased recognition of and interest in multiethnic individuals and their experiences is not a substitute for deep understanding. Indeed, our understanding of the experiences and identity construction of multiethnic individuals remains limited (Shih & Sanchez, 2005; 2009). If we are to achieve the sort of deep understanding of the experiences of multiethnic individuals that may more appropriately inform future policy, practice, and 6 relationships, we cannot be satisfied with mere recognition and interest. Rather, we must undertake genuine inquiry into the experiences of multiethnic individuals and the effects of current policies, practice, and social relations on those experiences. More broadly, if we are sincere about our desire for equity, social justice, and a society in which racial and ethnic identities are not determinants of opportunity or life chances, we must continue to interrogate the constructs of race and ethnicity and the ways in which racial and ethnic ideologies and categories operate in the lives of individuals. This research, in examining the identity construction of multiethnic students as influenced by their K-12 schooling experiences, seeks such deep understanding, and, it is hoped, may serve as the basis for more informed educational policy and practice. Problem Statement and Purpose It is widely believed that schools play a significant role in students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 racial and ethnic identity development (see, for example, Castenell & Pinar, 1993; Dolby, 2000; Gay, 1994; Kincheloe & Steinberg, 1997; Nieto, 2000; Yon, 2000) and prior research links students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 racial and ethnic identities to academic self-esteem and educational aspirations and outcomes (see, for example, Zirkel, 2008). Thus, many educators and researchers have turned their attention to educational methods for supporting the identity development of students, and in particular, the racial and ethnic identity development of minoritized students. Such efforts most often take the form of multicultural and antiracist education programs\u00E2\u0080\u0094initiatives frequently critiqued for their tendency to perpetuate rigid, essentialist, and static understandings of race and ethnicity and to reinforce the boundaries constructed between racial and ethnic categories (see, for example, Cruz- Janzen, 1997; Dolby, 2000; Gosine, 2002). Based on these critiques, it is often assumed 7 that contemporary approaches to diversity education marginalize multiethnic students and fail to support their racial and ethnic identity development (see, for example, Calore, 2008; Cruz-Janzen, 1997; Wardle, 1996, 2000a, 2004). Although such assumptions abound in educational literature, and despite the growing body of research and literature attending to the experiences and identity construction of multiethnic individuals, there is very little empirical research that examines the influence of schooling experiences on multiethnic students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 identity construction processes\u00E2\u0080\u0094processes understood as differing from those of monoethnic individuals in significant ways. There is, in other words, a significant gap in the research on multiethnic students and their identity development\u00E2\u0080\u0094a gap that this research begins to fill. The purpose of this qualitative inquiry was to gain a deep understanding of the K- 12 schooling experiences of multiethnic students and the perceived influence of these experiences on their racial and ethnic identity development. More specifically, I sought to examine the influence of school curriculum, policies, practices, social structures, and patterns of behavior on the perceptions of 23 multiethnic high school students in relation to questions of self, identity, and belonging. At the same time, I have endeavored to identify ways in which schools might be more inclusive and supportive of their multiethnic students. Multiethnic students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 voices should be heard as we attempt to overcome the limited, rigid, and impoverished understandings of race, ethnicity, and diversity that pervade contemporary schooling. Without efforts to fill the significant gaps in educational research about such students, attempts to develop more inclusive and less essentializing policies and practices regarding race and ethnicity cannot hope to succeed. 8 Research Questions and Methods The central research question for this study is: in what ways does K-12 schooling influence the racial and ethnic identity construction of multiethnic students? Related questions include: in what ways do school initiatives such as multicultural and antiracism education influence their identity development processes? What other aspects of K-12 schooling (i.e. the curriculum, peer networks and friendships, the racial and ethnic makeup of the school, extra-curricular activities, and student organizations) influence the racial and ethnic identity construction of multiethnic students? How might K-12 schools become more inclusive of, and better support the identity development of, multiethnic students? In seeking answers to these questions, I interviewed 23 self-identified multiethnic high school students drawn from eight schools across the San Francisco Bay Area. During semi-structured interviews, participants and I explored their racial and ethnic identity construction processes and the various factors influencing these processes, with a focus on their K-12 schooling experiences. All participants were invited to join optional focus groups and to complete an optional writing activity. Definitions In this section, I make clear my understanding and use of such terms as schooling, race, ethnicity, and multiethnicity\u00E2\u0080\u0094terms upon whose meanings there is seldom agreement. 9 Schooling vs. Education In much educational literature, the term \u00E2\u0080\u009Ceducation\u00E2\u0080\u009D is preferred to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cschooling,\u00E2\u0080\u009D as the former is seen to connote a process that takes place over one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s lifetime, in many different venues, both formally and informally, and is related to a broad range of topics and subjects. I quite intentionally, however, favor the terms \u00E2\u0080\u009Cschooling\u00E2\u0080\u009D and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cschooling experiences\u00E2\u0080\u009D throughout this study. I have done so because I believe that education is not confined to what one learns either formally or informally in schools and because my focus is specifically on, for example, the lessons and activities that occur in schools; the social interactions that take place between students in a classroom, in the hallways, in the cafeterias, on the lawns; the relationships between staff members and students; the explicit and implicit knowledge that students learn from their teachers, administrators, and classmates; and the school-based organizations and activities that students are invited to join or from which they are excluded. In short, my focus is on the broad range of lessons, activities, and interactions that take place in schools and the perceived influence of these on the identity construction of multiethnic students. Race, Ethnicity, and Multiethnicity Before discussing my definition and use of the term multiethnic, it is worth exploring the definitions of race and ethnicity I use, and my understanding of the relationship between these two constructs. As I understand it, \u00E2\u0080\u009Crace\u00E2\u0080\u009D is a concept that European expansionists devised, based on observations of physical variations, to create a system of color-coded hierarchy, which became \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca strategy for dividing, ranking, and 10 controlling colonized people\u00E2\u0080\u009D (American Anthropological Association, 1998, \u00C2\u00B6 7). More recently, the notion that humans can be organized into biologically discrete groups has lost credence. The more common perspective held by social scientists today is that race has \u00E2\u0080\u009Cno empirical validity or scientific merit. It exists instead as a social construction that is manipulated to define and reinforce the unequal relations between dominant and subordinate groups\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Fleras & Elliott, 2003, p. 386). In describing the instability of race\u00E2\u0080\u0099s meaning and racial categories themselves, Omi and Winant explain that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe meaning of race is defined and contested throughout society, in both collective action and personal practice. In the process, racial categories themselves are formed, transformed, destroyed and re-formed\u00E2\u0080\u009D (1986, p. 61). Despite the instability of race\u00E2\u0080\u0099s meaning, efforts to subvert this dubious concept, and the transformation and re-formation of racial categories, race and racial ideologies continue to hold real-life consequences\u00E2\u0080\u0094both positive and negative depending on where one is situated in the racial hierarchy\u00E2\u0080\u0094for individuals both in the United States and abroad. Thus, to adopt a color-blind approach that fails to acknowledge the very real material, social, and political inequities that result from racist ideologies (based on fictitious notions of race) precludes the sort of meaningful engagement that might actually pose a challenge to racism, racial ideologies, and the very notion of race. Arbitrary and unsound as racial categories are, to ignore them is not to deconstruct them. Although the terms race and ethnicity are often used interchangeably, and although I believe that the two concepts are closely related and that the distinction between them is blurred, the two are not synonymous. Giddens, Duneier, and Applebaum describe ethnicity in the following way: 11 Cultural values and norms that distinguish the members of a given group from others. An ethnic group is one whose members share a distinct awareness of a common cultural identity, separating them from other groups. In virtually all societies, ethnic differences are associated with variations in power and material wealth. Where ethnic differences are also racial, such divisions are sometimes especially pronounced. (2005, p. A6) Using this as a definition of ethnicity, we begin to see some of the similarities between the constructs of race and ethnicity: they are often experienced in similar ways (especially as such experiences relate to power and privilege) and they are both, at their core, essentially concerned with distinctions between and the grouping of individuals. These and other similarities between these two constructs significantly influenced my definition of the term multiethnic and my decision to examine the experiences of multiethnic (as opposed to multiracial) students. Throughout this research, I use the term multiethnic instead of multiracial, mixed race, biracial, mixed origin, mixed ethnicity, children of mixed parentage, of blended background, ethnoracially mixed, and a variety of other possible terms\u00E2\u0080\u0094terms that are often employed by study participants to describe their heritage and that are frequently found within the related literature. All of these terms are problematic and reinforce the misconception that there exist biologically defined \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpure\u00E2\u0080\u009D races and discrete ethnicities. They are not, though, used and defined in the same way by all researchers. In most of the related research, the terms multiracial and biracial are favored and typically refer to children of parents representing two or more racial categories (as delineated by the Census Bureau). In this study, I expand this focus to include children of parents who may be racially similar, but who represent different ethnicities. Under this conception, the child of a Chinese mother and a Japanese father is considered multiethnic, as is the child of an Afro-Caribbean mother and an African father. 12 The decision to define multiethnicity in this way is not based on an inaccurate conflation of race and ethnicity or the impact they have on the lives of individuals, but a desire to blur the distinction between them. In fact, as Hall argues, this distinction is already blurred. Biological racism privileges markers like skin colour, but those signifiers have always been used, by discursive extension, to connote social and cultural differences\u00E2\u0080\u00A6The biological referent is therefore never wholly absent from discourses of ethnicity, though it is more indirect. The more \u00E2\u0080\u009Cethnicity\u00E2\u0080\u009D matters, the more its characteristics are represented as relatively fixed, inherent within a group, transmitted from generation to generation, not just by culture and education, but by biological inheritance, stabilized above all by kinship and endogamous marriage rules that ensure that the ethnic group remains genetically, and therefore culturally \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpure\u00E2\u0080\u009D. (Hall, 2000, cited in Gunaratnam, 2003, p. 4) The strength of Hall\u00E2\u0080\u0099s argument can best be demonstrated through an examination of my own experiences. When I make claims to my Indian heritage such claims are challenged, primarily, because of my physical appearance (i.e. my perceived race). However, these challenges are aimed at my cultural practices and preferences (ethnicity), such as \u00E2\u0080\u009CDo you eat Indian food?\u00E2\u0080\u009D or \u00E2\u0080\u009CAre you Hindu?\u00E2\u0080\u009D or \u00E2\u0080\u009CDo you enjoy Bollywood movies?\u00E2\u0080\u009D To excessively differentiate between race and ethnicity would be to miss the significant \u00E2\u0080\u009Cinterrelations between the two \u00E2\u0080\u0098registers\u00E2\u0080\u0099 of biology and culture in processes of giving \u00E2\u0080\u0098race\u00E2\u0080\u0099 and ethnicity meaning and bringing them to life in the social world\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Gunaratnam, 2003, p. 5). Therefore, as it is used here, multiethnicity encompasses \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbiological ancestry as well as cultural and contextual influences that shape values, attitudes, and behaviors\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Greene, 2004, p. 115). While sharing my research at the most recent meeting of the American Educational Research Association, an audience member took exception to my use of the term multiethnic as it, she felt, downplays race and racism. She argued that researchers 13 should centralize race in their work as a more insidious construct than ethnicity if they hope to effectively challenge racism. As should be clear, I believe that this individual underestimates the interrelations between these two constructs. Moreover, I believe that any successful challenge to racism in contemporary American society will require additional focus on the ways in which cultural differences are mobilized to leave intact racial hierarchies and persistent inequities. This perspective was shaped in large part by Bonilla-Silva (2003) who argued that those with a vested interest in maintaining the racial status quo have developed new strategies for doing so, the manifestation of which he terms \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccolor-blind racism.\u00E2\u0080\u009D This \u00E2\u0080\u0098new\u00E2\u0080\u0099 variety of racism, unlike the overt forms of the Jim Crow era which drew explicitly on notions of biological and moral inferiority, rationalizes racial inequality through nonracial dynamics such as market outcomes and cultural limitations. Despite representing a shift away from the unconcealed, unabashed racism of yesteryears, Bonilla-Silva argues that, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthis new ideology has become a formidable political tool for the maintenance of the racial order\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 3). The ideology of color-blind racism relies on four central frames, namely abstract liberalism, naturalization, cultural racism, and minimization of racism. Of particular interest here is the frame of cultural racism, described by Bonilla-Silva as \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca frame that relies on culturally based arguments such as \u00E2\u0080\u0098Mexicans do not put much emphasis on education\u00E2\u0080\u0099 or \u00E2\u0080\u0098Blacks have too many babies\u00E2\u0080\u0099 to explain the standing of minorities in society\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 28). As cultural differences (as opposed to biological differences) are increasingly relied upon to defend persistent racial inequities, to consistently privilege race in one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s research neglects the relationship 14 between race and ethnicity and potentially undermines one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s efforts to challenge the racial status quo. As should be apparent, I recognize that different individuals and groups experience racial and ethnic categories differently and that these categories too often determine who gets what in American society. Why, then, group all multiethnic individuals together in this study? Indeed, elsewhere I have questioned the extent to which a single multiethnic population, with members who identify as such, actually exists and can be studied (Mohan & Venzant Chambers, 2009). Nevertheless, for several reasons described in greater detail in Chapters Three and Four, for the purposes of this study, individuals with diverse racial and ethnic heritage combinations were invited to participate. Briefly, this decision was based, in part, on the fact that as multiethnicity garners increased attention, there is often (but certainly not always) a tendency to depict the multiethnic \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpopulation\u00E2\u0080\u009D in broad strokes regardless of the racial and ethnic heritages they represent. This is true of media accounts, much of the related educational literature, organizations serving the multiethnic community, and other writings about multiethnicity. Moreover, I believe it is worth discerning if multiethnic students share common experiences related to straddling or crossing racial and ethnic borders, regardless of which races or ethnicities the borders segregate, and if these experiences hold implications for educators. Limitations and Delimitations Most of the limitations and delimitations of this study are addressed in Chapter Four. Those not addressed elsewhere are included here. This study only drew participants from schools in the San Francisco Bay Area, and thus neglects possible significant 15 regional differences within the state and across the country. However, because this study drew participants from public, private, inner-city, suburban, large, small, racially and ethnically diverse, and more homogeneous schools, where commonalities exist between participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 experiences and perceptions, we may feel confident generalizing from them. Any conclusions drawn from this study are also made with an awareness that all participants self-identified as multiethnic and volunteered to participate in this study. Accordingly, this study does not include participants whom I or others might consider multiethnic but who do not identify as such. Overview of the Dissertation Still requiring explanation is my understanding of identity and identity construction. This is the purpose of Chapter Two. I enter this study with a postpositivist realist conception of identities, as developed by Mohanty (1997, 2000) and expanded in Moya and Hames-Garc\u00C3\u00ADa (2000). This conception is positioned between essentialism and post-modernism, neither of which I find capable of dealing with the fluidity and complexity of identities as well as their epistemic and real-world significance. Central to this conception of identity are the causal relationship between one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s social identities and experiences and the cognitive component of experience that can help us to better understand our social positions and identities. This postpositivist realist approach serves as my starting point for a study of multiethnic identities. That is, I enter such a study with an acknowledgement of objective social structures and their consequences for groups and individuals, yet I do not accept a monolithic approach to identities that fails to recognize their variability, instability, and inconsistencies. Furthermore, I believe that interrogating identity categories and people\u00E2\u0080\u0099s experiences of them will not necessarily produce wholly 16 accurate or indisputable \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfacts,\u00E2\u0080\u009D but that we can come to better understand the social conditions that shape our experiences and the influence of these experiences on our identities through such a study. The purpose of Chapter Three is to situate my study in relation to the existing literature regarding multiethnic identities and the K-12 schooling experiences of multiethnic students\u00E2\u0080\u0094literature to which, in many ways, this study is a response. The literature review is divided into five sections, which, together, contribute to the rationale for this research, inform the research design, and provide the educational context for the study. In Section I, I examine empirical investigations of multiethnic identities and their formation and link the findings of prior research to the design of this study. Section II also examines research regarding multiethnic identity construction, but with a focus on the outcomes of the identity construction processes for individuals. Section III focuses on literature addressing the influence of K-12 schooling on students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 identity construction, as well as literature related to multicultural and antiracism education. Section IV examines the body of literature more narrowly focused on the K-12 schooling experiences of multiethnic students. Finally, Section V integrates the literature and research reviewed in Sections I-IV and highlights gaps in our understanding regarding the identity construction and K-12 schooling of multiethnic students. Chapter Four provides a description of this study\u00E2\u0080\u0099s methodology. There, I review the steps taken to access and interpret the experiences and perceptions of research participants. I explore the methodological complexities of conducting research with and for multiethnic individuals and share my responses to these complexities. I also interrogate my role as the primary research \u00E2\u0080\u009Cinstrument\u00E2\u0080\u009D for this study, including the 17 perceived influence of my identity on the research situation, as well as the biases, assumptions, and perspectives with which I entered this study and how I attempted to mitigate their impact. Chapters Five, Six, Seven, and Eight comprise presentations and discussions of the data. In Chapter Five, I present profiles of each participant\u00E2\u0080\u0094profiles which are needed to properly situate the influence of participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 K-12 schooling experiences within the broader context of other influences on their identities. Chapters Six and Seven examine participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 experiences and perceptions of the formal and informal aspects of K-12 schooling respectively. In Chapter Eight, I present and discuss the data related to participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 general reflections on K-12 schooling and their recommendations for educators. In Chapter Nine, the final chapter, I summarize the study, address the research questions in light of the literature and my findings, reflect on the study\u00E2\u0080\u0099s methodology and the insights offered by a postpositivist realist conception of identity, and identify implications and recommendations for educators based on the research findings. Chapter Nine also includes a discussion of future research directions emerging from this study. Significance of the Study As discussed, this study emerges from a context marked by an increasing recognition of multiethnic individuals and a rising interest in their social, educational, and personal experiences. This context is also characterized by a growing number of multiethnic students in today\u00E2\u0080\u0099s schools, about whose experiences there is very little empirical research. This study, therefore, is both timely and contributes to a growing, but still incomplete, body of literature related to the racial and ethnic identity development 18 and experiences of multiethnic individuals. This study also contributes in important ways to contemporary educational research and our understanding of multiethnic identity formation. Through the exploration of multiethnic students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 racial and ethnic identity development as influenced by K-12 schooling, it provides a starting point for educators concerned about the personal, academic, and social experiences of their multiethnic students. It may also help educators better understand the impact of K-12 schooling on the racial and ethnic identity development processes of multiethnic students. Additionally, it identifies ways in which schools might become more inclusive of their multiethnic students and better support their personal, academic, and social experiences. The study\u00E2\u0080\u0099s significance is that it offers deep understanding of participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 experiences and identifies implications that have the potential to inform educational policy and practice. 19 CHAPTER TWO: CONCEPTUAL AND THEORETICAL FRAMING OF IDENTITY Identity lies at the heart of this study, which seeks to determine the influence of K-12 schooling on participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 racial and ethnic identity development. Before this question can be researched, however, many others must be answered: What do I mean by identity? What theories inform my understanding of identity? What processes are implied by identity construction? And even, why do identities matter? In what follows, I answer these questions, mapping out a theoretical framing for my understanding of identities, how they are constructed, and the factors influencing them. Identity has been described as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cone of the most discussed and contentious issues in both the social sciences and society at large\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Gosine, 2002, p. 81), \u00E2\u0080\u009Cone of the most urgent\u00E2\u0080\u0094as well as hotly disputed\u00E2\u0080\u0094topics in literary and cultural studies\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Moya, 2000a, p. 1), and as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe fundamental question of philosophy from Socrates\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u0098Know thyself!\u00E2\u0080\u0099 through countless other masters down to Freud\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Maalouf, 1996/2000, p. 9). Given the significance of identity, as described by Moya below, it is not surprising that identity, and attempts to understand its meaning and development, persist in capturing the attention of so many from such disparate disciplines. The significance of identity depends partly on the fact that goods and resources are still distributed according to identity categories. Who we are\u00E2\u0080\u0094that is, who we perceive ourselves or are perceived by others to be\u00E2\u0080\u0094 will significantly affect our life chances: where we can live, whom we will marry (or whether we can marry), and what kinds of educational and employment opportunities will be available to us.\u00E2\u0080\u00A6Moreover, identities have consequences for the kinds of associations human beings form (such as white supremacist churches along the lines of Christian Identity) and the sorts of activities they engage in (such as blowing up federal buildings or shooting random nonwhite or Jewish people). (Moya, 2000a, pp. 8-9) 20 Indeed, there is little disagreement over the significance of identities, either for individuals and societies. And yet, while the importance of identity is agreed upon, there is no clear, widely accepted definition of identity, no single conception embraced by all disciplines. Likewise, the term identity is invoked in numerous and distinct ways. We often hear, for example, references to identity politics, especially as they relate to certain aspects of identity such as race, class, gender, sexuality, or nationality. Used in this way, identity refers to a sense of group membership or solidarity with individuals with whom one shares a common socio-politically salient identity. Thus, we often find discussions of particular types of identities, such as racial identity, national identity, or sexual identity. Identity may also refer broadly to an individual\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sense of self, or as Maalouf (1996/2003) says, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhat prevents me from being identical to anybody else\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 10). Here, identity is often linked to related notions of self-concept, self-esteem, and cultural knowledge or pride. We frequently hear warnings against identity theft and the need to protect one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s identity. In these instances, identity is used in reference to the market place and is linked to personal financial data. We also find instances in which \u00E2\u0080\u009Cidentity\u00E2\u0080\u009D is used as a noun or as a verb. Yon, for example, distinguished between identity conceptualized as a category announcing who we are or as \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca process of making identifications, a process that is continuous and incomplete\u00E2\u0080\u009D (2000, p. 13). How, then, is identity used here? In what follows, I outline the postpositivist realist approach to identity with which I entered this study. However, I first make clear some of the basic tenets of my understanding of identity and identity construction processes. Drawing on the work of Barth (1969), Jenkins (2003) describes identity development as consisting primarily of two processes. The first process is one of internal 21 definition in which individuals, either individually or collectively with others, develop a self-definition of their identity. In the second process\u00E2\u0080\u0094external definition\u00E2\u0080\u0094individuals are assigned an identity by others, which may or may not coincide with the self-definition of the individual. According to Jenkins, \u00E2\u0080\u009CIt is in the meeting of internal and external definition that identity, whether social or personal, is created\u00E2\u0080\u009D (2003, p. 61). Reflecting a similar understanding of the interactive nature of identity formation, Erikson (1968) explains, In psychological terms, identity formation employs a process of simultaneous reflection and observation, a process taking place on all levels of mental functioning, by which the individual judges himself in light of what he perceives to be the way in which others judge him in comparison to themselves and to a typology significant to them; while he judges their way of judging him in light of how he perceives himself in comparison to them and to types that have become relevant to him. (cited in Tatum, 1997, p. 19) Likewise, Tatum (1997) discusses the \u00E2\u0080\u009Clooking glass self\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Cooley, 1902) or the notion that how we see ourselves is inextricably linked to how others see us and, therefore, treat us. As she says, \u00E2\u0080\u009CWho am I? The answer depends in large part on who the world around me says I am\u00E2\u0080\u009D (1997, p. 18). That identities are constructed by individuals, not in isolation but though inherently social processes involving interaction with and responding to the influences of others is widely accepted by both those approaching identity from a psychological development perspective and those who approach identity from the social sciences. Although above I have cited Erikson, a well known psychoanalytic theorist, my thinking about identity is more influenced by understandings emerging from the social sciences than by those theories stemming from developmental psychology and psychoanalysis. I am mindful of the fact that how we think about and experience our 22 identities is, in part, tied to our cognitive and emotional development, but here my thinking is more fully informed by non-linear theories of identity that emphasize their fluidity and the influence of ecological factors. At the center of my conceptualization of identity lie notions of relationship and interaction. I am particularly persuaded by the idea that identities emerge through processes of negotiation and reconciliation between how one conceives of herself and the identities assigned to or imposed on her by others\u00E2\u0080\u0094assigned identities which in turn shape her relationships with others and her experiences stemming from these relationships, especially as they relate to notions of inclusion and exclusion. Appiah (2005) calls these imposed identities \u00E2\u0080\u009Clabels.\u00E2\u0080\u009D As he explains, \u00E2\u0080\u009COnce labels are applied to people, ideas about people who fit the label come to have social and psychological effects. In particular, these ideas shape the ways people conceive of themselves and their projects\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 66). For labels to function in this way, Appiah notes, we must have a social conception of the group to which a label refers \u00E2\u0080\u009Cso that some people are recognized as members of the group,\u00E2\u0080\u009D some people must identify as members of the group, and some people must be treated as members of the group (p. 67). Thus, the label \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwoman,\u00E2\u0080\u009D functions to influence our individual identities only in so far as we have a basic shared understanding of what it means to be a woman, others self-identify as women, and those identified as women are sometimes treated as women. As Appiah (2005) notes, these labels or imposed identities often correlate to prominent social categories such as race, class, gender, sexuality, and ethnicity. To return to the notion of a \u00E2\u0080\u009Clooking glass self,\u00E2\u0080\u009D the way we are treated, our relationships and experiences, what the world says we are, and thus, our identities, often reflect and are 23 shaped by the most visible and socio-politically salient dimensions of identity, including, but not limited to, race, class, gender, sexuality, ability, religion, location, nationality, appearance, age, and education. These social categories, none of which is always experienced in isolation, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cblend, constantly and differently, expanding one another and mutually constituting one another\u00E2\u0080\u0099s meanings\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Hames-Garc\u00C3\u00ADa, 2000, p. 106). And, of course, the meaning attached to these labels and thus the nature of their influence on our identities are shaped by social and political contexts and are rooted in history. Thus, in saying that our identities emerge through constant negotiation between our internal self- perceptions and external identities assigned to us, we must keep in mind that our self- perceptions and others\u00E2\u0080\u0099 perceptions of us are shaped by numerous dimensions, dimensions that are not static but are rooted in history and given meaning in our particular social and political contexts. In other words, our identities are shaped by our own and others\u00E2\u0080\u0099 understanding of what it means to be, for example, a woman or a man, heterosexual or homosexual, and Christian or Buddhist, and the meaning attached to these labels\u00E2\u0080\u0094understandings and meanings that vary in different contexts. As previously discussed, identity is invoked in numerous ways, including in reference to a sense of group membership or solidarity with individuals with whom one shares a common socio-politically salient identity. Although nationality, for example, may be a significant element of one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s identity, it is unlikely, however, to capture its entirety. In other words, few people are likely to describe themselves in terms of just one aspect of their identity while neglecting all other dimensions. Nevertheless, there are certain dimensions of identity, dimensions that often play a determining role in our experiences and relationships, worthy of additional attention. For example, race is often 24 singled out as a central aspect of an individual\u00E2\u0080\u0099s identity, as race mediates so many other experiences we may have\u00E2\u0080\u0094as a student, or a mother, or an immigrant. While not ignoring the impact of other socio-politically salient dimensions of identity, as the focus of this study is multiethnic identities, I briefly explain here my understanding of racial and ethnic identities. In defining racial and ethnic identity formation, I borrow Tatum\u00E2\u0080\u0099s understanding of it as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe process of defining for oneself the personal significance and social meaning of belonging to a particular racial [and/or ethnic] group\u00E2\u0080\u009D (1997, p. 16).1 Tatum\u00E2\u0080\u0099s conception of racial and ethnic identity emphasizes the personal meaning and importance attached to identifying with a racial or ethnic group and acknowledges that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe salience of particular aspects of our identity varies at different moments in our lives\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 20). Thus, the importance one attaches to her racial or ethnic identity is likely to vary with time and context. It should be clear at this point that identities conceptualized in this way are neither fixed nor stable. Quite obviously, there are some dimensions of our identities, for example those related to location, age, familial roles, or occupation, that are likely to change over time and thus shape our identities in different ways. Likewise, the meaning and significance attached to those dimensions of identity often thought of as being more constant (but certainly not always so), such as race, gender, class, or sexuality, are likely to change according to context. Furthermore, as our own thinking about the multiple dimensions of our identities shifts, as the experiences and relationships stemming from 1 Although Tatum specifically addresses racial identity development and acknowledges the differences between racial identity and ethnic identity, I nevertheless expand her understanding of racial identity development to include ethnic identity development. This does not reflect a conflation of race and ethnicity but a recognition that significance and meaning are often attached to membership in both racial and ethnic groups. 25 both imposed and self-assigned identities change, and as we interpret and reinterpret experiences and relationships influenced by our identities, our identities are likely to shift and transform. Given the preceding, we may wonder how one could ever set out to study identities and the factors influencing them. The answer to this question lies, in large part, in the epistemological stance with which one approaches the study of identities. In what follows, I briefly outline and critique two theoretical understandings of identity\u00E2\u0080\u0094those often labeled as essentialist and associated with identity politics and those most often characterized as stemming from postmodernist/poststructuralist perspectives. I then outline the postpositivist realist conception of identity with which I entered this study. This conception is both consistent with and reflects the foregoing understandings of identity. Here, I draw heavily on the work of Mohanty (2000) and Moya (2000a/b) who developed this framework as a means of transcending the opposition constructed between essentialist and postmodernist approaches to identity. Finally, I take a closer look at Hames-Garc\u00C3\u00ADa\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (2000) postpositivist realist approach to the multiplicity of identities. An Essentialist Approach to Identity An essentialist approach to understanding identities posits that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cindividuals or groups have an immutable and discoverable \u00E2\u0080\u0098essence\u00E2\u0080\u0099 \u00E2\u0080\u0093 a basic, unvariable, and presocial nature,\u00E2\u0080\u009D which determines their cultural identity (Moya, 2000a, p. 7). Such an approach is frequently applied to various categories of identity including race, ethnicity, gender, sexuality, and class, and, when employed in the research process to advance the interests of a particular group of individuals, is often termed \u00E2\u0080\u009Cidentity politics.\u00E2\u0080\u009D As a method for understanding identities, essentialism has been criticized for its \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctendency to posit one 26 aspect of identity (say, gender) as the sole cause or determinant constituting the social meanings of an individual\u00E2\u0080\u0099s experience\u00E2\u0080\u009D and its disregard for the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cinstability and internal heterogeneity of identity categories\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Moya, 2000a, p. 3). Likewise, essentialism is critiqued for neglecting the ways in which identities are constituted by \u00E2\u0080\u009Cvariegated social categories that are in a constant state of production and negotiation with other forms of difference, and within specific social, historical and interactional arenas, whilst also serving to constitute the arenas\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Gunaratnam, 2003, p. 32). In other words, because identities are neither predictable nor stable but rather are in a constant state of construction and negotiation, essentialism is said to be a deficient approach for it fails to capture (or neglects to acknowledge) the complexity, variability, and fluidity of identities. Postmodern and Poststructural Approaches to Identity Embracing such critiques of essentialism, and in an effort to posit an alternative approach to understanding identities, postmodernist and poststructuralist theorists tend towards an absolute deconstruction of identity and the idea of a knowable self. As Moya (2000a) explains, Instead of asking how we know who we are, post-structuralist-inspired critics are inclined to suggest that we cannot know; rather than investigate the nature of the self, they are likely to suggest that it has no nature\u00E2\u0080\u00A6.Because subjects exist only in relation to ever-evolving webs of signification and because they constantly differ from themselves as time passes and meanings change, the self\u00E2\u0080\u0094as a unified, stable, and knowable entity existing prior to or outside language\u00E2\u0080\u0094is merely a fiction of language, an effect of discourse. (p. 6) Or, as Kumar explains in his analysis of the post-modern condition, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cidentity is not unitary or essential, it is fluid and shifting, fed by multiple sources and taking multiple forms (there is no such thing as \u00E2\u0080\u0098woman\u00E2\u0080\u0099 or \u00E2\u0080\u0098black\u00E2\u0080\u0099)\u00E2\u0080\u009D (1997, p. 98). We can quickly see 27 the dilemma posed by a postmodern perspective for anyone seeking to understand any aspect or consequence of identities: How can one examine and evaluate the political, social, economic, and personal implications of identity categories which have been so comprehensively deconstructed as to elude scrutiny? Moreover, how can we examine the factors influencing, for example, the racial identities of Black urban youth when the very notions of \u00E2\u0080\u009CBlack,\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u009Curban\u00E2\u0080\u009D and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cyouth\u00E2\u0080\u009D have been so thoroughly challenged? The researcher of racial and ethnic identities, therefore, may find herself in a precarious position between two approaches to the study of identities that have been positioned in opposition to each other, and neither of which \u00E2\u0080\u009Chas proved adequate to the task of explaining the social, political, and epistemic significance of identities\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Moya, 2000a, p. 10). According to Mohanty (2000), \u00E2\u0080\u009CBoth the essentialism of identity politics and the skepticism of the postmodernist position seriously underread the real epistemic and political complexities of our social and cultural identities\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 43). For that reason, I am drawn to an alternative approach, that of postpositivist realism. A Postpositivist Realist Approach to Identity Here, drawing primarily on the work of Moya (2000a/b) and Mohanty (2000), I provide a detailed overview of their way through this dispute, which is intended to \u00E2\u0080\u009Creclaim identity\u00E2\u0080\u009D through the development of a postpositivist realist theory of identity. While I draw almost exclusively on the works of Moya (2000a/b) and Mohanty (2000), it should be noted that Roman (1993) presents a comparable approach which she terms socially contested realism. Mohanty, who first put forward the postpositivist realist theory of identity in 1993, provides the following proposal for theorizing identities: 28 [W]e need to explore the possibility of a theoretical understanding of social and cultural identity in terms of objective social location. To do so, we need a cognitivist conception of experience\u00E2\u0080\u00A6a conception that will allow for both legitimate and illegitimate experience, enabling us to see experience as a source of both real knowledge and social mystification. Both the knowledge and the mystification are, however, open to analysis on the basis of empirical information about our social situation and a theoretical account of our current social and political arrangements. (2000, p. 43) We cannot fully understand Mohanty\u00E2\u0080\u0099s proposal for theorizing identities presented here without examining the epistemic status he attributes to experiences stemming from one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s social location and their role in the construction of one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s identity. By way of explanation, Mohanty (2000) states that [E]xperience, properly interpreted, can yield reliable and genuine knowledge, just as it can point up instances and sources of real mystification.\u00E2\u0080\u00A6It is on the basis of this revised understanding of experience that we can construct a realist theory of social or cultural identity, in which experiences would not serve as foundations because of their self-evident authenticity but would provide some of the raw material with which we construct identities. (p. 32) Mohanty acknowledges that experience is not self evident nor always a reliable source of knowledge, however, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwe do and can learn or discover something about the reality that shapes our experience\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Hau, 2000, p. 157). The argument is that there is a cognitive component to experience, in that experience involves \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca range of processes of organizing information, processes that, like all cognitive activities, involve constant reinterpretation, reevaluation, and adjudication\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Hau, 2000, p. 156). Thus, through an interpretation and reinterpretation of experiences, we can come to better understand both our social positions and our identities. The foregoing ideas are best captured in the six claims of a postpositivist realist theory of identity provided by Moya (2000b). As the focus of this study is multiethnic 29 identities, I attempt to describe and clarify these claims through examples related to multiethnic identities. 1. \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe different social categories (such as gender, race, class, and sexuality) that together constitute an individual\u00E2\u0080\u0099s social location are causally related to the experiences she will have\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 81). Here it is important to highlight two aspects of this claim. First, Moya draws our attention to the fact that social categories together influence an individual\u00E2\u0080\u0099s experience. Hence, the experiences of a wealthy White woman are very likely to differ from those of an economically disadvantaged White woman. Second, Moya notes, the significance and influence of social categories vary according to context: To appreciate the structural causality of the experiences of any given individual, we must take into account the mutual interaction of all the relevant social categories that constitute her social location and situate them within the particular social, cultural, and historical matrix in which she exists. (p. 82) Thus, it is problematic, and likely to lead to inaccurate assumptions, to think of one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s multiethnic identity without consideration of the other aspects of her identity (such as class or sexuality) and how the experience, and thus influence, of each of these aspects is determined by her particular social, political, and historical context. Moreover, it is important to keep in mind that as one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s context changes, so too will her experiences. 2. \u00E2\u0080\u009CAn individual\u00E2\u0080\u0099s experiences will influence, but not entirely determine, the formation of her cultural identity\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 82). Of particular importance here is that fact that different individuals of the same social group may interpret their experiences stemming from membership in that social group differently. In other words, it is not one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s experiences alone, but her interpretation of those experiences (which differ for each individual), that will most influence her identity. As Moya explains, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe kinds of identities [individuals] construct for themselves 30 will both condition and be conditioned by the kinds of interpretations they give to the experiences they have\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 82). Here, I will use as an example a common experience shared by me and my sister. When we assert a White/East Indian multiethnic identity, we are often confronted with questions about our connection to and experiences with Indian culture such as \u00E2\u0080\u009CDo you eat Indian food\u00E2\u0080\u009D or \u00E2\u0080\u009CHave you been to India?\u00E2\u0080\u009D or \u00E2\u0080\u009CDo you speak Hindi?\u00E2\u0080\u009D Whereas I may interpret these questions as someone taking a kind interest in my heritage (\u00E2\u0080\u009CWow, she thinks I am interesting!\u00E2\u0080\u009D), my sister may interpret them as challenges to her identity (\u00E2\u0080\u009CThis person is testing how Indian I am\u00E2\u0080\u009D). Based on such interpretations, I may see myself as special, interesting, and a true member of the Indian community, whereas my sister may see herself as the victim of rigid racial and ethnic categories and her sense of identity as a member of the Indian community may be challenged and thus altered. 3. \u00E2\u0080\u009CThere is a cognitive component to identity that allows for the possibility of error and of accuracy in interpreting the things that happen to us\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 83). Here, Moya draws our attention to the fact that our personal experiences may be interpreted and reinterpreted in light of new experiences and knowledge and that these interpretations (see Claim 2) will largely determine their influence on our identities. Thus, an individual may reinterpret her previous experiences of being coded as Black, perhaps with more accuracy, in light of new knowledge about the history of racism against Blacks. As Moya explains, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cit is a feature of theoretically mediated experience that one person\u00E2\u0080\u0099s understanding of the same situation may undergo revision over the course of time, thus rendering her subsequent interpretations of that situation more or less accurate\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 83). Returning to the previous example of questions regarding my experiences with and knowledge of Indian culture, after learning about the ways in which 31 racial and ethnic categories have been mobilized for purposes of sorting and domination and the mechanisms used to reinforce the boundaries between racial and ethnic groups, I may reinterpret these questions and my experience, reinterpretations which may in turn influence my sense of identity. 4. \u00E2\u0080\u009CSome identities, because they can more adequately account for the social categories constituting an individual\u00E2\u0080\u0099s social location, have greater epistemic value than some others that the same individual might claim\u00E2\u0080\u009D (pp. 83-84). Using her own identity as an example, Moya explains that her identity as a Chicana may grant her \u00E2\u0080\u009Cknowledge about the world that is \u00E2\u0080\u0098truer,\u00E2\u0080\u0099 and more \u00E2\u0080\u0098objective,\u00E2\u0080\u0099 than an alternative identity [she] might claim as either a \u00E2\u0080\u0098Mexican,\u00E2\u0080\u0099 a \u00E2\u0080\u0098Hispanic,\u00E2\u0080\u0099 or an \u00E2\u0080\u0098American\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u009D in that a Chicana identity may more accurately reflect other salient aspects of her social identity such as, for example, her \u00E2\u0080\u009CIndian Blood,\u00E2\u0080\u009D her \u00E2\u0080\u009CMexican cultural heritage,\u00E2\u0080\u009D her \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpolitical awareness,\u00E2\u0080\u009D and her \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdisadvantaged position in a hierarchically organized society arranged according to categories of class, race, gender, and sexuality\u00E2\u0080\u009D (pp. 84-5). Here, I am reminded of debates regarding how multiethnic individuals should identify. Take, for example, US President Barack Obama. Although he certainly does not disavow his multiethnic heritage, many have argued that because he is phenotypically Black, an identity as Black or African American may more accurately reflect structures of racism and discrimination of which he is likely to have been a victim. Indeed, Obama himself recently said \u00E2\u0080\u009CI identify as African-American \u00E2\u0080\u0094 that's how I'm treated and that's how I'm viewed. I'm proud of it\u00E2\u0080\u009D (\u00E2\u0080\u009CObama\u00E2\u0080\u0099s True Colors,\u00E2\u0080\u009D 2008). Thus, an African American identity may more adequately reflect the social categories that have determined Obama\u00E2\u0080\u0099s social location than a multiracial identity. 32 5. \u00E2\u0080\u009COur ability to understand fundamental aspects of our world will depend on our ability to acknowledge and understand the social, political, economic, and epistemic consequences of our social location\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 85). Here, Moya is emphasizing the need to acknowledge and interrogate how the very real social categories such as race, class, gender, and sexuality determine our social locations, and the influence of these social locations on our identities. In other words, we can more accurately understand and construct our identities when we take into account the social, political, economic, and epistemic consequences of our social locations. To return to the example of Barack Obama, it is problematic to consider his rise to the White House as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe first Black president\u00E2\u0080\u009D (\u00E2\u0080\u009CObama\u00E2\u0080\u0099s True Colors,\u00E2\u0080\u009D 2008) without taking into account those factors that also constitute his social location. Certainly Obama benefits from being heterosexual in a heteronormative society. Surely being male is advantageous in a political landscape dominated by men. And, it is fair to assume that Obama\u00E2\u0080\u0099s White cultural capital imparted by his White mother proves valuable in a society still marked by persistent racism\u00E2\u0080\u0094racism increasingly based on cultural differences (Bonilla-Silva, 2003). Thus, by focusing on Obama\u00E2\u0080\u0099s race and ignoring the other factors that determine his social location, we misread fundamental aspects of American society. 6. \u00E2\u0080\u009COppositional struggle is fundamental to our ability to understand the world more accurately\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 86). The sixth claim is premised on the argument that, in dismantling dominant ideologies, oppositional struggles may lead to greater objectivity. As Moya explains, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe \u00E2\u0080\u0098alternative constructions and accounts\u00E2\u0080\u0099 generated through oppositional struggle provide new ways of looking at our world that always complicate and often challenge dominant conceptions of what is \u00E2\u0080\u0098right,\u00E2\u0080\u0099 \u00E2\u0080\u0098true,\u00E2\u0080\u0099 and \u00E2\u0080\u0098beautiful\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 86). Examples of oppositional struggle, as they relate to multiethnic individuals, that helped to expose racist dynamics 33 in the United States include efforts to challenge the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cone-drop rule\u00E2\u0080\u009D and anti- miscegenation laws. Tatum describes the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cone-drop rule\u00E2\u0080\u009D as follows: \u00E2\u0080\u009Cin both legal and social practice, anyone with any known African ancestry (no matter how far back in the family lineage) was considered Black, while only those without any trace of known African ancestry were called Whites\u00E2\u0080\u009D (1997, p. 169). This rule served as a means to protect the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpurity\u00E2\u0080\u009D of the White race and reinforce the boundaries between racial categories. In part, through the struggles of multiethnic individuals to challenge the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cone- drop rule\u00E2\u0080\u009D and to have the option to more accurately identify themselves, the racist underpinning of this rule and the ways in which it was used to dominate and exploit were exposed. Reading these \u00E2\u0080\u009Cclaims\u00E2\u0080\u009D of a postpositivist realist theory of identity, and in particular the final claim, one gets the sense that its proponents are treading close to a more objective/positivist approach to identity. To reconcile this near contradiction, the notion of fallibility is introduced. In Moya\u00E2\u0080\u0099s words, Realists\u00E2\u0080\u00A6do not shy away from making truth claims, but\u00E2\u0080\u00A6they understand those claims to be \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfallibilistic\u00E2\u0080\u009D\u00E2\u0080\u0094that is, like even the best discoveries of the natural sciences, open to revision on the basis of new or relevant information. In fact, it is realists\u00E2\u0080\u0099 willingness to admit the (in principle, endless) possibility of error in the quest for knowledge that enables them to avoid positivist assumptions about certainty and unrevisability that inform the (postmodernist) skeptic\u00E2\u0080\u0099s doubts about the possibility of arriving at a more accurate account of the world. (2000a, p. 13) Although written into most of the six claims discussed above, this notion of fallibility is most evident in claim three that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthere is a cognitive component to identity that allows for the possibility of error and of accuracy in interpreting the things that happen to us\u00E2\u0080\u009D (2000b, p. 83). Thus, as Moya explains, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cidentities are subject to multiple determinations 34 and to a continual process of verification\u00E2\u0080\u009D and that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cit is in this process of verification that identities can (and often are) contested and that they can (and often do) change\u00E2\u0080\u009D (2000b, p. 84). As it relates to this research and my own understanding of identities, the strength of a postpositivist realist theory of identity is that it provides a way, not around, but through, the precarious binary opposition constructed between essentialist and postmodern conceptions of identity. By acknowledging the consequences of identity categories without essentializing them and paving the way for an analysis of such categories without making claims to absolute certainty or accuracy, postpositivist realism attempts to reclaim identity from the epistemological quagmire in which it was stuck. This postpositivist realist understanding of identity has shaped this study in several ways. For example, while I focus on the racial and ethnic heritages of participants and the ways in which these heritages have shaped their experiences and identities, I am mindful of and attentive to the influence of other aspects of their identities such as gender, class, religion, and location. Moreover, I do not claim to capture the Truth about the experiences and identities of multiethnic students. Rather, I seek to better understand their perceptions (i.e. interpretations) of their experiences and the ways they believe, at a given moment in time, those experiences have shaped their identities. I am also mindful of the ways in which racial and ethnic categories have been constructed and mobilized in the United States, and I believe that an examination of the influence of these categories on individuals\u00E2\u0080\u0099 experiences and identities can help us to understand the ways in which they function. Thus, in interviewing students, I sought to learn about their identities and 35 experiences, but I also sought to gain knowledge about the societies in which they live, and in particular, their schooling contexts. A Theory of Multiplicity Since I am concerned primarily with multiethnic identities, identities which are often assumed to be more \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccomplicated\u00E2\u0080\u009D and that challenge fixed notions of racial and ethnic categories, an examination of how postpositivist realism approaches the multiplicity of identities is needed. In what follows, I provide an overview of Hames- Garc\u00C3\u00ADa\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (2000) conception of multiplicity as well as the challenges (understood as \u00E2\u0080\u009Crestrictions\u00E2\u0080\u009D) that impede its realization. In other words, his theorization of multiplicity is more of an ideal model than a reflection of the lived experiences of individuals. I spend considerable time reviewing this approach, as his notion of restrictions and how they operate on the experiences and identities of individuals has proven particularly useful for understanding the responses of some research participants. Hames-Garc\u00C3\u00ADa (2000) provides the following starting point for understanding the ways in which postpositivist realism conceptualizes the relationships between multiple social group memberships: Politically salient aspects of the self, such as race, ethnicity, sexuality, gender, and class, link and imbricate themselves in fundamental ways. These various categories of social identity do not, therefore, comprise essentially separate \u00E2\u0080\u009Caxes\u00E2\u0080\u009D that occasionally \u00E2\u0080\u009Cintersect.\u00E2\u0080\u009D They do not simply intersect but blend, constantly and differently, like the colors of a photograph. (p. 103) Using the example of Henry Rios, a gay Chicano lawyer who is the main character in Michael Nava\u00E2\u0080\u0099s 1992 novel The Hidden Law, Hames-Garc\u00C3\u00ADa argues that in order to understand Henry\u00E2\u0080\u0099s experiences, we should not focus separately on his gay identity and 36 his Chicano identity, but rather the ways in which they mutually constitute each other\u00E2\u0080\u0099s meaning. To interrogate each identity separately would \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpresuppose a preracialized (nonracial) sexual identity or essence that then intersects a presexualized (nonsexual) racial identity or essence\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 106). As Hames-Garc\u00C3\u00ADa explains, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe crucial error\u00E2\u0080\u00A6comes from asking how separate identities come to \u00E2\u0080\u0098intersect,\u00E2\u0080\u0099 instead of starting from the presumption of mutual constitution\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 106). Certainly this approach captures the complexity of how identity categories can be understood as constructed and negotiated, and takes into account \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe mutual imbrication of politically salient categories, such as race, ethnicity, sexuality, gender, and class\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 106). However, as Hames-Garc\u00C3\u00ADa argues, identities are not always experienced according to this conception of multiplicity because \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthis multiplicity of the self becomes obscured through the logic of domination to which the self becomes subjected\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 104). That is, Hames-Garc\u00C3\u00ADa acknowledges that \u00E2\u0080\u009Csocial actors do not arbitrarily or freely select the signifiers of race and ethnicity or create them themselves\u00E2\u0080\u009D (De Andrade, 2000, p. 272). Developing a notion of restriction through which individuals are subjected to misrepresentation and misunderstanding, he argues that a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cperson\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u0098identity\u00E2\u0080\u0099 is reduced to and understood exclusively in terms of that aspect of her or his self with the most political salience\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 104). Thus, Hames-Garc\u00C3\u00ADa, in reference to Black women, gay Chicanos, and Asian American lesbians states that \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctheir political interests\u00E2\u0080\u00A6often appear opaque insofar as they differ from those of the hegemonic members of the politically salient groups to which they belong\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 104). Hames-Garc\u00C3\u00ADa explains the difference between \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctransparent\u00E2\u0080\u009D and \u00E2\u0080\u009Copaque\u00E2\u0080\u009D interests and how they are influenced by restrictions in the following way: 37 Those whose interests conform largely to\u00E2\u0080\u00A6dominant constructions of their identity might be said to have \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctransparent\u00E2\u0080\u009D interests. By contrast, there are those who, possibly by virtue of membership in multiple politically salient groups, often find themselves and their interests distorted by restricted definitions and understandings; their interests, rather than transparent, are \u00E2\u0080\u009Copaque.\u00E2\u0080\u009D I call this process by which individuals come to be misrepresented and misunderstood \u00E2\u0080\u009Crestriction.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Thus, a heterosexual, middle-class, white woman\u00E2\u0080\u0099s interests as a woman would be transparent insofar as her interests as a woman are typically taken to represent those of women as a group. (2000, p. 104) Returning to my research focus of multiethnicity, we can imagine how this process of misrepresentation and misunderstanding might operate on individuals with multiple racial or ethnic identities. For example, let us assume that we want to understand the interests of a woman who is the daughter of a Black father and a White mother. Presumably, her interests will depend, in part, on how she is racially identified by others, that is, her experiences stemming from an assigned racial identity based on forces of restriction\u00E2\u0080\u0094an identity that would result, at least in part, from her phenotype and reflect conventional understandings of race. Likewise, her interests will depend on how she racially identifies herself, which will likely be influenced by the identities assigned to her by others. And, of course, this raises questions about which other politically salient groups she belongs to and their hegemonic members. The poststructuralist\u00E2\u0080\u0099s response to such questions is summarized by Hames-Garc\u00C3\u00ADa in the following way: The miscomprehension of the reality of multiple group membership by discrete, essentialist categories is what poststructuralism seeks to remedy and to avoid. Rather than provide a solution to the distress of \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwalking from one of one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s groups to another,\u00E2\u0080\u009D however, poststructuralism increases the sense of homelessness for members with opaque interests. It removes the epistemological ground on which one can claim that one \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbelongs\u00E2\u0080\u009D in a group (or that someone else does not) and of making normative demands for inclusion, acknowledgement, and legitimacy. (p. 120) 38 How, then, do we avoid this \u00E2\u0080\u009Csense of homelessness\u00E2\u0080\u009D brought on by a poststructuralist conception of identity and avoid monolithic conceptions of identity which lead to restrictions? Drawing on Mar\u00C3\u00ADa Lugones\u00E2\u0080\u0099 essay \u00E2\u0080\u009CPurity, Impurity, and Separation\u00E2\u0080\u009D (1994), Hames-Garc\u00C3\u00ADa offers an alternative approach to understanding multiplicity. In his words, [Lugones] portrays the act of separating something into pure parts as an act of domination (460). By contrast, she views \u00E2\u0080\u0098impurity\u00E2\u0080\u0099 as a way of resisting the social forces of reification. Lugones\u00E2\u0080\u0099s paradigmatic example of impurity (\u00E2\u0080\u0098curdling\u00E2\u0080\u0099) is mestizaje, or racial mixing, which asserts its impure (undivided) multiplicity and rejects separation into pure, discrete parts (460). Separate and fragmented become ways of seeing others and oneself that facilitate domination and exploitation. The logic of purity views group members with opaque interests (whom she calls \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthick\u00E2\u0080\u009D members) as split and fragmented rather than as whole and multiple. The reality of their experiences, interests, and needs becomes obscured because \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe interlocking of memberships in oppressed groups is not seen as changing one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s needs, interests, and ways qualitatively in any group but, rather, one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s needs, interests and ways are understood as the addition of those of the transparent members\u00E2\u0080\u009D (474). (2000, p. 120) Returning to my example of a Black-White biracial woman, according to Hames-Garc\u00C3\u00ADa, her interests should not be seen in terms of how they differ from Black women or White women, but in terms of how her biracial identity as whole and multiple shapes her interests. In other words, we cannot assume that a Black identity free from the influences of a White identity, or vice versa, will shape her needs, interests, and ways. Rather, we need to acknowledge the influence of the socially constructed categories of Black and White as mutually constituting a biracial or undivided identity, which is further constituted by the influence of other socially constructed identity groupings. This way of conceptualizing multiplicity has several advantages. It escapes the traps of essentialist views of identities which result in fragmentation and rescues identity from the deconstruction of poststructuralism. It also paves the way for a response to 39 Hames-Garc\u00C3\u00ADa\u00E2\u0080\u0099s question \u00E2\u0080\u009CHow can a critical epistemological realism account for such complexities and contradictions [i.e. multiplicity] and also explain (and facilitate) the expansion of solidarity and group interests in a way that can help to overcome restriction and separation?\u00E2\u0080\u009D (2000, p. 105). Based on this notion of multiplicity, he responds to his own question in the following way: This kind of resistance [to restrictions] is one through which the self grows, transforms, and expands. It counters restriction with expansion, fragmentation with multiplicity, separation with solidarity, and exploitation with transformation. Thus a realist understanding of group membership that takes into account the social structures underlying domination must conceptualize group membership beyond the limits imposed by restriction. In this sense, it must reject \u00E2\u0080\u0098the master\u00E2\u0080\u0099s tools,\u00E2\u0080\u0099 the tools of purity and separation, and make connections between, among, and across groups. (p. 126) On theoretical grounds, I cannot fault this conception of multiplicity. However, I question the ability of individuals to construct an identity grounded in such a conception. In what ways do individuals respond to the forces of domination and exploitation that lead to restriction and likewise cause fragmentation and pathologize \u00E2\u0080\u009Cimpurity\u00E2\u0080\u009D? In other words, this ideal conception of multiplicity relies on the notion that individuals can and do respond to \u00E2\u0080\u009Crestriction with expansion, fragmentation with multiplicity, separation with solidarity, and exploitation with transformation\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Hames-Garc\u00C3\u00ADa, 2000, p. 126). The crucial question that remains, however, is to what extent does this theory of multiplicity explain, reflect, or help us to understand the lived experiences of individuals with multiple memberships in politically salient social groups? And, more specifically for my current purposes, the lived experiences of multiethnic individuals? Although it is not my intention with this study to evaluate Hames-Garc\u00C3\u00ADas theory of how individuals should 40 respond to forces of restriction, my findings offer some insights into the ways in which they do respond to them. Conclusion I have made explicit my understanding of identity and outlined a postpositivist realist approach to identities. This postpositivist realist approach to identities seeks to reclaim identities from the epistemological, ontological, and political quagmire that delegitimated the concept and positioned it as \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctheoretically incoherent and politically pernicious\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Moya, 2000a, p. 2). Thus, I entered this study with an acknowledgement of existing social structures and their consequences for groups and individuals, yet I do not accept a monolithic approach to identities that fails to recognize their variability, instability, and inconsistencies. Furthermore, I believe that interrogating identity categories and people\u00E2\u0080\u0099s experiences of them will not necessarily produce wholly accurate or indisputable \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfacts,\u00E2\u0080\u009D but that we can come to better understand the social conditions that shape our experiences through such a study. In addition, I have presented Hames- Garc\u00C3\u00ADa\u00E2\u0080\u0099s theory of multiplicity (or the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmutual imbrication of politically salient categories\u00E2\u0080\u009D) which offers a model of how individuals might respond to the restrictions that come with multiple memberships in politically salient groups (2000, p. 106). However, as stated, constructing a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhole\u00E2\u0080\u009D or \u00E2\u0080\u009Cunfragmented\u00E2\u0080\u009D identity would require one to overcome the influences of restrictions imposed by others. And, as discussed in the next chapter, few agree on how and whether or not multiethnic individuals do so. Finally, I should make perfectly clear the relationship between the theoretical framing of identity presented here and this research study, particularly as it relates to data collection and analysis processes. My intent with this study is not to test the explanatory 41 power of postpositivist realism, nor is it to test the applicability of Hames-Garc\u00C3\u00ADa\u00E2\u0080\u0099s theory of multiplicity. Rather, I have presented an overview of a postpositivist realist understanding of identity to make clear my epistemological and theoretical position in relation to the study of multiethnic identities, and I have discussed Hames-Garc\u00C3\u00ADas theory of multiplicity to elucidate my understanding of the ways in which conventional notions of race and ethnicity may produce restrictions which are then imposed on multiethnic identities. As Lather (1986), cited in Anderson (1989), argues, critical ethnographers\u00E2\u0080\u0094 and I would say all researchers\u00E2\u0080\u0094need to develop a reciprocal relationship between data and theory: Data must be allowed to generate propositions in a dialectical manner that permits use of a priori theoretical frameworks, but which keeps a particular framework from becoming the container into which the data must be poured. (p. 276). (Anderson, 1989, p. 254) Following her advice, the preceding theories did not serve as a vessel for the data; however, they do shape my understanding of multiethnic identities, and thus influenced the research questions and how I set about attempting to answer them (see Chapter Four). Likewise, the research questions and my efforts to answer them were not dictated, but shaped, by the literature reviewed in the next chapter. 42 CHAPTER THREE: REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE The purpose of this chapter is to situate my study in relation to the existing literature regarding multiethnic identities and the K-12 schooling experiences of multiethnic students\u00E2\u0080\u0094literature to which, in many ways, this study is a response. This synthesis of existing literature is divided into five sections, which, together, contribute to the rationale for this research, inform the research design, and provide the educational context for the study. In Section I, I examine empirical investigations of multiethnic identity formation and link their findings to the design of this study. Section II explores perceived consequences of a multiethnic heritage and prevalent views on the impact of multiethnic identity development processes. Section III focuses on literature addressing the influence of K-12 schooling on students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 identity construction, as well as literature related to multicultural and antiracism education. Section IV examines the body of literature more narrowly focused on the K-12 schooling experiences of multiethnic students. Finally, Section V integrates the literature and research reviewed in the previous sections and highlights gaps in our understanding of the identity construction and K-12 schooling of multiethnic students. The past two decades have seen the proliferation of empirical studies and literature related to the identity construction and experiences of multiethnic individuals. Some of these studies were conducted with adults (e.g. Khanna, 2004; Miville, et al., 2005), some with children (e.g. Kerwin, Ponterotto, Jackson, & Harris, 1993), some with adolescents (e.g. Bracey, B\u00C3\u00A1maca, & Uma\u00C3\u00B1a-Taylor, 2004; Doyle, 2006; Herman, 2004; Phinney & Alipuria, 1996; Sheets, 2004), and others with college-age participants (e.g. Basu, 2007; Kelch-Oliver & Leslie, 2006; Phinney & Alipuria, 1996; Renn, 2004a). 43 Several studies focused exclusively on multiethnic women (e.g. Basu, 2007; Comas-D\u00C3\u00ADaz, 1996). Others were limited to an examination of the identities and experiences of individuals of a specific racial or ethnic heritage combination: Baird-Olson (2003) focused on American Indian \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmixed-blood\u00E2\u0080\u009D identity, Comas-D\u00C3\u00ADaz (1996) addressed the experiences of LatiNegras with a Caribbean background, Kich (1992) examined the identities of Japanese/White individuals, and Standen (1996) explored the biracial Korean/White experience. Given the history of race relations in the United States, it is not surprising that the majority of these heritage-specific studies have focused on Black- White multiethnic individuals (e.g. Brunsma & Rockquemore, 2001; Fryer, Kahn, Levitt, & Spenkuch, 2008; Gibbs and Hines, 1992; Kelch-Oliver & Leslie, 2006; Kerwin, Ponterotto, Jackson, & Harris, 1993; Rockquemore, 2002). Nevertheless, we also find studies with participants representing a broad range of heritage combinations (Basu, 2007; Lopez, 2001; Renn, 2004a; Sheets, 2004). Some researchers have employed qualitative methodologies to examine the identities and experiences of multiethnic individuals (e.g. Kelch-Oliver & Leslie, 2006; Kerwin, Ponterotto, Jackson, & Harris, 1993; Miville, et al., 2005), other studies were quantitative (e.g. Brunsma, 2005; Doyle, 2006; Herman, 2004; Udry, Li, & Hendrickson-Smith, 2003). Various studies reflect developmental understandings of identity construction (Jacobs, 1992; Kich, 1992; Poston, 1990), others approach multiethnic identity construction from a more sociological perspective focusing on social contexts and ecological factors influencing multiethnic identities (Basu, 2007; Renn, 2004a; Root, 1998, 2003b). Among these different types of studies, we find those that focus on specific factors and their influence on multiethnic identities: Brunsma and Rockquemore (2001) examined the influence of physical 44 appearance, Rockquemore (2002) studied the influence of gender, and Sheets (2004) explored the influence of friendships. In addition to these differences, the abovementioned authors employ a broad range of terms to refer to multiethnic individuals, such as mixed-race, biracial, bicultural, biethnic, multiracial, ethno-racially mixed, and a host of other terms.2 Despite differences in terminology, participant selection, and focus among these studies, and between these studies and my own, the research and literature discussed in this chapter was selected because it contributes to our understanding of the identity development processes of multiethnic individuals and provides the backdrop against which the data from this study are best viewed and interpreted. Section I: Multiethnic Identity Development In response to a general neglect of biracial individuals in literature pertaining to identity development and the limitations of previous models of racial identity development when applied to biracial individuals, Poston (1990) proposed one of the earliest and most referenced models of biracial identity development, which consists of the following five developmental stages: personal identity, choice of group categorization, enmeshment/denial, appreciation, and integration. Poston\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (1990) model of biracial identity development is, as he himself admits, \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctentative and based on the scant amount of research on biracial individuals and information from support groups that serve this population\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 153). Moreover, it implies a predictable progression through discrete developmental stages, yet he identified \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe existence of the stages, individuals\u00E2\u0080\u0099 2 Throughout the dissertation, when discussing others\u00E2\u0080\u0099 research, I often adopt their terminology. 45 movement through the stages, and the feelings and attitudes that biracial persons express in each of these stages\u00E2\u0080\u009D as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cimportant areas of investigation\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 154). Poston\u00E2\u0080\u0099s model is not based on empirical research, and therefore remains, by his own admission, speculative and tentative. Jacobs (1992), in contrast, proposed a model of biracial identity development based on research and clinical experience with preadolescent biracial (Black-White) children. His research methods included interviews with biracial children and their parents and a variation of the doll-play experiment first developed by Clark and Clark in 1947.3 According to Jacobs, preadolescent biracial children go through three stages of identity development: pre-color constancy, post-color constancy, and biracial identity. Quite similar to that of Jacobs is Kich\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (1982, 1992) three stage model of multiethnic identity development. Kich developed his model based on semi-structured interviews with 15 biracial adults (aged 17 to 60) of White and Japanese heritage. According to Kich, all research participants \u00E2\u0080\u009Cprogressed through three major stages in the development and continuing resolution of their biracial identity\u00E2\u0080\u00A6from a questionable, sometimes devalued sense of self to one where an interracial self-conception is highly valued and secure.\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 305). Both Jacobs\u00E2\u0080\u0099 (1992) and Kich\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (1992) models were based on research with individuals of a specific heritage combination and, therefore, may be of limited applicability for individuals of other racial and ethnic backgrounds. Moreover, each model identifies a specific identity that multiethnic individuals will ideally develop and 3 Jacobs used 36 wooden dolls of various skin and hair colors, facial features, heights, and sexes. Biracial children were asked to play with the dolls, match dolls to a stimulus doll, self identify with a doll, identify dolls that resemble their family members, select which dolls they would prefer as a sibling, select which dolls they would prefer to play with, select which dolls they liked the least and most, select which dolls would be the sibling of a light-brown baby doll, and select which doll they would look most like when they grew up (Jacobs, 1992). 46 leaves little room for the possibility of multiple, shifting, and contextual identities. Emerging mostly in the 1990s or earlier, these linear/stage models of multiethnic identity development have more recently given way to non-linear/ecological models that focus less on one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s linear progression through developmental stages and more on the various factors that may influence multiethnic individuals\u00E2\u0080\u0099 identities and the patterns of identity such individuals may adopt at different times and in different contexts. In 1996, for example, Root outlined a model of multiracial identity consisting of four patterns of \u00E2\u0080\u009Cborder crossing\u00E2\u0080\u009D that may result from an individual\u00E2\u0080\u0099s navigation between the racial and ethnic categories imposed on them by society. The four patterns include: (1) having both feet in both groups\u00E2\u0080\u00A6[and] the ability to hold, merge, and respect multiple perspectives simultaneously, (2) the shifting of foreground and background as one crosses between and among social contexts defined by race and ethnicity\u00E2\u0080\u00A6Thus one practices situational ethnicity and situational race\u00E2\u0080\u00A6in differing contexts, (3) [Sitting] on the border\u00E2\u0080\u00A6experiencing it as the central reference point\u00E2\u0080\u00A6viewing themselves with a multiracial label, and (4) [Creating] a home in one \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccamp\u00E2\u0080\u009D [racial or ethnic identity] for an extended period of time and [making] forays into other camps from time to time. (1996a, pp. xxi-xxii) Whereas this earlier work was concerned primarily with the outcomes of the multiethnic identity construction process, in 1998 and 2003, Root outlined an ecological model of multiracial identity development with a theoretical grounding in symbolic interactionism. Here, Root highlighted the influence of macro lenses (e.g., gender, regional history of race relations, class, and generation) and middle lenses/micro lenses (e.g., inherited influences, traits, social environments, and phenotype) in shaping the experiences, and thus identities, of multiracial individuals (1998, 2003b). 47 Based on her research with multiracial college students of various heritage combinations, Renn (1999; 2004a) provided a model of multiracial identity development that builds on Bronfenbrenner\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (1993) ecology model of human development, which, like Root\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (1998, 2003b), emphasizes the influence of environmental factors on one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s identity development.4 Through her research, Renn (2004a) identified five \u00E2\u0080\u009Cidentity patterns\u00E2\u0080\u009D which include: (1) a monoracial identity, (2) multiple monoracial identities, (3) a multiracial identity, (4) an extraracial identity, and (5) a situational identity. Echoing Root (1996a), Renn emphasized the situational and shifting nature of multiracial identities: \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthese patterns are not exclusive, nor are they rigid or unchangeable\u00E2\u0080\u009D (2004a, p. 68). Where Renn\u00E2\u0080\u0099s patterns of multiracial identity differs from Root\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (1996a) is in her identification of pattern four (no racial identity by means of deconstructing the category of race) which she attributed, in part, to the college students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 \u00E2\u0080\u009Cexposure to theories of deconstruction and the knowledge that race is a construction rather than a biological fact\u00E2\u0080\u009D (2000, pp. 411-412). While Renn (2004a) conducted research with male and female multiracial college students, Basu (2004, 2007) focused on the identities of biracial college women representing multiple heritage combinations. Like Renn (1999, 2004a) and Root (1998, 2003b), Basu highlighted contextual influences on the identity construction of participants. Those influences considered in Basu\u00E2\u0080\u0099s study include, among others, family, friendships, schooling, social barriers, and the media. She concluded, \u00E2\u0080\u009Crather than 4 Bronfenbrenner\u00E2\u0080\u0099s model focuses on the influence of person-environment interactions, which take place in microsystems, mesosystems, exosystems, and macrosystems. The \u00E2\u0080\u009Csystems\u00E2\u0080\u009D Renn identified as being most influential on the identity development of multiracial study participants include academic work, friendship groups, social and dating life, and involvement in campus activities (microsystems); peer culture (mesosystem); and family, hometown, and high school (exosystems). Renn found that these systems, together, shaped participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 ideas about race, culture, and identity (macrosystem). 