{"AggregatedSourceRepository":[{"label":"Aggregated Source Repository","value":"CONTENTdm","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/www.europeana.eu\/schemas\/edm\/dataProvider","classmap":"ore:Aggregation","property":"edm:dataProvider"},"iri":"http:\/\/www.europeana.eu\/schemas\/edm\/dataProvider","explain":"A Europeana Data Model Property; The name or identifier of the organization who contributes data indirectly to an aggregation service (e.g. Europeana)"}],"CatalogueRecord":[{"label":"Catalogue Record","value":"https:\/\/resolve.library.ubc.ca\/cgi-bin\/catsearch?bid=1586326","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/isReferencedBy","classmap":"edm:ProvidedCHO","property":"dcterms:isReferencedBy"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/isReferencedBy","explain":"A Dublin Core Terms Property; A related resource that references, cites, or otherwise points to the described resource."}],"Collection":[{"label":"Collection","value":"British Columbia Historical Books Collection","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/isPartOf","classmap":"dpla:SourceResource","property":"dcterms:isPartOf"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/isPartOf","explain":"A Dublin Core Terms Property; A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included."}],"Creator":[{"label":"Creator","value":"Caama\u00f1o, Jacinto","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/creator","classmap":"dpla:SourceResource","property":"dcterms:creator"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/creator","explain":"A Dublin Core Terms Property; An entity primarily responsible for making the resource.; Examples of a Contributor include a person, an organization, or a service."}],"DateAvailable":[{"label":"Date Available","value":"2023-06-07","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/issued","classmap":"edm:WebResource","property":"dcterms:issued"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/issued","explain":"A Dublin Core Terms Property; Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource."}],"DateIssued":[{"label":"Date Issued","value":"1938","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/issued","classmap":"oc:SourceResource","property":"dcterms:issued"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/issued","explain":"A Dublin Core Terms Property; Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource."}],"Description":[{"label":"Description","value":"Translated by Captain Harold Grenfell, R.N.; edited with an introduction and notes by Henry R. Wagner and W.A. New-combe. Reprinted from the British Columbia Historical Quarterly, July and October, 1938.","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/description","classmap":"dpla:SourceResource","property":"dcterms:description"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/description","explain":"A Dublin Core Terms Property; An account of the resource.; Description may include but is not limited to: an abstract, a table of contents, a graphical representation, or a free-text account of the resource."}],"DigitalResourceOriginalRecord":[{"label":"Digital Resource Original Record","value":"https:\/\/open.library.ubc.ca\/collections\/bcbooks\/items\/1.0443909\/source.json","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/www.europeana.eu\/schemas\/edm\/aggregatedCHO","classmap":"ore:Aggregation","property":"edm:aggregatedCHO"},"iri":"http:\/\/www.europeana.eu\/schemas\/edm\/aggregatedCHO","explain":"A Europeana Data Model Property; The identifier of the source object, e.g. the Mona Lisa itself. This could be a full linked open date URI or an internal identifier"}],"Extent":[{"label":"Extent","value":"pages 189-301 : 3 maps (1 folded.) ; 24.5 cm","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/extent","classmap":"dpla:SourceResource","property":"dcterms:extent"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/extent","explain":"A Dublin Core Terms Property; The size or duration of the resource."}],"FileFormat":[{"label":"File Format","value":"application\/pdf","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/elements\/1.1\/format","classmap":"edm:WebResource","property":"dc:format"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/elements\/1.1\/format","explain":"A Dublin Core Elements Property; The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource.; Examples of dimensions include size and duration. Recommended best practice is to use a controlled vocabulary such as the list of Internet Media Types [MIME]."}],"FullText":[{"label":"Full Text","value":" IpJ^p) BY\nBepbinted fro^the British C^^^^lis'^^^u (^^^^^^\nJuly and October, 1938\n  \u2014\nCC 59\nTHE JOURNAL OF JACINTO CAAMANO.\nTranslated by\nCaptain Harold Grenfell, R.N.   t\nEdited with an Introduction and Notes\n^# BY m\nHenry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.\nINTRODUCTION.\nIn the first part of this journal Caamano recites the events\nwhich led up to his appointment to the command of the Aranzazu,\nin January, 1792. He was anxious to take part in the explorations in the north and hoped to command the Sutil and Mexicana\nwhich were to explore the Strait of Juan de Fuca. Francisco\nAntonio Mourelle, however, had been slated for this position.\nDecember 1,1791, when the Mexicana was ready to sail Mourelle\nwas sick and it appears that Caamano was appointed to take his\nplace. Owing to an injury he received by having his horse fall\nupon him he became incapacitated, and finally Captain Alejandro\nMalaspina who was in Acapulco at the time loaned the viceroy\ntwo of his lieutenants, Dionisio Alcala Galiano and Cayetano\nValdes, to make the exploration. Caamano was then transferred\nto the Aranzazu, it having been decided to make an independent\nexamination of that part of the coast in the neighbourhood of\n53\u00b0 of latitude. This decision seems to have been brought about\nby an interesting occurrence.\nJames Colnett, in command of the Argonaut, had appeared in\nNootka in 1789 with the intention of founding a colony or at least\na trading-post at that place or at some other farther north.\nDuring the course of an altercation between him and Esteban\nJose Martinez, the Spanish commander who had recently occupied this port, Martinez seized him and his ship and sent him to\nSan Bias in his own ship. Jose Tobar y Tamariz, one of Martinez'\npilots, was placed in charge of the vessel. While Colnett's men\nwere prisoners at Nootka one of his pilots showed Gonzalo Lopez\nde Haro a map of which Lopez de Haro gave some description in\na letter to the viceroy of August 18,1789. Nothing is said in the\nletter about anything north of the Strait of Juan de Fuca and\n189\n\u2014\/\n 190\nHenry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.\nJuly\nits north-east arm, but we know that Colnett had been trading\nfor furs as far south as Queen Charlotte Sound in 1787 and 1788,\nand he no doubt suspected that a passage existed around Vancouver Island.\nColnett was finally released at San Bias, and with the Argonaut, and his long-boat rigged as a schooner, he set sail July 2,\n1790. Some damage to the ships from stormy weather obliged\nhim to run into Bodega Bay and make some temporary repairs.\nAfter .leaving Bodega the ships parted company and Colnett,\nunable to reach Nootka, put in at Clayoquot Sound, to the southeast of that port. January 4, 1791, he made Nootka with his\nvessel, finding Francisco de Eliza in command there. Both\nvessels had to be repaired and Eliza gave him all the aid he could.\nColnett soon departed for the Sandwich Islands, and in gratitude\n(so Eliza said) for the favours he had received allowed Eliza to\nhave his map copied. What is presumably this copy is now in\nthe Museo Naval, Madrid, and Judge F. W. Howay obtained a\nphotostat of it for me some years ago through the British Consul\nin Madrid. This map shows the coast from 49\u00b0 to 58\u00b0 and\ncontains two insets, the Puerto de San Jayme and Puerto Brooks.\nFrom the change of English to Spanish in most of'the names it\nis evidently not an exact copy of Colnett's map but only a partial\none, and I am inclined to think with some additions later by\nCaamano. The Arrowsmith map of 1790, plate XXXVI., in my\nCartography of the Northwest Coast of America down to the\nyear 1800, probably reproduces the main features of Colnett's\nmap or, at least, of Colnett's and Duncan's discoveries of 1787.\nNepean Sound, the theatre of most of Caamafio's later work, is\nplainly shown on it.\nOn October 10, 1791, Eliza sent the map to the viceroy, seeming somewhat doubtful of its accuracy. The letter reached San\nBias December 21, with the result apparently that a sudden\ndetermination was taken to send a vessel to examine that\npart of the coast in the neighbourhood of 53\u00b0. The Strait of\nBartolome de Fonte might be there, as Colnett evidently thought\nit was, judging from subsequent entries in Caamafio's journal.\nColnett, himself, in his Introduction to A late Voyage to the\nSouth Atlantic Ocean, published in 1798, merely remarked that\nhe had discovered many considerable inlets between 50\u00b0 and\nJ\n 1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 191\n53\u00b0 N., which were supposed to communicate with Hudson Bay.\nUntil such time as Colnett's recently discovered journal of his\nfur-trading ventures of 1787 and 1788 shall be published we\ncan merely surmise that he considered Douglas Channel to be\nthe long-sought-for strait, or just possibly Clarence Strait,\nalthough to be sure that trends in the wrong direction to connect with Hudson Bay.\nAnother expedition was ready to depart when Eliza's letter\nreached Mexico, that of the Mexicana and Sutil, destined to\nexplore the Strait of Juan de Fuca. Juan Francisco de la\nBodega y Quadra, the commandant of the San Bias department,\nhad been ordered to proceed to Nootka to serve as Spanish commissioner in carrying out the terms of the Nootka Convention\nwith the British representative scheduled to arrive at Nootka\nin the summer of 1792. A Spanish frigate, the Santa Gertrudis,\nunder the command of Captain Alonso de Torres, had been sent\nall the way from Spain, no doubt to add some show of force at\nthe time of the negotiations at Nootka. She reached Acapulco\nat the end of October, 1791, and January 15, 1792, arrived at\nSan Bias. March 5 she sailed for Nootka with Bodega aboard,\ntogether with the Princesa under Salvador Fidalgo and the\nActiva.\nIn the meantime, the Aranzazu had been fitted out to examine\nthe coast north of Nootka. She was a slow sailer and drew\n14% feet of water, too much for exploring inlets. All the other\nvessels had already been assigned to duty and Caamano, who\nwas appointed to command this expedition, had to be content\nwith her. The first notice that I have seen of the Aranzazu\nwas her trip from San Bias to Loreto under Tovar in 1784. In\n1788 she carried supplies to California and in 1789 made a\nvoyage to Nootka under Canizares. In the following year she\ncarried supplies to Monterey and in 1791 to Nootka. After the\nexploration under Caamano she still continued in service, carrying the supplies and materials to Bodega Bay in 1793 for the\nconstruction of an establishment there, and in 1794 she made\nanother trip to Monterey and Nootka. I have seen no reference\nto her after 1796, but she probably continued in the service for\nsome time. The proper name of the vessel was Nuestra Senora\nde Aranzazu, probably in honour of a famous image of the\n 194\nHenry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.\nJuly\nand the general map are reproduced in this translation. The\npresence of these maps in the Library of Congress is rather\nsingular. They were originally bound with a large number of\nothers in a volume which, I understand, was transferred from\nthe War Department to the Library of Congress some years ago.\nThe volume must at some time have been in the archives in\nMexico and it seems to have been there even later than the\nMexican war, so-it does not appear to have been looted during\nthe American occupation of the city.\nCaamano continued in the service for some time. In 1793\nhe made a voyage to the Philippines. In 1797 he was for a time\nin command of the department of San Bias, having previously\nmade a trip to California in the same year. In 1798 and in 1800,\nas commander of the Concepcion, he carried the supplies to\nCalifornia. In 1803 he was absent from the department on\nleave. He was at that time a teniente de navio, that is to say,\na first lieutenant, and was receiving pay at the rate of 160 pesos\na month. I have no later record of him, but an examination of\nthe documents relating to the San Bias establishment of later\ndate might disclose more information. I have never seen an\naccount of his services nor a petition for promotion, but such\nmay exist somewhere in the great mass of documents relating\nto the San Bias establishment. From the fact that he was a\nteniente de fragata when he came to California, a rank not\noften reached before a man was 35 or 40 years of age, he was\nprobably born about 1750, and as he was a man of considerable\neducation we may be sure that he had had a good technical\ntraining in one of the government academies at which men were\ntrained to become officers in the navy.\nAll of us who are connected in any way with the publication\nof this translation are indebted to Captain Harold Grenfell, a\nretired officer of the Royal Navy, who very kindly consented to\ndo the work without remuneration but as a contribution to the\nhistory of the northwest coast.\nHenry R. Wagner.\n apwpm\u2014^~mmmmmmmmmmm~\u2014 ^mm^ijmfmmmiim*\u2014\u2014\u2014\u2014*\u2014      ' -mfjiif*-\u2014mmfmm - . .   -\u2014\n1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 195\nExtract from\nTHE JOURNAL OF DON JACINTO CAAMANO\nlieutenant in the Royal Spanish Navy, commanding U.C.M.\nFrigate Nuesora Senora de Aranzazu, giving an account of\nthe courses made in this vessel, and of the discoveries and\nsurveys effected by him on the coasts of North America,\nsince sailing from the Port of San Bias on March 20,1792.*\nConsidering it desirable to obtain more detailed information\nconcerning the Northwestern coast of North America, His\nExcellency the Cande de Revilla Gigedo, Viceroy of New Spain,\non November 20, 1791, appointed me to carry out a survey of\nthe Straits of Juan de Fuca under the orders and direction of\nCommander [capitan de fragata] Don Dionisio Galiano.\nI was informed of this appointment on December 7 by Captain [capitan de navio] Don Francisco de la Bodega y Quadra,\nthe night of his arrival at Tepic from Mexico City (whither he\nhad been summoned), at the same time I received his instructions\nto take at once the two schooners, Sutil and Mexicana, under\nmy command so far as Acapulco, from whence they were to\nproceed in execution of the above named commission.\nDelighted by this prospect of fulfilment of my own ardent\nwishes, the following day I put together my most necessary\nbelongings and set out in all haste at three in the afternoon on\nDecember 9, to ride the seventy miles from Tepic to San Bias,\nso as to reach the latter by daybreak of the 10th, the date on\nwhich I was due to sail.\nIn spite of the rain that had continuously fallen since the\nmorning, and of the hilly nature of the country, my speed was\nsuch that I had already covered seventeen miles in the first one\nand one half hours, when misfortune overtook me. My horse\nstumbled descending a slope, and came down so suddenly that\nI fell with my left leg under him, and struck the ground heavily\nwith my left shoulder.    The disabled state in which I was lying\n* \" Extracto del Diario de las navegaciones, exploraciones, y descubri-\nmientos hechos en La America  Septentrional por Don Jacinto  Caamano\nTeniente de Navio de La Real Armada, y Comandante de la Fragate de\nS. M. Nombrada Nuestra Senora de Aranzazu desde el Puerto de San Bias\nde a donde salio en 20 de Marzo, de 1792.\"\n 192\nHenry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.\nJuly\nVirgin to which a chapel had been dedicated in the Convent of\nSan Francisco in 1682. Aranzazu was a famous Franciscan\nconvent in Guipuzcoa, Spain.\nNo muster-roll of the vessel has been found and Caamano\nin his journal only mentions two or three of his officers. We\nknow, however, that Juan Pantoja y Arriaga was his chief pilot,\nand that Juan Martinez y Zayas, who had gone north on the\nActiva, was transferred in Nootka to the Aranzazu as second\npilot. Jose Maria Maldonado, a surgeon and an anatomist, who\nhad also gone to Nootka in the Activa, was assigned to Caamano.\nHe seems to have acted as botanist, and Luis Paba may have\nacted as surgeon. In all probability Agustin de la Pena was the\nchaplain and there seems to have been a draughtsman on board\nnamed Atanasio (or Jose) Echeverria.\nThe instructions issued to Caamano provided that in the\nfirst place he should make an examination of Bucareli Bay to\nascertain whether some of the inlets seen in 1779 simply'ended\nin dead ends or extended to the sea. After that he was to\nexamine the mainland coast in the neighbourhood of 53\u00b0. This\nre-examination of Bucareli Bay had been for several years one\nof the objects which the viceroy had in mind. We can only\nspeculate as to why this seemed of such importance, considering\nthe almost meticulous survey that had been made of this sound\nby the Arteaga expedition of 1779. After the return of that\nexpedition it had been suggested that this bay was peculiarly\nadapted for a Spanish settlement in the far north. I suspect\nthat the obvious efforts of the English fur-traders to form a\nsettlement somewhere along the coast, and the further fact that\nat the end of 1791 rumours reached Mexico that the Russians\nwere enlarging their establishments, had much to do with the\nrevisit by Caamano. As will be seen in the course of the narrative he found that one of the inlets extended to the sea; a\ndiscovery of no value or importance.\nIt is hardly necessary to say that Caamano discovered little\nor nothing, so far as we know at present. The fur-traders had\nbeen frequenting the ports on the north side of the Queen\nCharlotte Group and inlets on the mainland opposite for five\nor six years. Under his instructions Juan Zayas apparently\nfollowed Douglas Channel up to or near its end, probably the\n \u2014 \u2014- ii \u2014 JW^MjW^^\n1938 The Journal op Jacinto Caamano. 193\nfirst European to do so. He adopted some of Colnett's place-\nnames and gave new ones to other places which in some cases\nhad already been named two or three times. His main interest\nseems to have been in the natives, and his descriptions of them\nand their customs are long and sometimes tiresome, but always\ninstructive as the earliest known extended description of those\non the mainland. Vancouver in his explorations of the following\nyear made use of Caamafio's map and possibly of his journal\nas he rather carefully refrained from changing the names which\nCaamano had given to places not previously named. Although\nVancouver was in Nepean Sound neither he nor Caamano discovered the famous Estrecho de Fonte, which according to\nColnett was in this vicinity. This is not at all strange considering that it did not exist.\nCaamano first appeared on the* coast in command of the\nPrincesa, which left San Bias April 13, 1790. At this time he\nwas a teniente de fragata, equivalent to a second lieutenant.\nHe had obviously come out from Spain the year previous with\nBodega in company with several other naval officials whom the\ngovernment sent out to renew the exploration on the coast. He\nremained in Nootka until the following May when he returned\nto San Bias with his ship. He brought back a diary which at\npresent is in the Archivo General in Mexico, Seccion Historia,\nVolume 69. Attached to it are six ismall maps (numbered\n773-78 in my Cartography). Two of these maps seem to have\nbeen copied from Colnett's map, the others deal with Nootka\nor near-by places. His diary for 1792, a translation of which\nis printed here, is contained in the same archives and the same\nsection but in Volume 71. A substantial extract from this\njournal was published by Martin Fernandez de Navarrete in\nTomo XV. of the Documentos Ineditos para la historia de\nEspana, Madrid, 1849.\nAttached to the document in the archives in Mexico are two\nmaps (numbers 801 and 804 in my Cartography). These\nembrace the large general map on which the route of the vessel\nis marked down and a plan of Bucareli Bay. Five other plans\nof various ports are now to be found in the Library of Congress.\nThey constitute numbers 802, 803, 805, 806, and 807 in the List\nof Maps in my Cartography.    Two plans very much reduced\n 196\nHenry R. Wagner and W\u00ab A. Newcombe.\nJuly\nled me to suppose that I had suffered a serious injury, though\nthis turned out to be no more than a few bruises and a slight\ndislocation of the shoulder.\nI decided, then, to return to Tepic, whence I made a report\nof this unlucky accident both to the Viceroy and to the Commandant of San Bias Naval Station.\nThe latter, unwilling to delay the sailing of the schooners\nuntil my recovery, now ordered them to sea under command of\nLieutenant Don Francisco Maurelle, who had earlier been\nappointed for this service. On hearing this news, which greatly\nupset me, I wrote to the Viceroy by the following post, begging\nto be allowed to proceed overland to Acapulco, without waiting\nfor my complete recovery, so that I might still be able to\nexecute the commission with which he had been pleased to\nhonour me.\nHowever, on the 28th of this same month, and by the identical\ncourier who had brought the report to him of the schooners\nhaving sailed and of my accident, His Excellency had already\nwritten, informing me through my commanding officer that\nsince these vessels would be detained in Acapulco up to the end\nof February or early March of the new year, I was to repair\nthither in order to proceed with them, should my health by that\ntime be sufficiently restored.\nFortune, it seemed, had now returned to favour my wishes.