{"http:\/\/dx.doi.org\/10.14288\/1.0230520":{"https:\/\/open.library.ubc.ca\/terms#identifierAIP":[{"value":"f009bc4d-8e2d-4935-b88e-c4ec96e04cdc","type":"literal","lang":"en"}],"http:\/\/www.europeana.eu\/schemas\/edm\/dataProvider":[{"value":"CONTENTdm","type":"literal","lang":"en"}],"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/alternative":[{"value":"Will there be war?","type":"literal","lang":"en"}],"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/isReferencedBy":[{"value":"http:\/\/resolve.library.ubc.ca\/cgi-bin\/catsearch?bid=1331586","type":"literal","lang":"en"}],"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/isPartOf":[{"value":"British Columbia Historical Books Collection","type":"literal","lang":"en"}],"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/creator":[{"value":"[Unknown]","type":"literal","lang":"en"}],"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/issued":[{"value":"2016-04-27","type":"literal","lang":"en"},{"value":"1846","type":"literal","lang":"en"}],"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/description":[{"value":"\"By an adopted citizen.\" -- title page.
\"Attributed by the B.C. Archives to Henry P. Scholte and by Howes to William Taylor. 'The first article of this pamphlet headed War and Oregon was published in the Daily Globe of the 15th of November [1845]; it is a brief exposition of the whole subject. Eight other articles appeared successively in the same paper, and in reading them the reader ought to bear in mind the date of the publication, as it shows strikingly the general inconsistency of the press ... ' :Intro., p.[8] Advocates a united front of the U.S. government to gain Oregon and avoid war.\"-- Strathern, G. M., & Edwards, M. H. (1970). Navigations, traffiques & discoveries, 1774-1848: A guide to publications relating to the area now British Columbia. Victoria, BC: University of Victoria, p. 324","type":"literal","lang":"en"},{"value":"","type":"literal","lang":"en"}],"http:\/\/www.europeana.eu\/schemas\/edm\/aggregatedCHO":[{"value":"https:\/\/open.library.ubc.ca\/collections\/bcbooks\/items\/1.0230520\/source.json","type":"literal","lang":"en"}],"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/extent":[{"value":"44 pages : 22 cm","type":"literal","lang":"en"}],"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/elements\/1.1\/format":[{"value":"application\/pdf","type":"literal","lang":"en"}],"http:\/\/www.w3.org\/2009\/08\/skos-reference\/skos.html#note":[{"value":" WILL THERE BE .WAR ANALYSIS OP THE ELEMENTS\niV^Wi'ffit\/1:1* WHICH CONSTITUTE. RESPECTIVELY. THE\n*&$?+* V Povirer of England and the United States.\n\u25a0 '.\"i|^'. RESULT, AND CONSEQUENCES fj|\n* or ajt\nOBSTINATE WJLR BETWEEN THE TWO COUNTRIES\n: W^k CURSORY REMARKS |\u00a7J| '\nON THK\nTone and Tactics of the British Organs in America.\nSTRICTURES ON THE ASHBURTON TREATY.\nTUB DEVELOPMENT OP A POSSIBLE EMERGENCY, THAT WOULD, INEVITABLY, BE\n^ -J the cause of war. \u00a3\nCOMMENTS ON THE PRESIDENTS MESSAGE.\nTHE PROPER COURSE TO SECURE, PEACEABLY,\nTHE WHOLE OF THE OREGON.\nETC., ETC., ETC.\nBY AN ADOPTED CITIZEN.\n|g NEW YORK:\nPUBLISHED BY WILLIAM TAYLOR, NO. 2 A8T0R HOUSE. PRICE, 25 CENTS.\n.FEBRUARY-\u20141846.\n SUMMARY.\nPAGES.\nIntroduction \u2022 7 to 8\nTone and Tactics of the British Organs in America, and of\nthe Whig Presses in the Atlantic cities, on the subject of\nWar and Oregon, agreeing on this point, that England is\nclearly right, and the President wilfully wrong 9 to 10\nThe British Organs backed by the Whig leaders will not succeed in misleading public opinion \u2022\u2022 '<$* 9\nRepublican America stands no chance for a fair arbitrament\nin Europe ., 9\nFalse predictions of the organs of British interests, and of the\nWhig presses 10\nThe course of the President on the subject of our foreign relations will be sustained by the people \u2022 10 ^\nWill there be War? ,... 10 to 38\nThe contexture of our Institutions is pre-eminently opposed !S|f\nto aggressive War..*\u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022 11\nAnalysis of the elements which constitute the power of\nEngland 11 to 14\nAnalysis of the principles which give impulse to the Governmental strength of Great Britain 13 to 14\nElaborate examination of the injury that England might inflict to the United States 15 to 17\nAnalysis of the elements which constitute the power of the\nUnited States 15 to 17\nAnalysis of the principles which impart strength to the\nAmerican Confederacy \u2022 17 to 18\nResult, and consequences of a protracted War. between England and the United States S. 18\n.Disquisition on the Ashburton Treaty 19 to 2%\nFormidable organization and threatening attitude of Great\nBritain in North America, since the Treaty 19 to 20\nReasons, accounting for the silence of the American press on\nthe disgraceful cession of a passage through the State of\nMaine , \u2022\u2022!\u2022\u2022\u2022 21 to 22\nHow Great Britain, by sending over a proper man, obtained\nthe passage she had been so long coveting, j (See note {.)\u2022\u2022 21 to 22\n Summary.\nPAG *t.\nExplanation of the circumstances which enabled the American\nnegociator to buy the consent of Maine 23 to 24\nStrictures on the course of the Senate in ratifying the Ash-\nburton treaty..... * 23 to 24\nMr. Calhoun and some southern senators voted for the treaty\nthrough sectional feeling. \u2022\u2022 .\u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022 \u2022. 25\nThe passage in Congress of the Oregon resolutions will not\nproduce War................. \u2022 25\nDevelopment of an emergency which would be the cause of\nhostilities within two or three years \u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022 25 to 26\nEffect of the President's Message in the United States,\u2014it\nhas silenced for a while the opponents of the Administration 26 to 27\nInvestigation of its probable effect in Europe 27 to 35\nThe rebuke of the President to the French Government will\nincrease in our favour the sympathies of the French people 27 to 30\nRemarks of the Organ of M. Guizot in this city, who\nthreatens the President with \" vigoorous reprisals,\" from\nhis patron. ............. 28\nFoul abuse from M. Goizot's organ on Gen. Cass, for having\napproved of \u00abthe President's rebuke, &c. , 28\nVarious comments on the tone of the French papers under the\ncontroul of Louis Philippe and of his ministers 28 to 30\nThe threats of the British Aristocracy on the subject of\nOregon in April, 1845, were a mere theatrical demonstration\nto insulate the President: true causes which prompted\nthose threats ..,...,.....,..\u2022...., SO to 32\nQuotations from the * London Standard,'giving an insight into\nthe consistency, &c, of the British Aristocracy.\u2022........ 32 to 33\nGood joke told by Lord Ashburton concerning the proper man\nto settle the north-eastern 'boundary. (Note *).... \u2022 33\nQuotations from the President's message having reference to\nOregon, international law, -and foreign interference on this\ncontinent. \u2022\u2022 33 to 34\n*t*he message takes officially the same ground that had been\n\u2022* taken in the hrairgural, by expressing then\u2014an opinion*... 34\nThe message, although the most offensive to the views of\nBritish statesmen that has been issued, will have a peaceful\ntendency in England; the Teasons why 34 to 35\nThe threats of the British Aristocracy will ba hushed, and\nwill give way,*for the 'present, to procrastination, toribery,\nand intrigues of'all kinds %l 35\nttebpjponentsfcf'&e President are covertly at work....... 35\n Summary.\\Gt\u00bb.\nMr. Calhoun, under cover of defending the course of the President, takes strong ground in opposing his most important measures \u2022 ........ v , 3b'\nConclusions on the question \" Will there be War ?\"..... 38\nThe proper course to secure, peaceably, the whole of Oregon 38 to 40\nSynopsis of four decisive, but conciliatory measures, which\nwill give us, in time, the whole of Oregon \u2022 38 to 3')\nWhat is not proper for the President to propose, can effectually\nbe done by a two-thirds' majority in Congress \u2022\u2022 39\nThe offer for compromise made by the President last summer\nwas eminently judicious 40\nNo compromise can be made as to our right for the exclusive\nnavigation of the Columbia river \u2022 40\nIt can be allowed to merchant vessels in pursuance of free\ntrade principles \u2022 ' 40\nResignation of the Peel Ministry, &c. \u2022\u2022 40 to 43\nIllustration of the devices used by the British Aristocracy\n\u2022 whenever a change of measures becomes necessary....... 41 to 42\nClassification of a majority of the American press in the Atlantic cities 42 to 43\nQueries submitted to their consideration \u2022\u2022.\u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022.......\u2022\u2022\u2022 43\nDivergence of opinions and erratic views of the leading members of the Senate deprecated \u2022 43\nHope entertained that a majority of Senators of both parties\nwill set aside sectional viewy and party spirit, when voting,\nfinally, on the Oregon resolutions \u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022.\u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022 44\nSynopsis of the consequences that would ensue if the Oregon\nmeasures recommended by the President were to be defeated in the Senate .\u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022.\u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022 \u201e.. 44\nUnanimity in our councils, the most potent weapon wielded by\nCongress \u2022\u2022 \u2022\u2022\u2022\u00bb\u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022 \u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022\u2022 44\n INTRODUCTION.\nIn.the fall of the year 1843,1 went over to Europe with my family,\nfor the purpose of travelling, particularly in France, which is my native\ncountry. While in Paris, where I resided nearly twelve months, I was\ngrieved to see that the tone of the French press had become altogether\nunfriendly to this country, and I noticed that the daily abuse lavished by\nthe English press on the people, and on the institutions of the United\nStates, -.vas promptly echoed by the Parisian papers. The organ of the\nFrench Government, the Journal des Debats, was particularly remarkable for its systematic, insidious, malignant, and persevering efforts to\ntraduce and villify the American character; and in December, 1844, the\nvirulence of the ministerial paper became so outrageous, that I made up\nmy mind to expose publicly, in a daily paper, the utter falsity of its\ncalumnious aspersions. I found, that it was not an easy matter to get\nmy articles inserted, in extenso, in the daily journals, some of them, such\nas the Siecle, the Commerce, and the Constitution^, gave only the spirit\nof my manuscripts; the National inserted one or two articles: but it\nwas only in La Reforme that my views on American affairs appeared\nwithout mutilation; they formed a connected series of articles pub-,\nlished over the signature of \" Tin Citoyen des Elats Unis ;\" and, in course\nof time, they were republished in two pamphlets; and although my\narguments did not reventthe French Government from interfering in the\naffair of Texas, it exposed, publicly, intrigues which had been kept\nin the dark, and a change in the tone of the Parisian press, except in the\norgans of the French Government, became, at that time, easily perceptible : that change was entirely in favour of the United States.\nOn my return to my adopted country, I found that considerable ex-\ni citement existed as to the uncertainty of our relations with England ; it\nappeared to mej that the press was generally at fault as to the proper\ncourse to follow, in order, on the one hand, to secure peace, and, at the\nsame time, on the other, to sustain and vindicate with becoming spirit\nour national rights. I fell convinced that such a course could be pointed\nout; and, moreover, that the propriety and efficiency thereof could be supported by uncontrovertible facts and arguments. The task, at the present time, was personally inconvenient; I have, however, undertaken to\ndo it in the following pages:\u2014the hesitation and the conflicting views\nwhich appear to prevail in Congress on the subject of our foreign relations, have led me into the belief, that the measures which I propose,\nunder a firm conviction of their efficacy, may not be untimely.\n Introduction.\nThe first article of this pamphlet, headed u War and Oregon,\" was\npublished in the Daily Globe of the 15th of November ;\u2022 it is a brief\nexposition of the whole subject Eight other articles appeared successively in the same paper, and in reading them the reader ought to bear\nin mind Me date of the publication, as it shows strikingly the general\ninconsistency of the press, at the same time that it tests the correctness\nof the views expressed in said articles. To illustrate my meaning, I will\nmerely point out one instance relative to the inconsistency of the press.\nAs early as the beginning of November, the influential papers of this city\nwere nearly unanimous in daily abusing the President on account of his\nstand on the subject of Oregon. The burst of popular approbation which\ngreeted the Message of Mr. Polk, bore too strongly the stamp of public\nopinion to be misunderstood, and the editors of those papers shifted their\nground at once; many of them even went ao far as to express themselves\nsatisfied with confiding the care of our foreign relations to the prudence\nof an Executive, whom, only a few days previously, they were villi fying\nat a great rate. By degrees, however, they have broke ground on\nanother course; they do not abuse the administration\u2014they rather\nflatter it; but they are covertly at work, and try what they can to defeat\nthe measures recommended by the President, by urging delay, &c. Well,\nthe series of articles contained in this pamphlet takes a space of time\nof about two months, and forms a kind of political record of the events\nwhich have occurred within that period: and, as I stated at the outset, it\nwill be well to bear in mind the date of each article at the time it is read.