48 focusing solely on the individual, the results of the study show the importance of considering social context when examining biracial identity\u00E2\u0080\u009D (2004, p. 172). Although not in an attempt to develop a model of multiethnic identity development, through her dissertation research, Lopez (2001) also found strong evidence to support the notion that multiethnic identities are fluid, contextually driven, and influenced by a broad range of factors; as did Wijeyesinghe (2001). A significant difference between the earlier stage models of multiethnic identity development and the more recent ecological models is the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cend point\u00E2\u0080\u009D of the multiethnic identity development processes identified. For Poston (1990), arrival at stage five is marked by an integrated sense of identity, and for both Jacobs (1992) and Kich (1992) stage three entails the development of a biracial or bicultural identity. More recent ecological approaches (e.g. Basu, 2007; Lopez, 2001, 2004; Renn, 2004a; Root 1996a, 1998, 2003b), however, do not specify a particular identity that individuals are likely to or ideally will develop, but a variety of patterns of identity or patterns of \u00E2\u0080\u009Cborder crossing\u00E2\u0080\u009D that individuals may adopt at different times, in different contexts, and according to their unique experiences. It is important to note, however, that the ecological models\u00E2\u0080\u0099 descriptions of the ways in which individuals create spaces for themselves between, within, and outside of conventional racial and ethnic categories may be of limited use for explaining the identity development processes experienced by young individuals. School aged children may not have the confidence and the necessary knowledge pertaining to the socially constructed nature of racial and ethnic categories to adeptly navigate these borders, challenge conventional understandings of race and ethnicity, and assertively claim spaces for themselves. Unequipped with such tools, 49 students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 self-definition of their identity may not hold up to the scrutiny of others. In fact, the ecological models discussed here have emerged from studies conducted with adolescents and adults, with little focus on early and late childhood identity construction experiences. Thus, Wardle\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (1992) model that takes into account ecological influences and how they might be experienced by children with different levels of cognitive and emotional maturity potentially overcomes some of the shortcomings of previously posited linear and non-linear models of multiethnic identity construction (see also Wardle & Cruz-Janzen, 2004).5 Quite likely, the most accurate conclusion to draw is that of Miville, Constantine, Baysden, and So-Lloyd (2005), who state that both developmental and ecological models of multiracial identity development \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccapture some, though not all, components that make up racial identity for multiracial people\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 514). Despite the considerable differences between the studies discussed here and the models of multiethnic identity development emerging from them, several conclusions can nevertheless be drawn. First, the identity construction of multiethnic individuals is widely understood to differ qualitatively from the identity construction of individuals with more homogenous racial and ethnic backgrounds. In other words, there are differences in multiethnic individuals\u00E2\u0080\u0099 identity construction processes that do make a difference. Second, and consistent with the understanding of identity development discussed in the 5 Wardle put forth a model of multiethnic/multiracial identity construction that takes into account developmental stages and ecological influences. The two stages Wardle identified are early childhood and adolescence, his description of which focuses on differences in cognitive development at each stage. Drawing on Bronfenbrenner\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (1979, 1989) ecological model of development, Wardle identified family, group antagonism, minority/lower status context, majority/higher status context, and community as significant factors influencing a child\u00E2\u0080\u0099s progression through the two developmental stages. Although Wardle described his model as both developmental and ecological, it appears to me to be an ecological model that, rather than positing specific developmental stages unique to multiethnic individuals, simply takes into consideration the fact that young children and adolescents are at different stages in their cognitive and emotional development. Accordingly, I believe Wardle\u00E2\u0080\u0099s model is better understood as a variant of the ecological models that, unlike the others, focuses on the identity development of younger multiethnic individuals. 50 previous chapter, implicit in each of the models of multiethnic identity construction is the interactive nature of the identity development process. That is to say, one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s identity development, whether a process of \u00E2\u0080\u009Cborder crossing\u00E2\u0080\u009D or a progression through developmental stages, is not merely a private endeavor but is one of negotiation between one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s self concept and the perceptions of others\u00E2\u0080\u0094described by Jenkins (2003) as internal and external definitions of one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s identity. Thus, the most recent studies of multiethnic identities tend to have a psychosocial focus and recognize that, although some patterns may be discerned, the multiethnic identity construction process varies considerably between individuals. Third, there is strong evidence to support the notion of multiethnic identities as fluid, contextual, and situational (Basu, 2007; Lopez, 2001, 2004; Renn, 1999, 2004a; Root, 1996a, 1998, 2003b; Wijeyesinghe, 2001). Indeed, as noted previously, most current studies, as well as findings from a pilot study conducted for this research (Mohan, 2007), indicate that the multiethnic identity development process is non-linear and may result in multiple and shifting identities. Finally, it is widely accepted that certain factors have a significant influence on the identity construction of multiethnic individuals. Renn (2008), for example, points out that physical appearance, cultural knowledge, and peer culture are factors permeating the literature related to multiethnic identities, and Root (2003b) states that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cvirtually all researchers of biracial identity find it important to discuss the influences of phenotype, environment, family environment, and racial awareness\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 117). The literature discussed in this section, my analysis of it, and the preceding conclusions, as well as the postpositivist realist framework for understanding identities outlined in the previous chapter, shaped the central research questions for this study and 51 how I set about answering these questions. While acknowledging that individuals, and particularly young individuals, are likely to pass through cognitive and emotional developmental stages, my goal was not to identify specific stages encountered on the path to an \u00E2\u0080\u009Cend point\u00E2\u0080\u009D multiethnic identity. Rather, the data collection strategies were designed to better understand the broad range of factors and relationships influencing the development of participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 racial and ethnic identities and changes to these identities over time and across different contexts. Section II: Problem, Equivalent, and Variant Approaches to Multiethnic Identity A related body of research, rather than attempting to develop models of identity construction, has sought to characterize the consequences of a multiethnic heritage and the impact of multiethnic identity development processes. These processes and lived identities are most often characterized as either more problematic, equivalent to, or different from, and perhaps even \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbetter\u00E2\u0080\u009D than, those of monoethnic individuals (Thornton & Wason, 1995). Problem Approaches to Multiethnic Identity The identity construction of multiethnic individuals is often described as a process fraught with difficulty and confusion. According to Wardle (1998), as a result of the emphasis North American society places on \u00E2\u0080\u009Cracial and ethnic identity and affiliation, children of mixed parentage often feel disloyal and confused; they have a sense of not knowing where they belong.\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 8). Following a similar line of thought, Wilson (1987) pointed out that the pervasive notion that multiethnic individuals must choose a single race with which to identify stems from the \u00E2\u0080\u009Crigid racial boundaries imposed by our 52 society\u00E2\u0080\u00A6[making it] impossible to maintain a dual allegiance to both racial groups.\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 7). Moreover, it is often assumed that questions about one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s identity, appearance, cultural legitimacy, family, and so forth will lead to a conflicted sense of identity and emotional and behavioral problems. Thornton described such thinking as the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cproblem approach\u00E2\u0080\u009D to multiracial identity based on the notion that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe internal struggle for mixed people lies in trying to maintain bonds to incompatible groups\u00E2\u0080\u009D (1996, p. 109). A study conducted by Udry, Li, and Hendrickson-Smith (2003) based on the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health) data from 1994-1995, supports this \u00E2\u0080\u009Cproblem approach\u00E2\u0080\u009D to multiracial identity. According to their findings, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmixed-race adolescents showed higher risk when compared with single-race adolescents on general health questions, school experiences, smoking and drinking, and other risk variables\u00E2\u0080\u009D (2003, p. 1865). The authors pointed out, however, that, despite being higher risk than their single race peers, mixed-race adolescents are nevertheless low risk. Although they could not with certainty attribute these findings to a specific cause, they concluded that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmost of the risk items we assessed may be interpreted as related to stress, so we may therefore choose to interpret mixed race as a source of stress\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 1869). Further evidence to support this \u00E2\u0080\u009Cproblem approach\u00E2\u0080\u009D was presented by Fryer, Kahn, Levitt, and Spenkuch (2008). Using the same data set as Udry, Li, and Hendrickson-Smith (2003) (National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health) data from 1994-1995) but focusing on the responses of only black-white identified students and comparing them to single-race black and white students, these authors found that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmixed race children engage in substantially more risky/anti-social behavior than either blacks or whites, especially outside of school\u00E2\u0080\u009D (2008, p. 5). 53 Variables identified as depicting risky/anti-social behavior include those taking place in and out of school with the former including \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctrouble with teachers, trouble paying attention, trouble with homework, trouble with students, effort on schoolwork, skipping school, and never [sic] suspended or expelled\u00E2\u0080\u009D and the latter including \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwatch TV, drink, smoke, dare, lie to parents, fight, property damage, steal, violent acts, sell drugs, encounter violence, ever sex, ever STD, and ever illegal drug use\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 11). The authors argued that their findings were \u00E2\u0080\u009Clargely consistent with the \u00E2\u0080\u0098marginal man\u00E2\u0080\u0099 hypothesis (Park, 1928, 1931; Stonequist 1935, 1937)\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 5) and that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmixed race adolescents \u00E2\u0080\u0093 not having a natural peer group \u00E2\u0080\u0093 need to engage in more risky behaviors to be accepted\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 2). Similarly, in a qualitative study conducted with nine Black-White biracial college-age women, Kelch-Oliver and Leslie (2006) found that among participants \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe most prevalent experience was a feeling of being marginal between two cultures\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 53) and that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmost of the participants felt a sense of not fitting in, belonging, or feeling accepted by either race\u00E2\u0080\u009D(p. 70). Equivalent and Variant Approaches to Multiethnic Identity According to Thornton, the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cequivalent approach\u00E2\u0080\u009D to multiracial identity \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccharacterizes mixed racial and monoracial identity formation as an assimilation process with similar outcomes\u00E2\u0080\u009D (1996, p. 109) and posits that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cno matter where multiracials start, they end up in the same place, with identities comparable to their monoracial peers\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 113). In contrast, the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cvariant approach,\u00E2\u0080\u009D like the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cproblem approach\u00E2\u0080\u009D focuses on the uniqueness of multiracial identities, but rather than viewing them as a source of problems, multiethnic identities are understood simply as different if not \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbetter\u00E2\u0080\u009D than monoracial identities. Thornton explained, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe variant and problem approaches describe 54 differences between mixed and homogeneous populations,\u00E2\u0080\u009D but according to the variant view, multiracial individuals \u00E2\u0080\u009Care likely to benefit from being able to draw from and exist in two contrasting worlds\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 113). Several studies have attempted, even if not explicitly, to examine the applicability of each of these approaches to understanding multiethnic identities. Kerwin, Ponterotto, Jackson, and Harris (1993), for example, in a qualitative study conducted with nine black/white biracial children and their parents, found that, contrary to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe problems that historically have been conjectured for this population\u00E2\u0080\u00A6for all of the respondent children and adolescents, there was no great sense of perceiving themselves as marginal in two cultures\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 228). In their quantitative study, Phinney and Alipuria (1996) compared the survey responses of 241 multiethnic/multiracial high school and college students to those of 1,041 of their monoethnic peers. As they explained, We found that multiethnic young people were not at a psychological disadvantage because of their mixed background. A self-esteem measure did not indicate any difference in terms of psychological well-being between multiethnic individuals and their monoethnic peers\u00E2\u0080\u00A6 Multiethnic individuals are not troubled, marginal people. (p. 152) Reflecting a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cvariant approach\u00E2\u0080\u009D to multiethnic identities, Phinney and Alipuria went on to point out that, [T]he multiethnic participants were not identical to their monoethnic peers. At least in some cases, multiethnic youths may have an advantage in their inter-group relations; multiethnic male and female high school students with one Black parent and multiethnic males with one Latino parent had more positive attitudes towards other groups than their monoethnic peers did. (p. 153) Finally, Bracey, B\u00C3\u00A1maca, and Uma\u00C3\u00B1a-Taylor (2004) examined the self-esteem, ethnic identity, and the relationship between these two constructs of 3282 biracial and monoracial adolescents. They found that biracial study participants \u00E2\u0080\u009Chad significantly 55 lower self-esteem than Black adolescents, but significantly higher self-esteem than Asian adolescents\u00E2\u0080\u00A6[and] that biracial adolescents had reported significantly higher levels of ethnic identity than White adolescents\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 129). Because the evidence to support each of these approaches to understanding multiethnic identity is persuasive, it is difficult to determine if one approach is more accurate than the others. Interestingly, but not surprisingly, though, Shih and Sanchez (2005) only found support for the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cproblem approach\u00E2\u0080\u009D when reviewing qualitative studies sampling clinical populations. In fact, they found that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cstudies on non clinical samples find that multiracial individuals tend to be just as well-adjusted as their monoracial peers on most psychological outcomes\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 569). Nevertheless, they identified numerous challenges that multiethnic individuals face in their identity development process, including conflict between their private sense of identity and the identities imposed on them by others, feeling that they must justify their identity choices to themselves and others, feeling forced to identify with one heritage over another, a lack of role models, conflicting messages about race from family members and the community, and a sense of double rejection from both of their heritage groups. Ultimately, and, I would argue, very accurately, Shih and Sanchez concluded that much more research is needed to fully understand multiracial identity and its effects on psychological adjustment. As the studies examined here indicate, conventional understandings of racial and ethnic categories, and, perhaps more importantly, the boundaries constructed between them, are understood as significantly influencing the identity construction of multiethnic individuals. Recalling the language of Hames-Garc\u00C3\u00ADa (Chapter Two) these categories and the boundaries constructed between them are often understood as restrictions imposed on 56 multiethnic identities. The influence of these categories and boundaries, however, as seen in the review of conceptions of multiethnic identities as problematic, equivalent, and variant, is not agreed upon. What does seem to be agreed upon, as before, is that multiethnic identity development differs in important ways from monoethnic identity development. Consequently, when interviewing and conducting focus groups with participants and when analyzing the data, I paid close attention to participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 discussions of racial and ethnic categories, their experiences stemming from these categories, and their perceptions regarding the influence of these experiences on their identity development. At the same time, given the findings of some researchers (e.g. Udry, Li, & Hendrickson-Smith, 2003; Kelch-Oliver & Leslie, 2006), I knew that I needed to be sensitive to the fact that some participants may well have had negative experiences stemming from the imposition of racial and ethnic restrictions. Despite the numerous studies that refute the problem approach to multiethnic identity, this perspective permeates much of the educational literature related to multiethnic students. As discussed in Section IV, many of the arguments for altering educational policy and practice are premised on the idea that multiethnic students are at risk of feeling marginalized, excluded, conflicted, and/or confused as a result of their multiethnic identity and that they require unique support mechanisms. Before discussing such arguments, however, I first review the understood influence of schooling on students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 identity construction and the more prevalent methods used by educators to support the racial and ethnic identity development of students. 57 Section III: Schooling and Student Identity Construction There appears to be an implicit line of logic running through much educational literature related to students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 racial and ethnic identities, which develops as follows: (1) because many identity construction processes take place during childhood and adolescence, and (2) because children and adolescents spend much of their time in schools, and (3) because identity construction processes are both cognitive and social, and (4) because many of children and adolescents\u00E2\u0080\u0099 cognitive learning and social interactions take place at school, (5) schooling, therefore, does play a significant role in students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 racial and ethnic identity construction processes. Indeed, the central role played by schools in individuals\u00E2\u0080\u0099 identity development is assumed, and constantly affirmed; however, the specific nature and outcomes of schooling\u00E2\u0080\u0099s influence persists as a prevalent topic in educational research. In the literature related to curriculum and students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 racial and ethnic identities, the focus is often on the ways in which minoritized people are excluded from the \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccanon\u00E2\u0080\u009D and marginalized through negative or inaccurate representations of racial and ethnic minorities. For instance, Castenell and Pinar (1993) argued that African American students \u00E2\u0080\u009Chave been denied access to their history and culture in school\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 6). The result of this exclusion, they said, is a fractured identity: \u00E2\u0080\u009CIf what we know about ourselves\u00E2\u0080\u0094 our history, our culture, our national identity\u00E2\u0080\u0094is deformed by absences, denials, and incompleteness, then our identity\u00E2\u0080\u0094both as individuals and as Americans\u00E2\u0080\u0094is fractured\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 4). Nieto (2000), drawing on a case study with a Chicano student named \u00E2\u0080\u009CPaul,\u00E2\u0080\u009D explained the importance of incorporating Chicano culture and experiences in the curriculum to support the identity development of Chicano students. She stated, 58 It is not simply a question of feeling good about themselves; rather, a strong sense of identity is essential for giving young people a sense of their own dignity and worth. Including their experiences in the school\u00E2\u0080\u0099s curriculum is one way that Paul and his classmates are given the opportunity to develop this sense of dignity and worth. (p. 260) Across the literature related to K-12 curriculum and students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 racial and ethnic identities, the consensus is clear: maintaining the typically Eurocentric curriculum either fails to support or actively hinders the identity development of minoritized students, while a curriculum that acknowledges, incorporates, and builds on students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 cultures, histories, and experiences supports their identity construction processes (see, for example, Castenell and Pinar, 1993; Cruz-Janzen, 1997; Kincheloe & Steinberg, 1997; Nieto, 2000; Shields, 2003). The educational literature related to student identity formation is, of course, not limited to analyses of the curriculum, nor is it limited to racial and ethnic identity development. McLeod and Yates (2006) examined the influence of high school contexts (i.e. socio-economic demographics, dominant values) on students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 identity formation related to, for example, gender and career aspirations. Research conducted by Reichert and Kuriloff (2004) revealed some of the ways in which \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe looking glass of the variously gendered academic and social curricula of schools\u00E2\u0080\u009D influences the self-concept of boys (p. 544). Tatum (2007) discussed the importance of inclusive learning environments as they relate to the curriculum, the diversity of staff and students, and building a sense of community, for the healthy racial identity formation of students. Others have discussed how the racial and ethnic composition of a school influences students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 racial and ethnic identities (e.g. Phinney & Alipuria, 1996; Lopez, 2004). And, in his study of high school students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 identities, particularly as they relate to race and 59 culture, Yon (2000) found that the school is \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca discursive field wherein identities are made, unmade, and contested\u00E2\u0080\u009D and that the school \u00E2\u0080\u009Cis not simply a container of identities or static locale, but is implicated in the production of the identities of teachers and students\u00E2\u0080\u009D (pp. 31-32). Indeed, the literature is replete with examples of the ways in which K-12 schooling experiences, including those that take place formally in classrooms and during school sponsored activities, as well as those that take place less formally in sites such as hallways and cafeterias, potentially influence students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 identity development in both positive and negative ways. The findings of these and similar studies, especially as they relate to racial and ethnic identities, should be of particular importance to educators since, as Hall (2000b) explained, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cin conventional pedagogic analysis, cultural diversity and identity fragmentation are usually directly linked to behavioral problems, low self-esteem, and poor academic attainment in school\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. ix). In contrast, based on an analysis of findings from more than a dozen studies, Zirkel pointed out that \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca strong, positive racial or ethnic identity is associated with higher levels of academic performance\u00E2\u0080\u00A6higher educational aspirations\u00E2\u0080\u00A6[and] greater academic self confidence\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u009D (2008, pp. 1151-1152). As previously discussed, Bracey, B\u00C3\u00A1maca, and Uma\u00C3\u00B1a-Taylor (2002) conducted a quantitative study examining the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cself-esteem, ethnic identity, and the relationship between these constructs among biracial and monoracial adolescents\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 123). Their findings indicated \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca significant, positive relationship between ethnic identity and self- esteem for all groups\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 130). In their concluding comments, they stated that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthese findings have important implications for intervention programs, youth programs, and multicultural education in that they suggest the importance of promoting both healthy 60 self-esteem as well as positive ethnic identity development as critical to adolescent adjustment\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 130). As a result of such findings, the argument is repeatedly made that schools should seek to support the identity development of all students, and in particular, the racial and ethnic identities of minoritized students. Overview of Multicultural and Antiracism Education Much of the literature related to schooling and students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 identity development concentrates on racial and ethnic identities, and within this literature, the focus is most often on multicultural education, and, to a lesser extent, antiracism education. Certainly, other approaches have been suggested as a means to, in part, support the identity construction of all students, and, in particular, minoritized students. These include, among others, culturally relevant pedagogy (see Ladson-Billings, 1995) and culturally responsive teaching (see Gay, 2000). I focus here on multicultural and antiracism education, however, because of the explicit link made between such approaches and the identity development of minoritized students (in the case of multiculturalism see, for example, Gay, 1994; Nieto, 2000; in the case of antiracism see, for example, Dei, 2000), their potential impact on all students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 understandings of race, ethnicity, and identity (Cruz-Janzen,1997; Gosine, 2002), and their prevalence in educational literature, and especially literature related to multiethnic students. Here, I draw attention to the conceptions of race and ethnicity upon which these initiatives are constructed, which, presumably, reflect predominant thinking about race and ethnicity among educators, and, as a result of curricula, policies, activities, and classroom practices based on these conceptions, their students. Again, one purpose of my research is to interrogate the perceived influence of such diversity education initiatives on multiethnic students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 racial 61 and ethnic identity construction\u00E2\u0080\u0094a subject which remains noticeably neglected in educational research. Since its emergence in the late 1960s, multicultural education has suffered critiques from both liberals and conservatives, has prompted numerous debates about the sources of and remedies for racial inequality, and has experienced multiple metamorphoses into more narrowly defined approaches. While conservatives argue that multicultural education is too political, grants excessive attention and preferential treatment to minority students, and distracts teachers and students from more \u00E2\u0080\u009Cessential\u00E2\u0080\u009D curriculum (May, 1994), more radical opponents claim that, due to its narrow and simplistic understanding of racism and its focus on attitudes and behaviours, multicultural education leaves unchallenged the structural sources of racial inequality and does little to improve the educational position and life chances of minority students (May, 1994; Grinter, 2000). These critiques engendered debates as to whether racism\u00E2\u0080\u0094and the unequal educational opportunities available to minorities\u00E2\u0080\u0094results from prejudice or oppression and, likewise, if the solution to these problems lies in altering individuals\u00E2\u0080\u0099 beliefs and attitudes or in changing oppressive institutional structures. Amidst these debates, those advocating multicultural education created divisions between more nuanced approaches. Kincheloe and Steinberg (1997), for example, described five types of multiculturalism: conservative multiculturalism/monoculturalism, liberal multiculturalism, pluralist multiculturalism, left-essentialist multiculturalism, and critical multiculturalism. During this period of metamorphosis for multicultural education, those advocating antiracism education mounted their challenges and increasingly placed themselves in opposition to multiculturalists. 62 Even when authors take pains to specify precise definitions of their favored approach, incongruous terminology and the blurring of lines between the approaches make comparative analysis difficult. For example, while authors such as Grinter (2000) draw a clear distinction between multicultural and antiracism education and position them as fundamentally incompatible, Nieto (2000), in her definition of multicultural education, removes the division entirely, and states that \u00E2\u0080\u009CMulticultural education is antiracism education.\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 305). Likewise, Nieto\u00E2\u0080\u0099s conceptualization of multicultural education is nearly indistinguishable from the definitions of critical multiculturalism provided by Kincheloe and Steinberg (1997) and May (1999), yet she does not adopt their terminology. Furthermore, Kincheloe and Steinberg\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (1997) critical multiculturalism is, both in theory and practice, strikingly similar to characterizations of antiracism such as those provided by Dei and Calliste (2000) and Grinter (2000). Add to the mix other approaches, such as those laid out by Sleeter and Grant (1999) which include the \u00E2\u0080\u009Chuman relations\u00E2\u0080\u009D approach to multicultural education and \u00E2\u0080\u009Ceducation that is multicultural and social reconstructionist,\u00E2\u0080\u009D and one is left with a spectrum of inconsistently-named educational strategies ranging from the most conservative to the most radical, with those in between differing, at times, almost imperceptibly. However, because traditionally defined multicultural and antiracism education are often viewed as incompatible strategies lying at opposite ends of a spectrum and pitted against each other in scholarly debates, this discussion focuses on them. It should also be noted that, in more recent years, both multicultural and antiracism education have expanded the scope of their focus from race and ethnicity to include class, gender, sexuality, ability, and other axes of difference. While I recognize that these axes are not experienced in isolation from 63 each other, the analysis here focuses primarily on each approach\u00E2\u0080\u0099s treatment of race and ethnicity. As stated, numerous scholars engage in the debate between multicultural and antiracism education (see e.g. Grinter, 2000; Short, 1991, 2000; Fyfe, 1993). Among those who do so, Dei and Calliste (2000) provide a succinct overview of the ways in which these two approaches differ. According to them, multiculturalism advocates tolerance, focuses on shared commonalities, and views the obstacles to equity as stemming from intolerance and a lack of goodwill, while antiracism focuses on relations of domination and subordination, challenges racist behaviors and values, and sees the obstacles to equity as discrimination, hatred, exclusion, and violence. For the purposes of my analysis, more salient than the differences depicted by Dei and Calliste are the conceptions of race and ethnicity which underlie each respective approach. Indeed, the relevant difference here lies in how each approach views, and thus presents, the boundaries between racial and ethnic groups. That is, in teaching about diversity\u00E2\u0080\u0094the values, norms, and customs of different racial and ethnic groups\u00E2\u0080\u0094does multicultural education necessarily reinforce racial and ethnic categories and the boundaries between them? And, does antiracism education do the same when emphasizing differences in power between racial groups? In other words, do both approaches rely to some extent on essentialist conceptions of traditional racial and ethnic categories to achieve their aims? Critiques of Multicultural and Antiracism Education According to critics, predominant models of multicultural education, which begin with an adherence to five traditional racial groups, oversimplify the diversity found in today\u00E2\u0080\u0099s schools (Wardle, 1996). Moreover, multicultural education constructs minority 64 groups in \u00E2\u0080\u009Cstatic, essentialist, and exoticized terms\u00E2\u0080\u009D and reinforces shallow understandings of the complexity of race and ethnicity (Gosine, 2002, p. 89). This thin treatment of segregated racial and ethnic groups, often manifested in lessons about the \u00E2\u0080\u009CThree D\u00E2\u0080\u0099s\u00E2\u0080\u009D (dress, dance, and diet) or the \u00E2\u0080\u009CThree F\u00E2\u0080\u0099s\u00E2\u0080\u009D (food, fun, and fashion), necessarily emphasizes the differences, and thus boundaries, between them. Drawing on such critiques of multicultural education and findings from a study conducted with biethnic and biracial individuals, Cruz-Janzen (1997) explained that The need is to move beyond the traditional models of multicultural education that continue to promote the separation and isolation of Americans\u00E2\u0080\u0094and all humans\u00E2\u0080\u0094through exclusive ethnic and racial categories and the sorting of people into groups. Education that is truly humanistic, inclusive, and multicultural must instead strive to prepare all students to be able to cross cultural boundaries without having to relinquish their self-identity and integrity. (p. 328) Challenging essentialist conceptions of racial and ethnic groups and making space for those who do not neatly fit within them is arguably quite feasible within the multicultural framework, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cyet multicultural education, while advocating for inclusiveness, makes no allocations for persons with multiple ethnic and racial heritages\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Cruz-Janzen, 1997, p. 325). In fact, until they do so, some scholars argue, conventional approaches to multicultural education will not be authentically multicultural (Wardle, 1996). Extending these critiques, Dolby (2000) challenged the conception of identity that underlies multicultural education. She stated: Identity politics tend to dominate in mainstream multicultural discourses. Theoretically dependent on the idea of the Enlightenment subject (Hall, 1992), this configuration of identity assumes that humans have essential, stable cores that are fully formed and unified. Within this paradigm, groups are designated by characteristics that are understood as inherent (though not necessarily biological) and finding one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009Cauthentic\u00E2\u0080\u009D self, or the core of one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s identity, is a central preoccupation. (p. 899). 65 Echoing others (see Gosine, 2002; Yon, 2000), Dolby argued that such an approach to identity neglects the ways in which identities are produced and reproduced and the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cslick and elusive\u00E2\u0080\u009D nature of race and racial identities (p. 908). Moreover, as she explained, \u00E2\u0080\u009CRacial identities cannot be bounded and framed, for they exceed, engulf, and mock the borders in which we attempt to encase them\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 908)\u00E2\u0080\u0094borders imposed and reinforced by multicultural approaches to education. Antiracism education has been critiqued for the similar use and reinforcement of essentialized understandings of racial and ethnic groups. However, there is a qualitative difference between how antiracism and multiculturalism engage with essentialized notions of race. Whereas multiculturalism\u00E2\u0080\u0099s essentialism arguably results from oversight and lack of awareness and can be rectified within its current framework, essentialism is fundamental to antiracism education. Returning to Dei and Calliste\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (2000) conceptualization of antiracism education, we must ask if is it possible to challenge systemic racial inequalities without essentializing\u00E2\u0080\u0094indeed reinforcing the boundaries between\u00E2\u0080\u0094those racial groups competing for power, access to resources, and representation. According to Gosine, the answer is no, because antiracism \u00E2\u0080\u009Csuppresses the inter-group divisions, ruptures, and contradiction [within racial groups]\u00E2\u0080\u00A6 [and] further reifies the normative-deviant binary it is designed to critique\u00E2\u0080\u009D (2002, p. 90). At their core, both multicultural and antiracism education, although for different purposes, rely on essentialized understandings of racial and ethnic groups. In the case of multicultural education, this results from what appears to be an understanding of the complexities of race and ethnicity and how they are experienced and negotiated by individuals that is overly-simplistic, although perhaps inadvertently so. In the case of 66 antiracism education, this oversimplification apparently stems from the need to strategically essentialize racial groups in order to achieve its aims. The net result of each approach is described by Gosine in the following way: Although well-intentioned, multicultural and anti-racist models encourage people to think in terms of discrete, bounded collectivities that possess recognizable sets of attributes that distinguish one group from another. Such an approach perpetuates a we-them view of difference\u00E2\u0080\u0094a simplistic, binary perspective that reinforces the backbone of racist discourses (2002, p. 96). Such \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwe-them\u00E2\u0080\u009D dichotomies neglect those living on the hyphen, and the reinforcement of such dichotomies contributes to the rigidity of racial and ethnic categories which are understood to confine multiethnic identities. Clearly, K-12 schooling experiences are widely believed to influence the identity construction of all students, and ample evidence suggests that this influence potentially supports or hinders students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 identity development. It is also widely believed that students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 sense of identity, and in particular their racial and ethnic identity, is linked to their self-esteem and educational aspirations and outcomes. As a result of such conclusions, educators have devised various strategies to support the racial and ethnic identity construction of minoritized students, among which multicultural education (in its many forms) and antiracism education are the most prevalent, if not in practice, in the literature. Thus, I reviewed here the central tenets of each and discussed critiques of their reinforcement of rigid and essentialist conceptions of racial and ethnic categories.6 This relatively descriptive review provides the backdrop for the following section, as it reveals 6 My focus here is on the critiques of multicultural and antiracism education often found in the literature related to the schooling experiences of multiethnic students. There is, however, a large body of literature that implicitly or explicitly responds to or refutes such critiques. Zirkel (2008), for example, clearly demonstrates the efficacy of multicultural education for many minoritized students. My intention is not to advocate abandoning multicultural and antiracist approaches, but to suggest that they ought to reflect more nuanced and accurate understandings of the complexities of race and ethnicity. 67 many of the assumptions reflected in the literature and research related to the K-12 schooling experiences of multiethnic students. In other words, this literature, along with the literature related to the identity construction of multiethnic individuals (Sections I and II), provides the foundations upon which the literature reviewed below rests. Additionally, the literature reviewed in this section describes the schooling context within which participants study and socialize. Section IV: The K-12 Schooling Experiences of Multiethnic Students In recent years, we have seen a considerable expansion of the literature related to the K-12 schooling experiences of multiethnic students, of which Wardle has produced a significant portion (see, for example, Wardle 1996, 2000a/b, 2004). Drawing on many of the studies discussed in the previous sections and his own empirical research, Wardle has written dozens of articles related to the education of multiethnic students and has published a book with Cruz-Janzen (2004) entitled Meeting the Needs of Multiethnic and Multiracial Children in Schools. In the same year, Wallace (2004) edited a collection entitled Working with Multiracial Students: Critical Perspectives on Research and Practice. The collection, comprising both reviews of original empirical research and more theoretically oriented chapters, consists of two sections, one focusing on theoretical and methodological considerations for conducting research regarding multiracial and multiethnic identity, the other focusing on implications for teachers and teacher educators. The authors in this collection, as in the other literature reviewed here, employ a broad range of methodologies, theoretical framings of identity, and terminology. However, of particular importance here is the fact that both books (and much of the related literature) discuss the educational experiences of multiethnic/multiracial students, 68 identified as a distinct population with similar needs and experiences, and attempt to identify implications for practitioners. Assertions that K-12 schooling experiences influence multiethnic students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 identity development abound in the literature. Sheets (2004), for example, conducted a study that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cexamine[d] the friendship networks of multiracial students in school settings and explore[d] how their social experiences influence multiracial identification and identity formation\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 135). While Sheets pointed out that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cparents and teachers were not a focus of this study\u00E2\u0080\u009D she concluded that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cit is imperative that teachers (and parents) understand that the multiracial identity developmental process is not separate from learning and cognition\u00E2\u0080\u009D and that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cteachers who make a conscious effort to promote multiracial identity development through curricular planning and instructional strategies help students develop a psychological dimension of self, both individual and group, which is a consequence of a [sic] their distinctive socialization process and dual heritage and membership in a [sic] particular racial and ethnic groups\u00E2\u0080\u009D (pp. 150-151). Additionally, the findings and educational implications from Root\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (1998) study with biracial siblings appear in the second edition of Banks and McGee Banks\u00E2\u0080\u0099 Handbook of Research on Multicultural Education (2003). Here, Root stated that the analysis of the experiences of multiethnic individuals raises \u00E2\u0080\u009Csignificant issues for educators as the classroom, school, and university are home away from home for many students and a source of significant information, process, and interaction\u00E2\u0080\u0094and ultimately a significant influence in perception of self\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 117). In their book Raising Biracial Children, Rockquemore and Laszloffy (2005) explained that Schools are one of the most important socializing agents in the lives of children. Outside of families, they may be the most important. While the 69 primary and overt function of schools is to teach academic skills and content, their secondary function is to teach children about themselves, and how to interact effectively with other people (pp. 88-89). Rockquemore and Laszloffy went on to discuss three aspects of schooling\u00E2\u0080\u0094the racial composition of the school, the racial awareness and sensitivity of schools\u00E2\u0080\u0099 leadership, and teachers\u00E2\u0080\u0099 attitudes and behaviors\u00E2\u0080\u0094which they identified as having a significant impact on mixed-race students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 racial socialization and identity development. They also discussed the significant impact of friendships and peer interactions on the racial socialization and identity development of mixed-race children. In this and the related literature, the primary assertion is always similar: schools can and should, but often fail to, support the racial/ethnic identity development and self-esteem of multiethnic students. Also permeating much of the literature related to multiethnic students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 K-12 schooling experiences is the assertion that such students have unique needs emerging from their identity construction processes\u00E2\u0080\u0094processes understood as differing from those of monoethnic students. For example, in 1995, Nishimura published an article entitled \u00E2\u0080\u009CAddressing the Needs of Biracial Children: An Issue for Counselors in a Multicultural School Environment\u00E2\u0080\u009D and in 1998, Wardle published an article entitled \u00E2\u0080\u009CMeeting the Needs of Multiracial and Multiethnic Children in Early Childhood Settings.\u00E2\u0080\u009D In these articles, the central \u00E2\u0080\u009Cneed\u00E2\u0080\u009D of multiethnic students is that for support in the development of healthy ethnic and racial identities (Wardle) or a positive racial self-image (Nishimura). Later, in 2004, Wardle described this need as desperate: \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthese students desperately need educators to support and nurture them in their efforts to survive and succeed in a world that often does not understand them and their families\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 176). At the same time, the general consensus emerging from the literature is that multiethnic 70 students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 need for support is not being met by schools, which Wardle (2000b) attributes, in part, to the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cinvisibility\u00E2\u0080\u009D of multiethnic students in most schools. According to Wardle, the existence and contributions of multiethnic individuals are largely absent from the curriculum; multiethnic students are rendered invisible by many school practices (e.g. single-race student groups, holiday celebrations, racial/ethnic data collection forms); most teachers have not received training to support multiethnic children; not everyone believes that multiethnic people represent a unique population and others feel that an acknowledgement of multiethnicity undermines the solidarity and power of single- race/ethnicity groups; and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthere are almost no textbooks that provide advice and information to assist educators to meet the needs of these children better\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 12). Extending beyond the notion that schools are simply not meeting the needs of multiethnic students is the idea that school practices actually marginalize or have adverse effects on the identity development and experiences of multiethnic students. As Wardle (2004) posited, One of the greatest dilemmas for multiracial and multiethnic students is to see themselves as normal and accepted, and not abnormal, strange and freaks. Students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 and adults\u00E2\u0080\u0099 frequent questions of, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhat are you, anyway,\u00E2\u0080\u009D simply aggravate this dilemma. One reason multiracial and multiethnic students struggle is because they are not taught in schools about their extensive history (Cortes, 1999); another is that they are not visible in their school: in books, curricular materials, posters, pamphlets, examples of literature and the arts, and so forth. (pp. 69-70) Moreover, as discussed above, it is often assumed that traditional approaches to multicultural education marginalize or exclude multiethnic students (see Glass & Wallace, 1996; Wardle & Cruz-Janzen, 2004). Building on the foregoing assertions, much of the literature that seeks to do so, despite some differences in focus and wording, identifies implications and 71 recommendations for educators that are strikingly similar. These recommendations are often focused on ways to modify and supplement multicultural education so as to make it more inclusive of and responsive to the experiences of multiethnic students. As is often pointed out, the identified recommendations benefit not just multiethnic students but all students, as they potentially lead to more accurate and nuanced understandings of race, ethnicity, and other forms of diversity. For example, Wardle (1996) suggests that educators: 1. Correct inaccurate history; 2. Explore racism against biracial people; 3. Explore the problems of single-race groups; 4. Support the biracial child\u00E2\u0080\u0099s self-esteem; 5. Explore all forms of diversity; 6. Provide antibias activities; 7. Provide an inclusive multicultural curriculum; and 8. Closely examine language used to study and discuss biracial children (pp. 387- 390). Later, in 2004, Wardle and Cruz-Janzen added to this list \u00E2\u0080\u009Csupport different learning styles\u00E2\u0080\u00A6support healthy racial identity development\u00E2\u0080\u00A6provide adult role models and use the community\u00E2\u0080\u00A6treat all children as unique individuals\u00E2\u0080\u00A6don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t allow biased behavior or language\u00E2\u0080\u00A6provide small groups and cooperative learning\u00E2\u0080\u00A6provide lots of opportunities to explore race and racism in this country\u00E2\u0080\u00A6don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t stereotype any of your students\u00E2\u0080\u00A6[and] create appropriate instructional materials\u00E2\u0080\u009D (pp. 194-200). Wardle and Cruz-Janzen also emphasized the need to transform teacher education programs. They explained, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cteachers must receive a different and improved kind of teacher preparation 72 that should include self-reflection, understanding the history of racism, understanding the negative power of racial categories, and being informed about the history of multiethnic and multiracial people and the normalcy and potential of multiracial and multiethnic children\u00E2\u0080\u009D (2004, p. 220). Indeed, in her quantitative doctoral study conducted with 268 elementary school teachers from a Northern California school district, Calore (2008) found evidence to suggest that participants were ill-prepared to serve the unique needs of multiracial students due to schools\u00E2\u0080\u0099 current racial data collection practices, lack of teacher knowledge and training, and a shortage of meaningful classroom materials related to the multiracial experience. Presumably, Wardle and Cruz-Janzen\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (2004) recommendations were influenced by Cruz-Janzen\u00E2\u0080\u0099s dissertation research which explored \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe perceived role and significance of the home, school, and peers as socialization agents that impact the formal curricula of the schools and thus the ethnic self-identity and self-concept of biethnic and biracial persons who are not of combined African-American and European-American heritage\u00E2\u0080\u009D (1997, p. 11). Drawing primarily on interviews conducted with 10 biethnic and biracial participants who ranged in age from 20 to 30 years old, Cruz-Janzen found that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cschools seem to operate in isolation from and with disregard for the families and communities of color they claim to represent and serve\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 310). Her participants, in their assessments of the formal curriculum in their K-12 schools, offered several critiques including the Eurocentric focus of the curriculum, the inaccuracies of American history, the lack of relevance of the curriculum to students of color, the lack of role models of color, and the curriculum\u00E2\u0080\u0099s denial of biethnic and biracial Americans. Based on these critiques, the participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 suggestions for schools included calls for more lessons about 73 ethnicity and race, inclusion of other perspectives, the sharing of positive aspects of other groups\u00E2\u0080\u0099 histories and heritages, and acknowledgement of all Americans including biethnic and biracial people. Included in Cruz-Janzen\u00E2\u0080\u0099s dissertation is a detailed critique of multicultural education for its neglect of biethnic and biracial students and its tendency to reinforce exclusive racial and ethnic categories, as discussed above. In many ways, the literature presented in this and the previous sections and the assumptions underlying it prompted my desire to conduct this research. With the exception of a few dissertations (e.g. Cruz-Janzen, 1997; Lopez, 2001) and a handful of other empirical studies either directly or more loosely related to the K-12 schooling experiences of multiethnic individuals, there has been very little empirical research into these issues. As discussed in the next section, what we often lack are the voices of multiethnic students and their perceptions and experiences stemming directly from their K-12 schooling experiences, and especially those stemming from diversity education initiatives such as multicultural and antiracist education. Based on the previously discussed assertions regarding the schooling experiences of multiethnic students, the literature reviewed in this section identifies noticeably consistent implications for educators. What we do not know, however, is whether these recommendations are actually heeded by educators and, if so, with what effect on the experiences and identity development of multiethnic students. Section V: Integrating the Literature In this chapter, I have sought to address several questions, the answers to which provide the foundation for this study. These include (1) What insights do we have into the racial and ethnic identity construction of multiethnic individuals? (2) Are K-12 schooling 74 experiences understood to influence the identity construction of students? (3) What are the prevalent approaches used by educators to support the racial and ethnic identity construction of students? (4) What influence might these approaches have on the racial and ethnic identity construction of multiethnic students? (5) What are the perceived influences of K-12 schooling experiences on the identity construction of multiethnic students, as discussed in the literature? Here, I attempt to integrate the literature reviewed above and directly answer these questions. Whether a progression through developmental stages or a non-linear process, multiethnic identity construction is widely understood as differing from that of monoethnic individuals in significant ways and as being influenced by a broad range of factors including, but not limited to, social context, family, peer culture, phenotype, cultural knowledge, racial awareness, the imposition of racial and ethnic categories, and schooling experiences. While their experiences of these influences might be similar, how individuals respond to them will likely vary considerably. There is also strong evidence indicating that multiethnic identities are fluid and situational. What remains most disputed is whether or not multiethnic identity development presents unique personal and social challenges, whether it is simply different from but no more challenging than monoethnic identity development, or whether multiethnic individuals benefit from exposure to and experiences of multiple racial and/or ethnic heritages. As Shih and Sanchez (2005) argued, considerably more empirical research is needed to make such determinations. It is also widely accepted that K-12 schooling experiences, including those related to the curriculum, school activities, peer groups and friendships, and knowledge 75 development influence all students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 identities. As we may recall from Section I of this chapter, one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s cultural knowledge, peer culture, racial awareness, and social experiences are factors widely understood as influencing the racial and ethnic identity development of multiethnic individuals. Given that these factors are significantly influenced by K-12 schools or often take place within them, it is not surprising that such schools are recognized as playing an important role in multiethnic students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 racial and ethnic identity construction processes. Because one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sense of identity, and particularly racial and ethnic identity, is often linked to self-esteem and educational outcomes and aspirations, especially for minoritized students, educators have developed various approaches to support students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 identity development. Of these approaches, multicultural education (in its many forms) and antiracism education are the most prevalent, if not in practice, certainly in the literature. Both of these approaches, however, have been critiqued for their reinforcement of rigid and essentialist conceptions of racial and ethnic categories, and multicultural education, in particular, is critiqued for its shallow treatment of race and ethnicity\u00E2\u0080\u0094 tendencies that are understood as doing a disservice to all students and as being particularly neglectful of and marginalizing for multiethnic students. These approaches are thought to directly confine the identity choices of multiethnic students through the reification and imposition of racial and ethnic borders. Thus, educational approaches said to serve monoethnic students may not be appropriate for multiethnic students, just as models of monoethnic/monoracial identity development may not apply to multiethnic individuals (Poston, 1990). What we lack, however, is a sufficient understanding, 76 grounded in empirical research, of the impact of such approaches on the perceptions, experiences, and identity construction processes of multiethnic students. As a population, multiethnic individuals undoubtedly differ from each other in innumerable ways. However, in much of the educational literature related to multiethnic students, they are treated as a population with more or less similar needs and experiences. Pages upon pages of recommendations have been identified for educators of multiethnic students, yet we have little idea if any educators actually heed this advice or, if they do, with what results. Nor do we have sufficient empirical research to support these recommendations or assess their appropriateness. Calore (2008) found that educators are ill-prepared to serve the unique needs of multiracial students, but we do not know how this lack of preparation manifests itself in the classroom or what its effect is on multiethnic students. In many ways, this study is a response to this literature. Prior studies have demonstrated the various ways in which K-12 schooling experiences\u00E2\u0080\u0094both those that take place formally in the classroom and during school- sponsored activities, and those that take place less formally in such places as hallways and cafeterias\u00E2\u0080\u0094influence students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 identity development. However, in terms of empirical studies that explicitly address the K-12 schooling experiences (understood holistically and taken together) of multiethnic students and the influence of these experiences on such students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 racial and ethnic identity construction processes, I know of none. What we are missing are the voices of students and their perspectives on and perceptions of schooling as it relates to their identity development. How do multiethnic students feel about race and ethnicity-based student organizations and activities? Do they join them? Do they feel excluded from them? Do these experiences of membership or exclusion influence their 77 sense of identity? What lessons have had an impact on their thinking about race, ethnicity, and their own identities? Do they feel that multiethnic students have particularly unique needs and, if so, what are they? Has the racial makeup of their school influenced their experiences and identity choices? Do they, as it is often assumed they will, feel marginalized and excluded in school? Do they feel that schools impose racial and ethnic categories on them? Have particular relationships with teachers or other students had a positive impact on their sense of identity? In short, what is the perceived influence of their K-12 schooling experiences on multiethnic students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 racial and ethnic identity construction processes? In sharing multiethnic students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 perspectives related to such questions, this research makes an important contribution to our understanding of the racial and ethnic identity construction and K-12 schooling experiences of multiethnic students. Before examining these perspectives, however, in the following chapter I discuss how I set about accessing and interpreting them. I also explore the methodological complexities of conducting research with and for multiethnic individuals and share my responses to these complexities. 78 CHAPTER FOUR: METHODOLOGY The postpositivist realist conception of identity outlined in Chapter Two draws attention to the epistemic value of experience, and the notion that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwe do and can learn or discover something about the reality that shapes our experience\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Hau, 2000, p. 157). This conception acknowledges the influence of individuals\u00E2\u0080\u0099 experiences\u00E2\u0080\u0094and their interpretations of these experiences\u00E2\u0080\u0094on their identities, as well as the relationship between one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s experiences and other social categories such as race, gender, class, and sexuality that constitute one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s social location. In light of these understandings with which I entered this study, I needed a methodology that would provide the opportunity to gain a deep understanding of participant\u00E2\u0080\u0099s experiences and how these experiences have shaped their identities. I also needed a methodology that would allow for the exploration of a broad range of influences on participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 identities and invite the type of open dialogue conducive to the emergence of participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 stories, experiences, reflections, and interpretations. Given the purposes of this study and its inductive nature, I deemed a qualitative approach most appropriate. Of the various qualitative research methods, interviews were selected as the primary tool for data collection precisely because interviews allow for an in-depth exploration, through dialogue, of participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 lived experiences and the meaning they make of those experiences (Seidman, 2006). To enhance the depth of the interview findings and to further explore emergent themes, I also invited participants to take part in focus groups and complete a writing activity. In doing so, I sought to explore the racial and ethnic identity construction of multiethnic participants as influenced by their K-12 schooling experiences, the ways in which diversity education initiatives such 79 as multicultural and antiracist education influence participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 identity construction, and the ways in which schools might become more inclusive and supportive of their multiethnic students. In the following pages, I review the steps taken to access and interpret the voices of research participants. I explore the methodological complexities of conducting research with and for multiethnic individuals and share my responses to these complexities. Finally, I interrogate my role as the primary research \u00E2\u0080\u009Cinstrument\u00E2\u0080\u009D for this study, including the perceived influence of my identity on the research situation, as well as the biases, assumptions, and perspectives with which I entered this study and how I attempted to mitigate their impact. Participant and Site Selection The criteria for participation in this study were self-identification as multiethnic and enrollment in a San Francisco Bay Area high school. All participants self-identified as multiethnic in response to a study advertisement. Prior to commencing this research, I was often asked if I would include a research participant that is, for example, half Scottish and half German (note that I am never asked about multiethnic individuals who identify with two ethnicities from a common \u00E2\u0080\u009Cminority\u00E2\u0080\u009D racial group). To such questions, my answer was \u00E2\u0080\u009Cyes,\u00E2\u0080\u009D because, prior to an interview, I could not predict the ways in which racial and ethnic restrictions might operate in the life of such an individual. Thus, several participants represented ethnic groups that are subsumed under a single racial category. Furthermore, since my research seeks to examine the experiences and identity construction of self-identified multiethnic individuals, to exclude this individual would 80 require the imposition of a restriction based on what I consider to be a \u00E2\u0080\u009Clegitimate\u00E2\u0080\u009D multiethnic identity. I chose the San Francisco Bay Area as the location for the study for several reasons. Lopez (2003) provides various explanations for why California is a particularly suitable location for the study of multiethnicity based on, for example, the fact that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cit is the only large state with a significant percentage of all the \u00E2\u0080\u0098major\u00E2\u0080\u0099 race groups present in its population\u00E2\u0080\u009D and the data indicating that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe state accounts for a large portion of the mixed heritage population in the country\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 31). As U.S. Census Bureau estimates from July 2007 indicate, 2.5% of the California population (approximately 36 million) is, in the Bureau\u00E2\u0080\u0099s terms, multiracial (Stuckey, 2008). Additionally, according to a report based on findings from the 2000 Census, \u00E2\u0080\u009CPeople who reported more than one race were more likely to be under age 18 than those reporting only one race.\u00E2\u0080\u00A6Of the 6.8 million people in the Two [sic] or more races population [category], 42 percent were under 18\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Jones & Smith, 2001, p. 9). Thus, we know that California has a sizable population of multiethnic youth (see also Lopez, 2003; Ness, 2001). Moreover, iPride, the oldest multiracial justice organization in the US (Brown & Douglass, 1996; iPride.org), is located in Berkeley, California, and, as detailed in the following section, iPride assisted in the recruitment of study participants. Finally, I grew up in the San Francisco Bay Area and have local knowledge of the schools and communities from which participants were drawn\u00E2\u0080\u0094 knowledge that, as discussed below, I expected would assist in the gathering and interpretation of data. I originally intended to draw all participants from a single public high school in the Bay Area and to supplement interview, focus group, and writing activity data with 81 data collected at the school site related to curriculum, student and faculty demographics, and diversity education policies and practices. This research model, though, proved unfeasible for several reasons. One principal welcomed me to conduct this study at her school, but prior to commencing the research, she retired, and the in-coming principal did not want the school to be the research site. One school district rejected my application to conduct research with its students due to concerns about loss of instructional time that might result from participation in the study. Schools in other districts might have been willing to host this research, yet I feared that their policies related to research conducted with students might preclude open dialogue with participants. For example, several districts have policies that require school personnel to be present during interviews and focus groups with students. Consequently, the research model changed substantially and participants were drawn from schools across the Bay Area. Research Procedures An advertisement for this study was sent to members of iPride, an organization of multiracial families in the San Francisco Bay Area,7 to which several students responded directly. Additionally, several teachers who received the study advertisement from iPride informed their students of the study, and one teacher sent the advertisement to all students in her school. I also discussed the study with several teachers with whom I was in contact, and they shared the study advertisement with their students. Finally, following their interviews, several participants encouraged their friends and classmates to participate in the study. Thus, study advertisements, word-of-mouth, and snowballing 7 Not all of iPride\u00E2\u0080\u0099s members reside in the Bay Area, and as a result, numerous students from across the country contacted me about participation in the study. Because these students were not enrolled in Bay Area high schools, I was unable to interview them for this study. 82 techniques were used to contact potential participants. All students interested in participating in the study were invited to contact me directly by phone or email. Once students contacted me and confirmed their enrollment in a Bay Area high school8 and self-identification as multiethnic, I sent them a detailed description of the study and informed consent and informed assent forms. Semi-Structured Interviews All participants were required to participate in a semi-structured interview during which we explored their identity construction processes and K-12 schooling experiences. Semi-structured interviews were selected as the primary method for data collection for precisely the reasons provided by Barriball and While (1994): \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthey are well suited for the exploration of the perceptions and opinions of respondents regarding complex and sometimes sensitive issues and enable probing for more information and clarification of answers\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 330) (see also Seidman (2006) and Marshall and Rossman (1989) for similar discussions of the merits of interview based methodologies). Twenty-three students from eight high schools (two private, six public) and with a wide array of racial and ethnic heritages were interviewed (see Table 1). The interviews took place at a time and location deemed convenient and comfortable by the participants\u00E2\u0080\u0094most often after school at local coffee shops and eateries. In some instances, students were interviewed on their campuses after the school day had ended, either on a lawn or in a classroom that was provided for our use by the school. All of the students were interviewed individually, with the exception of two students who requested to be interviewed together. Given participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 busy schedules and other commitments, 8 One participant had graduated from high school within the past seven months. 83 scheduling the interviews proved fairly difficult. The 23 participants and I exchanged more than 500 emails, in addition to countless text messages and phone calls. After ensuring that the necessary consent and assent forms had been signed, I explained the study in greater detail to students and invited them to ask me questions about myself and the study. I also gave participants a copy of Root\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (2003a) \u00E2\u0080\u009C50 Experiences of Racially Mixed People\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Appendix III) to read, if they wanted to, while I was getting organized to begin the interview. My assumption was that participants would find the list interesting and that it would prompt reflection on their own experiences. All of the questions included in the interview protocol (Appendix I) were asked of students. However, the questions were not necessarily asked in the order in which they appear, and we frequently discussed topics introduced by the students or that emerged from the conversation. The interviews ranged in length considerably, with the shortest lasting approximately 30 minutes and the longest reaching nearly two hours. The variations in length were due not to the number of questions asked but the length of students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 responses and the number of topics they introduced. I took notes during the interviews and recorded each using two digital voice recorders. Following the interview, all participants received a thank you note with a $5.00 gift card to a local coffee shop and were invited to select their own pseudonym (five students selected their pseudonyms). 84 Table 1: Participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 Pseudonyms, Self-Described Heritages, and Schools Pseudonym Heritage Public/Private School School Name Jill Chinese and White Public Parkside H. S. Mialany Black and White Public Parkside H. S. Dana White and Black Public Canyon H. S. Andrea White and Iranian Private Oak View H. S. Anthony Filipino and Indian Private Oak View H. S. Frank French and Mexican Public Bridges H. S. Jasmine Mexican and Arab (Tunisian) Public Bridges H. S. David Italian and Portuguese Public Bridges H. S. Cara Chinese and White Private Cedar Grove H. S. Amaya African American and Indian Public Pine Mountains H. S. Raya Black and White (British and Ethiopian) Public Pine Mountains H. S. Barry Spanish, German, and Irish Public Pine Mountains H. S. Christina Black and White Public Pine Mountains H. S. Kendra Puerto Rican, Mexican, Black, and French Public Pine Mountains H. S. Renee Mexican and Persian Public Pine Mountains H. S. Jen Puerto Rican, Yugoslavian, and Italian Public Pine Mountains H. S. Hip Hapa African American, Native American, Canadian, Vietnamese Public Oceanside H. S. Kelley Chinese and White Public Deer Valley H. S. Josh French, Persian, Jewish and Russian Public Deer Valley H. S. Jordan Chinese and White Public Deer Valley H. S. Anne Caucasian and Japanese Public Deer Valley H. S. Hannah Japanese and White Public Deer Valley H. S. Marie White and Black Public Deer Valley H. S. Focus Groups Drawing on the work of Krueger (1994) and Morgan (1993), Asbury (1995) explains that focus groups \u00E2\u0080\u009Crely on the dynamic of the group interactions to stimulate the thinking and thus the verbal contributions of the participants, and to provide the researcher with rich, detailed perspectives that could not be obtained through other methodological strategies\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 415). Moreover, as Kitzinger (1995) points out, researchers who conduct focus groups often do so based on the idea that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cgroup processes 85 can help people to explore and clarify their views in ways that would be less easily accessible in a one to one interview\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 299). Finally, both Morgan (1996) and Wilson (1997) discuss the complementary relationship between individual interviews and focus groups. Wilson (1997), for example, describes the use of focus groups as a means to follow up on issues and topics that have emerged from individual interviews. With these potential benefits of focus groups in mind and in an effort to enhance the breadth and depth of the data, following their interviews, I invited students to participate in an optional focus group. Nine students participated in one of two focus groups. I designed the focus groups to provide a forum in which participants could discuss salient themes emerging from the interviews with other multiethnic students and in which participants and I could further explore such themes. Thus, prior to the focus groups, I read the transcripts or listened to the interviews of focus group participants (depending on whether or not the interviews had already been transcribed), to identify common themes and questions to be discussed or issues which I believed warranted further exploration (Wilson, 1997). For example, I used the Pine Mountains focus group as an opportunity to further explore the topic of phenotype\u00E2\u0080\u0094a topic that was not included in the interview protocol but that many of the focus group participants brought up during their individual interviews. As Kitzinger (1995) explains, Group discussion is particularly appropriate when the interviewer has a series of open ended questions and wishes to encourage research participants to explore the issues of importance to them, in their own vocabulary, generating their own questions and pursuing their own priorities. (p. 299) Consequently, although I brought a series of questions to each focus group, participants were encouraged to introduce questions and topics for discussion with the group. 86 Although the majority of students expressed interest in participating in a focus group, scheduling the focus groups proved very difficult given the distances between participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 communities and schools and their busy schedules. I proposed four focus groups, only two of which took place, both at local pizza restaurants. Five participants from Pine Mountains High School attended the first focus group, the second comprised four students, three from Deer Valley High School and one from Oak View High School. I took notes during both focus groups and recorded each using two digital voice recorders. Writing Activity According to Creswell (2003), participant-generated documents may be a source of particularly thoughtful data because of the attention required to create them. With this in mind, I designed an optional writing activity that provided participants with the opportunity to share further insights and thoughts related to the research topics. The writing activity was also intended to provide participants with the opportunity to articulate their thoughts and experiences in writing and in the absence of the researcher and audio recording devices. In this sense, the writing activity was designed to be a less obtrusive method of collecting data than the interviews and focus groups (Creswell, 2003). In the writing activity prompt (Appendix II), I asked participants to reflect on their schooling experiences and encouraged them to identify ways in which schools are and are not meeting the needs of their multiethnic students. However, I emphasized with participants that the prompt was only a suggestion and that they should feel free to share whatever reflections they had related to the research topics. Generally, students expressed 87 very little interest in completing the writing activity. Three students wrote reflections about being multiethnic and their schooling experiences and one student wrote reflections about being interviewed by me about her identity and experiences. Further, one student sent me a paper she had written about multiethnicity prior to the interview and another student sent me two papers he wrote about multiethnicity following the interview. Data Analysis and Presentation In their article, \u00E2\u0080\u009CQualitative Analysis on Stage: Making the Research Process More Public,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Anfara, Brown, and Mangione state that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cin all the discussions of validity in qualitative research there is one major element that is not sufficiently addressed\u00E2\u0080\u0094the public disclosure of process\u00E2\u0080\u009D (2002, p. 29). This conclusion is based on several observations: First, what exactly does it mean when a researcher writes, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthemes emerged\u00E2\u0080\u009D? The reader is expected to take the word of the researcher that he or she did a credible job in data analysis\u00E2\u0080\u0094that the themes that emerged actually have some congruence or verisimilitude with the reality of the phenomenon studied. Second, although triangulation, member checks, and other qualitative strategies are mentioned frequently in design or methods sections of research articles, rarely is there evidence of exactly how these were achieved\u00E2\u0080\u00A6Third, rarely are we privy to an interview protocol that may be used to collect data. (p. 29) Anfara, Brown, and Mangione conclude that \u00E2\u0080\u009CHowever qualitative researchers address validity in their research\u00E2\u0080\u00A6the processes employed in the research must be made more public\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 35). Expressing similar ideas, Palys (1997), in his discussion of qualitative data analysis states, \u00E2\u0080\u009CIt would be nice if one could point to examples of qualitative research in which that author(s) self-consciously discussed the decision points they faced, and how and why they made the decisions they did, but there have been few such accounts\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 297). Taking these observations and critiques seriously, in the following 88 pages I detail and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmake public\u00E2\u0080\u009D the processes and decisions involved in organizing, reducing, analyzing, and presenting the data. Much as I would like to depict these processes as straightforward and coherent, I cannot; as predicted by Marshall and Rossman (1989), they were \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmessy, ambiguous, time-consuming, creative, and fascinating\u00E2\u0080\u00A6[They did] not proceed in a linear fashion, [they were] not neat\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 112). I do, however, take comfort in Creswell\u00E2\u0080\u0099s assertion that \u00E2\u0080\u009CUnquestionably, there is not one single way to analyze qualitative data\u00E2\u0080\u0094it is an eclectic process in which you try to make sense of the information\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Creswell, 2002, in Anfara, Brown, & Mangione, 2002, p. 31). Starting Points The interviews and focus groups were transcribed verbatim and features of speech such as long pauses, sighs, and laughter were noted in the transcripts. Each student received a copy of his/her interview transcript and was invited to correct any errors and provide clarification. Only one of the participants pointed out an error in a transcript that needed to be corrected. Having deemed the data ready for analysis, I read each transcript or writing activity at least twice, but often three or more times. As Creswell (2003) suggests, my purpose at this point was to start reflecting on such questions as \u00E2\u0080\u009CWhat general ideas are participants saying? What is the tone of the ideas? What is the general impression of the overall depth, credibility, and use of the information?\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 191). Based on my initial readings of and reflections on the data, and given the central research questions of this study, I decided that it would be important for readers to gain a broader understanding of participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 racial and ethnic identity construction processes and the various factors beyond K-12 schooling that have influenced these processes. Thus, in Chapter Five I present profiles of participants with a focus on their racial and 89 ethnic identity development as influenced by such factors as family, friends, relationships and interactions, phenotype, racial and ethnic categories and stereotypes, and local environment. The data directly addressing participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 K-12 schooling experiences are presented according to salient topics in Chapters Six, Seven, and Eight. As discussed below, distinct data processing and analytic procedures were used for generating the profiles and the subsequent discussion of participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 K-12 schooling experiences. Generating Participant Profiles The participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 profiles, which are composed almost entirely of participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 own words, are, as per Seidman\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (2006) suggestions, presented in the first person. To generate the profiles, I first read each interview transcript to gain a general sense of the participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 identity development, their experiences, and the topics they discussed. Using printed copies of the transcripts and a highlighter, I then identified passages which related to participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 identity development. Returning to the computer, I deleted my words and the un-highlighted sections of the transcript. The remaining text formed the basis of the profile and I began a process of selecting the most descriptive passages and editing them. For the sake of coherence, the text was \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccleaned up\u00E2\u0080\u009D and I removed some of the often repeated words, such as \u00E2\u0080\u009Clike,\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u009Cum,\u00E2\u0080\u009D and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cyou know.\u00E2\u0080\u009D I also removed or changed all proper names and excluded text that could be used to identify the participant. In some cases, I rearranged the text thematically. Thus, for example, in instances where a participant talked about her siblings at several different times during the interview, I grouped this text together. I also added a minimal amount of text to ensure clarity. For example, in response to the question \u00E2\u0080\u009CHow would you describe your process of identity 90 construction as a multiethnic individual? Do you feel that this process is complete, or is it ongoing?\u00E2\u0080\u009D Jill responded with \u00E2\u0080\u009CIt is ongoing, it will never be complete.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Because Jill\u00E2\u0080\u0099s response cannot stand alone, to enhance clarity, the sentence from her profile reads as: \u00E2\u0080\u009CDeveloping my identity is ongoing, it will never be complete.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Such changes were very minor and did not alter the meaning of the participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 words, and therefore they are not indicated in the text of the profiles. Once a first draft of each profile was completed, I reviewed the focus group transcripts and writing activities and identified passages to include in the profiles. During a final reading of each profile, I made any other changes needed to enhance clarity. The profiles, as with the interviews, vary in length and reflect differences in speech styles and loquaciousness. Ultimately, each profile presents a shared story, one that is crafted by me using a participant\u00E2\u0080\u0099s words (Seidman, 2006). To ensure the accuracy of my interpretations and that through crafting the profiles I did not inadvertently misrepresent the participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 stories, I invited participants to review their profiles and offer suggestions to improve accuracy and coherence.9 None of them requested that I make changes to his/her profile. Analysis of the Data Relating to K-12 Schooling Experiences Chapters Six, Seven, and Eight include a presentation of the data directly related to participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 K-12 schooling experiences. Again using printed copies of the data and a highlighter, I reread the data and identified passages in which participants discussed their K-12 schooling. As before, my purpose at this point was to reflect on such questions as \u00E2\u0080\u009CWhat general ideas are participants saying? What is the tone of the ideas? What is the 9 Upon their completion, I attempted to email each participant her/his profile. Unfortunately, a few participants had changed schools or email addresses and I was unable to contact all of them. 91 general impression of the overall depth, credibility, and use of the information?