\nTherefore, although hardly convalescent, but trusting that determination would carry me through, on January 1, 1792, I set\nout for Mexico City, 700 miles distant, and covered this distance\nin eighteen days. I wanted to lay my case before the Viceroy,\nas I had now been offered the command of the frigate Aranzazu\nfor the purpose of carrying out the survey that I have since\nmade in her, feeling still strongly attracted by the prospect of\ntaking part in that of the Juan de Fuca Strait, even though\nin a subordinate capacity.\nOn January 19, therefore, I waited on His Excellency, who\nreceived me with all the customary kindness of his gracious\ncharacter.\nIn the most courteous fashion he explained the reasons that\nhad led him to stand by his earlier decisions, adding however,\nthat since the San Bias naval authorities wished Maurelle and\n 1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 197\nmyself to take part in that voyage, he left it to our option to\ndo so or not.\nSurprised by such great consideration, being also anxious to\nchoose to the best advantage, I asked for a little time in which\nto make up my mind. This granted, I began further to turn\nthe matter over, and then realising that the difficulty of finding\naccommodation for three officers in each of the schooners as\nrepresented by their captains, was a real one; in view, too, of\nthe fact that two officers had already been lent to them from\nthe corvettes under command of Don Alexandro Malaspina, and\nthat in my present lame condition I could be but of small help\nto them, also that the survey of Puerto de Bucarely and of the\ncoast between it and Nootka was of equal importance (since not\nso much was yet known about it as of Fuca Strait) ; it was not\nlong before I came to a decision. On the 22nd therefore, I again\nsought an audience with the Viceroy, at which I explained to\nhim that should he think proper to appoint me to the command\nof the Aranzazu, I would return to San Bias to take it over, and\ntrusted to give proof in her of my zeal for the service. As the\nViceroy entirely approved of this determination, I set out again\nfrom Mexico at 11 on the forenoon of January 25, and making\nthe most of every opportunity, reached Tepic on February 6.\nIndeed, during the twenty-six days elapsed since leaving the\nlatter place, I had spent but six in the capital, while covering\n1350 miles in the saddle, over not the best of roads.\nAlthough the series of mishaps just related had been enough\nto dampen anyone's ardour, my original decision to let nothing\nstand in the way of sailing on this expedition during the current\nyear, remained unshaken. From February 8, therefore, the\ndate when the San Bias naval commandant officially notified me\nof my appointment to command the Aranzazu stating that she\nmust be ready to sail in his company by the 20th, I continued to\npush forward the work with as much energy as if nothing had\nbefallen me. My greatest worry was the difficulty experienced\nof fitting out my own vessel, in this country of poor resources,\nafter having done the same for the two frigates, Xertrudis and\nPrincesa, and the brig Aetivo. My efforts, however, served to\nprovide all that was indispensable, and to be ready for sea by\nthe given date.    In spite of this, the Aranzazu remained inactive\nJ\n 198\nHenry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.\nJuly\nuntil March 20, because the commander of the expedition (who\nhad sailed with the Xertrudis and Activo on the 1st) had ordered\nme to wait for the reply to an urgent dispatch sent by him to\nthe Viceroy on that day.\nThis unexpected delay was the cause of fresh losses; that of\ntime being the most sensible, since I had foreseen that there was\nnone to spare.\nHis Excellency's answer at last arrived on March 18 at about\n10 o'clock at night.\nI would at once have asked permission to weigh, were it not\nthat the ship's company had to be paid. But as, in order to\ncheck desertion, this is done only on the actual day of sailing, it\nwas not until 3 in the morning of the 20th that we weighed to\nproceed in execution of my commission, as will be seen by the\nattached summary of the Aranzazu*s log-book.\nIn this letter, I have included only matters of moment, giving\nbut small space to the ordinary events of a passage so well known\nas that from San Bias to Nootka and thence to Bucarely. In\ndoing so, I feel confident that the kindness of those to whose\nnotice this account may come, will excuse the various errors\nsure to be found in it and in the subsequent ones, but at the same\ntime will look favourably on any parts that may seem deserving\nof merit. To make it easier for them to do so, I must here state\nthat probably some of my longitudes, based only upon dead-\nreckoning, may be found in fault; as, already, has been the\ncase with the general chart (embracing from Acapulco to\nUnalaska) lately made by Don Juan Francisco de la Bodega\ny Quadra, the officer commanding the San Bias naval district,\nalthough this chart was compiled and corrected according to the\nmost reliable information derived from recent surveys and\naccounts of voyages, as well as from the various astronomical\nobservations for longitude, etc., made by Don Alexandro Malas-\npina, and others. But if errors, due either to the instruments\nused or to the observer, are to be found in positions charted by\nCook, La Perouse, Malaspina, or Vancouver, each employing\nthe best perfected means of his period, it should be excusable to\ndiscover some when the compass and log alone have been\navailable.\nOn this point, therefore, I have no fears of censure from well\ninformed readers.\n 1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 199\nBrief summary of Events during the Cruise;  together with my\nNotes concerning the Life and Customs\nof the Indians.\nDeparture from San Bias, and arrival at Nootka.\nAt 3 in the morning of March 20 [1792] we weighed and\nmade sail with the land breeze from San Bias. On May 14, a\ncouple of hours before sunrise, we anchored in Nootka Sound.\nNothing worthy of note happened on this fifty-five days\npassage, in the course of which we experienced fine weather,\nand the prevailing winds of these latitudes.\nIn this harbour, we found laying at anchor the following\nmen of war belonging to His Catholic Majesty: the Xertrudis,\nfrigate; the Activo, brig; and the two schooners, Sutil and\nMexicana. These vessels had rendezvoused here preparatory to\nsailing on their various commissions.\nCaptain Don J. F. de la Bodega y Quadra, commanding\nH.C.M.S. the Xertrudis, was awaiting the arrival of the British\nnaval officers despatched as commissioners, in order to hand\nover to them territory according to the convention concluded\nbetween the two governments.\nOn May 16 he ordered me to prepare for sea with all despatch,\nso as to be ready to sail for Puerto de Bucarely for the purpose\nof exploring its various arms, and surveying the coast lying\nbetween it and Nootka. I was to use every effort to discover\nand chart the principal channels, gulfs, and harbours, so far as\nthese were yet unknown.\nI was also instructed to determine the actual position and\nexistence of the Straits of i de Fonte,\" considered by recent\nopinion as doubtful, or even imaginary; and was informed that\nall these points were in accordance with His Majesty's wishes.\nHaving refitted the Aranzazu so well as the poor resources\nof this station allowed, for, although my appointment was to\nundertake this surveying expedition, we had left San Bias\ncarrying stores and provisions for the vessels lying in Nootka\nand despatches for the New Californian \" Presidios,\" we weighed\nand made sail from Nootka at 6 a.m. on June 13.\nThe matter of greatest anxiety to me was the advanced\nseason of the year, that now left us hardly more than a couple\nof months for the execution of a commission embracing so many\n 200\nHenry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.\nJuly\nobjects of interest and of danger. My cares, too, were made\nheavier by the poor sailing qualities of the ship under my command, and the fact that she drew so much as fourteen and one\nhalf feet of water. At the same time, our difficulties were\nincreased through the scanty, confused, and nonconsonant\naccounts of this stretch of coast given by private adventurers\n(for no government expedition as yet had visited it), and by the\ncontinued fogs that are so often experienced off it.\nAll these circumstances, however, together with others that\nI do not particularize, exercised no effect on my resolution to\ncarry out the orders of my Sovereign, even to the last extremity,\nin conformity with his wishes as these had been explained to me.\nThe only interesting event during the month of our stay\nin Nootka, was the arrival, on May 26, of the French frigate\nLa Flavie from Valparaiso. She had been despatched from\nL'Orient, with instructions to search for tidings of M. de la\nPerouse, and was now come to these shores, intending to call\nat the Russian settlements, and thence to visit Chinese waters.\nOn June 1, the two schooners Sutil and Mexicana, respectively\ncommanded by Don Dionisio Galiano, and Don Cayetano Valdes,\neach capitan de fragata, left for the Straits of Fuca. Bad\nweather drove them back the same evening; but they again\nsailed on the 5th.\nI was unable, during this stay, to gather any fresh information in regard to the Nootka Sound Indians, to supplement the\nobservations noted in the Journal sent by me to His Excellency\nthe Viceroy of New Spain, in 1791; wherein I gave details of\ntheir life and customs. Being already well known, there is no\nneed for me to repeat them here.\nDeparture from Nootka Sound, and arrival in Bucarely Harbour;\ntogether with some Notice of the Natives\nat the latter Place.\nAfter a passage of twelve days, we reached Bucarely on\nJune 24. Owing to constant fogs and thick weather, it had been\npossible to get sights on but two occasions. In spite of this, our\nfirst land fall was the Farallones, off the entrance to the harbour,\nwherein we anchored at midnight.\n 1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 201\nThe winds experienced on this passage were mostly southerly,\nsouth easterly, and south westerly, blowing fresh, with heavy\nseas.\nThe approach to Puerto de Bucarely is seven miles wide, and\nvery deep water, with soundings of six to eight fathoms at a\ndistance of one or two cables1 from its steep and rocky shores.\nThe bottom is all of rock or large shingle. It is free of shoals\nor hidden dangers, except off the western headland, named Punta\nde San Bartolome, where rocks extend for not quite a mile to\nthe southward of the point. Viewed from seaward, at distances\nbetween twelve and eighteen miles, this point gives a false\nappearance of being three small islands, of which the middle one\nis the largest and looks like table-land.\nThe eastern headland, Punta de San Felix, is a flattish bluff,\noff which the only danger that I could observe was a single\nrock.\nWithin the entrance, one sees numerous large and small\nislands, covered with pine trees of several kinds; also, various\narms and inlets.\nOn the eastern shore, the inlet known as Puerto de Santa\nCruz is at once noticeable. This roomy and secure harbour is\neasy of entrance, by borrowing on either shore, so as to avoid\na sunken rock that lies in mid-channel. Continuing to the\nnorthward, there are, successively, the following arms: Dolores,\nRefugio, and Estrella.\nThese are all very good anchorages, but useful only when\nPuerto de Santa Cruz is already occupied, or unable to be made.\nAll the land in this neighbourhood, up to Punta Delgada, is less\nhilly, but more fertile, and grows a larger amount of plants fit\nfor human use than that to the westward of this point, where\nthe high steep mountains, broken by the various inlets as shown\non the plan, offer neither space nor facilities on the narrow\nstrips of ground between them and the water.\nThe two harbours on this western side, named Asuncion and\nSan Antonio, I consider preferable to the foregoing; and\nespecially San Antonio wherein we anchored, in twenty-three\nfathoms, at 8 a.m. of the 25th. This port, owing to the surrounding hills, affords complete shelter from all winds, except\n(1)  A cable is 100 fathoms, or 600 feet, approximately.\u2014H. R. W.\n 202\nHenry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.\nJuly\nthose from between S.E. and East, to a vessel anchored either\nin the entrance or the middle.\nThere is excellent holding ground throughout, but the best\nberth is in the S.E. portion of the harbour, in twenty-eight,\ntwenty-four, or twenty fathoms water, on a bottoni of sand and\ngravel.\nRain continued throughout the 26th and 27th, but was somewhat less on the 28th. On this day the pinnace and cutter,\ncommanded by two master's mates, and manned by twenty-nine\nseamen and marines, well armed and provisioned for twenty\ndays, were sent away in order to survey the channels that had\nnot been previously examined by our expedition in the year 1779,\nbut with directions not to spend more than fifteen days in this\nwork unless something presented itself to justify a more thorough\nexamination.2\nBeing desirous of acquiring information in regard to the\ncustoms and manner of living of the natives, I pursued various\nenquiries concerning them during the period of our boats'\nabsence. The result, however, was not very convincing; for,\nbesides the fact of the local dialect being totally different from\nthat of the Nootka Indians, with which I had some acquaintance\nthrough having spent a whole year on that tedious station, I\nactually saw but a few natives, who came alongside the ship to\nbarter sea otter skins, mats made of the inner bark of pine trees,3\ncloaks woven from the same material, and other trifles. These\nIndians seemed anxious chiefly to obtain cloth of serge or baize,\nor other material that might serve for protective covering.\n(2) This bay, which is in reality more like a sound, had been thoroughly\nexamined in 1779 by the expedition of Ignacio Arteaga. The vessels lay\nin the Puerto de Santa Cruz while a reconaissance was made by Francisco\nAntonio Mourelle in the long-boat. It had been discovered by Juan Francisco\nBodega y Quadra in 1775 on his return from the north, and he had named\nit in honour of the then viceroy, Bucareli y Ursua. The various place-\nnames which Caamano mentions in his journal, with the exception of the\ntwo points at the entrance and that of the sound, which had been named by\nBodega, had been given by the Artega expedition. Caamano did not\napparently visit the northern part of the sound.\u2014H. R. W.\n(3) In this and the many other references later in the journal, the inner\nbark of the cedar-tree is meant\u2014that of yellow cedar for clothing, and red\ncedar for matting and basketry, though yellow cedar was used sparingly for\nthe latter class of work also.\u2014W. A. N.\n 1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 203\nThey would however, also accept small shells, provided these\nwere green. They never asked for either iron or copper, articles\nthat they seemed to hold in small account, and with which they\nappeared to be well supplied.4\nThe men were all lusty and well shaped, with heads not dis-\nproportioned to their bodies. They are of light colour, large-\nframed, with cheerful faces and good features. Their hair was\nlank and about twelve inches in length. Everyone carries a\nsheath knife slung around the neck. This is a well sharpened\ndagger,5 consisting of a blade some twelve inches long and four\nin width. The pommel encloses another smaller knife about\nsix inches long and four broad with a rounded point and rather\nblunt edges, which is used to give the first blows, and for\nwounding the face. Few of them, indeed, are without ugly scars\nof wounds made by these or other weapons, on different parts of\nthe body. The hilt, also of iron, is leather covered, and is fitted\nwith a thong some seventeen inches long, for securing it to the\nhand. These knives were so well fashioned and finished, that\nat first I felt sure they were not of native manufacture, but later\nI found that the Indians make them themselves quite easily from\nthe iron that they obtain by barter, heating it in the fire and\nforging it by beating it with stones in the water.\nThe women are of the same colour as the men, equally large\nframed, and are healthy looking creatures, with pleasing faces\nand well proportioned features. The mouth, alone, disfigures\nthem, since the lower lip is pierced at birth with a wire that is\nleft in place, but from time to time changed for a larger one as\nthe child grows; until, finally, an oval piece of wood, concave on\n(4) Prom this statement it would appear likely that the iron and copper\nhad been obtained from fur-traders. While undoubtedly some of these had\nentered the bay it was generally stated that sea-otter skins were very\nscarce there and consequently it is unlikely that the place was much\nfrequented.\u2014H. R. W.\nIt is not surprising that the Indians in Bucareli Bay were well stocked\nwith iron and copper. Though they may not have had sea-otter skins to\ntrade, they undoubtedly had other commodities that were sought after by\nthe Haida of Dixon Entrance, to whom they were of easy access. W. A. N.\n(5) A good illustration of a dagger used in this area will be found in\nGeorge Dixon, Voyage . . . to the North-West Coast of America, London, 1789, plate facing p. 188.\u2014W. A. N.\n 204\nHenry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.\nJuly\neach side is inserted.6 This has a groove cut all round the- circumference, into which fit the edges of the hole in the flesh.\nThrough their habit of enlarging this wooden toggle, the distention of the hole in the case of some of the older women becomes\nso marked that the lower lip almost touches the nose when turned\nup, while it entirely covers the chin when turned down; a\ndeformity that gives these women a disgusting appearance. The\ngirls, until married, wear very small earrings, and also hang\nlittle half-moons of copper or mother-of-pearl from the gristle of\nthe nose, which generally is bored through for this purpose.\nThey set great store by mother-of-pearl7 for this reason, and for\nplacing square bits of it in their ears.\nI was unable to find out about their marriage customs;\nwhether they live with one, or with several wives, for, though I\nnoticed some canoes alongside the ship in which the sexes were\nabout equally divided, in others the men greatly outnumbered the\nwomen, and vice versa.\nAs this [Bucarely] harbour contains not one Indian village,\nprobably due to the fact that here there is no fishing, it was\nnot possible for me to obtain more information.\nI could never distinguish any chief among these natives,\nalthough such are usual among them. It was apparent that they\nare a bold race and accustomed to fighting. Not only is this\nshown by their offensive and defensive weapons, and the scars\nof old wounds, as already related, but also by the following\nincident: An Indian who had come on board, was stopped by\nthe sentry, in accordance with my orders, from going below on to\nthe main deck; whereupon he laid hold of the musket of the\nmarine; who immediately brought it to the \" Charge\" and,\ndoubtless, would have wounded the man had I not interfered to\nstop him.    Nevertheless, the Indian, without showing the least\n(6) This is the famous labret, which word will be used hereafter in the\ntranslation.\u2014H. R. W.\nThe labret is noted in many journals of the period when describing Indian\ncustoms north of Queen Charlotte Sound. To the south of this locality we\nhave no records in historic times, though labrets have been found in middens\nas far south as the Straits of Juan de Fuca.\u2014W. A. N.\n(7) In all probability haliotis (abajone) shell secured in trade, the\nspecies native to the locality not being suitable.\u2014W. A. N,\n 1\n1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 205\nsign of fear or of haste, just turned round and made his way\nquietly back into his canoe.\nThey use, in their wars, spears of 14 to 16 feet in length,8\nwith very broad, sharp, iron heads; bows, much larger and\nbetter made than those around Nootka, arrows headed with bone\nor iron barbed points, wooden swords, edged with flints, and\nclubs, both of ordinary size.9\nAs defensive armour, they wear breast and back pieces,\ncovering from the shoulder to below the groin. These are made\nof very smooth, cylindrical pieces of wood, about two-thirds of\nan inch in diameter, strung on hempen thread like spun yarn,\nand forming a cloth or covering that easily adapts itself to the\nbody and is proof against all native weapons, or even a musket\nshot at moderate range. They wear similar protection on the\nthigh; and, over all, a long ample shirt of buff10 or thick deer\nhide. I was also told, though I did not actually see one, that\nthey use a kind of wooden helmet, or morion.\nThe women are better than the men at bargaining; should\nthey oppose or disapprove of a deal made by the men, it falls\nthrough.11 They are active, vigorous, and show great vivacity.\nBy themselves they handle their paddles, or manage any canoe,\nextremely well; although both the one and the other are heavier\nand not so well built as those of Nootka. They go modestly\ndressed;  as, over the tunic made of fine deer skin or of some\n(8) Original Spanish states five or six varas. A vara is about 33\ninches.\u2014H. R. W.\n(9) These spears were more likely used in hunting sea-otter, as the\nmeasurements agree with those to be found in many museums. They are\nthrown from the canoes, so are not suitable for fighting. I have no information regarding a sword edged with flints, but mounted stone weapons are\nknown from this area. Defensive armour of various types was used by most,\nof the Coast Indians. Good illustrations of that described here will be found\nin Lisiansky, Voyage Round the World, London, 1814, plate I., and Pacific\nHistorical Review, V. (1936), p. 266, plate III.\u2014W. A. N.\n(10) Spanish vura. Later, Captain Grenfell translates this word as\nelk.\u2014H. R. W.