\nIn conclusion, I call the attention of the reader, in a special manner,\nto that part of the pamphlet which contains the \" Analysis of the Elements which constitute the power of Great Britain,\" &c, from pages 11\nto 18. It may not be amiss to remark, while on this subject, that I have\nlived eight years in England, where, having plenty of leisure, I devoted\nmost of my time to study the mechanism of its government, and to make\nout and appreciate the springs which give motion aud power to its complicated machinery; and it may be stated, moreover, that I have been an\nattentive and disinterested observer of public events for the last forty years.\nAN ADOPTED CITIZEN.\nNew York, Jan. 16M, 1845.\n\u2022 The dates of the articles contained in this pamphlet bare been taken from the\noriginal manuscript!, and as they vary, now and then, a few days from the dates they\nappeared in the Daily Globe, I annex herewith, for the convenience of those who\nmight desire to compare them, a correct list of the dates they appeared first in print\nI he articles in the Globe will be found identically the same as those in this pam-\nphletj no change whatever has been made, except those necessary to correct typographical errours, and to connect the articles together in their new form.\n7th article appeared Dec. 30\n8th H \u00ab\u2022 Jan. 1\n9th \u00ab\u25a0 m \u00ab\u2022 7\n1st article appeared Nov. 15\n2nd \" \u00ab\u00ab \u00ab\u00ab 26\n3rd \" \u00ab\u00ab M 6\n4 th article appeared Dec 17\n5th \u00ab\u00ab \u00ab\u00ab \u00ab\u00ab 23\n6th '\u00ab ** \" 24\n WAR AND OREGON.\nNew York, November 13th, 1845.\nThe organs of the British interests in this city have been loud, for a\nfew days past, in their denunciations against the views of the American\nGovernment on the subject of the Oregon Territory. They have received their cue from their patrons by the last steamer from England.\nHere is the substance of their vituperations, divested from the foul abuse\nwith which they are intermixed : They pretend that the United States\nhave actually acknowledged the title of Great Britain down to latitude 49,\nand that therefore President Polk was and is wilfully wrong, in asserting\nthat the American title to Oregon is unquestionable. The Commercial Advertiser, the Journal of Commerce, the Express, wad the Tribune, maintain\nalike that England is clearly right on the subject of Oregon; and the\nproof thereof\u2014as they affirm\u2014is, that she is willing to submit the case\nto the arbitration of any crowned head in Europe. Tney threaten that\nwar is inevitable, if the resolutions which passed the House of Representatives last winter are adopted by both Houses in the next session of\nCongress; and they point significantly to the immense maritime preparations of Great Britain, which many of the late English papers insinuate, with an air of mystery, squint terribly towards Oregon. The obvious purpose of this simultaneous movement on both sides of the Atlantic is,\nno doubt, to intimidate Congress. **\nThe Morning Courier and Enquirer of last Saturday, awkwardly enough,\nlets the cat out of the bag, as follows: ** They (Congress) know now\u2014\nwhich they did not know last winter\u2014that to vole for such a measure, is to\nvole for war.\" The Courier appears to entertain a very mean opinion of\nCongress. The House of Bepresentatives passed last winter, by a large\nmajority, resolutions organising a government in Oregon ; but noio that\nthey find that England threatens, that war, as is pretended, is inevitable,\nthey will no doubt back out, says the Courier*\nThe zealous endeavours of the whole of the corrupt organs of the British\ninterests will not succeed to mislead public opinion, even backed, as they\nappear to be, by the leaders of the Whig party; the great majority of the\npeople of this country feel confident that the General Government will insist only on what is clearly right; they know that Republican America\nhas no chance for a fair arbitrament from any of the Sovereigns or the\nMonarchies of Europe, particularly at this present time, when European\nstatesmen, Mr. Guizot in their number, have publicly made known their\nopposition and dislike to the extension of Democratic principles. The people of, the United States are generally convinced that the intrigues of\nof England are dangerous, but her threats are harmless\u2014regardless of her\nthreats we have annexed Texas, without a war, and we will ultimately\nhave Oregon, without a war. '$$\nwm 2\n 10\nIt is no longer ago than last year, that the British organs and many of\nthe Whig presses predicted war with Mexico, war with England, in case\nCongress dared to accomplish the annexation of Texas ; and now, when\ntheir false predictions are still fresh in the minds of all, they have the hardihood to make another attempt at intimidation. ; That the organs of British interests should perform the part which is prescribed to them, is to be\nexpected; but it is certainly very strange that the Whig leaders and the\nWhig editors, especially those that are independent of British influence,\nshould be so infatuated as to take sides with Great Britain against their\nown government, on questions of national character * they ought to know\nthat our system of aggrandizement is entirely in harmony with our free\ninstitutions, and that, no far, it cannot be denied it has been effected without war. The very contexture of' our institutions, and the working of\nself-government as it is with us form, altogether, a new era in the history\nof nations; and so is our mode of aggrandizement\u2014other nations wage\nlong wars, possibly for no other purpose than to-take a few towns\u2014we\nannex immense territories with no other instrument than the beacon of our\ninstitutions, and the cordial good will of the People who inhabit them.\nSome other day, I will proceed to give an analytical statement of incontrovertible facts, which will convince any unprejudiced! mind, that the\nadoption by Congress of the resolutions which passed the House of Representatives last winter, will not produce war; and I make bold to proclaim beforehand, that the course taken by President Polk, on the subject\nof our foreign relations, will be triumphantly sustained by the People of\nAmerica.\nNo. I.\nNew York. November 25th, 1845.\nWill there be War between the United, States and Great\nBritain?\nThe Whig papers throughout the county have generally assumed that\nwar, (immediate war, says the Courier and Enquirer*) will be declared\nby England in case Congress adopts the resolutions which last winter\npassed the House of Representatives on the subject of Oregon, I asserted\nin the Daily Globe of 15th inst., in an article headed '* WarandOregon,\"\nthat u.e threats thrown out against the tenour of those resolutions by the\norgans of British interests in this city, were part of a concerted movement\non both sides of the Atlantic for the purpose of intimidating Congress, and\nI proceed to-day to give the first part of a detailed and anaiytical statement of facts, which will no doubt convince the unprejudiced reader that\na war between the United States and England would, in a few years,\nlead inevitably to the dismemberment of the British Empire. This assertion will startle many; let those suspend their judgement until they have\ngone through the following elaborate analysis. In conclusion, I intend\nto establish by fair argument that the adoption by Congress of the Oregon\nresolutions does not afford England reasonable ground of complaint. Great\nBritain will try hard to bully us out of our rights, but when she finds out\nthat we are resolved and. united to stand by them, she will let us alone.\n N\n11\nThe analytical disquisition underneath Was first published in Paris, in\none of the daily papers of that metropolis, and formed part of a brochure\nin the French language. . That language, on account of its clearness and\nperspicuity, is generally used by the statesmen of Europe for drawing out\ntreaties and international stipulations; it is peculiarly adapted to subjects\nrequiring close reasoning. I have done my best to be both clear and\nconcise, but I apprehend that the following translation may not be altogether satisfactory to those who have read the original.\nParis, February 22d, 1845.\nWhat would be the Result, and the probable Consequences,\nor a War between the United States and England?\nIn order to treat this question with the serious deliberation that it deserves, it will be necessary to examine carefully what are the elements\nwhich constitute the power of the two nations, respectively, and what\nare the principles which impart action to the governmental strength of\nthe two countries.\nThe available force that England can dispose of, for an aggressive war,\nhas increased considerably since 1838. It was about that period when\narmed steamers were first built for the Royal Navy : the naval armament\nof Great Britain, has reached, at the present time, unmatched magnitude ;\nand for efficiency to strike a blow on a sudden emergency, she has no\nrival in the world ; and yet, on the other hand, England has never been\nin such a precarious situation as she would soon be, if she was to undertake a war with any maritime nation that could stand the first brunt, and\nprotract the struggle for a few years. If such an occurrence was to happen, her situation would, indeed, be much more perilous than it ever\nwas before 1815. This discrepancy will strike one at first as being very\nstrange ; but it is accounted for by the material change that has taken\nplace in the principal element of her power. In order to appreciate fully\nthe effect of that material change, it is incumbent to trace minutely the\nincipient beginning thf x>f\u2014its progressive importance\u2014its direct tendency, and the actual result.\nFrom the year 1793 to 1815, at the time when the British Aristocracy\nwere waging war against revolutionary France and against the French\nEmperor, the whole of English funds and capital was invested at home,\nchiefly in manufactories; the monopoly of manufacturing for all Europe\nwas then the principal element of the power of England j there was not\nany other manufacturing nation on the continent, and the people thereof\ncould not do without British manufactures ; and although Napoleon tried\nhis might to exclude them, they were in such request that they found\ntheir way to the continent, partly through smuggling, partly through the\nsecret connivance of the authorities on the seaboard, and Napoleon himself was constrained, through absolute necessity, to adopt the system of\ngranting licenses, and whenever the aggregate exportation of British\ngoods was less, the profits were larger ; England through these means\nwas able to struggle until the time that the blunders of Napoleon enabled her, in 1813 and 1814, to literally overstock the whole continent\nwith her goods, and to realize thereby enormous profits.\nMeanwhile, a general peace took place in 1815, and the various nations\nof Europe, feeling no longer any'apprehensions of war, turned their at-\n 12\ntention to manufacturing, and within the short space of two or three\nyears, the competition of these rising manufactories .was more effective\nto curtail the gains of England, than had ever been the famous continental system of Napoleon; and while Europe was gradually getting over\nthe evito of war, England waa overtaken by a most violent commercial\nrevulsion. The massacres of the operatives at Manchester took place\nin 1819, public order was threatened in many of the populous counties,\nconspiracies against the government were detected, a number of persons\nwere hung for treason, civil war was rife, and the situation of the country, altogether, was, for some time, very critical.\nThe contrast that existed then between the situation of Great Britain\nand that of the other countries of Europe, exhibits in a most striking\nlight the artificial basis upon which rests British prosperity; on the one\nhand, the various nations of the continent, in establishing manufactures\nfor their own consumption, released themselves from paying tribute to\nEngland, and increased thereby essentially the welfare of the masses ;\nwhile on the other, the working classes of Great Britain were reduced to\nthe greatest wretchedness; and this took place almost as soon as she\nlost the monopoly of manufacturers ; the principal element of her supremacy being tnus impaired the superstructure of the British Empire was\nviolently shaken, and while peace was a blessing to Europe, it was a\nblight to the system of the British Aristocracy.\nThis critical state of things, if it had lasted long, would have left no\nother remedy to the English people than that of rising en masse against\nthe privileged class, and at once to put down a grasping Aristocracy that\nallows them the means of living merely, by encroaching on the just rights\nof other nations. . N\nIn the meantime, the revolt of the Spanish colonies had, since 1815,\nopened the whole of South America to British commerce, but the war\nthat existed between Spain and her Colonies prevented this new market\nfrom being, at first, very profitable, hut gradually an increase took place,\npart of the enormous capital that was inert in England on account of the\nprostration of business was invested in the New World by various companies, who thereby monopolized the valuable produce, and the rich\nmines of those extensive countries, and the immediate result of these\noperations was to relieve England from her. critical situation: it was then\nthat began the material chanae that has taken place in the principal element of her power; England did not discontinue manufacturing, but she\nbecame by degrees, pre-eminently a loaning-moncy nation\u2014i mean a\nnation loaning on pledges ; it was by loaning money to the governments of\nMexico, of Peru, of Columbia, of Chili, of Brazils, &c, &c, than England obtained exclusive privileges, mortgages on the land and on the\nrevenue, special treaties of commerce, and lastly, a spirited revival of her\ntransactions with Europe, which she laid* under contribution by supplying it with the various productions of South America.