\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Creswell, 2003, p. 191). After reflecting on the data and these questions, I identified three broad categories into which the data naturally fit: participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 discussions of the formal/deliberate aspects of schooling, their discussions of the informal/social aspects of schooling, and their broader reflections on K-12 schooling including recommendations for educators. The formal/deliberate aspects of schooling are those that teachers and administrators can and do influence, and the informal/social aspects are those over which teachers and administrators generally have little direct influence. Once the data had been divided into these three broad categories, I manually coded them according to the topics discussed by participants. Not surprisingly, these topics most often corresponded to the questions that I asked students during the interviews and focus groups. For example, topics from the data related to the formal aspects of schooling include interactions and relationships with teachers and diversity education initiatives\u00E2\u0080\u0094two topics about which I explicitly asked participants. I then, in separate documents, combined all of the data related to each topic. At this point, I reviewed and reread the data related to each topic and sought to identify \u00E2\u0080\u009Csalient themes, recurring ideas or language, and patterns of belief that link people and settings together\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Marshall and Rossman, 1989, p. 116). In successive iterations of data analysis, my tasks included, for example, searching for relationships among the concepts and themes discussed by participants, drawing comparisons between participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 experiences of specific aspects of K-12 schooling, identifying divergences between participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 perceptions of similar phenomena, and comparing my findings to prior research and extant literature. I then began a concomitant process of analysis akin to 92 what Strauss and Corbin (1990) call axial coding: I began putting the data back together and looking for patterns and relationships that could help us to understand the K-12 schooling experiences of participants and the influence of these experiences on their racial and ethnic identity development. Through this process, numerous themes emerged including, for example, the silence regarding multiethnicity in schools, the reification of racial and ethnic categories, and the significant influence of reflected appraisals (Cooley, 1902; Khanna, 2004; Tatum, 1997). In Chapters Six, Seven, and Eight, I present the data related to participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 K-12 schooling experiences in a way that reflects these analytic processes. Through the internal organization of these chapters, I attempt to lay bare my processes of breaking down, analyzing, and piecing back together the data. In doing so, I attempted to expose these processes to scrutiny, in large part as a response to the critiques of accounts of qualitative research processes put forward by Anfara, Brown, and Mangione (2002) and Palys (1997). Chapters Six and Seven focus on participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 experiences of the formal and informal aspects of schooling respectively. The data in these chapters are organized into sections according to topic and the salient themes emerging from the data related to each topic are discussed at the end of each section and again at the end of each chapter. While Chapters Six and Seven focus on participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 past schooling experiences, Chapter Eight includes the data related to participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 broad reflections on schooling and their recommendations for educators\u00E2\u0080\u0094data best viewed against the backdrop of the data presented in Chapters Five, Six, and Seven. Many of the ideas and themes that permeate Chapters Five, Six, and Seven come together, so to speak, in the data presented in 93 Chapter Eight. Moreover, participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 reflections on schooling and their recommendations for educators are, not surprisingly, very much rooted in their own identities and experiences. As such, in Chapter Eight, I frequently refer back to the data in Chapters Five, Six, and Seven and, therefore, organizing the data according to participants and not topics reduced repetitiveness. The Complexities of Researching Multiethnic Identities Research with multiethnic individuals, like much research related to race and ethnicity, gives rise to several complexities and conundrums. Root (1992a, 2003b) discusses several of these complexities, including: the fact that mixed race people are not distributed randomly throughout the United States; the limitations of using self-selection to identify research participants, especially given all of the ways in which mixed race people may identify and define race and ethnicity; the changing meaning of mixed race over time; the implications of conducting research with mixed race individuals of a certain heritage combination versus those representing multiple heritage combinations; the limits in generalizability resulting from restricted sampling (i.e. according to age); and the difficulties, when appropriate, of identifying control groups. Other work addressing these and similar complexities can be found in Part 1 of Wallace\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (Ed.) (2004b) Working with Multiracial Students: Critical Perspectives on Research and Practice, entitled \u00E2\u0080\u009CUnmasking the Interface: Theoretical and Methodological Considerations in Multiracial and Multiethnic Identity Research.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Here, Renn (2004b) explored how to conduct research on multiraciality without reinforcing static notions of racial categories; Lopez (2004) explored how information about race and ethnicity is collected with mixed heritage students and ways to ensure more accurate analysis and 94 conclusions based on such data; and Wallace (2004a) advocated for greater attention to cultural processes in the study of multiethnic identities. In this section, I explore several of these complexities as they relate to this research and detail how I have addressed them. Additionally, I identify and discuss those limitations and delimitations of the study that are not addressed in Chapter One. In Chapter One, I made clear my definition of multiethnic and my rationale for including participants whose parents might be racially similar but who represent different ethnic groups. Simply making clear my own definition of multiethnic, however, does not avoid many of the complexities related to sampling and participant selection. According to Root, \u00E2\u0080\u009Crecruiting multiracial individuals will almost always yield selective samples\u00E2\u0080\u009D because: [S]ome persons will not respond to advertising because the social environment has rendered multiracial identity as a negative status. Other multiracial persons, such as some African Americans, Filipinos, Latinos, Native Americans, and Hawaiians, may not identify as multiracial; to them, ethnic or cultural identity may be more salient than racial heritage. Advertising specifically for people of color will selectively sample those multiracials who identify as such\u00E2\u0080\u00A6and who may be critically different from those who would not identify as people of color. (1992a, p. 183) These difficulties in sampling are compounded by the fact that potential participants may interpret the definitions of race, ethnicity, and multiethnicity differently. Moreover, some multiethnic individuals may acknowledge their mixed heritage but identify monoracially or identify as a member of a specific heritage group (e.g., Japanese/White) but not with a larger multiethnic population. Although significant, I do not see these difficulties as deterrents to conducting this research. As indicated, all participants self-identified as multiethnic in response to advertisements about this research. Certainly other methods might have been used to 95 identify study participants. For example, results from a questionnaire asking students to indicate their parents\u00E2\u0080\u0099 racial and ethnic heritage could have been used to identify potential participants; however, as Root (2003b) points out, this method tells us little about how the student identifies. Indeed, it is difficult to imagine a study with multiethnic individuals that satisfactorily avoids or responds to all of these complexities. Moreover, I join Renn (2004b) in the belief that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwe need to allow the strengths of different research paradigms and methods, as well as individual researchers, to contribute to the discussion of multiraciality\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 17). In a review of dissertations and theses addressing multiracial identity, Root identified several methodological flaws, one consequence of which is that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cproportionally few offer new information\u00E2\u0080\u009D (2003b, p. 121). Here, I address two of these flaws which are relevant to this research. First, as Root argues, \u00E2\u0080\u009CRestricted sampling limits generalizability of results. Many studies use college-age students, who\u00E2\u0080\u00A6are in a specific developmental stage of their lives. Community samples are harder to obtain but yield a broader scope of influences on people\u00E2\u0080\u0099s identities\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 121). Because I seek to understand the influence of K-12 schooling on participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 identity construction, it seems logical that all participants would have at least enrolled in high school. Certainly older individuals could have participated in this study, but, as Root points out, community samples are hard to obtain, and older study participants would have perhaps been more difficult to recruit given the requirement of enrollment in a California high school. The argument that students are at a particular developmental stage and therefore limit the implications of my findings is perhaps reasonable. However, Root also points out that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cgenerational changes in the meaning of mixed race and the support for mixed race 96 identities imply that research findings from 15 to 20 years ago may not be replicable or as relevant\u00E2\u0080\u009D today (p.121). As one goal of this research is to identify implications for educators in today\u00E2\u0080\u0099s schools based on the perceptions and experiences of current students, we can quickly see the limitations of including older participants in this study. Second, as discussed in the previous chapter, many authors and researchers employ different terms to refer to multiethnic individuals, and many researchers limit the focus of their studies to multiethnic individuals of a certain heritage combination. According to Root (2003b), Researchers also have to be specific about their sample of mixed race people on the basis of the research questions. It may not be appropriate to mix persons of Black/White and Asian/White and Native American/White and Latino/White in the same samples, particularly if the sample numbers are small. Historical issues specific to the ethnic groups may predictably confound results. (p.121) Based on my research questions, I am confident in my decision to group multiethnic individuals together regardless of their racial or ethnic heritage\u00E2\u0080\u0094a decision I might not have made had the aims of the research been different. Indeed, elsewhere I have questioned the extent to which a single multiethnic population, with members who identify as such and therefore whose experiences can be studied, actually exists (Mohan & Venzant Chambers, 2009). While I am critical of studies that uncritically group all multiethnic individuals together and assume that they share a common identity and similar experiences, feelings, and histories (and interpretations of these), for several reasons, I nevertheless used multiethnic as a broad category for identifying the participants in this study. I did this, in part, in response to the increasing number of organizations, publications, studies, and media accounts treating multiethnic individuals as a single group and the rise of the so-called \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmultiracial movement.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Certainly, many 97 studies identify specific heritage combinations, yet as multiethnicity garners increased attention, there is a tendency to depict the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpopulation\u00E2\u0080\u009D in broad strokes, and too little empirical research examining the experiences of multiethnic individuals broadly identified. Likewise, as discussed in the previous chapter, there is an expanding body of literature related to the K-12 schooling of multiethnic students, much of which considers multiethnic students representing a range of heritage combinations, without distinction (see, for example, Wallace, 2004b; Wardle & Cruz-Janzen, 2004). Consequently, it is worth discerning if there are unique yet shared experiences related to straddling or crossing racial and ethnic borders, regardless of which races or ethnicities the borders lie between, and if these experiences hold implications for educators. Moreover, it would likely be impossible to investigate the experiences of individuals representing every possible heritage combination so as to identify implications for educators (or anyone else). What we can do, though, is examine whether there are common educational experiences shared by individuals who identify as multiethnic. Thus, what ties all study participants together (however loosely) is their experiences of crossing borders (Root, 1996a), be they racial and/or ethnic borders. I am cognizant of the limitations of identifying research participants in this way, and, in particular, I acknowledge Root\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (2003b) assertion that heterogeneous samples of multiethnic individuals overlook historical issues specific to particular ethnic groups. This lack of emphasis on historical issues specific to certain groups, however, is a necessary feature of this study given the research questions and my aims. Moreover, in my analysis of the data, I do not neglect those instances in which participants discuss such issues, especially as they relate to their identity and self-concept. Rather, historical 98 issues such as the development and deployment of racial and ethnic stereotypes and the persistent legacy of racism and discrimination are, when discussed by participants, examined for the influence they have in shaping participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 identities and experiences. Additionally, for the same reasons that I did not specify specific racial or ethnic heritage combinations as criteria for participation in this study, I did not restrict participation to individuals of a specific gender, social class, or other social grouping. As is evident from my approach to identity outlined in Chapter Two, I understand individual identities as influenced by a broad range of factors and socially constructed categories which mutually constitute each other. It is beyond the scope of this study to engage in a thorough analysis of such factors as gender, class, religion, or sexuality, yet I am mindful of the ways in which these social markers, together, constitute participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 social locations and, thus, influence their experiences and identities. As with historical issues, when discussed by participants, the functioning and impact of these social categories are examined as they relate to participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 identities and experiences. A final complexity, which relates not just to this study but to all studies aimed at better understanding racial and ethnic identities, arises from simultaneously working with and against racial and ethnic categories. This complexity is best captured by the question: How can one conduct research that is situated in race and ethnicity without reifying fixed notions of racial and ethnic categories? As Gunaratnam explains, This danger relates to how categorical approaches can serve to reify \u00E2\u0080\u0098race\u00E2\u0080\u0099 and ethnicities as entities that individuals are born into and inhabit, and that are then brought to life in the social world, rather than \u00E2\u0080\u0098recognizing\u00E2\u0080\u0099 race and ethnicity as dynamic and emergent processes of being and becoming. The conceptual \u00E2\u0080\u0098fixing\u00E2\u0080\u0099 of \u00E2\u0080\u0098race\u00E2\u0080\u0099 and ethnicity is dangerous in terms of the limitations that it can place upon analysis, and because it can serve to produce and reproduce wider forms of essentialism, stereotyping and racism. (2003, p. 19). 99 For this research, this danger of reifying rigid notions of race and ethnicity is intensified by the fact that terms such as multiracial and multiethnic imply that there are \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpure\u00E2\u0080\u009D races and ethnicities. The most common response to this danger is a somewhat frustrated statement such as \u00E2\u0080\u009CAlthough we can deconstruct notions of race and ethnicity, we have to keep using these terms in the fight against prejudice and racism.\u00E2\u0080\u009D However awkward this position may feel, when set against the alternative option of color-blindness (see Gallagher, 2003), it provides a preferable way forward. In other words, while research on race and ethnicity runs the risk of bolstering their strength as divisive social categories, this consequence is far less threatening than the option of denying the often insidious, real-life effects of racial and ethnic categories on individuals and groups. Perhaps more optimistically, research with multiethnic individuals can, as I hope this research does, serve as a starting point for the exploration of the limitations and complexities of racial and ethnic categories. Accordingly, when research on race and ethnicity is intended to advance a liberatory agenda, we can see this snare as an unfortunate but necessary evil encountered on the path to a more just and equitable society. Self as Research \u00E2\u0080\u009CInstrument\u00E2\u0080\u009D10 As researcher-conducted interviews were the primary source of data, I served as the principal research \u00E2\u0080\u009Cinstrument\u00E2\u0080\u009D for this study. I developed the interview and focus group protocols and the writing activity prompt; I conducted all stages of the data collection, analysis, interpretation, and writing; and I took part in participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 meaning- making processes. As such, several issues related to my relationship with the research, 10 Portions of this section first appeared in Mohan and Venzant Chambers (2009). 100 my proximity to the participants, my biases and perspectives, and the need for reflexive practices are worth exploring here. Insider/Outsider Research Before examining my own proximity to the research participants and the implications of this proximity for my findings and analysis, it is worth reviewing some of the various perspectives related to insider and outsider research. According to the literature related to insider/outsider research, a researcher\u00E2\u0080\u0099s proximity to participants potentially influences participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 engagement with and responses to the research questions, the researcher\u00E2\u0080\u0099s ability to gain access to and build a rapport with participants, and the quality of the data and interpretations (e.g., De Andrade, 2000; Irvine, Roberts & Bradbury-Jones, 2008; Johnson-Bailey, 1999; Merriam et al., 2001; Narayan, 1993; Rhodes, 1994; Twine, 2000; Villenes, 1996). The implications of this finding, however, are widely debated. Four common perspectives on the debate surrounding insider/outsider research as it relates to social identities are: (1) insider research is preferable, (2) outsider research is preferable, (3) research conducted by both insiders and outsiders is preferable, and (4) one is never always an insider or outsider in any research situation given the multiple axes of differentiation along which individuals identify. Related to the fourth perspective is the notion that one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s identity as either an insider or outsider is negotiated and re-negotiated with research participants throughout the research process. The debate between these perspectives persists in methodological literature precisely because each has some merit; therefore, I briefly explore their basic tenets here with a focus on their applicability to my own research. 101 Insider research typically refers to research conducted by and with individuals who share a common salient sociopolitical identity. Providing an explanation for arguments in favor of insider research, Merriam et al. stated, \u00E2\u0080\u009CIt has commonly been assumed that being an insider means easy access, the ability to ask more meaningful questions and read non-verbal cues, and most importantly, be able [sic] to project a more truthful, authentic understanding of the culture under study\u00E2\u0080\u009D (2001, p. 411). In addition, those advocating insider research often argue that such techniques as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cracial matching\u00E2\u0080\u009D lead to more accurate findings in that research participants will be more honest and forthcoming with researchers with whom they share a common identity (see, for example, Schuman, 2005; Twine, 2000). Often, those who seem to favor insider research do so tentatively, acknowledging the complexities of identities that challenge absolute insider status. Taking this perspective, Hodkinson advocated for \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe continued use of the notion of insider research in a non-absolute sense\u00E2\u0080\u00A6as a means to designate ethnographic situations characterised by significant levels of initial proximity between researcher and researched\u00E2\u0080\u009D (2005, pp. 131-132). Despite evidence to support its efficacy, insider research has come under attack by those who feel that a researcher\u00E2\u0080\u0099s proximity to participants will introduce bias into the data collection and interpretation processes and preclude the interrogation of taken-for- granted knowledge among members of a common culture or community. As Merriam et al. pointed out \u00E2\u0080\u009Cinsiders have been accused of being inherently biased, and too close to the culture to be curious enough to raise provocative questions\u00E2\u0080\u009D (2001, p. 411). Scholars advocating outsider research often begin with these critiques of insider research and argue that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cunprejudiced knowledge about groups is accessible only to nonmembers of 102 those groups\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Zinn, 1979, p. 210); that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe outsiders\u00E2\u0080\u0099 advantage lies in curiosity with the unfamiliar, the ability to ask taboo questions, and being seen as non-aligned with subgroups thus often getting more information\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Merriam et al., 2001, p. 411); and that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cinsiders are expected to conform to cultural norms that can restrict them as researchers\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Twine, 2000, p. 12). Hoping to overcome the dichotomy between insider and outsider research are those who argue that both insider and outsider research have strengths and weaknesses and together both may \u00E2\u0080\u009Cenlarge the chances for a sound and relevant understanding of social life\u00E2\u0080\u009D by accessing different types of knowledge (Merton, 1972, p. 40). Other attempts to move beyond the debate between insider and outsider research trouble monolithic approaches to identity that inform notions of \u00E2\u0080\u009Cabsolute insiderness\u00E2\u0080\u009D and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cabsolute outsiderness\u00E2\u0080\u009D and invoke poststructural and postmodern understandings of identity that emphasize fluidity and complexity. This perspective argues against the idea \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthat individuals from certain ethnic, gender, sexual preference, or economic class groups hold identical or even similar views, ideas, or behaviors\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Brayboy, 2000, p. 423) and posits that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cidentity is not unitary or essential, it is fluid and shifting, fed by multiple sources and taking multiple forms (there is no such thing as \u00E2\u0080\u0098woman\u00E2\u0080\u0099 or \u00E2\u0080\u0098black\u00E2\u0080\u0099)\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Kumar, 1997, p. 98). Extending this line of thinking, Merriam et al. point out the elusiveness of insider and outsider status: More recent discussions of insider/outsider status have unveiled the complexity inherent in either status and have acknowledged that the boundaries between the two positions are not all that clearly delineated. In the real world of data collection, there is a good bit of slippage and fluidity between these two states. (2001, p. 405) 103 Echoing Merriam et al., Hodkinson (2005) warns us against failing to recognize that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cone\u00E2\u0080\u0099s precise level of proximity is liable to fluctuate somewhat from one respondent to the next\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 139), and he reminds us that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe prominence of particular elements of identity fluctuates back and forth according to context and audience\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 133). Thus, De Andrade (2000), Hodkinson (2005), and Palmer (2006), all researchers who, to some extent, assumed insider status when they entered the research situation found that their status as insiders to the cultures under study was in flux and needed to be negotiated and re-negotiated with participants. Despite the persuasiveness of those arguments that challenge notions of absolute insider and absolute outsider status, the fact remains that some individuals share a greater level of social proximity than others, and evidence suggests that this proximity (or lack thereof) influences data collection and analysis. Given the methodological concerns associated with insider and outsider research, particularly as they relate to questions of bias and interpretation, it is worth exploring my own experiences of \u00E2\u0080\u009Cinsiderness\u00E2\u0080\u009D and \u00E2\u0080\u009Coutsiderness\u00E2\u0080\u009D during the stages of this research. Self as Insider/Outsider Prior to commencing this project, although I was unsure exactly how my identity would influence the research, I did assume that being multiethnic would be an asset in building a rapport with students and in understanding their experiences. These feelings were in part influenced by Wallace\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (2001) reflections on her experiences as a mixed heritage woman conducting research with mixed heritage students. As she relates, I have no doubt that my own background as a first generation, mixed heritage woman clearly influences this research. I suspect that through the process of meeting and interviewing these individuals, I was able to 104 establish a greater sense of rapport with students than would be possible for a researcher from a monoethnic/racial background. Inevitably, participants asked question about my identity and experiences. There were also times when I found myself on common ground with a student and I ventured to share aspects of my life in response to their comments. These moments deepened the value of the interviews in a way that could not have been achieved through a simple reading of the prepared interview probes. I believe the reciprocal nature of the interviews made this a richly rewarding, transformative experience for all involved. (pp. ix-x) Her personal reflections make a strong case for the merits of insider research with multiethnic students, and, based on her reflections, I entered the research situation feeling well suited to conduct this study. However, I also entered the research situation acutely aware of my own biases\u00E2\u0080\u0094biases which are discussed in greater detail below. I feared that I was too close to the research topic, that I was too eager to assume the role of advocate for participants, and that, like much research, the project stemmed from a desire to better understand my own experiences. That is to say, I feared that many of the critiques leveled against insider research applied to my project and that my personal identity and interests could pose a challenge to the integrity of the research. Despite my assumption that I would be conducting research as an insider, I was also aware of the improbability of interviewing a White/East Indian participant. In fact, not one participant and I shared a common heritage combination. Furthermore, although the participants and I have all at one point in time or another identified as multiethnic and have all grown up in Northern California, we differed from each other in innumerable significant ways including age, class, gender, academic and extra-curricular interests, phenotype, religion, sexuality, and type of schools attended. In other words, I could hear the \u00E2\u0080\u009Crational\u00E2\u0080\u009D voice in the back of my mind saying \u00E2\u0080\u009Cyou can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t be an insider researcher for this project\u00E2\u0080\u0094no one really can,\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe literature on insider research doesn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t apply here,\u00E2\u0080\u009D 105 \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe participants are unlikely to share your heritage and identity,\u00E2\u0080\u009D and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthere are too many ways that you differ from participants.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Certainly, some of these concerns were not unfounded, and I did not feel the same level of connection and rapport with all participants. While some appeared quite comfortable talking with me, others were more reticent. Some participants and I were quite surprised by how much we had in common, while others and I had few common interests and experiences. Several students have continued to be in contact with me following their participation in the study; others have not. Likewise, my research and the topic of multiethnicity seemed to capture the interest of participants to varying extents. The greatest challenges I perceived to my insider status occurred in those instances in which the participant, while not disavowing their multiethnic heritage, more strongly identified as monoethnic. Similarly, I feel that participants were less likely to see me as an insider if being multiethnic was less central to their sense of identity than other factors. Despite these challenges to my insider status, and to the notion that I could even be an insider researcher for this project, in important ways I did share a sense of connection with many of the students\u00E2\u0080\u0094a connection that seemed to transcend whatever differences we may have had and whatever distance there was between us. This sense of connection, and indeed insiderness, was not instantly achieved; rather, it emerged from and was constructed through the dialogue between me and the participants. For example, as discussed, at the start of each interview I provided students with Root\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (2003a) \u00E2\u0080\u009C50 Experiences of Racially Mixed People\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Appendix III) in which she identified \u00E2\u0080\u009C50 questions or comments and experiences [that] evolved from a questionnaire [she] developed for a study on biracial siblings\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 1). The list contains items such as \u00E2\u0080\u009CYour 106 parents or relatives compete to \u00E2\u0080\u0098claim\u00E2\u0080\u0099 you for their own racial or ethnic group\u00E2\u0080\u009D and \u00E2\u0080\u009CYou have been told, \u00E2\u0080\u0098You don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t look Native, Black, Latino\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u009D and \u00E2\u0080\u009CYou have been told, \u00E2\u0080\u0098You have the best of both worlds\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 2). In Root\u00E2\u0080\u0099s words, \u00E2\u0080\u009CThis list provides a launching point for sharing, discussing, laughing, debriefing, and educating\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 1). Not surprisingly, different items on the list resonated with different students, but when the list was discussed, participants and I could identify at least one shared experience. Of particular importance is the fact that, despite all of the other ways in which participants and I differed from each other, we could often identify a shared experience that related directly to the topic of the interview\u00E2\u0080\u0094I doubt this would have been true of many monoethnic individuals. For example, many of the participants and I have been told that we do not look [insert racial or ethnic category] or we have had our \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccultural authenticity\u00E2\u0080\u009D tested by others. Many of the questions that I asked participants were fairly straightforward: what grade are you in?, what classes do you like most?, do you have any siblings?, and so forth. At the same time, several of the questions were much more complicated, requiring considerable reflection and self awareness to answer. For example, I asked students if they thought their multiethnic identity construction process was complete or ongoing, and if complete, whether they thought of their identity as fixed, fluid, or situational. Perhaps not surprisingly, many of the students asked me to explain such questions or to give them an example to help them answer. Of course, I could have shared examples from other studies conducted with multiethnic individuals, and in some cases I did; however, much of the time I chose to share a personal story of how, for example, my own sense of identity shifts according to context. Certainly it was easier for me to recall my own 107 experiences as opposed to someone else\u00E2\u0080\u0099s, but I believe that speaking from personal experience was also beneficial in several ways: it prevented a feeling of hearsay (\u00E2\u0080\u009CI read something once about a multiethnic woman who...\u00E2\u0080\u009D); it conveyed that I may be able to relate directly to their experiences; and, by sharing a relevant personal example about myself, it perhaps increased the likelihood that they would feel comfortable doing the same. Returning to the literature regarding insider research, we recall that Merriam et al. (2001) stated that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe outsider\u00E2\u0080\u0099s advantage lies in\u00E2\u0080\u00A6the ability to ask taboo questions\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 411). Yet, I believe that being multiethnic actually allowed me to ask uncomfortable, \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctaboo\u00E2\u0080\u009D questions of multiethnic students as the dialogue developed (e.g., \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdo you feel accepted by both of your heritage groups?\u00E2\u0080\u009D). In fact, some of the students reported feeling \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctested\u00E2\u0080\u009D by questions about their ethnicity or heritage posed by monoethnic individuals. At least for those students, I suspect that \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctaboo\u00E2\u0080\u009D questions posed by monoethnic researchers might have caused them to become defensive or to close up. Moreover, I expect that participants felt less threatened talking explicitly about race, ethnicity, and multiethnicity with someone who was more likely to have shared their thoughts, experiences, and concerns. Of course, I never explicitly asked participants if they saw me as an insider researcher. In the following excerpt from an email sent to me by a participant after her interview, however, she seems to identify me as an insider researcher and indicates her appreciation of my understanding of some of her experiences. I just wanted to thank you for the awesome interview. I've never really been able to talk about that sort of thing in depth before and it really feels good to finally do it, especially since it was with someone who knew the ins and outs of where I was coming from. 108 Ultimately, I believe that my multiethnic identity was an asset for this research and allowed me to better access, relate to, and interpret the participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 stories and experiences. Certainly there were instances in which differences in personal identification, experiences, or emphasis placed on multiethnic identity left me feeling more like an outsider researcher. While this outsider status did not seem to significantly hinder the purposes of the research, the interviews in which participants seemed to view me as an insider were generally longer, more conversational, more personal, and allowed for more in-depth explorations of the interview topics. Thus far, I have focused on my multiethnic identity and the influence I believe it had on the research situation. My Bay Area roots, however, which I explained to participants, also appeared to have an impact on the ways they viewed me and the information they shared during the interview. The interviews often included references to, for example, the diversity of a certain community, the reputations of particular schools, or differences between neighborhoods in the Bay Area. These references were often made quickly and participants clearly assumed that I would understand comments like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cyou know what it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like in this city\u00E2\u0080\u009D or \u00E2\u0080\u009Cof course, that neighborhood is different from mine\u00E2\u0080\u009D or \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwe all know what that school is like\u00E2\u0080\u009D\u00E2\u0080\u0094comments that someone without local knowledge perhaps would not understand. Because I did not need to interrupt students and their chain of thought when such references were made, we were able to maintain a more conversational tone with fewer interruptions for clarification. I also believe that participants were more likely to share certain stories and experiences knowing that they did not need to provide substantial background information. 109 Of course, this assumed knowledge and understanding also gives rise to certain challenges. Penny Rhodes, a white researcher who conducted interviews with black foster care providers, made the argument that outsider research is beneficial for accessing taken-for-granted knowledge. As she explains, But, even when discussing such sensitive subjects as racism, being white was not always the handicap expected. Many people were prepared to talk openly at length about their experiences and opinions and several confided that they would not have a similar discussion with another black person. People treated me to information which they would have assumed was taken-for-granted knowledge of an insider. As one woman in her twenties explained: \u00E2\u0080\u009CI wouldn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t have had a talk like this with another black person. I can discuss these sorts of things more easily with you. With a black person, you would just take it for granted.\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Rhodes, 1994, cited in Twine, 2000, pp. 12-13). Because my local knowledge of the Bay Area seemed to lead some participants to omit taken-for-granted knowledge and not elaborate on certain experiences, I often asked them follow up questions to help make explicit their understandings and to encourage them to provide more detail. Nevertheless, I believe that my Bay Area roots facilitated a conversational tone during the interviews and encouraged open dialogue between me and the participants. Additional Methodological Considerations As Griffiths (1998) points out, \u00E2\u0080\u009CAll researchers have opinions about what they are researching. Their research has been chosen precisely because it is something of significance to them\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 129). Certainly this describes my own relationship to this research. I am fully aware that my experiences of growing up as a multiethnic child in California and attending schools in the Bay Area, in large part, prompted my desire to conduct this study and shaped the biases and expectations with which I began this 110 research. Additionally, through my studies, I have become increasingly critical of diversity education initiatives such as multicultural and antiracism education due to their tendency to reinforce and perpetuate limited, rigid, and essentialist understandings of race and ethnicity\u00E2\u0080\u0094a perspective that further stimulated my interest in this study and shaped the research design. Given my own subjectivity and desire to serve as an advocate for multiethnic students, it is worth interrogating my biases and perspectives, how they have influenced my approach to this research, and steps taken to mitigate their impact. In the name of full disclosure, based on my own experiences, academic studies, and findings from a pilot study for this project, I assumed that participants would share stories of, for example, feeling excluded from school activities based on essentialist understandings of race and ethnicity, others questioning their racial or ethnic group membership, and never learning about multiethnicity in school. I expected that they would tell compelling stories about the ways in which educators did not support their identity construction or consider them in the planning of curriculum and school activities. Indeed, these biases are written into the central research questions, one of which asks how schools might be more inclusive of and better support the identity development of multiethnic students (note the assumption that schools need to improve in both categories and that multiethnic students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 identity development should be supported in schools). Regardless of my biases and expectations, I wanted participants to be fascinated by the research topic and to enjoy the opportunity to talk about their identities and experiences as multiethnic students (an opportunity seldom, if ever, afforded to me at their age). I was also aware of the power imbalance between me and participants in the research context; 111 ultimately, I had control over the direction of the interviews and focus groups and the task of interpreting and presenting the participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 voices rested with me. Unquestionably, the opportunity to conduct this research was a considerable privilege that brought with it many responsibilities, and I had to be vigilant in my efforts to prevent my own interests and perspectives from precluding genuine inquiry. Although I could have conducted an autoethnography or advocated for multiethnic students based on my own experiences, I sought to hear the experiences of current students as expressed in their own words and to better understand their identity development as they described it. The responsibilities bestowed upon me by research participants to, for example, represent their stories as accurately as possible and to not construe their words for my own purposes, are ones that I take seriously. Consequently, I used several strategies to minimize the impact of my assumptions, biases, perspectives, expectations, and desires on this research I invited participants to ask me questions about the research, and I often discussed with them my interest in the topic and my motivation for conducting the research. Throughout the study, I took notes about my thoughts, feelings, frustrations, and hopes related to the research and the data. Reviewing my notes helped me to identify the perspectives that I brought to the research situation, and, once identified, I attempted to ensure that such perspectives did not dictate the course of the interviews and focus groups. I also needed to be careful in my analysis of the data, not hearing only what I wanted to hear and not interpreting the data simply through the lens of my own experiences. Of course, I realize that I can never escape myself or adopt entirely new perspectives, and I do not pretend that completely objective and emotionally disengaged 112 research is possible. This being the case, I believe that it was important to have participants review both their interview transcripts and their profiles to ensure that I had not misunderstood their words or misrepresented them. The focus groups also served as a means to follow up on the interviews and ask participants if I had understood them correctly. Although I wrote the writing activity prompt (which was more of a suggestion than a required topic), this activity provided participants with the opportunity to share their thoughts, ideas, and experiences in a more \u00E2\u0080\u009Cneutral\u00E2\u0080\u009D and less obtrusive environment free from the influence of my presence. Finally, I also relied on the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cextra eyes and ears\u00E2\u0080\u009D of my supervisory committee and colleagues to review the research protocols and data analysis strategies. Conclusion Woven throughout this chapter, both implicitly and explicitly, are issues of trustworthiness, interpretation, and accuracy. Returning again to the postpositivist realist conception of identity presented in Chapter Two, clearly the aim of this study is not to unearth an indisputable Truth about participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 identities and their experiences. As discussed, [I]t is realists\u00E2\u0080\u0099 willingness to admit the (in principle, endless) possibility of error in the quest for knowledge that enables them to avoid positivist assumptions about certainty and unrevisability that inform the (postmodernist) skeptic\u00E2\u0080\u0099s doubts about the possibility of arriving at a more accurate account of the world. (Moya, 2000a, p. 13) Indeed, uncertainty and revisability are integral components of a postpositivist realist approach to identity, one claim of which is that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthere is a cognitive component to identity that allows for the possibility of error and of accuracy in interpreting the things that happen to us\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Moya, 2000b, p. 83). Our personal experiences may be interpreted 113 and reinterpreted in light of new experiences and knowledge, and these interpretations, in turn, will determine their influence on our identities. Thus, I do not claim to capture the Truth about the schooling experiences and identities of participants (or any other multiethnic individual); rather, I seek to better understand their perceptions (i.e. interpretations) of their experiences and the ways that they believe, at a given moment in time, those experiences have shaped their identities. Moreover, given my understanding of identity as fluid and shifting and the identity construction process as continuous over one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s lifetime, we must recognize the data presented in the following chapters as representing a \u00E2\u0080\u009Csnap shot\u00E2\u0080\u009D fixed in time and space. Nevertheless, through combining data collection methods, genuinely and earnestly interrogating my role as the researcher, attempting to mitigate my influence on the research situation, taking seriously the methodological conundrums associated with this and similar studies, using multiple and iterative data analysis strategies, and inviting participants to review their transcripts and profiles, I have attempted to conduct this research in a way that allows the voices of participants to be heard as they make meaning of their experiences\u00E2\u0080\u0094voices that provide opportunities for deep understanding. The following chapter consists of the aforementioned participant profiles and a brief, preliminary analysis of them. In Chapters Six, Seven, and Eight, I present and analyze the data related to participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 K-12 schooling experiences and their reflections on these experiences. 114 CHAPTER FIVE: PARTICIPANT PROFILES In order to properly situate the influence of participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 K-12 schooling experiences within the broader context of other influences on their identities, this chapter presents a profile of each student with a focus on his or her racial and ethnic identity(ies) and identity development as influenced by such factors as family, friends, phenotype, racial and ethnic categories and stereotypes, and local environment. The specific influence of participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 K-12 schooling experiences is the topic of the following chapters. My purpose here is not simply to present the data, but to demonstrate the range of factors and experiences beyond those related to K-12 schooling that influence participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 identities, and, perhaps most importantly, to allow participants to speak for themselves and share their stories, experiences, thoughts, and identities in their own words. Following the profiles, I offer a brief preliminary analysis of them; however, as the data presented here and their implications are revisited throughout the following chapters, I do not thoroughly interrogate the profiles here. The profiles below, which draw almost exclusively on students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 own words, are derived primarily from participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 interviews, although focus group and writing activity data are also included. The profiles, written in the first person, are grouped according to participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 schools. Jill My name is Jill, I am 16 years old, and I am going into my senior year at Parkside High School. I spend a lot of my time dancing and I am part of a youth performance 115 company. My first year of high school was at Green Meadows, then I transferred to Parkside. My dad\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Chinese and my mom is White. I hate that term \u00E2\u0080\u009CWhite,\u00E2\u0080\u009D because it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like saying \u00E2\u0080\u009CBlack.\u00E2\u0080\u009D I guess my grandma on my mom\u00E2\u0080\u0099s side is\u00E2\u0080\u0094her ancestors are from England, and then my grandpa, I guess they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re from Slavic countries but I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know where. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m trying to figure that out right now. My grandfather was Jewish, my grandmother is not. So I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not Jewish, but I hate, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t like saying that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m Jewish because I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not religiously, but ethnically. If someone asked me what I am, I would probably say Asian/American, just because it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s easy. Everyone understands it. I also don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t like the word Asian, because when you look at Asia, how big is it? There wasn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t a distinctive moment when I realized I was multiethnic, I think it was just really gradual, just realizing that like I didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t look like everyone else, and my hair was different, and my last name was different, and all of that. I think it was also because I was a part of the youth performance company, which is really a diverse community. So I had my elementary school, which was really monoracial, and then I had the performance company, which balanced things out. If I didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t have the performance company, I probably would be much more confused and insecure and really emotionally unstable, but I\u00E2\u0080\u0099d go to dance classes where everyone looked different. It was nice to have that to balance out, and my mentor at the performance company is mixed, Black and White. Developing my identity is ongoing, it will never be complete. I mean, how can it be complete? I think other people think theirs is complete. I guess if you can trace your family tree back, then you feel like your identity is complete. You know what race you are; you always check the same box. But for me, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know, I feel like I can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t be complete until I figure out who my ancestors are, and that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s gonna take ages. And like, I keep figuring out new things. I didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know my grandfather was from a Slavic country until recently. I think, for me it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like a yearning. I keep wanting to learn more about who I 116 am, so that nothing gets lost. I think also I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve always just been interested in my people. And just trying to figure out where I fit in. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve always felt I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not strongly connected to like my Chinese side of the family, and I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t speak Cantonese. I was Americanized because I went to a school that was predominantly White, so that was all there. And then my dad, a lot of his family lives around here. He has seven siblings, like a huge family and I have cousins. Some of them are mixed, some of them aren\u00E2\u0080\u0099t. We all just kind of come together a couple times a year and celebrate Chinese New Year or the 4th of July or something. But it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just a place where we all see Chinese culture. I can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t speak to half of them. But now I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m starting to become more interested and I want to document the stories of how like my aunt came over here when she was 11 on a plane by herself from China. That\u00E2\u0080\u0099s ridiculous. My grandfather who passed away was a paper son and was like sold for a bag of rice to someone. It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just really, really bizarre history that was completely normal 50 years ago. But, my parents have always been like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfigure it out on your own, do what you want.\u00E2\u0080\u009D So it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s always been like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cyou want to go abroad, figure it out yourself. You want to do this activity, we\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll help you do it, but it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s really coming from you.\u00E2\u0080\u009D So in some ways I kind of wished they\u00E2\u0080\u0099d pushed me to learn more about myself. I mean my dad speaks really basic Cantonese, but it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like why didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t you speak to me? Even if it was just basic conversation, \u00E2\u0080\u009Chi how are you?\u00E2\u0080\u009D or \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccan I buy this?\u00E2\u0080\u009D It would still be there. Why didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t you send me to Chinese school? I could be fluent in Mandarin right now. And it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m finally having to do that by myself. I signed up for Mandarin because, like the class is horrible, but I really want to learn the language. Like I really want to go to China. So I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m gonna have to go there by myself and figure it out. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve been involved with iPride and making a movie about being multiracial. Making a movie was really interesting, just because I\u00E2\u0080\u0099d never sat down and thought about it. They asked me questions and I had to write answers. And I had never done that 117 about myself and who I was, so that was kind of\u00E2\u0080\u0094it was an interesting experience to have to actually articulate it in words and have that be documented and then have it be put on a movie. But I think as I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve gotten older I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve started to have conversations\u00E2\u0080\u0094I just had a conversation with my mom about how being a White woman, you can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t understand what I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m going through. Because she was talking about how in the Bay Area she feels that there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s a lot more acceptance. And yes, there is compared to some place in like Ohio, but at the same time, these mixed kids here in the Bay Area are going through it just as much as the remote rural areas of the country, and she hadn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t thought about that. And I was like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cit\u00E2\u0080\u0099s not like I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve never had an experience where someone\u00E2\u0080\u0099s been like, \u00E2\u0080\u0098you look weird. You look like you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re adopted. What\u00E2\u0080\u0099s wrong? Why do you look different?\u00E2\u0080\u0099 even though I live in such a diverse area.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Mialany My name is Mialany, I am 17, and I am about to start my senior year of high school. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve changed schools every year in high school. Freshman year I went to All Saints High School, and then I went to Parkside High School sophomore year, last year I went to Delgado High School, and my senior year I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m going to Bay View High School, but I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve lived in the same city all my life. Someday I want to go into fashion design or pediatrics. I plan to go to a community college and then transfer to a university. My mom is White Spanish, so my grandparents are\u00E2\u0080\u0094my grandfather on my mom\u00E2\u0080\u0099s side is from Guatemala, and then my grandmother is from Spain, but they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re both White skinned, from European descent. And then my father is Creole. My grandpa\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Creole, he\u00E2\u0080\u0099s French and African American, and my grandmother is African American, and they live in New Orleans. I always knew I was half White, half Black, but I didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t necessarily\u00E2\u0080\u0094it wasn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t an issue up until my 8th grade, probably. My parents just brought 118 me up knowing\u00E2\u0080\u0094they never had like a sit down conversation with me about it, but it just always was there. I always feel like I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m using somebody\u00E2\u0080\u0099s color to identify them. And like, that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s hard, because I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t want people to identify me by the color of my skin, but then at the same time, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m doing it just as bad as they are. So I never really know what to say. I can be like \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m mixed,\u00E2\u0080\u009D but people are like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cno you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not, what are you talking about, you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re White\u00E2\u0080\u009D or \u00E2\u0080\u009Cno you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not, you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re Black, Mialany.\u00E2\u0080\u009D I guess I probably realized I was different when my dad used to pick me up from school, because people would always be like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwho is that?\u00E2\u0080\u009D When my dad did come around, he blasts his music and scrapes off in his big old truck. Like you can notice him, so when he used to pick me up, he\u00E2\u0080\u0099d be playing rap music, and they were like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Chold on, who is he?\u00E2\u0080\u009D And I was like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthat\u00E2\u0080\u0099s my dad, what do you mean \u00E2\u0080\u0098who is he?\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u009D And they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Che doesn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t look like you.\u00E2\u0080\u009D And I was like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cactually he does.\u00E2\u0080\u009D And then that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s when I realized skin color mattered. Like I look like my dad a lot, just the skin color is different. I have the features of a quote \u00E2\u0080\u009CBlack person.\u00E2\u0080\u009D I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know, and it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s different for different people. I feel like a lot of African Americans can tell that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m half Black, they can see it when they look at me. But then there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s people that are like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cyou can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t be Black. What are you talking about? You don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t even look Black.\u00E2\u0080\u009D I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cokay, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know what to tell you.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Like there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s nothing I can say. I still don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know what to say some of the time. I mean, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know how to approach this subject. And people will question me a lot\u00E2\u0080\u0094I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll give you an example. There was this girl and she was like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhat are you? You\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not full White with that hair.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Like, are you serious? I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve never even met you in my life, and you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re gonna be that blunt about something? And I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve been called Mulatto and I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve been called Albino. Because, people are like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cyou act Black, but you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re White.\u00E2\u0080\u009D And I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhat is acting Black?\u00E2\u0080\u009D People question how I dress and talk all the time, and it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just like to the point where they decide who I am. I feel like I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t have one certain type of look. I can look 119 punk rock or I can look urban or I can look real preppy. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t stay in one category just because that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s not who I am. And people are like, \u00E2\u0080\u009CYou need to stop changing your outfit. You need to sit in one space.\u00E2\u0080\u009D I can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t do that. I just don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t\u00E2\u0080\u0094I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t identify myself by the things that I wear, and I feel like a lot of society does. So that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s how they decide who I am without knowing my race. They\u00E2\u0080\u0099re like \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, she\u00E2\u0080\u0099s a rocker,\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, she\u00E2\u0080\u0099s a punk rocker,\u00E2\u0080\u009D or \u00E2\u0080\u009Cshe\u00E2\u0080\u0099s preppy.\u00E2\u0080\u009D If they can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t find out what race I am, they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re real frazzled. People don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t talk about being mixed because people try to forget about it. Because now it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s not something you celebrate, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s something that you try to get away from. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know. I personally like being mixed. I just feel like it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s so stressful to the point where you just want to be like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhy, why did you have to get pregnant with a different color?\u00E2\u0080\u009D I mean, I also think it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s totally cool. I want my kids to be mixed. They\u00E2\u0080\u0099re obviously gonna be mixed, but I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m just saying I wouldn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t have it any other way. Because then you get\u00E2\u0080\u0094I mean there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s upsides to it, too. Personally, I think mixed kids are way prettier than not mixed kids. And you get to know about two different cultures instead of only learning about one culture. You get to understand two different ways of life. And like maybe one of your parent\u00E2\u0080\u0099s family is more upper class, but then the other is more lower class. So you get to experience both types of family situations. And I feel like we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re more aware of actually the racial problems that are happening in life, because we have to deal with it on both sides. I mean, I think that we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re all more aware of just what\u00E2\u0080\u0099s going on in life. And maybe not just because we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re mixed, but maybe because\u00E2\u0080\u0094actually maybe it is because we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re mixed. Maybe we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re more in tune with reality. Dana My name is Dana, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m 17, and I am a senior at Canyon High School. I play softball, I am on the school newspaper, and I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m a DJ for the school\u00E2\u0080\u0099s radio station. I am still waiting to hear from colleges that I applied to go to next year. 120 My mom is White and my dad is Black. Well, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t even remember living with my dad. My parents got divorced when I was like three, I think, and my dad died last year. I guess I pretty much always knew I was mixed, because my mom was White and I wasn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t the same color as her and because I get tan really fast. So I just kind of\u00E2\u0080\u0094I mean, it was never really a big deal, because every place I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve lived, no one who knew me really cared. Yeah, I always knew that I wasn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t White, but I never really thought about it. And no one else seemed to really think about it until I went out to\u00E2\u0080\u0094I was 10, I think, and I went to a drive-in movie with my neighbor and her son. And then her husband came along. And he really didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t like me. And I didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know why. And then he was all like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwell, why did you bring the nigger kid along?\u00E2\u0080\u009D And that was really awkward. But I didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really\u00E2\u0080\u0094it never really hurt my feelings, because I had always been going to like iPride and things like that, so I always felt like, well that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s kind of his problem. In terms of figuring out who I am, like pertaining to my race\u00E2\u0080\u0094I think I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m pretty good, other than\u00E2\u0080\u0094well, I guess not really though. Because I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve always grown up around White people, and you know, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve never actually even been around Black people. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really have many Black friends who are full Black themselves and live in a Black neighborhood. So my identity, I think it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s probably definitely situational. I mean, I know just from going to Mills College over the weekend, in a large group of just Black people, especially Black girls or women, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve been around them less than I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve been around Black guys because there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s more Black guys at my school. And it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just\u00E2\u0080\u0094I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know, I felt a little awkward, because, you know, they were just\u00E2\u0080\u0094they just seemed really different than I am. Not in a bad way, just different. I just didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t feel like\u00E2\u0080\u0094cause when I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m with my friends who are mostly White and Indian, I feel like they make me feel like I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m extremely Black. So when I was with them, I was like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwow, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m extremely White.\u00E2\u0080\u009D And that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s how I feel, \u00E2\u0080\u0098cause it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like I live in a White neighborhood where there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s one family in our entire neighborhood who is Black, and everyone stares at them. 121 I think the good thing about just living with my mom for as long as I did, is she\u00E2\u0080\u0094 being that she had been a social worker and a therapist and done all this stuff, she really didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t try to make me into something. She was just kind of going with the flow, letting me do what I wanted to, to the point where I sometimes didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t do anything. Like sports, I would always quit. But then she always, I guess she always tried to make sure I went to iPride and make sure that I knew that I wasn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t just White. She\u00E2\u0080\u0099d never make out like being White was a bad thing or being Black was a bad thing, or making you choose who you have to be\u00E2\u0080\u0094just being a mixture, that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s cool. But living with my grandma, and my aunt just lives down the street, was totally different, because, you know, the first thing my grandma did was she got my hair cut. She had my hair straightened so that it would be straight. She just really wanted me to fit in, I guess. And I never did. My grandma disowned my mom when she married my dad. Because she really just didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t like\u00E2\u0080\u0094since she\u00E2\u0080\u0099s so old now she doesn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really care anymore, but you know, every once and a while she\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll say to me, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cyou know, when I look at you, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t see you as being half Black. You\u00E2\u0080\u0099re just White.\u00E2\u0080\u009D She really doesn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t, in her mind, she\u00E2\u0080\u0099s not saying anything mean. And I really don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t think that she\u00E2\u0080\u0099s racist, but she does have feelings that are not politically correct, I guess. Like she wouldn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t hate anyone just because they were Black or whatever, but she definitely wouldn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t accept them as much as she would accept someone who is White. And my aunt is even worse. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really know how to explain myself. That\u00E2\u0080\u0099s the hardest problem I had when I was writing my essays for college applications. Because, I mean, yeah, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m half Black and I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m half White, but I mean, I feel like that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s such a small thing of what makes you who you are, really. It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s not like the biggest part of what makes me who I am. I think living with my mom, and being an only child, and living with a single parent, and being raised in, you know, different communities really influenced me. Like I went from living in a place where like everyone was, you know, not really poor but pretty middle class to 122 living in a pretty rural area. And then now I live in a really affluent part of the Bay Area. So I think that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s really influenced who I am, because I really\u00E2\u0080\u0094I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t judge people by how much money they make or how they look or how they talk or anything like that. Because it doesn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t matter. Being involved with iPride, I think it almost made me feel kind of sometimes angry that I was part Black because some of the people just made me really mad, and I didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t\u00E2\u0080\u0094because I think I had lived around White people for so long, I didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t understand just, you know, the cultural differences. Because most people had like a Black mom or a Black dad who lived with them. And they were influenced by that. I wasn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t. And I didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t understand, you know, why do you talk that way? Or why do you say this word instead of this word? And why do you do this instead of that? And why does your mom call me this? And I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t understand why you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re calling me \u00E2\u0080\u009Clittle momma.\u00E2\u0080\u009D I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t get that. No one else calls me that, and I thought it was an insult, so I was offended, and it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like a term of endearment, they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re saying something nice to me. And it almost kind of turned me off for a while, and then I like started to really like them. And everyone was really cool. And you know, you go to people\u00E2\u0080\u0099s houses and you learn about people, and you get to know them and then everything\u00E2\u0080\u0099s cool. I think iPride almost offers more to their parents, though. I think it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s a bigger deal for our parents than for us, like our parents make it into a bigger deal. Then it makes it worse for us. Because it doesn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t bother me that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m multicultural, or ethnic, or multiracial. Like that never mattered to me, but it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like even though it was great that my mom had me in iPride and it was great that she was doing all this stuff and never made it a big deal, it was almost like she was doing so much of that, that it made me feel like, well, is this something that I need to feel strange about? Or why can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t I just be at home hanging out with the friends I have who are White? Or why do I have to go here and hang out with these people? 123 Andrea My name is Andrea, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m 16, and I am a junior at Oak View High School. I am the assistant editor of the school\u00E2\u0080\u0099s literary magazine and I do martial arts. I plan to go to college on the East Coast. My mom is American and my dad is Iranian. When I say American, I mean like we have a covered wagon in Oklahoma. The farthest back I can remember being different from my other classmates is in second grade when I had the idea, I think I had just watched Aladdin and I realized, \u00E2\u0080\u009Chey, my dad\u00E2\u0080\u0099s kind of like that.\u00E2\u0080\u009D And so I pretended, so I went around and said \u00E2\u0080\u009CI am a Persian princess\u00E2\u0080\u009D and people were like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cno way\u00E2\u0080\u009D and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthat\u00E2\u0080\u0099s cool, you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re a princess.\u00E2\u0080\u009D A lot of kids didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know what Iran is, and I kind of didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t either, I was really too little to know. I really think that I am still in the process of developing my identity. I mean, I always think that, when I think of myself, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t think of myself as White or I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t think of myself as Iranian. I think of myself as the two, but I really feel like, when it comes down to it, my Whiteness is what sort of rules, because I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t look at all Iranian, except for my eyebrows. I think everyone else sees me as White. I mean, a lot of the time, just the other week actually, we were talking about the word kahn in class. In my Spanish class, there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s a girl whose last name is K-a-h-n, and I said, in Iran, Kahn means ruler and leader and my grandfather\u00E2\u0080\u0099s name was Rahim Kahn. And one of the guys who I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve known for like two years looked at me and was like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwait, is your grandfather Iranian, are you Iranian? Wait, what?\u00E2\u0080\u009D And we usually have to go through like a process, whenever I meet a new teacher, or a new person and they see my last name, its like, you look at the last name and you look at me and say \u00E2\u0080\u009CSomething doesn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t fit.\u00E2\u0080\u009D I really think there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s no way I can get out of the questions, because, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just how it is. It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s kind of futile, because I feel like I can never be Iranian enough, that I can prove it. It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like whenever I say I am 124 half Iranian it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, do you speak the language\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u009Care you Muslim?\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdo you speak Farsi?\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u009Chave you met your grandparents?\u00E2\u0080\u009D I mean, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s always, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s pretty much the same thing all the time, just the \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, you are?\u00E2\u0080\u009D and going through the whole, the motions. I feel like I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve done it so many times. My parents are like \u00E2\u0080\u009CAndrea, you\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve gotten the best of both worlds.\u00E2\u0080\u009D And my parents have tried to help me learn about my heritage through stories and stuff, and ever since I can remember, my dad has always said \u00E2\u0080\u009CShab bekheir\u00E2\u0080\u009D to me every night, which is \u00E2\u0080\u009Cgood night.\u00E2\u0080\u009D There\u00E2\u0080\u0099s always that little piece that stays alive. Like we celebrate new years and we do the dancing and it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s good, but I feel like I could do more. I always feel like I could do more. Mostly my dad teaches me about my Iranian heritage, because I never met my dad\u00E2\u0080\u0099s parents, they both died in Iran. And, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s usually stories or food. And his sisters and brothers-in-law, they tell me things. And then there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s also the sort of culture shock thing. We went out to dinner with my uncle once, and he was like \u00E2\u0080\u009CAndrea, what are you looking for in a prospective husband?\u00E2\u0080\u009D And I said \u00E2\u0080\u009CI am fifteen!\u00E2\u0080\u009D And he said, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cso, your great grandmother was married at age nine.\u00E2\u0080\u009D When I walk into my Oklahoma family or my mom\u00E2\u0080\u0099s family, I feel Iranian. I look White, but I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t feel the way you guys do, so I am sorry, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t fit here quite as well. And I have something like that with my Iranian family. But I just look different and I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t speak the language. I remember the worst part\u00E2\u0080\u0094last summer my Iranian family was over and we went out to lunch and the only reason the family\u00E2\u0080\u0094everybody was speaking English was because I was there. And I felt like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwow, I really don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t feel a connection here. I feel like I am out of place.\u00E2\u0080\u009D I feel like I used my heritage as an individualization thing. So I could make my\u00E2\u0080\u0094it is a part of my identity, but when I was growing up there weren\u00E2\u0080\u0099t many other half Iranian half White kids and so I sort of clung to that. And kids didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really know, elementary kids didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really know how to deal with that. I wasn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t one, I was both. And I am trying to be 125 both, but I still feel like I am not Iranian enough. I always feel like I am trying to be both, day by day. My feet are in White world, but my hands are holding on to a little piece of that Iranian. A lot of the time I feel like it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s bad that I prove myself, that it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s annoying for people after a while. That I should just, just let it go, just lose the fight or something. I never feel Persian enough. And mostly it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s because I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t speak the language, or I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t do the religion, so I always try, I am trying to enroll in classes and trying to get my parents, get my dad to speak to me more in Farsi. I just, I always feel like no matter what I do, its not going to be\u00E2\u0080\u0094I am just going to be White. It is what people are going to let you be. Anthony My name is Anthony, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m 15, and I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m a sophomore at Oak View High School. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m in choir and I was in the school musical Sweeney Todd. In college, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m probably going to be a music major. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m half Filipino and half Indian. My mom is Filipino, and my dad is Indian, from Madras. My mom is actually part of a tribe in the Philippines called the Igorot or something. And they weren\u00E2\u0080\u0099t taken over by the Spanish when they came and colonized it, because they were in the mountains and they could fight them off there. So I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve researched that stuff. I haven\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really met any of my grandparents. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve met my dad\u00E2\u0080\u0099s mom, but the only time I met her when I went to India when I was 4. And then I never\u00E2\u0080\u0094I knew my mom\u00E2\u0080\u0099s mom when I was a baby. I always knew I was half Filipino and half Indian. I went to school in San Lorenzo, and a lot of the people there are Filipino. So, I guess I always knew I was half Indian and half Filipino. My family, I think we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re pretty acclimated into America. I have this thing about when we go to my parents\u00E2\u0080\u0099 friends\u00E2\u0080\u0099 house, their house always smells like the food of the country, and I can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t stand Indian houses sometimes, because they smell so strong with 126 the spices. And so, my house is not like that. Because we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re really\u00E2\u0080\u0094I think we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re really Americanized now. My mom does cook some Filipino food sometimes, like once a week. Or my dad makes some Indian food or we get frozen Indian food. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t\u00E2\u0080\u0094we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re pretty integrated into the culture of America. Being mixed isn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t the core of my identity. Yeah, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t think it has to be, because everyone that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s born in America is like an immigrant, unless you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re a Native American, so then I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t think it really has to be such a large part of your identity, especially since my parents didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really incorporate that into the way I was raised. They sort of abandoned all of that pretty much. Um, they didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t\u00E2\u0080\u0094I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know, I think my dad sort of lost touch with his India heritage when he moved here. And my mom moved here when she was 14, so I mean, she\u00E2\u0080\u0094they both know their languages and whatever, but they weren\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really a part of it when they came here. I know with a lot of my other friends, their house smells like the food they eat. But mine, we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re eating like frozen dinners. Both of my parents are actually Catholic. And they have these Tamil churches, the Tamil Catholic Church of the Bay Area and my dad used to be a board member in it. So sometimes I still go to that, even though I can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t understand a word that they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re saying, because it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s in Tamil. But, you know, that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s the only Indian thing really that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m part of. And my mom\u00E2\u0080\u0099s dad worked for the American military in the Philippines, and he was moved here when my mom was 14. So with my grandpa, all of my 6 aunts and uncles came, they came to California, so they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re all here. But my dad came here by himself. So I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not really into that culture so much, because none of my Indian relatives are even here. And there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s not that many Indians around here, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t even have that many Indian friends at all. I actually pretty much have none. So, I mean, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t feel connected to that side at all. So like the only recent connection I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve had to that was the Tamil Catholic community that my dad was part of. And that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s once a month, if I go. Sometimes we don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t go, because I get so bored, because I can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t understand them. 127 When I go to foreign countries, I think of myself as an American. But I went to Brazil two summers ago with a choir. And people thought, because there are so many mixed race people in Brazil, the whole country is mixed race, and people thought I was Brazilian, but I guess I felt\u00E2\u0080\u0094I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know. In Brazil I thought of myself as mixed race a lot more, as opposed to when I went to Italy or France I felt a lot more American, because I like stuck out there a lot more. Frank My name is Frank and I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m a junior at Bridges High School. I play three sports\u00E2\u0080\u0094 football, baseball, and I run track. My favorite class is probably history but I want to study architecture. I plan to apply to several different universities, mostly on the West Coast. My father is Mexican/American and my mother is French and some Irish. I never really had any experiences that made me feel different because I am multiethnic. If somebody asks me what I am, usually I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll say French, because I live with my mom. I guess I say French and not Irish because of my last name. But usually when I tell people French, they look at my skin tone and they\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll say like, \u00E2\u0080\u009CAnd what else?\u00E2\u0080\u009D And then I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll tell them. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really feel that grounded or attached to any heritage. I could identify in lots of different ways, because I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t think that it changes my personality at all. Like I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t think it really affects how I am as a person. I mean, it is just your background. It plays a major role, but not to how my life is. If I had to describe my identity in a word or two, I would probably say \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdiverse.\u00E2\u0080\u009D I sort of have different identities. Yeah, that would probably make the most sense\u00E2\u0080\u0094when I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m with my father\u00E2\u0080\u0099s side, yeah, I would identify myself as probably strictly Mexican. Or when I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m with my mom\u00E2\u0080\u0099s I would just say French or White. 128 My family has influenced me in a way. Like when my parents split up. I wasn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t allowed to learn Spanish from my dad\u00E2\u0080\u0099s family, because my mom didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t want me learning Spanish to affect how I grew up and how I communicated with my dad. So yeah, my family does play a major role in my life. I see my dad once every three months maybe. His whole family speaks Spanish and I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m studying Spanish in school. I chose to study Spanish just because I wanted to be able to communicate with my dad\u00E2\u0080\u0099s family, and also I\u00E2\u0080\u0099d probably use that more so on a job nowadays. When I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m with my dad and his side of the family, I feel more connected to the Mexican culture. Like when I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m down there for some holiday or something, their way of celebrating is a lot different than my mother\u00E2\u0080\u0099s family. And it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s a lot of fun the way they do it sometimes. So yeah, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll identify more with them. Jasmine My name is Jasmine and I am a senior at Bridges High School. I play soccer and I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m into rock climbing. I plan to study political science with a minor in French. I want to be a diplomat, in foreign affairs. My dad\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Arab, from Tunisia, and my mom\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Mexican, Mexican/American, and my grandparents are full blooded Mexican. My mom was raised in the United States and she looks White. She doesn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t look Mexican at all, even though she\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like 100%. I speak French because in Tunisia they start learning French in the third grade because that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s their commerce language, and I spend my summers in Tunisia. So I go there every year for three months. And on the way there I stop in France where I have friends and family. We have family in Mexico, but we don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t visit them. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know why. We just don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t. My grandpa has a brother down there. But for the most part, everyone is pretty much dead, everyone that my grandparents are related to. So we don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t go down there. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve been to Mexico, I think, maybe three times. Once when I was young, and then twice 129 just for a vacation when I was probably in middle school, but I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t think I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve gone recently. So I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t feel so much Mexican as I do Tunisian, because I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really\u00E2\u0080\u0094I haven\u00E2\u0080\u0099t experienced the culture. You know, I can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t say that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve experienced it. If somebody were to ask me what I am, I would probably say\u00E2\u0080\u0094I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know. I would say something sarcastic like, \u00E2\u0080\u009CI\u00E2\u0080\u0099m an Arab.\u00E2\u0080\u009D You know, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know, \u00E2\u0080\u0098cause they wouldn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t believe me. If I were to really give a serious answer, I would probably say Mexican/Tunisian or Mexican/Arabic. I would have to say my identity development is definitely ongoing. Not in terms of evolving, and I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m just kind of, you know, accepting it. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve accepted it a long time ago. But I would definitely say that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m learning more and more as I grow older and as I mature. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t hang out with Mexicans. I haven\u00E2\u0080\u0099t hung out with a group of Mexicans or a group of Arabic people here in America. The only time that I intermingle with a group of people in which the majority is Mexican would have to be when I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m with my family when we get together for baby showers, because they live here. And around them, I feel White, because I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t take an interest in speaking Spanish. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t take an interest in Catholicism. I am Muslim. Well, I am not practicing yet. I still have to\u00E2\u0080\u0094you have to memorize the first stanza of the Koran in order to practice. And I only know the first two lines. My dad does not practice, which is\u00E2\u0080\u0094I mean, he acts like he\u00E2\u0080\u0099s so holy, but no, he does not practice, when there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like a mosque in Hayward. I mean, I know I could be practicing as well, but I mean, I haven\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really\u00E2\u0080\u0094I read the Koran, but I haven\u00E2\u0080\u0099t began that step yet. So, yeah, you know, when I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m with my family and they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re all speaking Spanish and they all look Mexican I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really feel like I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m a part of them. But at the same time, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s not like it bothers me or anything. I feel I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m a part of the family, but I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t feel like I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m within that culture whatsoever. My parents never talked to me about being multiethnic, I just pretty much took it upon myself, you know, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s pretty self-explanatory. You\u00E2\u0080\u0099re going to Tunisia for three 130 months every year. You\u00E2\u0080\u0099re dad is from there. He\u00E2\u0080\u0099s got childhood friends there. My dad has definitely forced religion upon me, though. He definitely has tried to influence me, which, of course, everybody knows that if you try to force something on an adolescent, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s going to backfire. It will always backfire unless you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re a submissive person, which I am not. And I denied my ethnicity. I denied my\u00E2\u0080\u0094I mean, they say that if you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re father is Muslim, then you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re Muslim by blood. But I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t see how religion can be tethered to blood. But I mean, I just denied the fact that I was Muslim \u00E2\u0080\u009Cby blood\u00E2\u0080\u009D and I kind of rebelled in that way. And my dad was very unhappy with it. But he didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really talk about it, because I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really talk to him. I avoid talking to him. So I guess he avoids talking to me. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know. We just don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t talk period. The only time we talk is when we disagree, and when he\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like yelling and stuff. Then I read The Kite Runner. My ex-boyfriend gave me the book in my sophomore or freshman year. Then I went to Tunisia and I was reading The Kite Runner while I was in Tunisia. And while I was reading The Kite Runner, I mean, it was just so beautiful, you know, the religion. There\u00E2\u0080\u0099s a part in the book, and it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s a really beautiful experience, and it has to do with practicing the religion, getting down on our knees and praying, right? And that book gave me a different perspective on what I was supposed to be in terms of what my dad wants. And I just cut my dad out of it, and I accepted it for what it was, and I opened my eyes a little bit wider, and I just\u00E2\u0080\u0094this is gonna sound really Hallmark, but I just saw beauty all around me. Because before that point, up until I was old enough to realize that, you know, there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s beauty in the Arabic culture. Because my dad just made me hate who I was. He made me hate the Arabic people. He\u00E2\u0080\u0099s the meanest person I have ever met in my entire life. And I hated\u00E2\u0080\u0094I hated who I was for that\u00E2\u0080\u0094not the person I was, but that part of me. You know, the culture. I just didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t like it. I was resentful that I was a part of that, and therefore, I didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t even give my religion a chance. I didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t give anything a chance. It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s not like I went over to my Mexican side and was like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cokay, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m gonna be this.\u00E2\u0080\u009D I didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really 131 claim anything. The Kite Runner just gave me a different perspective on my own religion, my own cultural background. Although it is set in Afghanistan, Afghanistan is a lot like Tunisia. And I was like, this is who I am. And I just felt so a part of it. And while I was reading the book I could hear my family arguing in Arabic outside the door. And I was just smiling, and I was like, oh my god, this is great. I have this dual perspective that no one else can really have. Well, of course, there are other people that have this dual perspective. But, I mean, I felt kind of like a one in a million type of person the more I just opened my heart to it. Like I said, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really identify with that Mexican side of me. I think the reason why is because there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s a lot of girls in high school that are like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnuh-uh, she ain\u00E2\u0080\u0099t Mexican, she ain\u00E2\u0080\u0099t Latina,\u00E2\u0080\u009D and so I fail to mention that part of me. I just know how the girls at my school are, because I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve heard them talk about other girls. They say, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cuh, she says she\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Mexican, but she ain\u00E2\u0080\u0099t Mexican, she ain\u00E2\u0080\u0099t Latina\u00E2\u0080\u009D and stuff like that. But they haven\u00E2\u0080\u0099t said that to me, because I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve never been open about it. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not open about it to their face. I mean, my friends know who I am. My friends know that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m both. But it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s annoying and I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t want to hear it. Not because like I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m ashamed or I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m intimidated. I mean, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know. David My name is David, I go to Bridges High School, and I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m 17 years old. I am a junior and I play on the varsity baseball team. I want to play baseball in college. I play the stock market with my friend a lot now, so I think I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m going to go into business economics. I hang out with my friends a lot and I do a lot of community work. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m about to take over the youth group at my church. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m very busy. I am Italian and Portuguese, which are pretty close together, both European. My dad is Italian, and he\u00E2\u0080\u0099s\u00E2\u0080\u0094he actually is Native American, but very little. Like our great 132 grandmother was like Cherokee or something like that. So that and he\u00E2\u0080\u0099s a little bit of Portuguese and mostly Italian. My mom is full Portuguese. My mom used to speak Portuguese all the time, but ever since my grandmother died, she stopped. I used to speak fluent Portuguese when I was like four or five. And then my grandmother died, so I stopped. I was trying to get my aunt to teach me Portuguese, but I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m kind of too busy for that. My mom has nine brothers and sisters; I have a huge family. When I am with my Portuguese family I identify more with them, but I also feel different from them. I guess my identity shifts. My dad speaks Spanish. He went to the Dominican Republic and stayed there for a few years. He kind of wasn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t around me as much, but my grandparents, his parents are. I think I feel more Portuguese than Italian, because the Italian side, my grandparents have kind of shifted away from it. Like they\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve become so Americanized that you can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t even tell any more. And then it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just kind of now you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re American. You\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not even Italian anymore. I sometimes feel like I am more White/American and Portuguese. My grandparents have been around me more than my dad has, and if you could think of the perfect American family, that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s probably what they are. It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s kind of hard to like\u00E2\u0080\u0094I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know, like when they say what race you are or whatever. I didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know. Like Portuguese is European White and so is Italian, but it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s kind of like you don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t want to be like classified into like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re White.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Like no, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m Portuguese or Italian. People ask me all the time what I am. They try to tell me I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m Mexican. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m like, \u00E2\u0080\u009CI\u00E2\u0080\u0099m Portuguese.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Or they say \u00E2\u0080\u009Cyou\u00E2\u0080\u0099re Spanish.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Like, no, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m Portuguese. Spain is right next to Portugal, but they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re different. My identity, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s kind of like a\u00E2\u0080\u0094it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like a journey. You learn more\u00E2\u0080\u0094as I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve gotten older I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve kind of gotten more in touch with like my\u00E2\u0080\u0094I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know, I kind of want to travel the world, too. I kind of want to figure out where I came from, my roots and my mom\u00E2\u0080\u0099s kind of not that way. And 133 neither is my dad, which kind of sucks, because I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m the one that wants to go\u00E2\u0080\u0094I want to go to Portugal and I want to go to Italy. My mom\u00E2\u0080\u0099s side of the family is very Portuguese. Portuguese people are their own\u00E2\u0080\u0094I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know if you\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve known any Portuguese people. They\u00E2\u0080\u0099re just there. And they get very loud and they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re very obnoxious and they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re very stubborn, and they like to eat a lot, and they like to shove food down your throat. And, I mean, they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re really close knit. I mean all of those things in a good way. Like the Americanized, White society is really lazy. Like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, Bobby, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m gonna give you $50 today to go each lunch.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Oh, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m sick. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m getting $3 to go get lunch, and you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re getting $50. And I go out and work every other day for money. And you go home and play video games for five hours. And then all my other friends\u00E2\u0080\u0094my other Portuguese friends on the other hand are very hard working also and have to go to work and go do our chores and we actually work for our money. Cara My name is Cara, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m 18 years old, and I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m a senior at Cedar Grove High School. Next year I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m going to college in New York. I row six days a week and I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m one of three co-leaders of the Hapa Club, which is the multiracial student affinity club at our high school. I think for me, my identity is definitely a process. And I feel like I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m getting to that place where I can sort of start to be like this is who I am, this is who I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not. But I think that it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s still a process and I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not really\u00E2\u0080\u0094I mean, there are times where I feel like, where I almost feel guilty like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh my God, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m so like Whitewashed\u00E2\u0080\u009D or whatever. Like we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not cooking a dinner for Chinese New Year. And then it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sort of like, well, why do I\u00E2\u0080\u0094 should I be obligated to do that just because I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m\u00E2\u0080\u0094you know? And so I do have those kinds of moments. And you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re like, I should be doing the traditional whatever and you think about all this stuff that you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re\u00E2\u0080\u0094almost like requirements that you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not meeting. 134 But I mean, there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s really no White equivalent. Like my mom\u00E2\u0080\u0099s not culturally Irish, she\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just White. I never really get questioned about my White side, but it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s interesting, because I do\u00E2\u0080\u0094this is usually the question that comes after the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhat are you\u00E2\u0080\u009D question: \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh really, you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re Chinese?\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, you totally look\u00E2\u0080\u00A6this is what I thought you were\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u009Creally you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re Chinese? I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really believe that, like really?\u00E2\u0080\u009D They\u00E2\u0080\u0099re like trying to see it in your face. And then, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cso do you read Chinese?\u00E2\u0080\u009D My parents have influenced my identity. I mean, I think that of course they have, they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re responsible for a lot of things that I think and feel and identify with. But they\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve never really been like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwe are a multi-racial family, these are our values, we are different,\u00E2\u0080\u009D you know? They\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not very self-entitled people. My dad has a really big family. My grandfather, his father, is one of five brothers, and they all have at least three kids, so I have a very large second aunt, second uncle network. And they all came from China within the past, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know, like right after the Cultural Revolution. So some of them, my dad is one of the youngest in that whole generation, and so some of them speak a lot of Mandarin\u00E2\u0080\u0094my dad hardly speaks any at all. And so we just, it was my grandfather\u00E2\u0080\u0099s 90th birthday, so we just had a big reunion in New York. And it was interesting to see, you know, because that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sort of the family joke like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re so White.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Like all of us are, you know, look at us eating with forks. And the kids don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t even know how to use chopsticks. So that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sort of where the differences get pointed out with my family. But sort of in jest, because they all know why they came to the United States. And so the fact that we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re all so White now and that none of the kids have any idea is sort of like a family joke. But I think that they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re also a little bit sad that we\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve sort of lost that tradition. I have a sister who is a year and 20 days older than me and my brother is seven and half years younger than me. I think it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s interesting how people do comparisons, especially between me and my sister. Because the general consensus is my sister is a 135 lot Whiter looking than I am. She has lighter brown hair than I do and sort of a less rounded face, which are traditional ethnic stamps, I guess. And so whenever we meet people for the first time, they will say like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re kids are so beautiful\u00E2\u0080\u009D and like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmixed kids always look better.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Or, you know, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s the exotic thing. I mean, there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sort of that joke that mixed kids are\u00E2\u0080\u0094like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Chave you ever seen an ugly mixed kid?\u00E2\u0080\u009D Or that it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s different and cool. I mean especially in that age range, like especially 5th through 8th grade, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s such a huge developmental period. And so it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s a lot of striving to be different, you know, and being an individual. And so I think you felt cooler, because you had something different. That was sort of the time that was like, I want glasses just to be different, like kids who wanted braces. It was like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m a different race from you.\u00E2\u0080\u009D I\u00E2\u0080\u0099d bring in the books for Chinese New Year in kindergarten, the ones about like Chinese folk tales. I have those books about the dragons and you don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t. Me and my mom helped make the food for the Chinese New Year lunch at our school. Amaya My name is Amaya and I am a senior at Pine Mountains High School. Next year I am going to a community college and then I plan to transfer to a university in the South. I want to major in sports medicine and be an athletic trainer. I have a job and I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m involved in my church. My mom is African American and my dad is Indian, he\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Sikh. My mom and dad are divorced; my dad is remarried to an Indian woman and has two kids. If somebody asks me what I am, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll tell them I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m Black and Indian. It wasn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t ever hard, you know, how if your mother was Black and your father was White, you know, having that kind of racial thing, \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re an Oreo,\u00E2\u0080\u009D you know? I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve never had any kind of troubles being\u00E2\u0080\u0094 knowing my mother was Black and my father was Indian. I never got treated differently in any kind of way. I think I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve always been aware of it. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t consider myself different. I 136 know I do have a unique mix, very rare to find, but just because I have this mix, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t see myself as different from anybody else. And my friends don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t see me differently. People can always tell that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m mixed, and they always definitely know I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m mixed with Black. But they, they\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll think Puerto Rican before they think Indian. They\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll think I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m some kind of like, you know, Latin or something versus being Indian. So, I mean, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll correct them and say, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmy father\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Indian, but my mother is Black.\u00E2\u0080\u009D My Black side is a little bit more dominant, because I live with my mother. My father is in my life, but I do more things with my mother\u00E2\u0080\u0099s side of the family. I feel like, for me, I feel like I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m 100% Black because I live with my mother, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m around my mother more than I am my father, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m around her side of the family more than I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m around my father\u00E2\u0080\u0099s side of the family. I feel like I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m 100% Black and 50% Indian because even though when I go around my father\u00E2\u0080\u0099s family, even though they accept me as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwe know you are a part of our blood\u00E2\u0080\u009D it just, it still just feels different knowing that, you know, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m mixed, my hair isn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t like yours, our skin color might be the same, but it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s still different. But versus when I go with my mom\u00E2\u0080\u0099s side of the family it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like you just couldn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t tell. I could just be like \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m Black.\u00E2\u0080\u009D If I had chose to, I could completely deny the Indian side of the family, but I choose not to. Because that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s who I am. You know, he\u00E2\u0080\u0099s my blood. I wouldn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t be here if it wasn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t for my father and my mother getting together. I was trying to go to India maybe after I graduated from high school, but I kind of wanted to get settled for doing college. So I decided after I graduated from college that will be my trip to there. I speak Punjabi partially, but I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really like to speak it. I speak it to dad, because he forces me to speak it so I can keep it up, but otherwise I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t like speaking it. He\u00E2\u0080\u0099s the only person I speak to, and my brother and sister, and that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s all. One thing my mother and my father instilled into me was to know who I am, so I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m never torn to act more Indian with my dad\u00E2\u0080\u0099s side of the family, or to act more Black when I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m with my mom\u00E2\u0080\u0099s side. I know who I am. My identity was all instilled by my 137 parents. I think you knowing your identity is kind of all about how you were brought up. And how my parents brought me up, they made sure I knew who I was and where I came from. I know who my identity is. I mean, people of course change in the stuff they go through, but it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like how my mother raised me is to know who you are. Because I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t think that me growing up, like I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll get confused like \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, well, I think I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m a little bit more Indian or I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m a little bit more Black.\u00E2\u0080\u009D I know what I am, and I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t think that will change. If my mother and father would have never gotten a divorce, half the things that I do now, I would not be able to do. Like having a boyfriend, that would be out the door. All the piercings that I have, it would be out the door. Being able to go out partying and do all the things that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m able to do, it would be completely out the door. I would probably\u00E2\u0080\u0094I wouldn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t even be going to a community college after high school. I would be going straight off to a four year college. I wouldn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t be doing sport medicine. I would be either a lawyer or a doctor. My life would be completely different if my mother and father were still together, or if I went to go live with my father. I would be a totally different person if my father was\u00E2\u0080\u0094if my mother and father were still together. I adapt more to my mother\u00E2\u0080\u0099s side with the racial things, and even though I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t get discriminated for being mixed, but sometimes I do get discriminated for being\u00E2\u0080\u0094my mother being Black, you know, having the Black thing. I have a very, very strong sense of Black pride. There being racist people in the world towards Black people. It doesn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t\u00E2\u0080\u0094 you know, they don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t discriminate me for being mixed, but just the fact that, you know, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cyou\u00E2\u0080\u0099re a nigger,\u00E2\u0080\u009D or stuff like that. I haven\u00E2\u0080\u0099t personally experienced it ever. But, I mean, like I said, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s out there. You do have racist people out there that will look at you differently because the fact that you are Black or you don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t look like they do. But it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s never been because I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m mixed. It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s never been because of that. You know, so my mother\u00E2\u0080\u0099s side affects me more than my father\u00E2\u0080\u0099s side does, completely. 138 Raya My name is Raya and I am 18 years old. My mom is British and my dad is Ethiopian. Right now I am planning on getting into nutrition, and I have been getting back into modeling because I have the exotic look. I recently graduated from Pine Mountains High School. With me, being multiethnic was pretty easy. I didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t go through a huge amount of things. I had moments where people would ask me if I was adopted because they saw my mom and stuff like that. I guess I first realized I was different when my neighbor told me my parents can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t be married because they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re different colors. And I think we were seven and I got really mad about it. She was like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cyour parents can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t be married\u00E2\u0080\u009D and I said \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhy?\u00E2\u0080\u009D and then she was like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbecause they are two different colors.\u00E2\u0080\u009D When I was a kid, I spent most of my time with my mom, and so at school, I was able to relate more to White people than I was to Black people. Even with my two half brothers who are Black, I feel different from them. Just look at us. But I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve never looked at it in a bad way, though. Like they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re Black, well, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m Black and I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m White. I look at it like that, I never looked at it like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cuh, I wish I could just be one thing.\u00E2\u0080\u009D I never wanted to be just one thing. Well, the only time I ever wanted to be one thing was with my hair. Because it was always hella hard to do my hair when I was little and I was like \u00E2\u0080\u009CGod, if I was just White this would be so much easier.\u00E2\u0080\u009D I think that was the only time I ever had feelings like that. But other than that, no. With me, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s never really bothered me, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve always loved being mixed. With me, I consider myself pretty lucky. I went through little things where people would say things and it made me mad, but I was glad that they said it because it made me more aware. I mean, eventually you have to realize that \u00E2\u0080\u009Chey, you know, you are a little bit darker than that person right there.\u00E2\u0080\u009D I mean, at first when I was little, I was like 139 \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re all the same thing\u00E2\u0080\u009D but no, we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not. You know, and it helped me realize it. The big question kids asked me was \u00E2\u0080\u009Care you adopted?\u00E2\u0080\u009D But other than that, nobody\u00E2\u0080\u0099s ever said \u00E2\u0080\u009Ceew, you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re mixed.\u00E2\u0080\u009D But I had lots of times when I was little and I would get people saying \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, I wish I was mixed too.\u00E2\u0080\u009D I would get a lot of that. Like, \u00E2\u0080\u009CI\u00E2\u0080\u0099m so boring compared to you.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Like if people would ask me, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwell, what are you?\u00E2\u0080\u009D I\u00E2\u0080\u0099d say I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m Black and White and then they\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll be like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbut what do you mark on the paper?\u00E2\u0080\u009D I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m like, well, if I think about it, back in the day of Martin Luther King, if they were to look at me, and if there were to be a White drinking fountain and a Black drinking fountain, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099d still have to go to the Black one. So I was like I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll just mark the Black, you know, I look Black. But if I could mark both, I would never mark just Black or just White. On tests, sometimes I would be like I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m White, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m Black, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m White, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m Black, like I will just mark whatever one I want to be today. My dad really tried to push that I was Black, like that I had Black in me. As I started getting older and he was able to talk to me more, he started trying to talk to me about serious things. And so he would talk about the history of Black people, so whenever I have a conversation with him I basically know how it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s going to go down. And I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m like \u00E2\u0080\u009Calright, yeah dad, I realize I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m Black, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m going to go sit with mom now.\u00E2\u0080\u009D You know, it would be like that. And so that, I think that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just made me hate Black people for a while. Just because the way my dad, like he would constantly push being Black on me, that I was just like \u00E2\u0080\u009CI hate Black people.\u00E2\u0080\u009D I never dated any Black guys, I just dated White guys. Just because it was a personal thing, like just to get back at my dad. \u00E2\u0080\u0098Cause I know he would, if I go out with a Black guy, he\u00E2\u0080\u0099d be like \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh yeah.\u00E2\u0080\u009D And he\u00E2\u0080\u0099d just make little smart comments. But if I dated a White guy, he wouldn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t be disappointed, I mean, he married a White woman. He wouldn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t be too disappointed, but I mean, he\u00E2\u0080\u0099d just be like \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh yeah, you can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t handle a Black man.\u00E2\u0080\u009D He\u00E2\u0080\u0099d probably try to say something smart 140 like that. And so I was like \u00E2\u0080\u009Calright dad, whatever.\u00E2\u0080\u009D And so he would just go on and say his thing and I would be like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdo you feel better now?\u00E2\u0080\u009D and \u00E2\u0080\u009CBlack pride, dad, Black pride.\u00E2\u0080\u009D One thing that I like so much more about my mom, was that my mom was really into Black culture and she would try to teach it to me, but she wouldn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t force it on me. She\u00E2\u0080\u0099d embrace it and she\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, in Africa they do this.\u00E2\u0080\u009D My mom listens to hip hop, she has Mary J. Blige, but then she also has Rolling Stones, you know, she just goes back and forth with stuff. She was the one who helped me embrace being mixed from\u00E2\u0080\u0094 as soon as I could learn and started talking, she was showing things like that to me. Barry I am Barry, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m 15 years old, and I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m a sophomore at Pine Mountains. I am the sophomore vice president and I play second base on the baseball team. I am mostly Spanish. My great, great grandma came here from Spain when everyone was immigrating to America. And then on my dad\u00E2\u0080\u0099s side I am German and Irish. My mom\u00E2\u0080\u0099s whole side is Spanish. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve been to Spain and I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve also been to Germany. I first became aware of my multiethnic identity in elementary school when we had a heritage fair. I believe it was fourth grade. We brought in everything from our heritages. And my class went down to the Mormon Church in Oakland to look at the genealogy records. It was kind of hard to find stuff on my family because we were so spread out because my great grandma had a lot of kids. And then my grandma had a lot of kids, baby boomers. And so it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just kind of hard to find and piece everything together. So I kind of found out a lot about my dad\u00E2\u0080\u0099s side, like his great, great, great grandparents came here from Ireland, and then they were part Dutch from Germany. One was Irish and then he married my great, great, great grandma that was Dutch and they came here 141 together. And a lot of people are like \u00E2\u0080\u009CI\u00E2\u0080\u0099m from this predominantly one country\u00E2\u0080\u009D and then I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m 50/25/25, you know. Just to keep it simple for people I usually just identify myself as Spanish just because of my skin color, it kind of makes more sense to people that I am. And I think I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m more Spanish, just like \u00E2\u0080\u0098cause most of my family is Spanish. I feel really Spanish from my mom\u00E2\u0080\u0099s family. And I still feel Spanish with my dad\u00E2\u0080\u0099s family. Mostly because my dad\u00E2\u0080\u0099s side of the family was kind of ignorant. They say racist comments like\u00E2\u0080\u0094they don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t mean to, but it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s still not politically correct. You know, my parents are an inter-racial couple. And my grandma on my dad\u00E2\u0080\u0099s side did not think they were gonna last. \u00E2\u0080\u0098Cause my mom\u00E2\u0080\u0099s side, they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re very accepting of cultures because they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re culturally enriched themselves. And my dad\u00E2\u0080\u0099s side is kind of red neck. You know, because when they moved here, they went to the South. Yeah, they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re very ignorant. My Spanish side has been more influential on me mostly because of foods that we have, all that stuff, paella. You know, we have a lot of Mexican dishes there, too. All the different Hispanic or Latino dishes, we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re always having that constantly. It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s pretty much that way because my grandma\u00E2\u0080\u0094my parents had to work a lot, so she took care of me. So she was the main influence in my life. So I kind of grew off of that. So I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m proud of my culture. That\u00E2\u0080\u0099s kind of gotten me to my Spanish heritage and how I feel grounded there more so than German and Irish. And I still spend a lot of time with my grandma. I still go to A\u00E2\u0080\u0099s games constantly with my grandma and she\u00E2\u0080\u0099s always over at our house. So it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s been really a family affair. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve a brown skin complexion and living in California people automatically think I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m Mexican but in reality I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m Spanish. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t get offended if someone asks what am I, but when people assume, that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s when people get offended. I have a brother who\u00E2\u0080\u0099s working right now. A lot of people when he was\u00E2\u0080\u0094in his school experience, a lot of people called him Mexican, like identified him as Mexican. And I remember a couple of 142 times I asked him, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cam I Mexican or am I Spanish?\u00E2\u0080\u009D because I didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know the difference because I was younger. And he was like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cno, you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not Mexican, you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re Spanish, you just remember that.\u00E2\u0080\u009D So I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve always kind of\u00E2\u0080\u0094that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s kind of stuck with me. Lots of people will ask me \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhat are you?\u00E2\u0080\u009D They\u00E2\u0080\u0099re kind of, you know, the head cock and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhat are you?\u00E2\u0080\u009D I usually break it down into the Spanish, Irish and German, and I go, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbut I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m predominately Spanish.\u00E2\u0080\u009D They go, \u00E2\u0080\u009Creally?\u00E2\u0080\u009D And they get all fascinated by it. You know, and they ask, \u00E2\u0080\u009Chave you ever been to Spain\u00E2\u0080\u009D and stuff. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve run into some people that aren\u00E2\u0080\u0099t considered friends that are like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwell, isn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t it the same as Mexican?\u00E2\u0080\u009D And it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like, no. I just say, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cit\u00E2\u0080\u0099s across the pond.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Christina My name is Christina, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m 17, and I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m a senior at Pine Mountains High School. I am going to go to a community college next year and then I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll transfer to a state school. Someday I want to be a dental hygienist. I am on the school\u00E2\u0080\u0099s cheerleading team and dance team, which takes up a lot of my time. My mom is White and my dad is Black. When someone asks me, I say that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m mixed and they\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll be like \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, with what?\u00E2\u0080\u009D Because most people think, when they look at me, they think I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m mixed with Puerto Rican or something, they never think Black and White. If they go \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re mixed?\u00E2\u0080\u009D and then if they say \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwith what?\u00E2\u0080\u009D I\u00E2\u0080\u0099d be like \u00E2\u0080\u009CBlack and White.\u00E2\u0080\u009D They never just assume Black and White, but I never just tell somebody \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m White\u00E2\u0080\u009D or \u00E2\u0080\u009CI\u00E2\u0080\u0099m Black.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Our family is really close and so all of my family, my uncles and everyone like that is White, and I never met my real dad, so I am always around my White family. And I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t feel different, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t feel like \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m different from them\u00E2\u0080\u009D or whatever. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t act different, but then at school, I hang out with mostly with Black people, or I hang out with Tongan people a lot. So I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really hang out with White people at school. It feels 143 different, like the lifestyles are definitely different between home and at school. At home, my sister\u00E2\u0080\u0099s kind of punk rockish and all that stuff and I have brothers who are like, you know, they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re kind of preppy I guess you\u00E2\u0080\u0099d say, and then at school, I hang out with, we say the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cghetto people\u00E2\u0080\u009D at school. So, the lifestyles and how they act is very different. But I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t change up how I act or anything like that. If I was to walk into a room and nobody knew me and if it was a group of Black people and a group of White people, I feel like the Black people would be the people that I would hang out with because I look kinda more like them. I think I look more Black, like my skin color and stuff, but my features, I think my features are more White because I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t have that type of nose and stuff or I have little tiny lips and I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t have their real short hair, like I have long hair. But if I went over with the White people, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099d feel like I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m sticking out or whatever. And I\u00E2\u0080\u0099d feel like they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re all looking at me, you know? Whereas the Black people, like I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really look\u00E2\u0080\u0094I could look like them, but I think I look different from them too. But I feel like I would blend in more with them, just because the skin color and the way I dress and stuff is more like them. So I feel more comfortable. Kendra My name is Kendra and I am senior at Pine Mountains High School. I plan to go to community college for two years and then transfer to a local state university. I might study psychology\u00E2\u0080\u0094I am taking it right now and I really like it. Right now I work part time at an after school program for kids. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m Puerto Rican, Mexican, I have Black in me, and French. My dad\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Mexican, and then my mom\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Puerto Rican and she has the Black and the French in her from my grandma and my great grandma and grandpa. Everyone\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cyou\u00E2\u0080\u0099re a mutt, you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re a mutt.\u00E2\u0080\u009D I just found out that we have French in us. My mom just told me a couple of months ago and I was like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwow, that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s pretty cool.\u00E2\u0080\u009D At first we thought it was Irish, but 144 then she had it confirmed that it was French that we had in our family, well on my mom\u00E2\u0080\u0099s, on her mom\u00E2\u0080\u0099s side, so that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s pretty cool. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know anybody else that has French in them at all. Yeah, I thought it was pretty cool being two different Latino races, and then, just having Black in me from my family, I thought that was really cool, and then the French just topped it off. With both my Hispanic families, like sometimes I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll be with my Mexican family and I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll say a word that they don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really understand, that Puerto Rican says, their type of vocabulary, and then my grandma or my dad will be like \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s how you know you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re Puerto Rican\u00E2\u0080\u009D or I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll be with my Puerto Rican grandmother and then I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll do stuff that Mexicans do, like with food, and she\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll be like \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re so Mexican.\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u0098Cause I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m closer to my Puerto Rican side of the family, but then I know more about my Mexican side, like with food and stuff like that. It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s probably because there are so many more Mexicans in this area. Like with the Mexican food, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like I know what this is and I know what that is and then when I go to my Puerto Rican family and they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re teaching us\u00E2\u0080\u0094sometimes my mom likes to teach us how to cook so when we get older, we\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll know how to cook some Puerto Rican dishes, and my family will be like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cyou\u00E2\u0080\u0099re Puerto Rican too.\u00E2\u0080\u009D My mom and my sisters and I talk about being mixed all the time. And then, when I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m with my Black family, they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re sometimes really outspoken I guess you could say, and I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m sitting there and sometimes my accent comes out, my Hispanic accent comes out, and they\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll sit there and say \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re so Mexican\u00E2\u0080\u009D or \u00E2\u0080\u009Cyou\u00E2\u0080\u0099re so Puerto Rican\u00E2\u0080\u009D and I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m just sitting there, like, I start laughing. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m way closer to my mom\u00E2\u0080\u0099s side. So I feel like I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m more, like even though I know I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m half Puerto Rican and half Mexican and I have Black in me and I have French in me, I feel like I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m more Puerto Rican just because I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m closer to my mom\u00E2\u0080\u0099s side of the family. I live with my mom, so I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m closer to her. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t have that same relationship with my dad or his family. I guess when I get around them, they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re like mostly Spanish speaking and I 145 don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know that much Spanish, so to me it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s kind of weird. I love my dad\u00E2\u0080\u0099s family and everything but sometimes it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s kind of weird when they try to talk to me, because I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really understand but when I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m with my mom\u00E2\u0080\u0099s family it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, okay, whatever,\u00E2\u0080\u009D you know? Because we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re really strong being Puerto Rican so it always comes up, and then with my dad\u00E2\u0080\u0099s side it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like I just feel like I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m more Puerto Rican just because of the simple fact that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m closer to my mom. My identity, I think it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s\u00E2\u0080\u0094part of it, I could say it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s complete, but I still think it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s ongoing. Well, with my race, yeah I think it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s complete, but just like other things going on with my life, I think it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s still ongoing. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m still going through all those changes and stuff. Renee My name I Renee, I am 16, and I am junior class president at Pine Mountains High School. I danced for about 10 years, it was a big part of my life, but I stopped dancing this summer because it was just taking over my life, because of the commitment, and I wouldn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t have time for both dance and being class president. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m Mexican and Persian. My mom was born in Iran and my dad\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Mexican. We have two sides of the family and they don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really do stuff together so when I am with the Mexican side of the family I just kind of, just acknowledge the Mexican side, and they are very different from the Persian side of the family. And when I am at my grandparents house and they are having a party, then I really acknowledge the Persian side, like I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really think \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, I am Mexican also\u00E2\u0080\u009D it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just like \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, Persian, okay.\u00E2\u0080\u009D But when I am with the Mexican side of the family, I feel very Mexican\u00E2\u0080\u0094burritos everywhere, like enchiladas. Yeah, and everybody speaks different languages. For me it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s the people I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m around. Like if I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m at a family party on one side of my family, I feel like I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t acknowledge the other side, and that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s how I feel, and vice versa. 146 The best is when people are like \u00E2\u0080\u009Care you sure?\u00E2\u0080\u009D And nobody would ever guess\u00E2\u0080\u0094they always think that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m White with a tan or something. Every time I tell them I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m mixed they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cuh, no you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Because I think when you tell people what you are, they expect you to look the typical like of that thing, you know what I mean? And so people will be like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhat are you?\u00E2\u0080\u009D and I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll tell them and they\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll be like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhy don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t you look like it then?\u00E2\u0080\u009D A lot of people, when you tell them that you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re mixed nowadays, for me, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s always like \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh really? That\u00E2\u0080\u0099s hecka cool.\u00E2\u0080\u009D A lot of people, they like it, they think that it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s cool. And I know a lot about both cultures and stuff, like food-wise and stuff like that, like we eat both at home all the time, like family parties and stuff. Then people are always like \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, Persian, what\u00E2\u0080\u0099s that?\u00E2\u0080\u009D That\u00E2\u0080\u0099s what I have to explain to people a lot of times, they don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know what that is and stuff. And they\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll come over and I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll be like \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, here\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Persian food, try a little bowl.\u00E2\u0080\u009D And they\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll all love it and be like \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh this is so cool that you get this.\u00E2\u0080\u009D And everybody loves Mexican food. Yeah, I like it, I am glad that I am mixed. I remember people asking \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthat\u00E2\u0080\u0099s such a cool mix, how did that happen?\u00E2\u0080\u009D Jen My name is Jen, I am 16, and I am a junior at Pine Mountains High School. I am Student Body Vice President and I play soccer, volleyball, and softball. Sports take up a lot of my time. My favorite classes are yearbook and leadership, and academically I like history. I am half Puerto Rican and a quarter Italian and a quarter Yugoslavian. My mom is Puerto Rican and my dad\u00E2\u0080\u0099s the other one. We used to live on Staten Island, but we moved here when I was three. I feel Californian. My identity, it depends, like I guess it all depends on who I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m with or who I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m around. If I was around all White people, I would identify myself as being brown. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t 147 know. Actually, I would say I identify more with being more Puerto Rican than, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know, just because I am brown, like others wouldn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t see me as being White at all. So it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just kind of what I identified with throughout the years. When I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m with Puerto Ricans, I feel probably different in some way, just because I am different in some way, but not, like not a significant amount, it doesn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t change the way I feel around them or anything. So if people ask me what I am, I say \u00E2\u0080\u009CI\u00E2\u0080\u0099m Puerto Rican.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Or normally I\u00E2\u0080\u0099d say I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m Puerto Rican and Italian. But not Yugoslavian because everyone\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhat the hell is Yugoslavia?\u00E2\u0080\u009D And it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s right next to Italy, so\u00E2\u0080\u00A6Yeah, I would say I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m mixed basically, or if I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m talking to an Italian, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099d be like \u00E2\u0080\u009CI\u00E2\u0080\u0099m Italian and Puerto Rican.\u00E2\u0080\u009D I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not close to my extended family; we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not close at all really. Because they all live in Puerto Rico and I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve only been there a few times. I love it there. And my dad\u00E2\u0080\u0099s family, they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re just White, like they don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t identify with the culture or anything. My family hasn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really influenced my identity, because I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not close with my family. I can relate more to my family that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Italian and Yugoslavian because they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re White and they speak English and my mom\u00E2\u0080\u0099s side is Puerto Rican and they all speak Spanish, so I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know what they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re talking about. And, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know, I just feel like I could relate more with my White side of my family. Because I can like talk to them and interact with them. Hip Hapa My name is Hip Hapa and I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m a senior at Oceanside High School. I used to run cross country and I am really into music. This summer I am working as a counselor at a camp for transracially adopted and mixed heritage youth. Next year I am going to a community college and then I plan to transfer to a state school to study psychology. What my mother brings to the table is African American and Native American, and people don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really like to count it, but I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m proud of it, Canadian. My grandmother went up to Canada to escape the whole slavery thing, and then they came back down. 148 And my dad, he\u00E2\u0080\u0099s African American and Vietnamese. When people ask me what I am, well, before I used to really struggle with that question, because it was like I want to explain that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m all of these different things, but then at the same time you don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t have time for that just in passing. But me, really, I just say I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m mixed. It was weird. At first I didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t realize I was mixed. It was more like there was something wrong with me, because, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know, let me take off my hat. My hair is very not curly, so when my hair\u00E2\u0080\u0099s this short and it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s almost like straight, people ask me what\u00E2\u0080\u0099s wrong with my hair. And I didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t have an answer. Because they assume that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m Black. But obviously there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s something else in there, because\u00E2\u0080\u0094and then they start to look at the eyes. Most people have no idea that there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Asian in here. But it was mainly like my hair and who I hung out with and how I talked. And then I\u00E2\u0080\u0099d ask my mom. And I can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t remember when, but all of a sudden I found out that my dad was Vietnamese, and it was like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhoa, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m like more than one thing.\u00E2\u0080\u009D So, yeah, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know when that happened, but it was more through people asking me why I looked and acted the way I did. Developing my identity, well, it doesn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t stop really. Well, let me start with growing up and being born, there were so many different people that were raising me, as I say jokingly, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve got 50 moms and 100 aunts. And my godmother\u00E2\u0080\u0099s parents\u00E2\u0080\u0094they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re my guardians now, but they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re very people oriented. They\u00E2\u0080\u0099re always surrounded with people, and everybody\u00E2\u0080\u0099s different. So I see it as an ongoing thing, because we were surrounded by culture, especially I guess here in I guess California, there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s a lot of it. You\u00E2\u0080\u0099re always kind of changing who you are and who you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re hanging out with and who you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re talking to, I guess who your family is, so for me it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s all good. My biological family, it was more\u00E2\u0080\u0094some of them are cool. But for the most part, they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re pretty much all of the irritating people in the outside world who are like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhy do you dress this way?\u00E2\u0080\u009D It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhy are you wearing Converse instead of Nike? Why are you listening to Pearl Jam instead of\u00E2\u0080\u0094just why are you different?\u00E2\u0080\u009D And they couldn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t get 149 that. We\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll see if they do now. But it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just like the people I call my family are family friends, close friends and they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re all different\u00E2\u0080\u0094my godparents, guardians, all the people I know through them. Just people that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve created as my family. Obviously, since they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re all okay with each other, and they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re all different, they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re more comfortable with the fact that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m this medley of whatever. My biological family on the other hand, especially not being around for the process that goes on with the other people mentioned, they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re just\u00E2\u0080\u0094I think for the large part they were uncomfortable with it, but they just didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t get it. So I pretty much always thought that there was something wrong with me. I tried to fix the way I talked when I was in high school. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m mixed because of my dad, and as far as they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re concerned, I guess they would have preferred my mother would hook up with some African American male and that I would be all Black. The influence of my biological family, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099d say that it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s both negative and positive. Positive because of the fact that it was negative. It made me stand up and say, \u00E2\u0080\u009Clook, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not going to change myself for you. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not going to do all this for you.\u00E2\u0080\u009D So it did for a long time make me question who I was. But because I was questioned, it defined who I was. So I see it more positive than I do negative. If my dad could talk about his heritage, he would. His circumstance is that his dad was a GI, and hooked up with one of the women there, and she wanted to keep my dad, but her village basically ostracized her and cut her off from everything. And said if you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re gonna keep this mixed kid, then we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not gonna keep you. So she left him at an orphanage. She went through the baby drop thing. So he has no idea who his family is, and he\u00E2\u0080\u0099s not really inclined to find out who they are. But over the past few years, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve kind of grown into, like my life\u00E2\u0080\u0099s goal is basically, if it comes down to going to Viet Nam, like learning the language and kind of immersing myself there, then that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s what it will be. Like one day it just dawned on me, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwait, there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s a whole group of people over there that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m related to and they have no idea I exist.\u00E2\u0080\u009D I was like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Clet\u00E2\u0080\u0099s fix that.\u00E2\u0080\u009D And then a few 150 years later it dawned on me again, that like wait, yeah, there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s family over there, but then I realized, well, my dad has a dad. His family\u00E2\u0080\u0099s over here. So it was kind of\u00E2\u0080\u0094I just kind of want to find them and go from there. I can tell you it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s more like 50 million different experiences that comprise one situation, like feeling like I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m letting down my family by being so many things. Or them feeling that because I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m something else that detracts from me. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t like to look at\u00E2\u0080\u0094I mean, if people like to look at themselves as parts, that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s cool, because that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s how they see themselves. I mean, as far as me, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m one person who\u00E2\u0080\u0099s this and this and this. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not part this and part that and part that. So as far as my family is concerned, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cno, look, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not less African American because I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m Vietnamese, just I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m more of me.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Then to get corny on top of all that, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m 100% me. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t want to paint the wrong picture. Being mixed is an experience that I would trade for nothing in the world, nothing! It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like being as many different people you want, or blending them all into one thing: you. It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like being a walking yin yang; without one part of you, the whole thing just doesn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t work. I believe it helps me be more open to other people and their experiences, because I know how much I value my own. Kelley My name is Kelley, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m 16, and I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m a sophomore at Deer Valley High School. I like to play video games, really girly ones. I have a Playstation 3. My mom is Chinese. My dad is White\u00E2\u0080\u0094he\u00E2\u0080\u0099s more French and British, in terms of his ancestry he comes more from Celtic tribes, I guess, a lot of Scottish too. I think I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve always known that I am mixed. I just kind of grew up with it. Yeah, except I always felt more, I guess, White, because I kind of look more White than I do Asian. When I am around White relatives, I usually feel more Chinese, but when I am around Chinese people, I feel more White. We spend more time with my Asian family, just because they 151 live nearby. I think developing my identity is ongoing. I just kind of adjust to it. I really don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know how to explain it any better. I kind of shuffle back and forth. Like sometimes, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve gone through phases where I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve felt more in touch with my Chinese side and then vice versa. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve always felt that when people first meet me they always assume that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m just White, so I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve always not really liked that so much. Like if I were, if I looked exactly half Asian and White, I probably would have felt more comfortable with that. With my Chinese family, I think there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s kind of this invisible rift between us. Because as a child I used to be closer with my Asian side, except it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s kind of grown more distant over the years. And I think mainly it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s because I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t speak the language. I know some Chinese, except now it seems more imperative that I become fluent in the language, because my grandma on my Chinese side speaks completely in Chinese. She doesn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know any English at all. Then all my uncles know mainly Chinese. And it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just, you know, we can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t actually really talk or sit down and have a huge conversation, because we have that language barrier. So speaking Chinese, it would be so much more helpful. Well, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve always kind of felt a little bit isolated in that way. Because my mom tried to teach me and my brother Chinese when we were growing up. And we went to like Saturday schools for Chinese. And I even took a class at Diablo Valley College for Chinese. Because I was pretty much really trying to learn the language. But it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s been really difficult. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve been in fights with my mom about that, like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhy didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t you teach me Chinese sooner?\u00E2\u0080\u009D I think the fact that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve been exposed to really American culture has actually backfired on me and has made me feel like I really, you know, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m more curious about my Chinese side than I am my White side. People ask me a lot of questions about my Chinese heritage. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve always been able to tell people I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve gone to China, because I went when I was 7. But I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve always felt like that language was the hugest thing trying to overcome. And I can speak conversational Chinese, but I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not fluent in it. And it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s always been that kind of barrier. 152 So I always find it hard to convince people that I am Chinese\u00E2\u0080\u0094not always, but sometimes, because I take on more of my dad\u00E2\u0080\u0099s side, my White side. The following is taken from Kelley\u00E2\u0080\u0099s writing activity, which she wrote following a trip to China during her summer break. The primary aspect related to my multiethnicity that concerned me most while I was in China was of course my physical appearance. Despite being half Chinese and half Caucasian, in terms of physical appearance I look, to most, predominantly White. And this feature, which we are consistently taught in school today should be irrelevant to the manner in which we treat people, I found to be the defining characteristic people treated me by. Although at times I found this fact useful, there were countless other times where I felt that it drew a line between the Chinese and myself. As much as I wanted to learn and become part of that part of my heritage there were many inevitable features which hindered or prevented this entirely. My appearance, the language barrier, and cultural difference, I felt were the main aspects. Many of the Chinese I met during my stay in Shanghai were very curious of me but also very shy. My Chinese relatives I was staying with in Shanghai always reminded me how happy and grateful they were for me to stay with them telling me that to the Chinese it was an honor and a show of higher social status to know a foreigner, especially a European or American. I'm positive that if I appeared physically more Chinese or a more balanced mix between Chinese and Caucasian my experiences with people in China would have been incredibly different. Nowadays, with [American presidential] elections only a month away, the political debates are a constant topic in my public speaking class and one little detail has been bothering me now that I've been thinking a lot about multiethnicity. That is, Barack Obama is consistently being assumed by my peers and politicians alike as being, simply, Black. Whether for simplicity sake or out of obliviousness, people have been calling Obama \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe Black democratic candidate.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Most people don't recognize him as being 153 multiethnic, and I believe that is in large part due to the fact that he physically appears more Black than White. I guess the point I'm trying to make is that appearance is, whether we like it or not, a huge determining factor in the way we are treated. And after my experience in China I feel that physical appearance has a much bigger effect on how we are treated than I had previously thought and in the future multiethnicity will most certainly have an interesting role when it boils down to physical appearance. Josh My name is Josh, I am 18, and I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m a senior at Deer Valley High School. I play water polo and I swim. Next year I am going to a community college, but I am also interested in going to art school. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m part French, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m part Russian, part Jewish, and part Persian. My dad\u00E2\u0080\u0099s side is the Jewish part. And my mom\u00E2\u0080\u0099s side is more of the Russian, French and Persian. My parents are both Jewish, but like my dad\u00E2\u0080\u0099s been in the Middle East like his whole life. My parents both grew up in Israel, but their family, or my mom\u00E2\u0080\u0099s family didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t grow up there. My grandfather on my mom\u00E2\u0080\u0099s side is Persian. My grandmother, she\u00E2\u0080\u0099s French and Russian. My mom speaks French and Farsi and English and Hebrew. My grandma speaks Russian, but she didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really pass that on to my mom. And also my grandfather speaks Farsi. If people ask me, I just basically say that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m French, Persian, Jewish and Russian. But on forms, I just mark Other, but if I can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t, I just put White or something, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know. My dad he\u00E2\u0080\u0099s really dark, and my mom is extremely white. It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s crazy. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t think I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m as much into the White culture as into Middle Eastern and Russian and stuff like that. I think it would take a lot more generations in order for me to be in\u00E2\u0080\u0094but I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t even think it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s going to be me. I think it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s probably going to be my kids\u00E2\u0080\u0099 kids who are going to be more White. Because I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m the first generation here. It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like my parents try to 154 restrict us from being more White. An example of it is that we don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t go as much out to restaurants. It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s not because we can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t afford it or something, just we don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t do it. So I feel that my values would be much different if they let me become more White, I guess. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve always known that I was mixed. It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s kind of been like my parents just basically told me I am. So we would like, for example, like my mom she makes Persian food. My dad makes, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t even know what it is, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like Middle Eastern food, I guess, and my grandma would make Russian food. And it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just basically like we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re told that we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re multiethnic. It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just kind of engrained into me. Yeah, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just basically who I am. My dad, his family is really Orthodox, and they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re really into conserving the traditions, heritage. My mom, I wouldn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t say that she\u00E2\u0080\u0099s traditional. Because, I guess like her part of the family isn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t exposed to that as much. I go to Israel every year. Over there it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like I feel more comfortable, just because everyone kind of looks the same, I guess, like skin color and what people eat and stuff like that. I think it just makes you feel more comfortable around people that are like you. My parents first sent me to Israel when I was 5, I went there alone. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know how I did it, but they sent me alone just because they thought, why don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t we just let me find, like just have the influence from over there. Whenever I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m there, I stay with my family. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m the first generation here. So everyone, I literally mean everyone, does not live in the United States. Basically, my family here is like close friends, family friends, that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s my family. My first language was Hebrew. So that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s a key right there. Actually, in kindergarten I remember having a really hard time in English, because this was also in preschool, because I actually didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know English. I went to school and I was clueless of what\u00E2\u0080\u0094I didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t even know the alphabet, nothing. My parents thought, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cyep, he\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll learn it in school.\u00E2\u0080\u009D But I think the fact I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m in resource is because I learned Hebrew first. Because my grammar is really bad. Well, I have learning disabilities, but I feel that the fact I 155 learned Hebrew, I feel that that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s a factor of it also. I mean, if I learned English earlier, my grammar would be better. My dad\u00E2\u0080\u0099s very dark. But if I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m only with my mom, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s kind of\u00E2\u0080\u0094I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really look as much like my mom. So it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s kind of weird when I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m alone with her. But I remember people, just like whenever my dad would pick me up from school, people would just look at him, like he\u00E2\u0080\u0099s so dark. Out of all my siblings, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m the only one with like tan kind of skin. They\u00E2\u0080\u0099re white, they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re all white. Most of my friends aren\u00E2\u0080\u0099t Jewish. Because I can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really make that many friends in Israel or there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s not that many Jews here. All of my friends, everyone knows I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m Jewish, they know I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m Persian, but they don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m like part Russian and French and stuff. But I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t think they really influenced me that much. I mean, in a way they did, because like I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m with them all the time. But I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really like having that many people come over to my house, just because like my parents they speak Hebrew to me. And it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just kind of weird to have people over and them hearing Hebrew. And it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just like \u00E2\u0080\u0093 it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just extremely weird, yeah. I have a lot of Persian friends, also. And they\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll be like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cso Josh, do you speak Farsi?\u00E2\u0080\u009D And I tell them, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cno, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know how to speak Farsi.\u00E2\u0080\u009D And they\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll be like \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, well, that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s a shame.\u00E2\u0080\u009D I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t feel like they think that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m Persian at all just because I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know their language. It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s kind of annoying. Jordan My name is Jordan, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m 16, and I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m a junior at Deer Valley High School. I like listening to music and playing music\u00E2\u0080\u0094the piano, guitar, ukulele, accordion. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m half Chinese and half White. My mom is Chinese. My dad is White\u00E2\u0080\u0094just a mix of different types of White. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve always thought I was a bit more Chinese, though. But that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just because all my Chinese relatives live in this area, and all my White relatives live on the other side of the country, in the Midwest. So I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m exposed to Chinese culture a 156 lot more. My parents never really sat me down and announced that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m mixed to me. I kind of just always knew it. I think my family, the influence of my family has made me feel more Chinese, just because they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re always around, the Chinese side. I have some cousins who are full Chinese. I feel like\u00E2\u0080\u0094at least with some of them, I feel the same level of Chinese. But with others, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t. Because they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re like really, really Chinese, traditional. I know they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re definitely aware that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m half White, but I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know if they identify me as being half White. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really know. I think my identity shifts. I think when I go to my White relatives in the Midwest, I usually feel more Chinese. And then when I go to like big Chinese gatherings here, I always feel more White than everyone there. I had this one experience in Chinatown when I went to buy like some crab. Chinese have crab for the New Year. And nobody really\u00E2\u0080\u0094I didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t identify with anyone there. Mostly because, even though I speak a little bit of Chinese, enough to get around, they all kind of looked at me funny. And it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s the same thing whenever I go to White places. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t feel as in touch with the exact ethnic groups of my White side. When people ask me what I am, I say I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m half Chinese and half White. Because I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t honestly know all the different types of White that I am. And we don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t just study White in World History. So I always kind of\u00E2\u0080\u0094even though I can relate to the culture, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like I feel like an outsider still on either side. When I meet Chinese people for the first time, they always ask if I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m Chinese, and I say half. And then they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, so do you speak Chinese and have you been to China and stuff?\u00E2\u0080\u009D And I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cno, not really.\u00E2\u0080\u009D I think a lot of times it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s curiosity, but I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve noticed a few times where it seemed almost like they wanted to like assert their dominance, their cultural dominance. But I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know. I think it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just being around all the Chinese people. You kind of have to adapt to be Chinese, so you don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t get ostracized for not knowing anything. It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just like you never see a bunch of White people mingling with crowds in Chinatown. 