\nNo elk inhabit this vicinity. Specimens preserved are identified lis\nmoose hide, secured in trade with the Coast mainland Indians, who in turn\nsecured them from the Interior tribes. Later elk skins, obtained very\nlargely on the Columbia, became a regular article of trade.\u2014W.A.N.\n(11) Similar references to the women being the better traders can be\nfound for other tribes of the Northwest Coast.\u2014W. A. N.\n 206\nHenry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.\nJuly-\ngoods they have acquired that reaches from neck to ankle, they\nwear a cape made from the skin of sea-otter, bear, or other\nanimal, that completes their covering.\nOne of their chief ornaments consists of three or four rings,\nworn round the ankle and wrist, made of copper or iron. These\nare so extremely heavy as to give the idea of being fetters;12\nespecially those that some of the women and most of the men\nwear round the neck. These are formed on a twisted, hawser-\nlaid, pattern; and are so large as to reach from one shoulder to\nthe other, as well as partly over the breast. They commonly\npaint themselves with some black or red pigment, stick eagle's\nfeathers in their hair, and all stink foully.\nThe dress of the men is no more than a cloak made from the\nskins of the animals described above, or from the inner bark of the\npine tree. One in particular that I bought, the only example of\nits kind that I saw, was made of deer skin dressed a white\ncolour.13 It was of the same fashion as the tunics already mentioned. The front was trimmed with five rows or bands of the\nsame material, one above the other, about two and three-quarter\ninches wide, from each of which depends a four-inch fringe.\nBoth this, and the bands, were ornamented with feathers of various colours, bits of whalebone, and of the inner pine bark, dyed\ngreen, red, or purple. On the sleeves are several narrow rows\nof similar kind. Altogether, this produced quite a good effect\nat a little distance; and I was told by the Indians that these were\ntheir best, or holiday, clothes.\nI also obtained a cloak, or mantle, made from the inner wool\nof the wild goat.14 This wool is very fine in the thread; well\nspun, and well woven. Narrow strips of sea-otter fur are worked\ninto this; and are so neatly sewn that the outer side of the garment has the appearance of a whole skin, while nothing in noticeable on the inner side. A flounce is left all around the smaller\ncircumference, deepened at the back, except where the collar is.\n(12) Twisted iron neck-rings were made by ships' armourers in great\nnumbers about this period, as they were in great demand by the Haidas\nabout Dixon Entrance.\u2014W. A. N.\n(13) The tunic described apparently is one secured in trade from an\ninterior tribe and made of caribou skin.\u2014W. A. N.\n(14) Possibly a type of Chilcat blanket with the addition of sea-otter\nfur._W. A. N.\n mmmm\n1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 207\nThis is well twisted, and rolls over for about nine inches, made\nalso of strips of lutria [sea-otter] fur. The back part is decorated with various figures or patterns in a purple colour. Altogether, this cloak is quite the best piece that I have seen made\nby them.\nThe interior bark of the pine tree is also used to weave large\nbags, or baskets, of so close a texture that they are employed as\ncontainers for drinking water carried in their canoes.15\nI was unable to get details of the construction of their houses,\nbeyond that they use pine bark cut into five or six foot lengths,\nfor roofing.16 These are placed, in the manner of tiles, over\nlong rafters, supported on forked posts of convenient height.\nWhenever the Indians leave on a canoe expedition, intending to\nbe absent at night, they take these roof tiles along with them,\ndivided into handy sizes, and so set up their houses wherever\nthey happen to stay. We had evidence of this from those who\ncame to the harbour in order to barter with us, and then\nremained there for the night.\nThe natives were greatly surprised at our abstaining from\nany commerce with their women, whom they brought with them,\nso we understood, for that purpose, since they are accustomed to\nthe English, and others, who trade in these parts, not only accepting, but also demanding, and choosing, them.\nOn June 29, the French frigate [La Flavie] that we had left\nin Nootka Sound arrived and anchored near us. Evidently they\nwished to make enquiries among these Indians for news of\nM. de la Perouse, and, for this purpose, had brought with them\nlarge quantities of toys and gew-gaws so greatly to the natives'\ntaste, that I fancy these would give away any intelligence in\norder to acquire them.\nOn July 1, a brig came in from seaward, and proceeded up\ninto the interior waters of Puerto de Bucarely. The following\nday she returned and passed out to sea, but we could not make\nout her nationality, as she showed no colours.\n(15) The water-tight baskets of this area were made of spruce root.\u2014\nW. A. N.\n(16) Houses with roofing of cedar bark are now known to have been\nonly temporary shelters, erected when the Indians were unable to return\nto their permanent homes.\u2014W. A. N.\nb\n 208\nHenry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.\nJuly\nOn July 8 our boats returned from the exploration of the\nharbour. During the 10 days of their absence they had carried\nout this duty to my satisfaction, having left no channel, or\nentrance, unexamined; saving Ulloa Channel, as shown on the\nplan. The latter seemed to offer little that was worthy of notice,\nsince innumerable islets were seen towards the N.EA in it,\nwhich presumably indicated shoal water; while, to the S.WA,\none could see its exit to the sea. As, too, they did not wish,\ncontrary to my orders, to make further delay, they then decided\nto come back, having experienced nothing remarkable during the\nexpedition. The few Indians met with behaved in a courteous\nand hospitable manner, and showed signs of some contact with\ncivilization.\nThey brought fish to our people, and offered them the use of\ntheir dwellings. This tends to prove that the continual intercourse now taking place between them and the different nationalities who come to trade for sea-otter skins\u2014of which there is\ngreat quantity\u2014is causing them to lose some of that fierce character, of which we Spaniards had experience in the year 1779.\nDon Josef Maldonado, the botanist attached to our expedition\nfor the purpose of acquiring information relative to the natural\nhistory of these regions, had accompanied the party making the\nsurvey of the port.    He came across the following:\u201417\nLand and Water Animals.\nQuadrupeds.\nBlack Bear.\nWeasels.\nElk.\nStoats.\nRed Deer.\nWolves.\nWild Goat.\nSeals.\nCoyotes (or \" Indian\" Dogs \").\nSea-otters.\n(17) Maldonado's lists of natural history specimens are evidently compiled from those actually seen in the case of the birds, fish, and plants,\nthough from the terms used it is practically impossible to identify many\nof them. With regard to the mammals, he possibly saw some of the species\nmentioned, but the remainder he has listed from the materials used in various\narticles of Indian manufacture. For instance, the elk (moose) stnd wild\ngoat do not inhabit the localities he visited*\u2014W. A. N.\n 1938\nThe Journal of Jacinto Caamano.\n209\nBirds.\nSparrow Hawks.\nProcelarias pelagica [Stormy petrels?].\nProcelarias litoral [Sand pipers?].\nOyster Catchers.\nGulls.\nFish.\nSalmon\u2014of various kinds.\nHalibut\u2014of huge size.\nSardines\u2014in great numbers.\nMojarras\u2014(Sea-Fish: about 8 inches\nlong: broad head: large eyes: black\nspot near tail: 2 blk. spots on gills:\ndark in colour: oval shaped body:\nsides rather compressed).\nShell Fish-\nLimpets.\nCockles [Spanish pies de Vurro],\nPlants.\nCanadian Pine.\nSpruce.\nCypress (evergreen).\nSpeedwell.\nValerian.\nCircsea alpina.\nA variety of \" Dog's Grass \" [Triticum\nrepens?].\nGreater Plantain \\Plantago major?].\nSeaside Plantain [Plantago maritima?'],\nCanadian Cork Tree.\nGoose Grass.\nAcena  alargada   [Plant  of  the   Rose\nfamily].\nSandal Wood [Santalum album\"].\nNightshade.\nNarcissus [Spanish Uva crespa 6 Uba\nespkia].\nFalse Spinach.\nBeet Root.\nMoorish Carrot.\nSalt Wort.\nVariety of Fennel.\nWoodpeckers\u2014a new\nvariety.\nSnipes.\nLinnets.\nCrows.\nCod.\nRed Bream.\nDog Fish.\nGrampus [Killer whale;\na mammal] in great\nnumbers.\nMussels  (small).\nCrabs\u2014of various\nkinds.\nSiberian Garlic.\nLily-of-the-V alley.\nDog-tooth Violet.\nCurly Dock.\nCommon Cranberry.\nWinter Green.\nWhortle Berry.\nThree-leaved Heliotrope.\nSorrel.\nBerry Pear.\nCommon Rose.\nGooseberry.\nRaspberry.\nBlack Berry (Bramble)\nStrawberry.\nMolucca Bramble.\nCinque-Foil.\nPennsylvanian Ranunculus.\nCommon Sloe.\nMaryland Figwort.\n 210\nHenry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.\nJuly\nPlants\u2014Continued.\nCelery\u2014strong smelling.\nBearded Yellow Mimu-\nlus.\nSt. John's Wort.\nCommon Bramble.\nA kind of Cabbage.\nViolet.\nNettle.\nCommon Fern.\nMaidenhair Fern.\nLichens.\nMushrooms.\nSiberian Star-wort.\nMilfoil.\nCoriander.\nElder Berry.\nGarlic\u2014strong smelling.\nWillow-Herb, or Willow-Epilobe \\Epi-\nlobium angustifolium?].\nBroad Epilobe \\_Epilobium alpinum?].\nMarsh Epilobe \\Epilobium palustre?].\nStrawberry Tree [Salmon berry?].\nThree-nerved Sandwort [Arenaria tri-\nnervis?].\nService Tree \\Pyrus sorbus?].\nSea Pea [Lathyrus maritimus?].\nThistle.\nApple.\nAround Puerto de San Antonio the ground rises, almost from\nthe sea shore, in precipitous heights, leaving but a narrow\nmargin consisting chiefly of shingle with a slender strip of earthy\nmatter, strewn with boulders. Several of the latter showed\nveins of silver and copper, according to the opinion of some\namong us acquainted with these matters. Several small pieces\nwere detached for future examination; and the fact of the\nsummits of these mountains being continually covered with thick\nmist, is attributed to the attraction exercised by these metallic\nores.\nBy my observations it was established that the rise and fall\nof the tide, at full and change of the moon (i.e., at \" Springs \"),\namounted to seventeen feet for three days in succession; but\nat other times, only to fourteen feet. It was also noticed that\nthere was two foot more of rise in the tide by night than by day.\nThe time of high water (at full and change) was 12h. 30m.; and\nthe tidal interval was a regular one of 6h. 12m.\nOn the day of the boat's return, we unmoored, and lay at\nsingle anchor, ready to proceed in execution of my instructions.\nThe wind, however, hanging in the S.E. quarter, the one that we\nremarked as being the most prevalent in this region, hindered\nour actual leaving until the 11th, on which day we weighed and\nmade sail to a N. W.ly breeze at 9 in the forenoon.\n 1938 The Journal op Jacinto Caamano. 211\nOur first Departure from Bucarely, in order to carry out\nthe coast survey.\nAfter passing Punta de San Felix, since my instructions\nrequired me to view and survey the coast, we laid along shore at\na distance of five or six miles, as will be seen by the courses and\ndistances set down on the accompanying plan.\nThe wind, however, at 9 in the evening shifted into the\nS.S.E.; whereupon we steered S.W., in order to clear the Isla\nBasa and that of San Carlos,18 as well as to keep to windward\nof the harbour (Bucarely). The night then setting in very thick,\nI decided to stand off and on until morning, and then at daylight\nto close the shore, so as to continue the running survey during\nthe following day if the weather would allow. Both the wind,\nand my determination, held until the 14th; when, considering\nits constancy and our own danger, I thought it advisable to bear\nup and run back into the port that we had just left, as already\nI observed warning signs of an approaching gale, such as we\nknew to be frequent at all seasons of the year, in these latitudes,\nand feared lest the changes to which this could give rise in the\ndirection of the swell and strength of currents, might expose the\nfrigate to the risk of stranding during the subsequent calm;\nespecially as already we had been several times set within less\nthan a couple of miles distance of the land; and no reliance could\nbe placed in our anchors, as the bottom consisted of rock besides\nshelving with great rapidity.\nAt 12.30 a.m. on the morning of July 15, in weather that\nalthough not too clear was less thick than it would have been in\nday time, we entered Bucarely Harbour, and by 7 a.m. came to\nanchor in Puerto Del San Antonio. During this and the following day, we had a continuance of S. E.ly wind, with rain; but at\ndaybreak of the 17th, it was already rather clearer; and the wind,\nshifting to N.W.ly, soon dissipated the clouds that hang around\nthese lofty peaks, although it was but a light breeze. Not to miss\nthis opportunity, the frigate was at once hove short, but the\nfaintness of the wind hindered us from making sail until 3.30 in\nthe afternoon, when anxiety to carry out my orders overcame\n(18) Now known as \" Wolf Island \" and \" Forrester Island.\" The latter\nwas discovered by Juan Perez in 1774 and named | Santa Cristina,\" but\nBodega changed it to \" San Carlos \" in 1775.\u2014H. R. W.\n 212\nHenry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.\nJuly\nany confidence that I could feel in the likelihood of the breeze\nholding. During these three days of our second stay in Bucarely\nHarbour, but one canoe, with two Indians in her, came alongside\nto barter fish. This fact, coupled with those that I had already\nobserved on the former occasion, confirmed me in the opinion\nthat this locality is only very thinly populated, as the greatest\nnumber that came at any one time did not amount to forty people,\ncounting men and women together.\nSecond Departure from Bucarely Harbour, to survey the coast\nbetween it and Nootka Sound.\nArrival at Puerto Florida Blanca in Isla Queen Charlotte together\nwith some remarks upon the inhabitants.\nN.B.\u2014Henceforth, all names of localities underlined [printed in\nsmall capitals] in the narrative, are those given by me to\nplaces which I had discovered.\nBy 8 p.m. of July 17, the frigate was abreast of Punta de San\nFelix, about 6 miles off.\nWe then continued to range the shore, at and inside of this\ndistance, until up with Cabo de Muftoz Gocens.19 I noticed\nnothing worthy of remark on this stretch of coast, except the\nPuerto de Baylio Bazan ; into which I sent the pinnace under\none of the master's mates, with orders to explore it; a duty that\nhe exhaustively carried out.\nThis harbour is situated in Lat. 54\u00b0 50' N., and Long. 29\u00b0\n30' W. of San Bias. Alpng all this reach of the shore (which\nI take to be an island), it can be recognized through lying under\nthe slope of a mountain shaped like an equilateral triangle, whose\nsummit both stands out from and overtops those of its neighbouring hills. Isla Valdes,20 lying in the midst of its mouth, leaves a\nwide channel on either hand, convenient for entering or leaving,\nand effectually shelters the interior area from winds all round\n(19) Mufioz Goosens. So named by Caamano in honour of Francisco\nMuiioz y Goosens, a Spanish naval officer. It was usually simply called\n\" Mufioz.\" This, by error, Vancouver changed to \" Muzon,\" by which it is\nnow known.\u2014H. R. W.\n(20.) These names were given by Caamano in honour of Antonio Valdes\ny Bazan. The bay is still called \" Bazan,\" as Caamafio's name was adopted\nby Vancouver. All longitudes are west of San Bias, which is 105\u00b0 20' west\nof Greenwich.\u2014H. R. W.\n 1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 213\nthe compass. Inside, the anchorage is clean and roomy enough\nfor several vessels, besides being very convenient for wooding\nand watering. I am, however, ignorant as to the natural products and the place appears to be uninhabited.\nWe anchored in Puerto de Florida Blanca21 at 7.30 in the\nevening of the 20th, having spent the intervening time since the\n17th off the range of coast lying between it and Bucarely.\nI had decided to come hither because it seemed to me of very\ngreat importance to acquire a definite knowledge of the point,\nbetween which and Cabo Munos [Muzon] is formed the entrance\nto the northern channel separating Isla Queen Charlotte from the\nIsla Prince William [Prince of Wales and neighbouring islands]\nwhich used to be thought mainland, but which actually is part of\nan archipelago.\nThe day before entering Puerto de Florida Blanca, when off\nIsla Langara about 8 o'clock of the evening, a canoe containing\nfour Indians came alongside, who asked for the captain.\nSo soon as I was pointed out to them, they begged my leave\nto come on board.\nThis granted, one of the number immediately leapt up the\nside with great agility, and came aft on to the quarter deck with\nthe utmost composure. Here he greeted me by the hand, gave\nme pressingly to understand that he wished us to go down to my\ncabin.\nI agreed; and there he again renewed his professions of\nfriendship; and enquired whether I intended bringing the frigate\ninto the harbour. On my replying that this was the case, he at\nonce opened the door of the larboard quarter gallery, from\nwhence he called to those in the canoe for an otter skin, and\npresented it to me.\nI then sent for some shells, knives, and looking glasses, to\ngive to him; with which he was greatly pleased. I then made\nhim understand that I must go on deck; whither he accompanied me, and where already was one of his companions. He\nsoon again asked me whether the ship would enter the harbour;\n(21) This port was identified by Bancroft as the | Cloak Bay I of Dixon,\nand in one sense this is correct; but Caamafio's plan of the port shows that\nthe ship was anchored on the south side of Langara Island, between that\nand the present Lucy Island, in Parry Passage.\u2014H. R. W.\n .a\n0\n5\no\nCO\n\\\n5\n|\n*\nc5\nP\n4\n%>\n%\ni\n\"3\nI\n^\n*\u2022*\nfc\n\u2022a\n 1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 215\nand, upon my assuring him that she would, explained to me by\nsigns that he and his friend desired to remain and sleep on board.\nI consented, whereupon he at once sent away the canoe, leaving\nus all in admiration of the courage and confidence of these\nnatives.\nThey wandered all over the ship, without showing wonder\nat anything, nor was there any object of which they did not\nappear to know the use, until 9 o'clock, when I had them to\nsupper with me. They ate of all that was on the table, showing\nno sign of dislike of anything, or wishing first to taste it; and\nwere more at home in the management of fork and spoon than\nany Spanish squireen. They drank wine and spirits at first\nsight; and, altogether, their behaviour seemed to point to a\nconsiderable intercourse with Europeans. After supper they\nreturned to the quarter deck; but very soon came down into my\ncabin, where they were quickly asleep. This night, during which\nI had hoped to bring the frigate to anchor (but was prevented\nby the wind falling to a calm and by a powerful current setting\nher away from the harbour), a schooner, that we had sighted\nin the evening, crossed our bows just ahead of us.\nWe hailed to ask her nationality, whence from, and whither\nbound. She answered, 1 English, from Macao,\" but we could\nnot catch her destination.22\nDaylight on the 20th found the frigate set nine miles distant\nfrom Isla de Langara, from whence two canoes could be seen\ncoming out to us. The first to arrive was that of the principal\nchief in the harbour, by name Taglas Cania,23 and father of the\nIndian who had boarded us the night before. He was accompanied by some forty-five people, including women and children.\nThis canoe had eight paddles each side. All, men and women,\nwere seated or kneeling except the Samoguet (a native word\nmeaning \" skipper \" or \" coxswain \"), who stood upright intoning one of their songs or chants, in which he was followed by the\nrest in unison, and to which the paddlers kept time with their\nstrokes.\n(22) Judge Ho way identifies this vessel as the Grace.\n(23) This was the chief usually known to the fur-traders as | Cuneah,\"\n\" Concehaw,\" etc. The \" Taglas was adopted by Cuneah when he exchanged names with Captain William Douglas, of the Iphigenia, in 1789.\nDescendents of this chief still use the name Douglas.\u2014W. A. N.\n6\n 216\nHenry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.\nJuly\nTwo men, in the bows of the canoe, also beat this time with\nthe hilt of their paddles on a small thwart, placed for this\npurpose and for the support of a large drum,24 which a lusty\nnative struck with his fists, producing sounds much the same as\nthose of a European bass drum. This sight greatly astonished\nus, as did also the size of the canoe. I had the latter measured,\nand found the following dimensions: length fifty-three feet;\nbeam, averaging six feet; depth, including that of two well fitted\nwash-streaks, four and one half feet.25 These latter raised the\nheight of the gunwhale, and ran from stem to stern, which were\nboth fashioned as bluff cutwaters. We were not less struck by\nthe fine features and good figures of almost all in the canoe.\nThese, so soon as they came alongside, dropped their paddles and\nproceeded to dress themselves, some in their native clothes, much\nthe same as those of Bucarely, but the greater number in long\nfrocks, coats, or jumpers, trousers, or loose short breeches, and\npieces of cloth serving as capes of different colours, but blue\npredominating.\nThe Samoguet's dress consisted of wide breeches made of a\nlight blue-grey serge, and a large cloak formed of marten skins.\nThis latter is the distinguishing mark of a village chief, and was\nornamented with a great number of extra tails. His son was the\nfirst to speak, pointing me out as captain of the ship to his father,\nwho then saluted me, and asked leave to come on board.\nThis granted, he at once mounted the side, walked aft to me,\nand gave me his hand. Then, gently touching my face with\nboth his hands, he said, \" Bueno, Bueno.