\nThe system of loaning in foreign lands., having been adopted through\nnecessity, and the allurement of high interests stimulating besides British\ncupidity, things have come to that pass that from one to two hundred\n\u25a0vLin\u00ab \u00b0fJ\u00b0 **? havebe?nJoaned in the United States without obtain-\nl^y^eo{^u^^*c^hnnkas it be admitted that the advantage of corrupting thereby part of the population may be considered\n 13\nas such; and progressively, all the capitalists of England, including, of\ncourse, the aristocracy (viz., the rulers of the coup try,) without hardly\nan exception, have invested their funds, either in foreign lands or in foreign speculations and undertakings : the natural consequence of adopting\nthat system on such a gigantic scale, is to render the whole world tributary\nto England, but in case of war with a maritime nation powerful enough\nto protract the contest for two or three years, it is self-evident that the now\nprincipal element of her supremacy would be in most imminent jeopardy ; and by reverting to the critical situation of preat Britain from 1817\nto 1819, when the then principal element of her power became impaired\nby losing part of the monopoly of manufactures, we may form an adequate idea, if a long war were to take place, of the shock and injury that\nwould be inflicted on an empire whose superstructure, at this present\ntime, is raised on transacting the commerce, and regulating the finances\nof the whole world;\nAnterior to 1815, the monopoly of manufactures enabled England to\nwage war against France by subsidizing some of the continental powers,\nand she thereby succeeded in keeping the whole of Europe in continental\nstrife t- but now, in case of an obstinate war, her extensive loans to foreign\ncountries would be completely exposed to exterior casualities; and let it\nbe borne in mind, that all the riches, all the produce, all the tribute, that\nevery tide wafts to her shores, has become absolutely necessary, even for\nkeeping up her peace establishment. The false and iniquitous system\nupon which her greatness is established, requires, at all times, a standing\narmy of mercenaries, and numerous fleets in all parts of the world, ready\nto crush down at once all rising resistance to her oppression, and if her\nalready enormous expenditure was to bo greatly swelled on account of\nwar, at the same time that her receipts would be materially curtailed, it is\neasy to conceive that it would try hard the cohesion of the British empire.\nEven now, in time of peace, she cannot get rid of her income tax, that\nused to be laid formerly only in time of war J and it has been affirmed last\nyear in Parliament, by ministerial members, that to grant two hours of\nrebt to the wretched children whose life is being shortened by being\nbound to toil from 12 to 16 hours in the factories, would put in great\ndrnger the supremacy, and even the existence of Great Britain.\nThe principles that impark action to the governmental strength of\nGreat Britain, proceed from the impulse given by a vigorous and talented\nAristocracy, whose untired and united efforts concentrate at one point,\nviz., inordinate aggrandizement: they number but a few hundred individuals, and the greatest part of the land belongs to them, by entail. That\nprivileged caste whose members die, but whose Michiavelian spirit is invariably caught and sustained by those who take their place, has, since\nthe revolution of 1688, persevered without intermission ir its encroaching views, going to war or making peace, according to circumstances,\nbut in all cases consulting only its own selfish interest, without caring\nfor justice, otherwise than in wordy professions ;* and by spoliatirg, suc-\n\u2022 By the time the reader will have read this article through, he will understand\nthe reason why the British Aristocracy has been so pacific in their transactions with\nthe great powers of the world for these last fifteen to twenty years, while previous to\n1815 they took every opportunity to embroil Europe in long wars ; their principles\nremain the same, but their interests have materially changed since they have become\nwholesale money lenders.\nThe pretended division of British Aristocracy in two parties denominated the Whig\n 14\ncessively, Spain, France, Holland, Portugal, India, China, &c, she has\nsucceeded to raise up a gigantic empire, whereof, Manufactures, Commerce, and Finances, are the three fundamental parts. Paper money has\nbeen the contrivance that has been used to give a monopolizing extension\nto these three organic parts, and it has been accomplished by raising the\nwind with promises to pav, to the amount of .\u00a3800,000,000 ! and the due\npayment of the interest of that enormous debt is a powerfuLhold on the\ngood behaviour of the actual creditors. The branches of that overgrown\nEmpire have by degrees spread all over the world ; but the basis remains\nthe same, and instead of increasing in strength, it has grown weaker,\nparticularly for the last twenty-five years that England has been investing, and involving out of the country, the principal organic element of\nthat basis, becoming thereby pre-eminently, as I have before stated, a\nnation loaning money or* pledges.\nThe logical inferences of the preceding elaborate exposition, are now\neasy to be drawn, and it becomes a matter of evidence that a maritime\nwar of a few years between the United States and England would hove\nthe following results, so far as concerns Great Britain.\nThe revenue, interests, dividends, tribute, that she now collects from\nall parts of the world, would fall short more or less\u2014her maritime commerce would be partly ruined by privateers\u2014the immense market of the\nUnited States for the purchase of the raw materials, and for the outlet of\nher fabrics would be closed against her\u2014her manufactures could no longer\nstand a competition with those of France, of Germany, of Switzerland,\nand of those of the continent in general;\nIt becomes, thus, self-evident, that the fundamental parts* of the British\nEmpire would be materially impaired, and by giving way, the whole su \u2022\nperstructure would tumbl into fragments.\nAn analysis of the elements of the power of the United States will he\nthe subject of the next article.\nand the Tory party, is a mere gull-trap to deceive the people into the belief that\nthere are some patriots amon'sr them; it has the advantage, besides, whenever they\nfind that a change of measures becomes necessary, to enable them to do it with good\ngrace by letting the Whigs or the Tories, as the case may be, to take the administration of affairs in opposition to their sham opponents.'\nThe Tories are generally the most violent and warlike, and the Whigs are the\nmost liberal and pacific. But in some cases the character of the party is inter-\nverted, as it was, by instance, under the Whig administration of Melbourne and\nPalmerston.\nThe increase of the influence of France in the Mediterranean, and particularly the\nindependent course of the Pacha of Egypt in 1839 and 1840, were galling to the feelings of the British Aristocracy, and threatened to blight their lone-cherished plan of\nconnecting their East India Empire with Europe by controlling Egypt from the Red\nSea to Alexandria. Ibrahim Pacha was in full march on Constantinople; there was\nno time to lose for preparing a change of characters. So the Whig Administration\nplayed the part of the Tories, and they did so admirably ; they framed the treaty of the\nQuadruple Alliance, landed in Syria, check-mated Ibrahim, settled the affairs of Turkey and Egypt in their own way, gave a terrible kick to their good friend Louis\nPhilippe, whom Lord Palmerston publicly declared he could at any time shove through\nthe eye of a needle. Fallowing up the encroaching policy, they sent an armament to\nChina, slaughtered the defenceless Chinese, took their ports, their bullion, and as\nhigh a tribute as they could extort, The boldness of these movements gave a general alarm to all Europe; but British Aristocracy knows when to push on and when\nto stop\u2014they found that the pear was not quite ripe, a change of policy became\nnecessary, and the Tories as meek aa lambs, took the place of the Whigs.\n 15\nNo. n.\nParis, March 2d, 1843.\nWhat would be the Result, and the Probable Consequences,\nof a War between the United States and England 1\nI proceed, to-day, to investigate the reasons, the causes, and the circumstances, that will enable the United States to sustain a long and\nobstinate war; and, moreover, to analyze their means of resistance\nagainst the immense aggressive means of Great Britain.\nThe principal element of the force and ascendency of the American\nRepublic consists in the peculiar energy of the Yeomanry of the country,\nunited to the immense territorial resources it controls, and to the advantages it holds forth to the oppressed population of the despotic Governments of Europe. In England, the owners by entail of the greatest\nportion of the land, count up a few hundreds\u2014in the United States they\nnumber millions. Those millions of Freemen, in the strongest sense of\nthe word, are inured to hardships by daily labour in the open air, and they\ntake hold with equal'skill, as circumstances require, the plough, the axe,\nor the rillo ; they would light in defence of the soil that belongs to them\nwith an intelligence and a tenacity not to be found in any other country.\nThe regular army of the Republican Americans docs not exceed nine\nthousand men.* They are conscious of their strength\u2014and the inviolability of the soil is safely entrusted to the well-known devotion of the\nmasses to a form of government, whereof every individual constitutes a\npart, and which every individual has a personal interest to sustain.\nThere are about a million of citizen soldiers in the United States, annually drilled to militia duty, and two millions\u2014if it was necessary\u2014\nwould take up arms to defend their institutions, their homes, and their\nlands, against foreign invasion. The deadly aim of the American rifle\nhas become proverbial j it was fully demonstrated at New Orleans, in\n1815, when a few thousand of the militia from Tcnncsseo and Kentucky,\nwith a few hundreds of French sailors, totally routed 15,000 men, said to\nbe, at the time, the choicest troops of the British army. It was proclaimed by the British organs in America, when these fifteen thousand\nmen landed, that they were u the conquerors of the conquerors of Europe.\" They were actually part of the British army which had invaded\nFrance, under Wellington, in 1814. This remarkable victory is not an\nexceptionable case ; the battle of St. Jacynth was fought, with a similar\nresult: about seven hundred of American adventurers completely cut to\npieces the Mexican army of Santa Anna, 6,000 strong.\nOn the seaboard the United States have nothing serious to apprehend\nfrom England\u2014the means of transportation are so rapid and efficient,\nthrough numberless steamers and railroads, which traverse the country in\nall directions, that there is not a single spot from Boston to New Orleans\nbut where 60 to 80 thousand men might be concentrated in the short\n\u2022This was the total number when I left America in 1843: I find now, by the late\nReport of the War Department, that it has been reduced to 6,000 men.\n 16\napace of two or three weeks; the British, it ii true, might land ; they\nnight possibly destroy one or two of the large cities on the Atlantic ;\nit is a game, however, they will be slow to undertake, for the loss that\nwould ensue thereby to the British commerce and to British interests\nwould be nearly as heavy as that of the Americans. They might, according to their usual warfare, burn a few towns, but they would soon\nbe compelled to make their escape to their ships, their numbers greatly\ndiminished by death, the prisoners taken from them, and the missina ;\nthe British soldiers know well, and their desertion from Canada to the\nUnited States, at the peril of their lives, proves it fluent!\/, that the\nDemocratic institutions of the United States, and a few acres of land to\nmake themselves independent, are more conducive to their welfare than\nthe flogging they receive now and then, to entourage them to sustain the\nglory of did England*\nOn the north, northeast, and northwest frontiers of the United States,\nEngland might act with much better chance of success: the passage\nwhich she has obtained through the State of Maine by the Ashburton\ntreaty* has made her position in North America truly formidable; it\n1 enables her to send troops to Canada in the heart of winter\u2014it increases\nincalculably her means of organizing and planning aggressive excursions\nagainst the frontier towns on the lakes, and whenever the depredatory\ntroops would meet with effectual resistance they might fall back on their\nfortified points, &c. The United States would, no doubt, perceive the\ndangerous consequences that would ensue of communication being kept\nup actively between Halifax and England through the means of steamers;\nthey might be averted by collecting a large force and marching it, on the\nfirst intimation of hostilities, into Nova Scotia, for the purpose of taking\nHalifax, if possible\u2014if not, to blockade it strictly by land, proclaiming\nat once the independence of Canada. But it must be admitted that the\nAmerican militia, although superiour to any other when defending their\nown soil, are deficient for an offensive war. Let us concede the worst.