157 I know a lot of people say \u00E2\u0080\u009Cyou get the best of both worlds.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Yeah, I think it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s really true, though. Because like I can more comfortably go into like a Chinese restaurant, like a real Chinese restaurant or in Chinatown, more comfortably than like a White person. But I can also\u00E2\u0080\u0094I can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really think of like a White thing to do. But I think maybe an advantage is just, I think it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s fun to be half and half. Anne My name is Anne and I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m a junior at Deer Valley High School. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m on the varsity basketball team and I want to play basketball in college. Someday I want to be a high school teacher. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m half Caucasian, my dad\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Caucasian and my mom\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Japanese, 100% full blood Japanese. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not really sure when I realized that I was multiethnic, but I know recently, as I got older, I noticed that I was multiethnic because when I would go to my mom\u00E2\u0080\u0099s side of the family, they live in Southern California, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s very different. Both her parents speak Japanese. They speak English, too, but the majority of the time they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re speaking in Japanese to my mom and then she\u00E2\u0080\u0099s translating to us. And we always eat Japanese traditional food when I go to see my grandparents, so it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s more of a cultural experience when I go see them. And then my dad\u00E2\u0080\u0099s parents live locally, so we usually go see them every weekend. They\u00E2\u0080\u0099re just a typical, you know, Caucasian family. We watch the football game and get all rowdy. So I just notice the difference, you know, between going to my dad\u00E2\u0080\u0099s parents and my mom\u00E2\u0080\u0099s parents, just the cultural thing was totally different. And I didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really notice until I got older and you pay attention to that kind of stuff. And I just think I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve become more conscious of how my grandparents on my mom\u00E2\u0080\u0099s side react, like when they get bummed out if me and my brother don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t visit them as much as we visit my dad\u00E2\u0080\u0099s side because they feel like \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s that cultural gap\u00E2\u0080\u009D or \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwe\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not Americanized\u00E2\u0080\u009D or \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmaybe they don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t think we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re fun.\u00E2\u0080\u009D And that really bothers me, 158 because I do love my grandparents, they are good people. So once I realized that, it really bothered me. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t want my grandparents thinking I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t love them or I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t like them or I like my dad\u00E2\u0080\u0099s parents better. When my mom used to come pick me up, people would always think I was adopted, they could tell I was either adopted or multiethnic, not that it made me feel uncomfortable or anything, but people definitely did always ask. But when we went on vacation, especially like when I go to Hawaii, people always ask me if I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m a Native and stuff. You know, so I get that a lot, and if I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m with my dad, people go, \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, well you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re really dark.\u00E2\u0080\u009D And my dad\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Dutch and German, his family\u00E2\u0080\u0099s very fair skinned, so there is certainly a difference. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m definitely a mix of both of their features, and you can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really say \u00E2\u0080\u009Cyou look like your dad\u00E2\u0080\u009D or \u00E2\u0080\u009Cyou look like your mom.\u00E2\u0080\u009D People definitely make comments like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, you don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t look Japanese\u00E2\u0080\u009D or \u00E2\u0080\u009CI would never tell you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re Asian\u00E2\u0080\u009D or \u00E2\u0080\u009Cyou don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t speak Japanese, do you?\u00E2\u0080\u009D or \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdo your parents speak Japanese?\u00E2\u0080\u009D and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cyou don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t bring Japanese food to school, you don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t eat it at home.\u00E2\u0080\u009D It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re questioning you, like they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re trying to figure it out, you know, are you for real? And it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s it doesn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really matter to me, you know, like I am. If I had to describe myself, I would say I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m a mixed race child, but it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s not like the main defining moment or defining aspect of who I am. I would say I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m a girl, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m a student, or I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m a teenager, something like that. And I think part of that is just because of the way my parents have, you know, brought me up. They\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve brought up both races, you know, so it hasn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really been an issue of, you know, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cam I White, am I Japanese?\u00E2\u0080\u009D I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m dating a Black and Hispanic boy right now. He\u00E2\u0080\u0099s very confident and knows everything about who he is; he loves to pull the fact that he\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Black, but then he also loves to pull, you know, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmy mom\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Hispanic, and I have that side in me.\u00E2\u0080\u009D And it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s kind of like it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s inspiring, because the multiethnic kids that I knew before, they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re just kind of like trying to be American, you know, they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re trying to fit in. That\u00E2\u0080\u0099s kind of how I felt a little bit. 159 But as I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve gotten older, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve noticed that it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s not always about just fitting in and feeling comfortable. And he\u00E2\u0080\u0099s kind of showed me that it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s okay to be who you are. You know, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s okay to have two sides and not be the norm and not be the kind of girl that is half Asian and half White but desperately trying to be White. Hannah I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m Hannah and I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m a junior at Deer Valley High School. My mom\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Japanese, so I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m half, and then my dad is purely White. He\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like Austrian and Italian and English and all of that stuff\u00E2\u0080\u0094I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t even know all of them. I play soccer for Deer Valley and for a traveling team. I pretty much play year round. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m pretty soccer based; it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s all I have time for. I plan to apply to universities in California, or at least on the West Coast. I guess when I was really little I had no idea really that I was multiethnic, because you don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t think about those kinds of things when you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re little, you just kind of go run around everywhere. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t think there was a defining moment when I realized I was multiethnic, I just kind of knew after a while, I guess. It doesn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really make a difference to me, though. I mean, I can look at my grandma, my mom\u00E2\u0080\u0099s mom, and she\u00E2\u0080\u0099s this small little plump Japanese woman and, I mean, I guess looking at her compared to my dad\u00E2\u0080\u0099s side grandma there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s a huge difference, so I can see how I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m at least half. But there wasn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t like a defining moment for me. When I have family reunions with the Asian side of my family, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t feel that out of place because a lot of my cousins are half White too, or actually, they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re half Indian, or Native American, I guess. So I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t feel that out of place. I mean, there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s my really older like aunts and uncles, and yeah, I can see how I am whiter than they are, but that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s it. My family just kind of raised me to be whoever I want to be and who I am. So I mean, we have some Asian foods that we sometimes eat, but we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not really like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cyou have to do awesome in school because you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re Asian.\u00E2\u0080\u009D That\u00E2\u0080\u0099s a typical stereotype of 160 being really smart. They want me to do the best I can and so I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t think they put too much pressure on me from like my Asian heritage. And then, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know, they just kinda support me in whatever I do. I am really secure with who I am. People ask me what I am, people think I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m from the Philippines. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve gotten Hawaiian, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve gotten Mexican, Spanish, Italian, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve gotten lots of things. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m just like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cno, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m just half Japanese and half White.\u00E2\u0080\u009D My friends know that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m pretty, like mentally I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m pretty White. They don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t think I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m going to have sushi every night or something like that. I mean, sometimes people make jokes like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwell, you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re Asian so you\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll do really well\u00E2\u0080\u009D but it doesn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t bother me. I think, usually if people say \u00E2\u0080\u009CWhite\u00E2\u0080\u009D they usually mean wholly White, and so I differentiate myself that way, just because I feel like if someone were to ask me what I am, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099d probably say half Asian/half White. There are a lot of Asian kids that go to Deer Valley. So, and I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not as Asian as they are, so I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m like right in the middle, just because, I mean, I guess I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t look completely Asian. Like you can tell when people are full. And I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m Japanese, and a lot of people I know are Chinese. So, that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s a little different for me. I mean, this is my opinion and like what I see, but a lot of Asian people tend to be friends for whatever reason, I have no idea. But, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know, not all of them do. But you do tend to see them in groups, but I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know a lot of them that well. I have a few half Asian friends actually, but I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know, everyone\u00E2\u0080\u0099s kind of treated the same in our group of friends. I mean I have friends that ask me things about Japanese stuff, but I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t even know the answers. It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just kinda like \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, I guess I should know that, but\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u009D Like they usually don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t ask a whole bunch of questions, but they usually ask if I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve been to Japan or if I speak Japanese. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve had some people ask me questions like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwell, what do you think, \u00E2\u0080\u0098cause you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re Japanese?\u00E2\u0080\u009D And I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwell, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really know.\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u0098Cause I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know my heritage that well. My brother\u00E2\u0080\u0099s going back to Japan to study \u00E2\u0080\u0098cause he\u00E2\u0080\u0099s doing bio-technology for college. So I think that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s kind of cool 161 that he\u00E2\u0080\u0099s going to go over there and he\u00E2\u0080\u0099s learning how to speak Japanese. But I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t have really an interest to learn the language just because I feel like I\u00E2\u0080\u0099d have a really, really hard time with that. But, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know, some day I want to go back there just to see what it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like and see how much different everything is than what I know it to be. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t think of myself as being multiethnic, I think of myself as just, as a person. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t separate myself from everyone else just for that reason, I just think of myself as me. All of my friends that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve made accept me for who I am, and they don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t make me feel any different. Marie My name is Marie, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m 17, and I am a senior at Deer Valley High School. I play basketball for Deer Valley and for a traveling team, which takes up most of my time. Next year I am going to college to study architecture. My mom is from the Cape Verde, well, she\u00E2\u0080\u0099s from Rhode Island, but her family\u00E2\u0080\u0099s from the Cape Verde Islands, just off the coast of Africa. And my dad is from Wales and was raised in the US. My mom grew up in Rhode Island. It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s better now than it was then. I think she has a scar on her back shoulder blade of a brick that a KKK member threw at her. And when she was riding her bike home from school, and they had\u00E2\u0080\u0094they were like marching the streets or something. So she had very horrible experiences, and she\u00E2\u0080\u0099s had crosses burned in her front lawn and bricks thrown through windows. And then my dad grew up, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know, the stereotypical White boy family, almost like White trash, actually. To be honest with you, the dad walked out and he raised the kids and like, not very good. So my mom tells me all this about Black people, and then my dad tells me all this about White people. So I guess they don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really like ever mix the two. I only get like one side from each and then I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m left for interpreting what I want. 162 I can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t remember when I first become aware of my mixed race identity. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t even know to be honest with you, but I had a dream last week, like less of a dream and more of remembering a memory of when I went to a psychologist when I was really young. And I just remember the last day I got pizza, and then I asked my dad, I was like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cum, did I actually go to therapy?\u00E2\u0080\u009D And he was like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cyeah, because you were confused about if you were White or Black.\u00E2\u0080\u009D And that was in elementary school. But I can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really remember any of that. So I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m guessing it started somewhere around then. But then I remember, you know, just going to junior high you always have to fill out those bubble\u00E2\u0080\u0094I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t even know what the questions are anymore, but there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s always the bubble, like what\u00E2\u0080\u0099s your background. I think I understand that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m equally Black as I am White, and I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t see it as half and half. I see it as I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m a Black person, but I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m also a White person. But other people see me as half and half. And I think a lot of people in [city name], when they see half and half, they just say that you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re White, because for some reason they think White overpowers any other race that you have. And especially because I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m fair skinned in the winter, in the summer I turn dark. I think people would identify me as White, because they go off of the color of your skin, and I look White. A lot of people know that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m half Black, because my mom\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like really known. It really doesn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t come up as much as it did in junior high. I think people just think it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s cool that\u00E2\u0080\u0094I mean, people play it up, too, which is kind of just as bad as playing it down, in my opinion. They\u00E2\u0080\u0099re always like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, well, I have a Black friend,\u00E2\u0080\u009D like it matters, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know. But then if I say something, they\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll be like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cstop pulling out the Black card.\u00E2\u0080\u009D I get that a lot, and I get really frustrated. I think I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m a very independent person, and I do have a very good idea of who I am. And it seems like things have kind of stalled when it comes to me trying to identify myself, just because at this point in my life I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t feel as though I need to identify myself. I mean, I needed to with SATs and I needed to with college applications, but as 163 of right now, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really need to. So it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s not really having a huge weight on my life like it did in junior high, where for some reason it really mattered to people what I was. They always brought it up somehow, subtly. Colleges are really trying to boost their like diversity rates. And so like that kind of does play an advantage to me, I feel. But I just wish there weren\u00E2\u0080\u0099t any advantages or disadvantages. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t want either. I just want everyone to kind of see that like, like no difference. But I can understand people wanting people to recognize that they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re Chinese, you know, like half Chinese or half Japanese, because they want people to understand that that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s also a part of them. So I can understand people who want that. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m just personally not that type of person. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t want to be recognized as any sort of race, and you can just know my personality. Because you can\u00E2\u0080\u0094you can never really\u00E2\u0080\u0094 people say like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re half Black and half White, that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s really cool. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t see you as that.\u00E2\u0080\u009D But the second they find out that I have Black in me, there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s automatically something changed, even for the better. And they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh wow, I never would have noticed that.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Or like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, she\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Black.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Like there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s always a change. And I wish that there weren\u00E2\u0080\u0099t that change, like good or bad. And if it just was like a name, because you don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t\u00E2\u0080\u0094you know, everyone has different names, but you don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t get excited. Discussion The foregoing profiles allow for the proper contextualization of participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 K-12 schooling experiences within the broad spectrum of influences on their racial and ethnic identity development. Here, I provide a brief preliminary analysis of the profiles that will assist in the interpretation of participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 schooling experiences, as presented in the following chapters. 164 As discussed in Chapter Three, Lopez (2001, 2004), Renn (2004a, 2008), and Root (1998, 2003) identified various factors influencing the identity construction of multiethnic individuals. Renn (2008), for example, pointed out that physical appearance, cultural knowledge, and peer culture are factors permeating the literature related to multiethnic identities, and Root (2003) stated that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cvirtually all researchers of biracial identity find it important to discuss the influences of phenotype, environment, family environment, and racial awareness\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 117). In the foregoing profiles, we clearly see the influence of, among other factors, physical appearance, cultural knowledge, peer culture, family environment, cultural and familial ties, and the perceptions of others on participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 racial and ethnic identity development. Although all participants discussed several of these factors as having an influence on their racial and ethnic identities, their experiences related to these factors and the precise influence of them on their identities vary considerably. Take, for example, Amaya and Andrea\u00E2\u0080\u0099s discussion of their physical appearance. As Amaya explained, her appearance as a Black woman means that she could \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccompletely deny the Indian side of the family,\u00E2\u0080\u009D yet she chooses not to. Amaya acknowledges without hesitation her African American and Indian heritages, but she strongly identifies as a Black woman. Conversely, Andrea feels like her Whiteness \u00E2\u0080\u009Crules\u00E2\u0080\u009D because she doesn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t look Iranian, and she often feels that she has to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cprove\u00E2\u0080\u009D that she is Iranian and is left never feeling \u00E2\u0080\u009CIranian enough.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Although both Amaya and Andrea have had experiences stemming from a physical appearance more often associated with one of their heritages, how they experience the perceptions of others and the influence of these experiences on their identities differ significantly. 165 We also perceive the significant influence that family environment has on participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 identities and experiences (Basu, 2007; Kich, 1992; Lopez, 2004; Renn, 2004a; Root, 2003). David, for example, identifies strongly with his Portuguese heritage in large part because he is surrounded by his Portuguese family members. Anthony, on the other hand, does not feel a strong sense of connection to either the Filipino or Indian culture, stating that his family is \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpretty acclimated into America.\u00E2\u0080\u009D As we have seen, many participants described their family members as purveyors of cultural knowledge (often in the form of language and food), and thus, being raised by one parent or spending more time with one side of one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s family seemed to significantly shape participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 identities and experiences (see, for example, Amaya, Christina, Dana, Frank, and Raya\u00E2\u0080\u0099s profiles). This finding is hardly surprising given the emphasis placed on cultural exposure, knowledge, and participation by, among others, Lopez (2004), Renn (2004a, 2008), and Wallace (2004a). Given the disparate experiences of participants related to the various factors influencing their identities, it is also not surprising that their expressed identities are notably dissimilar. Consistent with the findings of, for example, Basu (2007), Lopez (2004), and Renn (2004a), and immediately evident from the profiles, is the fact that there is neither a single \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmultiethnic experience\u00E2\u0080\u009D nor a similar identity embraced by all research participants. Jasmine, for example, identifies much more with her Arabic heritage than her Mexican heritage or as multiethnic, Hip Hapa identifies strongly as mixed, and for Anne, being multiethnic is not a central aspect of her identity and she does not readily identify herself according to race. 166 In accordance with the findings of, for example, Basu (2004), Lopez (2004), and Root (1998), a large percentage of the participants also discussed a shifting and contextual sense of identity. Renee, for example, discussed how her identity shifts depending on which side of her family she is around. Whereas Renee identifies more strongly with her Mexican heritage when she is with her Mexican side of the family and her Persian heritage when she is with her Persian side of the family, the opposite is true for Jordan. That is, Jordan also discussed how his sense of identity shifts according to context, but he feels \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmore Chinese\u00E2\u0080\u009D around his White relatives and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmore White\u00E2\u0080\u009D when he is with his Chinese relatives. Indeed, participants expressed various \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpatterns\u00E2\u0080\u009D of racial and ethnic identity, differing not only from each other but for themselves according to different influences and contexts. Marie, for instance, despite saying \u00E2\u0080\u009CI think I understand that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m equally Black as I am White, and I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t see it as half and half. I see it as I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m a Black person, but I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m also a White person,\u00E2\u0080\u009D also described situations in which she has identified more strongly with either her Black or her White heritage. The preceding lends support to Basu\u00E2\u0080\u0099s findings that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cidentity is not a constant state that, once achieved, will not fluctuate\u00E2\u0080\u009D and that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbiracial individuals may show a great deal of variation in the identification choices that they make\u00E2\u0080\u009D (2004, p. 172). Nearly every participant discussed his or her racial and ethnic identity development as an ongoing and incomplete process and, as Basu (2004, 2007), Lopez (2004), Renn (1999, 2004a), Root (1996a, 1998), and Wijeyesinghe (2001) also found, not one characterized by distinct developmental stages. Admittedly, several participants discussed a stage in which they were young and not aware of racial and ethnic differences. Hannah, for example, acknowledges that she did not think much about her 167 racial and ethnic identity as a young child, stating \u00E2\u0080\u009CI guess when I was really little I had no idea really that I was multiethnic, because you don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t think about those kinds of things when you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re little, you just kind of go run around everywhere.\u00E2\u0080\u009D However, once participants develop a level of racial and ethnic awareness, their processes of identity development appear to be continuous and continuing. Certain participants did, though, describe specific periods in which they felt their identities developed more quickly. Cara, for example, explained that middle school was \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca huge developmental period\u00E2\u0080\u009D for her. She said, \u00E2\u0080\u009CI mean especially in that age range, like especially 5th through 8th grade, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s such a huge developmental period. And so it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s a lot of striving to be different, you know, and being an individual.\u00E2\u0080\u009D However, Cara also acknowledged that her identity development is an ongoing process. Moreover, most of the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cstages\u00E2\u0080\u009D or \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdevelopmental periods\u00E2\u0080\u009D in their racial and ethnic identity development that participants discussed related not to phases in their cognitive or emotional development, but to changes in environment or context. In fact, as discussed in Chapter Seven, and consistent with the findings of Basu (2007) and Lopez (2004), among others, the contexts in which participants live and attend school, and specifically the racial and ethnic diversity (or lack thereof) of these contexts, emerged as a central factor influencing the development of their racial and ethnic identities and was discussed at length by almost all of the participants. Again, my purpose here is not to thoroughly interrogate each individual profile but to provide the backdrop against which the data in the following three chapters is best understood. Regardless of the notable differences between participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 identities and experiences, as we will see, many of their reflections on and perceptions of their K-12 schooling are strikingly similar. Nevertheless, as with the other factors influencing their 168 identities, participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 K-12 schooling experiences, despite often times being very similar in nature, influence their identities in quite distinct ways. 169 CHAPTER SIX: PARTICIPANTS\u00E2\u0080\u0099 EXPERIENCES AND PERCEPTIONS OF THE FORMAL ASPECTS OF K-12 SCHOOLING This and the following chapter provide a summary and analysis of the data directly related to participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 past K-12 schooling experiences. As discussed in Chapter Four, I divided the data related to participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 past K-12 schooling experiences into two broad categories: the formal/deliberate aspects of schooling and the informal/social aspects of schooling. The formal/deliberate aspects of schooling are those that teachers and administrators can and do influence and the informal/social aspects are those over which teachers and administrators generally have little influence. In this chapter, I focus specifically on the data related to the formal aspects of participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 K-12 schooling. These data are organized according to the following topics: the documentation of racial and ethnic identities; race and ethnicity-based student organizations; relationships and interactions with teachers and administrators; specific lessons, projects and classroom activities; (not) learning about multiethnicity; (not) learning about race and ethnicity; and diversity education initiatives.11 As we will see, only two of the twenty-three participants explicitly linked their experiences of the formal aspects of K-12 schooling to their multiethnic identity development, and, in fact, many of the participants were quite adamant that these aspects 11 Nearly every participant has been involved in school sports teams or school-sponsored extra-curricular activities including baseball, band, cheerleading, school musicals, basketball, school newspapers and magazines, track and field, swimming, school radio, soccer, and school leadership. Beyond merely stating their involvement in such activities, they were mostly discussed in the context of interactions with teammates or others involved in the same activity. Thus, data related to such activities are included in the following chapter which focuses on the informal/social aspects of schooling. Several participants also mentioned textbooks and specific readings. The mention of these texts, however, was typically embedded in discussions of other topics such as classroom discussion, relationships and interactions with teachers, and lessons about race and ethnicity. Data related to textbooks and specific readings, therefore, are included in other sections of this chapter and are not examined separately. 170 of schooling had not influenced the development of their racial and ethnic identities. Moreover, participants frequently appeared disinclined to discuss the formal aspects of schooling and often only did so in response to direct questions. Indeed, regardless of what questions I asked, how I asked them, or how many times I asked them, discussions of the formal aspects of schooling did not seem to capture the attention of most participants. Nevertheless, despite participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 reticence, they depicted their schools as sites in which racial and ethnic categories and the boundaries between them are reinforced; in which race, ethnicity, and multiethnicity are seldom, if ever, discussed in detail; in which participants are often confronted with instances in which they must chose to identify with or represent one of their racial and ethnic heritage groups; and in which multiethnic students may feel little connection to the curriculum. In the data discussed in this chapter, we also find numerous examples of participants being singled out and being made to feel different from their classmates. Given these findings, as discussed in later chapters, even if the influence is indirect and not recognized by participants, that the formal aspects of K-12 schooling have influenced participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 racial and ethnic identity development cannot be denied. Documentation of Racial and Ethnic Identities In 2000, the US Census first allowed individuals to mark more than one racial category, and this change was expected to appear on school forms that collect racial and ethnic data about students by 2004 (Zehr, 2000). Study participants, however, have encountered numerous forms, applications, and exams in school that had not implemented this modification. Those requests for racial or ethnic identification most discussed by participants appear on standardized tests such as the California Standardized 171 Testing and Reporting (STAR) exam, Advanced Placement exams, the ACT test, the PSAT, and the SAT. Largely consistent with the findings of Lopez (2004), participants discussed such data collection in terms of the responses they supply, the perceived use of the collected data, their strategic responses which may help them get scholarships or gain admissions to college, the responses others feel they should provide, and their feelings about the lack of options which would allow them to identify accurately or having to mark Other. The data do not, however, support Wardle\u00E2\u0080\u0099s assertion that \u00E2\u0080\u009COne of the most difficult school-related activities for multiracial and multiethnic children is filling out official school forms\u00E2\u0080\u009D (2000b, p. 14). A recurring theme in the interviews was participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 concern about how to represent themselves accurately on such forms. Jordan, for example, realized that he had misidentified himself as \u00E2\u0080\u009COther Asian\u00E2\u0080\u009D in response to questions about his racial heritage: \u00E2\u0080\u009CNo one ever told me how to do it, so I just put Other Asian, because I saw Other in it, so I thought it applied to me.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Kelley, on the other hand, always marked White, because that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s what she thought she was supposed to do. She said, \u00E2\u0080\u009CI would always put White. I always wanted to put Asian. And I did it a couple of times. But then I was always told that it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s whatever your father is that counts.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Other participants, such as Renee, Frank, Jasmine, and Jen discussed their decision to answer such questions strategically based on their assumptions about how such data are used, and, in particular, how they are used in the college admissions process. Rene, for example, said \u00E2\u0080\u009C[I mark] Mexican. Yeah, just because that will work more towards my advantage more than Iranian.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Hip Hapa takes a slightly more defiant approach to filling out such forms and explained that he typically declines to respond to these questions before adding \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbut their 172 descriptions are so\u00E2\u0080\u0094they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re so limited.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Dana, on the other hand, defied the instructions to \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccheck one\u00E2\u0080\u009D box for her Advanced Placement English exam but then chose to respond strategically on the PSAT because she thought it might help her get into college. Amaya stands apart from the other participants in her perceptions of such forms in that she interprets not identifying accurately as an act of discrimination against one of her heritages. As she explained, \u00E2\u0080\u009CI always check Other. I never, ever discriminate one side. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll put Other and I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll put that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m African American and I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m Indian.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Several of the participants discussed other people\u00E2\u0080\u0099s opinions of what responses they should give on such forms. Both Andrea and Anthony, for example, provided responses to data requests that their parents did not agree with or were surprised by. When Anthony marked Other his dad questioned why he did not mark Asian, and when Andrea marked Other her mom \u00E2\u0080\u009Clooked at [her] and said \u00E2\u0080\u0098Andrea, next time just fill in White.\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u009D Much more surprisingly, Marie had teachers who encouraged her to mark White despite the fact that she identified more as Black at the time. She said, \u00E2\u0080\u009CA lot of my teachers would also say \u00E2\u0080\u0098just pick White,\u00E2\u0080\u0099 which seemed odd. Because I think when I was younger, I identified myself more as Black.\u00E2\u0080\u009D These examples point to clear differences between how Anthony, Andrea, and Marie identify and how they are identified by others (and even by their parents). In other words, explicit questions about their racial heritage led to realizations of the differences between their internal sense of identity and the identities applied to them by others (Jenkins, 2003). For the most part, it appears that participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 racial and ethnic identities and ideas about how racial and ethnic data are used (or, in Kelley\u00E2\u0080\u0099s case, notions about \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhat counts\u00E2\u0080\u009D as your official race or ethnicity) shape their responses and not that the response 173 options or experiences of filling out such forms shape their racial and ethnic identities. Nevertheless, for Jen, such forms first brought to her attention the fact that she is multiethnic: \u00E2\u0080\u009CI first realized I was multiethnic like in second grade, when we were doing the STAR testing, you had to do the bubble and the answer.\u00E2\u0080\u009D While this statement indicates a revelation about her multiethnic identity in terms of not fitting neatly into a single racial or ethnic category, it does not appear that this revelation in second grade had a significant influence on her sense of identity as a multiethnic individual, and what that identity means to her, either then or now. In fact, Jen discussed not placing much importance on such forms and described how she now responds to racial and ethnic data collection questions strategically based on her perceptions of how the data are used. Again, participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 approaches to and feelings about racial and ethnic data collection forms differ significantly. We can, though, see that such forms are often viewed by participants as limited and limiting and few feel that they allow for accurate self representation. It is not surprising, then, that participants generally placed little importance on these forms and often chose to respond in ways that they deemed strategic. As discussed later in this chapter, however, the forms used to collect racial and ethnic data from students comprise one of many examples of the ways in which schools reinforce racial and ethnic categories and the boundaries constructed between them. Race and Ethnicity-Based Student Organizations Many of the schools that participants have attended have race and ethnicity-based student organizations such as Black student unions, Persian student clubs, Hispanic student groups, and so forth. With the exception of Cara, whose school has a multiethnic affinity club of which she is a co-president, participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 involvement in these 174 organizations was quite minimal. Particularly during discussions about race and ethnicity-based student organizations, issues of phenotype, questioning, testing, cultural knowledge and legitimacy, and the perceptions of others\u00E2\u0080\u0094in other words, issues related to participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 reflected appraisals (Cooley, 1902; Khanna, 2004; Tatum, 1997)\u00E2\u0080\u0094 emerged. In their discussions of such organizations, Marie, Mialany, Renee, and Josh, for example, expressed concerns about not being viewed as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cauthentic\u00E2\u0080\u009D members of their various heritage groups by other members (Root, 1998). Marie and Mialany have concerns about the possibility of not being perceived as \u00E2\u0080\u009CBlack enough\u00E2\u0080\u009D by their peers, and as a result of this possibility, would not (Marie) or did not (Mialany) join a Black student group. At no point in their interviews, though, did either Marie or Mialany refer to themselves as not \u00E2\u0080\u009CBlack enough.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Rather, Marie sees herself as Black and White, saying \u00E2\u0080\u009CI think I understand that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m equally Black as I am White, and I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t see it as half and half. I see it as I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m a Black person, but I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m also a White person,\u00E2\u0080\u009D and Mialany repeatedly referred to herself as mixed. We may wonder, however, what the effect, over time, of having one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s racial or ethnic \u00E2\u0080\u009Clegitimacy\u00E2\u0080\u009D called into question has on one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sense of identity and racial or ethnic group membership. Indeed, when we look from a broader perspective at the data from their interviews, there can be no doubt that Marie and Mialany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s experiences of having their identities called into question by others has influenced their racial and ethnic identities and how they think about these identities. Neither Josh nor Renee, on the other hand, seemed particularly bothered about the possibility of not being accepted members of Persian and Mexican organizations, respectively. In fact, when Renee and Josh discussed these issues and their reasons for 175 not participating in such organizations, they did so rather unemotionally. Renee, for example, responded to comments like \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, then you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not full Mexican\u00E2\u0080\u009D or \u00E2\u0080\u009Cyou\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not real Mexican\u00E2\u0080\u009D with \u00E2\u0080\u009Cokay, whatever.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Likewise, Josh simply thinks it is \u00E2\u0080\u009Cinteresting\u00E2\u0080\u009D that the other Persians see him as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnothing.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Nevertheless, all four participants (Josh, Renee, Marie, and Mialany) appeared disinclined to put themselves in situations in which their own sense of racial or ethnic identity might be called into question or challenged by others or in which they might be made to feel as if they do not belong. Interest in a multiethnic student group was expressed by several students including Christina and Kendra. For both of them, a lack of time has prevented them from joining race and ethnicity-based student organizations, yet both reflected Christina\u00E2\u0080\u0099s preference: \u00E2\u0080\u009Ceven if all my friends joined the Black student union group, I would join the mixed one, because that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s what I am.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Josh and Kelley, both of whom attend Deer Valley, expressed their interest in joining a multiethnic student union and indicated that they had already thought about starting such an organization. The idea of starting a multiethnic student organization was also discussed at the Pine Mountains focus group. Although the focus group participants expressed general interest in this idea, Renee wondered what the members of a multiethnic student organization would do together. She asked, \u00E2\u0080\u009CWhat do you talk about, though? What would you talk about? Like that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s what\u00E2\u0080\u0094I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t think anybody does [start a multiethnic student organization] because they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re like \u00E2\u0080\u0098What do you talk about?\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u009D In discussions of multiethnic student organizations, Jill expressed feelings quite different from the other participants: she would rather have a truly diverse and integrated student body than one divided into separate groups of students according to their race or 176 ethnicity. In fact, Jill transferred from Green Meadows High School to Parkside High School because she wanted to attend a more diverse school. She said, \u00E2\u0080\u009CI think the student union itself should be diverse.\u00E2\u0080\u00A6That\u00E2\u0080\u0099s why I went to Parkside High from Green Meadows. I was like, \u00E2\u0080\u0098oh yeah, such a diverse school.\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u009D Jill went on to say, though, that when she arrived at Parkside she thought \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthis is the most segregated place I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve ever been.\u00E2\u0080\u009D It is important to note, however, that Jill is a member of iPride and works for iPride\u00E2\u0080\u0099s FUSION Program (a summer program for mixed race and transracially adopted youth). We can conclude, then, that Jill does not oppose the idea of multiethnic organizations, but rather the segregation that occurs in her school\u00E2\u0080\u0094segregation that she believes might be exacerbated by additional race and ethnicity-based student organizations. Mialany attributes the general lack of multiethnic student organizations to the fact that \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca lot of people don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t want to fess up that they are mixed\u00E2\u0080\u009D because they \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdon\u00E2\u0080\u0099t want to have to deal with the problems.\u00E2\u0080\u009D She said: A lot of people don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t want to fess up that they are mixed\u00E2\u0080\u0094they don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t want to be a part of it, because they don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t want to have to deal with the problems. Like other people, they\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll be like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, those are the confused people. They don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know what they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re talking about. They don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know who they are.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Mialany feels that joining a multiethnic student group at her school would cause social problems and she believes that many prefer to keep their multiethnic identity private. However, she, like Jill, is a member of iPride and works for iPride\u00E2\u0080\u0099s FUSION Program. This suggests that she would be interested in joining a multiethnic student group at her school if she did not perceive problems associated with membership in one. In other words, Jill and Mialany not only perceive the need for organizations for multiethnic 177 individuals (and especially youth), but are members of one; yet neither thinks that their school, at present, is an appropriate context for such an organization. Of the 23 students interviewed, only Cara attended a school with a multiracial student affinity club (named Hapa Club), membership to which was open to all students. Cara was a co-president of Hapa Club and she discussed the club\u00E2\u0080\u0099s purposes and activities at length throughout her interview. Moreover, when I asked Cara about her multiethnic identity construction, much of her response included a discussion of Hapa Club, and, as evidenced in the following excerpt, Cara explicitly linked her experiences with Hapa Club to her multiethnic identity formation. [Joining Hapa Club] was the first time I really thought about\u00E2\u0080\u0094or the first time I sort of found out that there was an outlet, or that it was sort of a main part of someone\u00E2\u0080\u0099s identity that they would revolve around, you know?...I think for me [my identity development] is definitely a process, but I feel like I actually am getting sort of\u00E2\u0080\u0094because at first, especially like my freshman year, [I was] just sort of learning about the whole [multiethnic] community. Because it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s a very silent sort of underground community for sure. And you have to go looking for the information and looking for the resources. I definitely found that the hard way, like as a leader [of Hapa Club] looking for issues to talk about and things like that. But I think that once you do establish how you relate to these other people, what you have in common and what you don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t have in common, it becomes a lot easier to sort of begin to form your identity. And I feel like I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m getting to that place where I can sort of start to be like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthis is who I am, this is who I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Although Cara views her multiethnic identity development as an ongoing process, she feels that the club, by exposing her to new ideas, information, and conversations, has influenced this process. She also feels that the club is important for other students in a society in which \u00E2\u0080\u009Crace is an emphasized component of identity.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Nevertheless, Cara has difficulty finding relevant and relatable information and activities to bring to the meetings. As she said, these difficulties stem from the fact that some of the obstacles 178 originally faced by multiethnic individuals have been overcome (such as the inability to identify with more than one race on the US census); that the \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccommon factor\u00E2\u0080\u009D among multiethnic individuals is that they are different from both monoethnic individuals and each other; and that you can only have so many \u00E2\u0080\u009Cself-loathing\u00E2\u0080\u009D and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwoe is me\u00E2\u0080\u009D conversations. As she explained, \u00E2\u0080\u009CYou can only have those conversations up to a certain point, because then you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re just going around the room saying \u00E2\u0080\u0098oh, I went to China and I felt too White, and then I went to McDonald\u00E2\u0080\u0099s and I felt too Chinese.\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u009D With the exception of Cara\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Hapa Club, the race and ethnicity-based student organizations discussed by participants were all limited to a focus on a single race or ethnicity. Nevertheless, more than a third of participants either expressed interest in joining, or implicitly recognized the value of, multiethnic student organizations. As with the forms used to collect racial and ethnic data from students, single-race student organizations reinforce racial and ethnic categories and the boundaries between them\u00E2\u0080\u0094a tendency that we see again and again in the data related to the formal aspects of schooling. The data presented here also highlight participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 perceptions of, feeling about, and experiences stemming from their reflected appraisals (Cooley, 1902; Khanna, 2004; Tatum, 1997). Clearly, many of the participants are aware of the fact that they are viewed as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdifferent\u00E2\u0080\u009D from those with whom they identify or as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnot [insert racial or ethnic category] enough,\u00E2\u0080\u009D and their discussions of these organizations evince the pervasiveness of limited and essentialist understandings of racial and ethnic groups in their schools. 179 Relationships and Interactions with Teachers and Administrators Although teachers and/or administrators were discussed in general terms by most of the study participants (i.e. \u00E2\u0080\u009Csome teachers have asked about my last name\u00E2\u0080\u009D), several of them also shared stories about relationships and interactions with specific teachers and administrators. As we see in this section, some participants discussed very positive relationships and interactions with teachers or administrators, others have had quite negative experiences, and some have had both. Many of the participants reported that teachers and administrators ask them questions about their racial and ethnic heritage based on, for example, their last name or their phenotype. Amaya said, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe teachers don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t treat me differently. They\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll just be like \u00E2\u0080\u0098oh, your last name is [name].\u00E2\u0080\u0099 It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just like a regular kind of thing, like \u00E2\u0080\u0098oh, you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re Black and Indian.\u00E2\u0080\u0099 That\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just all. It doesn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t affect me.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Likewise, Cara said \u00E2\u0080\u009Cit\u00E2\u0080\u0099s more like [teachers] are surprised, you know, like \u00E2\u0080\u0098oh, wow, I didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t expect that like from you, you seem so White.\u00E2\u0080\u0099 A lot of it is about the name. They do it subtly through the last name, like, \u00E2\u0080\u0098oh, really?\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u009D While the other participants did not appear to mind such questions from teachers, Hip Hapa reported that he would \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfly off the handle\u00E2\u0080\u009D if a teacher ever asked him \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhat are you?\u00E2\u0080\u009D He also reported, however, that he has had a lot of \u00E2\u0080\u009Creally cool\u00E2\u0080\u009D teachers who have never asked him about his identity. Somewhat surprisingly, three of the participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 hair piqued the interest of their teachers. During the Pine Mountains focus group, Kendra and Amaya discussed being asked questions by teachers about their hair and whether or not it is real. Dana, who recalled two different teachers asking to touch her hair, reported feeling \u00E2\u0080\u009Creally bothered\u00E2\u0080\u009D 180 and \u00E2\u0080\u009Creally mad\u00E2\u0080\u009D about comments from teachers about her hair during a check for head lice. I went to an all White school, and they had no idea how to check my head for lice. I mean, I didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t have lice, but it just made me really mad because of all the things they were saying. Like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, you need to comb your hair, you need to do this. Oh, this is horrible, you shouldn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t do this. Your hair\u00E2\u0080\u0099s too oily. Your hair\u00E2\u0080\u0099s too this.\u00E2\u0080\u009D And it just made me really uncomfortable. If they had no other effect on their identities, questions and comments from teachers about their hair must have reinforced for Amaya, Kendra, and Dana the notion that they are in some way \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdifferent\u00E2\u0080\u009D from their classmates. Certainly for Dana, having her hair scrutinized and rudely discussed by her teachers was a negative experience that made her feel uncomfortable, and at other times during her interview she discussed not wanting to be treated differently at school or singled out because of her heritage\u00E2\u0080\u0094feelings that were, presumably, influenced by this lice checking incident. Only three participants shared what I would consider especially positive interactions with and perceptions of specific teachers. Andrea, for example, reported very positive experiences with a specific teacher who recognizes her \u00E2\u0080\u009CIranian-ness.\u00E2\u0080\u009D As she said, \u00E2\u0080\u009CI\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve only had one teacher that sort of recognizes my Iranian-ness\u00E2\u0080\u00A6it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s very rare for me to find a teacher who recognized both sides.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Similarly, Anne and Marie, both of whom attend Deer Valley, spoke very positively about the same two teachers. One is their former History teacher who frequently brought up the topics of race and ethnicity in class, and the other is their English teacher who is the only Black teacher at their school and who also frequently discussed race and ethnicity in class. Indeed, Marie said \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthere\u00E2\u0080\u0099s only two good, really good things at Deer Valley, that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s [English teacher\u00E2\u0080\u0099s name] and [History teacher\u00E2\u0080\u0099s name].\u00E2\u0080\u009D Perhaps because of the nearly all White faculty and staff and 181 largely White student population at Deer Valley (see Chapter Seven), Anne and Marie appeared especially appreciative of these two teachers\u00E2\u0080\u0099 efforts to infuse issues of race and ethnicity into what appears to be a Eurocentric curriculum delivered in a nearly all-White context. Marie, in particular, is grateful that she can talk to her English teacher and that they can discuss their experiences of being Black. Interestingly, both teachers have been asked to leave the school, which Marie attributed to efforts to maintain the city\u00E2\u0080\u0099s \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbubble.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Raya and Marie, both of whom identify as Black and White and both of whom have attended predominantly White schools, shared negative experiences with teachers (Marie) and administrators (Raya) in which they felt singled out because of their Black heritage. Raya reported being treated differently by administrators at all of her schools. She said, \u00E2\u0080\u009CI just remember them making little comments and things that would just be like, \u00E2\u0080\u0098what the hell?\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u00A6Because it wasn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t just one principal, like principals at every single one of my schools [treated me differently].\u00E2\u0080\u009D Additionally, Raya described an incident in which she and the two other Black students at her school were falsely accused of breaking branches off of a tree. Marie, who, like Raya, has attended nearly all white schools, also reported negative experiences with teachers stemming from what appears to be very blatant racism. As Marie explained, during P.E. class in 6th grade, her teacher pulled her out of line and made a very racist comment. [T]here was this tree, and there were White seagulls in the tree, and like those huge Black raven birds around this area on the ground. And she pulled me out of P.E. line, and was like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Chey Marie, look at that tree. What do you notice?\u00E2\u0080\u009D And I was like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cit\u00E2\u0080\u0099s a lot of birds.\u00E2\u0080\u009D And she was like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe White ones are above the Black ones, and that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s how it belongs.\u00E2\u0080\u009D 182 Later in her interview, Marie discussed leaving class everyday for two weeks when her middle school art teacher \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbrought in a book about lynching Black people\u00E2\u0080\u009D and asked students to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdraw pictures of it.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Marie was also quite critical of Deer Valley\u00E2\u0080\u0099s administration, and in particular the principal, who she feels lacks cultural awareness and sensitivity despite her perception that \u00E2\u0080\u009Che prides himself on being Mexican.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Stemming from racial assumptions or blatant racism, these experiences certainly highlighted for both Marie and Raya, the fact that they were often viewed as different (if not inferior to) most of their classmates. Like many of the other formal aspects of K-12 schooling, participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 interactions and relationships with teachers and administrators often resulted in the participants feeling singled out or being made to feel that they are different from their classmates. This is not to say that participants want to be treated the same as everyone else (Andrea and Marie, after all, both appreciate that their teachers recognize the uniqueness of their experiences), but they certainly do not want negative attention from teachers and administrators or attention that only highlights the ways in which they differ (especially physically) from their classmates. Nevertheless, my general finding is that questions and comments from and interactions with teachers, while occasionally very offensive and blatantly racist, have had very little direct influence on participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 overall sense of identity. This finding is perhaps not surprising given that we have so few examples of teachers and administrators actively and purposefully affirming, or, indeed, engaging with, participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 identities in the ways called for by, for example, Nieto (2000), Shields (2003), Tatum (2007). 183 Specific Lessons, Projects, and Classroom Activities This section includes a discussion of the data that emerged primarily in response to the question \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwere there specific lessons that you feel have been influential in your identity construction process?\u00E2\u0080\u009D For the most part, participants responded to this question with a very confident \u00E2\u0080\u009Cno,\u00E2\u0080\u009D but the few lessons that were recalled are discussed here. Hannah, who was quite adamant that the formal aspects of schooling had not influenced her racial and ethnic identity development, talked about studying the Japanese internment and learning about her grandmother\u00E2\u0080\u0099s experiences in the camps. Although Hannah reported that she merely enjoyed learning about the Japanese internment and her family\u00E2\u0080\u0099s history and that she found the topic interesting, Tatum (2007) and Nieto (2000), among others, would argue that seeing her heritage reflected in the curriculum helped to affirm Hannah\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sense of identity. Cara recalled reading a book about Japanese people who live in Hawaii, noting that she could draw parallels between their experiences and her own, but ultimately concluding that her identity development is a very individual process and that the parallels between her and the people in the book related to things she had already worked out on her own. As she explained, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cyou draw the parallels, but like it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s parallel to things I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve already worked out on my own. It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s a very \u00E2\u0080\u0093 it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s a very individual process I think.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Unlike the other participants, Anne explicitly linked specific lessons to her multiethnic identity development. As she explained, reading Native Son and watching a video about race made her realize that although she has enjoyed being \u00E2\u0080\u009CAmerican\u00E2\u0080\u009D and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cliving in the White world,\u00E2\u0080\u009D she can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t \u00E2\u0080\u009Cjust abandon\u00E2\u0080\u009D her Japanese heritage and that she needs \u00E2\u0080\u009Cto know both sides.\u00E2\u0080\u009D She also went on to explain how such realizations, stemming 184 from these lessons in school, have prompted her to start exploring her Japanese heritage with her mom. Um, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know. It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s kind of like\u00E2\u0080\u0094like I said, I just wish I knew a little bit more [about my Japanese heritage]. And I never really wanted to know more until I read Native Son, because I realized\u00E2\u0080\u0094we watched this movie, and it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s called like the Color of Race or something like that, something along those lines. And they talk about, this guy says, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwell why can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t we all just be American?\u00E2\u0080\u009D And he\u00E2\u0080\u0099s a White guy talking to a Black, Asian and Latino person. And they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re saying \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwell, you can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t just consider yourself American, because America\u00E2\u0080\u0099s built, you know, on all these different cultures\u00E2\u0080\u009D kind of thing. And that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s kind of how I used to think about it. But when I heard that, you know, and I heard their response, it made a lot of sense. You know, I can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t just say I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m American, because technically I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not, you know, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not like Native American, so I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t have that. But I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve learned that, at least I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve never wanted to know more about it. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve just kind of liked being American, you know, and Caucasian, living in the White world, you know\u00E2\u0080\u00A6But as I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m getting older, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m seeing that I can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t just abandon [my Japanese culture]. You know, I need to know both sides, and to, you know, help educate other people about Japanese and you know, the Asian descent. I need to kind of learn more about that. And I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m actually starting to do that a little bit more with my mom, you know, talk about where she grew up, her culture, what she did as a kid and her experiences, the different holidays they celebrated and all that kind of stuff. So I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m kind of trying to learn. During her interview, Andrea discussed several lessons and activities that she did not explicitly link to her identity development in the way that Anne did, but which nevertheless seemed (albeit in a less direct way) to have influenced her sense of multiethnic identity. Whereas for Anne, reading Native Son and watching the video changed the way she thinks about her own identity and connections to her Japanese heritage, for Andrea it was not specific lessons or activities, but the interactions with classmates and teachers stemming from these lessons and activities, that seemed to most influence her sense of identity. For example, Andrea described (with a notable level of frustration) a group project that she wanted to do about Iran but that left her feeling as though she must \u00E2\u0080\u009Cprove\u00E2\u0080\u009D that she is Iranian. She also recalled a classroom discussion 185 during which Iran was brought up but in which she was not called on to share her perspective. Ultimately, Andrea decided not to participate in the conversation, fearing that she would not be perceived as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cauthentically\u00E2\u0080\u009D Persian. We may recall from Andrea\u00E2\u0080\u0099s profile that, in discussing her identity, she made the following comment: \u00E2\u0080\u009CI am trying to be both, but I really, I feel, I still feel like I am not Iranian enough. I always feel like I am trying to be both, day by day. My feet are in the White world, but my hands are holding on to a little piece of that Iranian.\u00E2\u0080\u009D It seems very safe to assume that the classroom experiences that Andrea discussed have influenced her sense of not being \u00E2\u0080\u009CIranian enough\u00E2\u0080\u009D and challenged her perceived ability to be both White and Iranian simultaneously, even if she did not describe them as having this influence. As before, we see the significant influence that reflected appraisals (Cooley, 1902; Khanna, 2004; Tatum, 1997), and particularly those that differ from self appraisals, can have on one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s experiences and sense of identity. (Not) Learning about Multiethnicity In every interview, I asked participants if multiethnicity had been discussed in class or included in the curriculum during their K-12 schooling. The most common responses to this question were a certain \u00E2\u0080\u009Cno\u00E2\u0080\u009D or something along the lines of \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnot that I can remember.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Among those lessons or conversations related (however loosely) to multiethnicity recalled by participants, most had to do with the so called \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmulatto\u00E2\u0080\u009D population and were embedded in lessons about slavery or the general diversity of American society. In general, the data discussed in this section point to a notable silence in schools regarding the topic of multiethnicity\u00E2\u0080\u0094a silence that persists despite participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 expressed interest in learning about the topic. 186 Seven participants were adamant that multiethnicity was never discussed in class and provided responses like \u00E2\u0080\u009CI can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t think of anytime that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s ever happened where people have like talked about mixed races or anything like that\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Christina) and \u00E2\u0080\u009CNo, that would never come up. The idea of being mixed, I didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t have that, because that was never talked about\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Hip Hapa). Looking back to when I was in high school, the only time multiethnicity was discussed was during US History or Black History Month when we learned about the so-called \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmulatto\u00E2\u0080\u009D population and the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cone drop\u00E2\u0080\u009D rule. Thus, when participants said that they had never learned about or discussed multiethnicity in school, I often asked them if they had similar lessons to the ones I had in US History class or during Black History Month. For several of the participants, this question seemed to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cjog\u00E2\u0080\u009D their memories. Hannah, for example, said \u00E2\u0080\u009CYeah, that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s the only thing that you hear, that eventually like Whites and Blacks, like African Americans and Whites can eventually marry or like they have a thing together.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Similarly, Marie, who clearly has an interest in the topic (she wrote a paper for class about being mixed race), recalled, \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe only time mixed race is brought up is when slave owners raped their slaves, and then people look at me. And I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m like, \u00E2\u0080\u0098no, my dad didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t rape my mom.\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u009D Unlike the others, seven participants (Anthony, Andrea, Jill, Cara, Barry, Anne, and Frank) could recall a time in which multiethnicity or related topics not focused on Black-White relations were mentioned (but not necessarily discussed) in class. For example, during his interview, Frank discussed a standoff between Latino and cowboy students that took place in the school courtyard on Cesar Chavez Day. His History teacher used this event as an opportunity to discuss issues related to race, ethnicity, mixed race, and identity in class. In other words, the discussion, apparently, was in response to 187 the standoff and not a pre-planned lesson. When I asked Frank if the discussion had had any influence on him or his thinking, he said, \u00E2\u0080\u009CIt was like I thought about it. Well, I rarely think about my ethnicity, but when I do, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s kind of like I do go in depth a little bit about it. So I thought about it, yeah.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Barry also recalled an instance in which issues related to multiethnicity were discussed in class. Although the conversation was \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbrief,\u00E2\u0080\u009D and, so it seems, more about the mingling of racial and ethnic groups in the US and not specifically multiethnic individuals, as Barry said, \u00E2\u0080\u009CIt was pretty brief, but it was still there, you know. So you have to embrace that it was there.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Although she could recall a lesson about Creoles and Mestizos in Brazil, Andrea, who feels \u00E2\u0080\u009Cleft out\u00E2\u0080\u009D when her experiences are not talked about in class, shared her perception that multiethnicity is rarely discussed in class because \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnobody really knows how to address it.\u00E2\u0080\u009D In general, Andrea feels that multiethnicity is the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cgrey area\u00E2\u0080\u009D and that in the rare instances in which the topic is discussed, it is treated like a side note. Kelley, Jasmine, Jordan, and members of the Pine Mountains focus group, like Andrea, also provided explanations for why they think multiethnicity is not discussed in their schools. These explanations include the fact that the multiethnic population is so diverse (Jasmine, for example, said \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthere\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just so many possibilities out there that you can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t encompass all of them\u00E2\u0080\u009D and Jordan said \u00E2\u0080\u009Cyou can be multiethnic, but there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s so many different possibilities\u00E2\u0080\u009D) and the observation that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cyou don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really hear about mixed people being oppressed or murdered for being of mixed heritage\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Kelley). The explanations provided by members of the Pine Mountains focus group for why such lessons and conversations do not take place more often in schools also include the suggestions that being multiethnic is \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfrowned upon in the history books,\u00E2\u0080\u009D that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnobody really cares\u00E2\u0080\u009D enough to 188 bring it up, and that \u00E2\u0080\u009C[multiethnicity] is not on the top of a teacher\u00E2\u0080\u0099s priority list.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Whether or not these explanations are correct, the foregoing data point to a conspicuous silence regarding multiethnicity in participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 classrooms. With the exception of Andrea, participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 discussions about the presence or absence of the topic of multiethnicity in their classes were conducted in a rather unemotional and straightforward way, and the numerous explanations for why such lessons and discussions do not take place more often indicate that participants simply do not expect to be represented in the curriculum. What participants did not expressly address, however, is what influence the lack of such lessons and discussions might have had on their racial and ethnic identity development. Based on the literature reviewed in Chapter Three, we might conclude that the lack of curriculum related to multiethnicity and the lack of representation of multiethnic individuals in the curriculum has put participants in danger of developing fractured identities (Castenell & Pinar, 1993) or of not developing a sense of their own dignity and worth (Nieto, 2000). Nothing participants said, though, led me to believe that this would be an accurate conclusion. This is not to say that the silence regarding multiethnicity in participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 schools has not had an influence on the development of their racial and ethnic identities. However, as discussed in the following three chapters, I found the influence of this silence to be much more indirect (but perhaps no less significant) than that predicted by, among others, Castenell and Pinar (1993), Nieto (2000), and Tatum (2007). (Not) Learning about Race and Ethnicity Questions about what participants learned more generally about race and ethnicity in the classroom were not originally included in the interview protocol. Based on their 189 discussions of such topics as teachers, administrators, specific lessons, and learning about multiethnicity, however, I asked them if and how the topics of race and ethnicity were discussed in their classes and included in the curriculum. In this section, I present and discuss data that emerged from these questions. As we will see, many of the participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 responses are strikingly similar and several themes permeate these data. These themes include the idea that lessons about race and ethnicity are \u00E2\u0080\u009Crisky\u00E2\u0080\u009D or \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctaboo\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Tatum, 2007), a focus on Black-White relations, a focus on \u00E2\u0080\u009Cstandard\u00E2\u0080\u009D races and the exclusion of many racial and ethnic groups (Wardle, 1996), a focus on oppositional relations (Gosine, 2002), and an adherence to curriculum guidelines and textbooks. The data point to a lack of substantive engagement with the topics of race and ethnicity in participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 classrooms, in the formal curriculum, and especially in courses other than English and History. David, Raya, Amaya, and Jasmine, among others, all noted their school\u00E2\u0080\u0099s focus on Black-White relations and the exclusion of other racial and ethnic groups. David and Jasmine, for example, said: David: I think America it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s become too, 2-D. Like when they talk about mixed races or multiethnicity, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Black and White. And I think they\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve been focusing too much on Black or White. If you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re a minority, you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re considered\u00E2\u0080\u0094I mean, if someone says \u00E2\u0080\u009Cminority\u00E2\u0080\u009D to you, what do you think? You\u00E2\u0080\u0099re like \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, Black.\u00E2\u0080\u009D\u00E2\u0080\u00A6I think that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s the way it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s been taught in the schools. Because when you read books in high school, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s To Kill a Mockingbird or Frederick Douglass12, another one. And there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s so many that there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just no other diversity at all. It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s really one or the other. You can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t even call it diversity. * * * 12 Interestingly, although David evidently did not learn this in school, Frederick Douglass often identified as multiethnic (see, e.g., \u00E2\u0080\u009CIcons: Making Mixed-Race History\u00E2\u0080\u009D http://www.intermix.org.uk/icons/index.asp). 190 Jasmine: Everyone is pretty much just fed up with hearing about slavery. Although it was a tragic thing, we just mull it over in every English class I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve ever had. And I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m like great, we know there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s issues between Black people and White people. But what about the Mexicans? What about the Chinese people? What about the Arabic people? You know, I mean, second in line I would say is Mexican, third in line I would say I guess Chinese, and then I would definitely say like Indian, Native American and Arabic are just all last in line, you know, in terms of intermingling and, you know, the history of the two cultures, you know, combined or clashing or whatever. It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s always been pretty much Black and White. As noted, participants reported a lack of substantive engagement with the topics of race and ethnicity in their classrooms. For example, in ways strikingly similar to each other, Barry and Renee talked about classroom discussions related to race and ethnicity and the reasons why they feel such discussions do not occur more often in their classes. Both believe that teachers should \u00E2\u0080\u009Cstep outside of the box\u00E2\u0080\u009D during discussions about race and ethnicity, but that to do so may risk offending someone. When I asked Barry what was \u00E2\u0080\u009Cinside the box\u00E2\u0080\u009D he said, \u00E2\u0080\u009CInside the box is kind of like, you know, lines that you follow, where you say this, but you can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t say this, because it will offend people.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Expressing similar ideas, Renee said: I think unless it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s in your textbook, you don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t learn about it, because teachers are still afraid to step outside of the box in that category because they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re too afraid, like I said, to step on anyone\u00E2\u0080\u0099s toes, get in trouble, offend anyone, that they just teach you exactly what\u00E2\u0080\u0099s in the history books and what\u00E2\u0080\u0099s in the history books, we all know, is just the generic what they want you to know about history. Marie echoed Renee and Barry\u00E2\u0080\u0099s observation that teachers mostly \u00E2\u0080\u009Cstick to the textbook\u00E2\u0080\u009D when teaching about race and ethnicity. Marie also attributed the lack of discussion about these topics to the fact that most of the students in her school are White and may not see similarities between the subjects of lessons about race and ethnicity and themselves. Like if a question is brought up, if someone in class were to be like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwell, where were the Hispanics during this war?\u00E2\u0080\u009D The teacher would be like 191 \u00E2\u0080\u009Cjust stick to the textbook\u00E2\u0080\u009D or \u00E2\u0080\u009Cjust stick to this.\u00E2\u0080\u009D\u00E2\u0080\u00A6I think that it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s\u00E2\u0080\u0094Deer Valley High School just wants to teach you about who they think most of the kids are, because they want them to understand. And the way a lot of people understand is when they see similarities between what they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re learning and themselves. Jill, like many other participants, expressed interest in learning more about race and ethnicity and identified several reasons why such discussions and lessons do not occur more frequently in her school including discomfort with the topics, the lack of a safe environment for such lessons, and her perception that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthere\u00E2\u0080\u0099s so much a hush on [race and ethnicity] in our culture.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Nobody wants to talk about race in a place where they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re forced to do it, because it makes some people really uncomfortable. And they just shut down. And others want to talk about it, but they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not provided the safe environment that they need to do that, because you have half the class just being like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthis is so stupid, why are we here? I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t want to write a paper on who I am.\u00E2\u0080\u009D\u00E2\u0080\u00A6I mean, I think it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just uncomfortable anyways, because people just don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t like to talk about [race and ethnicity], because there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s so\u00E2\u0080\u0094there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s so much a hush on it in our culture. It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdon\u00E2\u0080\u0099t talk about that.