\" This was the first\ntime that I had seen this form of friendly greeting used by the\nIndians; but, no doubt, they had learnt it from intercourse with\nEuropeans. Shortly afterwards, several more of the natives\ncame on board. Amongst these was one of the chief's own\ndaughters. She wore no wooden toggle [labret] in her lower\nlip, and was, indeed, a good looking girl.\nHer father made me a gift of her, with a view to the girl\nbeing for my pleasure, as she herself later hinted to me in the\n(24) Drums of this type were made of cedar in the shape of an obloiig,\ndeep box, without a lid.\u2014W. A. N.\n(25) Canoes of this size were quite plentiful up to the beginning of the\npresent century.\u2014W. A. N.\n 1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 217\ncabin, to which she had quickly betaken herself. Soon afterwards the second canoe arrived alongside. It was rather smaller,\nand contained about twenty-five Indians of both sexes and all\nages, as well as another chief, called the i Tasen.\" All were\nsinging similarly to the first lot, though with less noise and\nshow. From this, I gathered that he was of inferior quality to\nTaglas Cania; but he went through the same ceremonies and\nsaluted me in just the same manner.\nI asked if there were good anchorage for the frigate inside,\nor any dangers off the entrance. They assured me that the\nentrance was clear and the riding within good. They also explained the nature of the approach from the position in which\nwe then were, and acted as pilots to bring the vessel in. On\nnoticing that the frigate did not head directly for the harbour, they\ndisplayed considerable impatience; but were reassured when I\nshowed them how the wind did not allow of it. Again declaring\nthe anchorage was 1 Bueno, Bueno,\" they promised that we\nshould find there plenty of first rate nutria [sea otter] skins for\nour barter.\nAbout an hour before noon, the wind, which had been easterly,\nshifted to the S.WA, with which we still could lie our course for\nthe entrance. By this time, several more canoes had come out to\nus, and were followed by others up to 7.30 in the evening, when\nwe anchored in twenty-three fathoms off the mouth of the\nchannel leading up to the harbour, as the wind did not allow of\na nearer approach. Shortly before this I sent for the chiefs,\ntelling them that they must go, as the frigate was unable any\nlonger to tow the canoes, whose number was now increased to\nten or twelve filled with upward of 200 people in addition to our\nown pinnace and cutter. So soon as they caught my meaning,\nthey ran to the gangways, one each side, ordering every Indian\ninto the canoes, and these to cast off. They then followed in\ntheir own, the principal chief taking his daughter along with\nhim. She, apparently, was not too well satisfied with the attentions that I had paid her, or the various trifles that I had given\nher. I had also entertained her father and brother. Both had\ndinner with me, when it gave me no little pleasure to observe the\nformer's graceful and easy manners. Indeed, in this respect,\nthe bearing, simplicity, and dignity of this fine Indian would bear\n 218 Henry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe. July\ncomparison with the character and qualities of a respectable\ninhabitant of \" Old Castile.\"\nDuring the night, the frigate dragged her anchor into a\ndepth of 36 fathoms, caused by the current which sets through\nthe western entrance at a rate of over three knots. As, however,\nI had no intentions of making a long stay, it was not worth while\nto shift berth.\nOn the 21st, I sent the two master's mates away with orders\nto survey the harbour and make a plan of it.\nThis day, also, a great number of natives came aboard; for,\nbesides those from the seven good-sized villages in its vicinity,26\nthe news of the arrival of the largest ship that had yet been seen\nthere, attracted people from those roundabout. The furs they\nbrought were of very fine quality, and also extremely well cured.27\nThe Indians wanted to exchange them for clothing, or shells, but\nthe latter they desired to have of as green a colour as those that\nsome wore in great numbers hanging at their ears. We were surprised to see that several had those of a sort that is found only at\nMonterey, and even more surprised when they told us that we ought\nto arrange that in Spain the meat be not extracted by heating the\nshells, as this process damaged the enamel, but that it should be\ndone with a knife.28 I enquired who had taught them this, or\nhad given them the Monterey shells, but either they did not catch\nmy meaning, or I misunderstood their reply. The Tasen having\ncome aboard in the forenoon, I invited him to dine with me, and\nI noticed that his manners were equally as good as those of the\n(26) In his Contributions to the Ethnology of the Haida, J. R. Swanton\nrecords the names of these villages, though remains of houses and totem-\npoles were to be found at only three of the sites in 1900. The Rancheria de\nIndian shown on Caamafio's plan of del Puerto de Florida Blanca was called\nKiusta.\u2014W. A. N.\n(27) This neighbourhood was famous for fine sea-otter skins, and\nthe Indians obtained almost incredible quantities of them in the early-\ndays.\u2014H. R. W.\n(28) These instructions on how to remove the meat from abalone-shells\nare very interesting, as one of the unsolved puzzles of the Northwest Coast\nis where the natives secured the many large pieces of deep green flawless\nshell used as ornaments and for inlay work. Many of the shells gathered\nto-day in California have little, if any, of the desired colour.\u2014W. A. N.\n \t\n1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 219\nformer chiefs. This fact, together with the quality of his surroundings, led me to judge that he was in no respect inferior to\nthem.\nHe was of ordinary height, and spare in body. He had a\ncheerful expression, regular features, was light in colour, and\nabout fifty years of age. He wore the distinguished cloak of a\nchief, breeches of flesh coloured silk ornamented with small gold\nstamped flowers, and on his head a high hat. This went very\nwell with all the remainder, so that with his hair tied up in a\nneat cue by a narrow lace of leather he gave the appearance of\nbeing something quite different from what he really was.\nCania came on board at 5 o'clock that evening. He is of very\nbig frame, and stout in proportion, with a handsome face, and is\nabout seventy years old. His clothing, all of sky-blue cloth, consisted of two loose frock coats one over the other, ornamented\nwith Chinese cash,29 each one strung on a piece of sail-making\ntwine with a large light-blue glass bead the size of a hazel nut,\nloosely attached to the material, and together forming a button.\nHis breeches, in the form of trousers, were also trimmed with\nmany of these cash, so that he sounded like a carriage mule, as\nhe walked. He had on a frilled shirt, and wore a pair of unlike\nsilver buckles; not, however, in his shoes, but at the feet of his\ntrousers. The trimming of his clothes was formed by the selvage\nof the cloth; and this made up for the lining, which was altogether lacking. He wore a head-dress similar to that of the\nTasen; and, at a little distance, looked very fine in his extravagant costume.\nBefore leaving the ship, which they generally did at sunset,\nthe natives gave me one of their musical performances; but this\nconsisted of little more than a series of discordant shouts. A\nblind man in one of the canoes began dancing to this accompaniment. In each hand he held the tail feathers of an eagle, which\nappeared in jerking fashion from under his cloak, or as imitating\nthe gesture of flying, as he leapt to the cadence of the music,\nthundering meanwhile at the singers in a terrifying voice, each\ntime more loudly.   The concert over, they all took their departure,\n(29) Chinese cash and brass thimbles replaced the puffin beaks or deer\nhoofs commonly used on ceremonial costumes as rattles.\u2014W. A. N.\nJ\n \t\n220\nHenry R. Wagner and W. ^A. Newcombe.\nJuly\nseemingly well pleased with themselves, and leaving us no less so\nat their great civility.\nAt daylight of the 22nd, the cutter in charge of a master's\nmate, was sent to complete the survey and plan of the harbour,\nwith orders to return so soon as possible. They were back by\n9 o'clock of the forenoon; and at 10, I landed with the greater\npart of the seamen and marines in the pinnace and cutter, and\nMass was celebrated under an awning formed of the ships' flags.\nThis service was attended by the Tasen and several other Indians,\nall of whom showed great respect and attention. I then went\nthrough the ceremonies of taking possession of the country with\nall the prescribed formalities and set up a Cross, over twenty\nfeet in height, charging the natives not to over-set it; which they\npromised to observe.30\nWhen all this was finished, I returned on board accompanied\nby the chief and one of his sons, who is also chief of another\nvillage. I kept them to dinner with me, and during the meal\nexplained to them that I must weigh and get under sail directly\nit was over. As they imagined that this was for the purpose of\nproceeding into the harbour, they showed great pleasure, but,\non learning that it was in order to begin our journey homewards\nfor Spain, they became very sorrowful and with much insistence\nbegged me not to leave so soon, but to bring the frigate inside\nthe harbour, assuring me that the anchorage was both safe and\nconvenient, and that they would supply good store of nutria skins.\nAs, however, our business was not that to which they are accustomed, we got under weigh at 4 that afternoon, parting from the\ninhabitants with considerable regret on each side. Indeed, along\nthe whole of this coast populated by Indians, I do not believe that\none will meet with kinder people, more civilized in essentials or\nof better disposition.31\nIn general, the women are well made, and not bad looking.\nMany of them do not wear the labret through the lower lip, but\n(30) The chart of Puerto de Florida Blanca, herewith reproduced, shows\nplainly where the act of possession was taken by the position of the cross.\nIt was on Graham Island due south of Lucy Island.\u2014H. R. W.\n(31) The Haidas, when first contacted by the whites, were apparently\nquite friendly, but soon became treacherous and dishonest in retaliation for\nsimilar treatment accorded them by many of the fur-traders.\u2014W. A. N.\n 1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 221\ntheir dress is less modest than those of Bucarely, for their cloak\nalone serves to cover their breasts, and they seem quite careless\nwhether it does so or not. The dialect appears to be the same as\nat Bucarely. I was not able to learn much about their customs\nand managed only to gather that they practise monogamy. Their\nhouses, built of boards, are spacious, clean and well kept. They\nare protected against the attacks of possible raiders by large\nwooden towers standing on steep rocks, and, for such occasions\nare provided with a couple of pretty good brass swivels, some\nmuskets, long bows, darts, and daggers. Ordinarily, however,\nthey carry none of these weapons; except the spears used for\nkilling the nutria, of which they always take a sufficient number\nwith them in their canoes.\nAn Indian youth, aged about sixteen to eighteen, of pleasant\nappearance, who had come on the first day with Cania, asked\nleave to sleep that night on board the ship. This I allowed, and\nthe next day he told me that he wished to go with us. I said\nthat I had no objection, but, fearing that his request was\nprompted merely by the desire of seeing strange countries, on\nthe understanding that he was to be repatriated, as had been the\ncase already on several occasions with British vessels in this\ndistrict, which conveyed them to Macao, I explained that if he\ncame with us, it would be not for Macao but for Spain, and for\nall time, as I should never be returning again to his country or to\nsee Cania.\nOn hearing this he remained some time in thought and then\nintimated that he preferred staying at home. Then he seemed\nto turn the proposition over again in his mind for, a second time,\nhe expressed in most determined manner his wish to come. I\ntold him, repeatedly, that in such case he would never return to\nhis native land, but was unable to shake his resolution. On the\neve of sailing, he begged me to give him some clothing, as he\nintended to leave his nutria cloak behind. I gave him a shirt and\ntrousers, also a piece of serge, whereupon he threw his own\ngarments into one of the canoes last remaining alongside, and\nthat too not belonging to his own village. Later on, during the\ntime we spent in surveying these coasts, several of his compatriots endeavoured to induce him to remain with them. Not\nonly, however, did he disregard all their persuasions, but he also\n 222\nHenry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.\nJuly\navoided their company, shunned their conversation and would\neven rail at them.\nThe trees, plants, etc., that we noticed, or that our botanist\nfound growing near the shore where there is generally good soil,\nor along the sandy beaches, were the same as those of Bucarely,\nbut more abundant, and of finer growth, especially the plants.\nThe Puerto de Florida Blanca [Parry Passage], in the southern part of Isla Langara, off the northern coast of Isla Reyna\nCarlota [Graham Island] is situated in Lat. 54\u00b0 14' North, and\nLong. 29\u00b0 33' West (from San Bias).32 It is of very limited\nextent, there being room for no more than one good-sized, or two\nsmaller vessels, but the anchorage is sheltered from winds all\nround the compass.\nThere is good riding, also, off the eastern end of Isla Navarro\n[Lucy Island], in from sixteen to twenty-five fathoms. As, however, the tidal streams set through the western entrance at a rate\nof over three knots, forming strong eddies, it is advisable to\nanchor where the depth is from sixteen to eighteen fathoms, on\na bottom of sand and gravel.\nA vessel can also enter Puerto de Florida Blanca by this\nwestern entrance: indeed, I consider the latter preferable to the\neastern one. The actual position of the ship, and direction of\nthe wind, will of course determine which may be the more convenient. Isla Langara is higher and more hilly than the neighbouring portion of Isla Reyna Carlota, which is here flat and\nthickly wooded.\n(The concluding part of the Journal will appear in\nthe October issue of the Quarterly.)\n(32) Actually in latitude 54\u00b0 11' and 132\u00b0 59' west of Greenwich.\nCaamafio's latitudes are about three minutes in excess of those on the latest\nAdmiralty charts.    The longitude is 2\u00b0 too far west.\u2014H. R. W.\nW\n I\t\nTHE JOURNAL OF JACINTO CAAMANO.\nTranslated by\nCaptain Harold Grenfell, R.N.\nEdited with an Introduction and Notes\nBY .,ff:\nHenry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.\nPART II.\n[July, 1792\u2014Continued.]\nExploration of the coast between Puerto de Florida Blanca and\nFondeadero San Roque; with some remarks\nabout the inhabitants.\nAt daylight on July 23, the frigate was six miles off Cape\nMufioz. Continuing our investigations, we next found ourselves\nin the large bay, as capacious as that of Bucarely, forming the\napproach to Puerto de Cordova y Cordova.33 As, however, it\nwould have taken at least two or three weeks to carry out a detailed survey of that; about as much, indeed, as was left to us of\nthe season favourable for the execution of other more important\nparts of my orders; I decided to do no more than make a sketch\nsurvey and plan of a harbour that we had in sight, and then\nimmediately continue following up my general instructions, taking advantage of the fine weather that we were now so fortunately experiencing.\nAt 5 o'clock, when off its mouth, a shift of wind put me so\nfar to leeward, that it would have taken several hours to enter.\nAt the same time we sighted an American brig34 lying at the\nanchorage within.    I, therefore, decided to send in the pinnace,\n(33) This name was given by Caamano in honour of Luis de Cordova y\nCordova. Vancouver adopted it. It is the large bay between Long Island\nand Prince of Wales Island. The east point of the bay was named \" Nunez,\"\nalso by Caamano. This was adopted by Vancouver but erroneously placed\nfarther east.    It may be the point now known as March Point.\u2014H. R. W.\n(34) Judge Howay identifies this vessel as the Hancock, a brig from\nBoston, which had returned from China on July 3, 1792.\nBritish Columbia Historical Quarterly, VoL II., No. 4.\n265\n 266\nHenry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.     October\nmanned and armed, in charge of the pilot, with orders to make a\nsketch survey of it as soon as possible; and meanwhile lay-to in\norder to wait for his return. At 1 p.m., having carried out his\norders, he came alongside, whereupon, we immediately filled,\nmade all sail, and stood over for Punta de Nunez, from whence\nwe continued to follow the coast at the same distance as before.\nFrom the plan, made by the pilot, Don Juan Pantoja, it appears\nthat this harbour to which I gave the name of Nuestra Senora\nde Los Dolores,35 lies in Lat. 54\u00b0 47', and Long. 29\u00b0 13' W. of\nSan Bias.36 It is roomy, contains deep water, and is well sheltered from all winds except those between S.E. and N.E. It\noffers, moreover, good facilities for wooding and watering. It\nis uninhabited, but the Indians dwelling round Cordova and its\nvarious inlets (which I imagine to be pretty numerous), frequent\nthe place whenever vessels happen to be lying there. I can say\nnothing about its natural products, but as the land has much the\nsame appearance as that around Bucarely, I take it that they are\nof similar kind.\nBy 6 o'clock that evening, the frigate was abreast of Punta\nDe Chacon, from which position we could see the broad entrance\nof the Canal de Nuestra Senora Del Carmen opening between\nPunta de Evia and Cabo Caamano.37\nWe stood in, to observe it more closely. The wind, however,\ndied away to a calm, and a strong ebb tide was running; so that\nwe were no more than nine miles nearer by night fall.\nNeither from this position, nor from the earlier one, could\nany land be made out towards the bottom of this great opening.38\n(35) This port was at the entrance of what is now known as Kaigani\nStrait, between Long and Dall Islands. It was one of the chief ports of call\nduring the height of the maritime fur-trade.\u2014H. R. W.\n(36) The longitude is again 2\u00b0 in error, as customary with his longitudes.    The same figures are shown on the plan of the bay.\u2014H. R. W.\n(37) The \" Canal de Nuestra Senora del Carmen I is Clarence Strait,\nand Punta de Chacon is still the name of the south-east end of Prince of\nWales Island. It was named either in honour of Antonio Chacon or Jose\nMaria Chacon by Caamano. \" Punta Evia \" cannot be identified, but it was\nsome point on the east side of Prince of Wales Island. It was nearly opposite the south end of Cleveland Peninsula, which Vancouver thought was\n\" Punta de Caamano,\" as in all probability it was. July 23 was the octave\nday of Nuestra Senora del Carmen.\u2014H. R. W.\n(38) Clarence Strait.\u2014H. R. W.\n .\nA\nA\nV\n* p      .\/\n1\nMmm h   -m> hmt\u00ae $ 4* &&mti ***** > ^**\u00ab4*-\n* Mfe A Jliwi* \u00ab\u00bb4 ate A t^\u00bb.\nJ? 4m&md mm***** dOm\u00a3m\u00ab <k $*Mlm M^\n&\u00bb*\u00bb\u00bb\u00ab\u00bb\u2022*\u00bb Jhmmm m* imU UUxmmm\n*\u20ac *<**\u00ab\u00a3\u00bb?\n1'\nA\nHRSSI3S\nV^ 4 \u00abW\nV\n1\n'\n^\n,\/ ;\n1\n%\n:-\nGeneral Chart of Caamano's Discoveries.\n 1938 The Journal op Jacinto Caamano. 267\nIndeed, nothing was to be seen but an expanse of water, although\nit was clear weather, and a good glass was in use from the mast\nhead. At 10:30 p.m., when it fell dark, we hauled off for a couple\nof hours on a S.S.W. course, and then tacked, so as to maintain\nour position until daylight, and avoid as far as possible becoming\nembayed in this opening.\nThe morning of the 24th broke with a cloudless sky and clear\nhorizon. The wind, which was a light breeze at S.W. veered at\n6 o'clock to N.W. As this was now a head wind for making the\nCarmen Channel, I ordered the helm a weather, and ran the ship\noff before it, feeling convinced that this opening must be the main\none of all the inlets between Bucarely and Nootka Sound. At\n5 in the evening, when four miles from Punta del Peligro39\n(which is extremely foul), the wind suddenly backed to south,\nand we were at once enveloped in thick fog. Very soon after, it\nfell calm, and as we were being rapidly set by the tide towards\nthis point, the lead was hove, and bottom found in fifty-five\nfathoms. At 6:30 the wind sprung up fresh at S.E.; but, within\nhalf an hour, veered suddenly to S.W. It then freshened to such\nan extent as to force us hurriedly to shorten sail, and take in all\ncanvas, instead of running her off (as the force of the wind and\ncrankness of the frigate, made desirable), because I was neither\nsure of the ship's position nor had any means of fixing it, as the\nfog prevented us seeing anything at more than one half a cable's\ndistance. This squall lasted some twenty minutes being followed\nby light S.E.y airs accompanied with rain. At 8 o'clock, it again\nfell to a calm; when, taking into consideration that we were\nwithin three miles of the land, I anchored the frigate in forty-\nfive fathoms, on a bottom of fine sand, and lay in this situation\nthroughout the night, during which we experienced continuous\nrain, and noticed that the tidal stream ran with much strength\nin variable directions.\nAt 3:30 a.m., of the 25th, a breeze sprung up at S.E. We\nweighed at once, and made sail, steering a S.S.W. course, so as\nto run along the northern coast of Isla de la Reyna Carlota and\nobserve it from the point already in sight up to Puerto Florida\n(39) Captain Grenfell thinks this was probably the southern point of\nDundas Island, or the northern point of Stephens Island. The location is\nvery uncertain.\u2014H. R. W.\n 268 Henry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.     