\nLet us suppose that England would hold her own in Canada, and that her\nemissaries should succeed to stir up the Indian tribes against the United\nStates\u2014-it cannot be denied but that such a cruel border war would inflict\nvery great individual misery, but no farther advantage would accrue to\nGreat Britain; it would not enable the English troops to penetrate successfully into the United States. Any British General that would leave\nthe protection of the fortified camps on the frontiers, and make an attempt\nto advance into the interior of the Union, would meet the fate of Bur-\ngoyne, who was taken prisoner at Saratoga, in 1777, with 8,000 men.\nThe one hundred and seventy thousand citizen soldiers of the State of\nNew York, acting in concert with the hardy yeomanry of Maine, of New\nHampshire, of Vermont, and of Michigan, could effectually annihilate\nor scatter any force the British might muster in North America.\nAt the south England would very likely try to stir up the blacks to\nrise up against the whites. It is doubtful whether they could succeed j\n* It enables England to keep Canada connected at all times with her other scattered\nprovinces in North America. Before the Ashburton Treaty, Canada was without\ndirect intercourse, seven months out of twelve, except through the United States.\nThe disgraceful concession that has been made by yielding such an important passage\nis clearly and forcibly demonstrated in the French brochure, wherelrom the above\nis a translation: it will bo the subject of a separate article.\n 17\nwere they able, however, to do it, the Southern States would then be,\nno doubt, the theatre of a frightful slaughter; but the general exasperation that such a horrible act would excite all over the country, would\nsettle the question at once. JPeace with England would become impossible,\nso long'as she would own an inch of ground in North America.\nOn land, Great Britain has no chance to force her terms on the\nAmerican Republic. At sea, she might, it is admitted, destroy materially\nher maritime commerce; but although maritime commerce has been\ngreatly conducive to the prosperity of the United States, it is by. no\nmeans an indispensable element of their existence; it may, indeed, bo\nasserted, that there is no country on the globe that could so easily dispense with foreign commerce as the United States, considering that the\nUnion ha* within itself such a variety of productions and raw materials,\nof territorial resources, and of manufactories withal, whose business\nwould increase materially by getting rid of English competition. However, even at sea, the United States have, in the last1 war, from 1812 to\n1815, bearded the British Leopard, and the changes and modifications\nthat the introduction of steam-power in the navy will produce in a maritime war, would be mostly to'the advantage of America. A strict blockade of the coast would be nearly impracticable\u2014steam fireships might be\nstationed at the mouth and entrance of every river and harbour\u2014British\ncruisers would have to keep away at a distance, and the numerous fleet\nA fine sailing packets in port, might be fitted out as privateers, and\nwould have a rare chance to make depredations on British commerce on\nevery sea. . England would, no doubt, send, at the outset, a powerful\narmament of her armed steamers ; but England has so many places to\nguard and protect, that it would be impossible even for her to keep up,\nfor any length of time, on such extensive coasts, a sufficient force to be\nable to resist the steam fireships that might issue from every creek and\noutlet, at every favourable opportunity; and thereby the blockading force\nmight be, night and day, threatened with total destruction.\nThe reader is by this time, no doubt, satisfied that the United States\nare able to sustain a long and obstinate war against Great Britain; but in\norder to dispose of this question logically, I will proceed to explain the\nprinciples that impart action to the governmental strength of the United\nStates. According to the federal contract, the various States have reserved to themselves all the powers which have not been delegated in\nclear and precise terms, to the General Government. The Constitution,\nit is true, delegates to Congress the right of declaring war; but even that\npower is never used, but when a large majority of electors (that is to\nsay, a large majority of the nation) is actually in its favour; the necessity\nof a large majority being needed to warrant a declaration of war, proceeds\nfrom this simple fact, \"that all the powers emanate directly from a majority of the people.\" Under such a system, an unjust war can hardly\never be attempted, and it accounts for the forbearance of the American\nAdministration from 1805 to 1812. They protested against the indignities that Great Britain was heaping on American citizens ; but Congress\nbore them for seven years, and war was deliberately and coolly declared,\nonly when n large majority of the nation became aroused to the necessity\nof avenging their wrongs. That war, of course, was national, and the\nrank and file of the Federalist party, whose leaders fiercely opposed it,\n3\n 18\nrests and with British capitalists; these individuals, acting in concert\nwith the numerous class of speculators, use their influence over the\npresses under their control, and leave no means untried to promote indirectly the views of Great Britain against the annexation of Texas, &c\nSome of these do so in the hope of being able to contract some new loans |\nin England, for the purpose of going on, as they say, with what they\ncall internal improvements; but the most that the opposition of these\nmen proves, is, that there are selfish men in An;erica, the same as in\nother countries; but if war was actually to lake place, many df these egotists would become the most inveterate enemies of Great Britain; they\nwould try to make up their anticipated gains by fitting out privateers\nagainst British commerce, with the hope of filling their pockets therefrom ; and the popular feeling of the two great American parties, in case\nof war, would fully agree upon this point\u2014to make one great effort to\n'exclude England altogether from the American continent.\nThe summing up ox the juxtaposition of facts above minutely exposed,\nmay now be made briefly, and the underneath inferences must appear irresistible.\nA declaration of war by Great Britain against the,United States, on\naccount of the annexation of Texas, or else, on account of the projected\n*t* *f\\ J* il 1 *\u2022 J 1 \u2022 dX* mjf .-\u00bb\nnjictai oasis, wnereoi me inree organic and lunuamentai parts are\nmore or less exposed to be impaired* against a majority government, the\nstrength whereof proceeds direct from the cordial adhesion 2 the masses,\nwhich government is supported, particularly, by the energy and intelligence of an agricultural population of nearly three millions of freemen,\nwhose territorial resources and means of living, are beyond the reach of\nBritish aggression.\nThe inevitable result of such a war, carried on with animosity for a\nnumber of years, must be\nTHE DISMEMBERMENT OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE, SUCH\nAS IT IS NOW CONSTITUTED.\nThe consequences that would naturally ensue, from such an event,\nwould be the following:\nTHE ULTIMATE TRIUMPH OF DEMOCR,. 7IC INSTITUTIONS, WHOSE\nBENEFICENT EXPANSION WOULD DIFFUSE ITS BENEFITS ON A MUCH\nENLARGED SCALE.\nTHE REGENERATION AND ENFRANCHISEMENT OF THE POPULAR\n*V&\u00b0lli*rf^'^Q1^m AND SC0TLAN\u00b0J WHO. BY SHAKING\nOFF THE YOKE OF A GRASPING AND MACHIAVELIAN OLIGARCHY\nSoTt^'^ \u2122EIR s,m\u2122'BY \u2122 \u2122S.\nWR^HPn \u00bb^ J\u00b0 BE PAW\u00a3RS- <\u00bb TO TOIL INCESSANTLY FOB A\nWRETCHED PITTANCE, IN OHDER THAT THEY MAY GIVE TO THEIB\nSeSTe VIS S8tZT0V0UZ'\u2122 ^etS. nJcZ\nS2S ' m'CE' ANV rUEESPWJKCGE OF THK\n 19\nNsw York, December 4th, 1845.\nNo impartial person of common understanding can rise from reading\nwith attention this translation of the French brochure, without assenting\nto its conclusions. The writer thereof proceeds minutely through the\nwhole article with logical precision, tracing events to their incipient\ncauses ; and he is particularly careful not to draw any inference until it\nis warranted by preceding reasoning or statements. All the facts brought\nforward are matter of history, and the writer his classed and grouped\nthem with such clearness and force, that there is no resisting the evidence.\nIn corroboration of the views exposed in the French brochure, I here*\nwith transcribe an extract from the London Globe of the 11th of February last, in an article headed \" Fortifications of ILondon\" : \" But England cannot afford an invasion, her power is based upon commercial\ngreatness, upon commercial security, and faith, and confidence ; let those\nbe shaken and the whole fabric falls.\"\n' No. m.\nNew York, December 13,1846.\nWiil there be War between the United States and Great\nBritain 1\nPreparatory to resuming my remarks on the above question, I subjoin\nunderneath the strictures on the Ashburton Treaty, which I adverted to\nin the last number.\nParis, January 20th, 1845.\nThe Ashburton Treaty, and the Reason* why It ha* made the Annexation of\nTexas popular In the United State*.\nThe news lately received from the United States, represent the popular feeling in favour of the annexation of Texas as daily gaining ground ;\nthe impulse that produces it, proceeds from a cause that begins to be felt\nin the Northern States, although that cause has not yet been publicly\ndivulged. The reasons why the American press has been silent thereupon; will be easily seen through on reading the following explanation.\nIt is now given in France, for the purpose of refuting, at once, the daily\nabuse belched out by the British press, concerning what it calls the grasping ambition of the United States; the cause alluded to is briefly explained\nunderneath.\nThe Ashburton Treaty has enabled England to assume a threatening,\nand a truly formidable attitude on the Northern and Northwestern frontiers of the Federal Union. The new position created by that treaty,\nenables her to stir up, on a great scale, the whole of the Indian nations\nand tribes which have been of late years mostly concentrated Wesjt of\nthe Mississippi, many of them with hostile feelings against the United\nStates. Admitting the assertion as to the effect of the treaty to be true,\nit will be easily conceived, by looking over a chart of America, how important it is to prevent Great Britain from extending her protection to\nTexas, and from cementing with that country a connexion akin to the\none she established formerly with Portugal; it would, undoubtedly, en-\n 20\nable her to control altogether (he Gutfof Mexico; end it would give her\nan entering wedge to scatter her emissaries among the Indian tribes as\nfar up as lake Michigan, and thereby encircle with enemies the whole of\nthe Western frontier of the Union from North to South, which enemies\nwo\"1d rise op at her bidding; and in order to demonstrate the strict\ntruth of the above assertion, as to the dangerous consequences of the\nAshburton Treaty, I am going to set forth, as clearly and as forcibly as I\npossibly can, the position of England before thr treaty, and compare it\nwith what it is now, and wbat it may be within a short time*\nIn the month of November, lb37, a general rising of the people of\nCanada took place ngainst the Colonial Government. The liver St.\nLawrence was then hound in icy fetters, and the r ows reached England\nthrough the United States, as no part of CnnnihrcaaT)e approached from\neea in winter time. Halifax, in Nova Scotia, is the only harbour that has\na freo communication with England all the year round ; but Halifax, bo-\nfore the Ashburton Treaty, could not communicate with Canada, on account of a strip of land belonging to the State of Maine, which stretched\nso far North in those uncultivated and dreary regions as to prevent the\npossibility of its being turned. The result was, that England, notwithstanding her large standing army and her numerous fleets, could not send\na single regiment to strengthen the garrison. The St. Lawrence did not\nopen until the end of the month of May, and England would no doubt\nhave lost, forever, her colony; if local causes * had not enabled the\nCcionial Government to get over their adversaries without any material\naid from the metropolis.\nAnterior to the Ashburton Treaty, the Northern and Western frontiers\nof the Union were comparatively safe, as, in case of war, Canada Mas\nactually cut out from England seven months out of twelve. It was then\nannually dependant on the United States for supplies and intelligence\nfrom abroad\u2014that is, from the month of November to the month of\nMay. The Ashburton Treaty has brought about a complete change. That\npart of the State of Maine which England had been so long coveting, for\nthe purpose of opening a short and easy communication between Halifax\nand Canada, having been given up to her by the United States, a military road has already been completed ; a railway is even talked of, and\nnow* the British Minintry can send direct, despatches, emissaries, ammunitions, troops, &c, whenever it suits them, in winter as well as in summer. It must be taken into consideration, besides, that England keeps in\nNorth America, since the treaty, a garrison of twelve thousand men, which\nis nearly double the number of the whole regular American army, while in\n1837 she had hardly three thousand f Englam! has now completed such\na compact and powerful organization in Canada, that she can, through the\nmeans of her steam navy on the Lakes, annoy and harass the American\nUnion on a frontier extending three thousand miles.