\u00E2\u0080\u009D You know, when you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re little you just\u00E2\u0080\u0094when you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re in elementary school you don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t talk about it. And so it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just kind of like hushed as a society. So that when you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re in an environment where people are \u00E2\u0080\u009Clet\u00E2\u0080\u0099s talk about race,\u00E2\u0080\u009D people shut down or the people who want to open up shut down because there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s not a safe space for them to talk about it\u00E2\u0080\u00A6.I feel like when people talk about race, they get really defensive. And that makes it really hard. Adding to the list of reasons why lessons and conversations about race and ethnicity do not occur more often in participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 classrooms, Dana speculated that perhaps because teachers lack knowledge and information about these topics they are reluctant to address them in class. Dana also speculated that students have little interest in talking with their teachers about such topics for this same reason. Anne, as discussed in previous sections, reported much more engagement with issues of race and ethnicity in her classes than did most of the other participants. Based 192 on her previous comments, I asked Anne how the topics have been presented in her classes. She noted that the lessons in her History class tend to focus on oppositional relations and that those in her English class are carried out carefully and sensitively. As she explained, her English teacher \u00E2\u0080\u009Cchooses his words carefully, chooses what he shows us carefully.\u00E2\u0080\u009D For Jordan, as for Anne, some of his classroom discussions of race relations focused on oppositional struggles between racial and ethnic groups. Although many participants discussed oppositional Black-White relations, Jordan responded to the oppositional Chinese-White relations discussed in his school and his resulting feelings. Like a lot of times I feel like I should be angry. Or certain times I feel like I should be angry at White people and like sympathize with the Chinese when we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re learning about things like the immigration and stuff. But then like, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not really sure I should mor\u00E2\u0080\u0094not morally, but I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t feel like I should, because I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not full Chinese. So, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know. While the discussions of oppositional race relations described by Anne, Jordan, and others, may or may not reflect a broader multicultural or antiracist approach to education, Jordan\u00E2\u0080\u0099s comments affirm Gosine\u00E2\u0080\u0099s contention that such discussions can perpetuate \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca we-them view of difference\u00E2\u0080\u0093a simplistic, binary perspective that reinforces the backbone of racist discourses (2002, p. 96).\u00E2\u0080\u009D In her exposure to lessons about race and ethnicity, and thus in her knowledge related to these topics, Cara stands apart from all of the other participants. She is the only participant who appears to have been exposed to ideas that debunk the scientific and biological myths associated with race and reveal the ways in which racial differences were arbitrarily constructed\u00E2\u0080\u0094ideas that she explicitly linked to her identity formation. As with the other students, however, she was quick to acknowledge the \u00E2\u0080\u009Crisks\u00E2\u0080\u009D associated with teaching students about race and ethnicity. 193 Yeah, no, actually you can flip back a couple of pages, this is one of those identity formation things in class. This was last year I took [a] genocide history seminar. And so we did sort of like an introduction about, you know, race, categorizing, all that good stuff. And we watched\u00E2\u0080\u0094yeah, basically that was the first time it was introduced to me that race was not a biological category. There was no like Chinese gene. There was no Black gene. I mean, that was\u00E2\u0080\u0094at first you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re sort of like, \u00E2\u0080\u009CI don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really get that. Like what do you mean [race] doesn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t exist?\u00E2\u0080\u009D\u00E2\u0080\u00A6And so I think that most people were like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Chuh, that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s weird. Oh, well, I guess that makes sense.\u00E2\u0080\u009D And for me it was not really like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, okay, that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s cool.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Like it really\u00E2\u0080\u0094 because for me, like race is such a big deal, because I\u00E2\u0080\u0094like when I do encounter it, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s not just like \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh yeah, like let me just reaffirm that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m like this race.\u00E2\u0080\u009D It is interesting to note how many participants conflated lessons about race and ethnicity with lessons about countries other than the United States. Regardless of how race and ethnicity are conceptualized by participants, however, the data included here point to a noticeable silence in their classrooms regarding these constructs. The data also point to the pervasiveness of the idea that lessons about race and ethnicity are \u00E2\u0080\u009Crisky\u00E2\u0080\u009D or \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctaboo\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Tatum, 2007), to teachers\u00E2\u0080\u0099 adherence to curriculum guidelines and textbooks, and to a focus in the classroom on oppositional relations which reinforce racial and ethnic divisions (Gosine, 2002), particularly between Blacks and Whites. Given the ways in which participants discussed learning (or not learning) about race and ethnicity in their classrooms, it is not terribly surprising that they did not directly link lessons about race and ethnicity to their racial and ethnic identity development. It is also not terribly surprising that they encountered so few lessons about multiethnicity beyond an acknowledgement of the so-called \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmulatto\u00E2\u0080\u009D population. The exception, as noted, was Cara who described learning about the social construction of race and racial categories and explicitly linked these lessons to her identity formation. Of particular importance is the fact that, as discussed in greater detail in Chapter Eight, so many participants 194 expressed a sincere desire for more substantive and meaningful engagement with race and ethnicity in their classrooms (understood as concepts or understood as people representing various racial and ethnic groups). Indeed, the data reviewed in this section help to contextualize participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 recommendations for educators presented in Chapter Eight. Diversity Education Initiatives In the previous section, I focused specifically on participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 experiences and perceptions of learning about race and ethnicity in their classrooms. There, my focus was on lessons and discussions that took place in classrooms either as a part of the formal curriculum or in response to specific events on campus or students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 inquiries. Here, I examine the data related to what I understand to be the diversity education initiatives of the participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 schools, including such activities as Diversity Weeks, Caravan Days, Challenge Day, Heritage Fairs, multicultural assemblies, and holiday celebrations. These differ from classroom lessons and discussions in that they are often considered \u00E2\u0080\u009Cspecial events\u00E2\u0080\u009D that include participants from various classes and grade levels, they are designed to provide students with the opportunity to explore and share with classmates their culture(s), or they are not part of the formal curriculum. Most of these initiatives reflect a multicultural approach to education that aims to acknowledge and celebrate racial and ethnic diversity in schools and society (Dei and Calliste, 2000). As we will see, these initiatives also typically focus on the dress, dance, and diet of different cultural groups. Although most participants were unable to recall a lesson, project, or classroom discussion that they felt influenced their multiethnic identities, several of them discussed lessons and projects through which they explored their racial and ethnic heritages. Josh, 195 for example, recalled bringing in items that represent his culture for his school\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Culture Day. We had that kind of thing, the Culture Day, and I brought my dad\u00E2\u0080\u0099s tzitzit. And everyone was just wondering what it\u00E2\u0080\u0094they thought it was a blanket. So it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just like this whole\u00E2\u0080\u0094and actually I made a lot of friends off it, because they thought it was really cool\u00E2\u0080\u00A6I think I presented [as] one of the last people. Just because it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s so uncomfortable just to show people like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m from that place.\u00E2\u0080\u009D And on the top of it, I feel like there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s always that war over there [in Israel]. And people are always like, all those stereotypes and all that. It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just really uncomfortable. In response to the question \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhen did you first become aware of your multiethnic identity?,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Renee discussed a similar activity in which she made a doll that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cresembled\u00E2\u0080\u009D her and presented it to her class. In describing this activity, Renee explained that she made a doll representing her Persian heritage (as opposed to her Mexican heritage) because she often went to her Persian grandmother\u00E2\u0080\u0099s house after school and her grandmother helped her make the doll. I did not get the sense that Renee learned much about the Persian culture from this activity, but it did provide the opportunity for her to share her Persian heritage with her classmates. Likewise, Josh did not say that he learned about his heritage through bringing in his selected items and he said that doing the presentation made him feel uncomfortable because of the stereotypes people have about Israelis; however, he also said that his classmates thought that the tzitzit he brought in was \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccool.\u00E2\u0080\u009D In this sense, these classroom activities did not necessarily lead to Josh and Renee learning more about their cultures; rather other students learned about Josh and Renee\u00E2\u0080\u0099s heritages. Just as Renee linked making a doll to her realization that she is multiethnic, Barry discussed his school\u00E2\u0080\u0099s heritage fair in relation to first becoming aware of his multiethnic identity. As I find it hard to believe that Barry and Renee were not previously aware of their racial and ethnic heritages prior to these classroom activities 196 (indeed, Renee responded to her classmates\u00E2\u0080\u0099 questions about her doll with \u00E2\u0080\u009CI\u00E2\u0080\u0099m part Persian\u00E2\u0080\u009D), perhaps it is more accurate to say that the activities led to the realization that they are different from many of their classmates in that they identify with multiple cultures which they could represent during such activities\u00E2\u0080\u0094cultures which differ from many of their classmates\u00E2\u0080\u0099 cultures. As discussed in the following chapters, were all students to learn about different heritages, and particularly those of their classmates, this could positively support the identity development and experiences of multiethnic students, if this learning were to lead to acceptance and greater understanding of multiethnic heritages and identities and the ways they are experienced by individuals. If, however, the aforementioned activities led to acceptance and greater understanding on the part of other students, Josh, Renee, and Barry did not so indicate. As previously discussed, traditional approaches to multicultural education are often critiqued for their thin treatment of segregated racial and ethnic groups, often manifested in lessons about the \u00E2\u0080\u009CThree D\u00E2\u0080\u0099s\u00E2\u0080\u009D (dress, dance, and diet) or the \u00E2\u0080\u009CThree F\u00E2\u0080\u0099s\u00E2\u0080\u009D (food, fun, and fashion), which necessarily emphasize the differences, and thus boundaries, between these groups. We have also seen the critique that traditional approaches to multicultural education often require multiethnic students to select one heritage with which to identify to participate in lessons and activities (see, for example, Wardle & Cruz-Janzen, 2004). Additionally, it is often assumed that multiethnic students feel marginalized and excluded during such diversity education activities and are troubled by the experience of having to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpick one\u00E2\u0080\u009D heritage to represent in order to participate in them (see, for example, Wardle & Cruz-Janzen, 2004). The following examples from the data provide unequivocal support for these critiques. 197 Frank described his elementary school\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Ethnic Week during which \u00E2\u0080\u009Cyou would bring some food from your culture.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Anthony attended several different schools before high school, one of which had Multicultural Day and another of which had Multicultural Night. In comparing these two different activities, Anthony favored Multicultural Night because, unlike Multicultural Day, the students did more than just \u00E2\u0080\u009Cput out food on the table or something\u00E2\u0080\u009D and the event was more interactive. Similar to Culture Days, Multicultural Night, Diversity Weeks, and Heritage Fairs, Anne\u00E2\u0080\u0099s elementary school had Nationality Days. Anne remembered being asked to bring in food from and to focus on countries representing her non-White, Asian heritage because her school had \u00E2\u0080\u009Cenough White kids\u00E2\u0080\u009D and not enough of \u00E2\u0080\u009Ceveryone else.\u00E2\u0080\u009D I know in elementary school, because it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s kind of like they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re trying to make your world diverse, you know, you always do a bunch of like Nationality Days where you learn about the world and all the countries. And I do remember if I ever want[ed] to do something like a European country, it was kind of like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwell, why don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t you try and do like an Asian country or a Russian, like Russia or something like that. Because there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s enough White kids that can cover that kind of thing. We don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t have enough of everyone else.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Kelley, who used to be a more active member of Deer Valley\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Diversity Club, discussed the Diversity Week that the club organizes each year and their efforts to provide food and dancing from different cultures. Kelley noted that during the event \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthey really try and push different races,\u00E2\u0080\u009D but that they \u00E2\u0080\u009Cignore the fact, obviously, of mixed races, and they really don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t, you know, cover the whole broad spectrum of race.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Following these observations, Kelley noted the focus on dance and food (\u00E2\u0080\u009CThey try and pull people from like different Middle Eastern countries, and they\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll either do Middle Eastern dances or food. They always have food\u00E2\u0080\u009D). 198 As is evident, Frank, Anthony, Anne, and Kelley (like several of the other participants), despite their underlying critiques, discussed their schools\u00E2\u0080\u0099 diversity education initiatives and their focus on food, fashion, and fun in a fairly detached manner. Conversely, Jill, Marie, Cara, and Dana explicitly, and with some passion, critiqued their schools\u00E2\u0080\u0099 diversity education initiatives and highlighted their superficiality. Cara and Dana, for example, said: Cara: We would have, the holiday festival was the best (sarcastic), because we used to have one music teacher\u00E2\u0080\u0094one was Christian, one was Jewish, and they would always have secret sort of passive battles about how many\u00E2\u0080\u0094we had to have an equal number Chanukah songs and Christmas songs, because there are too many Christmas songs. So they would make up their own Chanukah songs. And then we got two Jewish teachers, so then it was two Christmas songs and a whole bunch of Chanukah songs. And then they started putting in the, you know, Ramadan songs, and then, of course, Kwanzaa. Not a single person at our school celebrated Kwanzaa, like for a fact. But of course they had to have the little Black girl light the Kwanzaa candle. It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s pretty empty, though, because I mean, you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwe\u00E2\u0080\u0099re so diverse, we celebrate four winter holidays instead of one.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Like I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not impressed by that if it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s a lie. Yeah, I mean, and so that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s the sort of thing where people are sort of fed up with it, you know, like this is obviously a joke, because we go to the school. We know that nobody talks about like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh man, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m so excited for Kwanzaa.\u00E2\u0080\u009D So it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like that was sort of when it would become a joke, you know? * * * Dana: Like, instead of having people come and show you the food of India or wherever, have them come and, you know, talk about where they themselves just came from. And then study other places, you know, in Africa or in India or, you know, China or other\u00E2\u0080\u0094because places like that are huge, and you can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t just say that one person from South Africa had the same experiences as someone from like Morocco or Ethiopia. Like, it doesn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t work. There has to be more than\u00E2\u0080\u0094there has to be more. Like if you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re gonna do it, go all the way and really teach. Like food should be the least important thing. Like talk about different cultural things that people do. I know food can be a big part of that, but that shouldn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t\u00E2\u0080\u0094like I know that we did the country reports in 6th grade and the biggest thing was what dish are you gonna make. Like instead of how long have these people lived in Ethiopia or what part of India did you study? You know\u00E2\u0080\u0094 199 there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like 50 different like dialects of Cantonese and stuff, like let\u00E2\u0080\u0099s learn about that. Let\u00E2\u0080\u0099s learn about their presidents and things like that. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t need to know that everyone eats chow mein, okay. I mean it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s important and it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s yummy, but it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s not\u00E2\u0080\u0094I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not going to learn anything. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not going to learn how to cook their food, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m just learning that it tastes good. Again, it is often assumed that multiethnic students feel marginalized and left out during such diversity education activities and are troubled by the experience of having to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpick one\u00E2\u0080\u009D heritage to represent in order to participate in them (see Wardle & Cruz- Janzen, 2004). Several examples of participants feeling as though they need to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpick one\u00E2\u0080\u009D heritage with which to identify can be found in the data. Jordan, for example, described an activity that took place on his campus during Challenge Day13 which divided students according to their racial heritage. We did this activity where they drew a big circle on the ground and they were like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cstep into the circle if you are Asian.\u00E2\u0080\u009D I didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know what to do. I just started going over the line. But like, I just kind of looked around, because there were some other half Asian people there. And one of them didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t go over and one of them did go over. So I didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really know what to do. So I went over for a little bit, but then came back. Like many of the other participants, Jordan did not \u00E2\u0080\u009Cconnect with\u00E2\u0080\u009D the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cethnic stuff\u00E2\u0080\u009D his schools have done; however, unlike many of the others, he attributed this lack of connection to a sense of not knowing which ethnicity to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbe proud of.\u00E2\u0080\u009D I think schools are definitely, or at least I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve noticed, that schools are definitely trying more to like focus on diversity, maybe. And they do a lot of ethnic stuff, but I never really connect with it, I guess, because I never really know which like ethnicity I should be proud of, really. 13 Challenge Day is an event that takes place on school campuses and is run by the Challenge Day Organization. \u00E2\u0080\u009CChallenge Day\u00E2\u0080\u0099s vision is that every child lives in a world where they feel safe, loved and celebrated.\u00E2\u0080\u009D As stated on the Challenge Day website, \u00E2\u0080\u009CWe provide youth and their communities with experiential workshops and programs that demonstrate the possibility of love and connection through the celebration of diversity, truth and full expression\u00E2\u0080\u009D (http://www.challengeday.org/mission-vision.php). 200 Jordan\u00E2\u0080\u0099s statement does not indicate to me that he feels particularly marginalized or left out or that the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cethnic stuff\u00E2\u0080\u009D his schools did had a significant impact on his racial and ethnic identity. Rather, he seems simply not to connect to it because he firmly identifies as both Chinese and White and does not want to choose between his two heritages to participate in activities. Indeed, as discussed, when asked to step into a circle \u00E2\u0080\u009Cif you are Asian,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Jordan \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwent over for a little bit, but then came back.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Andrea recalled an activity similar to the one described by Jordan that took place during her high school\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Martin Luther King Jr. Day celebration, as well as a video that they watched following the activity. For MLK day, when I was a freshman, they had us step into a circle if you are not White. And I was like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhat?\u00E2\u0080\u009D I didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know what to do. So I kind of straddled the circle. And then we watched a video about kids who were Hispanic and Black and Middle Eastern, and I tried to relate, but I really couldn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t because I was like so in the middle. And then they, for about two minutes, they showed a little tiny interview of people who are half Hispanic and they didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t look it, and I, for those two minutes\u00E2\u0080\u0094it was a very, incredibly short period of time\u00E2\u0080\u0094I felt like kinship, \u00E2\u0080\u009CI know you!\u00E2\u0080\u009D Because they were talking about how like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cno, I look blonde but I am Hispanic\u00E2\u0080\u009D and \u00E2\u0080\u009CI am sorry if I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t look Hispanic enough to you.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Clearly, both Jordan and Andrea identify strongly as multiethnic, and they both responded to being asked to pick one heritage with which to identify in much the same way (i.e. they refused to do it). Unlike Jordan, however, Andrea could recall a time (albeit a few short minutes) in which she \u00E2\u0080\u009Cconnected with\u00E2\u0080\u009D one of her school\u00E2\u0080\u0099s diversity education activities\u00E2\u0080\u0094the only activity she could recall that acknowledged multiethnic heritage and differences between how people identify and how they are identified by others. 201 Like Andrea and Jordan, Raya\u00E2\u0080\u0099s identity as mixed has significantly influenced her perceptions of and involvement with her schools\u00E2\u0080\u0099 diversity education initiatives. Indeed, Raya expressed significant concerns about and negative perceptions of her school\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Black History Month activities and lessons, which she feels focus too much on oppositional Black-White relations and the divisions constructed between Blacks and Whites. Raya appeared particularly troubled by the fact that other Black students got mad at her because she does not identify as Black or get involved in the activities during Black History Month. Raya: I hate Black History Month\u00E2\u0080\u00A6Usually the Black people would end up getting really mad at me because during Black History Month we\u00E2\u0080\u0099d have certain days where we would like do a certain thing and I just wouldn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t do it. Because the thing is, with me, I mean, I know it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s good to remember your history, and slavery was part of my history, like half of me, but with me it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s not as important to me as it is for full, I guess, African American people, or you know. Because with me, like I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m mixed, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t relate to that at all. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t, you know what I mean, I have so much in both sides\u00E2\u0080\u00A6 Erica: So do you think we should focus more on our similarities? Raya: Yeah, I think it should just be like all mixed race year. Clearly, Raya firmly identifies as mixed (\u00E2\u0080\u009CI have so much in both sides\u00E2\u0080\u009D), and, because of this identity, she had negative experiences during her school\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Black History Month activities and lessons. Although Raya did not discuss feeling conflicted or confused about how to identify during such activities, so negative are her experiences that Raya would prefer not to celebrate Black History Month at school and to focus more on our similarities and multiraciality. Several of the themes emerging in the previous paragraphs (i.e. the superficiality of many multiculturalism-inspired activities, participants being asked to pick one heritage 202 with which to identify, the reinforcement of racial and ethnic boundaries, participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 negative perceptions of diversity education initiatives, and participants feeling excluded from full participation in diversity education activities) can be found in participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 discussion of Pine Mountains\u00E2\u0080\u0099 multicultural assembly. Seven of the participants in this study attend Pine Mountains High School, which annually hosts a Multicultural Assembly during which students perform various cultural dances. Of these seven participants, Raya was the only one not to mention the assembly during her interview and Renee, Jen, and Barry discussed the Multicultural Assembly rather matter-of-factly. Jen and Renee noted that there is not a group of multiethnic students who perform at the assembly, but they also recognize that there are not \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmultiethnic dances\u00E2\u0080\u009D that students could perform. When I asked Barry if he participated in the assembly, he said that he did not because \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthere\u00E2\u0080\u0099s not enough Spanish people here.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Renee, Jen, and Barry did not, though, appear particularly concerned about or to feel excluded from the Multicultural Assembly. Amaya and Kendra, on the other hand, both of whom identify with the Black community, spoke about the assembly at length and with emotion during their interviews and focus group. The concern for them stems primarily from the fact that Black students were not allowed to perform hip hop dances at the assembly. Amaya explained: I have a very strong sense of Black pride. I have a very, very strong sense of Black pride. Like actually one of our teachers here, we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re having Multicultural this year. You know, we have Multicultural every year, and this is her second year doing it. And last year, you know, usually Black girls, we always\u00E2\u0080\u0094I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve never performed, but we\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve had Black girls perform and do hip hop dances my freshman and sophomore year. But here comes junior year, this new teacher\u00E2\u0080\u0099s coming in saying that hip hop isn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t Black culture. And she has a Black boyfriend. And you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re saying that hip hop is not Black culture. So I take that very offensively. Because if you watch BET and VH1 during Black History Month, they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re talking 203 about hip hop being Black culture, and for you to fix your mouth to say something like that and you have an African American boyfriend, I think that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s wrong. Among the other issues that upset Kendra and Amaya is the fact that the Black students were being told that hip hop is not their culture and the fact that the teacher in charge of the assembly and who makes decisions about who can and cannot perform is not Black but has a Black boyfriend. If the assembly and the issues surrounding the assembly have had any influence on their racial and ethnic identity, it seems to have strengthened their sense of solidarity with the Black students at school. In other words, it appears that it is because Amaya and Kendra identify with the Black community that they feel so outraged. In fact, the sentences leading into Amaya\u00E2\u0080\u0099s discussion of the Multicultural Assembly are \u00E2\u0080\u009CI have a very strong sense of Black pride. I have a very, very strong sense of Black pride,\u00E2\u0080\u009D she repeatedly mentioned taking offense to the exclusion of Black students, and she often used the pronoun \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwe\u00E2\u0080\u009D when discussing the feelings of Black students. Christina, another student at Pine Mountains with Black heritage, also expressed concerns about the Multicultural Assembly but for quite different reasons. Christina identifies strongly as mixed and feels that she does not have \u00E2\u0080\u009Canything to do\u00E2\u0080\u009D for the assembly because there is no group for mixed students. Moreover, she feels that if she joined a group of Black students performing at the assembly (speaking hypothetically, of course), people would make comments and question her racial identity. They\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not doing it or whatever, but if the Black girls, if they did it, I kinda would be, (pause) I would kinda think twice about doing it. Even though I know they wouldn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t have a problem with it or whatever, but just (pause) some people, just like the comments that people who\u00E2\u0080\u0094like I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t have problems with them, but just people who I know or whatever, and they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re the ones who have made the comments \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwell, you act White\u00E2\u0080\u009D or 204 whatever. So I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m kinda like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhy\u00E2\u0080\u0099d you say that \u00E2\u0080\u0098you act White\u00E2\u0080\u0099?\u00E2\u0080\u009D I feel like self conscious about doing that \u00E2\u0080\u0098cause they\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll probably be like \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, why is Christina\u00E2\u0080\u0094she thinks she\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like 100% Black.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Like the stupid people will say comments like that. And I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m very self conscious, I wouldn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t wanna like have to deal with that. Christina, as discussed here and at other times during her interview, is very self conscious, especially when it comes to comments and judgments about her racial identity and \u00E2\u0080\u009Clegitimacy\u00E2\u0080\u009D as a member of the Black community. In fact, she struggles to maintain her mixed identity in contexts divided along racial lines such as that created by the Multicultural Assembly. Yet, she firmly states that she identifies as mixed and explains her lack of participation in the Multicultural Assembly as, first and foremost, stemming from her mixed identity. In this sense, and keeping in mind the fact that there are no White or Black student groups performing, the Multicultural Assembly, as an isolated event, does not seem to have influenced her sense of racial identity as both Black and White. Rather, the assembly serves as an example of the situations in which Christina has had to, or perceives she might have to, choose between her White heritage and her Black heritage\u00E2\u0080\u0094a decision which she fears could result in her sense of identity and group membership being challenged, questioned, and commented on by \u00E2\u0080\u009Csome people.\u00E2\u0080\u009D We may wonder, then, if other participants, despite not explicitly saying so, have similar fears when it comes to participating in their schools\u00E2\u0080\u0099 diversity education initiatives. Based on the preceding, there are several conclusions that we can reasonably draw: (1) participants were generally not, when given a choice, involved in their schools\u00E2\u0080\u0099 diversity education initiatives; (2) participation in their schools\u00E2\u0080\u0099 diversity education initiatives often requires students to select one heritage to represent or identify with; and (3) many participants were critical of their schools\u00E2\u0080\u0099 diversity education initiatives 205 because of their focus on dress, dance, and diet and their superficiality. Questions that emerge, however, include: Given participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 expressed interest in learning about race and ethnicity, what modifications to such diversity education initiatives might have increased the interest and participation of study participants? Are multiethnic students more likely to be critical of their schools\u00E2\u0080\u0099 multicultural initiatives than other students? If so, is this based on experiences stemming from their racial and ethnic identities and the navigation of racial and ethnic categories? Although discussed in greater detail in Chapter Eight, it is important to note here that, despite a notable level of disinterest in such diversity education initiatives, several participants felt that there should be more opportunities for multiethnic students to participate in them without having to choose one heritage to represent. Likewise, it is worth pointing out again that the experiences of Jordan, Raya, and Christina lend support to the literature which posits that multiethnic individuals feel marginalized, excluded, and/or conflicted during such diversity education initiatives (see Wardle & Cruz-Janzen, 2004). Integrating the Data Based on what participants said during their interviews, the formal aspects of participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 K-12 schooling\u00E2\u0080\u0094those over which teachers and administrators have influence or control such as lessons and the curriculum, the collection of racial and ethnic data, classroom discussions, the existence of race and ethnicity-based student organizations, diversity education initiatives, and their interactions with students\u00E2\u0080\u0094have had very little direct influence on participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 racial and ethnic identity formation. Of the participants, only two explicitly linked formal aspects of schooling to their identity development: Anne recalled watching a movie that changed the way she thinks about her 206 identity and that made her want to learn more about her Japanese heritage and Cara explained how her involvement with Hapa Club and learning about the social construction of race influenced her multiethnic identity and how she thinks about that identity. Although Frank said that the stand off between Latino and cowboy students and the conversation during his History class following the standoff made him think \u00E2\u0080\u009Cin depth\u00E2\u0080\u009D about his identity, he was also quite clear that he does not feel that the formal aspects of his schooling have influenced his multiethnic identity development. This is not to say that participants have not had the opportunity to explore and learn about their racial and ethnic heritages through various projects and assignments\u00E2\u0080\u0094opportunities advocated by Cruz-Janzen (1997), Schwartz (1998), Tatum (2007), Wardle (1996, 2000b, 2004), and Wardle and Cruz-Janzen (2004)\u00E2\u0080\u0094or that they have not enjoyed or felt a sense of connection to particular curricula or lessons. There is, however, a difference between learning about and exploring one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s heritage or enjoying a specific text or video and having one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sense of racial and ethnic identity and group membership strengthened, challenged, or altered. Taking what they said at face value, such lessons and assignments did not alter most participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 thinking about, attachment to, and feelings regarding their racial and ethnic identities; rather, their identities influenced their experiences and perceptions of such lessons and assignments. We may wonder, though, what the participants did not share with me during the interviews. While we can certainly assemble from their interviews a list of activities, discussions, and lessons that participants did not connect to, that they felt excluded from, or that required them to focus on one of their racial or ethnic heritages over others, they generally did not link these activities, discussions, or lessons to their racial and ethnic 207 identity development. Perhaps there is a connection, however, yet to be discerned by participants, between the formal aspects of their K-12 schooling and their multiethnic identity development. Perhaps they will later reflect on and reinterpret their schooling experiences differently (as I did with my own). Perhaps they did not want to critique or evaluate the formal aspects of schooling with a researcher from the field of education. Perhaps, if they did perceive that certain activities, discussions, and lessons had a negative impact on their racial and ethnic identity development, they did not want to share this perception with a researcher. As we may recall from Chapter Three, Cruz-Janzen (1997) argued that The need is to move beyond the traditional models of multicultural education that continue to promote the separation and isolation of Americans\u00E2\u0080\u0094and all humans\u00E2\u0080\u0094through exclusive ethnic and racial categories and the sorting of people into groups. (p. 328) Based on the data presented in this chapter, I feel confident in concluding that the vast majority of the schools that participants have attended participate in the reification of racial and ethnic categories and the reinforcement of limited conceptions of race and ethnicity and what it means to be a member of a particular racial or ethnic group. With the exception of Cara, no student had, at school, been exposed to ideas that challenge biological conceptions of race, and we have numerous examples of silence in schools regarding race and ethnicity and few examples of engagement with these topics beyond \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe basics\u00E2\u0080\u009D and Black-White relations. Moreover, the engagement with the topics of race and ethnicity in the classroom that participants did report was often brief, superficial, or focused on oppositional relations between specific racial and ethnic groups. These lessons and discussions, along with race and ethnicity-based student organizations, racial and ethnic data collection forms, and the diversity education initiatives that participants 208 discussed, all contribute to rigid conceptions of racial and ethnic categories and limited understandings of what it means to be a member of a specific racial and ethnic group. It is no wonder, then, that participants discussed not being seen as \u00E2\u0080\u009C[insert racial or ethnic category] enough\u00E2\u0080\u009D or were told that they do or do not \u00E2\u0080\u009Cact [insert racial or ethnic category].\u00E2\u0080\u009D Recalling the literature reviewed in Chapter Three, these findings are perhaps to be expected given the analysis of, for example, Cruz-Janzen (1997), Dolby (2000), and Gosine (2002) who point out the tendency of multicultural education to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cencourage people to think in terms of discrete, bounded collectivities that possess recognizable sets of attributes that distinguish one group from another\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Gosine, 2002, p. 96). At the same time, and as discussed in more detail in Chapter Eight, students expressed a sincere desire for more engagement with race and ethnicity in their classes, and the teachers who were talked about most favorably were those who introduced these topics in the classroom. Given the silence surrounding race and ethnicity in most participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 schools, it is also no wonder that these topic are perceived by participants to be \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctaboo\u00E2\u0080\u009D and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cuncomfortable\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Tatum, 2007). Additionally, the silence regarding multiethnicity beyond references to the so-called \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmulatto\u00E2\u0080\u009D population is striking. As the topic of multiethnicity is so seldom discussed in participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 schools, it is not terribly surprising that so many participants feel that their multiethnic identity is often not recognized by others and that they are not accepted members of multiple racial and/or ethnic groups. A review of Andrea\u00E2\u0080\u0099s experiences illustrates the above points well. Andrea generally feels that she is not recognized as multiethnic (in large part because of her physical appearance), that others do not see her as an \u00E2\u0080\u009Cauthentic\u00E2\u0080\u009D Iranian, and that there is 209 no \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmiddle ground\u00E2\u0080\u009D for her to live on. Indeed, she feels that her multiethnic identity is often challenged by others \u00E2\u0080\u009Ceven though [she] really strive[s] to be more than just brown hair and blue eyes.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Thus, she felt a strong sense of \u00E2\u0080\u009Ckinship\u00E2\u0080\u009D to the people in the video she recalled who \u00E2\u0080\u009Care half Hispanic and they didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t look it.\u00E2\u0080\u009D She appreciates having a teacher who recognizes \u00E2\u0080\u009Cboth sides\u00E2\u0080\u009D and feels left out when she is never called on to share her stories and her family\u00E2\u0080\u0099s history in class because, as she said, there are \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmore authentic\u00E2\u0080\u009D Persians in her classes. Because she identifies as both Persian and White, she did not know whether she should step into the circle when \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnon-White\u00E2\u0080\u009D students were asked to do so and ended up straddling it. Because of these and similar experiences, Andrea generally feels that multiethnic individuals are \u00E2\u0080\u009Cleft out\u00E2\u0080\u009D of the curriculum or only mentioned as a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cside note.\u00E2\u0080\u009D In each instance, she discussed her identity as determining her response to these lessons, activities, and interactions and did not say that watching the video, being asked to step into a circle, or multiethnic individuals not being included in the curriculum particularly influenced her sense of self as an Iranian/White multiethnic individual. At the same time, though, she is troubled by these experiences and her perceived need to constantly \u00E2\u0080\u009Cprove\u00E2\u0080\u009D she is Iranian. It seems clear from the data that the reification of racial and ethnic categories and the general silence regarding multiethnicity in her schools have, despite her not saying so explicitly, played a significant role in shaping others\u00E2\u0080\u0099 perceptions of her, her experiences, and, thus, her identity. What we lack is a list of activities, discussions, interactions, and lessons that (intentionally or otherwise) supported or assisted participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 racial and ethnic identity formation processes such as those put forward by, for example, Cruz-Janzen (1997), 210 Schwartz (1998), Wardle (1996, 2000b, 2004), and Wardle and Cruz-Janzen (2004). Returning to Cara\u00E2\u0080\u0099s schooling experiences, we see that hers were significantly different from those of the other participants. Her school was the only one with a multiethnic student organization and she was the only student to have learned about the social construction of race. Cara\u00E2\u0080\u0099s involvement in Hapa Club and her class on genocide did not merely influence but actually supported her multiethnic identity construction. It is important to note, however, that Cara was one of three participants to attend a private school and that, based on my understanding of Cedar Grove, the school has financial resources and a level of independent control over the curriculum not often found in public schools. Nevertheless, we can conclude that the formal aspects of K-12 schooling can positively influence and support the racial and ethnic identity development of multiethnic students. In fact, based on their recommendations for educators presented in Chapter Eight, participants clearly recognize that schools could better support their academic, social, and personal experiences and their multiethnic identity development. Several other themes and findings emerging from these data merit further attention. First, we can clearly see the impact that the perceptions of others have on the racial and ethnic identities of participants, and particularly their sense of membership in one or more of their racial or ethnic heritage groups (Root, 1998). The impact of these perceptions was especially evident in their discussions of race and ethnicity-based student organizations and Christina\u00E2\u0080\u0099s discussion of the Pine Mountains Multicultural Assembly. Second, woven through these data are comments related to the racial and ethnic diversity of participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 schools (see, for example, comments made by Anne, Marie, Raya, and Jill). Both of these themes are addressed in much greater detail in the following chapter 211 where we clearly see the influence of school demographics and reflected appraisals (Cooley, 1902; Khanna, 2004; Tatum, 1997) on participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 identities. Third, I draw attention to a statement made by Marie. As we may recall, Marie said \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe way a lot of people understand is when they see similarities between what they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re learning and themselves.\u00E2\u0080\u009D As previously discussed, across the literature related to K-12 curriculum and students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 racial and ethnic identities, the consensus is clear: maintaining the typically Eurocentric curriculum either fails to support or actively hinders the identity development of minoritized students, while a curriculum that acknowledges, incorporates, and builds on students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 cultures, histories, and experiences supports their identity construction processes (see, for example, Castenell and Pinar, 1993; Cruz-Janzen, 1997; Kincheloe & Steinberg, 1997; Nieto, 2000; Shields, 2003). For those who identify strongly as multiethnic, we can confidently conclude that, based on these data, they have seen few similarities between \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhat they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re learning and themselves.\u00E2\u0080\u009D These participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 feelings about this disconnect between their own identities and experiences and the curriculum, while largely absent from the data presented here, are much more evident in Chapter Eight. Again, only two of the participants explicitly linked their experiences of the formal aspects of schooling discussed here to their racial and ethnic identity development. The data presented here, however, taken together, paint a picture of schools as sites in which racial and ethnic categories and the boundaries between them are reinforced; in which race, ethnicity, and multiethnicity are seldom, if ever, discussed in detail; in which participants are often confronted with instances in which they must chose to identify with or represent one of their racial and ethnic heritage groups; and in which 212 multiethnic students may feel little connection to the curriculum. These data constitute the backdrop against which the data related to the informal/social aspects of participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 K-12 schooling, as presented in the following chapter, are best understood. Moreover, the data presented here are necessary for contextualizing participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 general reflections on schooling and their recommendations for educators which are presented in Chapter Eight. 213 CHAPTER SEVEN: PARTICIPANTS\u00E2\u0080\u0099 EXPERIENCES AND PERCEPTIONS OF THE INFORMAL ASPECTS OF K-12 SCHOOLING In this chapter, I present and analyze the data related to the informal and social aspects of participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 K-12 schooling and the perceived influence of these features of their schooling experiences on their racial and ethnic identity development. The data are organized according to the following topics: school diversity, friendships, stereotypes, challenged identities, and racial tension at school. Within the topic of friendships, two predominant themes emerged that are discussed separately: (1) diverse friendship networks and boundary crossing and (2) friends with similar identities and heritages. Although participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 perceptions and experiences related to these aspects of schooling vary considerably, we can see, as a general matter, the significant impact that the informal aspects of schooling have had on their racial and ethnic identity development. School Diversity Nearly all of the participants (the notable exceptions are Hannah and Andrea) had a fair amount to say about the diversity of their schools, and the topic was often introduced to the interviews by the participants. Although only two participants (Anne and Cara) explicitly linked formal aspects of their K-12 schooling to their racial and ethnic identity development, more than half of them drew clear connections between the racial and ethnic diversity of their schools, the development of their racial and ethnic identities, and how they experience these identities. This is consistent with Lopez\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (2004) finding that \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe diversity of the social environments in which adolescents operate can influence how they situate themselves racially/ethnically\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 29). 214 The data related to school diversity reveal a significant difference in the language used by participants from different schools to describe the social and personal implications of their racial and ethnic identities. Those participants who recognized and discussed their schools as racially and ethnically diverse\u00E2\u0080\u0094most notably those from Pine Mountains and Bridges\u00E2\u0080\u0094used phrases like \u00E2\u0080\u009CI really don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t feel as if I stand out\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Frank), \u00E2\u0080\u009CI can feel okay\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Kendra), \u00E2\u0080\u009Cit doesn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t matter\u00E2\u0080\u00A6I can just be whatever I want\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Jen), and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cit\u00E2\u0080\u0099s out in the open that I am what I am\u00E2\u0080\u00A6it is something to be proud about\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Renee). This is not to say that students who have attended less diverse schools necessarily encounter significant social obstacles or struggles in their multiethnic identity construction processes, but they certainly do not use the same language to describe how they feel about their racial and ethnic identities. Josh, for example, said \u00E2\u0080\u009CI kind of stand out\u00E2\u0080\u009D and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpeople look at me differently\u00E2\u0080\u009D at Deer Valley, Dana reported feeling singled out when asked to provide the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnon-White\u00E2\u0080\u009D perspective in her classes or during the check for head lice (see Chapter Six), and Barry (before transferring to Pine Mountains) discussed his experiences at a mostly White middle school as a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdown point\u00E2\u0080\u009D for him culturally and recalled thinking \u00E2\u0080\u009CI think it would be easier if I was White.\u00E2\u0080\u009D As discussed below, based on the data, we can conclude that the racial and ethnic diversity (or lack thereof) of participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 schools has had a significant impact on their racial and ethnic identity development. In addition, we can conclude that (1) participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 transitions between schools with differing levels and types of racial and ethnic diversity and integration and (2) the presence or absence of fellow students representing specific racial and ethnic heritages, are important factors shaping participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 racial and ethnic identity development. 215 Several students (e.g. Barry, Christina, Jill, Mialany, Hip Hapa, Raya, Jen, and Anthony) discussed their transitions between schools with different degrees and types of racial and ethnic diversity. Hip Hapa, for example, has always attended what he considers to be very diverse schools, but his experiences have differed significantly from school to school. In the interview excerpts that follow, Hip Hapa discusses moving from a very diverse and integrated elementary school to a middle school that included students who had attended diverse but segregated elementary schools. This transition marked the beginning of a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnegative\u00E2\u0080\u009D period in Hip Hapa\u00E2\u0080\u0099s life during which he got \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca lot of crap for who [he] hung out with\u00E2\u0080\u009D and began to wonder if there was something \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwrong\u00E2\u0080\u009D with him. By the end of 8th grade, however, Hip Hapa realized that what he thinks of himself matters more than what others think of him. Nevertheless, we can clearly see the impact of his transition between elementary school and middle school on his multiethnic identity development. My elementary [school] was incredibly cool, because you had people of every single race at my school. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t think there was a race that wasn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t represented. And there wasn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t\u00E2\u0080\u0094it was incredibly multiracial. And we just didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t, for us it wasn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t multiracial, it was just like we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re all kids. It was what it was. So all of these lines in defining ourselves, it didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really happen until 6th grade. And then we had to go to middle school with all the other kids who were going to the really super segregated elementary schools. [Later in the interview] Like kindergarten through 5th grade it was basically like I said. Everybody was different, everybody was okay with it, because it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s not like you were thinking of anything different. So that was really nice. Sixth grade is when you, or at least I began to get attacked for what I chose to do and who I chose to hang with. So, what middle school ended up doing was, it was largely negative. Because I wasn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t thinking like I am now, so it was really like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cis there something wrong with me? I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m alone, this sucks. Why?\u00E2\u0080\u009D And I guess more towards the end of the 8th grade I started to kind of develop this idea of \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwell, why am I even thinking that? Like, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m 216 comfortable with me, and that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s all that really matters.\u00E2\u0080\u009D And more through high school, especially since my group of friends were all incredibly diverse both in how we look and what we do, so I guess more in high school it was just like we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re comfortable with ourselves, so let\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just suffer through four years of this. Barry also discussed his experiences of transitioning between schools with different levels of racial diversity and integration. As he explained, transitioning from a predominantly White middle school to Pine Mountains was \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca big step culturally-wise\u00E2\u0080\u009D that \u00E2\u0080\u009Ckind of helped me rebuild my confidence in the world, you know, culturally speaking or becoming more comfortable with my culture.\u00E2\u0080\u009D In his writing activity, Barry described Pine Mountains as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cone of the most diverse and culturally rich schools in the area.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Barry: I had a really bad middle school experience. It was one of the, you know, kind of the down points in my life now that I look back on it. Like when I was going to 8th grade, I was like \u00E2\u0080\u009COh yeah, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s good.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Then I was like, you know, \u00E2\u0080\u009CThat wasn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t so good.\u00E2\u0080\u009D This certain group of people discriminated, kind of like the popular kids, and then they kind of discriminated against me. Erica: So how is it different at Pine Mountains than at your middle school? Barry: I went to [school name], and they were really, really, really cliquey. And there was only about, you know, one race. Everyone else was a minority. It was pretty much White. Yeah, pretty much that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s how it was\u00E2\u0080\u00A6I remember one time in middle school I was thinking that it would be so much easier, you know, life would be so much easier if I didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t have to answer all these questions first\u00E2\u0080\u00A6When I came to Pine Mountains, it was a big step culturally-wise, just because I was so accepted. And I was used to always being on the defense on a lot of subjects. And here it was just, \u00E2\u0080\u009CHey, me too.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Erica: So then how is it different at Pine Mountains? Barry: I think because there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s so many different races here and we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re so multicultural that we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re more accepting of different cultures. Like we\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve seen this, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s not that big of a deal. 217 Erica: So the diversity at Pine Meadows\u00E2\u0080\u0094 Barry: Kind of helped me rebuild my confidence in the world, you know, culturally speaking or becoming more comfortable with my culture. During the focus group with students from Pine Mountains, Barry repeated many of these ideas. In the following excerpt, Barry explains that at one point in elementary school he thought \u00E2\u0080\u009Cit would be easier if I was White\u00E2\u0080\u009D because the vast majority of his classmates were White and he looked different from everyone else. When we juxtapose this comment with his description of his \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccomfort with [his] culture\u00E2\u0080\u009D at Pine Mountains, we can clearly see the impact his schools\u00E2\u0080\u0099 racial and ethnic diversity has had on his sense of identity. I went to [elementary school] which was another primarily White school, it wasn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t discriminatory, but I knew that I looked different than everyone else. And so, I was just more aware of that as a whole. And I remember saying when I was little kid, \u00E2\u0080\u009CYou know, I think it would be easier if I was White.\u00E2\u0080\u009D For Hip Hapa and Barry, as for several other participants, their transitions between schools brought a change in their racial or ethnic identities, how they were experienced, and/or how they thought and felt about their identities. Given that so many participants discussed a situational sense of identity (Basu, 2004; Renn, 2004a; Root, 1996a; Tatum, 1997), changing according to the people they are around, it is not surprising that these physical transitions, from one context to another, coincided with significant shifts in their racial and ethnic identity development. Given that so many participants discussed a situational sense of identity, it is also not surprising that the presence (or absence) of students representing specific racial and ethnic groups had such a significant influence on participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 racial and ethnic identities. Anthony, for example, described feeling closer to his Filipino heritage while attending 218 schools with lots of other Filipino students, and Marie reported identifying, at times, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmore [as] White\u00E2\u0080\u009D because she goes to a nearly all White school. Likewise, David, who is Italian and Portuguese but identifies more with his Portuguese heritage, attributes this sense of identity to the fact that he is exposed more to his Portuguese family members and the Portuguese culture than he is to the Italian side of the family, which he described as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cso Americanized that you can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t even tell [they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re Italian] any more.\u00E2\u0080\u009D David also attributes his strong sense of identity as Portuguese to the fact that he has always gone to school with many other Portuguese students. He said: I went to [school name] in [city name]. And in that part of [city name], it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s predominantly either Black, Hispanic or Portuguese. It kind of worked well, because there was a lot of Portuguese people in my class [and] in the whole area. So I mixed well with the Portuguese kids and Hispanic kids or Latino kids, because they kind of feel a whole bond in that whole category...I have a lot of Portuguese friends. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know how it worked that way, but there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s a lot of Portuguese people out here, and you kind of feel like if you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re Portuguese you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re closer than someone who\u00E2\u0080\u0099s not Portuguese. Both the influence of transitions between schools with different degrees and types of racial and ethnic diversity and integration and the influence of the presence (or absence) of students representing specific racial and ethnic groups are well illustrated in the following excerpt from Christina\u00E2\u0080\u0099s interview. Christina explained that she went to a mostly White elementary school and that in 5th grade she realized that she was different from the other students. Up until that point, Christina did not know that she had a Black father, but, upon considering that \u00E2\u0080\u009CWhite and White don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t make Brown,\u00E2\u0080\u009D asked her mom who her dad is. It is safe to assume that Christina would have figured out that her dad is not White at some point, but it was because she went to an almost all White school that she realized \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwow, these kids are all White and I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not.\u00E2\u0080\u009D We can also assume that, prior 219 to 5th grade, Christina did not identify as multiethnic. Christina also talked about moving from a mostly White middle school to one that was \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbasically straight Black or Mexican,\u00E2\u0080\u009D at which point Christina connected with the Black culture and developed strong ties to the Black community at school. Despite having grown up in a household of White family members and having attended nearly all White schools until 7th grade, Christina now \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfeel[s] more comfortable hanging out with Black people.\u00E2\u0080\u009D [I first realized I was mixed] in the like 5th grade, and I was at an elementary school where it was mostly White kids there, \u00E2\u0080\u0098cause my mom is White and I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know my dad, so I grew up, like my brothers and sisters are White. So I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m the only mixed one\u00E2\u0080\u00A6Yeah, and I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m the oldest too, but I just, I never noticed until I was in about 5th grade and then, it was weird, I just noticed one day, I was like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwow, these kids are all White and I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not.\u00E2\u0080\u009D And then I asked my mom, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmom, who\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like, who\u00E2\u0080\u0099s my dad?\u00E2\u0080\u009D Because, I see the dad I call dad is White and I just asked them, because I know white and white don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t make brown\u00E2\u0080\u00A6.If you\u00E2\u0080\u0099d seen pictures of me in elementary school, obviously I was younger, so I was different, but just like, even my mom says I just act hecka, I act a lot different. Even from when I was in 7th grade, \u00E2\u0080\u0098cause once I got into 8th grade I had switched schools, \u00E2\u0080\u0098cause I went to [school name] in middle school for 6th and 7th grade and that [school] had some Black people, but it was mostly White too. And then in 8th grade I switched and then went to [school name] and that was like basically straight Black or Mexican there. So that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s when my mom said that she\u00E2\u0080\u0099d seen a big difference in me from the way I dress, the way I talk, the way I acted. She said [it was] just a big change. And it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s not because \u00E2\u0080\u0093 I just felt comfortable. Once I started hanging out with [Black students], that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s what it was, like when I started hanging out with them, I had fun and I just felt more comfortable around Black people. And I love my mom and I love everybody in my family, I love White people, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t have any problem with that, but I just feel more comfortable hanging out with Black people. Clearly, that the diversity of her schools (or lack thereof) has significantly shaped Christina\u00E2\u0080\u0099s racial identity is irrefutable. Two other themes emerging from the data related to school diversity are discussed further in the following sections. First, several of the participants (e.g. Amaya, Christina, Anthony, Raya, Kendra, Hip Hapa, Jill, and Mialany) discussed the racial and ethnic 220 segregation of students at their schools\u00E2\u0080\u0094segregation that is experienced by individual participants in quite different ways. Second, we begin to see the significant influences of school friendships and peer networks on the racial and ethnic identity development of participants\u00E2\u0080\u0094influences which are explored in detail in the next section. Friendships This section includes a presentation and analysis of the data related to participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 friendship networks and interactions with friends. From these data two predominant themes emerged: (1) diverse friendship networks and boundary crossing and (2) friends with similar identities and heritages. Due to a dearth of literature exploring multiethnic students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 perspectives on the influence of friendship networks on their identity development (Sheets, 2004), it is difficult to determine if the findings discussed here reflect or support those of prior research. The findings do, however, challenge notions of multiethnic students as socially \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmarginal\u00E2\u0080\u009D (see Fryer, Kahn, Levitt, & Spenkuch, 2008). Diverse Friendship Networks and Boundary Crossing As stated, racial and ethnic segregation at schools emerged as a theme in many of the interviews (e.g. Anthony, Kendra, Raya, Barry, Christina, Mialany, Hip Hapa, Jill). Several of the participants, however, and most notably those at diverse schools, discussed having diverse groups of friends representing many different racial and ethnic groups. Among those participants who attended schools that they described as segregated, several discussed feeling that they can more easily cross the racial and ethnic boundaries between students because they are multiethnic. Kendra, for example, talked about hanging out 221 with friends representing various racial groups and went on to say that she thinks the different groups of students at Pine Mountains are more accepting of her because she is multiethnic. Kendra: [My Black friends], they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re like \u00E2\u0080\u009COh, you know Kendra\u00E2\u0080\u0099s half Black, da da da da da.\u00E2\u0080\u009D And just start laughing and playing around with me. And then I have, \u00E2\u0080\u0098cause at [Pine Mountains], there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s so many different races, so you can tell there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s different groups everywhere, but me, like you could find me around everywhere, like one minute I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll be with the Black people and the Latin people, and one minute I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll be on the other side with my little White friends and then you know I have all different friends and they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re all mixed races too, so it makes it easier. Erica: So do you think [being multiethnic] is an advantage socially? Kendra: I would say it is, yeah. Several of the other participants from Pine Mountains also noted the significant racial segregation that takes place at their school. Like Kendra, Raya, both at Pine Mountains and at her other schools, felt that she could more easily \u00E2\u0080\u009Cget away with\u00E2\u0080\u009D going between the various groups of students because she is multiethnic. In the excerpts below, Raya discusses code switching (Doss & Gross, 1994) or, as she puts it, her ability to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cchange it up a little bit\u00E2\u0080\u009D depending on whether she is with White people or Black people. Raya: If I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m with White people, my personality just changes. I tend to like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cah-huh, what are you talking about?\u00E2\u0080\u009D (in a high-pitched voice) you know, like that. And then when I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m with Black people I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m like (sucks teeth) \u00E2\u0080\u009Cshoot\u00E2\u0080\u009D (low voice). You know, it just changes with things, and it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s really easy for me to change that because I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m around both sides at my house and outside of my house\u00E2\u0080\u00A6I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve never had times when I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m like \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t fit in, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m Black.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Alright, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll just change it up a little bit, you know. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve never felt like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmaybe I should just sit over here.\u00E2\u0080\u009D And I can get away with it. \u00E2\u0080\u0098Cause there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s White people who\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll try to do it and they\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll be like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cuh\u00E2\u0080\u009D (not convinced sounding) and Black people stare at them like they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re crazy. [Later in the interview] Erica: Would you say that there were specific challenges socially? 222 Raya: Socially? Well no, that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s what I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m saying, just because I could go to whichever group I wanted to, like \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh the Black people aren\u00E2\u0080\u0099t here today, let me go to the White people or the White people aren\u00E2\u0080\u0099t here today, let me go to the Black people.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Erica: You could have multiple cliques. Raya: Yeah, \u00E2\u0080\u009Clook, there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s some Mexicans let me just go over there.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Everybody asks me if I am Latina anyways. This notion of being able to more easily move between groups of students organized according to race and/or ethnicity was also discussed by Kelley, Jen, and Jill. Kelley, a student at Deer Valley, feels like a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmiddleman\u00E2\u0080\u009D and that she can associate with both Asian and White students; Jen discussed the segregation that occurs between the Brown and non-Brown students at Pine Mountains and her ability to identify and associate with both groups of students; and Jill noted the segregation that occurs at Parkside and her ability to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbreak the boundaries\u00E2\u0080\u009D between students. Jill said: All the African American kids sit at the bricks (at school). All the Cambodians sit somewhere else. All the Mexicans sit somewhere else\u00E2\u0080\u00A6And it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just weird, because I mostly have\u00E2\u0080\u0094like I have my group, but like there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s three of them. So I like float around to everywhere\u00E2\u0080\u00A6And it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s weird because I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll go to this group and I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll hug someone. And I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll go to the other group and I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll hug someone. And I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhat\u00E2\u0080\u0099s up, how are you doing?\u00E2\u0080\u009D to the random person who doesn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t look like me at all. Then I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll go over to the other group. And it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s weird how you can like break the boundaries. Hip Hapa, Frank, Anthony, and Dana, also discussed having very diverse groups of friends. Hip Hapa described his friends as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cincredibly diverse both in how we look and what we do\u00E2\u0080\u009D and Frank said, \u00E2\u0080\u009CI have a very diverse group of friends, so nobody really gets singled out or labeled.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Anthony also said that he has \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdifferent groups of friends\u00E2\u0080\u009D despite the fact that \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca lot of people [at Oak View] just stick with one group of people.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Moreover, when asked if there are any advantages of being multiethnic said, Anthony 223 said, \u00E2\u0080\u009CAdvantages? Well, I guess I can identify with a lot more people.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Similarly, Dana discussed feeling as though she can blend in more easily with different groups of people because of her personality, her \u00E2\u0080\u009Cexperiences of being mixed,\u00E2\u0080\u009D and her ability to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfit in\u00E2\u0080\u009D wherever she goes because of her appearance. She said, \u00E2\u0080\u009CSo, I mean, I definitely can pretty much fit in wherever I go, because I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m kind of like skin color wise, kind of in the middle, yeah.\u00E2\u0080\u009D We may recall from Chapter Three, Fryer, Kahn, Levitt, and Spenkuch\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (2008) study conducted with Black-White identified students, the data from which they found to be \u00E2\u0080\u009Clargely consistent with the \u00E2\u0080\u0098marginal man\u00E2\u0080\u0099 hypothesis (Park, 1928, 1931; Stonequist 1935, 1937)\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 5). Based on their findings, these researchers concluded that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmixed race adolescents \u00E2\u0080\u0093 not having a natural peer group \u00E2\u0080\u0093 need to engage in more risky behaviors to be accepted\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 2). It is important to keep in mind that the data presented in this section primarily relate to participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 (not all of whom are of Black-White heritage) experiences with their friends (as opposed to peers or classmates), and that, as evidenced in the later sections, some participants have also had quite negative social experiences as a result of their multiethnic heritages. Nevertheless, the data related to participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 friendships certainly refute the image of multiethnic students as socially marginal: having diverse friendship networks and the ability to cross racial and ethnic boundaries emerged as common themes during many of the interviews. Indeed, particularly at racially and ethnically segregated schools, being multiethnic seemingly provides a social advantage that allows participants to more easily move between different groups of students. As noted by Raya, Christina, and Jen, such movement between groups of students can be more difficult for monoethnic students. 224 No fewer than ten participants reported having a diverse group of friends, and we know from the data related to school demographics that the participants who attend racially and ethnically diverse schools, and, thus, are surrounded by students representing various racial and ethnic heritages, were more likely to describe their identities and the social impact of these identities in positive terms. Even if these participants did not explicitly say so, it seems reasonable to conclude that having a diverse group of friends has supported their racial and ethnic identity development\u00E2\u0080\u0094a conclusion supported by Rockquemore and Laszloffy (2005) who assert that \u00E2\u0080\u009CA diverse peer group allows greater opportunity to develop a multifaceted view of race and expand children\u00E2\u0080\u0099s options in terms of their own racial identity\u00E2\u0080\u009D (2005, p. 101). Friends with Similar Identities and Heritages Nine of the participants (Jasmine, Hannah, Raya, Jill, Kelley, David, Amaya, Christina, and Renee) reported having multiethnic friends or friends with whom they have a shared heritage or sense of identity. Jasmine, Raya, Jill, Renee, and Hannah, for example, all said that several of their best friends are multiethnic. As Hannah explained, I have friends, there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s three or four of my close friends that are actually half Asian and half White. So when I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m with them I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t feel any, I mean like, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t feel any different\u00E2\u0080\u00A6It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just like I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t even think of myself as being any different because they don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t make me feel any different. Kelley, David, Amaya, and Christina all discussed having friends with whom they share a racial or ethnic heritage. Although Kelley initially had a difficult time making Asian friends, she now feels that she and her close friends \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccan understand each other more\u00E2\u0080\u009D because they all have Asian heritage. Likewise, David who has a strong sense of identity as Portuguese feels that he can \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbond even more\u00E2\u0080\u009D with other Portuguese students and 225 Amaya feels that it is easier for her to mix with African American students because she is mostly exposed to African American culture at home. Christina very explicitly linked the racial heritage of her friends to her own identity development. During her interview, Christina explained \u00E2\u0080\u009Call of my family, my uncles and everyone like that, is White, and I never met my real dad, so I am always around my White family.\u00E2\u0080\u009D As she said, having Black friends provides her with the opportunity to connect with and learn about her \u00E2\u0080\u009CBlack side\u00E2\u0080\u009D which she felt was missing from her life. Christina: They\u00E2\u0080\u0099re Black and they have their Black families and stuff and they live, I guess, a different way than what I grew up as. And then, because I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m mixed, I didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really have the Black part of me. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know any part of my Black side so because of that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m interested in like knowing about\u00E2\u0080\u00A6 Erica: Finding out about that side\u00E2\u0080\u00A6 Christina: Yeah, so that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s why I wanted to, that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s why I just always\u00E2\u0080\u0094even when I got into middle school, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve always just been hanging out with Black kids or whatever, \u00E2\u0080\u0098cause I was interested in that \u00E2\u0080\u0098cause I never had that. So, maybe if I was White, maybe I wouldn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t be like that, \u00E2\u0080\u0098cause I wouldn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t\u00E2\u0080\u0094not that I wouldn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t be interested, but I wouldn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t be feeling like I was missing something. You know? Based on these data it seems that students benefit from having friends who share a common heritage or sense of identity, because shared experiences may form the basis of understanding (a la Kelly\u00E2\u0080\u0099s experiences), because such friendships can provide them with the opportunity to learn about one or more of their heritages (a la Christina), and because such friendships can mean that students are less likely to feel \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdifferent.\u00E2\u0080\u009D I note that this is entirely consistent with the previously discussed finding that students benefit from having a diverse group of friends. 226 Stereotypes What the data in this section principally demonstrate is the persistence of stereotypes in participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 schools. Indeed, quite a few of the participants discussed the stereotypes that are imposed on them at school, and nearly all of the participants with Asian heritage discussed the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmodel minority\u00E2\u0080\u009D stereotypes that get applied to them (Lee, 1996). Hannah and Anne, for example, both of whom identify as Japanese and White, reported that some of their classmates assume they will do well academically because they are Asian. Hannah said, \u00E2\u0080\u009CSometimes people make jokes like \u00E2\u0080\u0098well, you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re Asian so you\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll do really well\u00E2\u0080\u0099 but it doesn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t bother me.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Likewise, Anne said, \u00E2\u0080\u009CI think people, when they find out I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m of Asian descent, they kind of go, \u00E2\u0080\u0098oh, why don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t you sit next to me so I can look on your paper on the test\u00E2\u0080\u0099 kind of thing. And it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re just expecting that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m smart, when you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re probably going to get a better grade than I would.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Jordan, Jill, Cara, and Kelley, all of whom identify as Chinese and White, also discussed the stereotypes related to academic performance that get applied to them. As Jordan explained, \u00E2\u0080\u009CI think there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s a stereotype of Asian people or Chinese people working really hard in school. So I think a lot of people associate me with that, because I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m half Chinese.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Jill said, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfor the people that didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know me, it was because I was Asian [that] I did well. Like \u00E2\u0080\u0098she looks like she could be Asian, she must be doing well, she must just have it in her genes.\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u009D Similarly, Cara reported: I actually do think that people think that you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re smarter if you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re Chinese, but like book smart\u00E2\u0080\u00A6It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s not so much like the actual intelligence, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s the work ethic, because people have this idea that Chinese people are really hard workers, and like they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re slightly unethical \u00E2\u0080\u0093 like they\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll do whatever it takes to like get the job done. 227 Although Hannah, Anne, Jordan, Jill, Cara, Kelley, and Hip Hapa all mentioned the stereotypes of Asians that get applied to them, none described these imposed stereotypes as accurate or fitting. Hip Hapa, for example, said, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhenever somebody brought up the stereotype that Asians were smart, I was like \u00E2\u0080\u0098well then why am I not super good at math?\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u009D While the previous excerpts depict the stereotypes that often get applied to study participants, in those that follow, we see the stereotypes and perceptions Anne and Jill have of the Asian students at their schools and why they do not feel as though they fit in with them. Interestingly, Anne feels that she does not fit in with the Asian students because she does plays sports, whereas Jill feels she does not fit in with them, in part, because she does not play sports. As we know from the section on race and ethnicity based student organizations, several participants worry about being perceived as not \u00E2\u0080\u009C[insert racial or ethnic group] enough\u00E2\u0080\u009D to join such organizations. As we see in Jill\u00E2\u0080\u0099s excerpt, she perceives herself as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnot Chinese enough\u00E2\u0080\u009D based on her stereotypes of Chinese students. Anne: There\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Asian kids at our school, you know, they eat Asian food all the time and they hang out with, you know, Asian kids, and it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s\u00E2\u0080\u0094I guess this is a stereotype, but a lot of Asians are more quiet, you know, submissive, studious, and that kind of thing. And that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s not really me. You know, school\u00E2\u0080\u0099s a struggle for me. I do sports and I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m tall, you know, so I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t always fit into to the Asian stereotype. * * * Jill: At Green Meadows I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t think I thought about race until the end of the year when it had subconsciously gotten to me so much that I was the only person in those classes who\u00E2\u0080\u0094either I wasn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t Asian enough\u00E2\u0080\u0094I had an Asian say, \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, Jill, you don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t count because you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re only half Asian. That\u00E2\u0080\u0099s why you get 98% and not 100%. Like you get an A- because you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re half.