October\nBlanca; it being a matter of importance to acquire information\nabout this part of the coast, and, owing to head winds and fog\nover the land, we had so far been unable to do so, and were\nentirely ignorant of it.\nWe sighted Punta Invisible40 at 7 o'clock, and were fortunate in making it no earlier, else we might have run on to it, as\nit is very low land, and extends far to seaward.\nDuring the whole of this day, we followed the shore at a distance of three miles, or less, and thus were able to locate Puerto\nde Estrada and Puerto de Mazarredo.41 When six miles from\nPunta de Pantoja42 at 9 in the forenoon, the wind fell to a calm\nand I thought of anchoring; but, finding soundings in forty fathoms, gave up the idea. In the course of the afternoon, several\ncanoes approached the ship. Their occupants begged us to enter\nthe harbours just mentioned; assuring us that they were very\ngood ones, that there was great store of skins for barter, and that\nthey would provide us with much prettier women than those\nbrought by Cania. Puerto de Estrada had the appearance of\nbeing a safe and roomy harbour.43 While we were lying-to off\nit, a Portuguese sloop44 came out, passing us quite close. She\nwas hardly larger than our pinnace, and carried seven hands, but\nI was unable to speak with them.\nAt 7 o'clock in the morning of the 26th, the breeze sprang up\nat N.W.; whereupon we made sail, put up the helm, and ran back\nin the direction from whence we were come. By 8 o'clock the\nsame evening the frigate was in mid-channel, abreast of the\nCanal de Nuestra Senora del Carmen. Here we observed that\nthe current ran with considerable force, but were unable to deter-\n(40) Rose Point.\u2014H. R. W.\n(41) Masset Harbour and Virago Sound, on the north side of Graham\nIsland. They were named in honour of Nicolas Estrada and Jose de Mazarredo.\u2014H. R. W.\n(42) Named in honour of Caamafio's chief pilot. Probably Wiah Point.\n\u2014W. A. N.\n(43) These two harbours were noted places for the fur-traders. Masset\nHarbour was known to the American fur-traders as \" Hancock's River.\"\n\u2014H. R. W.\n(44) The Florinda, of Macao, which had arrived on July 13. Further\nresearch may show that this was the vessel built by the mutineers of the\nBounty at Tahiti, and sold at Batavia in 1791.    (Note by F. W. Howay.)\n . I I II .-.\n1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 269\nmine its rate as the ship was making more than five knots at the\ntime, and we were aware of it only by the ripplings and over-falls\nthat it caused. These showed that it set to the south-eastward,\nthe continuation of the channel turning markedly in that direction. Daybreak of the 27th found us nearly in the same position\nas our anchorage on the 25th. As, however, there was much fog\nover the land, and the breeze was light from S.W., we continued\nto stand off and on, although slightly increasing our distance\nfrom the land, while waiting for the weather to improve. The\nnext day, also, was spent under similar conditions; with light\nairs from the second and third quarters.\nAt times it cleared over the land; when, owing to our closeness to it, we could make out very distinctly the vast number of\nislands, islets, and rocks that go to form the Archipielago de\nlas 11,000 Virgenes,45 circumstances that made me all the more\nregret the unfavourable state of the weather. During the 29th,\nwe continued along shore, at our usual distance from it running\nbefore a N.W.ly, wind with fine weather. These conditions, as\nour course laid down on the chart shows, enabled us to see the\nsmallest rocks, and to fix their positions. By the afternoon, the\nCanal del Principe (the channel between the Isla de Calamidad\nand Enriquez),46 was in sight. This passage, according to the\naccount of the Englishman, Captain Colnet, leads into the Es-\ntrecho de Fonte, one of the chief objects of our expedition.\nIts appearance clearly showed that it would be a hazardous\nundertaking for both the frigate and her people to engage her\nwithin this channel. At the same time, however, the reflection\nthat it was my sovereign's wish that no risk should stand in the\nway of its exploration and survey, effectually removed any idea\nfrom my mind that obedience to orders deserving so great respect\n(45) Porcher Island and the many neighbouring islands and islets lying\nbetween Brown Passage and Browning Entrance.\u2014H. R. W.\n(46) Banks Island and Pitt Island. \" Calamidad \" was obviously a Colnett name, while the \" Enriquez,\" which in reality comprised McCauley\nIsland as well as Pitt Island, must have been named by Caamano in honour\nof Juan Antonio Enriquez, a famous naval official. The channel still bears\nthe same name, having been adopted by Vancouver. It was probably named\nby Caamano after the Principe de Asturias, but as it also appears on Colnett's map, in the Museo Naval, as \" Principe Real\" it is possible that it\nwas named by Colnett \" Prince Royal Channel.\"\u2014H. R. W.\n 270 Henry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.     October\ncould be in any degree qualified. I resolved, therefore, at least\nto furnish indubitable proofs of my loyalty and constancy, even\nthough ill fortune might prevent the execution of my orders in\nconformity with my own desires.\nAt 9 o'clock that evening, we were six miles off the entrance\nto the Principe channel. We then hauled to the wind and stood\noff on a W.S.W. course until midnight, when we tacked to the\nnorthward in order to be again off the entrance by daylight. The\nwind, however, suddenly fell, and a thick fog set in, which decided\nme to continue making a succession of short boards, so as to\nmaintain the frigate's position. At 9:30 a.m. of the 30th, the\nweather cleared, and a breeze sprang up at N.W., which enabled\nus to run for the mouth of the channel, so that we entered it by\n1 o'clock of the afternoon.\nWhether any merit be due to these proceedings, or to my\naction in having held a course along an iron bound coast such as\nthis is, without possessing either local knowledge or information\n(since Comet's accounts refer only to the waters southward of\nthis channel), in a vessel of the qualities of my ship, at so advanced a season of the year, I leave to the judgment of experts;\nand whatever shall be their opinion, my own will freely conform\nto it. We continued running through the channel during the\nafternoon and evening. It is so narrow in places that the farther\nshore was often less than a mile from us; but in spite of this\nproximity to the land, we could get no bottom, although frequently sounding. By 10 p.m. the frigate was abreast of Seno\nDE Gorostiza,47 and at midnight little more than a mile from\nPunta del Engano;48 when, the wind having fallen to a calm,\nI became anxious to find an anchorage; both for the security of\nthe vessel, and to give some rest to her tired and short handed\ncrew. I therefore sent away the cutter, with orders to search\nfor a depth of less than seventy fathoms (which was the amount\nof water in which we found ourselves at the moment), but she\nsoon returned reporting that no bottom could be had with fifty\nfathoms line at no more than the distance of one cable [200\nyards] from the shore. This information decided me to wait for\ndaylight; leaving the frigate, meanwhile, to drift with the cur-\n(47) Nepean Sound.\u2014H. R. W.\n(48) Probably Wolf Point.\u2014H. R. W.\n 1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 271\nrent, which set her some six or seven miles inside the entrance\nduring the remainder of the night. At 4 o'clock in the morning\nof the 31st, the wind sprang up from the N.W.d. with which we\nstood again for Punta del Engano. At 6 o'clock when two miles\ndistant from it, I sent the pilot, Don Juan Pantoja, in the manned\nand armed pinnace to survey a harbour, named Puerto de Bala,49\nthat lay according to Captain Colnet's description (though he\nappears to be an unreliable authority, as well as devoid of humanity) just beyond this point, and hove the frigate to on the port\ntack while waiting for my officer's return. The pinnace came\nback an hour after noon, when the pilot reported that this harbour had no existence; nor could he find anything in the least\nresembling one, after a most thorough search, except a bay whose\nentrance was encumbered by innumerable islets, reefs, and\nsunken rocks; which, several times, had turned him back; and\nleft him considerably surprised at seeing a small English sloop50\nlying at anchor within. Indeed, he could no wise make out the\npassage by which she had entered; nor how she had managed to\nget there, unless by poling herself in at the top of high water.\nAs I have entire confidence in the report of my officer, I have\nforeborne to give either Colnet's original (but unfounded) name,\nor any other, to this bay; which is wanting in every quality that\nis required of a harbour. Also, by making known the real conditions, controversies occasioned by such deceptions may be avoided.\nAt half past one, we filled and steered for Punta de Mala\nIndiada,51 hoping to find some convenient anchorage in its neighbourhood, from whence to carry out our work of surveying the\ndeceptive Estrecho de Fonte by means of our boats.\n(49) This name appears on the Colnett map, now in the Museo Naval,\nas on Isla Calamidad.\u2014H. R. W.\nPantoja's description of Puerto de Bala fits very well the south-east end\nof Banks Island, which I visited in 1903 when looking for Duncan and Colnett anchorages.\u2014W. A. N.\n(50) The Prince Lee Boo, of the Butterworth squadron. Despite Caamafio's criticism, both the Prince of Wales and the Princess Royal entered this\nbay, which Colnett describes as being | half a mile to a mile wide, formed\nby many small rocks and isles.\"    (Note by F. W. Howay.)\n(51) In all probability Steep Point, or near it.\u2014H. R. W.\n '\n272 Henry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.     October\nBy 4 o'clock that afternoon we had reached the entrance of\nthe narrow channel, formed between Isla de la Compania,52 and\nIsla de Enriquez, and felt confident that we would soon sight the\nEstrecho de Fonte, off whose entrance I hoped to anchor. This\nchannel, however, contrary to the information given by Captain\nGolnet, ran on for such a distance that notwithstanding the fresh\nbreeze, it was 8 o'clock that evening before we brought up in\nthe Surgidero de San Roque, also named Surgidero de Mal\nFondo.53\nBy this time the Indians, continually coming on board, were\nmuch increased in number. This, added to the fact that I noticed\nrather an ugly attitude among them (for a native who was\ncaught by the pilot trying to steal the candles out of the binnacle\nthreatened the latter with his knife, which they all carry slung\nover the shoulder), induced me to warn our people to be on their\nguard, and the sentries on the gangways, hatchways, and cabin\ndoor, as well as the rest of the marines, to redouble their\nvigilance.\nWhen the incident with the binnacle took place, the chief was\nalso on board, to whom I immediately related the event in form\nof complaint. He called for the aggressor, rated the fellow\nsoundly, and ordered him out of the ship. Just before the frigate\ncame to an anchor, this chief had arrived alongside accompanied\nby his three wives, in a canoe manned with eight, all very much\nin the same style as at Florida Blanca, except that this chief wore\na long blue cloth overcoat reaching to his heels, surmounted by a\ncloak of similar material and colour, such as is usually worn by\nthem. This cloak was trimmed with an edging five or six inches\nwide, painted with various figures and grotesque faces, made of\ndeer skin, as well as with two rows of flounces also made of deer\nskin.54 On his head was a large cap fashioned of some black fur.\nThis was stiffened, so that two ears stood upright for about eight\n(52) This name appears on Colnett's chart, and as it is not underscored\nby Caamano it was probably taken by him from that chart. It was adopted\nby Vancouver, and was later changed to Campania, its present name.\u2014\nH. R. W.\n(53) Probably the small bay just south of Toowartz Inlet.\u2014H. R. W.\n(54) A very rare type of cloak in museums of to-day. The cloth used\nwas of native manufacture and not secured from traders, as the context\nmight imply.\u2014W. A. N.\n  \t\n1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 273\ninches at each side. From these, several long golden coloured\nthreads (or hairs of some animal) hung down his back, and over\nhis shoulders were two large burnished iron rings, twisted in\nrope fashion. All this, together with his affable expression, and\nextremely fair complexion, combined to produce a most pleasing\nimpression.\nAs he stepped over the frigate's side, he at once asked for the\ncommanding-officer. As soon as I was pointed out, he came forward and gave me a long and affectionate embrace. Without\nevincing any repugnance, I responded in similar manner, being\nstruck by his handsome appearance. He then informed me that\nhe was the \u00a7 Samoquet I of the village; whereupon I presented\nhim with several trifles and invited him into my cabin after we\nhad anchored, entertaining him with wine and biscuit. He made\nbut a short stay and then took leave of me, apparently well\npleased and amicably disposed. On the way ashore in his canoe,\nhe intoned the customary chant, in which his crew joined in\nunison, while keeping time with the strokes of their paddles.\nThe other Indians on board then followed his example and left\nthe ship in their canoes.\nWhen these were gone, I made up my mind not in future\nto allow them this free access to the ship. This decision was\nreached not so much from fear of attack, since none need be\napprehended when they come accompanied by their women and\nchildren, as from a desire to be free of their intrusions and unpleasant smell. Not many are nice in their appearance; all are\nexceedingly filthy and, as little trade with Europeans is done in\nthis hidden, out of the way, spot, they still live in wretched conditions. A few, however, wear coats or pieces of blue cloth, and\neven old English uniforms, as the English, and more especially\nthe Americans, give anything they have, or for which the natives\nmay beg, in exchange for the skins of the sea otter.\nOur not allowing the women on board whom they offered to\nus, so greatly surprised them, that the men already on board with\nmost significant gestures imparted the news to the others who\nwere continuing to press alongside the vessel. So far as I was\nable to gather, these Indians seem to live in much the same manner as those around Bucarely; with this difference, that their\nthieving propensity, common to all these peoples, is greater, and\n 274 Henry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.     October\ntheir habits more mischievous. Both men and women are so\naddicted to daubing themselves with paint, that one rarely gets\na sight of their actual face or complexion. By this means they\nare so disfigured that one might imagine that they desire to give\nthemselves a devilish appearance. The women make themselves\neven more hideous, as besides the wooden toggle worn by all of\nthem in the lower lip, they go as naked as those of Florida Blanca.\nBoth sexes mostly wear their hair cut straight all round the head\na la \" Estudiantina,\"55 differing by this fashion from all the\nother tribes.\n)$\u00a3      | [August, 1792.]\nAt daylight on August 1, the officer of the watch reported to\nme that a rock was showing just off the port beam. I at once\nordered a kedge anchor to be laid out from the stern when, using\nits hawser as a spring, we sounded all round the frigate, finding\nno more dangers but uniform depths of twenty-three fathoms,\nthe same as the soundings obtained by the cutter the evening\nbefore, when sent in to look for an anchorage.\nThe rock that was reported, with two others, lying one each\nside of it, were almost vertical pinnacles, having depths of twelve\nand fifteen fathoms close up to them, and covered more than\ntwelve feet at high water. Great care, therefore, is required to\nlocate them, unless when showing at or after half-ebb. The\nnatives, although repeatedly asked concerning the existence of\nsuch dangers had said not a word about them; neither are they\nmentioned by the discoverer of Puerto Bala and author of the\nEstrecho de Fonte fable.56\nThis chain of fatality would have led to the loss of the frigate\nshould I have held on but another half-fathom when bringing the\nship to anchor the day before. As a matter of fact, she had come\nso close to these rocks, that the anchor actually had fallen on one\nof them when we let go; but I thought that the fact of the cable\nnot running out was due to a kink in it, especially as the anchor\n\u2014slipping off the crest of the rock, where it could not bite\u2014again\n(55) This type of hair cut had only recently become fashionable in 1793,\naccording to Archibald Menzies. He had visited these waters previously\nwith Captain Duncan. (See transcript of Menzies' Journal, in Archives of\nB.C., July, 1793, p. 659.)\u2014W. A. N.\n(56) Colnett is here meant.\u2014H. R. W.\n 1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 275\ntook the cable in normal fashion immediately afterwards. We\nhad lain in peril all through the night. Fortunately, there was\nno wind, so that the ebb-tide kept the ship's head pointed steadily\nin one direction; otherwise, she must have swung on to the rock;\nand then, with the rapidly falling tide, probably would have been\nhelplessly over-set.\nIn order that the unprofessional reader may the better understand the nature of the hazard to which we had been exposed, I\nmust explain that we came to anchor just at the moment of high\nwater, on a spring tide with a rise of seventeen feet, eight inches;\nalso, that the frigate's draught of water forward was eighteen\ninches less than at the stern, and, at the instant of anchoring,\nthere could not have been less than fourteen feet of water on\nthe rock.\nWe weighed the bower anchor, warped the vessel with the\nkedge, let go again the bower, and then lay moored with it and\nthe kedge.\nI now decided to take formal possession of this harbour, and\ntherefore ordered a large wooden cross made. As, however, it\ncontinued to rain; as, too, I did not wish to risk any unseemly\nmanifestations on the part of the Indians, the Mass was celebrated on board the frigate. At its conclusion, the marines and\ngreater part of the seamen were landed with small boats in\ncharge of the pilot, together with the chaplain, to carry out the\nprescribed ceremonial of taking possession, and bury the Act or\nofficial Document, recording the fact.57 This was all finished by\n1 o'clock in the afternoon when the rest of the day was spent in\npreparing the pinnace and cutter to be sent away at daylight\nnext morning to survey the inlets, in charge of the second pilot,\nDon Juan Zayas. The chief of the village, noticing these preparations, came to ask me whither the boats would be going. On\nmy telling him that they were to explore and survey the various\nchannels, he explained to me by signs that these were innumerable, ran inland a great distance, and were infested by hugev\nanimals that thrust the whole body out of water, attacked and\nover-set the natives' canoes and devoured their occupants.    I had\n(57) The act of possession took place, of course, where the cross is shown\non the plan of Puerto de Gaston.\u2014H. R. W.\n 276 Henry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.     October\nno doubt of the untruth of this story, in spite of the chief's expressive gestures, and confirmation by all the other Indians.\nThe surveying party left the ship in the two boats at 4 o'clock\nin the morning of August 2. It consisted of twenty-seven men;\nwell armed, and with provisions for eight days. I gave them\norders not to spend more than four or five days on the outward\njourney on account of the lateness of the season, the large amount\nof work still remaining to be done, and the fact that a detailed\nexamination of these arms and entrances could well require several months. Today, and yesterday, a great number of canoes\ncame alongside the frigate. As, however, I allowed no more than\nthe chief, with his son and his father, to come on board, the\nnatives soon went away. All the same, in that short period they\nmanaged to steal the iron mast clamps out of the cutter without\nbeing noticed by any of our people, although many were all the\ntime about the gangways, and the robbery could not have been\neffected without the use of great force, as these clamps are firmly\nsecured to the thwarts of the boat. On August 3 the chief and\nmost of the natives left the harbour for the neighbouring inlets,\nto carry on, as I suppose, their sea-otter hunting; although I\nfancy these animals are there very scarce.58\nNothing worth the mention happened on the 4th. The next\nday, however, I had allowed ten of our men to take my galley\n(the only boat then remaining on board), for the purpose of landing to wash their clothes, as others had done previously. Half\nan hour after noon, it was reported to me that one of these hands\nwas seen in the water trying to swim to the ship. I at once\nordered a seaman to take a grating and go to his assistance, fearing lest the swimmer should become exhausted. The two men\nwere soon again on board, when I learnt that our washing party\nhad been robbed of the clothes (of which there happened to be a\nconsiderable quantity) by natives who had come back to the place\nwhere these were, not only in their canoes, but along the shore\nas well. The Indians were numerous and carried weapons. Our\npeople, alarmed by this, offered no resistance, but thought only to\nsave their lives by flight. Some fled into the forest, others threw\nthemselves on to logs in the water, in an endeavour to reach the\n(58) Both Captain Vancouver and Archibald Menzies report a \"vast\ncrowd \" of sea-otter in Nepean Sound the following year.\u2014W. A. N.\n ! 