\nBut what ought to be considered the most dangerous features of this\nnew position, is the rapidity wherewith instructions may be transmitted\nfrom Lonuon to Montreal. Celerity in war movements is well known\nto be the most energetic promoter of success, and the British Ministers\nmight now, in the space of a few weeks, organize a plan of operations\n\u2022These causes will be explained io a separate article. The genera? Purport thereof\nwill be to gire an insight into the foreign policy of Mr. Van Buren.\n 21\nwith the incalculable advantage of being able to superintend its execution - details, and progress, almost daily, from Downing street, in London,\nthrough expeditious,steamers from England to Halifax; and the whole\navailable force of Great Britain might thus be brought to act wherever it\nwould be thought to be the most effective.\nThe Colonial authorities in Canada succeeded last war, with limited\nmeans, to stir up against tbe Americans some of the Indian tribes, which\nwaged on the borders a war of extermination, without distinction of\nage or sex. Now that we can appreciate the extent and efficiency of the\nmeans at the disposal of England, we may form some idea of the extension she might give to such a cruel and barbarous warfare. Well^ if\nEngland, over and above the powerful means that the Ashburton Treaty\nhas supplied her with, was to succeed besides to draw Texas under her\nprotection, and was thereby, as a matter of course, to control the Gulf of\nMexico, she might, it appears obvious, stir up simultaneously an Indian\nwar all along the extensive Western frontiers, and at the same time, a\nwar of revolted slaves at the South; which war of all others, is the most\ndangerous to the American Confederacy. To break asunder the Republican Union, has been the secret aim at which British machinations have\nbeen directed ever since 1815.* This is the aim she had in view when\nshe lavished so much money to abolish slavery in her Colonies on the\nCoast of America.\nIt is needless, no doubt, to enter into further developments. Every\nintelligent reader understands now the reasons why the Annexation of\nTexas has become so popular. The Ashburton Treaty has made it an\nevent of sheer necessity for the protection of the American Confederacy ;\nso much so, indeed, that many individuals in the Northern States, who\nat first opposed annexation on account of honest and conscientious scruples about slavery, admit, now, after a more comprehensive view of the\nsubject, the urgency of immediate annexation.\nBut many people will probably exclaim, how is it that the American\nGovernment has been drawn into the discreditable cession of a passage\nwhereof the consequences might be so disastrous ? I confine myself today to prove the factf\u2014the following remarks will, however, account for the silence of the American press. The fed Attorney of Baring\n& Co. was Secretary of State, and was the American negotiator of the\ndisgraceful treaty. President TylerJ was so situated with his Whig\n* Reasons in support of the above assertion will be found in\u00abn article hereafter, to\nbe published under the head of *' Origin of Slavery in the United States, and the most\nsuitable means to promote its^pradual abolition.\"\nf The original causes which have led to this discreditable cession, may be traced up\nto the administration of Mr. Van Buren, and will be distinctly developed in the next\narticle.\nX In justice to Mr Tyler, I am led to append herewith the following comment:\nWhen the British Ministers found that General Harriso'i was elected President, and\n, that Mr. Webster was to be Secretary of State, they lost no time, and availed themselves at once of tbe golden opportunity, by appointing at once a plenipotentiary to\nsettle the Northeastern Boundary : they knew that they could get what they wanted\nby sending a proper man; and, therefore, a banker came over to this country, with\nfull powers, fcc. The death of Harrison had like to spoil the comtemplated arrangement, as Mr. Tyler, in hi* inaugural, assumed a tone on the subject of our foreign\nrelatione very different from that taken by the good-natured Harrison within the abort\n\u2022pace of a month ; and Mr. Webster had to use a great deal of management to get the\n 22\nCabinet, that be was drawn into signing it\u2014over two-thirds of both the\nWhig and Democratic Senators were equally guilty in voting for its ratification. Most of tbe influential presses took sides in its favour, some of\nthem biased by their political leaders, others through mere corrupt influence.* Those circumstances, and the general disgust they created,\nexplain tbe sullen silence of the great mass of the community on that in*\nfamous treaty.\nNew Yo\u00bbk, JJaccmbor 14th, 1845.\nThe feeling of disgust whereto the French brochure attributes, trulv,\nthe silence of the American public would have prevented me from publishing the above translation, had I not had, at the present time, an im-\nS>rtant object in view. The motives that have influenced the course of\naniel Webster, are understood by every unprejudiced mind, and it\nmeets the reprobation of every well-thinking man\u2014it is, therefore, useless,\nto cavil about it\u2014but what I want to expatiate upon, is, the course of the\nAmerican Senate.\nThe strictures on the coarse of the Senate I will give in another number, in which I will quote a remark made to me by Mr. King, (Ambassador at Paris,) as to the reasons which induced Southern Senators to\nvote for the treaty.\nTbe) article underneath was published in tbe Daily Globe on the 23d of December:\nNo. IV.\nNew York, December 91,1845.\nWill tliere bo Way between tbe United States and Great\nBritain 1\nPrevious to summing up argument on this exciting question, it appears\nproper to set forth before the reader, all the information that has a material\nconsent of the new President The disgrace of giving ap to Great Britain the important passage she was coveting, could not be brooked by Mr. Tyler without obtaining some concession (hat might, at least, seem equivalent. Accordingly, to save appearances, the navigation of fba St. John river, and a strip of land in Canada,\nwere conceded to the United States; it had the advantage, besides, of giving to Mr.\nWebster an argument, which he sight and did use in the Senate, in addressing those\nwho opposed the treaty: \"you complain that we have given up our territory; well,\nGreat Britain, for tbe sake of compromise, has also, on ber side, given up to us part of\nher territory,** &c; and to this day, whenever the Ashburton Treaty is held up as a\nreproach on our negotiator, tbe partisans of Mr. Webster will not fail to tell you:\n*' Read what the loyalists of Canada say concerning the treaty; there is an outcry that\nthe British Ministry have sacrificed the honour of the country, &c. Such way of reasoning has an effect on the many who take nc trouble to form an opinion for themselves, but it doea not invalidate tha fact\u2014the stubborn fact\u2014namely, that England,\nthrough that treaty, has been enabled to perfect such a formidable and compact an\norganization as to change altogether the former relative position of the two countries, .\nwhile the advantages which have accrued to the United States from that treaty, are,\nin comparison, entirely insignificant. See note 3 of article No. 8.\n* I have been told, as a positive fact, by a person well situated to know it, that a\ncertain editor in this city (whose paper has a great circulation) received from a British functionary, bow in Canada, five hundred dollars as a douceur, to influence hit\neditorials on the subject of the Northeastern Boundary.\n 33\n1\nbearing thereupon ; last Wednesday, I produced in the Daily Globe, the\ntranslation of a remarkable article on the Ashburton Treaty, which was\nfirst published in Paris in a daily paper called La Reforme; this has been\ndone with a view of setting forth in a strong light the course of the\nSenate concerning their ratification of that disgraceful treaty: it is not a\npleasing task to expose publicly the unsound views and principles which\ninfluenced the votes of over two-thirds of our Senators, but it becomes\nnecessary to do so at the present juncture of our national affairs, when\na similar course might be attended with tftill worse result.\nThe President of the United States has lately sent to the world a message, wherein he has expressed opinions and recommendations on the\nsubject of our foreign relations, which, emphatically embody the popular\nfeeling of the Republic. The House of Representatives, will, no doubt,\nsustain the President in the stand he has taken in maintaining our claim\non the Oregon territory, aj well as, in opposing any attempt at Colonization on 'his continent by European powers; but the organs of British\ninterests appear to be confident that a majority of Senators will refuse\ntheir consent to such measures, that might give offence to Great Britain.\nIf such is to be the course of the Senate, then, indeed, apprehensions of\nwar might spring up therefrom.\nThe elaborate analysis of the elements of the power of Great Britain,\nwhich is the subject of No. 1 of this pamphlet, demonstrates, I trust, conclusively, that England, notwithstanding her immense means of aggression, has never been in such & precarious situation as she is now, to prosecute a protracted maritime war. But if tbe British Ministers perceive\nthat our councils are distracted\u2014if, moreover, they acquired the conviction that they might enforce.their terms by striking a blow, that blow\nwould be struck instantly, and without hesitation, entirely regardless of\n\" our common Anglo-Saxon origin,\" of kindred ties, and of all the pathos\nexhaled by those who profess a holy horrour of war; which fustian, if it\nwas to influence our counsels, would have the effect of producing that very\nwar which it is meant to deprecate. I do not apprehend, however, that\nthe British Ministers will have any such conviction ; they are fully aware\nof their weak points, and they appreciate the imminent risk they might\nincur, with much greater accuracy than it is generally done on this side\nthe Atlantic. Their apprehension of the consequences of a war with the\nUnited States, is a sure guarantee that peace will be unbroken on the\npart of England. It is, nevertheless, very important, that the measures\nproposed by the President should be promptly and cordially supported by\nthe Senate. The sooner Great Britain is convinced that we will present\nan undivided front, the sooner all appearances of war will vanish; and\nour Senators should be careful to eschew, at this present juncture, the\nunsound views and principles which influenced the Vote of many Senators\non the Ashburton Treaty. J will proceed, now, to expound the course\nof the Senate on their ratification of said treaty.\nThe very day that I published in Paris the French brochure that I have\npartly translated, I took it to Mr. King, the American Ambassador* I\nknew he was in the Senate at the time the Ashburton Treaty was under\ndiscussion, butj was doubtful, as to what had been his vote for the ratification thereof; being particularly desirous to ascertain his opinion, I\nread to him the whole of the article on the Ashburton Treaty, and laid\n 24\npeculiar emphasis on the following sentence\u2014\" The Whig and Democratic Senators were equally guilty in voting for its ratification.\" Mr. King,\nwith a degree of candour, highly honourable to him, made, verbatim, the\nfollowing remark*!\u20141* I voted for the Treaty, and I must say, \/ am very\nsorry for it.79 A short pause followed, and then he added\u2014\" Massachusetts and Maine, which were most interested, gave their consent;\"\nthe last words of the sentence I do not recollect distinctly, but I recollect\nwell the purport thereof, which was, that the Southern Senators considered the Northeastern Boundary a sectional question, &c.*L^The consent of Massachusetts and Maine was thus considered, it appears, by\nmany Senators, of sufficient weight in itself to induce them to give their\nvotes in favour of a treaty which affected, eminently, vital interests to the\nwhole of the Union. As to the consent of Massachusetts, I will merely\nremark, that the men who held, and hold now, the political p>wer of that\nState, were and are exceedingly anxious at all times to do every thing\nthat may be agreeable to their friend John Bull\u2014but how was the consent of Maine obtained ? The noble-minded Fairfield, who is now in\n, the Senate,might tell his associates all the particulars which preceded and\ninfluenced that consent. He might disclose to them that Mr. Van Buren\nwheedled him to withdraw his volunteers from the 'vantage ground they\nhad gained over the British\u2014he might whisper to them, that the promises of the ex-President, as to cause the disputed territory to be respected\nby the British, proved to be fallacious\u2014he might assert, that both Houses\nof Congress, with great unanimity, had voted and delegated to the Executive, ample means and power for the purpose of sustaining our clear\nand unquestionable rights,and that said Executive basely betrayed them.