\u00E2\u0080\u009D I mean, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve always felt I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not strongly connected to my Chinese side of the family, and I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t speak Cantonese. Like I\u00E2\u0080\u0099d go to school, and 228 when I was at Green Meadows, all the Chinese people, the nerdy Chinese people, whose parents moved out to [city] so that they could go play sports. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t play sports. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m so athletically challenged\u00E2\u0080\u00A6And I was like, \u00E2\u0080\u009CI don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t fit in with you. That\u00E2\u0080\u0099s not who I am. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t want to be part of your group, because I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not Chinese enough.\u00E2\u0080\u009D The fact that Jill and Anne both invoked stereotypes of Asians to explain why they do not feel as though they fit in with the other Asian students at their schools indicates to me that they have internalized many of the stereotypes of Asian people and that these stereotypes have influenced how they think about their own identities and \u00E2\u0080\u009CAsian-ness.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Indeed, Jill said that she does not feel \u00E2\u0080\u009CChinese enough\u00E2\u0080\u009D to hang out with the other Chinese students at school. Participants with Asian heritage were not the only ones to discuss the stereotypes that get imposed on them by others. Jasmine, for example, discussed the stereotypes of Arabs that her classmates invoke during her Government class and explained that Arabs are often portrayed during classroom debates as hijackers and people who go on \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccrazy ass jihads.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Although Jasmine said that these stereotypes have not influenced her in a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnegative way,\u00E2\u0080\u009D and although she initially said that her schooling experiences have not influenced her sense of multiethnic identity, she spoke passionately and at length about these debates in the context of a broader conversation about the specific influences of K- 12 schooling on her identity construction. Josh, in discussing his perception that other students at Deer Valley High School \u00E2\u0080\u009Clook at [him] differently,\u00E2\u0080\u009D mentioned the stereotypes about Jewish people that are applied to him. As he explained, when classmates find out that his dad is a diamond dealer, they make comments like \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, Jewish people are into jewelry\u00E2\u0080\u009D and \u00E2\u0080\u009CJosh, so are you gonna become a jeweler?\u00E2\u0080\u009D Josh was quite clear in stating that these comments from 229 his classmates are not mean-spirited but stem from a lack of awareness and sensitivity. In discussing this lack of cultural sensitivity and awareness, Josh also talked about trying to keep kosher on Bar-B-Q Day at school. He said, \u00E2\u0080\u009Ceveryone would ask me why I wouldn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t eat the hamburger with the cheese.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Josh explained that, following his response, some of his classmates would make comments like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, Josh, just eat it\u00E2\u0080\u009D\u00E2\u0080\u0094comments that, understandably so, seemed to annoy Josh. Dana has a friend who challenges her Black identity, to which her response is \u00E2\u0080\u009CI\u00E2\u0080\u0099m just not stereotypically Black.\u00E2\u0080\u009D More often, however, Dana feels that stereotypes abut Black people are applied to her, especially by White and Hispanic students who, she feels, treat her like a \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctoken Black person.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Indeed, Dana expressed annoyance about the questions White and Hispanic kids ask her and the assumptions that they make about her upon finding out that she is Black (\u00E2\u0080\u009Cit\u00E2\u0080\u0099s White kids and Hispanic kids who are so annoying\u00E2\u0080\u009D). People who look at my skin color and my hair, and then think, like people who are racists, \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re gonna steal something. Oh, you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re this, you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re that.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Like coming up to me and asking me about hip hop music or rap or whatever, in school. Like that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s the most annoying thing. It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s kids my age who don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know me thinking I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m a certain way, and I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not. And Black kids never do that. Black kids are always fine. They don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t\u00E2\u0080\u0094they figure that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m half something and they don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t treat me like I need to be like this. But it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s White kids and Hispanic kids who are so annoying. It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like they want me to be friends with them, or someone who\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like part Black, just to bring in the Blackness a little, because they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not Black at all, but they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re pretending they are. Marie, who, like Dana, identifies as Black and White, also often encounters questions reflecting stereotypes of Black people. Marie reported feeling annoyed by the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cstupid questions\u00E2\u0080\u009D that people ask her when they find out she is half Black (i.e. \u00E2\u0080\u009CHow high can 230 you jump?\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u009CCan you dunk?\u00E2\u0080\u009D), so much so that she often does not \u00E2\u0080\u009Creally mention that [she\u00E2\u0080\u0099s] half Black\u00E2\u0080\u009D to people who do not already know. During Cara\u00E2\u0080\u0099s interview, we engaged in a more general conversation about stereotypes. Cara, despite mentioning the \u00E2\u0080\u009CChinese prototype\u00E2\u0080\u009D that people project onto her (see above), shared her perception that stereotypes are not taken as seriously as they once were and do not function like they used to in terms of shaping the way younger generations think. Cara also shared her belief that stereotypes have mostly become the basis for jokes which point out how \u00E2\u0080\u009Cridiculous\u00E2\u0080\u009D the stereotypes are. Cara\u00E2\u0080\u0099s discussion of stereotypes here is similar to Hannah\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (above) who said that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpeople make jokes\u00E2\u0080\u009D about her doing well in schools\u00E2\u0080\u0094jokes that do not bother her. Like, we called Chinese food a couple months ago, and it was taking a real long time. So [some friends] said, \u00E2\u0080\u009CCara get your grandmother on the phone, tell her to hurry up.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Like I was \u00E2\u0080\u0093 I laughed. It was a joke, you know, because I think that to us it seems so ridiculous that someone would actually think that all Chinese people are related or that all Chinese people are good at math. Like at this point, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s almost become, because it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s so highly publicized, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdon\u00E2\u0080\u0099t do this, don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t be racist, don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t be racist, don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t make stereotypes.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Then it becomes a joke, basically. At the Pine Mountains focus group, as during Cara\u00E2\u0080\u0099s interview, the topic of stereotypes came up several times and we engaged in a more general conversation about the topic. Following a conversation about the stereotypes that get applied to the focus group participants, we began discussing the difficulties associated with challenging stereotypes, and especially the challenge of doing so in schools. Pine Mountains focus group members seemed to feel that stereotypes continue to shape people\u00E2\u0080\u0099s perceptions and they discussed the formidable challenges associated with breaking down stereotypes \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthat have been around forever.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Whereas Barry and Renee expressed doubts about schools\u00E2\u0080\u0099 ability to break down stereotypes and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cteach somebody to be tolerant if they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re 231 ignorant,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Jen said that a conversation such as the one taking place during the focus group was one way to do just that. She noted, however, that if such conversations took place in school \u00E2\u0080\u009Call hell could break loose in the classroom\u00E2\u0080\u009D and Renee feels that conversations about stereotypes can get \u00E2\u0080\u009Cso messy.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Despite these concerns, Barry would like to see our arrival at the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmiddle ground\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhere we acknowledge different races without being stereotypical.\u00E2\u0080\u009D What is interesting is that none of the study participants explicitly pointed to the role of schools in the perpetuation and reinforcement of stereotypes. Nevertheless, emerging from the data, and especially the data presented in the previous chapter, we have numerous examples of school practices that we can reasonably interpret as reinforcing stereotypes, such as many of the diversity education initiatives previously discussed. At the same time, we lack examples from the data of school practices that directly challenge stereotypes. Again, what the data in this section principally demonstrate is the persistence of stereotypes in participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 schools. Perhaps not surprisingly, participants did not feel that the stereotypes that get applied to them are accurate reflections of who they are. Yet, as we have seen here and at times in the previous two chapters, participants also invoke stereotypes about their racial and ethnic heritage groups and those of others. Taking Jill\u00E2\u0080\u0099s experiences as an example, at different times during her interview, she discussed being seen by others as both Asian and not Asian based on the stereotypes they hold of Asian people. While she feels that the stereotypes of Asians that often get applied to her are not accurate or appropriate (and, in fact, she poked fun at the idea that her doing well in school is because \u00E2\u0080\u009Cshe must have it in her genes\u00E2\u0080\u009D), she also invoked stereotypes to explain why she does not feel \u00E2\u0080\u009CAsian enough.\u00E2\u0080\u009D All of this lends support to the idea that 232 Jill engages in an ongoing process of navigating other people\u00E2\u0080\u0099s perceptions of her, her own perceptions of herself, and the divisions constructed between racial and ethnic groups\u00E2\u0080\u0094all of which are influenced by stereotypes. As Stephan (1999) explains, \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe basis of stereotyping is categorization\u00E2\u0080\u00A6. [W]hen we categorize people by using a group label, we are highlighting the similarity of people within the category and the ways in which these people differ from other groups\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 2). Racial and ethnic stereotypes, quite obviously, reinforce the divisions (both physical and conceptual) between racial and ethnic groups\u00E2\u0080\u0094the very divisions that study participants discussed having to navigate in their social interactions and as they develop a sense of identity and belonging. In other words, stereotypes influence how study participants are seen by others, and how they see themselves and others, and they serve to reinforce racial and ethnic categories and the divisions constructed between them\u00E2\u0080\u0094all of which shape participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 experiences and identities. In this sense, by reinforcing stereotypes or leaving them unchallenged (see also Chapter Six), participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 schools have a significant, albeit indirect, influence on their identity construction. Challenged Identities This section includes a discussion of the data related to participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 perceptions and experiences of having their identities and \u00E2\u0080\u009Clegitimacy\u00E2\u0080\u009D as members of a given racial or ethnic group challenged by classmates and peers, challenges that were also discussed in the context of race and ethnicity-based students organizations (see Chapter Six). As we will see, some participants fear having their cultural legitimacy or claims to group membership challenged\u00E2\u0080\u0094fear that we might reasonably conclude stems from past experiences of overt challenging from others. We also find numerous examples in the 233 data of explicit (and sometimes aggressive) challenges to participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 identities, cultural legitimacy, and membership in a given racial or ethnic group (Root, 1998). Nearly every participant reported being asked questions about their racial and ethnic identities and, often times, their cultural knowledge. For many, these questions were understood as stemming from benign curiosity. For at least one third of the participants, however, these questions were, or led to, direct challenges to their identities or claims to membership in one of their heritage groups. Jen, for example, discussed being told that she is not Puerto Rican because she does not speak Spanish: \u00E2\u0080\u009C[When I say I am Puerto Rican] people are like \u00E2\u0080\u0098do you speak Spanish? No? Well then you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not Puerto Rican\u00E2\u0080\u0099 and it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like \u00E2\u0080\u0098what? [I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll] slap you.\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u009D Likewise, Kendra discussed being overtly challenged about her Black identity (she did not, however, report being challenged in the same way about her Puerto Rican, French, or Mexican identity). [People say] \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not really Black. Just \u00E2\u0080\u0098cause your great grandma was Black doesn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t mean you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re Black.\u00E2\u0080\u009D And that kind of makes me mad, because it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like, and it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s been people that I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t even know that have said that and it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like \u00E2\u0080\u009Chow can you sit there and judge me if you don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know me?\u00E2\u0080\u009D I was like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cyou don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know my family, you don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know my background and how can you sit there and say that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not really Black?\u00E2\u0080\u009D And like they just stick by it. \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, well you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not Black just because your boyfriend\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Black or you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not Black just because your cousin\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Black.\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u00A6They just make up little things and it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwell I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not sitting here telling you what you are and what you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not, \u00E2\u0080\u0098cause I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know you. But you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re just sitting there saying that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not this, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not that just because my boyfriend\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Black.\u00E2\u0080\u009D And like, stuff like that just aggravates me and makes me mad. Likewise, Jasmine has encountered numerous challenges to her Arabic identity from other Arabic people\u00E2\u0080\u0094challenges based in large part on her phenotype and to which Jasmine responds quite strongly. When I meet another Arabic person that is my age, they ask me specifically about my religion. \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwell, have you done Hajj, do you do 234 Ramadan? Do you pray five times a day? Go ahead, say something in Arabic.\u00E2\u0080\u009D And I have no problem, you know, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll go ahead and match your questions. But then when it just gets a little out of hand, when they start telling me to speak Arabic, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll just say F-you in Arabic, you know, like I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m better than this. Like I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll say something like that, and they\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll just be done. As another example, Hip Hapa reported encountering so many challenges to his identity that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnone of them really stand out.\u00E2\u0080\u009D As Hip Hapa explained, based on his phenotype, people \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctell\u00E2\u0080\u009D him he is Black. Thus, the challenges he receives are often directed towards his assertions of Vietnamese and Native American heritage. The second excerpt below is taken from Hip Hapa\u00E2\u0080\u0099s writing activity in which he again discusses the challenges multiethnic individuals often encounter and concludes \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnot being acknowledged by outside races and your own is nothing less than shitty.\u00E2\u0080\u009D For me it was always not that they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re trying to figure out how Vietnamese I am or how much Vietnamese makes up Hip Hapa. It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s more like you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re using that\u00E2\u0080\u0094it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s more saying like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwell, this is why you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not Vietnamese.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Because whenever I say I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m Vietnamese, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdo you speak Viet?\u00E2\u0080\u009D Let me see, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cno, and I could explain to you why that fits in perfectly with my life, but I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m really not gonna waste that time.\u00E2\u0080\u009D\u00E2\u0080\u00A6I mean, it sounds bad, but as far as the negative experiences, none of them really stand out because it happened so often, that it was just kind of normal. It was like, okay, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m mixed, so people are telling me that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not. People are gonna tell me that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m Black because I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m Brown. So, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know, I got pissed off everyday. Somebody said something everyday about how I wasn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t Vietnamese or how I wasn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t Native American. \u00E2\u0080\u009CYou don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t count if you don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t speak the language.\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u009CYou can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t be both!\u00E2\u0080\u009D Sadly, this is just a taste of statements mixed people will undoubtedly hear their whole life\u00E2\u0080\u00A6Being Mexican is difficult. Being an African-Mexican American is just as difficult if not a little bit more so. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t mean to disrespect anyone\u00E2\u0080\u0099s experiences, but not being acknowledged by outside races and your own is nothing less than shitty. Whereas the other participants discussed the challenges to their identities either matter-of-factly or, at most, as annoying and troubling experiences, for Mialany, 235 challenges to her Black identity resulted in physical confrontations and, ultimately, her expulsion from school. Mialany: I know I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m multiethnic. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t have a strong sense of where I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m supposed to be, though. Like in a sense, I know that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m half White, half Black, but I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know where I should be categorized as. \u00E2\u0080\u0098Cause it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just basically you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re either Black or you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re White or you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re Mexican or you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re Indian or you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re Latino, you know? Erica: How has that played out in your life? Can you give me an example of that. Mialany: Not very well. Not very well. Like I went to Parkside High, and my cousins [who go to Parkside] are all Black, full Black, full African American. And I was hanging out with them and everybody was like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwell, you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not Black enough to be hanging out with them.\u00E2\u0080\u009D My cousins didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t say that, obviously, because they know who I am. But people are like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cyou\u00E2\u0080\u0099re trying to act Black.\u00E2\u0080\u009D And I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t\u00E2\u0080\u0094I feel like I can fit in more with the type of people that I was hanging out with. And it became this big issue to where I got jumped twice. And I got kicked out of school because I retaliated\u00E2\u0080\u00A6.Because you would think people at Parkside High would know, because Parkside\u00E2\u0080\u0099s so diverse and so different, and you think of [city name] as just like this hippie place, and you go to Parkside High and it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like these kids are so evil and so mean just to be evil and mean. And I think that they just find the one thing that everybody can just\u00E2\u0080\u0094\u00E2\u0080\u009Cyou\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not Black. You\u00E2\u0080\u0099re skin is White.\u00E2\u0080\u009D You know, that was the one thing that they could actually find in me that was wrong or a fault that they could quickly pickup and just be like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Chey, you guys, she thinks she\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Black. She\u00E2\u0080\u0099s not Black. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve never seen her dad. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve only seen her mom,\u00E2\u0080\u009D you know? As evidenced in the preceding excerpts and elsewhere in the data, study participants who discussed having their racial and ethnic identities and/or cultural knowledge challenged and questioned by other students did so with a certain level of emotion. Phrases like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cso annoying,\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpissed off,\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u009Cit\u00E2\u0080\u0099s hard,\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u009Cget shit,\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdon\u00E2\u0080\u0099t tell me what I am,\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u009Caggravates me,\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmakes me mad,\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u009C[I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll] slap you,\u00E2\u0080\u009D and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfeel self conscious\u00E2\u0080\u009D permeate these excerpts and the related data. Although no participant openly connected the challenges and questioning they encounter to their own sense of racial and ethnic identity, certainly such questioning and challenging cumulatively undermine these 236 participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 feelings of racial or ethnic group membership. Kendra, for example, maintains and asserts her Black identity, but surely she is aware that some people do not accept her as a Black woman. One wonders how often a person can have her sense of identity and group membership challenged without beginning to question it herself. Indeed, as Root (2003b) explains, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpeer acceptance and rejection are critical identity influences\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 119). Given the constant challenges to her identity that Mialany encounters, it is not surprising that she said, \u00E2\u0080\u009CI know I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m multiethnic. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t have a strong sense of where I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m supposed to be, though. Like in a sense, I know that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m half White, half Black, but I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know where I should be categorized as.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Root (2003b) labels such challenging as \u00E2\u0080\u009Chazing\u00E2\u0080\u009D and explains that \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe experience associated with hazing may bring physical appearance, behavior, accent, bilingual capabilities, dialectical proficiencies, choice of friends, choice of romantic partner, class, parent\u00E2\u0080\u0099s occupation, clothing preference, body type, and neighborhood into the equation\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 119). Challenges to participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 identities often emerge in response to a host of factors including phenotype (e.g. Andrea, Jasmine, Hip Hapa, Mialany), knowledge of languages (e.g. Jen, Jasmine, Hip Hapa), speech pattern (e.g. Christina), heredity (e.g. Kendra), religious practices (e.g. Jasmine), and the imposition of stereotypes (e.g. Dana), and draw on such features as romantic partners (e.g. Kendra), friendship choices (e.g. Mialany), and style preferences (e.g. Dana). The data related to participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 challenged identities also clearly point to the pervasiveness of limited understandings of what it means to be [insert racial or ethnic category] and the influence of stereotypes in shaping these understandings. 237 Racial Tension at School As noted in previous sections, quite a few of the participants discussed the voluntary racial and ethnic segregation of students at their schools (e.g. Amaya, Christina, Anthony, Raya, Kendra, Hip Hapa, Jill, and Mialany). For the most part, this segregation was discussed matter-of-factly and not as a source or consequence of racial and ethnic tension between students. Three of the participants, though, discussed instances of overt racial friction on their campuses. Mialany, for example, experienced feelings of discomfort and fear during a riot that took place at Parkside High School following the anniversary of Martin Luther King Jr.\u00E2\u0080\u0099s assassination. Mialany, who identifies as Black and White, said that she did not know what to do during the riot between Black and White students and decided to leave the campus. As we know, Mialany had previously been jumped by other students who questioned her Black identity, hence her fear of getting \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbusted up\u00E2\u0080\u009D for saying the wrong thing. There was a riot at my school the day of Martin Luther King\u00E2\u0080\u0099s assassination. Two White students came to school with a Nazi flag\u00E2\u0080\u0094a confederate flag, waiving it around and dragging a brown teddy bear with a noose around it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s neck. They didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t end up getting in trouble because it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s a freedom of speech, and [the school] didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t have proof that there was a brown teddy bear. But that next Friday they had a riot. And I didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know which\u00E2\u0080\u0094like I was so against the fact that [the two students] ever did that. But then I didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know what to do. Like I was wearing, you know, a \u00E2\u0080\u009CBlack power\u00E2\u0080\u009D shirt, but then at the same time I was like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdo I look stupid because I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m White?\u00E2\u0080\u009D But then at the same time, I agree with what [the Black students] were saying, you know what I mean? Like, this is not okay. But then on the other side there was like the White kids, and they all had a confederate flag and were like waving it in their faces. And I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m so against that. It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s crazy. And so I was just like \u00E2\u0080\u009CI\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve got to go home. I have to leave.\u00E2\u0080\u009D I couldn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t\u00E2\u0080\u0094I didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know what to do. I didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know where to go. I didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know what to say or who to talk to. Because if I say one thing wrong, that could be my face, like I could get busted up. 238 During his interview, Frank discussed two activities that took place during elementary school in which students were divided by race. In the first instance, another student at school decided the teams for a game of kickball based on the \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccolor of kids.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Frank, who identifies as Mexican and French, said the experience \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccaught [his] attention.\u00E2\u0080\u009D In the second instance, a few students said \u00E2\u0080\u009Cyou could only play this game if you were White\u00E2\u0080\u009D and they did not allow Frank to play. These occurrences, however, were not as significant to Frank as the tense event that took place at his school on Cesar Chavez Day. On that occasion, the Mexican and cowboy (i.e. White) students had a standoff in the school\u00E2\u0080\u0099s courtyard. Frank, who, again, identifies as French and Mexican, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwanted nothing to do with\u00E2\u0080\u009D the standoff and did not participate in it. A few years ago here, we have Cesar Chavez Day at school, like where a lot of Latino kids were bringing like Mexican flags to school. And then they got into it with like the cowboys or whatever. Yeah, [the cowboys] would all bring like American flags and confederate flags and all that. It was really crazy. [They were] on either side of the courtyard. So that was maybe probably the only time that I felt that race had anything to do with my friends and I. [But] I didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t participate in that\u00E2\u0080\u00A6It wasn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t just like I look Mexican, so I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m gonna go stand with them, or on the other side. I just don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t\u00E2\u0080\u0094I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know why people have to profile like that. Kendra, during both her interview and focus group, discussed the confrontations that have taken place between the Mexican and Black students at her intermediate and high schools. Kendra, who has both Black and Mexican heritage, reported not knowing what to do when such confrontations occur. I know a lot of the Mexicans don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really like the Blacks at our school. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know if it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s anywhere else, but I know, \u00E2\u0080\u0098cause I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve seen a lot of like confrontation between the Mexicans and the Blacks. But then I know a lot of the Mexicans, they know I have Black in me, but then they also know that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m Latino, so they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cokay, you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re Mexican\u00E2\u0080\u009D and stuff like that. But then they also have confrontations with some of my Black friends, so I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m like in the middle, and it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like what do I do, you know? 239 While it is often assumed that multiethnic students are \u00E2\u0080\u009Cforced to choose\u00E2\u0080\u009D one heritage with which to identify (see Wardle, 1998, 2000b), quite interestingly, all three of these participants avoided making such a choice when instances of racial tension occurred at their schools. Mialany left school during the riot for fear of how her involvement (particularly on the side of the Black students) would affect her personal safety, Frank chose not to participate in the standoff between the Latino and cowboy students, and Kendra avoids participating in confrontations between Mexican and Black students. On-campus confrontations such as these produced feelings of confusion (Kendra), disillusionment (Frank), and fear (Mialany), and presumably reinforced for these three participants the notion that they do not fit within standard racial groupings, the divisions between which are emphasized and strengthened by such events. Indeed, the three incidents of racial tension described here point to entrenched racial divisions between which participants must navigate at school. Given that the confrontations discussed by these three participants all took place between groups of students with whom participants identify (e.g. Mialany identifies as Black and White and the confrontation was between Black and White students), we might speculate that similar confrontations have taken place between others groups of students with whom participants do not identify, with similar consequences for other multiethnic students. Integrating the Data As we can see from the data presented in this chapter, participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 racial and ethnic identities, how they think and feel about their identities, their experiences stemming from their identities (both those that they assert and those that they are assigned), and the meaning they attach to their identities often shift during their years at 240 school. Whereas very few participants drew explicit connections between the formal aspects of K-12 schooling and their racial and ethnic identity development, this chapter includes numerous examples of the perceived influence of the informal and social aspects of schooling on participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 identities. Indeed, the following exchange between me and Renee reveals an understanding of the relative importance of formal and informal aspects of schooling common to many of the participants: Erica: Let\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just reiterate, you do not feel that school has been influential in your identity construction? Renee: (long pause) peers-wise, yes, teacher-wise, no. Having given my question (which was a reiteration of what she had previously said) some thought, Renee pointed to the informal and social aspects, but not the formal aspects, of her K-12 schooling as having influenced her identity development. As we have seen, the racial and ethnic diversity of participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 schools (or lack thereof) has a significant impact on their racial and ethnic identity development. Again, given that so many participants discussed having a situational sense of identity that shifts according to the people they are around, it is not surprising that the presence (or absence) of students representing specific racial and ethnic groups was reported to have such a significant influence on their racial and ethnic identities. This is consistent with Lopez\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (2004) finding that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhen mixed-heritage students move from racially/ethnically homogeneous to more diverse school settings, it can prompt an initial or renewed assessment of their race/ethnicity identification(s), both in terms of how they conceptualize their heritage and their understandings of how others perceive them\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 43). 241 We have also seen that participants who have attended racially and ethnically diverse schools were more likely to discuss their multiethnic identity in positive terms, as a social asset, or as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnot that big of a deal.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Conversely, participants who have attended more homogeneous schools were more likely to describe feeling \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdifferent\u00E2\u0080\u009D or particularly visible at school. At the same time, however, participants who attend diverse schools often pointed out the racial and ethnic segregation of students on campus, and the three participants who recalled instances of overt racial tension on campus (Mialany, Frank, and Kendra) all attend schools best characterized as racially and ethnically diverse. Such segregation and racial tension result from and reinforce the boundaries constructed between racial and ethic groups\u00E2\u0080\u0094boundaries that participants often discussed navigating in their social interactions and that are frequently invoked during the \u00E2\u0080\u009Chazing\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Root, 2003b) that participants encounter. Based on the data, we might conclude that the optimal school setting for multiethnic students, in terms of both their social experiences and identity development, is a racially and ethnically diverse and integrated campus. Having diverse friendship networks and the ability to cross racial and ethnic boundaries at schools also emerged as common themes during many of the interviews. Particularly at racially and ethnically segregated schools, being multiethnic seems to provide a social advantage that allows participants to more easily move between different groups of students. Nine of the participants (Jasmine, Hannah, Raya, Jill, Kelley, David, Amaya, Christina, and Renee) reported having multiethnic friends or friends with whom they have a shared sense of identity, and both Renee and Christina linked friendships to opportunities to connect with and learn about one of their heritage groups. From these findings, I infer that study participants are particularly drawn to friends who are more 242 likely to understand or relate to their experiences stemming from their racial and ethnic identities, from whom they do not feel particularly different, and/or around whom they do not feel as though they stand out. This inference is consistent with Sheets\u00E2\u0080\u0099 (2004) related finding that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfactors of race and ethnicity were more closely tied to multiracial students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 choice of friends than were personality characteristics, common interests, and activities\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 140). As we may recall from Chapter Two, at the center of my conceptualization of identity lie notions of relationship and interaction. I am particularly convinced by the idea that identities emerge through processes of negotiation and reconciliation between how individuals conceive of themselves and the identities assigned to or imposed on them by others\u00E2\u0080\u0094assigned identities which in turn shape relationships and experiences stemming from these relationships. As we may also recall from Chapter Two, Tatum draws our attention to the \u00E2\u0080\u009Clooking glass self\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Cooley, 1902) or the notion that how we see ourselves is inextricably linked to how others see us and, therefore, treat us. As she says, \u00E2\u0080\u009CWho am I? The answer depends in large part on who the world around me says I am\u00E2\u0080\u009D (1997, p. 18). Given this understanding of identity development, I read the challenges to participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 racial and ethnic identities, to their cultural legitimacy, and to their group membership as necessarily shaping their identity development processes and their outcomes. As is to be expected, study participants who discussed having their racial and ethnic identities challenged by other students did so with a notable tone of irritation and displeasure. Whether or not such challenging is actually understood by participants as influencing their racial and ethnic identities, it must certainly highlight for them the differences between how they self identify and how they are identified by others 243 (described by Jenkins (2003) as internal and external definitions of one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s identity)\u00E2\u0080\u0094 differences that they surely negotiate in the construction of their racial and ethnic identities. The challenges participants encounter to their asserted identities and claims to group membership also highlight the prevalence, persistence, and robustness of stereotypes about racial and ethnic groups in participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 schools\u00E2\u0080\u0094stereotypes which reinforce the divisions between these groups. As previously noted, of the participants who discussed the stereotypes that get applied to them, none felt that these stereotypes were accurate or appropriate. Once again, we perceive the differences between how participants view themselves and how they are viewed by others. Taken together, and consistent with the literature discussed in Chapters Two and Three, the data presented in this chapter indicate that study participants often negotiate the boundaries constructed between racial and ethnic groups\u00E2\u0080\u0094those that are physically present on their campuses and those that are imposed during interactions with peers. The data also indicate that participants often confront differences between how they self identify and the identities assigned to or imposed on them by others. What is clear from the data presented here is that others\u00E2\u0080\u0099 perceptions of study participants (often grounded in stereotypes and limited notions of what it means to be [insert racial and ethnic group]) play a significant role in shaping participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 social experiences and their racial and ethnic identities (see Khanna, 2004). It is particularly important to keep these findings in mind as we turn our attention to participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 reflections on schooling and recommendations for educators, as presented in the next chapter. 244 CHAPTER EIGHT: PARTICIPANTS\u00E2\u0080\u0099 BROADER REFLECTIONS ON SCHOOLING AND RECOMMENDATIONS FOR EDUCATORS One purpose of this study was to determine how K-12 schools might become more inclusive of, and better support the racial and ethnic identity development of, multiethnic students. As noted in Chapter Three, Cruz-Janzen (1997), Greene (2004), Schwartz (1998), Wardle (1996, 2000b, 2004), and Wardle and Cruz-Janzen (2004), among others, have provided numerous suggestions for ways in which K-12 schools might do just that. Also noted in Chapter Three is the fact that missing from much of this literature are the voices of multiethnic students and their perceptions stemming directly from their K-12 schooling experiences. Likewise, we lack suggestions for educators generated by or based directly on input from multiethnic students. During the interviews and focus groups, several participants discussed changes that they feel educators and administrators could institute to create environments that are more inclusive of multiethnic students, that might better support their identity development, and that might improve their academic, social, and personal experiences. When participants did not volunteer such recommendations, and although they were not included in the original interview protocol, I asked participants some combination of the following questions: Would you have liked to learn (or learn more) about multiethnicity?, Do you feel that multiethnic students have particular needs, and if so, do you feel that your school (or schools in general) are meeting those needs?, and What suggestions do you have for educators who are looking for ways to support the schooling experiences and identity development of multiethnic students? Although the wording of these questions often varied slightly between interviews, the essential inquiry was always the 245 same.14 So as not to direct participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 responses, I intentionally kept these questions rather vague. Here, I provide a summary and analysis of the data emerging in response to these questions as well as related data from the focus groups and writing activities. Ultimately, then, the data discussed here relate to how study participants feel that educators could support their identity development and enhance their academic, social, and personal experiences in schools. As such, the following data played a significant role in shaping my own recommendations, as presented in the next chapter. Because participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 responses to the above questions are very much rooted in their own identities and experiences, throughout this chapter I refer back to data already presented. It is, in part, for this reason that I present the data from each participant together (see Chapter Four). As we will see, despite the significant differences between individual participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 identities and experiences, several dominant themes, discussed in detail later in the chapter, permeate the data. These themes include: a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cblindness\u00E2\u0080\u009D towards multiethnic students in school; a desire to learn about race, ethnicity, and multiethnicity; the similar needs of all students; and a desire for awareness and understanding. Participant Perspectives Hannah When asked if she thinks multiethnicity should be discussed more in schools, Hannah said, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cyeah, I think it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s interesting and I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m sure other people would think it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s interesting too\u00E2\u0080\u00A6.I think it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s important because I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t think people realize how many multiethnic people there are, \u00E2\u0080\u0098cause I didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t realize.\u00E2\u0080\u009D As we know, throughout her interview, Hannah made comments like \u00E2\u0080\u009CI don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t think of myself as like completely 14 For example, I often substituted the word \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmultiethnic\u00E2\u0080\u009D for the term most often used by the participants during their interviews (i.e. multiracial or mixed race). 246 multiethnic, I just think of myself as me.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Clearly, being multiethnic is not central to Hannah\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sense of identity, which is again made evident in her response to my question about multiethnic students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 needs. Whereas she speculated that students who think of themselves as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthat\u00E2\u0080\u009D (multiethnic) may not have the opportunity to learn about \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwho they are\u00E2\u0080\u009D in school, she also thinks that is something \u00E2\u0080\u009Cyou kind of find out on your own throughout all of your experiences.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Because she does not identify strongly as multiethnic, Hannah struggled to think of recommendations for educators beyond that which she had earlier offered of including multiethnicity in the curriculum. In response to my request, she said \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthis is hard just because I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t think of myself as like completely multiethnic, I just think of myself as me.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Frank As with Hannah, being multiethnic is not central to Frank\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sense of identity. In fact, as we know from his profile, Frank said \u00E2\u0080\u009CI don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really feel that grounded or attached to any heritage. I could identify in lots of different ways, because I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t think that it changes my personality at all\u00E2\u0080\u00A6I mean, it is just your background.\u00E2\u0080\u009D This being the case, it is perhaps not surprising that Frank\u00E2\u0080\u0099s enthusiasm for lessons about multiethnicity was somewhat muted (\u00E2\u0080\u009Cit can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t hurt,\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u009Cit\u00E2\u0080\u0099d be kind of cool\u00E2\u0080\u009D). Likewise, Frank\u00E2\u0080\u0099s recommendation for educators seems to stem more from a desire to answer my question than from a perceived need for educators to alter their practices. Frank: I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know, you could probably like make it aware that there are multiethnic groups. Erica: So raise awareness that there are multiethnic people? Frank: Yeah. 247 Hip Hapa Hip Hapa feels that, by not focusing more on race, ethnicity, and multiethnicity beyond \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbringing in a food that represents you,\u00E2\u0080\u009D educators are failing to the meet the needs of all students. [Y]ou\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve got single race kids that are ignorant of mixed race kids. And you\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve got mixed race kids that are either ignorant to themselves, and that there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s a group of them, and that they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not alone. Just by not talking about it, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s a problem for everybody. As he said, classroom discussions should focus more on race, ethnicity, and multiethnicity, as well as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe fact that there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s a \u00E2\u0080\u0098we\u00E2\u0080\u0099 not just a \u00E2\u0080\u0098you.\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u009D Hip Hapa: I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know where it would fit in, but they\u00E2\u0080\u0099d have to find somewhere. Just like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Clook, people are mixed, and they can be different things and that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s okay. Let\u00E2\u0080\u0099s talk about this.\u00E2\u0080\u009D I mean, if I ever become a teacher, we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re gonna talk about that in my class. Erica: So it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s important for everybody to learn about? Hip Hapa: I think it, yeah, it should be a standard in a grade or something, whenever they deem it okay to talk about it\u00E2\u0080\u00A6I think if anything, I think there should just be more talk about the fact that there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwe\u00E2\u0080\u009D not just a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cyou\u00E2\u0080\u009D or just the concept of being mixed. Jen At several times during her interview, Jen mentioned the diversity of Pine Mountains and linked the school\u00E2\u0080\u0099s diversity to her sense of identity (\u00E2\u0080\u009Cbecause this school is so diverse, I can just be whatever I want\u00E2\u0080\u009D). At the same time, when it comes to the formal aspects of schooling, Jen feels that there is little attention paid to multiethnic students. As she said, there is nothing in school that makes it \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbetter\u00E2\u0080\u009D or \u00E2\u0080\u009Cworse\u00E2\u0080\u009D for them, in part because \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe school\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like blind to mixed races.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Jen is interested in having multiethnicity included in the curriculum \u00E2\u0080\u009Cjust to bring attention towards it,\u00E2\u0080\u009D and she indicated that discussions about multiethnicity would be good to have in the classroom 248 because \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca lot of students would have something to say,\u00E2\u0080\u009D which I take to mean that a lot of students would be interested in and would relate to the topic. Jen pointed out, however, that teachers might feel uncomfortable talking about multiethnicity or fear saying \u00E2\u0080\u009Csomething wrong.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Although Jen does not feel that multiethnic students have particularly unique needs, in an effort to identify a recommendation for educators, she said that a Mixed Race Awareness Day would be \u00E2\u0080\u009Cperfect\u00E2\u0080\u009D at Pine Mountains because it has so many multiethnic students. Anthony Anthony spoke tentatively about the importance of discussions about multiethnicity in the classroom and speculated that such discussions might mean that other multiethnic students would not have to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfigure it out\u00E2\u0080\u009D by themselves. Based on his comments, I interpret \u00E2\u0080\u009Cit\u00E2\u0080\u009D as one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s multiethnic identity. He also said that such discussions need to take place when students are younger, but pointed out that it is not necessarily a school\u00E2\u0080\u0099s role to \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctell\u00E2\u0080\u009D students \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhat [they] are.\u00E2\u0080\u009D I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know. Maybe [multiethnicity] should have [been discussed] so people would have been more aware of it. And maybe when you were younger, like in kindergarten or 1st grade so that you could actually realize that you would have been multiethnic. So maybe I think it should be. Kind of like you don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t have to figure it out by yourself. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not saying the school should be telling you what you are, but you should become aware of it more at a younger age, I think\u00E2\u0080\u00A6[But] like what are you supposed to say, like \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh here are the mixed race kids, guys.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Jill Although Jill\u00E2\u0080\u0099s comments are not nearly as tentative as Anthony\u00E2\u0080\u0099s, they both linked discussions about multiethnicity to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfigur[ing] out who you are.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Jill was quite clear that schools cannot force students to explore their identities, but said that subtly integrating multiethnicity into the curriculum might provide students with the opportunity 249 to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cstart looking at who they are and where they come from.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Jill also pointed out that learning about multiethnicity would be \u00E2\u0080\u009Chelpful for everyone.\u00E2\u0080\u009D As she said, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cit\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like during Black History Month you learn about African American people and how much influence they\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve had, but then everyone learns about that and everyone benefits.\u00E2\u0080\u009D We already know that Jill thinks that there should be more engagement with the topics of race and ethnicity in classrooms, but she also feels that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnobody wants to talk about race in a place where they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re forced to do it.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Indeed, as discussed in Chapter Six, Jill feels that lessons about race and ethnicity do not take place more often in schools due, in part, to the lack of safe environments in which to talk about these topics and fears people have about saying the wrong thing or being silenced. Jill is also critical of diversity education initiatives that are superficial and attempt to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cfocus on diversity\u00E2\u0080\u00A6all in one leap.\u00E2\u0080\u009D All of these themes reemerged in response to my request for a suggestion for educators. Additionally, Jill discussed the fact that, while it is \u00E2\u0080\u009Cimportant to talk and help the multiethnic students,\u00E2\u0080\u009D her school has to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdeal with the achievement gap\u00E2\u0080\u009D between students and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmake sure that everyone is getting through.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Ultimately, Jill feels it is important for educators to build awareness about difference and to establish with younger students that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdifference is okay\u00E2\u0080\u009D and that accomplishing these tasks will require \u00E2\u0080\u009Cplanning and\u00E2\u0080\u00A6trials and just figuring things out\u00E2\u0080\u00A6slowly.\u00E2\u0080\u009D She said: I think it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just building awareness\u00E2\u0080\u00A6I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t even know if it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s about race, I think it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just\u00E2\u0080\u0094if you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re starting with younger kids just establishing that difference is okay\u00E2\u0080\u00A6It can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t be just like \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, okay,\u00E2\u0080\u009D like there has to be planning and there has to be lots of like trials and just figuring things out. So that, instead of just instituting this one thing all throughout the country, like you can do it slowly. 250 Cara As discussed in Chapter Six, learning about the social construction of race had a significant impact on Cara\u00E2\u0080\u0099s thinking and her sense of racial and ethnic identity. Thus, when asked for a recommendation for educators that might benefit multiethnic students, Cara discussed at length the importance of learning about (and emphasizing the difference between) race, culture, and ethnicity. As Cara said, if more schools offered lessons such as these, no one would see race \u00E2\u0080\u009Cany other way again\u00E2\u0080\u009D and there might be less confusion about multiethnic people (i.e. fewer people would wonder \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhat are they really?\u00E2\u0080\u009D)\u00E2\u0080\u0094confusion and misconceptions about race to which Cara reacts strongly. I think that it should be something that\u00E2\u0080\u0094I mean the most powerful lessons are the things that really get embedded with us, are the ones that are repeated over and over again. We see them in every discipline, you know, in school, outside of school. It really is like a part of your life. And so I think that what I would really say is that to emphasize the difference between race and culture and ethnicity, because they are three distinct things, and it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s so easy to say multiethnic, multiculture, multiracial, you know what I mean. But I think that if people think critically about what each of those mean, it will become apparent\u00E2\u0080\u00A6[B]ecause when you think about race, though, you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthis is absolutely ridiculous that this is such\u00E2\u0080\u0094like why is this a standard? Why is it like you should be this race? Why do you need to correlate characteristics or traditions and physical appearance?\u00E2\u0080\u009D And I think that is something that when you hear about it and you think about it, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s so obvious that you can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t \u00E2\u0080\u0093 like you\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll never see it any other way again. But until then, it just sort of totally slips under the radar. And that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s why there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s so much sort of confusion, you know, like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhat are they really?\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh yeah, I totally sympathize. I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m so sorry that you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re a victim of whatever.\u00E2\u0080\u009D But they don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really get until you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cit\u00E2\u0080\u0099s because it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s ridiculous, that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s why I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m upset, because it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s ridiculous.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Jasmine When asked if she feels that schools are meeting the needs of multiethnic students, Jasmine said that multiethnic students are \u00E2\u0080\u009CNot really thought about, I guess. They\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not really considered as having special needs, because they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not really 251 considered, period.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Several themes from Jasmine\u00E2\u0080\u0099s interview come together in her response to my request for a suggestion or recommendation for educators. As seen in the previous chapter\u00E2\u0080\u0099s section on stereotypes, Jasmine discussed at length the stereotypes of Arabs that emerge during debates in her Government class. In response to my request, Jasmine suggests that teachers should have students share their ethnicity with their classmates during Government and similar classes because \u00E2\u0080\u009Cit\u00E2\u0080\u0099s very important for kids to be in touch with their background and where they come from. And kids need to be aware that there are other people out there that are like them and that are not like them.\u00E2\u0080\u009D In the previous chapter, we also found out that Jasmine\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Arabic identity and membership in the Arabic community are often challenged by other Arabs (in large part because of her phenotype) and that she responds strongly to this challenging. Perhaps not surprisingly, then, Jasmine thinks that teachers should promote discussions about students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 backgrounds and heritages in the classroom \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbecause sometimes kids aren\u00E2\u0080\u0099t brave enough to do it on their own, because they think that they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re going to be discouraged by other students that are looking the part of what they claim to be.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Finally, as discussed, Jasmine feels that multiethnic students are \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnot really considered, period,\u00E2\u0080\u009D and she would like to see teachers create more awareness about multiethnicity. David We know that David feels that the curriculum, educators, and American society are too focused on Black-White relations (\u00E2\u0080\u009CI think America, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s become too 2-D\u00E2\u0080\u009D) and he believes that students should learn about other racial and ethnic groups (including multiethnic individuals) in schools. As he said, \u00E2\u0080\u009CI think it should be more multidimensional. There should be definitely more talks about different ethnicities\u00E2\u0080\u00A6\u00E2\u0080\u009D In 252 response to my question \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdo you think multiethnicity should be discussed in school?\u00E2\u0080\u009D David said, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cyeah, definitely, because I think a lot more people can identify with it, you know?\u00E2\u0080\u009D David also feels that students need opportunities to engage more with racial and ethnic diversity during the early years of school because \u00E2\u0080\u009Conce you\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve gotten to junior high, you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re very set in what basically what you are or what you are not.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Additionally, David thinks that schools should focus more on multiethnicity rather than having students \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpick one or the other\u00E2\u0080\u009D during diversity education initiatives such as Diversity Day. As evidenced in the excerpt below, David clearly believes that the formal aspects of K-12 schooling should play a role in multiethnic students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 racial and ethnic identity development. But if they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re teaching you that you can be this and this, you can be all of them, instead of being \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, pick one,\u00E2\u0080\u009D I think you identify better and it\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll help you all the way through until you get to high school, and then you\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll be more educated about it, and it will be better. Raya We already know that Raya would prefer it if her schools did not celebrate or place so much emphasis on Black History Month because it \u00E2\u0080\u009Creminds you that people were separated.\u00E2\u0080\u009D As she suggested, instead of celebrating Black History Month, we should focus on our similarities and racial mixing. When asked if she thinks schools are meeting the needs of their multiethnic students, Raya said that they are not because multiethnic students are not given the opportunity to learn about multiethnicity. Raya also reiterated her observations that the only time multiethnicity was discussed in her schools was in the context of the slavery\u00E2\u0080\u0094discussions to which her response was \u00E2\u0080\u009Ceew.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Based on the foregoing, it is not surprising that Raya\u00E2\u0080\u0099s recommendation for educators is that they provide opportunities for students to learn about multiethnicity. In the excerpt 253 below, Raya states that such lessons would be important not only for mixed race people but for people in mixed race relationships (which, quite obviously, she, personally, always will be). Raya: Just throw it in there. You know, like, don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t keep it out. It doesn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t have to be anything like specific, but just give us a section where we learn about [multiethnicity]. We always, we have sections where we learn about everything else, and nobody\u00E2\u0080\u0099s ever interested anyways, so it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just like throw in a section of that, mix it up, like let us know. Erica: And what do you think the benefit of that would be? Raya: I think, I think it would make mixed race [people] know that we are, you know, a part of the world too. Not only that, but I think it would help people that are in mixed race relationships feel like \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, okay, this is, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not\u00E2\u0080\u0094we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not the only ones doing it and we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not that weird,\u00E2\u0080\u009D you know\u00E2\u0080\u00A6 I definitely want them to throw in the history of mixed race. I think that would be really interesting to learn about. Especially since there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s so much of it lately, you know. Renee As she said during her focus group, Renee thought that the interview for this study was \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccool\u00E2\u0080\u009D because no one had ever \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbothered to ask\u00E2\u0080\u009D her about multiethnicity. Thus, it is not surprising that Renee expressed interest in discussing multiethnicity in the classroom. Renee said that such discussions would be particularly relevant given the expanding multiethnic population and that talking about multiethnicity might help multiethnic students feel \u00E2\u0080\u009Ccomfortable.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Like several other participants, Renee interpreted \u00E2\u0080\u009Cneeds\u00E2\u0080\u009D as learning about one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s culture, yet she also said that students have \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbeen taught just not to expect that from their education.\u00E2\u0080\u009D It seems that Renee feels it is important to learn about one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s culture, but that not learning about it in school is \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnot really a big deal\u00E2\u0080\u009D because students do not expect such lessons and, therefore, do not feel disappointed by their absence. 254 Like Jen, Renee pointed out that discussions about multiethnicity (and race and culture) have the potential to be uncomfortable. Throughout her interview, Renee talked about race, ethnicity, and multiethnicity as being \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctaboo\u00E2\u0080\u009D topics that teachers are \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctoo afraid\u00E2\u0080\u009D to talk about or \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctouch\u00E2\u0080\u009D in the classroom. Yet, she also feels that these are important topics to discuss and learn about and she was especially appreciative of her History teacher\u00E2\u0080\u0099s efforts to broach these topics in the classroom despite it being \u00E2\u0080\u009Cuncomfortable.\u00E2\u0080\u009D She also noted, however, that the more they discuss these topics in her class, the less uncomfortable the conversations become. It is not surprising then, that her central recommendation for educators was that they discuss race and ethnicity more in the classroom. Erica: If you could recommend one thing to teachers, in terms of their multiethnic students, what would it be? Renee: Something for them to teach in the classroom? To not be afraid to step outside of the box and\u00E2\u0080\u00A6 Erica: The box of\u00E2\u0080\u00A6? Renee: The book, like to not be afraid to touch on topics that nobody else touches on. Like, to be the first to actually talk about stuff that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s not just in your history book and not be afraid. Erica: In terms of\u00E2\u0080\u00A6? Renee: Race and culture. Andrea Throughout her interview, Andrea talked about not being recognized as multiethnic and/or Iranian and her perception that many people see her only as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbrown hair and blue eyes\u00E2\u0080\u009D (i.e. as White). Likewise, she feels \u00E2\u0080\u009Cleft out\u00E2\u0080\u009D of the curriculum and she links her feelings of having \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnowhere to go\u00E2\u0080\u009D to the fact that multiethnicity is never 255 brought up in her classes. It appears that what Andrea desires most is more recognition as being multiethnic and Iranian and more understanding on the part of others as to how it feels to be multiethnic and not recognized as such\u00E2\u0080\u0094recognition and understanding that she feels would be more likely to occur if multiethnicity were discussed comprehensively in school. Thus, Andrea\u00E2\u0080\u0099s central recommendation is that multiethnicity be discussed more in schools\u00E2\u0080\u0094not just the fact that multiethnic people exist and that \u00E2\u0080\u009Ceverybody is different,\u00E2\u0080\u009D but \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhat it feels like\u00E2\u0080\u009D and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe issues.\u00E2\u0080\u009D She said: I just wish somebody would\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve talked to me about it, would\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve addressed it and the, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know, I feel like the people who are full White or full whatever you are, would know what it feels like, or would talk about it. Because it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s hard, it really is\u00E2\u0080\u00A6[We should] address it and talk about the issues, you know, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s not just [about] everybody is different. Amaya When we compare Amaya\u00E2\u0080\u0099s comments to those of the other participants, we notice striking differences between her and their perspectives. In fact, Amaya was the only participant to say that she actually does not care whether or not multiethnicity is discussed in schools. Really, my opinion, like it doesn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t bother me. You can talk about it. You don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t talk about it. That\u00E2\u0080\u0099s your choice. It doesn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t affect\u00E2\u0080\u0094it doesn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t make me mad or bother me that, you know, teachers don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really talk about it or choose not to talk about it. Amaya reiterated several times throughout her interview that her sense of racial and ethnic identity resulted from how she was raised (\u00E2\u0080\u009CMy identity was all instilled by my parents. I think you knowing your identity is kind of all about how you were brought up.\u00E2\u0080\u009D), and she made virtually no connection between her sense of identity and her schooling experiences. It is perhaps not surprising, then, that Amaya\u00E2\u0080\u0099s central 256 recommendation for educators is that they treat multiethnic students \u00E2\u0080\u009Clike we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re just like you.\u00E2\u0080\u009D You treat us like we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re just like you. Just because we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re mixed doesn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t make us different from everybody else. We\u00E2\u0080\u0099re blood and flesh and everything, you know, we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re here to learn. We\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not here to be discriminated against just because we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re mixed or we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re just one complete race. You know, we come to school to get an education, so it shouldn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t matter what race we are. You know, if you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re a student who needs special needs, if maybe you can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t\u00E2\u0080\u0094your English isn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t as good as other students\u00E2\u0080\u0099, then yes, you know, you need to give that student a little bit more special attention or help just a little bit more. But if we are capable students of doing things like everybody else, then teach us as a regular class, and don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t discriminate against us for being mixed or one complete race. Dana When asked if she thinks multiethnicity should be discussed in schools, Dana\u00E2\u0080\u0099s response focused on the increased understanding that others may gain from such discussions\u00E2\u0080\u0094understanding that may prevent them from making so many assumptions about her and other multiethnic students. I think there should be a class where you get to just \u00E2\u0080\u0093 there should be something where\u00E2\u0080\u0094so people understand that, you know, there are people who are more than one race. They might look like they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re one, but they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not. They could be like five different things. And it really shouldn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t matter\u00E2\u0080\u00A6I think people assume too much that\u00E2\u0080\u0094well, even with me, just assuming that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m Black. Like we read the Bluest Eye. People just started assuming that I was Black and light skinned with good hair because there was a girl in the Bluest Eye like that. I was like, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cno, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m half White.\u00E2\u0080\u009D And like, I think people need to know that it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s strange to ask someone \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwell, what are you?\u00E2\u0080\u009D and things like that. As we know, Dana has attended predominantly White schools and has often been made to feel as though she is different from her classmates. Based on her interview, it seems that Dana does not want to be treated differently because of her multiethnic heritage (\u00E2\u0080\u009CYou just need to understand that, you know, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s okay that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m more than one thing. It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s not a big deal.\u00E2\u0080\u009D). When I asked her for a recommendation for educators, Dana said that 257 students should have the opportunity to learn about multiethnicity at a younger age. At the same time, she said that it is a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdouble edged sword\u00E2\u0080\u009D because drawing too much attention to multiracial kids could make them feel \u00E2\u0080\u009Cuncomfortable\u00E2\u0080\u009D or lead to other people treating them differently. I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t think that it would be such a big deal. Because I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t think that it should matter really\u00E2\u0080\u00A6that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m more than one race. It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s important to understand that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not just Black, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not just White, but it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s also important that you don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t assume that you need to do\u00E2\u0080\u0094act special towards me or like be extra careful of things you say because I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m half Black and half White, and you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re gonna hurt my feelings if you just call me Black or if you just call me White. You just need to understand that, you know, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s okay that I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m more than one thing. It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s not a big deal. And you really shouldn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t say, \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not Black\u00E2\u0080\u009D or \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh, you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not White\u00E2\u0080\u009D or \u00E2\u0080\u009CI think of you as this way.\u00E2\u0080\u009D That\u00E2\u0080\u0099s kind of rude, but you don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t need to feel like you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re gonna say the wrong thing. I guess just \u00E2\u0080\u0093 I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know how to explain it. Based on her comments in the preceding excerpt, I asked Dana what recommendations she would offer to elementary and intermediate school teachers, to which she responded with \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdo more\u00E2\u0080\u009D followed by her critique of diversity education initiatives that focus on food (see Chapter Six). Anne As discussed in Chapter Six, Anne was one of few participants to have had substantive conversations about race and multiethnicity in the classroom. Thus, I asked Anne if she feels that having such conversations were, for her, a positive experience. Interestingly, her response to this question focused on the benefits to be gained by other students from such conversations. In other words, like Jill and Hip Hapa, Anne feels that learning about race and multiethnicity is beneficial for everyone. Like several of the other participants (e.g. Marie, Jill, Jen, Renee, and Barry), Anne recognizes that conversations about these topics may be uncomfortable or cause controversies, yet she thinks that they 258 are of utmost importance for all students and that they might help \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmake racism less of an issue.\u00E2\u0080\u009D As Anne explains below, \u00E2\u0080\u009Can open discussion\u00E2\u0080\u009D about race, ethnicity, and multiethnicity is \u00E2\u0080\u009Csomething that needs to be done\u00E2\u0080\u009D and that learning about these topics is \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpart of growing as a person.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Erica: So your one recommendation\u00E2\u0080\u00A6 Anne: I would tell my teachers that you should talk about it more in class. You should make it\u00E2\u0080\u0094 Erica: Race? Ethnicity? Multiethnicity? All of it? Anne: I think all of it. I think you need to look at racism. I think you need to look at, you know, the perspectives of a mixed race person in America, because their perspective is gonna be different than anyone that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s full blooded, whether you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re a minority or you know, in power, of the majority. So I think you need to talk about all that. I think you need to talk about ethnicity, because it is\u00E2\u0080\u0094for a lot of people you ask them, you know, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdescribe yourself,\u00E2\u0080\u009D a lot of people will say, \u00E2\u0080\u009CI\u00E2\u0080\u0099m Indian,\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u009CI\u00E2\u0080\u0099m Japanese,\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u009CI\u00E2\u0080\u0099m White.\u00E2\u0080\u009D You know, so obviously, if it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s strong enough for them to say it in their identity, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s something that should be talked about and brought up. You know, it should be an open discussion. Everyone should participate whether you want to or not kind of thing, because it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just something that needs to be done, you know, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s part of growing as a person. Mialany When I asked Mialany if she would have liked to learn about multiethnicity in school, she said that such lessons would be important for \u00E2\u0080\u009Cother people\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sake.\u00E2\u0080\u009D At the same time, Mialany said that learning about multiethnicity would give people an \u00E2\u0080\u009Cawareness\u00E2\u0080\u009D that might prevent them from \u00E2\u0080\u009Cjudg[ing] you so quickly.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Given Mialany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s experiences of feeling judged by others and being attacked by schoolmates, it is safe to assume that she includes herself in those who would benefit from multiethnicity being discussed in schools. 259 As is clear from the exchange below, Mialany generally feels that schools are not meeting the needs of multiethnic students because there are no opportunities at school to \u00E2\u0080\u009Clearn about being mixed as a whole.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Mialany also said that her schools have never done anything specific to support her identity development in terms of the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cacademics\u00E2\u0080\u009D but that the social aspects of schooling often made her identity construction process \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmore confusing and more stressful.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Erica: Would you say your schools have supported your identity development, schools did not support your identity development, or is there no connection between the two? Mialany: I feel like if there is a connection, it wasn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t a good connection. Erica: So schools did not support your identity construction? Mialany: No, not at all. Not necessarily the schooling in terms of academics. Erica: Like the formal aspects of schooling? Mialany: Yeah, it didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t help at all. It made it actually more confusing and more stressful. Erica: What did? Mialany: School. Going to school and being around the people that are in school and them judging me for who I am. Like at home that doesn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t happen, but like going to school, people are always constantly looking at you, judging you by the little things that you do. Erica: So if schools did anything, negative or positive, it was unintentional? Mialany: Exactly. Erica: So schools never discriminated against you, but they never did anything to support you. If anything happened, it was just by chance. Mialany: Yeah, it just happened. 260 When asked for a recommendation for educators, Mialany discussed her belief that there needs to be more awareness about multiethnicity and about difference. As we may recall, Mialany has encountered numerous challenges to her identity based on limited understandings of what it means to be Black and White. Thus, she wants people to know that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cit\u00E2\u0080\u0099s okay to be different.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Keeping in mind the riot that took place at Parkside High School following the anniversary of Martin Luther King\u00E2\u0080\u0099s assassination and the fear that caused her to leave school during the riot, it is not surprising that Mialany added \u00E2\u0080\u009CI don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t want to put too much pressure on race, because it could backfire.\u00E2\u0080\u009D There should be more awareness of the fact that not everybody\u00E2\u0080\u0099s the same. Not necessarily mixed, but just in general. Not everybody\u00E2\u0080\u0099s going to look the same. Not everybody\u00E2\u0080\u0099s gonna act the same. People are different and it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s okay to be different. And it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s okay to be mixed\u00E2\u0080\u00A6[But] I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t want to put too much pressure on race, because it could backfire. You talk about race too much, and then it becomes a riot between Latinos and African Americans and European descent. Like \u00E2\u0080\u009COh, we didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t like you back in the day, so we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not gonna like you now.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Like it could become a whole other situation. Kendra Like Renee, Kendra linked the importance of discussions about multiethnicity to the expanding multiethnic population (\u00E2\u0080\u009CI do think it should be talked about, \u00E2\u0080\u0098cause nowadays it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like everybody\u00E2\u0080\u0099s mixed\u00E2\u0080\u009D). Moreover, Kendra feels that such lessons would be an interesting and important addition to the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbasics\u00E2\u0080\u009D focused on Blacks and Whites that she typically learns in school (see Chapter Six). Given the content of Kendra\u00E2\u0080\u0099s interview, it is not surprising that she reiterated her recommendation that schools teach students about multiethnicity and that Pine Mountains provide the opportunity for multiethnic students, as a group, to participate in the Multicultural Assembly. Kendra, 261 however, was the only participant to recommend that educators talk to other multiethnic students to get ideas for lessons and activities. Talk about it more in class, try to do activities, you know, with like the different mixed races, try to get ideas from other mixed races too, other kids that are mixed. And then like in multi [multicultural assembly], have a mixed group do something. Christina When recommending that her school establish an organization for multiethnic students, Christina said, \u00E2\u0080\u009CI\u00E2\u0080\u0099m comfortable with my race and everything like that, but maybe there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s people out there who aren\u00E2\u0080\u0099t or whatever. And, maybe it would help them if we could all get together and like talk about it, you know?