1\n1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 277\nship as the natives had seized the galley and carried off the two\nboat keepers, Juan Salinas, one of the boatswain's mates, and\nManuel Lecanda, a navigating cadet. I was made extremely\nangry by this news, and at the same time felt greatly exercised\nhow best to rescue our men ashore, as well as to save five of them\nthen in the water, who could be seen being set every minute\nfurther from the frigate, by the tide and freshening breeze.\nSeveral ideas rushed through my mind, but all appeared useless\nor likely only to increase the tale of victims, until at last I ordered\na raft to be made from casks; manned it with four hands, furnished with paddles made from pipe staves, and veered it astern\nby a long hawser. This raft was already a good cable's length\ndistant from the ship, when my fears were increased at seeing\ntwo large canoes, each full of Indians, come out from Puerto de\nGaston and make towards the village a course that would take\nthem close to our people in the raft, whom it would not then be\npossible to defend by means of our guns in case of attack by these\nNatives, as they and my men would all be mixed together. More\nthan once I was on the point of hauling in the raft, had it not been\nfor my anxiety to save one man in the water who then was close to\nit (two others had already been picked up). This consideration\nrestrained me until he also was secured, when I at once gave the\norder to run away with the hawser, giving up all hope of rescuing\ntwo others, who each moment were drifting farther astern, but\ndirected the Chaplain to give them final \"Absolution \" from the\ntaffrail.\nMy feelings in this sad situation may be imagined by any\nhumane person, at seeing a third canoe carrying a number of\nIndians follow the two former ones, and at hearing its occupants\n(for their voices carried further than could ours using a good\nspeaking trumpet) shout to their fellows to approach the frigate\nno nearer lest we might capture and hold them as hostages for\nthe Spaniards already in their power. I could, now, have opened\nfire, with certainty of hitting, on both the warning Indians and\nthe warned. I reflected, however, that this action might serve\nonly to increase the peril of the couple of unfortunates still in the\nwater, and of the others in the hands of the natives ashore, and,\ntherefore, held back our fire. These \" Stranger \" Indians had no\nsooner reached the shore, when a canoe urged by seven or eight\n 278 Henry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.     October\npaddles shot out from it towards us at an almost incredible speed.\nA native, standing up in her, made signs that he was going to the\nassistance of our two men, now almost exhausted, in the water.\nThis unlooked for act of humanity somewhat eased my mind,\nwhich then was altogether lightened by seeing the galley making\nfor us with two of our men in her; the ones that were missing.\nShe was soon alongside, when the boatswain's mate in her told\nme how they had been freed by the old father of the chief (now\nabsent) to whom I had shown civility, by name Jammisit, and the\npeople of his village. That the Indians who had captured them,\nwhose chief was called Gitejon, belonged to a different faction,\nand several times had attempted to kill them with clubs and\nknives, but had been stopped by the former. Indeed, so obstinately malicious had been those, and so definitely humane these,\nthat both sides armed themselves with spears, bows, and muskets,\nbesides putting on their armour of leather jackets,59 breastplates, long boots, etc. The first to do so had been the good old\nman, who started beating his war drum, made of some sort of\ncalabash or hollow wood and containing tiny pebbles, something\nlike a timbrel at a country fair in Andalusia.60 In the resulting\nconfusion, nothing was heard or seen but discordant cries, piercing yells, women's weeping, faces distorted by rage and ferocity;\non all sides a lively prospect of certain death. Seeing themselves\nabout to be attacked, the hostile party gave in; whereupon, our\nbenefactor led his proteges to his house, decorated their heads\nwith white feathers, and had various sorts of fruit, including\neven some of the forbidden kinds, brought for their refreshment.\nThereafter, escorting them to the beach, he put them safely into\nthe galley, and placed guards to prevent any attempt by the\nenemy faction to hinder their getting away. Just as the boatswain's mate finished his story, which left me not a little astonished at finding evidence of so much good feeling among such a\nbackward people, the Indian canoe, bringing our two men taken\nout of the water, arrived alongside. These they had picked up\nalmost insensible, but had carefully covered them with their otter\nskin and pine bark cloaks.   I told these Indians to come on board.\n(59) Armour of leather jackets; i.e., hard-tanned moose hide.\u2014W. A. N.\n(60) This description fits very well the globular type of Shaman's rattle\nfound in this area.\u2014W. A. N.\n 1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 279\nShowing some signs of apprehension, they did so, but I gave them\npresents, particularly to the principal man among them, who was\nJammisit's brother, and made him understand that two of our\npeople were still missing, who I fancied might have remained\nnear the spot to which they had been sent in the morning. He\nreplied by signs that he would send for them when delivering the\npresent that I was now sending to his brother by him. Being,\nhowever, afraid lest our men might again take to the woods or\nseek some other refuge, should they see that it was Indians alone\ncoming after them, I sent the galley back to the shore with four\nmarines in her (a precaution we had always taken except on this\nlast occasion) besides seamen.\nNoticing this, our friendly natives in their anxiety to do all\nthey could towards putting matters right, made such exertions\nthat they handed over the present and then themselves found our\ntwo missing hands sooner than those could do it whom I had sent\nexpressly for this purpose. When they came back with them, I\nexpressed my gratitude, especially to Jammisit, who had accompanied them, and who shortly after returned on shore, singing as\nhe left, and leaving me turning over in my mind the best means\nof chastising the ill-doers, but extremely relieved that the trouble\nhad boiled down to no more than the loss of some hours of quiet,\nand a few pieces of clothes.\nAt daylight on the 6th, our boats were sighted returning from\ntheir surveying expedition with, in their midst, a canoe containing several Indians. Reckoning, should these belong to the\nhostile tribe, that they might serve us as hostages for the return\nof my people's clothing, while their captivity and punishment\nwould perhaps act as a deterrent, I sent the galley with four\nmarines and three seamen in her with orders to the pinnace to\nbring these Indians on board at any cost. But the watchful\nscouts, who had been posted all night along the shore, guessing\nboth my intentions and the danger of their fellows, sent out one\nof their swiftest canoes to shout a warning. Had it not been for\nthis, I doubtless would have had my satisfaction; therefore, seeing that this opportunity was lost, I let fly a volley at both canoes,\nto which they replied from the islet abreast of the village with a\nfire from muskets supplied to them by the English.\n 280 Henry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.     October\nThe boat expedition, commanded by Don Juan Zayas, 2nd\nmaster, got back to the ship at 7 a.m. He brought with him the\ndraft of the survey that he had made, and reported that the N.E.\nArm (the main one),61 up which he had penetrated for a distance\nof fifty-four miles, had a breadth varying from one to one and\none half miles, and seemed to run inland for a considerable way;\nalso, that although very deep water, it, as well as the others, are\nall subject to a regular, but extremely sluggish, semi-diurnal\nflow and ebb of tide; and, therefore, in his opinion, have small\nimportance. These reasons, coupled with others that I shall\nmention later, led me to deprive this region of its name of Fonte\nStrait, and replace it by that of Bocas y Brazos de Monino. He\nalso informed me that throughout the whole distance between the\nmountains forming these channels, he had seen nothing of particular interest and had met but one fishing canoe.\nJammisit came aboard at 9 o'clock in one of his canoes, accompanied by his brother, a son and seven more lusty Indians, chanting I Peace\u2014Peace.\" They all used their paddles either seated\nor kneeling except the two foremost, who were standing up and\nmaking movements as if wishing to dance. In the stern of the\ncanoe, the chief was trying to force his shaky, quivering, massive\nbody to prance and leap, though borne down by the weight of his\nmore than eighty years, in a manner that did little beside threatening him with a dangerous fall. Around his head, across the\ntemples, was a strip of black cloth, six inches wide and long\nenough to be tied at the back of his skull, ornamented with\ncoloured enamelled buttons arranged in symmetrical patterns.\nOver his shoulders he wore a couple of cloaks; the inner one a\nparti-coloured woolen cape, trimmed with nutria fur; the outer,\na bear-skin mantle edged and flounced with broad strips seemingly of deer-hide, cut to finish as fringe, and sewn with small\ntassels of white swansdown making a pretty regular pattern.62\nFrom the middle of these hung four very fine leather thongs, each\nabout four inches long, with an eagle's claw at the end, which\nmade hardly less noise than a harlequin's suit of bells.    His\n(61) Not shown on the chart, but no doubt Douglas Channel.\u2014H. R. W.\n(62) The outer cape was apparently similar in weave to specimens that\nhave been collected in recent years at Bella Coola; the inner cape described\nis like a Shaman's apron.\u2014W. A. N.\n 1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 281\nmiddle-aged brother, in the bows, was freer in his movements,\nrapidly opening and closing his arms, whistling, and scattering\naround great handsfull of feathers, as signs of peace and friendship.    His sole clothing was a cloak of sea-otter skins.\nWhen close to the frigate, they slackened their pace, as if\nafraid that the trouble arisen earlier in the morning had not yet\nblown over, and that their overtures might not be well received.\nI, however, realised their well-founded apprehensions, and hailed\nthem; whereupon, they at once came alongside, astonishing us\nby their courage and confidence.\nThe first to come up the side was he who carried the peace-\nofferings of feathers. Before doing anything else he sprinkled\ntwo large bunches of them over my head, and over those of the\nofficers standing near. He was followed by Jammisit (who presented me with an otter skin) and the rest of the company,\nperforming the same ceremonies, whom I rewarded, each one in\nproportion to the part played by him in protecting our men.\nI also bought the old chief's jingling cloak, to keep as a curiosity.\nI regaled Jammisit and all his gang with biscuit and wine, of\nwhich they drank much and nauseated us more; after which\nthey took their leave, singing and gesticulating in the same\nmanner as they had done when arriving. As a mark of his great\nfriendship for me, the old man had given me his name, taking\nmine in exchange. In consequence, I was called | Jammisit\"\never afterwards by all the Natives, while he was known to them\nas I Caamano.\"63\nReflecting that I now had all my boats back and my whole\nship's company on board, I had chosen the coming night to\nattack the Indians as a punishment for their insolence and for\nthe anxiety they had caused me. Everything was prepared and\nready for execution, when, much against the general will, I\ndecided to take no steps. I realised that it was hopeless to think\nof taking them by surprise, from the precautions that we saw\nthey were taking; and, even had we been able to do so, we would\nnot have found them defenceless, as they always sleep with their\ngreat knives slung round them, as I myself had noticed.    To this\n(63) See supra, note 23, for the similar exchange of names between\nCaptain William Douglas and Cuneah; but I have never heard the name\nCaamano used by Indians today.\u2014W. A. N.\n i\n282 Henry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.     October\nconsideration was added another, that I knew them to possess\nsix or eight muskets, so that the loss of some of our men would\nbe no unlikely event; for I was well aware of our people's habits\non such occasions, and the difficulty of preventing them from\nrisking themselves during the pursuit, or at the destruction of\nthe native villages, and from which might ensue accidents that\nmight be extremely unpleasant to me. One thing, for instance,\nthat went far to confirm my change of purpose, was the fact\nthat some entirely innocent Indians as well as many well disposed towards us, would probably lose their lives during the\nfight, since, being a high spirited people, they would all rally as\none man in defence of their homes, and consequently might be\nexpected to put up a vigorous resistance.\nDuring the 7th, 8th, and 9th, of this month, we carried\non the survey of the anchorage, and of several neighbouring\nchannels. By this, our enforced stay was not entirely wasted;\nas, ever since our arrival, the wind had settled in the S.E. and\nSouth with frequent rain, thick fog, and occasional squalls.\nThe results of this survey, made with considerable accuracy,\ngive the position of Surgidero de Roque in Bahia Josef at the\nentrance to the Monino Bocas as Lat. 53\u00b0. 24'. N., and Long.\n25\u00b0. 40'. West of San Bias.64 They also show that this anchorage is protected from winds all round the compass, by the moderately high hills that surround it, provided a berth be taken\nS.EA of the islets lying abreast of the native village; though\ncaution is necessary when entering, on account of the three rocks\nalready mentioned above. The bottom here, in twelve fathoms,\nis sand and fine gravel; and this is the only berth that I would\nrecommend to a vessel intending to winter.\nThere are depths of twenty, twenty-three, and twenty-five\nfathoms, over coarse gravel, to the northward of these islets,\nbut one is exposed here to N.E.ly and S.E.'ly winds, while in\nplaces the bottom is foul and likely to chafe a vessel's cable.\nThe best berth for a short stay, is to the S.E.EA of the islets\nthat lie S.EA of the village, close to them, in fourteen to sixteen\n(64) This longitude does not agree with that given on the attached\ncopy of the plan by Caamano. The latter, however, seems to be fairly\ncorrect by modern charts. The cross at the head of the creek which\nprobably represented Caamafio's observation spot is in longitude 129\u00b0 31' W.\n(Note by Captain Grenfell.)\n .- -     \u25a0 \u25a0 \u2014\u25a0\n1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 283\nfathoms, sand and gravel bottom, with good holding ground. A\nvessel here, will lie fairly well sheltered from S.E.ly winds, which\nare those most to be feared in this neighbourhood. She will\nalso be conveniently situated for getting under weigh, without\nrisk of falling into shoal water, even though she closely approach\nthe dangers that show above water.\nThere is anchorage, as well, in Brazo de Maldonado65 to the\nnorthward of San Roque Anchorage, where a ship need have no\napprehension of meeting other dangers than those shown on the\nplan made by us, and these all uncover at low water.\nAll the land in this region is extremely barren. The steep\nand narrow beaches consist of shingle or rock. The natural\nproducts are the same as those of Bucarely, but there is considerable difficulty in procuring them. Alone, the pine-tree\ngrows in great profusion.\nOn August 10, we had completed the plan of a harbour lying\nfour miles N.E. of San Roque Anchorage, to which I gave the\nname of Puerto de Gaston.66 The natives assured me that\nhere was a passage by which they went to Queen Charlotte's\nIsland when visiting Cania. They could, no doubt, easily do this\nby the inlet running to the N.WA, from it, as it probably leads\ninto the Archipelago of the 11,000 Virgins, or thereabouts. In\nmy opinion, Puerto de Gaston possesses all the requisites for a\nvessel to winter in, as the anchorage is protected from every\nwind that blows by the surrounding hills, and by Isla Miguel67\nin its midst. No Indians live here, and the channel is used by\nthem only when going to trade with their neighbours. The\nground is rather more fertile than around San Roque; the\nbeaches, also, are wider and have a better surface.\nOur friendly intercourse with the Indians, which had been\nsomewhat interrupted by bad weather, was now continued, as\nit had turned fine. At 9 in the morning of the 12th, a canoe with\none man and six women in it came alongside.    The chief boat-\n(65) No doubt named for the botanist, Jose Maria Maldonado; the\npresent Toowartz Inlet.\u2014H. R. W.\n(66) In Union Pass, near the entrance to Grenville Channel; possibly\nit was on the east side of Hinton Island. The port was named in honour\nof Miguel Gaston, the Spanish naval officer.\u2014H. R. W.\n(67) Hinton Island; it seems to be the \" San Antonio \" of the Caamano\nplan.\u2014H. R. W.\n 284 Henry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.     October\nswain's mate, directly he saw the man, told me that this was\nthe one who had been most active of the party by whom our\npeople had been attacked. Having confirmed this information,\nwhich agreed with other reports already made to me, I had him\nbrought on board by the three marines, who had already been\nput into the canoe to secure her. So soon as the women saw him\nmade prisoner, although their own liberty was not attempted,\nthey pushed off and paddled away, screaming vociferously and\nmaking gestures of fervent entreaty. They quickly reached the\nvillage. Already, though from more than a mile away, Jammisit\nwith five of his family was laying off the frigate; and began\ncalling to me in humble manner. I answered, assuring him that\nhe might come aboard without any fear. At once he did so,\nwithout hesitation or consultation of his companions, and came\naft on to the quarter deck, where he found his compatriot\nsecurely lashed to the main bitts. Jammisit begged me not to\nkill the man, as he had been one of those who helped to liberate\nour people. To this, I replied that I would release him if the\nclothing that had been taken were returned. Jammisit then at\nonce went back to the shore, and came again alongside with a\ngood part of the stolen clothes, as well as three otter skins for\na present to myself. I handed these latter over to those whose\ngarments were still missing, and then set the culprit free, at\nthe same time telling those who had pleaded for him that for\ntheir sake I would also let him off the flogging at the gun, which\nmy earlier intention had been to give him. We then made\nreciprocal friendly advances and some presents, although of\ntrifling value, were received by those to whom I gave them with\nshouts of pleasure. At one o'clock all points having been settled,\nand their bellies filled, they left the ship, singing their \" Peace \"\nsong, as on arrival; and carrying out precisely the same ceremonies as they had done on the 6th (which I have already\ndescribed in detail), except the beshowering me with feathers,\nwhich I managed to avoid by keeping to the weather side of\nthem. The weather now remained persistently bad up to the\n23rd, when the wind shifted to the S.W.ward at 2 in the afternoon. Without caring whether the wind were settled or not,\nor considering the consequences that might ensue in the latter\nevent, I immediately got the frigate under weigh; anxious only\n 1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 285\nto get clear of these narrow waters, whither no sensible being\nwould ever penetrate, unless forced by necessity, a mad desire\nfor personal gain, or blind obedience.\nIn a couple of hours time the wind had backed to S.E. obliging\nus to anchor. This we did at 5 o'clock, in fourteen fathoms at\na distance of two cables from the shore, under the lee of the islets\nthat lie S.E.ly from the village. Several Indians at once came\nalongside with fish, who told me that the vessel's present position\nwas not the best for any stay, but that she would ride sheltered\nfrom all winds and sea behind the islands situate eastward of\nthe houses. I explained to them, however, that though already\naware of this, we were only waiting to make sail on the first\nopportunity from the berth we now occupied.\nAs the chaplain, master, surgeon, and botanist wished to land\nin order to visit a pretty large river that discharged near the\nvillage, I gave them the cutter. They were, however, no sooner\nashore, than Jammisit accompanied by several more came to\nmeet them, inviting them into their houses. Our people accepted, and were entertained with a dance, decorated with\nfeathers, and presented with various trifles, together with a dagger for me. At the same time, the Indians intimated that if I\nshould visit them, this would give them great pleasure, and a\ngrand fete would be arranged in my honour.\nAt 7.30 next morning the wind came fair from the northward; whereupon, we weighed; but no sooner was this done\nthan the wind shifted back into the S.E., and forced us once\nmore to anchor; this time, in sixteen fathoms. At daybreak the\nfollowing morning, the 25th, we again weighed and made sail\nto a light S.W.ly breeze. Towed by the pinnace, the vessel had\nalready reached mid-channel when, once more the wind backed\nto the S.E.wd. I decided, nevertheless, to attempt to beat up\nthese narrows against it; hoping that the wind might veer again\nS.W.ly or N.W.ly, during the course of the day, and thus let us\nget clear of this corner. The breeze, however, freshened so\nmuch, that at 4 o'clock in the afternoon I was forced to bear up\nand run back to the anchorage that we had just quitted, where\nwe brought up at 6 that evening.\nHere, some natives came out to the ship; while Jammisit\nwith many of his people landed on the islet nearest to us; where,\n lano\ndel Puerto at Sasloit situado enla Sat.