\nGovernor Fairfield might declare, that the State of Maine had incurred a\ndebt of five to six hundred thousand dollars to sustain national claims,\nwhich he found were in progress of being sacrificed by the General\nGovernment. He might divulge, that the American negotiator offered\nto buy the consent of the authorities of Maine, by paying to them, out of\nthe Treasury of the Union, the amount of expenses they had so promptly\nincurred, nobly actuated by a keen sense of national patriotism. Finally, he might confess that the commissioners and authorities of Mr.ine\nmade up their minds to accept the bargain that was pressed upon them,\nonly when they found they had no other chance to be assisted by the\nGenera] Government. Such was the way that the consent of Maine was\nobtained, and the Senators who voted for the treaty must have been\naware of all the facts above detailed. I do not doubt that many gave\ntheir votes with reluctance, and that they did so under the mistaken apprehension that war would have been the result of the rejection of the\ntreaty; but those who gave their votes under the plea that the consent\nof Massachusetts and Maine was of sufficient weight to give up a passage whereof the consequences may be so disastrous to the whole Confederacy, acted under a principle derogatory to the plain duty of the Senator ; specially in his acts as part of the Executive power of the United\nStates, he ought, when deliberating in that capacity, to divest himself\nfrom all sectional feeling, and give his vote with a sole view of its being\nconducive to the welfare of the whole Union.\n\u2022Mr. King admitted, in terms of high praise, the correctness of the views expressed in the French brochure; and he told me the next time I saw him, that he had\nsent it to Mr. Buchanan, Secretary of State.\n 25\nI\nAlthough disgust has prevented the people of the United States from\nmaking any public demonstration against the course of the Senate on the\nAshburton Treaty, it must not be supposed that it is forgotten ; a proper\ntone of national feeling is gaining ground, and is penetrating tbe masses\nthroughout the country ; and those Senators who may take upon themselves to vote according to sectional feeling on the Oregon resolutions,\nand other questions, which will shortly be under debate, will find out,\nin time, the truth of my assertion.\nThe arrival of the Acadia furnishes us with extracts from various influential organs of the British Aristocracy, extolling to the skies a late\nspeech of Daniel Webster, recommending the giving up of all claims on\nthe Oregon territory, &c, and they agree in manifesting the pleasure it\nwould give them to see *'the great expounder\" appointed as negotiator\nfor the Northwestern Boundary. No wonder they should like such a\nnegotiator ; they have had already a foretaste of his accommodating spirit,\nin the Ashburton Treaty; many of those influential presses, particularly\nthe Times, intimate views which perfectly coincide with those already\nexpressed in the Whig papers in this city: they hope that the Senate\nwill check the popular feeling, and that Mr. Calhoun will interpose his\ninfluence in order that u masterly inactivity\" might prevail. At the\ntime Mr. Calhoun recommended \" masterly inactivity,\" it might have\nbeen a wise measure; but the time has passed by, and Mr. Calhoun is\nno doubt aware of it. Mr. Calhoun, as Secretary of State, sustained our\nclaims on the whole of Oregon with transcendent ability ;* but Mr. Calhoun has voted for the Ashburton Treaty, and he is suspected of being\nrather sectional in his views. Some people insinuate that his zeal for\nmaintaining our claims on Oregon will not equal that which he displayed\nfor effecting Texas annexation ; I hope that this insinuation will prove\nentirely groundless.\nAn attentive reading of the articles published in the Daily Globe on the\n15th and 26th ult., and 6th inst., on the question u Will there be War,\"\n&c, will carry with it a conviction that the passage, by Congress, of the\nOregon resolutions, will not produce war; but an emergency may arise\nin another quarter, that might be, within two or three yearsg a certain cause of hostilities ; the explication of that emergency will be the\nsubject of a separate article.\nNo. V.\nNew York, December 24th, 1845.\nWill there lie War between the United States and Great\nBritain!\nTo the Editor of the Globe :\nIn your paper of yesterday I made this remark, that an attentive perusal of the series of articles you have published for me, on the question\nu Will there be War ?\" would carry with it a conviction that the passage, by Congress, of the Oregon resolutions, will not produce war, but\n\u2014 - -. \u2014 A, . _\n* It will be recollected that Mr. Webster, in a vehement speech\/maintained in Congress that our claim on the whole Maine territory was unquestionable, and that we\nought to take possession of the disputed territory oa the 4th of July. I do not mean by\n4\n 36\nthat, however, an emergency may arise from another quarter, which\nmight be, within two or three years, a positive cause of hostilities.\nEngland has, for some time past, cast a wistful eye on California: it\nis much more impor*ant to her views of aggrandizement than would be\nthat part of Oregon which is south of the Colombia river. Possibly a\ntreaty has already been concluded with Mexico tor the cession to Great\nBritain of that fine country. Should that be the case, an English fleet\nis already more than halfway to the Pacific, for the purpose of taking\nimmediate possession thereof. If such be tbe course of events, no doubt\nbut that considerable trepidation has been felt by the British Aristocracy,\nprevious to making up their minds to take such a decisive step\u2014they are\naware that the dismemberment of the British empire is at stake, if a protracted war takes place; but they know, on the other hand, that the\nfederate form of this government is a great impediment to a foreign war,\nwhich requires principally celerity ar.d decision; moreover, the apprehension that the United States might purchase California, may have\nspurred them to act before having proper time to ponder well the consequences, and possibly they may deceive themselves into the belief that\nprompt action, and actual possession by treaty, would distract the councils of the United States, and would thereby prevent any serious opposition.\nTaking the above premises as granted, the British Ministers would, no\ndoubt, send all their available force in Canada and on the Coast of America, for the purpose of watching our movements, and of fomenting the\nspirit of party, by exciting the zeal of the numerous partizans of British\ninterests throughout the country. Such a course, a few years ago,\nmight have proved successful to prevent hostilities from the United\nStates, but 1 make bold to say, that it would now prove a failure; extensive preparations would be made in the United States\u2014Great Britain\nwould soon find that we would be in earnest in preparing for war ; and\nthen the question arises, whether she would not, at once, commence hostilities ; her stake is so great that she might hesitate for a length of time,\nbut war would be only delayed thereby, for the United States, acting conformably to what was done in 1812, would coolly and deliberately declare it, as soon as the national, feeling would become united on its necessity, which might make two or three years.\nThe subject of the next article will be a disquisition on the probable\neffect of the President's Message in Europe.\nNo. VL\nNew York, December 29th, 1845.\nWill there be War between the United States and Great\nBritain?\nWe have now reports from nearly all parts of the United States as to\nthe effect produced by the Message of the President. An almost univer-\nsal hurst of popular approbation has responded to the clearness of its\nthis allusion to insinuate that Mr. Calhoun might back out in the same utau that Mr.\nWebster did: I mean to say, that there is a difference between an able advocacy of a\nclaim, and an energetic zeal to enforce it\n 27\n**\nexposition, to the true American spirit and patriotism which it displays\nthroughout, and to the soundness of the principles laid down therein as a\nbasis for our foreign and national policy. It has silenced, for a while, the\nopponents of the Administration, and many of them have even gone so\nfar as to express themselves satisfied with confining the care of our\nforeign relations to the prudence\u2022 of an Executive, whom only a few\nweeks ago they were villifying at a great rate, applying to him such epithets as \" rabid,\" a unprincipeld,\" &c.\nMy purpose, in introducing to-day the subject of the President's Message, is to investigate its probable effect in Europe. Will it be received\nwith the same manifestation of hostile feelings as was the Inaugural ?\nThe solving of this question will require some preliminary remarks.\nOn the 12th of April last, I published .in La Reforme, one of the daily\nParisian papers, an article1* beaded, \" Threats of the British Aristocracy\non the subject of Oregon,\" wherein I asserted that the '.warlike denunciation that was made on the 4th of the same month in the British Parliament,\nby both shades of the Aristocracy, on account, as was pretended, of the\nlanguage of President Polk in his Inaugural, on the subject of Oregon,\nwas actually nothing else than a theatrical demonstration, which had\nbeen concerted for the purpose of intimidating the American Government\u2014of fomenting the spirit of party throughout the Unionv being intended, particularly, for insulating the President from the support of\nthe people. We have now a Message from Mr. Polk, taking stronger\nground than the Inaugural on the subject of Oregon, (as 1 will show in\nits proper place when reviewing the Message,) asserting, besides, principles of international law which will be most galling to tbe British Aristocracy, and to their vassals, Messrs. Guizot & Co. If the language of\nthe President on the subject of Oregon, in his Inaugural, had been the real\ncause of the warlike demonstration which took place last April, we\nought, of course, to expect a complete outbreak. Well, I venture to assert, beforehand, that the tone of the British Parliament will be, on tbe\ncontrary, more subdued,\"f and if that be the case, it will be a convincing\nproof that the warlike demonstration of last April was a mere abortive\nattempt to holly us out of our rights.\nThe portion of the President's Message which alludes to Franc* having been the subject of various comments, 1 transcribe it entK6 underneath, as I mean to introduce some of those comments as weP*s wy \u00b0wn\nremarks thereon:\n\u00bb\u00ab Even France\u2014the country which had been our ap^\u00bben* a\"y\u2014the\ncountry which has a common interest with us in mainiafning the freedom\nof the seas\u2014the country which, by the session of Louisiana, first opened\nto us access to the Gulf of Mexieo\u2014the country wi>o which we have\nbeen every year drawing more closely the bonds of successful commerce\n\u2014roost unexpectedly, and to our unfeigned regr<*$ took part in an effort\nto prevent annexation, and to impose op Texae, as a condition of the recognition of her independence by Mexico, that she would never join herself to the United States. We may rejoice that the tranquil and pervading influence of the American principle of self-government was suffi-\n\u2022The next number of this series of articles will contain a translation thereof.\n' t Unless, peradventure, the emergency I have alluded to in the last article, (that of\nthe British getting possession of California,) was to prove correct.\n 28\ncient to defeat the purposes of British and French interference, and that\nthe almost unanimous voice of the people of Texas has given to that interference a peaceful and effective rebuke. From this example, European governments may learn how vain diplomatic arts and intrigues\nmust ever prove upon this continent, against that system of self-government which seems natural to our soil, and which will ever resist foreign\ninterference.\"\nGenera] Cass, in a late speech in the Senate, observed with truth, that\nthe above intimation is a well-deserved rebuke to the French Government for their intrigues in Texas and in Mexico; thereupon, the French\norgan of M. Guizot, in this city, came out with foul abuse on tbe General ; calls him a flatterer and a sycophant; because, forsooth, tbe Senator\nfrom Michigan, when in France, wrote a book praising Louis Philippe!\nIt is true that General Cass wrote such a book, but what does that\nprove? It proves that the General, like many other eminent men, has\nbeen for some time hood-winked by the wiles and duplicity of the citizen\nKing; the noble and patriotic Lafayette praised also Louis Philippe j he\ndied shortly afterwards, and his memoirs, published by his family, exhibit in words of truth, how the candid and V3nerable patriot was jilted\nby the trickish son of Philippe Egalite\u2014how his heart was ulcerated, and\nhow his last hours were embittered by the sad conviction that he had,\nunsuspectingly, delivered over the destinies of his beloved country into\nthe hands of a, heartless hypocrite and a rapacious despot.\nThe liberal and open-bearted Lafitte not only praised Louis Philippe, -\nbut actually made him a King. Well, a few years afterwards, the undeceived and repentant Lafitte, from the tribune of the Chamber of Deputies, publicly, before the whole world, asked forgiveness \" to God and\nman to have been the means of placing Louis Philippe on the throne of\nFrance.\" No doubt that General Cass repents, likewise, to have deceived\nhis countrymen as to the true character of Louis Philippe ; great many\nof them labor, as yet, under the delusion he has created, and it is his duty\nto act like Lafitte, and to make a public recantation.\nThe French organ I have before alluded to, descants as follows on that\nportion of the Message which alludes to France : $\n\" \"e French Government will be deeply wounded by the accusation\nof treaso* (treachery) and intrigue, (the word is there at full length,)\nopenly caSxUp0Q jt from the Presidential Chair. And, let us say it, the\nFrench Cab\u00ablet wm not De wounded without reason. Whether the\npolicy it adopts on the Texan question were good or bad, it owes no\naccount of it otbtr than to its own country and its own conscience, and\nit belongs not to my foreign Government to constitute itself the Judge\nthereof The accusation preferred by Mr. Polk against the policy of M. .