\u00E2\u0080\u009D As we may recall from the previously discussed excerpts from Christina\u00E2\u0080\u0099s interview, however, she repeatedly expressed concerns about being viewed as though she is \u00E2\u0080\u009Cacting\u00E2\u0080\u009D Black or White and she sometimes feels self-conscious around Black people and fears that she will not know something that she thinks most Black people know (or are expected to know). Moreover, a tone of defensiveness permeated many of her comments (\u00E2\u0080\u009CI am comfortable with my race\u00E2\u0080\u009D and \u00E2\u0080\u009CI know that I am both\u00E2\u0080\u009D). Accordingly, I do not feel that it is too much of a leap to conclude that Christina feels that she, too, would benefit from the existence of a multiethnic student organization whose members could get together and talk about their experiences. In addition to the establishment of a multiethnic student organization, Christina would like multiethnicity to be included in the curriculum, and she feels that multiethnic students should be provided with the opportunity to participate in the Multicultural Assembly. 262 Barry Barry linked the concept of students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 needs to academic standards and said that schools are meeting multiethnic students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 needs because they are held to the same standards as everyone else. When I asked Barry about the social and personal needs of multiethnic students, he mentioned what he feels is a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdon\u00E2\u0080\u0099t ask, don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t tell\u00E2\u0080\u009D or color-blind policy in schools that prevents discussions about students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 racial and ethnic heritages. Erica: So academically they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re meeting their needs, because schools hold everybody to the same standard? Barry: Uhm hm. Erica: What about socially and personally? Barry: Personally or socially it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s pretty hush hush, you know what I mean? Or the don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t ask, don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t tell type of policy. Erica: Sort of a color-blind approach in schools. Barry: Uhm hm. Based on these and other comments made throughout his interview, Barry\u00E2\u0080\u0099s recommendations for schools are not unexpected. We know, for example, that Barry thinks that there is too much \u00E2\u0080\u009Chush\u00E2\u0080\u009D on race and ethnicity in schools and society. We also know that Barry went to schools where here felt the White students discriminated against him and that during elementary school he thought \u00E2\u0080\u009CI think it would be easier if I was White.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Finally, we know that Barry felt that moving to the racially and ethnically diverse setting of Pine Mountains was \u00E2\u0080\u009Ca big step culturally-wise\u00E2\u0080\u009D and noted that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbecause there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s so many different races here and we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re so multicultural that we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re more accepting of different cultures.\u00E2\u0080\u009D It is not surprising, then, that Barry would like educators and students to engage more with the topics of race and ethnicity and to spend more time 263 discussing our identities and the fact that \u00E2\u0080\u009Ceveryone is different.\u00E2\u0080\u009D As he said, we need to explore everyone\u00E2\u0080\u0099s ethnicities because \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe more we learn about ourselves, the more comfortable with ourselves we will be.\u00E2\u0080\u009D In his writing activity, Barry repeated several of the ideas that he discussed during his interview including his perception of the fear that people have about discussing multiethnicity and related topics. Barry believes, nevertheless, that talking about these topics will make them less uncomfortable and will make other people \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmore accepting.\u00E2\u0080\u009D He wrote: That fact of the matter is that speaking out and for multiethnic people and celebrating diversity is still taboo for schools. I believe that people are still a little afraid that they might offend someone so they try not to talk about it. Even then, not talking about it is making the situation worst. The more we talk about something the less uncomfortable it gets and [the] more accepting people become. Josh Like many of the other participants, Josh feels that schools should offer more lessons about multiethnicity and that students should have the opportunity to learn about the multiethnic population in America. As we know from the previous chapter, Josh noted with annoyance the stereotypes of Jewish people that get applied to him by his classmates, and, as he explains here, he feels that learning about \u00E2\u0080\u009Cour cultures\u00E2\u0080\u009D will prevent such stereotypes from happening. I would say that we should have, like for English, I say we have more multiethnic books, because right now we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re just reading about Black people and Asian people and stuff like that. And like in history we shouldn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t talk about just one country. We shouldn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t talk about just\u00E2\u0080\u0094let\u00E2\u0080\u0099s say like our country, we should talk about like the actual people, the multiethnic people in there\u00E2\u0080\u00A6I\u00E2\u0080\u0099d say learn more about our cultures and like, if it comes to an assembly, like having it in the assembly, because I mean, I think if people don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know about it, things like stereotypes happen. 264 Kelley Although Kelley never directly said that she thinks schools are not meeting the needs of multiethnic students, she did say that she is bothered by how little awareness there is about multiethnicity. She said, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe only thing that really bothers me is probably just the fact that not that many people are aware of [multiethnicity].\u00E2\u0080\u009D As discussed in Chapter Six, Kelley feels that multiethnicity is not addressed in schools because it is a topic that many educators (and other people) are not interested in or concerned about because \u00E2\u0080\u009Cyou don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really hear about mixed people being oppressed or murdered for being of mixed heritage\u00E2\u0080\u00A6it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sort of a novelty still.\u00E2\u0080\u009D At the same time, Kelley feels that the topic of multiethnicity will eventually appear more in schools as people realize that multiethnic people are \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbecoming very prevalent.\u00E2\u0080\u009D In stating that multiethnicity should be discussed more in schools, Kelley said \u00E2\u0080\u009CI think it would benefit everyone because people even who are not multiethnic would learn more about multiethnic people or maybe themselves in general, so it would broaden everyone\u00E2\u0080\u0099s perspective.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Furthermore, at the end of her writing activity, Kelley wrote \u00E2\u0080\u009CI really appreciate what you're doing and I think that multiethnicity is a very important topic which we're only beginning to scratch the surface of.\u00E2\u0080\u009D All of this indicates to me that Kelley feels multiethnicity is an important topic that should be (and eventually will be) discussed more in schools. Jordan When asked if schools are meeting the needs of multiethnic students, Jordan said, \u00E2\u0080\u009CI\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not aware of any issues or needs that mixed race people have. It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s not really an issue at school or an issue in my life or anything.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Jordan did not draw connections between 265 the formal aspects of schooling and his identity development, but he recognized that there could be a connection between the two if race and ethnicity were discussed more in school. As he said, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwell I think that if we did talk about race and ethnicity at school it would help shape our identities in like a good way.\u00E2\u0080\u009D In response to my request for recommendations for educators, Jordan expressed interest in having the racial and ethnic data questions changed on the STAR exam and SAT. As we may recall, Jordan discovered that he had been misidentifying himself as \u00E2\u0080\u009COther Asian\u00E2\u0080\u009D on such forms for several years. He said, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cyeah, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099d want a bubble on the STAR test or the SAT for multiethnic. Just so it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like we actually exist.\u00E2\u0080\u009D During his interview and focus group, Jordan also reiterated his interest in having the topic of multiethnicity discussed in schools. Marie Marie feels that because multiethnicity is never included in the curriculum, schools are not meeting the needs of their multiethnic students. She also feels that multiethnic people are invisible in the curriculum, except when it comes to hearing about the sexual exploitation of slaves\u00E2\u0080\u0094lessons in which she is not interested. As we know, Marie goes to a predominantly White high school, and thus, despite feeling invisible in the curriculum, she feels very visible in \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe social part of school.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Like Renee, Marie thinks that teachers need to offer more lessons and provide the opportunity for more discussions related to race and ethnicity. Also like Renee, Marie thinks that teachers should \u00E2\u0080\u009Cgo outside of the book, outside of textbooks.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Marie feels that there is currently too much focus on Blacks and Whites when race is discussed and too much focus on Black/White multiethnic individuals and not people with other heritage combinations. 266 As we know from the data presented in the previous chapters, going to nearly all White schools has had a significant impact on Marie\u00E2\u0080\u0099s experiences and multiethnic identity. Given that the staff and students at Marie\u00E2\u0080\u0099s high school are nearly all White, Marie feels that uncomfortable conversations about race and ethnicity are particularly important to have in the classroom. Finally, as discussed throughout her interview, Marie, it seems, feels angry about her experiences of being multiethnic and, perhaps more significantly, one of very few people with Black heritage in a nearly all White community. While she recognizes the challenges faced by those who want to discuss race and ethnicity in the context of her school, she wishes that people would \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctry to understand\u00E2\u0080\u009D and she feels that by teaching students about race and ethnicity (and getting teachers who know about these topics), her experiences at school would be much different, and, indeed, better. She said, I think I get so angry because people don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t understand. And I get so angry because I can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t understand why any of this ever happened, and like why I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not just like everyone else, and like why people have to like see \u00E2\u0080\u0093 like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhy?\u00E2\u0080\u009D is the biggest question\u00E2\u0080\u00A6[But] I think it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s also really difficult for Deer Valley to talk about race, because either kids just will kind of tune it out and play it down, or they won\u00E2\u0080\u0099t understand. The teacher, first of all, doesn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t understand, and so they can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really express themselves, can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t really answer any questions that people ask\u00E2\u0080\u00A6And I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not saying that only people who grew up, you know, with a tangible idea of it can really talk about it, and I think that that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s what a lot of kids in [city name] think. They\u00E2\u0080\u0099re like \u00E2\u0080\u009COh, well, I can\u00E2\u0080\u0099t compare myself to them, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t even know how to.\u00E2\u0080\u009D It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just, I wish people would just try to understand. Like maybe you don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t understand, but at least as long as you try, and you like genuinely try to understand. Integrating the Data It is quite apparent that most students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 recommendations are, at least in part, grounded in their respective experiences. That said, woven throughout the foregoing data 267 are several dominant, and often interrelated, themes. In what follows, I discuss and analyze these themes in greater detail and consider them in light of the relevant literature. Correcting a \u00E2\u0080\u009CBlindness\u00E2\u0080\u009D Towards Multiethnic Students Seven of the 23 participants pointed out the lack of attention given to, and indeed near blindness towards, multiethnic students, and even the concept of multiethnicity, in their schools. Jen, for example, said, \u00E2\u0080\u009CI think just the school\u00E2\u0080\u0099s like blind to mixed races;\u00E2\u0080\u009D Jasmine said, \u00E2\u0080\u009CMixed race students, well, they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not really thought about, I guess. They\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not really considered as having special needs, because they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not really considered, period;\u00E2\u0080\u009D Mialany said that if the formal aspects of schooling had any influence on her identity it was unintentional and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cjust happened;\u00E2\u0080\u009D Barry said that in terms of multiethnic students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 social and personal experiences his school has a \u00E2\u0080\u009Cdon\u00E2\u0080\u0099t ask, don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t tell type of policy;\u00E2\u0080\u009D and Marie said \u00E2\u0080\u009Cin the curriculum we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re invisible.\u00E2\u0080\u009D While the other participants did not make such explicit statements, we can clearly see from their comments that multiethnic students and the topic of multiethnicity are not, as Renee said, \u00E2\u0080\u009Con the top of a teacher\u00E2\u0080\u0099s priority list.\u00E2\u0080\u009D As we know, Wardle (2000b), in discussing the invisibility of multiethnic students in most schools, points out that the existence and contributions of multiethnic individuals are largely absent from the curriculum; that multiethnic students are rendered invisible by many school practices (e.g. single-race student groups, holiday celebrations, racial/ethnic data collection forms); that most teachers have not received training to support multiethnic children; that not everyone believes that multiethnic people represent a unique population and others feel that an acknowledgement of multiethnicity undermines the solidarity and power of single- race/ethnicity groups; and that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthere are almost no textbooks that provide advice and 268 information to assist educators to meet the needs of these children better\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 12). Regardless of the merits of Wardle\u00E2\u0080\u0099s and the participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 explanations for schools\u00E2\u0080\u0099 \u00E2\u0080\u009Cblindness\u00E2\u0080\u009D towards multiethnic students, the existence of that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cblindness\u00E2\u0080\u009D itself is hard to refute. Talking About Race (and Ethnicity and Multiethnicity) In 2007, Beverly Tatum published a book entitled Can We Talk about Race? And Other Conversations in an Era of School Resegregation. Here, Tatum asks, \u00E2\u0080\u009CCan we get beyond our fear, our sweaty palms, our anxiety about saying the wrong thing, or using the wrong words, and have an honest conversation about racial issues?\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. xiii). Tatum is calling on educators to find the courage to have honest and open conversations about race, no matter how uncomfortable these conversations might be. As we can see from the data presented here and in Chapter Six, many participants are asking the same question as Tatum. Indeed, the majority of them expressed a sincere desire that their teachers would have more honest, open, authentic, and detailed conversations with them about race, ethnicity, and especially multiethnicity. Many of the participants (for example, Cara, David, Raya, Renee, Kendra, and Marie) envisioned such conversations going beyond the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbasics,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Black-White relations, and the limited (if any) treatment of these topics often found in textbooks. Renee\u00E2\u0080\u0099s primary recommendation for educators, for example, is to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnot be afraid to touch on topics that nobody else touches on. Like, to be the first to actually talk about stuff that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s not just in your history book and not be afraid [to talk about] race and culture.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Even when students (for example, Jen, Jill, Renee, Dana, Anne, Barry, and Marie) acknowledged that such conversations in the classroom can be difficult, uncomfortable, and even the source of confrontation and controversy, they 269 nevertheless expressed a desire for them. It is, however, important to note that both Dana and Mialany feel that such conversations need to be conducted carefully. Dana, for example, fears that focusing too much on multiethnicity might \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmake people feel uncomfortable\u00E2\u0080\u009D and Mialany said, \u00E2\u0080\u009CI don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t want to put too much pressure on race, because it could backfire\u00E2\u0080\u00A6Like \u00E2\u0080\u0098oh, we didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t like you back in the day, so we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not gonna like you now.\u00E2\u0080\u0099 Like it could become a whole other situation.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Mialany does not fear lessons about race, ethnicity, multiethnicity, and difference, but rather, lessons that focus on oppositional relations between racial and ethnic groups. Despite these concerns, Dana and Mialany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s, as well as the other participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099, desire for more substantive engagement with issues related to race, ethnicity, and multiethnicity is evident. Specifically Addressing Multiethnicity As we saw in Chapter Six, most participants could not recall a lesson or discussion about multiethnicity that had taken place in their classes. Of the participants who could remember having lessons or discussions about multiethnicity in class, most described brief or impromptu discussions or simply hearing about the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmulatto\u00E2\u0080\u009D population. Although the participants cited here provided various reasons for why they think multiethnicity should be discussed more in schools ranging from \u00E2\u0080\u009Cit\u00E2\u0080\u0099d be kind of cool\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Frank) to \u00E2\u0080\u009CI think it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s interesting and important for everybody, like me and other people, to learn about it\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Kendra), with the exception of Amaya, they all emerged in favor of learning about and discussing multiethnicity in school. Not surprisingly, the extent of participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 desire to learn about multiethnicity often reflected their own experiences and identities. Frank and Hannah, for example, who do not identify strongly as multiethnic expressed mild interest in learning about multiethnicity, whereas Jill, who 270 does identify strongly as multiethnic and who has been involved with iPride and FUSION, spoke more passionately about the importance of learning about multiethnicity in school and providing students with the opportunity to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cstart looking at who they are and where they come from.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Although participants generally expressed a desire to learn more about multiethnicity, several also pointed out that conversations about multiethnicity (as well as race and ethnicity) can be quite uncomfortable. As Jen said, \u00E2\u0080\u009CI think that [multiethnicity] is something that teachers wouldn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t want to discuss. Probably they\u00E2\u0080\u0099d feel, they might be uncomfortable, or they might not want to say something wrong, I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Likewise, we know that Barry thinks that multiethnicity and diversity are viewed as a \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctaboo\u00E2\u0080\u009D topic in schools. Nevertheless, despite the differences between how individual participants identify and between their respective experiences, despite the differences between their reasons for wanting to learn about multiethnicity and who they feel would most benefit from such lessons, and despite their recognition that conversations about race, ethnicity, and multiethnicity can be uncomfortable, the general consensus was that the topic of multiethnicity should be included in the curriculum and discussed in classes. Given these findings, it is not surprising that virtually all of the literature identifying recommendations for educators on behalf of multiethnic students suggests the introduction of topics related to multiethnicity into the curriculum and classroom discussions (see, for example, Cruz-Janzen, 1997; Schwartz, 1998; Wardle, 1996, 2000b; and Wardle and Cruz-Janzen, 2004). Getting an Early Start Drawing on Phinney (1991) and Poston (1990), Wardle (1998) points out that \u00E2\u0080\u009CIt is well documented that racial and ethnic identity, and developing concepts about racial 271 and ethnic diversity, are developmental tasks that begin in early childhood\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 8). Perhaps stemming from the recognition that the development of one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s identity and racial and ethnic understandings begins at a young age, four of the participants (Anthony, Jill, David, and Dana) noted that students need the opportunity to learn about race, ethnicity, and/or multiethnicity and to discuss their identities and heritages when they are younger. Anthony said, \u00E2\u0080\u009CMaybe [multiethnicity] should have [been discussed] so people would have been more aware of it. And maybe when you were younger, like in kindergarten or 1st grade so that you could actually realize that you would have been multiethnic.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Jill said, You have to start with this when a child is young so that they become accustomed to doing that, because by the time you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re 16, you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re gonna be like, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not gonna talk to you about my race. What is that? You\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve already established who you are, so you think, and you already have your friends and you already have a place where you belong. Although David did not discuss his own identity development in terms of developmental stages, he said, I think for the most part, after you get past junior high, that you\u00E2\u0080\u0099ve already passed the stage where you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not, you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not really deciding anymore what you are\u00E2\u0080\u00A6So like, in the younger years, I think they should be focusing more on multiethnicity than anything, instead of choosing, [having] them either pick one or the other. Likewise, Dana noted that multiethnicity should be discussed in schools \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhen kids are younger\u00E2\u0080\u009D before such conversations get \u00E2\u0080\u009Cawkward\u00E2\u0080\u009D and so other students would realize that being multiethnic is not \u00E2\u0080\u009Csuch a big deal.\u00E2\u0080\u009D We All Have Similar \u00E2\u0080\u009CNeeds\u00E2\u0080\u009D In 1995, Nishimura published an article entitled \u00E2\u0080\u009CAddressing the Needs of Biracial Children: An Issue for Counselors in a Multicultural School environment\u00E2\u0080\u009D and in 272 1998, Wardle published an article entitled \u00E2\u0080\u009CMeeting the Needs of Multiracial and Multiethnic Children in Early Childhood Settings.\u00E2\u0080\u009D In these articles, the central \u00E2\u0080\u009Cneed\u00E2\u0080\u009D of multiethnic students is that for support in the development of healthy ethnic and racial identities (Wardle) or a positive racial self-image (Nishimura). Indeed, permeating the literature related to multiethnic individuals is the notion that they need assistance and/or support as they develop their racial and ethnic identities. As we have seen, however, the foregoing data indicate that participants generally do not feel as though multiethnic students have particularly pressing or urgent needs that are not being met by schools. In fact, Jordan said \u00E2\u0080\u009CI\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not aware of any issues or needs that mixed race people have. It\u00E2\u0080\u0099s not really an issue at school or an issue in my life or anything\u00E2\u0080\u009D and Hannah said, \u00E2\u0080\u009CI don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t, well I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t personally have special needs just because I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t think of myself as [multiethnic].\u00E2\u0080\u009D Nevertheless, Raya, Marie, Hip Hapa, Jasmine, and Mialany\u00E2\u0080\u0094 participants for whom being multiethnic is more central to their overall sense of identity\u00E2\u0080\u0094all indicated that multiethnic students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 needs are not met because there are no, or so few, opportunities to learn about race, ethnicity, multiethnicity, and one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s heritages at school. Indeed, many of the participants linked the notion of needs to opportunities to learn about, discuss, and explore one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s heritages and identity(ies) (e.g. Hannah, Hip Hapa, Anthony, Jill, Jasmine, David, Raya, Renee, Andrea, Anne, Mialany, Christina, Barry, and Marie). Participants, though, do not think of themselves, or multiethnic students in general, as having particularly unique needs; rather, they feel that everyone needs to be supported as they construct their identities and needs to have opportunities to learn about their heritages. Hannah, for example, said, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cyou can kind of separate that to anyone thinking that they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not meeting their needs \u00E2\u0080\u0098cause they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not learning enough 273 about who they are or something.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Likewise, Jasmine said, \u00E2\u0080\u009CI think it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s very important for kids to be in touch with their background and where they come from. And kids need to be aware that there are other people out there that are like them and that are not like them\u00E2\u0080\u009D and Anne said, \u00E2\u0080\u009C[F]or a lot of people you ask them, you know, \u00E2\u0080\u0098describe yourself,\u00E2\u0080\u0099 a lot of people will say, \u00E2\u0080\u0098I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m Indian,\u00E2\u0080\u0099 \u00E2\u0080\u0098I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m Japanese,\u00E2\u0080\u0099 \u00E2\u0080\u0098I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m White.\u00E2\u0080\u0099 You know, so obviously, if it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s strong enough for them to say it in their identity, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s something that should be talked about and brought up.\u00E2\u0080\u009D A Desire for Awareness and Understanding The central theme running through the data related to participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 recommendations for educators, and, indeed, most of the data presented in this chapter is a desire for awareness and understanding\u00E2\u0080\u0094awareness and understanding about race and ethnicity, about multiethnicity and the experiences of multiethnic individuals, and about difference. Where participants diverged is in how much importance they place on increasing awareness and understanding, and who they believe will benefit from such an increase. Hannah, Jen, and Frank, for whom being multiethnic is not a central aspect of their identities, spoke in vague terms about the importance of awareness about multiethnicity: Hannah would like more people to \u00E2\u0080\u009Crealize how many multiethnic people there are, \u00E2\u0080\u0098cause [she] didn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t realize;\u00E2\u0080\u009D Frank suggested that schools raise awareness about \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmultiethnic groups;\u00E2\u0080\u009D and Jen feels that Pine Mountains should have a Mixed Race Awareness Day. The other participants who spoke about their desire for awareness and understanding, however, did so with more enthusiasm and in more concrete terms. As we saw in the previous chapter, the perceptions of others and interactions stemming from these perceptions significantly influence participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 racial and ethnic 274 identities. It is perhaps not surprising, then, that so many participants, either explicitly or implicitly, drew a connection between the awareness and understanding of others and their own experiences. For example, Hip Hapa, whose identity is constantly questioned and challenged by others, would like people to understand that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpeople are mixed, and they can be different things and that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s okay.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Moreover, Hip Hapa feels that there should be \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmore talk about the fact that there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s a \u00E2\u0080\u0098we\u00E2\u0080\u0099 not just a \u00E2\u0080\u0098you\u00E2\u0080\u0099 or just the concept of being mixed.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Using strikingly similar language, Jill said \u00E2\u0080\u009CI think it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just building awareness\u00E2\u0080\u00A6I don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t even know if it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s about race, I think it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just \u00E2\u0080\u0093 if you\u00E2\u0080\u0099re starting with younger kids just establishing that difference is okay.\u00E2\u0080\u009D As we know, Mialany, using language similar to that of Hip Hapa and Jill, explicitly drew a connection between other peoples\u00E2\u0080\u0099 lack of awareness and her own experiences. I feel like a lot of people don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t have awareness, and that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s why they judge you so quickly\u00E2\u0080\u00A6There should be more awareness of the fact that not everybody\u00E2\u0080\u0099s the same. Not necessarily mixed, but just in general. Not everybody\u00E2\u0080\u0099s going to look the same. Not everybody\u00E2\u0080\u0099s gonna act the same. People are different and it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s okay to be different. And it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s okay to be mixed. Whereas Mialany uses the words \u00E2\u0080\u009Cawareness\u00E2\u0080\u009D and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cjudge,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Dana uses the words \u00E2\u0080\u009Cunderstanding\u00E2\u0080\u009D and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cassume\u00E2\u0080\u009D to convey very similar ideas. As Dana said, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpeople assume too much\u00E2\u0080\u009D and they need to understand that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthere are people who are more than one race. They might look like they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re one, but they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Both Dana and Mialany seem to feel that, ultimately, multiethnic students benefit from learning about multiethnicity, not necessarily because they learn anything, but because the increased \u00E2\u0080\u009Cawareness\u00E2\u0080\u009D and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cunderstanding\u00E2\u0080\u009D of others might put an end to the judgments and assumptions they encounter. Several other participants expressed very similar ideas: 275 \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 Jasmine would like educators to raise awareness about race, ethnicity, and multiethnicity and said, \u00E2\u0080\u009Ckids need to be aware that there are other people out there that are like them and that are not like them.\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 Cara feels that there is a lot of confusion about multiethnic people (\u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhat are they really?\u00E2\u0080\u009D) and she links this confusion, in part, to others\u00E2\u0080\u0099 lack of understanding about ethnicity, culture, and the social construction of race. \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 Raya, who will always be in a mixed race relationship, feels that an increased awareness about multiethnicity \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwould help people that are in mixed race relationships feel like \u00E2\u0080\u0098oh, okay, this is, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m not \u00E2\u0080\u0093 we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not the only ones doing it and we\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not that weird.\u00E2\u0080\u0099\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 Andrea was quite clear in her desire for other people to know \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhat it feels like\u00E2\u0080\u009D to be multiethnic and, presumably, what it feels like not to be recognized as such. \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 Barry would like other people to be \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmore aware that there\u00E2\u0080\u0099s\u00E2\u0080\u00A6other people from different countries. There\u00E2\u0080\u0099s other colors out there. There\u00E2\u0080\u0099s people with different \u00E2\u0080\u0093 everyone\u00E2\u0080\u0099s different.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Barry went on to say, \u00E2\u0080\u009CSo [people] need to explore that. And the more we learn about ourselves, the more comfortable with ourselves we will be.\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 Kelley, in stating that multiethnicity should be discussed more in schools, said \u00E2\u0080\u009CI think it would benefit everyone because people even who are not multiethnic would learn more about multiethnic people or maybe themselves in general, so it would broaden everyone\u00E2\u0080\u0099s perspective.\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 Josh discussed the stereotypes about Jewish people that get applied to him at school and would like other students to learn about multiethnicity and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cour cultures\u00E2\u0080\u009D because \u00E2\u0080\u009Cif people don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t know about it, things like stereotypes happen.\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 Marie would like for students at Deer Valley to learn more about race and ethnicity so they might have a better understanding of her experiences, racism, the anger she feels, and the experiences of other minoritized individuals. She said, \u00E2\u0080\u009CIt\u00E2\u0080\u0099s just, I wish people would just try to understand. Like maybe you don\u00E2\u0080\u0099t understand, but at least as long as you try, and you like genuinely try to understand.\u00E2\u0080\u009D \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 In his writing activity, Anthony linked other peoples\u00E2\u0080\u0099 lack of awareness about multiethnicity to the harassment that other multiethnic students experience. He wrote, \u00E2\u0080\u009CAlthough I did not go through extensive harassment as a multiethnic individual going through my schooling thus far, there are many people that still do. I believe there should be many steps taken to improve awareness around the issue of multiethnicity to move closer to fixing this issue.\u00E2\u0080\u009D 276 Again, given the influence of other peoples\u00E2\u0080\u0099 perceptions (and interactions and experiences stemming from these perceptions) on participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 racial and ethnic identity development, it stands to reason that so many participants would like others to have more accurate understandings of race, ethnicity, multiethnicity, and the experiences of multiethnic people. What is remarkable is how many comments made by participants had at their core the belief that other people need to know that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwe are all different and difference is okay.\u00E2\u0080\u009D In the following chapter, I integrate the findings and analysis of this and the preceding chapters and identify implications for educators. Additionally, I identify directions for future research and reflect on my postpositivist realist framing of identity and the research processes. 277 CHAPTER NINE: CONCLUSION This study examined the influence of K-12 schooling on the racial and ethnic identity construction of 23 multiethnic students attending various high schools across the San Francisco Bay Area. All of the students participated in a semi-structured interview, nine participated in one of two optional focus groups, and five completed a writing activity. I approached this study with a postpositivist realist conception of identity (Mohanty, 1997, 2000; Moya, 2000a/b) that takes seriously the fluidity and complexity of identities as well as their epistemic and real-world significance. In defining racial and ethnic identity formation, I borrowed Tatum\u00E2\u0080\u0099s understanding of it as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe process of defining for oneself the personal significance and social meaning of belonging to a particular racial [and/or ethnic] group\u00E2\u0080\u009D (1997, p. 16). This conception of racial and ethnic identity emphasizes the personal meaning and importance attached to identifying with a racial or ethnic group and acknowledges that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe salience of particular aspects of our identity varies at different moments in our lives\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 20). Research Questions and Findings The central research question for this study was: in what ways does K-12 schooling influence the racial and ethnic identity construction of multiethnic students? Related questions included: in what ways do school initiatives such as multicultural and antiracist education influence their identity development processes? What other aspects of K-12 schooling (i.e. the curriculum, peer networks and friendships, the racial and ethnic makeup of the school, extra-curricular activities, and student organizations) influence the racial and ethnic identity construction of multiethnic students? How might 278 K-12 schools become more inclusive of, and better support the identity development of, multiethnic students? As we saw in Chapter Six, only two of the twenty-three participants drew an explicit connection between their racial and ethnic identity development and the formal aspects of schooling; the others either failed to draw such a connection or were adamant that one did not exist. Conversely, as seen in Chapter Seven, participants quite readily linked their experiences of the informal and social aspects of schooling to their identity construction. When we read participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 recommendations in Chapter Eight, however, the connections between the formal and informal aspects of K-12 schooling and the nature of their combined influence on the experiences and identities of participants become much more apparent. Indeed, when we consider the data from all three chapters, as well as their profiles, it is clear that formal aspects of schooling do, in fact, play a significant, if indirect, role in shaping the experiences and identity construction processes of participants. As discussed, the data presented in Chapter Six paint a picture of K-12 schools as sites in which racial and ethnic categories and the boundaries constructed between them are reinforced; in which race, ethnicity, and multiethnicity are seldom, if ever, discussed in detail; and in which limited and superficial notions of what it means to be [insert racial/ethnic group] are promulgated, perpetuated, and buttressed by, for example, diversity education initiatives that often require multiethnic students to identify with or represent one of their racial and ethnic heritage groups. The data presented in Chapter Seven indicate that study participants often negotiate the boundaries constructed between racial and ethnic groups\u00E2\u0080\u0094those that are physically present on their campuses and those 279 that are imposed during interactions with peers. These data also indicate that participants often confront differences between how they self identify and the identities assigned to or imposed on them by others. What is clear from the data presented in Chapter Seven is that others\u00E2\u0080\u0099 perceptions of study participants (often grounded in stereotypes and limited notions of what it means to be [insert racial and ethnic group]) play a significant role in shaping participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 social experiences and their racial and ethnic identities (see Cooley, 1902; Khanna, 2004; Tatum, 1997). Given the influence of other peoples\u00E2\u0080\u0099 perceptions (and interactions and experiences stemming from these perceptions) on participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 racial and ethnic identity development, it stands to reason that so many participants would like others to have more nuanced and more accurate understandings of race, ethnicity, multiethnicity, and the experiences of multiethnic people. Moreover, given that nearly all of the participants discussed at least one instance (if not several) in which they had been made to feel different because they are multiethnic, it also stands to reason that so many comments made by participants had, at their core, the belief that other people need to know that \u00E2\u0080\u009C[people] can be different things and that\u00E2\u0080\u0099s okay\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Hip Hapa). In other words, a central finding is participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 recognition of the importance of being able to authentically represent their heritages and experiences in ways that do not pathologize difference. Viewed in light of the data, participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 desire for greater engagement in schools with issues related to race, ethnicity, and multiethnicity is not surprising, and, in fact, is quite logical. I detect the following lines of reasoning: 280 If\u00E2\u0080\u00A6 \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 teachers and students alike engaged in authentic, meaningful, and earnest explorations of and discussions about the constructs of race and ethnicity and how they are experienced; \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 more people were aware of the existence and experiences of multiethnic individuals; \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 lessons and discussions about race and ethnicity did not focus on people from other countries and what they wear, eat, and celebrate; \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 lessons and discussions about race and ethnicity did not focus on \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe basics\u00E2\u0080\u009D and oppositional relations; \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 educators more actively worked towards challenging the boundaries constructed between racial and ethnic categories; \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 members of the school community (and beyond) had a less limited understanding of what it means to be [insert racial and/or ethnic group]; \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 racial and ethnic stereotypes were not so prevalent and robust; and \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 others understood that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cpeople are different and it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s okay to be different\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Mialany); Then perhaps\u00E2\u0080\u00A6 \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 Hip Hapa would not encounter so many questions about and challenges to his racial and ethnic identities and claims to group membership. \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 Josh would not be asked if he plans to be a jeweler because he is Jewish. \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 Mialany would not have been jumped at school. \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 Jasmine would not be asked to prove she is Arabic by speaking Arabic. \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 Jordan and his classmates would not have been asked to step into a circle if they are Asian. \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 Dana would not be told that she is \u00E2\u0080\u009Cnot Black,\u00E2\u0080\u009D nor (ironically) would she be expected to provide the \u00E2\u0080\u009CBlack perspective\u00E2\u0080\u009D in class. \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 Andrea would be recognized by her classmates and teachers as both Iranian and White. Taken together, the findings from this study strongly support the conclusion that K-12 schooling experiences do influence the identity development of multiethnic students, but not in the ways it is often assumed in the literature that they will. As noted in the previous chapters, many of my findings that relate to the schooling experiences and identities of participants reflect those of other researchers. Indeed, the similarities 281 between my findings and those of Lopez (2001, 2004) are quite striking.15 There are also notable similarities between my findings and those of, for example, Cruz-Janzen (1997) and Renn (2004). Where the differences emerge however, are between the findings and conclusions of my study and those of others as they relate to the \u00E2\u0080\u009Cneeds\u00E2\u0080\u009D of multiethnic students and the actual influence of K-12 schooling experiences on their racial and ethnic identity construction processes. Reading the literature expressly concerned with the K-12 schooling experiences of multiethnic students and the influence of these experiences on their identity construction processes (the vast majority of which, as previously noted, has been written by Wardle), one gets the feeling that this influence is direct and immediate. Take, for example, Wardle\u00E2\u0080\u0099s (2004) assertion that One of the greatest dilemmas for multiracial and multiethnic students is to see themselves as normal and accepted, and not abnormal, strange and freaks. Students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 and adults\u00E2\u0080\u0099 frequent questions of, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwhat are you, anyway,\u00E2\u0080\u009D simply aggravate this dilemma. One reason multiracial and multiethnic students struggle is because they are not taught in schools about their extensive history (Cortes, 1999); another is that they are not visible in their school: in books, curricular materials, posters, pamphlets, examples of literature and the arts, and so forth. (pp. 69-70) Similarly, Sheets (2004) explains her belief that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cit is imperative that teachers (and parents) understand that the multiracial identity developmental process is not separate from learning and cognition\u00E2\u0080\u009D and that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cteachers who make a conscious effort to promote multiracial identity development through curricular planning and instructional strategies help students develop a psychological dimension of self, both individual and group, which is a consequence of a [sic] their distinctive socialization process and dual heritage 15 These similarities are likely due in part to the fact that, although our research questions differed, aspects of our methodologies were very similar (i.e. we both interviewed roughly 25 multiethnic students from Northern California). 282 and membership in a [sic] particular racial and ethnic groups\u00E2\u0080\u009D (pp. 150-151). From these and similar statements, we get the impression that multiethnic students are likely to face an identity crisis, that they struggle with their identity construction because they do not see themselves reflected in the curriculum, and that teachers must employ unique strategies to support the healthy identity formation of multiethnic students. The findings from this study, however, tell quite a different story. To understand the effect of K-12 schooling on the racial and ethnic identity construction of multiethnic students it is critical to understand the connection between multiethnic students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 experiences of the formal and the informal aspects of schooling. To be clear, both the formal and informal aspects of schooling shape the identity construction of multiethnic students. While the formal aspects exert a less direct influence on the identity construction of multiethnic students, they are critical in shaping all students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 understandings, beliefs, ideologies, and perceptions related to race, ethnicity, diversity, and difference. In turn, these understandings, beliefs, ideologies, and perceptions directly affect the informal aspects of schooling, such as interactions between students and the prevalence and power of racial and ethnic stereotypes and divisions. It is precisely students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 experiences relating to the informal aspects of schooling that most directly influence their identities\u00E2\u0080\u0094their development, how they are experienced, how they feel about them, and students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 feelings of inclusion or exclusion. In short, the formal aspects of schooling (e.g. curriculum and diversity education initiatives) shape all students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 racial and ethnic understandings and ideologies, which in turn shape the informal aspects of schooling (e.g. interactions with peers and racial and ethnic divisions within the student body) which exert the most direct influence over multiethnic students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 283 experiences and identities. Of course, we must acknowledge that the formal aspects of schooling are not alone in shaping the racial and ethnic understandings and ideologies of the general student body; other influences such as family and neighborhood context cannot be discounted. Nevertheless, the findings indicate that schools are sometimes hostile sites of negotiation, that these negotiations influence multiethnic students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 identities, and that these negotiations occur in the context of, and are shaped by, both formal and informal aspects of schooling, including, but not limited to, school demographics, curricula, race and ethnicity-based student organizations, and interactions between all members of the school community. Implications and Recommendations for Educators16 Although the participants in this study generally do not feel that multiethnic students have particularly unique or special needs, several noted that if multiethnic students did have unique needs, schools would not be meeting them because multiethnic students are \u00E2\u0080\u009Cinvisible\u00E2\u0080\u009D to or not considered by educators. In fact, one third of the participants pointed out their schools\u00E2\u0080\u0099 \u00E2\u0080\u009Cblindness\u00E2\u0080\u009D to multiethnic students. At the same time, several of the participants discussed the idea that all students need to be supported as they construct their identities and need to have opportunities to learn about their heritages (e.g. Hannah, Jasmine, and Anne). As we may recall, Wardle (1998) and Nishimura (1995) posit that multiethnic students need support in the development of healthy ethnic and racial identities (Wardle) or a positive racial self-image (Nishimura)\u00E2\u0080\u0094 needs that, I (and at least some participants) would argue, all students share. Given this, it is not surprising that several of the participants, in requesting more engagement with the 16 Portions of this section appear in Mohan (2009). 284 topics of race, ethnicity, and multiethnicity in the classroom, noted that all students stand to benefit from such conversations (see, for example, comments made by Hip Hapa). Indeed, a principal finding from the data in Chapter Eight, and indeed, a principal finding from this study, is participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 desire for more engagement with the topics of race, ethnicity, and multiethnicity in K-12 schools (and, as noted by four participants, the earlier students begin this engagement, the better). Despite acknowledging that conversations about these topics can be uncomfortable and risky (Tatum, 2007), these are the conversations participants desire. Based on the preceding, my recommendations for educators, which are discussed in greater detail below, are not terribly surprising. They are: (1) infuse, early and often, the curriculum and classroom discussions with issues of race, ethnicity, multiethnicity, and difference, (2) ensure that classrooms are spaces in which these topics can be explored openly and safely, (3) actively engage in the process of complicating, contesting, and deconstructing racial and ethnic categories and their classificatory power, and (4) end the silence regarding multiethnicity in schools and ensure its authentic inclusion in the curriculum. As discussed in Chapter Three, there is ample literature that puts forward recommendations for educators concerned about making their schools more inclusive of and responsive to the experiences of multiethnic students (see, for example, Cruz-Janzen, 1997; Greene, 2004; Root, 2003b; Schwartz , 1998; Wardle, 1996, 2000b, 2004; and Wardle and Cruz-Janzen, 2004)\u00E2\u0080\u0094recommendations with which I generally find little fault. Here, however, I particularly emphasize one central recommendation for educators that I believe should guide all other changes to policy, practice, and relationships made 285 with multiethnic students in mind: engage in more meaningful and authentic explorations and discussions of race, ethnicity, and multiethnicity with all students. Racism is an undeniable and inexcusable feature of North America history, the legacy of which continues to be felt today. At their worst, schools can be accused of perpetuating racist ideologies and the social inequality that results from them. At their best, schools can play a role in dismantling such ideologies and creating an equitable learning environment for all students. Indeed, it is of utmost importance that schools make a strong commitment to combating inequalities within and beyond their walls, that they create a school culture that is welcoming to and affirming of all students, and that they do not allow pressure to attend to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmore essential\u00E2\u0080\u009D curriculum to trump the important task of preparing students to thrive in our ever more diverse society (Shields & Mohan, 2008; Tatum, 2007). As we have seen, traditional approaches to accomplishing these important tasks, such as multicultural and antiracism education, do not account for those students who do not easily fit within the rigid racial and ethnic categories reinforced by them (Cruz-Janzen, 1997; Dolby, 2000; Gosine, 2002; Wardle & Cruz- Janzen, 2004). In critiquing these approaches for their tendency to reinforce limited understandings of race and ethnicity, my goal certainly is not to argue for the disposal of them. Racial and ethnic categories, as robust social constructs, shape the lives of all individuals and to decline to acknowledge this because the process promises to be complicated and messy would be to shirk one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s responsibility as an educator of students growing up in a society as diverse as North America\u00E2\u0080\u0099s. Arbitrary and unsound as racial and ethnic categories might be, to ignore them is not to deconstruct them. Thus, regardless of the method selected\u00E2\u0080\u0094multiculturalism, antiracism, or any other anti- 286 oppressive pedagogy\u00E2\u0080\u0094schools can, and indeed should, actively engage in the process of complicating, contesting, and deconstructing racial and ethnic categories and their classificatory power. Consistent with the findings of, for example, Basu (2007), Lopez (2004), Renn (2004a), and Root (1996a, 1998), and immediately evident from the data, is the fact that there is neither a single \u00E2\u0080\u009Cmultiethnic experience\u00E2\u0080\u009D nor a similar identity embraced by all research participants. What this indicates is the inappropriateness of uncritically inserting a multiethnic category into an otherwise unchanged approach to teaching students about race and ethnicity. Such an uncritical insertion is another way of masking differences that do indeed make a difference. The idea here is to deconstruct and challenge divisive identity categories, not construct new ones; to move away from the essentializing tendencies of many school activities and curricula, not essentialize yet another group. Indeed, many participants were quick to recognize the impossibility of having a multiethnic booth with representative food and artifacts on Diversity Day, or a multiethnic dance at the Multicultural Assembly. Thus, we can see the inappropriateness of asking one multiethnic student to \u00E2\u0080\u009Cspeak for\u00E2\u0080\u009D all multiethnic individuals, as if there were some sort of discrete and fixed multiethnic identity or experience. In other words, we cannot reify multiethnicity. Accordingly, I urge educators not to be satisfied with simply hanging a poster of Halle Berry or any other multiethnic celebrity in the classroom, or with merely adding to the reading list a novel or two depicting multiethnic families. Nor should educators gratuitously include a brief unit on multiethnicity. Rather, multiethnicity should be incorporated into every discussion of race and ethnicity, and such discussions need to take place more frequently. Indeed, multiethnicity is not simply 287 a topic to add into multicultural education, but an angle of vision from which to see and re-work it. It is here that a postpositivist realist lens for reconceptualizing race and ethnicity may prove most useful in that it captures the complexities, contradictions, and fluidity of these constructs while allowing for an interrogation of the ways in which they shape the lived experiences of students. Finally, a cursory examination of multiethnicity runs the risk of reifying racial and ethnic categories and strengthening their classificatory power, and therefore, not discussing multiethnicity may be preferable to its superficial treatment. In other words, there is no acceptable easy alternative to substantive, sincere, and meaningful engagement with multiethnicity and, of course, race and ethnicity. Given that the inclusion of multiethnicity in the curriculum has the potential to help us create more authentically inclusive schools; to mitigate the testing and questioning that multiethnic individuals are too often subjected to and, therefore, to support their racial and ethnic identity development; to challenge divisive racial and ethnic categories and limited understandings of them; to provide a more historically accurate and inclusive education; and to respond to students\u00E2\u0080\u0099 demand for such lessons, we cannot in good conscience allow the silence regarding multiethnicity in schools to continue (Mohan, 2009). The foregoing obviously holds implications not just for K-12 classroom teachers but also for school leaders and teacher preparation programs. For example, school leaders need to create an environment in which tough conversations about racism and other forms of discrimination are not retreated from but are embraced as significant learning opportunities, in which difference is not pathologized but normalized, and in which students and teachers can openly, honestly, and thoughtfully engage with the 288 complexities of race, ethnicity, multiethnicity, and identity. We also need preparation programs through which future educators gain the skills, knowledge, and confidence required to engage in meaningful, authentic, and frequent discussions of race and ethnicity. In other words, preparation programs and educational leaders must strive to help educators affirmatively respond to Tatum\u00E2\u0080\u0099s question: \u00E2\u0080\u009CCan we get beyond our fear, our sweaty palms, our anxiety about saying the wrong thing, or using the wrong words, and have an honest conversation about racial issues?\u00E2\u0080\u009D (2007, p. xiii). Future Research Directions Based on the findings from this study, I see the need for additional research directed at the understandings and classroom practices of, and the training and support received by, K-12 educators as they relate to engaging with the topics of race and ethnicity in the classroom. As discussed, most participants in this study noted the general silence in their schools regarding race, ethnicity, and multiethnicity, yet most expressed an earnest desire to engage with these topics in the classroom. At the same time, several of the participants offered explanations for why such engagement does not take place in their schools including: race and ethnicity are uncomfortable or taboo topics, teachers are afraid of offending someone or of \u00E2\u0080\u009Cgetting in trouble,\u00E2\u0080\u009D teachers have curricular guidelines that they must follow and that preclude meaningful engagement with race and ethnicity in the classroom, and the lack of a safe environment in which to talk about these topics. These findings, I believe, point to clear directions for future research. Topics that warrant further attention from researchers include: teachers and school leaders\u00E2\u0080\u0099 conceptions of race, ethnicity, and multiethnicity, where these conceptions come from, and how they influence relationships and practice; teachers and school leaders\u00E2\u0080\u0099 perceptions of 289 multiethnic students and their experiences; the training and preparation received by teachers and school leaders related to addressing race, ethnicity, and multiethnicity with students; and teachers\u00E2\u0080\u0099 feelings about and (dis)comfort with discussing these topics in the classroom and the support (or lack thereof) that they receive from school leaders if they wish to do so. Through further research investigating these issues, we can hope to gain a deeper understanding of why so many participants in this study reported a silence in their schools regarding race, ethnicity, and multiethnicity and how, as a practical matter, we might end this silence. Likewise, as discussed in Chapter Four, I join Renn (2004b) in the belief that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwe need to allow the strengths of different research paradigms and methods, as well as individual researchers, to contribute to the discussion of multiraciality\u00E2\u0080\u009D (p. 17). I see rich possibilities for additional studies taking a variety of approaches and with a range of foci such as, for example, gendered analyses, regional comparisons, studies focusing on individuals with specific heritage combinations, and studies grounded in different theoretical perspectives and utilizing different framings of identity. Finally, as noted in Chapter One, if we are sincere about our desire for equity, social justice, and a society in which racial and ethnic identities are not determinants of opportunity or life chances, we must continue to interrogate the constructs of race and ethnicity and the ways in which racial and ethnic ideologies and categories operate in the lives of all individuals. Such investigations must be ongoing precisely because these ideologies and categories are, despite the best efforts of those invested in maintaining racial hierarchies (Bonilla-Silva, 2003), neither static nor stable (Omi & Winant, 1986). 290 Reflections on the Research Methodology As a means of accessing the unique stories and experiences of participants, I believe that semi-structured interviews worked well. While the interview protocol provided the framework for the interviews so that I could compare the responses of participants related to a number of key issues, I designed and conducted the interviews in such a way as to allow for spontaneity and flexibility, and, perhaps most importantly, the introduction of topics by individual participants. The focus groups served as a means to follow up on issues and topics that had emerged during the individual interviews, they provided a forum for discussions between study participants about topics related to multiethnicity, and they allowed me to check the accuracy of my preliminary interpretations of the interview data. They were not, however, a significant source of new ideas and, perhaps not surprisingly, participants spoke somewhat less candidly during the focus groups than they did during the interviews. Nevertheless, as was hoped for, there was a complementary relationship between interviews and focus groups (Wilson, 1997) and following the focus groups I had greater confidence in my interpretations of the data. As discussed in Chapter Four, the writing activity was designed to be a less obtrusive method of collecting data than the interviews and focus groups (Creswell, 2003). Participant interest in completing the writing activity, though, was minimal, and only thee participants (Barry, Kelley, and Hip Hapa) completed it as originally designed. The reflections provided by Barry, Kelley, and Hip Hapa, however, were quite detailed and very thoughtful and excerpts from each of their activities are included in the data chapters. I am, therefore, convinced that writing activities can be a source of rich data and 291 I wonder what incentives I could have used to make the activity more appealing or to increase completion rates. As not all students participated in a focus group and only five completed the writing activity, I have considerably more data, as well as data from multiple sources, from some participants and not others. As the focus groups and writing activities were optional, I expected that this would be the case. Nevertheless, the individual profiles in Chapter Five and the individual reflections on schooling in Chapter Eight ensure that the unique experiences and perspectives of each participant are represented in the dissertation. Deciding how to present the data proved quite challenging. Although the focus of this study was the influence of K-12 schooling on participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 racial and ethnic identity development, it was important to contextualize the data on K-12 schooling within the broad range of influences on participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 identity construction processes. Participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 families, for example, play a significant role in shaping their experiences and their identities. Moreover, I felt it was important to demonstrate the fluid and shifting nature of many participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 racial and ethnic identities, the fact that there is no single multiethnic identity embraced by all participants, and the varied meaning they attach to their respective racial and ethnic identities. For example, for some participants, being multiethnic was not a central aspect of their identity while for others it was a defining feature of their sense of self. Accordingly, Chapter Five includes individual profiles in which participants discuss influences that are, for the most part, external to K-12 schooling. 292 Given my focus on K-12 schooling, it seemed important to present the remaining data in such a way as to allow for a micro-level look at each of the salient features of participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 K-12 schooling (i.e. interactions with teachers, friendships, diversity education initiatives) and a macro-level analysis of the influence of these features, taken together, on participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 racial and ethnic identity development. In other words, the presentation of the data directly related to participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 K-12 schooling experiences was designed to provide a detailed understanding of both the individual perceptions and experiences of participants and the broader contexts in which they have studied and socialized\u00E2\u0080\u0094both of which were necessary for answering the research questions. As discussed in Chapter Four, reflection on the data related to participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 K-12 schooling experiences resulted in the identification of three broad categories into which the data naturally fit: participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 discussions of the formal/deliberate aspects of schooling, their discussions of the informal/social aspects of schooling, and their broader reflections on K-12 schooling including recommendations for educators. Once the data related to each of these formal and informal aspects of schooling had been identified, I presented the data according to topics within these categories. For example, the data within the category of the formal aspects of K-12 schooling are organized according to the following topics: the documentation of racial and ethnic identities; race and ethnicity- based student organizations; relationships and interactions with teachers and administrators; specific lessons, projects and classroom activities; (not) learning about multiethnicity; (not) learning about race and ethnicity; and diversity education initiatives. The data related to participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 broader reflections on K-12 schooling and their recommendations for educators are, like the profiles, organized according to individual 293 participants. Throughout the presentation of the data in Chapters Six, Seven, and Eight, emergent themes were identified and discussed\u00E2\u0080\u0094themes which were revisited, discussed in greater detail, and linked to each other in the final section of each chapter entitled \u00E2\u0080\u009CIntegrating the Data.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Although presenting one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s data according to topics is perhaps unconventional in a dissertation, I believe that presenting the data in this way was particularly apposite given my desire to provide a detailed understanding of both the individual perceptions and experiences of participants and the broader contexts in which they have studied and socialized. Moreover, we can see the strength of organizing and presenting the data in this way when we compare it to the more common approach of presenting the data according to emergent themes. Through the presentation of the data in this way, which mirrored the processes by which I broke down, analyzed, and pieced together the data, I was able to make public and lay bare the processes for scrutiny. In other words, no reader will need to take my word for it that the themes that I claim to have emerged actually emerged and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthat the themes that emerged actually have some congruence or verisimilitude with the reality of the phenomenon studied\u00E2\u0080\u009D (Anfara, Brown, & Mangione, 2002, p. 29). Additionally, the presentation of the data in this way highlights the substantial differences between, for example, participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 heritages, identities, school contexts, and social experiences. Set against the backdrop of these differences, the commonalities among participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 general reflections on K-12 schooling and their recommendations for educators are all the more striking. Likewise, when, despite these differences, common ideas, experiences, and perceptions related to the formal and informal aspects of schooling are expressed by different participants, we can feel 294 confident in the broader relevance of our subsequent conclusions. Finally, given that educators will presumably be most interested in the relationships between the actual features of schooling and how they are experienced by multiethnic students, arranging the data as I have done (i.e. according to these features and participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 broader reflections on schooling), while still allowing for a thematic analysis, lays bare these relationships. Reflections on a Postpositivist Realist Framing of Identity Before concluding, as a final note of reflection for future researchers, I think future studies of multiethnic individuals, their identities, and experiences, should take seriously the strengths of the postpositivist realist framing of identity. This framing, to my mind, is particularly apt because of its focus on context, interpretation, experience, and cognition\u00E2\u0080\u0094all of which played a significant role in the identity construction of participants in this study. I know of no other study of multiethnic identities and experiences that employs a postpositivist realist approach to identity; in examining the data from this study, however, we perceive the important insights offered by this approach. In particular, we see the cognitive aspects of identity discussed by Mohanty (1997, 2000) and Moya (2000a/b) and the influence of the interpretations participants have of their experiences. Moya asserts that \u00E2\u0080\u009Can individual\u00E2\u0080\u0099s experiences will influence, but not entirely determine, the formation of her cultural identity\u00E2\u0080\u009D and highlights the fact that it is not one\u00E2\u0080\u0099s experiences alone, but her interpretation of those experiences (which differ for each individual), that will most influence her identity (2000b, p. 82). Participants experience and interpret, for example, questions regarding their racial and ethnic heritage in quite different ways, and these experiences and interpretations appear to have varying effects on their sense of racial and 295 ethnic group membership. Nearly every student discussed being confronted with questions pertaining to their knowledge and experiences of their racial and/or ethnic heritages. For some, such as Andrea, these questions are viewed as a challenge to their asserted identity and are discussed in terms of testing and evaluation, while others, such as Renee, view these questions as benign curiosity or even flattering interest. The difference between these experiences and their influence on participants\u00E2\u0080\u0099 identities may not be in the exact questions asked, how they were asked, or who was asking them, but in each individual\u00E2\u0080\u0099s interpretation of her experiences of such questions. As we know, those participants who did not report feeling challenged when they express a multiethnic identity or claim membership in multiple racial and ethnic groups, generally discussed their identities and experiences stemming from their identities in more neutral or positive ways. Conversely, those who felt that their sense of identity and group membership was challenged by others were more likely to share negative experiences and perceptions. In asserting that \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthere is a cognitive component to identity that allows for the possibility of error and of accuracy in interpreting the things that happen to us,\u00E2\u0080\u009D Moya draws our attention to the fact that our personal experiences may be interpreted and reinterpreted in light of new experiences and knowledge and that these interpretations will largely determine their influence on our identities (2000b, p. 83). This process of interpretation and reinterpretation is discussed by Barry when reflecting on his middle school experiences: I had a really bad middle school experience. It was one of the, you know, kind of the down points in my life now that I look back on it. Like when I was going to 8th grade, I was like \u00E2\u0080\u009Coh yeah, it\u00E2\u0080\u0099s good.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Then I was like, you know, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthat wasn\u00E2\u0080\u0099t so good.\u00E2\u0080\u009D This certain group of people discriminated, kind of like the popular kids, and then they kind of discriminated against me.\u00E2\u0080\u00A6When I came to Pine Mountains, it was a big 296 step culturally-wise, just because I was so accepted. And I was used to always being on the defense on a lot of subjects. And here it was just, \u00E2\u0080\u009Chey, me too.\u00E2\u0080\u009D (emphasis added) Additionally, several participants explained the shifts in their identities stemming from increased exposure to and knowledge about their heritages. One striking example of such a shift is the change in Jasmine\u00E2\u0080\u0099s sense of identity following her reading of The Kite Runner by Khaled Hosseini. Prior to seeing her culture and religion portrayed through Hosseini\u00E2\u0080\u0099s writing, she felt little connection to, and, in fact, rejected, them. After reading the book, however, she said \u00E2\u0080\u009CThe Kite Runner just gave me a different perspective on my own religion, my own cultural background\u00E2\u0080\u00A6.And I was like, this is who I am. And I just felt so a part of it.\u00E2\u0080\u009D Moya also points out that \u00E2\u0080\u009Csome identities, because they can more adequately account for the social categories constituting an individual\u00E2\u0080\u0099s social location, have greater epistemic value than some others that the same individual might claim\u00E2\u0080\u009D (2000b, pp. 83- 84). In discussing this assertion, I previously used Barack Obama as an example. Although Obama certainly does not disavow his multiethnic heritage, many have argued that because he is phenotypically Black, an identity as Black or African American may more accurately reflect structures of racism and discrimination of which he is likely to have been a victim. Indeed, Obama himself recently said \u00E2\u0080\u009CI identify as African-American \u00E2\u0080\u0094 that's how I'm treated and that's how I'm viewed. I'm proud of it\u00E2\u0080\u009D (\u00E2\u0080\u009CObama\u00E2\u0080\u0099s True Colors,\u00E2\u0080\u009D 2008). Raya, who shares the same racial heritage as President Obama, expressed a very similar sentiment. Like if people would ask me, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cwell, what are you?\u00E2\u0080\u009D I\u00E2\u0080\u0099d say I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m Black and White and then they\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll be like \u00E2\u0080\u009Cbut what do you mark on the paper?\u00E2\u0080\u009D I\u00E2\u0080\u0099m like, well, if I think about it, back in the day of Martin Luther King, if they were to look at me, and if there were to be a White drinking fountain and a 297 Black drinking fountain, I\u00E2\u0080\u0099d still have to go to the Black one. So I was like I\u00E2\u0080\u0099ll just mark the Black, you know, I look Black. Raya clearly recognizes that no matter how she sees herself, she will often be viewed as a Black woman, and that an identity as a Black woman may more accurately reflect her experiences. Despite these realizations, however, Raya does not identify as a Black woman. In examining Raya\u00E2\u0080\u0099s experiences and those of many other participants, we are reminded of Hames-Garc\u00C3\u00ADa\u00E2\u0080\u0099s notions of restrictions and multiplicity. According to Hames-Garc\u00C3\u00ADa\u00E2\u0080\u0099s theory of multiplicity, Raya\u00E2\u0080\u0099s Black and White identities are best viewed not as intersecting but as mutually constituting each other. In other words, the socially constructed categories of Black and White (ideally) mutually constitute a biracial or undivided identity. Consistent with this perspective, Raya\u00E2\u0080\u0099s interests should not be seen in terms of how they differ from Black women or White women, but in terms of how her biracial identity as whole and multiple shapes them. As we have seen from the data, however, perceived restrictions (manifested as the imposition of fixed and rigid understandings of racial and ethnic categories), do not always allow for the possibility of a multiple, whole, and unfragmented identity for study participants to develop and express. We may recall Kendra\u00E2\u0080\u0099s experiences of being asked to side with either her Mexican friends or her Black friends when tensions arose between the two groups of students. Or Mialany\u00E2\u0080\u0099s experiences during the riot at school after Martin Luther King Day. Or, of course, all of the instances in which study participants have perceived that their legitimacy as members of a certain racial or ethnic group was being tested or challenged. Each of these experiences can be linked to the imposition of rigid racial and 298 ethnic categories (restrictions) which challenge the notion of an unfragmented multiethnic identity. While the intention of this research was not to test the applicability or accuracy of a particular approach to understanding identities, and, in particular, multiethnic identities, my study has confirmed me in the belief that studies informed by a postpositivist realist conception of identity, as well as Hames-Garc\u00C3\u00ADas\u00E2\u0080\u0099 theory of multiplicity, may be better able to capture (i.e. avoid over- or under-reading) the nuances, evolutions, contradictions, real life consequences, and general complexity of multiethnic identities. Concluding Thoughts When she first heard about my research topic, a member of the iPride community said, \u00E2\u0080\u009Cthe last thing we need is another \u00E2\u0080\u0098tragic mulatto\u00E2\u0080\u0099 study.\u00E2\u0080\u009D I could not agree more. As \u00E2\u0080\u009Cproducers\u00E2\u0080\u009D and \u00E2\u0080\u009Cconsumers\u00E2\u0080\u009D of research, we often inadvertently focus on the most striking evidence, even if it is not representative. Certainly, in this dissertation we have seen instances of overt racism, of threats to personal safety, and of other emotionally distressing social and educational circumstances and events. It is important to me, however, to emphasize that generally speaking the participants in this study are happy and well-adjusted individuals who are popular with their peers and involved in their school communities. They undoubtedly defy the image of the \u00E2\u0080\u009Ctragic mulatto\u00E2\u0080\u009D and the troubled, fragmented, crisis-prone individual so prevalent in popular and academic accounts of multiethnic youth. They were also incredibly generous with their time, knowledge, and insights; to them I am extremely grateful. This dissertation is focused on the experiences and racial and ethnic identity development of multiethnic students. However, this dissertation holds implications for a 299 great many students in North American schools and their educators. Countless students can be accurately described as \u00E2\u0080\u009Cborder crossers\u00E2\u0080\u009D\u00E2\u0080\u0094those who defy categorization be it on the grounds of, for example, race, ethnicity, gender, sexuality, or religion. These are the individuals who, either by birth or by choice, cannot be boxed in or constrained by those categories and labels according to which society has traditionally been organized and divided. They have more than one box to check. They have often been made to feel that they do not fit in. They have been asked to explain, and indeed justify, their identities. 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Teachers College Record, 110(6), 1147-1181. 314 APPENDICES Appendix I \u00E2\u0080\u0093 Semi-Structured Interview Protocol 1. Please tell me about yourself (prompts: heritage, grade, age, interests, favorite classes, activities). 2. When and how did you first become aware of your multiethnic identity? 3. How would you describe your process of identity construction as a multiethnic individual? a. Do you feel that this process is complete, or is it ongoing? Please explain. 4. In what ways do you feel that your identity construction has been influenced by your family members? 5. In what ways do you feel that your identity construction has been influenced by your peers? 6. In what ways do you feel that your identity construction has been influenced by your grade K-12 schooling experiences? a. Are/were there specific lessons that you feel have been influential in your identity construction process? b. Are/were there any school activities or events that you feel have been influential in your identity construction process? c. Are/were there other school practices that you feel have been influential in your identity construction process? d. Have there been any comments made by teachers or other school employees that you feel have been influential in your identity construction process? e. Have there been any comments made by classmates and peers that you feel have been influential in your identity construction process? 7. What else has influenced your identity construction? 8. Was multiethnicity discussed in class or included in the curriculum during your K-12 schooling experiences? a. If so, please explain how the topic was presented. 315 b. If so, did such lessons or discussion influence your identity or sense of self? c. If so, do you believe that such lessons or discussions had an influence on others\u00E2\u0080\u0099 perceptions of you? 9. What social challenges and/or advantages did you experience as a result of your multiethnic identity in grades K-12? 10. What personal challenges and/or advantages did you experience as a result of your multiethnic identity in grades K-12? 11. What academic challenges and/or advantages did you experience as a result of your multiethnic identity in grades K-12? 12. In general, do you feel a sense of belonging (connectedness) to the larger school community or to a specific community within the school? Do you link your sense of belonging (or lack thereof) to you multiethnic identity? 13. Is there anything I have not asked you that you feel would be helpful for understanding the influence of your K-12 schooling experiences on your identity construction process? 316 Appendix II \u00E2\u0080\u0093 Writing Activity Prompt Instructions: Think of a specific time when your school supported your multiethnic identity development or a time when you wished the school had done something different to support you as a multiethnic person. With this in mind, please write about specific ways in which schools are and are not meeting the needs of their multiethnic students. Please be as detailed as possible. Also, if you feel that there are specific ways in which schools might better meet the academic, personal, and social needs of multiethnic individuals, please write about them here and provide a rationale for your suggestions. Feel free to be creative! You can write this in the form of a letter to educators, in paragraph form, as a story, a poem, etc. Completed writing activities can be emailed to me at mohanerica@yahoo.com in the text of an email or as an attached document. Please complete this writing activity within four weeks of receiving this invitation. Should you have any questions about this activity, please do not hesitate to contact me. Thanks again! 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'1tiDiG't8 th8I Mill t(8't Io? 2iff8(81tlI+ 320 The University of British Columbia Office of Research Services Behavioural Research Ethics Board Suite 102, 6190 Agronomy Road, Vancouver, B.C. V6T 1Z3 CERTIFICATE OF APPROVAL - FULL BOARD PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR: INSTITUTION / DEPARTMENT: UBC BREB NUMBER: Carolyn M. Shields UBC/Education/Educational Studies H07-01079 NSTITUTION(S) WHERE RESEARCH WILL BE CARRIED OUT: Institution Site N/A N/A Other locations where the research will be conducted: This research will be conducted on the Berkeley and Los Angeles campuses of the University of California. t will also be conducted at the iPride office in Berkeley, California. The interviews and ocus groups will take place in a quiet, private room or office identified for use by the iPride staff, the particiapnt, or the University of California. CO-INVESTIGATOR(S): Erica Mohan SPONSORING AGENCIES: N/A PROJECT TITLE: The Influence of K-12 Schooling Experiences on the Identity Construction of Multiethnic Students REB MEETING DATE: CERTIFICATE EXPIRY DATE: July 26, 2007 July 26, 2008 DOCUMENTS INCLUDED IN THIS APPROVAL: DATE APPROVED: October 25, 2007 Document Name Version Date Protocol: Proposal Version 2 October 6, 2007 Consent Forms: Consent Form Minors Version 3 October 18, 2007 Consent Form Adults Version 3 October 18, 2007 Assent Forms: Assent Form Version 3 October 18, 2007 Advertisements: Flyer - University N/A July 3, 2007 Flyer- High School Version 2 October 6, 2007 Questionnaire, Questionnaire Cover Letter, Tests: Writing Activity Prompt Version 2 October 6, 2007 Focus Group Protocol N/A July 3, 2007 Interview Protocol N/A July 3, 2007 Letter of Initial Contact: Contact Letter Version 2 October 6, 2007 The application for ethical review and the document(s) listed above have been reviewed and the procedures were found to be acceptable on ethical grounds for research nvolving human subjects. Approval is issued on behalf of the Behavioural Research Ethics Board and signed electronically by one of the following: Dr. M. Judith Lynam, Chair Dr. Jim Rupert, Associate Chair Dr. Laurie Ford, Associate Chair Appendix IV \u00E2\u0080\u0093 Behavioral Research Ethics Board Certificate of Approval 321"@en . "Thesis/Dissertation"@en . "2010-05"@en . "10.14288/1.0055898"@en . "eng"@en . "Educational Studies"@en . "Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library"@en . "University of British Columbia"@en . "Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International"@en . "http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/"@en . "Graduate"@en . "The influence of K-12 schooling on the identity development of multiethnic students"@en . "Text"@en . "http://hdl.handle.net/2429/23708"@en .