^sC\n<k 5$'ZB' Jian\/2^2 l'al0.de& \/bias descw\nbttrtv ate aito por Jk^bcmloCaattono.\nr    J    T    7    7\nt'tmfa 'ifrimt ^Milla \u00ab Manntm\nCant\/de Camatfa\n^h\\%%\nPlan of the Puerto de Gaston.\nThe \" Isla de S. Antonio \" is the Hinton Island of to-day, and the \" Canal de Camache \" is Cridge Pass.\n r*\"\n1938 The Journal op Jacinto Caamano. 287\nhaving cut great branches of pine, waving these in their hands\nthey danced and sang, as tokens of joy at seeing my return.\nAs I expected the weather during the night would be much\nthe same as that which we had lately been experiencing, we had\ncome to with the stream anchor, which had been shown by experience to be trustworthy. The wind, however, so freshened\nthat at midnight a hard squall caused the frigate to drag with\nsuch violence, that had we not immediately let go one of the\nbowers, she would have been lost on the northern-most of the\nislets abreast the village.68 As it was, this second anchor only\nbrought her up at less than half a cable's distance from it, and\nin a position still to cause me considerable anxiety. I therefore\nsent down the upper yards and top-gallant-masts, but leaving\nthe top-masts in place, so that in case of the vessel again dragging, sail could still be made, as then our only chance would be\nto fetch into a better berth, since there was not room enough in\nSan Jose bay for the frigate either to work out, or to lie to. The\nweather remained much the same until the forenoon of the following day when, about 11 o'clock, it began to improve; so that\nduring the afternoon we were able to weigh and warp the ship\ninto a more secure position; where she would lie less exposed\nshould the gale of the night before repeat itself.\nDuring the 27th, the wind continued in the south-eastern\nquarter, but with much less force, and with occasional fine intervals, The Indians profited by these to come alongside with their\nwomen, whom they proffered to us in the most open manner,\nwithout asking any price for their favours.\nThe chief, Jammisit, with the whole circle of his relations,\nmade me great demonstrations of friendship, and begged to be\nallowed to come on board. This, I granted, and invited them\nbelow into my cabin, knowing it to be what they most desired.\nWhen there, Jammisit according to custom, began chanting one\nof his songs; which, taken up by the others in chorus, then\nproduced a terrific, though not altogether unpleasing noise. At\nits end, I ordered wine and ship's biscuit to be set before them.\nThis refreshment gave them renewed strength to sing me a\nsecond song, which perhaps was the least bad of any that I had\n(68) The village so frequently referred to was probably Citeyats, as it\nis now known, at the south-eastern extremity of Pitt Island, or one near\nit.\u2014H. R. W.\n 288 Henry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.     October\nso far heard. By the time this one was finished, it was nearly\nnightfall; when\u2014as they always did\u2014they asked leave of me\nto withdraw, which was granted them. Their servants (who\nare natives of low class) then brought the canoes to the gangway, into which Jammisit embarked with his party, all extremely\npleased, and inviting me to visit their village on the following\nday, as they desired to entertain me with a grand ball. During\ntoday's gathering, I had learnt from them (although their dialect is not quite the same as that of the Indians at Bucarely or\nFlorida Blanca) that two of Jammisit's three wives are sisters,\ndaughters of a neighbouring chief. Consanguinity, I understood, forms no bar to marriage, which they regard as such an\nindissoluble bond, that after the death of one of the parties, even\nshould the other remarry (the general custom being to remain\nwidow or widower), the survivor never parts with the body of\nthe dead spouse, but preserves it in a large chest and keeps continual watch over it; especially in the case of people of quality.69\nIt also appears that their songs are all addressed to God (whom\nthey recognize and worship), but never to an idol,70 and are\nextemporized for the end they have in view; as was the case\nwith the one last sung to me, wherein they begged for me a fair\nwind and fortunate voyage.\nThis day (August 28) the S.E.ly wind still held, with frequent squalls, until noon. Jammisit came to visit me in the\nafternoon, accompanied by upwards of forty of his relatives, all\nsinging and bringing feathers. He, together with his nearest\nrelations, arrived in one of two canoes lashed alongside each\nother. Jammisit's head appeared from behind a screen formed\nof brilliantly white deerskin; on it, accordingly as the action\ndemanded or his own particular fancy dictated, he would place\nvarious masks or heads of the different animals that he proposed\nto imitate; the deerskin serving as a curtain by which he was\nentirely hidden when he wished, unseen to put on or change one\n(69) Burials in large chests were generally those of wealthy individuals\nand Shamans. Others were often placed in the large storage type of box.\n\u2014W. A. N.\n(70) Caamafio's observation regarding songs not being sung to idols has\nbeen confirmed in later years, though songs may be sung by chiefs who\nwere inspired by spirits. Songs were of many kinds, such as cradle songs,\ngambling songs, war songs, potlatch and dancing songs, etc.\u2014W. A. N.\n i 1\n1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 289\nof these masks or faces. They remained alongside thus for\nsome time, singing and continuing their antics, until Jammisit\nwith great eagerness explained that he was come to conduct me\nto his village. Curiosity to see it, as well as the fete for which\nsuch extensive preparations were being made, induced me to\ncomply with his entreaties. Accompanied by the master, botanist, and surgeon, I therefore landed in the cutter, at the same\ntime sending nine marines armed with muskets ashore in the\npinnace. As we left the ship in the cutter, the five canoes all\nstarted to race as fast as they could paddle for the village,\nintending to be first on shore so as to be able to receive me as I\nlanded. They succeeded in this without difficulty, owing to the\nextraordinary swiftness of their canoes. By the time we in the\ncutter reached the strand, there were already six lusty natives\ncarrying a very clean deerskin awaiting me on the beach. These\nat once dashed into the water up to the waist alongside our boat,\nmaking signs for me to sit on the skin to be carried ashore on\ntheir shoulders. At first I declined, but they were so vehemently\ninsistent, that I gave in and let them do it; not, however, without considerable apprehension lest I should be dropped upon the\nground on my back.71\nThe moment that I placed myself on the deerskin, these six\nfellows hoisted my 150 lb. carcass on to their shoulders and carried me at a run across the shingle and up the pretty steep slope\nleading from it to the village, whither they brought me at a\nsurprising speed. To pass through the narrow doorway of the\nchief's house, over which was painted a huge mask,72 it was\nnecessary to make a litter or hammock of the deerskin. Two\nof the strongest of the Indians did this, with the other four\nassisting as best they could, while I was shrinking myself into\nas small compass as possible (though my bearers were careful\nenough) to avoid being bumped against the door posts. Once\ninside, I tried to get on my feet, but this they would not allow\nbefore bringing me to the place prepared for my seat, which was\nto the right of the entrance.    The seat was formed of a case or\n(71) This custom of carrying a | visitor of standing\" ashore was practised by all our Coast tribes.\u2014W. A. N.\n(72) This tends to confirm the view of Marius Barbeau, of the National\nMuseum, Ottawa, whose researches among the Tsimshian indicated that\nhouse frontal paintings were the forerunners of totem-poles.\u2014W. A. N.\n 290 Henry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.     October\nchest, raised higher than those for the others, fitted for only one\nperson, and covered with a new mat; while a similar one was\nspread before it. The seats for my officers, ranged on either\nhand of mine, were made in similar manner; those for my men,\nwere formed of mats spread out on the floor. When we were\nall (I had left about fifteen seamen and marines in the two boats\nas a guard in reserve) arranged and seated I noticed that opposite to me, and sitting in a seat of the same sort as mine, was\nthe chief named Gitejon; who had not again shown himself on\nboard the frigate since the theft of my men's clothes by his\npeople. This ill-disposed Indian occupied that place of distinction in virtue of his quality as a guest and chief of the other\nfaction. He was wearing a new mantle, of fine blue cloth, edged\nwith leather; on which, as is usual among the chiefs, were\npainted various grotesque masks or faces.73 He also wore a\nbreech clout, of the same cloth, but lined with antelope skin, and\nneatly cut into numerous pendants, about twelve inches deep and\nperhaps five or six inches wide; oval shaped and hanging from\na narrow strap around his hips; thus covering that which otherwise would have been extremely noticeable. So soon as he\ncaught my eye, he arose, straightening his huge stature, bent\n(though not with years, as he was under 40) by some infirmity\nor spinal complaint, came over to me and seated himself at my\nfeet. From a small bag made of pine bark, he then produced a\nquantity of feathers which he proceeded to blow so that they\nshould fall upon myself and my immediate neighbours; followed\nup this action by other friendly gestures, and then returned to\nhis own seat. By this time, the whole native company, amounting to about eighty people of both sexes, was arranged on the\nfloor. Jammisit, his three wives, and grown up family, were in\nfront. Myself, with all my officers and men, were on the right;\nand only women were allowed to be behind us. On the left were\nthe remainder from Jammisit's village, and those from that of\nGitejon. In this situation, then, Jammisit began to emit piercing\nhowls in a pitiful key; after which, throwing back his head as\nif about to faint, he sat down, clutching at the collar laces of his\ncloak, as if wishing to throw it off.    Several of his family nearby,\n(73)  The behaviour and costume of Gitejon give me the impression that\nhe was a Shaman.\u2014W. A. N.\n - ,\u25a0       \u25a0     \u2014\u25a0 \u2014A\n1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 291\nwho were watching to give him any help that might be necessary,\nwhen they noticed this, gathered around him forming a screen so\nthat he might not be seen changing his garments in which some\nof the others were assisting him. I\nSo soon as he had put on the ones in which he was to show\nhimself, they would break up and sit down out of his way, leaving\nonly a couple of his nearest relations standing by ready to help\nhim as he might require. When he was ready, these also left\nhim, and the actor arose.\nOn his head was a large well-imitated representation of a\nseagull's head, made of wood and coloured blue and pink, with\neyes fashioned out of polished tin;  while from behind his back\nstuck out a wooden frame covered in blue cloth, and decked out\nwith quantities of eagles' feathers and bits of whale bone, to\ncomplete the representation of the bird.74    His cloak was now\nof white calico, bearing a blue flowered pattern, trimmed with a\nbrown edging.    Round his waist hung a deerskin apron falling\nto below the knee, whose fringe or flounce was made from narrow strips of the same leather, everyone being split into two\ntails, each of which carried half the hoof of a deer.    Over this\napron or kilt he wore another, shorter, one, of blue jean ornamented with numerous metal buttons arranged symmetrically,\nand two rows of antelope hide pendants or tassels, each finished\noff with an eagle's claw.    On his legs were deer skin leggings,\ntied behind with four laces, ornamented with painted masks and\ntrimmed with strips of hide carrying claws.    Clad in this weird\nrattling rig, he then began to leap and cut capers, reminding one\nof a rope-dancer trying his rope.    He also waved his arms, keeping them low down, in the same manner as that of the blind man\nat Florida Blanca.    After two or three preliminary attempts, he.\nstarted a song.    This was at once taken up by every one inside\nthe house, man or woman, and produced a terrific volume of\nsound, to whose measure he then began to dance, while a specially\nchosen Indian beat the time on a large drum.    The dance was on\nthe lines I have just mentioned, except that it now took place in\nthe middle of the room, and lasted all the time that the music\nplayed;   long enough, indeed, to tire the performer.   As he\n(74)  The wooden frame behind the mask also acted as a counterbalance\nand generally had a string from it to the waist.\u2014W. A. N.\n 292 Henry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.     October\nfinished and sat down, those attending him took off his mantle,\nand wiped the sweat from his face and body, while others held\nup a hide to screen his following change of attire from the\ngeneral view. During this interval, which proved a short one,\ntwo tubs or small troughs were brought in, filled with freshly\nboiled fish for our refreshment though few of us tried it.\nThe old chief having recovered from his exhaustion due more\nto his age than the exercise, and being now dressed in the\ncostume for his next performance, the curtain was drawn, and\nhe appeared with a half-length wooden doll on his head.75\nTwo Indians at some distance behind him, who endeavoured\nto conceal their actions, then proceeded\u2014by means of long fishing rods\u2014to open and close the eyes of the doll, and raise its\nhands, in time to another tune that was struck up, while the\ndancer himself imitated the movements of the doll's face, which\nwas sufficiently frightful in appearance, being coloured black\nand red, and furnished with an owl's beak and nostrils. For\nthis scene, he wore a bear skin cloak, with the remainder of his\ncostume as before. So soon as the music ceased, his attendants\nagain hid him from sight. Before long, however, he again appeared, this time wearing a heavy wooden mask on his head, of\nwhich the snout, or upper jaw, was moveable.76 He also carried\na blue cloth mantle, such as distinguishes the chiefs, and the\ntimbrel (or I jingles \") that my men had noticed when they were\ncaptured. He began by making various weird movements, on\nwhich a new tune was started when his gestures and contortions\nsoon worked him into such a state of frenzy, that he reached the\npoint of fainting, and would doubtless have collapsed, had not\nthe attendants quickly come to his aid. One laid his mouth to\nthe chief's right side uttering loud shouts, while the singers still\ncontinued theirs, and laid hold of him, moving and lifting him\nwith his hands as if he were a sack of straw to be stood on end.\nOthers uncovered his breast and one after another sprayed him\nby squirting great mouthfuls of water from a distance of 10 or\n12 feet. These attentions soon revived him, though groaning\nheavily. He was then led to his seat, his mask and mantle taken\noff, and the latter exchanged for the one he had earlier worn.\n(75) These mechanical dolls were used by certain secret societies of the\nHaida, Tsimshian, and Kwakiutl.\u2014W. A. N.\n(76) Masks with the upper jaw moveable are a rarity.\u2014W. A. N.\n \t\n1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 293\nHe then presented me with a nutria skin and returned to his\nplace, when all the rest of the Indians rose up from theirs. I\nthereupon did the same, which being seen by my native escort,\nthey at once got ready my coach (the large deer skin as a litter),\nput me into it, and quickly carried me down to my boat. On the\nway, I noticed four more houses similar to the one in which we\nhad been entertained. This was about fifty to fifty-five feet in\nlength, and thirty to thirty-five in breadth, with walls and roofs\nof well-fitted planking. In the middle of the roof was a louver\nor skylight, placed so as to admit plenty of light, and serving\nalso for the exit of smoke from the hearth (on which a fire is\nkept constantly burning), but at the same time keeping out the\nrain. \" It was cleaner than I had expected to find, and at some\ntime must have been much larger, as around and above it stood\nheavy forked posts with cross timbers.77 My boat had hardly\ncleared the beach before the Indians leaped into their canoes\nand were making for the ship, which they reached simultaneously\nwith us. Here, they asked my leave to come onboard, and when\nI consented started again to sing with even greater vigour than\nbefore. I gave them to eat and drink and towards nightfall they\nreturned ashore with expressions of gratitude and pleasure.\nIn the morning of the 29th, we had a succession of squalls,\nwith the wind shifting from the southward to the eastward.\nThere were intervals of fine weather during the afternoon of\nwhich the natives took advantage to pay us visits.\nDeparture from Fondeadero San Roque to continue the survey of\nthe coast between it and Nootka Sound.\nThe wind came to the S.W. at 2 o'clock in the morning of the\n30th. At 5 a.m. we began to weigh; then made sail, standing\nto the south eastward, in order to enter and run through the\nCanal de Laredo,78 which we did until 3 in the afternoon, when\n(77) A very good description of the average house in this area, though\nno mention of an interior pit is made. The house frame within which it\nstood must have been that of an exceptionally large house. It is also\ninteresting to note that there is no mention of carved house-posts.\u2014W. A. N.\n(78) No doubt Squally Channel, which continues south to the present\nLaredo Channel, which was probably named for Laredo in Spain. Cridge\nPass appears as the \" Canal de Camacho,\" named for the pilot of that\nname, and Fin Island appears on the plan as 1 Isla de Araoz,\" probably\nnamed for Juan de Araoz, an officer in the Spanish navy.\u2014H. R. W.\n 294 Henry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.     October\na passage, not shown on Captain Colnet's misleading chart, was\nunexpectedly sighted to the S.E.E.d. opening to the sea.79 It\nappeared very narrow, but in spite of this I steered for it, having\nsome suspicions that the one [shown as] leading out of Canal de\nLaredo might be a cul-de-sac. These doubts proved well-founded,\nwhen another, and wider opening, was soon after seen to the\nsouthward. I ordered the ship to be headed for it, feeling\ncertain from this serious discrepancy, as well as from others\nnoted by us, that when Comet had been in these parts, he must\nhave been experiencing south easterly winds. We therefore\nhauled to the westward as much as the wind allowed, in order to\nget free of these narrow passes; but found it impossible to do\nso by either of the two openings just seen, owing to the current\nand to the lee-way made by the frigate.\nAt 4 o'clock p.m., when assured of our failure to succeed\nin beating out, I gave orders to bear up to the south eastward,\nand run through the narrow channel80 between Isla Aristazabal\nand the main land, although feeling extremely doubtful of finding\nany exit, as this channel gave no signs of communication with\nthe sea. On this S.E.ly course, and others dictated by the circumstances and direction of the channel, we continued until\n10 p.m., at which time we brought the main topsail to the mast\nto lay by for the night; making short boards and frequently\nsounding; getting sixty, forty-five, and twenty-seven fathoms,\nwith a bottom of rock, gravel, and very fine broken coral.\nAt 3.30 in the morning of the 31st, we again filled and stood\nwith topsail yards on the cap, towards what looked like a more\nroomy opening. By 4 o'clock it was light enough to make out\nthe different islands, points, and passages; whereupon, at 5 a.m.\nall sail was made with the wind fair at N.W. and course shaped\nS.W. leading clear to open sea.\nAs we ran out past Punta de Santa Xertrudis, the southern\nextremity of Isla Aristazabal, I noticed a reef of rocks extending\nthree and one half miles from this point, which has not before\nbeen reported.    At 8 o'clock, a.m., being now outside and free\n(79) The present Caamano Sound, apparently, although that hardly\nfits Caamafio's description of it.\u2014H. R. W.\n(80) The present Laredo Channel. The island was named by Caamano\nafter Gabriel de Aristazabal, a Spanish naval officer, and this name was\nadopted by Vancouver, and still persists.\u2014H. R. W.\nk\n 1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 295\nof the islands, course was laid S.S.E., so as to follow the coast,\nkeeping a distance of seven or eight miles, as the shore had an\nappearance of being very foul, and a big swell was making from\nthe south westward.81 We continued throughout the forenoon\nin this manner, hauling up or running off as the sinuosities of\nthe various bays and headlands demanded; although, owing to\na considerable amount of fog over the land, these were not so\neasily seen. But, at 2 in the afternoon, the wind having meanwhile backed to west, we hauled out to the southward, and\nregretfully gave over the survey of this stretch of the coast,\nwhich seemingly trends much to the eastward from Cabo\nWenthuysen and the island of the same name.82 My reason\nfor doing so, was fear of becoming embayed with a possible\nfurther backing of the wind to the S.W.wd; in which case,\nshould we find no passage between the Islas San Joaquin83 and\nthe shore, it meant'the inevitable loss of the frigate. Moreover,\nwe had provisions remaining for only thirty-eight days; so, even\nif we were able to find safe anchorage, should the wind then\nsettle southerly or S.E.ly, as might be expected at this season of\nthe year, we could still be brought to the direst straits.