\nGuizot will so much the wore irritate the latter, as it will be in the\nhands of the opposition Vj Fraace a sharp weapon, the left of the Chamber\nwill scourge unmercifully with tV* policy of the Ministry. But M. Guizot is not a patient victim, and when he turns upon his adversaries, his\nreturn blow usually brings one or more of them to the ground. We are\nmuch deceived, or Mr. Polk will h^ve his share ia these vigorous\nreprisals.\"\nAccording to the doctrine thus laid down by the French editor, it matters not what low intrigues the French Government may .ave been\n 29\nguilty of, to the injury of the United States. *' It belongs not,\" says he,\n44 to any foreign government to constitute itself the judge thereof;\" and\naccordingly Mr. Polk, for having done so, is threatened with \" vigorous\nreprisals\" from M. Guizot.\nThe French paper tells us that If the return blow of M. Guizot leaves\none or more of his adversaries on the ground\"\u2014this sentence will not be\ngenerally understood ; it requires explanation : nearly half of the whole\nnumber of the deputies of France are salaried functionaries, and the half\nof the remainder are striving to get situations for themselves or their relatives ; so, when it is said that M, Guizot leaves his adversaries on the\nground, it means that he takes from them the pap they receive from the\nTreasury,* and leaves them, on the ground, to shift for themselves.\nThe above strange reasoning of M. Guizot's organ, has thus been commented upon by the Morning News: \" It is very possible that Sir Robert\nPeel may feel a little annoyed, and Monsieur Guizot deeply wounded,\nwhen, to the mortification of the failure\u2014the unmitigated and humiliating failure\u2014of all those abortive labors of monarchial diplomacy, is\nadded the unpleasant necessity of hearing them thus coolly rebuked.\"\nAnd further : \" Tbe President has used a moderation of expression due\nmuch more to our own self-respect than to M. Guizot's deserts ; and if\nthe term \" intrigue\" had been directly applied to his course, (which has\nnot been done,) and with it that of ** duplicity\" added to boot, the\nFrench Premier, might, perhaps, have indeed reddened with anger ; but\nfull half of the blush would have been due to conscious shame and\ndetected disgrace.\"\nThe French paper, however, has not been left alone to sustain the\ncause of M. Guizot; the Courier and Enquirer has the following remark : ** It was indecorous to read a lecture to the French Government.\"\nAnd further : \" It was impolitic, at a moment vhen it was important\nnot to lose French sympathies.\"\nNow, if the Whig paper just now quoted be in earnest in the above\nremark, it laboured under a great mistake; the French Government and\nthe French People are two very different things, and the event will prove\nit. I venture to assert that the sympathies of the French People will be\nmore and more in our favour, in proportion as we detect and rebuke openly\nthe crooked policy of M. Guizot, and his notorious subserviency to\nBritish interests. I^ouis Philippe and his ministry hate heartily our\nDemocratic Institutions: they use all the means in their power to undermine them ; the Journal de Debals, and all the papers under their influence, are daily traducing the American character, and vilifying our\nform of government. The most proper way to retaliate, is to let\nthem understand that we are aware of their views and of their trickery.\nThey dare not show their anger ; Louis Philippe is fully aware that a\nwar with the United States, he acting therein as the vassal of England,\nwould seal his fate * as a sovereign. Let the press of this country\n* The threat of instant removal from office held, like the sword of Damocles, over\nthe French Deputies, is the principal cause of the support which is given to the most\nunpopular Minister that France ever had; the French Ministerial papers, in the attempt to humbug the public, attribute that support to hia eloquence; if Louis Philippe was to withdraw his countenance from his Minister, the eloquence of M. Guizot\nwould not avail him twenty-four hours.\n 30\nretaliate vigorously to the recriminations of the French ministerial organs,\nand they will soon lower their tone.\nOn the whole, I sum up the argument as follows: The rebuke of Mr.\nPolk will have a salutary influence in France, and the effect of the Message will be, to increase in our favour the sympathies of the French People*\nNo. vn.\nNew York, December 31st, 1849.\nWill there lie War between the United States and Great\nBritain!\nTo the Editor of the Globe:\nI began to prepare some comments on the following translation, whereto allusion is made in my last communication, but the Parisian article\nitself israther lengthy,and, with the addition of those comments, it wo\u00bb' \\\nencroach too much on your columns. Those comments, as well as the\nfurther investigation of the probable effect in Europe of the President's\nMessage, will be the subject of another number.\nParis, April 0th, 1843.\nThreats of the British Arlatocrsvejr on the Subject of Oregon.\nThe inaugural speech of President Polk has produced an explosion of\nhigh wrought up feelings in the British Parliament: the sullen and concentrated anger which 1 alluded to a few days ago,* has at last exploded\n\u2014the Ministers, and several of the leading members of both shades of the\nAristocracy, have matured their parts, and after six days of preparation\nhave enacted a grand theatrical denunciation.\nPresident Polk has taken the liberty, in addressing the American people, to say that, in his opinion, the title of the United Stales on the Oregon\nTerritory was \" clear and unquestionable,\" and that he would maintain\nit by all constitutional means, with this restriction, \"that every obligation imposed by treaty or conventional stipulation should be sacredly\nrespected.\"\nThe British Ministry pretend, on their side, that the rights of Great\nBritain on the same territory are \" clear and unquestionable,\" and that\n\" they are ready to maintain them at all hazards.\"\nIn contrasting thus the identical terms of tbe two declarations, there\nis no difficulty to perceive on which side is the blustering.\nIf the British Ministers are convinced that the claims of England are\n\" unquestionable,\" no one can object at their saying so ; but there is no\nneed of swaggering on the subject of a question wherein the opinion of\nthe President can have no hostile effect for a considerable space of time.\nWhat can, then, be the reason of the concerted understanding of the organs\nof the two shades of the Aristocracy in threatening the United States ?\nTo burn down their towns\u2014to stir up a war of revolted slaves\u2014to supply the Mexicans with ships and sailors, to enable them thereby to fit\nout privateers against American commerce ?\n* On the 2d of April I published .an article in a Parisian daily paper, with comments on the Inaugural of Mr. Polk, remarking, that it had been received in England\nwith svllen anger, ft-c.\n>\n 31\nThe language of the President on the subject of Oregon is not of that\npressing importance that will warrant such a sudden and violent denunciation. There are several causes that the Aristocracy does not wish to\ndivulge, which has provoked it\u2014they are the following: The ascendency that the Democratic party has regained in the United States; the\nfirm and resolute tone wherewith the President has identified himself\nwith the views and the principles of that party; the mortification felt\nby the British Ministers, in finding that the intrigues of their agents, in\nTexas and in Mexico, have been detected and derided at. Finally, the\nvote of the last Congress for the annexation of Texas, which, confidently,\nthey did not expect to tr ke place. Those are the true causes of the irritation and of the threats of the British Aristocracy ; the obvious aim of\nthe British Ministers in getting up with so much eclat a warlike demonstration in Parliament, is to insulate the new President. The English\nAristocracy accuse Mr. Polk, to court popular passions; and it is them,\non the contrary, who, in the most solemn manner, exert all their influence\nto excite the feelings of the powerful British interests which exist in\nthe United States\u2014for the purpose of denouncing the opinion of the\nPresident as tantamount to a declaration of war ; and, in order to prove to\nthe American people that Parliament are unanimous to sustain the Ministry and the Press in their denunciation, and in the threats that escort it,\nthey have delayed one day, for that express intent, the departure of the\nmail steamer for Boston. But the Americans know that the support of\nParliament has never failed to the Aristocracy, in all its aggressive wars.\nLord North had for him Parliament and the Press, to wage war in\nAmerica in 1776. What has been the result ?\nI have, I trust, conclusively demonstrated in former communications\nthat England, notwithstanding her immense means of aggression, is in a\nmost precarious situation to wage a protracted maritime *var. Pretexts\nare not wanted to pick up a quarrel with the United States\u2014she might\neasily find some, if it suited her\u2014it is the apprehension of the' consequences that makes her hold hack; and I assert, in direct opposition to\nthe language of the British Ministry, that it will not go to war unless\nit expects intestine division in the United States.\nIt is to be hoped that President Polk will not be intimidated by the\nwarlike demonstration of the British Aristocracy, and that he will evince\nthe sincerity of his opinion, as to the claims of the United States on the\nOregon Territory, by refusing to negotiate on any other basis than what\nare deducible from the terms of his Inaugural Speech.\nThe course which Congress ought to follow is clear enough. It is indicated in the resolutions which have been passed in the House of Representatives, but not acted upon by the Senate. The next Congress,\nwill, no doubt, pass resolutions of the same intent, and the effect thereof\nwill be, to place the United States in Oregon on the same footing that\nEngland has been for some twenty years; beyond those measures of self-\nprotection, no aggressive steps will be taken by the United States; it\nwill be left to England, if she wants to prevent the accretive power of the\nAmerican settlers, to declare war; and that is the very thing she will\nnot do, unless she finds that the councils of the United States are distracted. AIL the extensive means under the control of British inter*\nests will be set in motion to create division ; but the masses are intelli-\n 32\ngent in the United States; they know how to appreciate properly the\nhonest motives of men who hold the helm of State; and if, as it is to be expected, Mr. Polk does his duty, popular support will give him a prepon-\nderancy to put down party spirit, and to sustain the national character and\nthe dignity of the country. The President is the direct representative\nof the whole people taken individually. This peculiar feature of the\nAmerican Constitution accounts for a fact that many people wonder at\nwithout perceiving the cause thereof; the fact alluded to is this-\u2014-the\nHONEST OPINION AND THE MERE RECOMMENDATION OF THE PRESIDENT\nOK ALL QUESTIONS OF A NATIONAL CHARACTER, IS MORE POWERFUL IN\nAMERICA THAN WOULD BE IN EUROPE THE ROYAL WILL OF THE MOST\nabsolute sovereign, and even Congress must abide by it.\nRemark\u2014The underneath article was intended, like the preceding\nnumbers, to appear in the Daily Globe, and accordingly the manuscript\nthereof was left in the hands of the person who took charge of the others;\non finding that five or.six days had elapsed without its being inserted, I\nwithdrew it on the 14th of January, for the purpose of publishing the\nwhole in pamphlet form.\nNo. vm.\nNew Yobk, January 7th, 1816.\nWill tliere 1m War between the United States and Great\nBritain?\nThe translation from the French of *' Threats of the British Aristocracy\non the subject of Oregon,\" which was the theme of the last number, sets\nin juxta position the identical words of the declaration made by both Mr.\nPolk i nd the British Ministry on the Oregon question, and the following\nInference therein drawn must be granted as correct by any person who\nwill compare the two declarations, namely: uIn contrasting thus the\nidentical terms of the two declarations, there is no difficulty to perceive\non which side is the blustering.\nThe principal aim of the British Government, in the blustering alluded\nto, was to insulate the President, and to weaken thereby the American\nAdministration, so as to prevent the accomplishing act of Texas annexation. The following article of the Ministerial paper, the London F'zn-\ndard* betrays thus, in an unguarded moment,* th.3 secret motive of the\nBritish Ministers: \" London, May 2d. The feverish anxiety which has\nprevailed for these two or three weeks had not decreased, as the late\nnews by the packet Waterloo (from New York, April 11) gives out, that\n* The Standard of the 38th of March (the day that Mr. Polk's Inaugural was published in London) has the following comment on the passage of the resolutions for the\nannexation of Texas: \" All this is interesting, and that is all; for truly, it does not\nconcern us any more than the acts and the gestures from the Celestial empire.