\nFor the rest of the evening and throughout the night we\ncontinued on S.E.W.ly and W.S.W.ly courses, standing to the\nwestward so closely as the wind allowed, in order to avoid\nbecoming embayed within the Islas San Joaquin. These, according to my observations, are charted much to the westward of\ntheir true situation. It seemed to me, therefore, worth while to\ntake some trouble to verify their position, as well as to determine the bearings of these islands relative to one another; since\nvarious authorities know them by different names, all of whom\nare at variance as to their number and appearance, and some\neven as regards their latitude.\n(81) Along Price Island.\u2014H. R. W.\n(82) It seems that this island must have been Goose Island, and the\ncape some point on the island. Winthuysen was named after Francisco\nXavier de Winthuysen, a lieutenant-general in the Spanish naval service at\nthe time.\u2014H. R. W.\n(83) No reason can be assigned why Caamano gave this name, as the\nday of San Joaquin was August 21, some ten days earlier.\u2014H. R. W.\n5\n 296 Henry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.     October\n[September, 1792.~\\\nWishing, therefore, to make this group, I gave orders at\nsunrise of September 1 to alter course to S.S.E. At 9 o'clock\nthey were sighted bearing N 84\u00b0. E [or E. y% N.], whereupon we\nhauled up to E.N.E. and N.E. by N., with the intention of observing them well and fixing their position. In this we were successful, passing the five principal islands at three to four miles\ndistance, or near enough to make sure of not missing any of\ntheir off-lying rocks or islets. We noted, also, that there are\ngood channels between all, except the two largest, of these\nislands, in spite of the strong eddies and overfalls that we\nnoticed near them to the S.EA At 8 in the evening of this day,\nwe bore up under short sail to the eastward as I wished to run\nalong just the stretch of coast that we had sighted during the\nafternoon. At 2 o'clock of the following morning, however,\nseeing that I had already somewhat overshot it, we wore ship\nto the westward, standing thus for the space of an hour; then,\nat 3, again to the eastward, and stood E.N.E. so as to be close\nin with the land by daybreak, as I was desirous of making\nPuerto Brok.84 In this I succeeded, for at daylight we had a\ngood view of the entrance. I did not stay, however, to make a\nsurvey of the harbour, as this had already been done; besides,\nI was anxious not to waste a fair wind; for the breeze was then\nN.W.ly; and capable of carrying us to Nootka Sound in the\ncourse of the day. But, at 8 o'clock the wind fell almost to a\ncalm when we were already within a league of the farallon off\nPunta de Boyset85 so that by 4 in the afternoon the frigate,\nhaving lost even steerage way, had been set beyond the cape to\na position three leagues E. by S. of it; from whence we could\nclearly see all the coast as far as the vicinity of Bahia de Buena\nEsperanza.86 At 7 in the evening we felt a few light airs; by\n10 o'clock the breeze had freshened and settled at S.E., with\nheavy squalls; so, for the rest of the night, we lay by under small\ncanvas, standing off and on with short boards in order not to be\n(84) Brooks Bay, on Vancouver Island.\u2014H. R. W.\n(85) The \" Woody Point \" of Cook, and the \" Split Rock \" of the American traders, now known as Cape Cook; the island off it is Solander Island.\u2014\nH. R. W.\n(86) Esperanza Inlet.\u2014H. R. W.\n 1938 The Journal op Jacinto Caamano. 297\nput to the leeward of Nootka Sound. Throughout the following\nday, we had the wind from the N.EA to the S.EA; with which\nwe beat up towards the shore, wishing to make the land so as to\nbe sure of our position. At daylight on the 4th it was well in\nsight, whereupon we shaped course as near as we could for the\nharbour. As, however, the wind was light, and variable between\nS.E., through east and north, to N.W.ly, by sunset we were still\nthree leagues distant from Punta Macuina.87 From this position\nwe worked throughout the night towards the entrance, but a\nheavy squall from the eastward and the current put us so far\npast the point that at daylight the frigate was still eight to nine\nmiles from Esperanza Inlet.\nCalms prevailed during the whole of the next day, but we\nwere able to take advantage of a few light airs to make something of an offing and so avoid becoming embayed for a heavy\nS.E.ly88 swell was tending to set the frigate inshore. At 9 in\nthe evening we brought to in forty-five fathoms with the stream\nanchor on a bottom of sand and mud, in order to maintain our\nposition.\nOn September 6, we weighed at 1 in the morning and made\nsail to a wind from the northward that gave signs of holding.\nIt lasted, however, but three hours, then fell to a calm, and so\nremained until 10 o'clock of the forenoon, when a breeze springing up from the S.W.d. enabled us before it died away to reach\na position six miles from the harbour entrance, where we\nanchored one hour before midnight in twenty-three fathoms,\nsandy bottom.\nThe calm lasted until 9 o'clock of the next morning, at which\ntime the sea breeze, setting in from the westward, enabled us\nto weigh and run in, anchoring in Nootka Sound two hours later.\nAs the anchor fell, I could not help experiencing the satisfaction\nof feeling that I had left nothing undone that could have helped\ntowards the execution of my orders, even though these had called\nfor abilities superior to mine. At the same time, even if I had\nnot fulfilled them in every particular, I hoped that this failure\ncould be ascribed rather to a want of competence than to any\nlack of zeal, a quality which so vastly greater than my capacities,\n(87) Maquinna Point.\u2014H. R. W.\n(88) Probably an error for S.W.ly.    (Note by Captain Grenfell.)\n 298 Henry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.     October\nalways has been, and ever shall be, devoted to sacrifice of self in\nthe service of His Majesty.\n[Here follow parts of the Journal dealing with events in Nootka Sound,\nthe departure for Monterey, and an account of events in Monterey, which\nare omitted from this translation.]\nDescription of the coast comprised between Puerto de Bucarely\nand that of Nootka;   together with that of the\nnorthern portion of the Reyna Carlota.\nSo far as I am able to judge from the numerous inlets that\nare seen, the coast from Puerto de Bucarely up to Nootka is all\none archipelago, formed of a vast number of large and small\nislands. This country, also, is all high mountains, especially\nthat part between Canal del Carmen and the Surgidero de San\nRoque; with many gaps, precipices, and lofty peaks, whose\nsummits are snow clad for all but a few months of the year;\nwhile, of those lying more inland, some are wrapped in eternal\nsnow. No expanse of level ground accessible from the shore\nis anywhere to be seen. The shores, themselves, are both extremely steep and narrow; presenting no beaches, but only\nboulders and shingle. Some parts are so barren as to be devoid\neven of grass. Near, and also within, the Canal del Principe,\none sees remarkably few pine trees and no other timber at all.\nThis circumstance leads me to think that the whole of this district is very thinly populated, especially the tract between Puerto\nde Cordova and San Roque.89 Indeed, I saw not a single canoe\nduring our passage between those two places.\nThe shores of the northern portion of Isla Reyna Carlota are\nvery flat, with broad beaches, and appear extremely fertile;\nhere, too, one notices trees and bushes that are not seen anywhere else. The climate, also, is better than that of the mainland ; and, from the number of canoes that we saw or that came\nalongside the ship the day of our ranging this shore, and during\nthe vessel's stay in Puerto de Florida Blanca, I would say that\nthis island contains a considerable population.\n(89) The Indians were probably at salmon streams securing their winter\nsupply, as the tract mentioned by Caamano was one of the most thickly\npopulated on the Coast.\u2014W. A. N.\n\u25a0i ii\n ii       iiJHpn . -mmmmmmm\n193B The Journal op Jacinto Caamano. 299\nOpinion concerning the Estrecho del Almirante Fonte.\nHaving examined the entrances of the various arms, straits,\nand channels, situate on the stretch of coast between Puerto de\nBucarely in Lat. 55\u00b0. 15'. N., and that of Nootka in Lat. 49\u00b0. 36'.\nN. (except those between 52\u00b0. N. and 53\u00b0. N.), I am definitely of\nopinion that Fonte's famous strait is no other than the Canal de\nNuestra Senora del Carmen, as described by him in his extravagant, and romantic letter. For this letter (the only narrative,\nso far as I know, of this expedition) states that his landfall was\nmade in 53\u00b0. N., from whence he steered north and then N.W.:\nwhich courses, together with the lie of the shores of the mainland and of Isla Reyna Carlota so far as Punta Invisible, could\nnot but have led him into it.\nI might well, it seems to me, without fear of being accused\nof poaching on other's preserves, claim for myself the discovery\nof this channel, as no one of the former classical voyagers, nor\nof the later private adventurers, makes any mention of it. The\nrespect, however, with which I regard the fame of the early\nSpanish explorers, leads me to wish to perpetuate that of Fonte,\nin spite of my opinion that the expedition said to have sailed\nunder his command from Callao on April 2, 1640 (consisting of\nthe four vessels, Espiritu Santo, Santa Lucia, Rosario, and Rey\nFelipe; commanded respectively by Fonte, Don Diego Penelosa,\nDon Pedro Bernardo, and Don Felipe Ronquillo) never took\nplace. For, to me, it seems to have no other foundation than\nthe madness or ignorance of some one devoid of all knowledge\nof either navigation or geography, who, wishing to stimulate\nthe search for a N.E.n. passage leading into the Atlantic, invented (so I venture to suggest) this story of channels, great\nrivers, cataracts twenty feet high which he ascended with his\nship, fertile islands, large towns inhabited by civilized people,\nand a passage extending even so far as 80\u00b0 of north latitude\nwherein he said he met a vessel from Boston, and other absurdities. Fonte, indeed, is made to speak of the I Rio de los Reyes,\"\nthe name by which Nootka was formerly known,90 but the latitudes and longitudes given do not fit it; although, in spite of\nthis confused account, several of the localities described appear\n(90) This identification is erroneous.   The Spanish name for Nootka\nSound was San Lorenzo de Nuca;\u2014fi. R. W.\nJ\n 300 Henry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.     October\nto bear some resemblance to the interior waters of the Estrecho\nde Juan de Fuca.\nIt passes my comprehension how Colnet, like a blind man's\ndog, should have led Fonte into the Brazos de Mofiino. For only\nthus, or being already dead, could the poor fellow have let himself be guided thither. Neither do I see where Colnet brings\nhim in, since he shows as closed the passage that actually exists\nbetween the Islas Aristazabal and Compania.91 For, though\nColnet is aware of Fonte's landfall, yet assuming these two\nislands to form but one, as he himself shows them, and, indeed,\nas they appear to be when seen from the westward, the courses\nrun by him [Colnet] leave no doubt that the strait described by\nFonte is not the one to which Colnet gives that name; without\ntaking into account the absolute impossibility of the former\nbeing able to pass it with his vessel, or the backward state of\nthe science of navigation at the supposed epoch of this voyage.\nNeither is it credible, nor in the least probable that Fonte\nafter a passage already so prolonged, should attempt the exploration of a channel such as that which opens in Lat. 53\u00b0. 27'.\nN. (offering, as it does, the prospect of extremely toilsome navigation and, at best, but a doubtful exit), or any of the others\nwith land showing at the end; because, the examination of so\nmany as are comprised in that stretch of coast would require\nthe short favourable seasons of several years, and a stock of\nprovisions such as no vessel could either stow or keep in wholesome condition.\nHad Colnet actually seen the Estrecho del Carmen I am quite\nconfident that he would share my opinion, and leave the name\nof Fonte to the passage extending from the position of his landfall and the Isla de la Reyna Carlota at the one end to Punta de\nEvia and Cabo Caamano at the other; as a broad gulf appears\nto open out between and beyond these [latter] two headlands.\nNor do I anticipate objections on Colnet's part to my proposal\nfor giving the name of \" Piloto graduado Don Juan Perez \" to\nthe entrance to the passage between the northern coast of the\nisland referred to and the opposite shores, did he know that this\n(91) The Colnett map probably bears out this assertion, as the \" Isla de\nCampania \" on it extends far enough south to include Aristazabal Island;\nbut the present maps hardly bear out Caamafio's statement that the two\nislands overlap when seen from the west.\u2014H. R. W.\n 1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 301\nofficer's log, and other confirmatory notices, prove that he sighted\nit in the year 1774, on his way southward for San Bias.\nRather, with his agreement, which I should greatly appreciate, let us allow to these earlier Spaniards the reward of their\nlabours and pains in these discoveries, thereby encouraging emulation in their successors by the assurance that, should the idea\nof a North Eastern Passage not prove, as I fear, an illusion,\nthen the best-founded hopes for finding it lie in the archipelago\nsituated here between the parallels of 51\u00b0. and 51\u00b0. 46'. of North\nLatitude. Should, however, the reasons set forth by me above\nnot appear adequate to justify the alteration that I propose;\nviz., to apply the name of I Estrecho de Fonte 1 to the present\nCanal de Nuestra Senora del Carmen, then let him who has, or\nmay yet obtain, better grounded information, settle the question\nas he please, resting assured that not only shall I admit it, accepting it as true, but also will yield up to him any possible claim of\nmy own, conceding complete liberty in this matter to the actual\ndiscoverers.\nNote.\u2014Attached is the old plan of Bucarely, in order that\nan idea may more easily be reached of what was accomplished\nby this last expedition, as well as that by the two preceding\nones.    [This plan is not reproduced.]\n \"F^\/3.1  \u00a32. 4?   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Chung and Madeline H. Chung Collection.","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/www.w3.org\/2009\/08\/skos-reference\/skos.html#note","classmap":"skos:Concept","property":"skos:note"},"iri":"http:\/\/www.w3.org\/2009\/08\/skos-reference\/skos.html#note","explain":"Simple Knowledge Organisation System; Notes are used to provide information relating to SKOS concepts. There is no restriction on the nature of this information, e.g., it could be plain text, hypertext, or an image; it could be a definition, information about the scope of a concept, editorial information, or any other type of information."}],"Provider":[{"label":"Provider","value":"Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/www.europeana.eu\/schemas\/edm\/provider","classmap":"ore:Aggregation","property":"edm:provider"},"iri":"http:\/\/www.europeana.eu\/schemas\/edm\/provider","explain":"A Europeana Data Model Property; The name or identifier of the organization who delivers data directly to an aggregation service (e.g. Europeana)"}],"Publisher":[{"label":"Publisher","value":"[unknown]","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/publisher","classmap":"dpla:SourceResource","property":"dcterms:publisher"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/publisher","explain":"A Dublin Core Terms Property; An entity responsible for making the resource available.; Examples of a Publisher include a person, an organization, or a service."}],"Rights":[{"label":"Rights","value":"Images provided for research and reference use only. For permission to publish, copy, or otherwise distribute these images please contact\u00a0digital.initiatives@ubc.ca.","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/rights","classmap":"edm:WebResource","property":"dcterms:rights"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/rights","explain":"A Dublin Core Terms Property; Information about rights held in and over the resource.; Typically, rights information includes a statement about various property rights associated with the resource, including intellectual property rights."}],"SortDate":[{"label":"Sort Date","value":"1938-12-31 AD","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/elements\/1.1\/date","classmap":"dpla:SourceResource"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/elements\/1.1\/date","explain":"A Dublin Core Elements Property; A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource.; Date may be used to express temporal information at any level of granularity. Recommended best practice is to use an encoding scheme, such as the W3CDTF profile of ISO 8601 [W3CDTF]."},{"label":"Sort Date","value":"1938-12-31 AD","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/date","classmap":"oc:InternalResource","property":"dcterms:date"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/date","explain":"A Dublin Core Elements Property; A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource.; Date may be used to express temporal information at any level of granularity. Recommended best practice is to use an encoding scheme, such as the W3CDTF profile of ISO 8601 [W3CDTF].; A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource.; Date may be used to express temporal information at any level of granularity. Recommended best practice is to use an encoding scheme, such as the W3CDTF profile of ISO 8601 [W3CDTF]."}],"Source":[{"label":"Source","value":"Original Format: University of British Columbia. Library. Rare Books and Special Collections. F5813.1.C2 G7","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/source","classmap":"oc:SourceResource","property":"dcterms:source"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/source","explain":"A Dublin Core Terms Property; A related resource from which the described resource is derived.; The described resource may be derived from the related resource in whole or in part. Recommended best practice is to identify the related resource by means of a string conforming to a formal identification system."}],"Subject":[{"label":"Subject","value":"America--Discovery and exploration--Spanish","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/subject","classmap":"dpla:SourceResource","property":"dcterms:subject"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/subject","explain":"A Dublin Core Terms Property; The topic of the resource.; Typically, the subject will be represented using keywords, key phrases, or classification codes. Recommended best practice is to use a controlled vocabulary."},{"label":"Subject","value":"America--Discovery and exploration--Sources","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/subject","classmap":"dpla:SourceResource","property":"dcterms:subject"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/subject","explain":"A Dublin Core Terms Property; The topic of the resource.; Typically, the subject will be represented using keywords, key phrases, or classification codes. Recommended best practice is to use a controlled vocabulary."},{"label":"Subject","value":"Northwest Coast of North America","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/subject","classmap":"dpla:SourceResource","property":"dcterms:subject"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/subject","explain":"A Dublin Core Terms Property; The topic of the resource.; Typically, the subject will be represented using keywords, key phrases, or classification codes. Recommended best practice is to use a controlled vocabulary."},{"label":"Subject","value":"British Columbia--Description and travel","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/subject","classmap":"dpla:SourceResource","property":"dcterms:subject"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/subject","explain":"A Dublin Core Terms Property; The topic of the resource.; Typically, the subject will be represented using keywords, key phrases, or classification codes. Recommended best practice is to use a controlled vocabulary."},{"label":"Subject","value":"Vancouver Island (B.C.)","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/subject","classmap":"dpla:SourceResource","property":"dcterms:subject"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/subject","explain":"A Dublin Core Terms Property; The topic of the resource.; Typically, the subject will be represented using keywords, key phrases, or classification codes. Recommended best practice is to use a controlled vocabulary."},{"label":"Subject","value":"Spain","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/subject","classmap":"dpla:SourceResource","property":"dcterms:subject"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/subject","explain":"A Dublin Core Terms Property; The topic of the resource.; Typically, the subject will be represented using keywords, key phrases, or classification codes. Recommended best practice is to use a controlled vocabulary."}],"Title":[{"label":"Title ","value":"Journal of Don Jacinto Caamano","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/title","classmap":"dpla:SourceResource","property":"dcterms:title"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/title","explain":"A Dublin Core Terms Property; The name given to the resource."}],"Type":[{"label":"Type","value":"Text","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/type","classmap":"dpla:SourceResource","property":"dcterms:type"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/type","explain":"A Dublin Core Terms Property; The nature or genre of the resource.; Recommended best practice is to use a controlled vocabulary such as the DCMI Type Vocabulary [DCMITYPE]. To describe the file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource, use the Format element."}],"Translation":[{"property":"Translation","language":"en","label":"Translation","value":""}]}