** Let\nthe reader contrast this dissembled resignation with the anxiety betrayed by the same\npaper, in the article above transcribed of the 2nd of May, and it will give him an adequate idea of the sincerity, and of the consistency, of the organs of British Aristocracy.\n 33\nnothing is to be expected from the Justice of the administration at Washington, and, it is believed, that nothing but the attitude taken by England\nand France on the subject of Texas can prevent the American Government from accomplishing annexation. We look out, therefore, with impatience to know what effect the demonstration made by both Houses of.\nParliament (on the 4th of April) may have produced in Hie United\nStates.\" It becomes evident from the above avowal that much, to prevent the last act of annexation, was expected from the warlike demonstration of Parliament, &c. Well, the Caledonia arrived on tho 14th of\nMav\u00ab brimrimr out the expected news; it tumid out that tho threats\nfrom England had not the anticipated effect, and the agent of the Times\nin this country (a Genevese Traveller)# and that of the Morning Chronicle\n(Publicus) agreed in advising the British Government to give up, for the\npresent, the bullying system\u2014that it would not do, that Mr. Polk would\nbe sustained, &c.; the consequ mce was, that the organs of the aristocracy, although awfully disappointed, declared sullenly, that they were\nwell satisfied with the news.\nThe purport of the above disquisition is to enable the reader to form, at\nonce, a correct view of the reasoning I am going to set forth as to the\nprobable effect of the President's Message in England, and I proceed,\nnow, to quote those parts thereof that bear upon the Oregon question.\nThe President states as follows: \"Though entertaining the settled\nconviction, that the British pretensions of title could not be maintained to\nany portion of the Oregon territory, upon any principle of public law recognised by nations, yet, ifiTdeference to what had been done by my predecessors, and especially in consideration that propositions of compromise had been* thrice made by two preceding administrations, to adjust\nthe question on the parallel of forty-nine degrees, and in two of them\nyielding to Great Britain the free navigation of the Columbia, and that\nthe pending negotiation had been commenced on the basis of compromise*\nI deemed it to be my duty-not absolutely to break it oil'. In consideration, too, that under the conventions of 1818 and 1827, the citizens and\nsubjects of the two powers held a joint occupancy of the country, and\nwas induced to make another effort to settle their long pending controversy in the spirit of moderation which had given birth to the renewed\ndiscussion. A proposition was accordingly made, which was rejected\n\u2022 The letters in the Times, subscribed \u00ab* A Genevese Traveller,'* aro enditcd by a\nperson in this city named D****, as it appears from tho following anecdote recited by\nLord Ashburton iniocoso conversation; hero is tho substance of tho great banker's\nbon-mot: \u2022\u2022 A few days after my arrival in New York I wrote a rote to Mr. D., stating\n0 at I should be happy to see him at my apartments at the Astor House; he accord-\nmgiy called on me, and when we were closeted together I told him\u2014' well Mr. D. wo\nvalue your letters very highly in England, as tbe information thoy convey to us is very\nuseful, and if I can render you any service, I will be verv happy to do it; your style\nis remarkably clear and forcible, and there was a passage in one of your letters which\nstruck us as being peculiarly significative. You said * If the proper man be sent over,\nthere is no difficulty to arrange the Northeastern Boundary, You had, no doubt,\nsomething important and particularly in view for using tbe qualifying adjective of\nprefer 7' Mr. D. answered me he had not; he meant, that a personage like me, by\ninstance, he considered a proper man.** His lordship was of course too discreet to'\nmention- whether ar.y services were rendered. This anecdote shows that Lord Ashburton liked, occasionally, to crack a joke. - In note 4, of article No. 3,1 have taken the\nsame view of the subject as had been expressed by \u2022\u00ab a Genevese Traveller**\u2014-the,\nor tat SAiocxa was, indeed, the,prqper.m*^.^ \u201e. ~?Lx . \u201e'.._ '$&& * -1 -\n5 g& S . '\n 34\nby the British plenipotentiary, who, without submitting any other proposition, suffered the negotiation on his part to drop, expressing his trust\nthat the United States would offer what he saw fit to call * some farther\nproposal for the settlement of the Oregon question, more consistent with\nfairness and equity, and with tbe reasonable expectation of the British\nGovernment.' Tne proposition thus offered and rejected, repeated the\noffer of tbe parallel of forty-nine degrees of north latitude, which bad\nbeen made by two preceding administrations, but without proposing to\nsurrender to Great Britain, as they had done, the free navigation of the\nColumbia river.\" Further., the President states: *' Had this been a new\nquestion, coming under discussion for the first time, this proposition would\nnot have been made. The extraordinary and wholly inadmissible demands\nof the British Government, and the rejection of the proposition made in\ndeference alone to what had been do&e by my predecessors, and the implied obligations which their acts seemed to impose, afford satisfactory\nevidence that no compromise that the United States ought to accept can\nbe effected. With this conviction, the propositi\" a which had been made\nand rejected, was, by my direction, subsequently withdrawn, and\nour title to the whole Oregon Territory asserted, and, as is believed, maintained by irrefragable facts and arguments.\"\nThe passages in italics in the above paragraph set forth that Mr. Polk\nhas no expectation that any \" compromise that the United States ought\nto accept can be effected;\" and, then, that u our title to the whole Oregon\nTerritory is asserted, and, as is believed, maintained by irrefragable facts,\"\n&c. The above official declaration, it cannot be denied, is much stronger than that of the Inaugural, which expressed merely an opinion. I\nrefer on this point to the assertion I made in No. 6 of this series,* and I\nmake bold to assert, besides, (in case the emergency I have alluded to in\nNo. 6 does not happen,) that we will not hear this time that the mail\nsteamer has been delayed for the purpose of threatening us, as in April\nlast, with the whole budget jf a general denunciation.\nThe following passages of the Message lay down principles on international law, which will be galling to the British Aristocracy, to wit\u2014\n** The United States, sincerely desirous of preserving relations of good\nunderstanding with all nations, cannot in silence permit any European\ninterference on the North American continent; and should any be attempted, will be ready 'o resist it at all hazards.\" And\u2014\n\" Existing rights of every European nation should be respected; but\nit is due alike to our safety and our interests, that the efficient protection\nof our laws should be extended over our whole territorial limits, and\nthat if should be distinctly announced to the world as our settled pob'cy,\nthat no future European colony or dominion, shall, with our consent, be\nplanted or established on any part of the North American continent.\"\nOn the whole, it may be said that no Message issued from the Presidential chf'r has ever asserted rights and doctrines so offensive to the views of\nthe statesmen of England, as the one I am reviewing; and yet, I assert in\nadvance, that no ministerial ebullition will take place. This assertion will\nseem at first as bejn\u00b0; an anomaly; but those persons who have read my preceding numbers will appreciate the correctness of the following reasoning,\nwhy such am offensive message will, nevertheless, have a peaceful tendency\nin England. The popular enthusiasm that the Message has produced in\n* See tat third paragraph thereof.\n 3Ti\nthe United States will be known or foreseen in England at about the\ntime it will be received there, and the British ministers, on ascertaining\nthat the great mass of the American people are ready to sustain the President, will give up bullying ; they never meant to go to war for Oregon,\nand their secret resolve on the subject will become thus apparent to the\nwhole world; they know that they can hold, their own in Oregon for\nmany years to come, and they will trust the result to procrastination,\nbribery, and the intrigues of ail kinds which they understand so well\nhow to manage.\nI remarked in No. 6 of this series that the Message had silenced the\nopponents of the President for a while ; but they have been covertly at\nwork; their movements begin to be perceptible\u2014rw,ny of the letter\nwriters and several of the presses, which were foremost for the whole of\nOregon, have fallen back rather abruptly on 49 degrees, and will fall\nlower still whenever it suits the secret influence which is acting upon\nthem ; the Whig presses in the Atlantic cities, and the British organs in\ngeneral, has lately teemed with articles and rumors whose burthen is to\nprepare the public mind for concession ; delay, is now the watch-word\namong the initiated, and, yesterday, the Editor of the Courier and Inquirer,\nwho is generally so very ferocious against his opponents in politics, comes\ndown on his knees to implore u men of all parties to use their influence,\nat least to delay the adoption by either house of Congress of any proposition now before it\u2014either for giving'the twelve months notice toGr*\u00bbat\nBritain, or for extending the jurisdiction of our laws over our citizens in\nOregon, or for increasing our military force with a view to occupying\nposu. jn the route, to and within, that territory.\" The Govtier who\nswaggered so much lately about military preparations, is now even opposed to increase \" our military force with a view to occupying posts\non the route to Oregon\" for fear it might give offence to Great Britain. At\nWashington, various insidious means and measures are contrived, also, to\ndelay, and prevent, if possible, the action of Congress on the express\nrecommendations of the President; and a debate has lately taken place\nin the Senate, whereof a brief synopsis will throw some light on the\ntactics of those who, directly or indirectly, act under the influence of\nBritish interests.\nOn the 30th of December, the resolutions of Mr. Hannegan came up;\nthey were read, and on motion of Mr. Archer, seconded by the mover,\nthe consideration thereof was postponed; but Mr. Calhoun, it seems,\nthought that this was a fit opportunity \" to define his position : \" after a\nshort preamble, he introduced a set of resolutions, and made a speech\nwhich does not bespeak much for his frankness, for he appeared to be\nvery studious to defend the course of the President on the Oregon question against the implied censure of Mr. Hannegan ; while, on the other\nhand, he declares he is opposed to giving the year's notice to England,\nwhich the President expressedly recommends in the following explicit\nlanguage:\n44 All attempts at compromise having failed, it becomes the duty' of\nCongress U$ consider what measures it may be proper to adopt for the\nsecurity and protection of our citizens now inhabiting, or who may hereafter inhabit Oregon, and for the maintenance of our just title to that territory. In adopting measures for this purpose, Care should be taken that\nnothing be done to violate the stipulations of the convention of 1827,\n","type":"literal","lang":"en"},{"value":"Other Copies: http:\/\/www.worldcat.org\/oclc\/37740046","type":"literal","lang":"en"}],"http:\/\/www.europeana.eu\/schemas\/edm\/hasType":[{"value":"Pamphlets","type":"literal","lang":"en"}],"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/identifier":[{"value":"F880 .W69 1846A\u00a0","type":"literal","lang":"en"},{"value":"II-0613","type":"literal","lang":"en"}],"http:\/\/www.europeana.eu\/schemas\/edm\/isShownAt":[{"value":"10.14288\/1.0230520","type":"literal","lang":"en"}],"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/language":[{"value":"English","type":"literal","lang":"en"}],"http:\/\/www.europeana.eu\/schemas\/edm\/provider":[{"value":"Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library","type":"literal","lang":"en"}],"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/publisher":[{"value":"New York : William Taylor","type":"literal","lang":"en"}],"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/rights":[{"value":"Images provided for research and reference use only. For permission to publish, copy, or otherwise distribute these images please contact digital.initiatives@ubc.ca.","type":"literal","lang":"en"}],"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/source":[{"value":"Original Format: University of British Columbia. Library. Rare Books and Special Collections. F880 .W69 1846A","type":"literal","lang":"en"}],"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/subject":[{"value":"Webster-Ashburton Treaty (1842 August 9)","type":"literal","lang":"en"},{"value":"Oregon question","type":"literal","lang":"en"}],"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/title":[{"value":"Will there be war? Analysis of the elements which constitute, respectively, the power of England and the United States. Result, and consequences of an obstinate war between the two countries. Cursory remarks on the tone and tactics of the British organs in America. Strictures on the Ashburton Treaty. The development of a possible emergency, that would, inevitably, be the cause of war. Comments on the president's message. The proper course to secure, peaceably, the whole of the Oregon. Etc., etc., etc","type":"literal","lang":"en"}],"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/type":[{"value":"Text","type":"literal","lang":"en"}]}}